Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1852-01-10


lossuth himself better explain what he by
hese propositions than any else and he has had
chance of speaking to-day for himself propose to af
ord him opportunity. When Kossuth shall have spo
rem it will be fit time to close this debate and trust
hat the little speech which send to the Clerk to read
from the great Hungarian himself explanatory of his plat
form, viii be the last made upon the subject.
The following extract from Kossuths address TO the
Jackson Democratic Association was then read:
any nation believes that the United States presenting
themselves before the world in that imposing attitude win
strain yrants without any Let say that came not
engage your and the blood Of hearts fight
battles. We will fight battles ourselves Applause
battles. We nation capable of achieving free
dom ii have fair play If nation like Hungary with hf
teen millions Of inhabitants is not able TO fight its own bat
ties by its force against its enemy is not strong
enough to settle its domestic matters by it's own strength
deserves not 1t merits not to be free All we want Is ar
play applause. We do not wish to fight against the whole
world. The only thing which we desire is fair play.
Mr. BAYLY of Virginia | will remark that the ex-
which has just been read does not contain all that
Kossuth has said on that point. Prolonged laughter
hope that laugh will not be taken out of my time. Re
newed laughter He has told u.s. with that candor which
has characterized him since he amongst us, that
when he asks to declare against intervention that
declaration of dsregarded upon the part OF Rus
sa that he expected to 10 cdr TO sustain It. Ihat
is what he sad and it cannot be disputed on the hoor
and attempt ought not to be made TO disguise It, Now
put the American Congress one or two simple
inquiries respect to this doctrine in favor OF non-ner
yenton. I ask what department commit us to 1t IN
form be authoritative and respected? Suppose the
Executive should declare does not every know that
coming from that Department alone, 1T would be brnum
feaP Suppose it should not be respected it most
probably would be, what could the President do
He could not back it with the army and navy of the
United States. The NARROWER resides in Congress- and
no appropriation to that be made for longer
period than years All lie could do would be to
Congress- and recommend to it to declare war to
make good his declaration Congress is all know,
uetuatng body; opposition Congress is not always
disposed carry Executive recommendations, and it
be relied upon with certainty that all future Con-
crosses would 60 to to sustain such declaration
if made by President to whom it was friendly IL
certainly would do it in which did not strongly
enlist its sympathy Yet to the principle TO be re-
spected in any case would be necessary to vndcate IT
in all repeat, what Kossuth himself admits IN enect
that unless it is known by other nations that we Wouu
vndicate declaration by if it was not respected
it would be mere brutum tlanen.
Suppose the declaration made by the Executive anu "
Congress also could only bind the Congress that would
make it.
Kossuths doctrines mpracticabe under our form
of Government. Let me illustrate Suppose this Gov
eminent to commit itself IN all OF It's branches TO
them suppose about August Hungary should again strike
for her independence suppose Russia should interfere
as interfere she would for the right to do she
teens is the vital principle of her system and she would
risk with any body else sooner than surrender
it. all the President could do would be to Con-
gress This would take sixty days. We would debate at
least six weeks likely six months before decara
ton of would be made Then would have to take
time to raise and discipline army unless do what
think is indispensable adjunct to this policy keep
hand large standing army Then they are to be trans
ported TO Hungary, and in the time she is again
PROSTATE; and We suppose would either return with
fingers in mouths wage war to resuscitate
her. In other words, would wage to bring into
existence republic rather than TO succor one we de-
sire engage in this policy think France presents fair
theatre. That is the view limited at yesterday; but
did wish to elaborate it them and of course do not
attempt in the FIVE minutes that are alot
ted shall do it hereafter. But undertake to say
that this doctrine of intervention is utterly inconsistent
with the whole structure of Government. Under
monarchy it is different. When the King of England
any other of the poenates of Europe make declaration
against Intervention they have all the power in their
own hands, and they back their declaration without
consulting body undertake TO say with some little
knowledge of history upon this subject that there has
been where any nation of Europe has taken the
decisive stand which called upon to take that did
not least making preparation for cock
stent with its declaration. In most cases the prepara
tion has preceded the declaration and to it 10 be
respected this must be done we to adopt this Eu-
ropean policy we adopt all essential parts of it.
Here the hammer fell
amendment to the amendment of Mr. CHuRcHwELL, and
it was not agreed TO.
Mr.. RICHARDSON offered the following amendment to
the amendment Of Mr. CHURcHwELL:
R.solUed That the Speaker be requested TO appoint
mttee who shall report this House whether their opinion
the resolution Of the last Congress inviting Father Mathew
seat in this Hall committed members Of Congress and the
yernment Of the United States TO the Of temperance
TGreat laughter
The CHAIRMAN ruled the amendment out Of order.
Mr.. YATES offered the following amendment to the
amendment;
And that said committee be instructed inform Louis
Kossuth that the Government Of the United States will
look with indifference the intervention Of Russia any
other foreign Power against Hungary in any struggle for
liberty she may hereafter have against the depoc of
Austria"
Mr. YATES said have introduced this amendment
only for the purpose Of saying that in favor the
original resolution astonished that gentlemen will
permit the House to TO fair vote upon that
solution The resolution does not commit the House
the principle Of Intervention No. sir not by mp
cation construction There nothing in ii which,
cording fair and honest Interpretation, be
srued commttal to that principle. The only question
Is whether we will extend cordial welcome TO this Illus
trious champion Of human rights! 1t contains simple
direction the committee to wait upon Louis Kossuth and
to introduce him TO this House. When gentlemen array
the objection Of Intervention against this resolution they
travel out of the record There is such averment in the
declaration IL is simple act of courtesy, and
would not sir heedessy involve this nation in the affairs
OF foreign nations. reason yet to change the
tmehonored policy Of the country-entanglng alliances
with none; and immediate Intervention by means and
men, might disastrous to the best interests Of
our country, and might endanger its existence
nothing Of the blood be shed and the immense amount
OF treasure to be expended in such ncfu crusade for
liberty
But sir would be willing 20 further even than this
resolution and TO express in unequvoca terms our SYM
patty for every nation struggling against power and des
potism for true and genuine liberty.
Who is Louis Kossuthg He stands forth prominent be
fore the civilized world the distinguished
Of the democratic principle in Europe Who in the
council chamber OF his native land-n the Hungarian
Dietcontended for the abolition Of feudal prerogatves
for the principle Of popular representation and for
sricted equality without regard rank birth and who
Ia missionary Of freedom and IL