The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-09


7lh ult., the following article, which will show
the ointment that side of the water As
the Advertiser Justly remarks, in view Of the
risid censorship now exercised over the press
IN France, the views set forth in Ills editorial
may reasonably be presumed to concur with
those entertained by the existing French gov
eminent LAsssmblee NaiioaaLe says:
We have never failed not only in courtesy
bat in sympathy, when speaking of the people
and the government of the United States The
\ existence of that trans. atlantic and essentially
maritime power has an Importance, in respect to
French interests, which cannot be misunder-
stood
The United States are still dear to France
by the remembrance of the sacrifices which the
establishment of their independence cost her,
She sacrificed for them much more than the pre-
cious blood of her sailors and her soldiers, and
more than her treasures--the traditional princ
piles Of policy 30 which her own existence was
linked. Sad error of the reign of Louis XVI
which was soon cruelty expated. The chval-
roDs champions who FASTENED to draw their
swords in the service Of the independents OF
Boston, became, on their return from France,
The precursors and the natural chiefs OF the pa
trIots who so blindly and so rapidly opened the
abyss In which the monarchy persisted.
"To the present day, France has never re-
eeived any positive reconrense for her sacrifices
for The United States; she has remained attached
1 TO them by ties purely dsinterested; and in the
commercial treaties between the two nations,
American shrewdness has known how to secure
the greatest advantages for its own side.
France, however, would not think Of com
planning, if the United States had not entered
upon a system of foreign policy offensive and
menacing toward her, and toward all Europe
Until The year 1912, the American government
observed circumspection and reserve toward the
governments of Europe; it even descended to
humility toward England, in enduring so long
the outrages inflicted on its commerce by the
| British marine. But the successes of the war
of 1879, greatly exaggerated by national
pride, changed its spirit, and began to inspire il
with pretensions which were beyond its right
and it's strength.
4" An example of This occurred in 1925, when
upon the recognition Of the independence of
iayt BY King Charles x, Mr. Monroe, presi.
dent of the United States, in his message to
Congress, deemed it his duty to protest against
| the terms in which the King Of France had
sanctioned the fact of the independence of our
az cent colony He emitted on that ccasion,
a theory according to which the European pow
ers would not have the right to intervene at any
point in the two Americas the only faculty be-
longing to them being that of maintaining their
domination where it was already established
All other Intervention would be considered as
constituting an indirect attempt against the So
curly and independence of the United States
"Assuredly, this pretension was exorbtant in
itself; but as no event gave the American gov
ernment opportunity to put it into practice, tn
IN nj hoI 10
bat it.
'''The United States do not now confne the
exercise of their omnipotence TO the American
continent; they extend it, in words at least, to
the old as well as to the new world. Orators
are found in Congress who have sought to es-
tablish that it is the right and the duty of the
United States to defend Democracy and make
it prevail in all the States of the old world where
its flag may be hoisled. Ii is true this doctrine
has not been sanctioned by an express resou-
ton, but we have seen the two Houses of Con-
gress by theirvote in favor of Kossuth, mingle
themselves, as far rs it depended upon them, in
| the affairs Of a great European government, and
take the part of subjects who revolted against
their sovereign.
"'That this intermeddling has something ride
u|Qus in it, does not remove its censurable char
acter we should say odious, if we did not still
WISH W BpiieNc liiHl lIGTt WAS more OF I0nO-
rance and Of impulse than of evil intent in the
vote of Congress. Democraces, indeed, are
subject to the greatest blindnesses, to The pro-
foundcst errors of judgment, to The greatest in
justices absolute sovereigns in regard to them
selves, they are always led to set themselves
above the law in regard to other nations This
is the most favorable thing that can be said for
the American Congress, not to justify, but to
explain It's resolution, contrary to treaties TO
the law of nations, and we must add also to the
interests and to the future of the United States
Sin short, if the Union should delinitively
renounce the principle Of non Intervention in the
affairs of other people, which was the basis Of
its policy, and which has been the safeguard of
its infancy, it would authorze, il would encour.
age, those people to intervene in its territory
whenever their interest might counsel it. Now
that interest would soon become common to all
the European governments, if they began to see
the revolution, which menaces them all, and
which they can only suppress by great exerton
necessarily raising its flag against them from the
other side of the Atlantic, there mastering its
soldiers, there collecting its contributions, with
the assent and connivance of the public a,-
thorites.
Furthermore, it seems to us impossible that
the new attitude wi ch the government of the
United States assumes in relation to Europeans
can fail to become the subject of diplomatic OBJ.
servation. American pride may continue to eate
itself with its easy victories over Mexico, and
its conquests Of Texas and California 1t will
expose itself to grave dsappontments, by think.
ing to brave and menace Europe with impunity"
srY~ The Freesoil papers are chronicling the
result of the treason trials with great glee.
The New York Euening Post thus refers to the
last case, which WAS for misdemeauor, not for