Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1852-01-15
Intervention.


deeply agitate the country, and form no incon-
siderable element in the approaching presden-
tial election. Be it so--the more the better. 1t
is kindred principle of the Freesoil creed. 1t
is branch of the great tree of freedom. And
besides this, if there be in reality any question
about the matter, it is high time that question
was manfulIy met and as manfully decided.
For ourself we had supposed from our former
study Of international law, that the principle
was, hundreds of years ago. definitely settled,
that when one nati0n, without cause or provoca-
ton, aggressed upon another to deprive it of the
government of its choice, it was both the right
and dnyy Of other nations to intervene, and use,
at least all the moral means in their power to
right the wroRged nation, and restore her to her
former standing in the great family of which
she was a righttu member. And this we be-
lieye, in the present extended commercial, and
consequent diplomatic relations of the world,
sould ever prove abundantlY sufficient to ac-
complish the object without recourse to war.
Should this fall however, or involve us in war
as seems to be held out IN certain quarter let
physical means be employed; for we may rest
assured, that the same characteristics, which
would cause an aggressing nation to refuse to
listen to such overtures in behalf of humanity
and right, or take offence for making them,
would soon bring war upon US il we remained
passive.
The mnions Of the Slave power, both North
and South, affect to consider this a new question
among US, and to believe that the adoption of
the principle Of intervention would be contrary
to the settled policy of our government, and d.
recty calculated to involve US in ruinous nation
al difficulties These assumptions, on the part
of the slavery propagandsts Of the South, are
nothing but sheer cant and hypocrisy and they
well know it, and on the part of all Others who
make them, however honestly, singulary false
and groundess. 1t is not five months since, in
view OF the promised foothod of the pratic tx
petition against Cuba, the great pro-savery
organs al Washington, with their hundred ech-
oes scattered through the South, were loudly
calling on our government to intervene in favor
the desperate gang whom they dgnifed with
the name of the " Cuban Patriots.' Was there
anything said among them about intervention
being new or dangerous experiment then? o,
no it was then warranted by all precedent and
very audable. Again, when Texas was strng-
Cling to maintain doubtful existence, was there
any lack Of advocates of the doctrine Of inter.
vention among Southern statesmen; and when,
through their united influence, our government
did actually intervene by acknowledging her
independence, and subsequently in annexing
her. against the protest of Mexico and her re-
peated warning that such acts would be deem
ed antamount to declaration of war, was there
cne word said, even by way of admission, going
to show this to be new or dangerous doctrine
Indeed no! The whole South, backed by more
than half the North, were then crazy for inter.
vention And their whole course, even almost
TO the present hour, rises up to rebuke their
shameless effrontery, and give the lie to their
hypocritical preaching,
These presidents, it is true, grew out of the
Slavery interest, and many unbiased enquircrs
knowing how every principle is warped to sub
serve that interest, might still be doubtful how
far the doctrine of intervention has obtained in
this country, were there no other end less suspi-
cious presidents; but there are, strong and On.
mistakeable ones. Long before everything was
viewed by our controlling statesman through the
medium of the Slavery interest, the acts of our
government show that intervention has been
neither new or questioned principle in our po-
ltical history. When the South American prov
enccs threw off the Spanish yoke, and formed
themselves into independent republics, it is a
well-known matter of history that our govern.
ment, in the approved acts of the firm but judi
cious Munroe, in warning Spain that any at
tempt to re'subjugate her colonies on this CONT
nent would be promptly resisted by our physical
force, gave an example of one of the bodest
steps of intervention on record and this was
subsequently followed by one scarcely less
marked and decided in the case of the Greek
revolution.
1t Is evident, then, that the United States in
according to Hungary all the acts of nterven-
ton which are now asked, would be but follow
ing out their own approved and established prn
eiples and precedents.
And if our country could take this stand in
the instances we have cited shall she refuse to
do SO now in the ten-fold more aggravated out
RACES which have been ard are still being In
flicted on devoted Hungary by the merccse
despots Of Austria and Russia mo never p
be our response, and " no never" be the response
of every man who claims to deserve the name Of
an American freeman
But it may be said perhaps by the over pru
dent, in some cases, as well as by the hollow
heated sl,very propOgandists, that Mexico
Spaia and Turkey, against which we exercise
intervention, were feeble nations who would no
dare to quarrel with us, but that Russia is a for
midable power,and would not only spurn our NOR
al intervention in behalf of Hungary, but visit VI
with runous war. Shame on such mean
selfish, sneaking, eowardly policy! Even wer'
there anything in it, what man is there with ont
spark of The fire Of rs in HIN, who would lei
that argument have any weight with hump Not
one Let, then, our government do learlessly
what they know is right, and leave the conso
quences to Him, who can as easily strengthen
and build up the weak and deserving as destroy
the strong and wicked Others among US may
go where they like. Slavery, Hunkerism, Rus
STA, and Austria, beautiful brotherhood as The!
are, may go tJgather in welcome I'VE 90 70
Kossath, for Hungary, for intervention, and 10
freedom.