The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-09
CONGRESSIONAL PROCEEDINGS.
IN SENATE.
SATURDAY, February I, lS5


formerly. There were to be three stories OF al
coves, to be covered with superb sky-light, ex-
tending the whole length Of tbs room. Iron was
to be the only material used, so that 1t would be
perfectly freproof. 1t was expected that the room
would be ready for use by the middle of May
next, if the bill should pass without deay-and it
was matter of special interest to both Houses or
Congress to have it fitted up soon as possible.
The bill ordered to be engrossed
RESOLUTIONS FOR INFORMATION, ETC.
Mr. BRODHEAD submitted resolution, which
was agreed to, calling upon the Secretary of State
to inform the Senate whether all the claims laid
before the late board of commissioners on claims
against Mexico were finally adjudcated or not,
&c.
Mr. CLEMENS submitted resolution, re-
ouesting the Secretary of the Navy and the Post
master General to furnish the Senate with copies
of all contracts entered into by those Departments
for the transportation of the mail from the ATTAIN
tic ports to California with statements Of the ex-
penses Of that branch of the mail service IN detail
The resolution lies over.
SYMPATHY FoR THE NIsH ExILEs.
The Senate then proceeded to the consideration
OF the Joint resolution, expressive of the sympa-
,hv of Congress for the exed Irish patriots
. smith O'Brien and Thomas +. Meagher and their
associates.
The pending substitute of Mr.. SHIELDS having
been read, a.
r.
in sunport of the same Smith OBrien and sew
eral of his associates, he remarked were convicted
of treason and sentenced to be hanged, drawn,
and ouartered This sentence was subsequently
| COMMITTED 10 transportion for life Others OF the
. Irish patriots transported for limited num-
her of wears. The sentence, in its mIldest form,
was cruel one. Death itself would have been
preferable, under some circumstances If this
resolution should have the effect which he believed
il would have, of restoring these men to liberty,
the action Of this government would be invaluable
II would be the voice of mercy. But If 1t failed
tn accomplish this object 1t would at least impart
some consolation-afford some faint hope-Nghten
the burdens of their captivity and brighten the
| drearv existence to which they were doomed II
these men should be liberated, and have the good
fortune to reach these shores, he believed he spoke
the sentiments of all of them when he said that
thew did not desire any such public welcome and
extensive parade as had been rendered to Louis
Kossuth. He should simply ask for their per-
mission to emigrate to this country, ana incorpo
rate themselves with citizens, and live quietly
and peacefully under the protection OF our glorious
Constitution.
natbize with these men. w had not only a large
number Of Irish born citizens amongst US, but
Irish blood ran in the veins of nearly half our
American born citizens. There was another con-
sideration still stronger. The people of Ireland
and Of this country might be considered as mem
nected by ties of blood, language and litesa ure;
and America was the destined home of this race.
The passage of this resolution could not be con-
sidered as insulting to the British government
On the contrary, 1t was, In his opinion, compU-
mentary. He firmly believed that the British
Government would not refuse the request. They
had nothing to gain by such refusal. They had
nothing to fear from renewal of agitation. Ire
land was as feeble and helpless as her blterest
enemy could desire. Her nationality was gone.
Her hopes were gone. Her very race was be-
coming extinct at least in her own land. She had
no future or if she had any, it was dark one
The present time was favorable one for prefer
ring such request to the British government.
The most friendly relations existed between the
people Of this country and the people OF Great
Britain and Ireland. There was a strong feeling
of common interest, and he would add, OF common
danger, which seemed to be uniting the two peo-
ple The English people were beginning to ap-
preciate the institutions and the remarkable pros
perity Of the United States, and are beginning to
look with something like admiration upon the
growth of this country. Not only Great Britain
but the whole world beginning to feel that
this country was destined to be the mistress Of
the world at no distant day--the mistress, he
MIGHT saw of the future. Great and powerful as
England was, she was fettered, and all her ener-
gies were crippled by her enormous public debt
It was enough, he said, to sink any other nation
The only sin which Ireland had committed, was
that of always belriending the unfortunate as ne
showed by several historical illusions.
He spoke Of the part which the irish bore IN
our own revolution, as furnishing an additional
reason why we should sympathze with her un-
fortunate and oppressed sons. History, he SAID,
proved that at that time there was not IN our
whole thirteen colonies a single Irish tory The
Irish here at home, and abroad, always declared
for the colonies And who defended the Ameri-
can colonies in the British Parliament, but Irish
patriots Not single lrishman was heard to
utter his voice there against the colonies. But
Ireland had now fallen with her fortune. The
verdict of the world was against her; bu; he, for
one could not recognize the justice OF that verdict
In speaking THUS Of Irishmen, he would not
speak disparagingly of Englishmen. They were
brave, generous, and just. But Ireland had not
been governed by Engishmen He would trust
Ireland with Engshmen But she had been
governed by an Anglo-Irsh oligarchy. The Prn-
cpe upon which such government acted, was
most unjust and tyranncal; and that oligarchy had
pursued course towards Ireland which would
have destroyed any nation on earth Our own
country would now have been in the condition OF
Ireland if our fathers had not seasonably resisted
The policy of that ogarchy was to Anglicise
Ireland-to fasten English institutions upon her
to transform Irish into English hearts, which
never could be DONE The British government
was not adapted to Irish. 1t was incom prshensi-
ble--it was positively repulslve to them; Hence
the result which we see. Now when he heard
Kossuth pleading in behalf of the doctrine Of nom
intervention, he felt that he belonged to a weak
people No nation which had strength in itself
would make such request. He referred to the
Spanish colonies in America, which, instead OF
building up government for themselves, adapted
TO their condition, had borrowed republican
form from the United States, which they were IN
capable OF managing. 1t was just so with Ireland.
The institutions Of England could never be sue
cessfully applied to that nation
The present condition OF Ireland demande d the
serious attention of all English statesmen Ireland
was rapidly becoming depopulated, and some Of
the English writers were rejoicing at it. 1t was
the exodus, they said, of the Celtic race which
was about becoming extinct. But there was 10
danger of the extinction of that race, III his opn-
ion. But, if the ruin Of Ireland should be &C
complished, he ventured TO prophecy that the
whole British empire would go down with her.
He spoke of this because he, and, he believed,
every American citizen, felt deep interest In the
welfare of the whole British empire.
Permit him to say, that Ireland never would
be satisfied until she was allowed TO enjoy perfect
religious liberty 1t was the agitation of this sub