Southern standard. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1851-1856, 1852-01-03
From tie Louisville { Ky.) Den
The Right of Secession,


The right of a State to secede, and the rights O
State after it has seeded, are very different
things. The States voluntarily entered the Union
after able discussion of its advantages and dis
advantages. The fear of the opposition was that
the federal government had too much power that
under the constitution 1t possessed the means to
absorb within itself all the powers reserved to the
States, and become in the end, not Republic
with limited powers, but a consolidated despotism
of a majority. 1t is democratic principle that a
majority should rule where there is a community
of interests but it is obvious that in a country as
extended as ours, there can be a community of in
terests in few things, and therefore it is not rea-
sonable or democratic that the arbitrary will of a
majority should have unlimited control. No one
would contend that a majority of Indiana should
govern Kentucky, or that the majority of Kentucky
should govern Indiana.
But tits not worth while to discuss so plain point
The merest tyro in politics understands it, but the
Importance of the subject is not everywhere appre-
cIated. All that Congress should have power to
do attempted to be specified in the federal con-
sttutiOn Construe that instrument strictly, and
perhaps no improper encroachments upon State
rights can take place But the virtue of all writ
ten constitutions must depend upon the wisdom
and virtue OF the living power that interprets and
executes them. We can hardly see in advance
what a written constitution will become in practice
Time changes written constitutions, and it has
changed The constitution OF the United Sates-
The tendency E5consolidation cannot be disguised
a4d fatal looking tendency. Had the area of
,bss Union manned what it was when the consti-
uglon formed, It's interests would not be so di-
ycr>ited, and The evils of the discretionary will of
Jfe majority would not be so great. Had the fra
mcrs o thdt instrument oreseen the last extent to
be embraced In the Union, they would have been
even more cautious, and granted the federal gov
ernment1ess power. Will their posterity be equal
the task ofappreciating the changes in their sit
uation, and providing for Its necessities On this
subject we have some apprehensions. The love of
power, It's tendency to increase, the profits of sue
cesstul demagoguery upon local and sectional inter
eStS and preludces, are potent causes of mischief
fit were true that federal government has right
to force a State into its laws, and that State has
peaceable redress is it wise now to proclaim and
insist upon it? Is it not the part of wise and phil
osophic craftsmanship to let such power die out
of the opinions ond sentiments of men? We deny
that the power exists but suppose it could be
proved to the the contrary, fairly such pro-
position, involved In doubt it is, could be, is it
not too late to talk ofits exercise Is it not
best to proclaim at all times that this Union is vol
untary on the part of the States, bound together
only by the ties of blood, of interests, of national
associations; by common hopes and common
destiny? Why talk of exercising power which,
should it ever be resorted to, must end in disas-
tiers to the common hopes of all ? Suppose the
States on the shores of the Pacific should resolve
to secede from the Union would the States on this
side be guilty of the insanity ofemploying coercion
to prevent it?
An in sentiment on this subject may lead
to consequences that all would deplore when too
late to apply a remedy.
We need not be told about the weakness of a
government that depends upon voluntary consent.
The States came voluntarily into the Union they
have voluntarily remained in it and the reasons
for remaining have only grown stronger by time.
A State by seeding, supposng the right acknowl
edged, cannot change its location. Il must re-
main associated with the other States from the ne
cessity of its situation. 1t will have only the
rights 1t has the power to maintain. The law of
nations is of little avail to a small state in a con-
fict between large ones. 1t can make no cacula-
tions upon its independence. There are no limits
to the encroachments of power but power. If a
State assumes thatit lights sacrificed by the
power of the federal government, when it has the
guarantees Of the constitution, how will it fare
when it has no such guarantees to plead Will
State be treated with consideration out of the
Union than in t.? If the federal authorities were
unscrupulous and tyrannical toward States they
are bound to respect by the solemn obligations of
official oaths, will they not be less regardtul OF
rights which have no such guarantees
These considerations will induce all sane men to
adhere to the Union, to rectity abuses, if they
exist; never give up the ship whilst there is a
plank left Ii wrongs exist, right them The
balIot-box is the means to correct evils, and the
power is not exhausted. We believe that sense
OF justice will prevail in the great majority of
these States to it, let the appeal be made against
political wrongs. few failures will not discour-
age the brave, and drive them to remedies thou
sand times worse than the disease has yet become,
or than iteyer will become, as we fervently hope.
We do not surrender the right of secession but
it is right to be used only when revolution would
be advisable.
We do not apprehend that secession will ever be
resorted to under any deliberate calculation OF the
political advantages. The threats OF force may
provoke extreme measures; they can only do evil.
Disembarrass the subject from any such theory OF
government, and the main incentive to secession
will be taken away.
few years ago there arrived at the hotel, erec-
ted near Niagara Falls,, and. old-looking man,
whose appearance was quite in contrast with that
of the crowds of well-dressed and polished figures
which adorned that celebrated resort He seemed