Columbus Democrat. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 18??-18??, 1852-09-11

ded, says he in one Of his letters, ''lhat il is
high moral obligation Of masters and slavehold
ing states 10 employ all the means not incompat
ible with the safety Of both colors TO ameiorat
r slavery even TO lis extemination," How differ
ent the sentiment attributed 10 Pierce and whic
is common among all northern men and frequen
among southern ones that slavery is a social an,
political evil. social, not a moral evil--a so
cial one is supposed to affect society inuriousy
but still being guaranteed By the constitution
must be sustained with fidelity and honor. No
so with Scott. With him il is a great moral evi
"a leprosy on the conscience Of The master,whicl
should not only be ameiorated but actually ey
terminated from tho land. The master must d,
1.-THE state must do it--and nothing must stor
them but the safely Of the two coors. The idea
OF constitutional right and guarantee Of proper,
/ " never once enters into his calculation, What
ls this but the sentiments and almost the very
language Of the abolition paryl This is the
second cord that bound them to him.
The third one is that during the whole discns.
sloa and controversy about the compromise ques.
! tons, when parties were almost engaged in NOR.
tai combat and when the union was reeling and
tottering under the mighty conflict, when Cass
an1 Calhoun, Buchanan and Clay, and Webster
and Fillmore boldly slept forward 10 rebuke the
fanatics of the north and TO restrain the too much
eIasperated sons Of the south, Winfield Scott
looked calmly on and failed TO say one word or 10
write one line publicly denouncing their fanatic
aggressions. Looked calmly on, when great
mobs in our cities were putting all laws al de-
fance, imprisoning our southern friends for de-
mandng their own property; nay more, when
they were literally murdered in open day, with
the law of Congress in the one hand and the con.
studon of their country in the osher-loOked
calmly ON without throwing the influence Of his
name and his fame publicly in favor Of the fugi-
tive slave law and The rights of the south under
it. Thus it was that previous TO his nominal ion,
Gen. Scott had drawn the aboliIionisls to him
by triple cords--cords Of sympathy and grati-
tude.
How has he patronzed and encouraged them
since In his letter to Mr.. Archer (the breech-
es pocket letter Of Mr.. Bolts he said, sin my
leuerof acceptance shall give my views on the
compromise in terms at least az strong as those
read 10 you the other day" Accordngto Gov.
Jones' account be said he would express his ap-
probation Of the measures Of the compromise or
die. Well, all this is ilourshing boldly enough.
But did be come out in bis letter uf acceptance at
alll In any terms, strong OF we kl Did he
utter one word for or against ie compromise
Not one, not one lie simply said, 81 accept
The nomination with the resolutions annexed"-
Gen. Pierce said II accept the nomination upon
the platform adopted by the convention, because
the principles IT embraces command the appyo5a-
tioa Of my judgment aud with which there has
been no word or act Of my lie in conflict
Now, why did not Gen. Scott say something ike
lhat7 Forgetting bis letter to Archer and h,s
declaration or promise TO Jones, he sends in a
cold aud non-committal acceptance "wih the
resolutions annexed"
It is vain 10 tell me that General Scott has
since his nomination. declared his hearty appro. |
val OF the compromise measures, 10 many private
individuals. Nobody wants private testimonials |
on vital questions like these. he may have TOO
many breeches pocket letters, too many private
conversations like the one with Senator Wade.
These private conversations are too calculated 10
make him "all things to all men" No, VIC want
ed public committals, public declarations that
would have driven bad and dangerous men away
from your convention, and have relieved the
south from all danger and apprehension as 10 The
candidate Of either party.
Nor will it do 10 say that silence before the
election or a little equiyocalon since is only
mailer Of policy in the election, and that when he
$ elected he will rise superior TO oil malign nhu.
,nces. If be be a man he cannot if an honest
nan he will not. When abotionsls shall come
o him at the moment when be may be forming
lis cabinet, and demand high places under his
how can be, how ought he, to re-
use Iheml They will say without us you could
lot have gotten the nomination. Gen. Scott must
eply know il. They will further say, without
IS you could not have been elected be must re.
ly, know It. We have therefore breathed in
D your nostrils, the very breath Of your life
Without us you were nothing, but with US you e
ave become the president You cannot post '
one our demands in favor Of the democrats, for
ou have made clean sweep Of them. Not in s
Ivor Millard Fillmore, for you remember his let
II to the convention TO 60 for Webster, and save
Ie whig party. Not in favor Of Webster, for 1
stween you and him as between Lazarus and /
ives, there is an impassable gulf We, there o
re, demand it of you, that you advance us
gh in patronage and favor. Can General
colt refuse them Mr.. Gentry says he will
II. Christopher II. Williams says be will
n. Stephens, Toombs and CabeI and a long
i Of the best and truest members Of the whig
riy, all say, that with ihe nomination Of Gen. /,
ioll, the reign Of the whig party will end. and 4,
at Of Wm. II. Seward and Horace Greely will a
gin. S
INvAs1ov OF CUBA.--The New York corres-
ndenl Of the Philadelphia Ledger. referring to - y
2 late news from Cuba. says: