Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1852-02-14

eye after the facts referred to- that Russia had
any other motive in this crusade than TO prevent the
blishment of free Government in her neghborhood
shall assume with every observer of her policy such
her for passing the frontier and for restoring
the Austrian sway.
Here was gross nfracton of the law of nations strik
ing not only personal liberty but at public indepen-
dence and especially offensive to the free States Of the
world both by the violation OF great principle dear
Them and by the example of armed intervention
put down all personal freedom in Hungary and to threaten
il where ever its manifestations might be enough
to be unwecome to the Russian Gar Under these cir
cumstances what might the other Powers Of the earth say
or do by which their opinions or intentions might be
made known in this grave conjunctiony Was it their
duty TO on only the witnesses of injustice with
ont the Of redressng it, but acquescng by their
silence III this monsrous outrage and In the pretensons
which led it, till the despotc soyeregns might interpo
late this right of interference into the code of public law
and thus to exercise surveillance the other
Governments of the world
The system of international law would be worth the
paper which is written if such examples of contempt
for the feelings and rights OF mankind admitted neither
resistance nor remonstrance. " Concession says Ben
tham in his forcble language concession to notorious
injustice invites fresh injustice and thsis nowhere
than in the and conduct of nations. And we
find that the right of independent Powers express their
opinions upon grave questions Of public law, when that
law has been violated has been often and openly
exercised that doubt exist Of the right and indeed
of the duty of thus acting when the nature and the ga
witty of the circumstances require such These
declarations of interest and opinion or less
formal and imposing, depending the magnitude Of the
occurrence and the consequences involved in it, They
frequently relate to subjects directly interesting to
the parties and arising of their nter-communcaon
with each other but often to questions affecting nat
generally and where the principles and the facts bear Dr.
recty their consequences upon the welfare OF the
political world OF the former it is not necessary to
speak, they of daily in own history
and in that of every other Power But the right to take
part the latter has been strangely brought into
ton, during recent discussions in this country that
may be well to look to the law and the testimony
1t is the interest of each nation that the rghs Of all
should be respected because the spectator of of
to-day may be its victim tomorrow and none o. the bar
riers against ambition and tyranny be broken down
without danger to the civilized world This dsnger may
be greater or less nearer remote DEFENDING on
the circumstances Of the parties but exists or ALL and
all therefore concerned in checking aveing it. If
nation issue manifesto, announcing What its CO.
equals believe to be dangerous innovation il the princi
pies of public law, and support its declaration by its acts
endeavor by the acts themselves to give authority to its
assumptions is the world to look on Indignantly but
silently until precedent usurp the place of principle and
acqescence IS appealed to in support of the new preen
sion There is not civilized nation tie face OF the
earth which has not, time and again. givn its opinion
upon questions of public law in form more less
imposing-in correspondence in protocoh, in decara-
TONS in manifestoes in protests and in whatever mode
national representations made and Rceived Why,
sir Lord Pamerston directing the foreign affairs of Eng
land upon this very subject said 81 20 not think that
the preservation of in any Endangered by the
expressions of opinion in regard to transactions in
Hungary or in other countries He is of course abiding
to the proposition then before the House of Commons to
call for the papers in relation to the Russian Intervention
with view to the judgment of the House. But here we
told touch not taste not handle great will be the
danger thereof Sometimes the interests involved in
questions like this is immediate and important sometimes
1T is remote and unimporant but the practical rela
tons of independent Powers great questions may arise
which may eventually affect the whole commonwealth of
nations. Every Power must judge for itself how far its
interest be touched by the pretensons advanced
and what true policy requires it should take. 1t
is not necessary that the evil day mould be upon be-
fore it makes known its disapprobadon for in that case
aggressons would be eternal war the only remedy to
resist them The annunciaon of the objects of the qun
tuple treaty awakened the veest soetude of the Anne
rcan people and their determination resist ii to the
last extremity was made known though they had then
sustained injury, the treaty had not been ratified
and this very demonstration prevented its ratification and
saved them from perious contest No man
demned the Executive for laying down. in authoritative
views Of the laws of nations upon the subjects
embraced in that treaty, and denouncing pretensons
equally dangerous to rights and honor. 1t may
be sad indeed, that the danger had to apprshend
from such Interpolation into the true code of public
law was imminent, and justified prompt and energetic
measures. 1t and therefore prepared to
take far decided steps than would be expednt in
less pressing exgeney. But the principle remsns the
We proclaimed our opinion upon 4 great question
OF public law because pretension had been advanced
incompatible with the independence Of nations and in
which all interested And not all interested in
the great right Of in the right Of establishing
maintaining and changing their Government pleasure
without the interference of any other earthly Power 1t
IS not probable that the Russian Emperor, in his
contemplated sendirg his Cossacks to put down free in
stutons among us, though he put them down in Hunga
ry, for Hungary within his reach and within his
power But we have direct interest material interest,
you dsclam every principle of action but the utita-
ran principle in the benefits of commercial intercourse
and in the prosperity and stability and independence of
nations by which the and commerce of a
try are increased and in the maintenance Of those great
principles which protect these rights
But agree with of the most independent Of the
public men Of England Mr.. Roebuck that higher consi
trfr
should not bind up all feelings in the interchange of
commodities or the question profit loss He believ
ed there was something in the souls of the people
than that And the sentiment advanced by Lord Pal
merston that greater country should not be passive
and mute spectator Of every thing that goes on around
deserves our commentator and concurrence
There is not page Of modern diplomatic history in
which not be read the outlines have already referred
to of national conduct
But strange error seems to prevail respecting
branch Of this subject which it is necessary to examiner
not from the support it derives from reason or author
ty, but from the confidence with which it is urged and
because If not corrected it may parayze the national
ton In all time to Before, however advert to it,
may be permitted to that the discussions which have
taken place here and elsewhere through the country
manifest very unreasonable jealousy Of the good faith
and sound discretion Of the American people suppose
man could hardly be found in this broad land however
sensitive he may be the subject Of foreign policy,
who fears the wrath the power Of the Russian the
Austrian Emperor, should assert great fact now
passed into history, that the rights and independence Of
nations have been hagrany violated in the Of Hun
gary, and should declare the principle of public law
which ought 10 have protected that unfortunate
Well then, IL fear such danger abroad where is
the danger do fear2 IL is at home sir cannot