Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1850-1854, 1852-01-09
TERMS OF .ADVERTrslNG.
have been among the foremos, to condem jesus


man, can you advocate the ensavement of other
mems children
Perhaps, you will say, that those whom YOU
would have enslaved, have been slaves before.
and are, therefore, used TO slavery. The old
woman excused the cruelty of her frying live
cells, by saying: "Poor things, they are used to
IL! Ii is about as easy to get used 10 slavery,
asit is to get used TO being fried alive. And lift
is true, that man can get used 10 savery--can,
under The debasng and unmanning process, get
reconciled 10 his chattelhood and brutehood, then
have we, in this tact, the most conclusive and
damnlng OF all the arguments against slavery.
--Ihe shareholders never testify so strongly u
gainst slavery, as when they tell US, that their
slaves are light-hearted and happy. Oh no
the fact, that those, whom you would cnslave,
have been ensIaved before, is no argument, why
they should be onsaved again. 1t is rather en-
argument why their place should be taken by
those who have never been in slavery. If cou-
pie OF our fellow men were 20 escape from South
ern slavery, you and would show much more
bEotherly heart toward them, by being willing to
take turns with them and go into it ourselves,
Than by tErustng them back into it.
Perhaps, you will justify the reinstatement
of the fugtives, on the ground that they are
black. Desdenona could see merit, even tho
ii was beneath black skin. With her, the mind
gave It's hue TO the skin, rather than the skin its
hue TO the mind. Nobly did she exclaim
81 saw ohello's yi~.ge in his mind
But the cu,aneous democracy Of America and
the cutancous christianity Of America cannot
look through a dark skin 10 the mind and the
man. All proudice is shyiyel!mg 10 the pener-
ous and manly affections of the soul Butn
is 50 much so, as the mean and senselass preju-
dice against complexion. Under the promptinrs
of this prejudice, white Americans ensIave black
Americans. Under the pronptings of this pre-
Judice, white Americans seek to expel black A.
mericans from their homes and native land I'm
der the promptngs of this prejudice, even John
G. Spencer-the strong minded and cultivated
John &. Spenccr--haS, repeatedly, refused 10 sir
in Church Convention with black men.
3D. The enslaying of men is the highest pos
sib!o crime against the body and the soul You
would infinitely rather, that your children were
murdered than enslaycd. Nevertheless, you
hold, that the enslaying of men is patriotic" and
Indispensable "to the salvation Of the Union."--
Now, if believed with you, that the committing
of this unequaed crime is an act Of patriotism,
| should regard patriotism as the most malignant
ana daboliCal spirit that ever entered the human
bosom and if believed with Jou, that the com
hitting of this unequalled crime is essential ITO
the salvation of the Union" l should not hesitate
to say, that the first duty of every American cti-
zen is TO labor to break up Union which, not
withstanding it was formed expressly "to estab-
fish justice and secure the blessings of liberty"
is perverted into the foulest conspiracy against
human rights, ard into the most terrible engine
of oppression.
thank God, that my views Of patriotism and
of the Union, are widely different from your own.
Believing as do, that righteousness exalteth
the union" he, and he only, is, in my esteem,
patriot, and u servant of hrs country, who does
rightcously. And believing, ns do, that the peo-
pie of this Union are 10 find, in their love of God
and IN their love of each other, its only cement,
| depend for its preservation, not on Fugitive
slave laws, nor Union Safety Committees, nor
on any devices of demagogues--not on any
Wing party, or Democratic party, or Church par
ty, which has for its cohesive principle, the agree
ing to let slavery alone but on that true chris
tianty, which lifts up the soul to God and on
that true philanthropy, which sees, in every man
of whatever cline or color, brother, nay anoth-
er self.
4th It's now some sixteen years since was
called TO look at the prosavcry features of the
Federal Constitution. ! looked for them then,
and have looked for them since but ] could
never find them. ] could never SEQ one line in
t.at instrument in favor Of slavery. | am told
that there are proofs of the proslavery character
of the Constitution. But this is impossible, if
there is no liborty, Gas suppose there is not to
90 beyond the letter of legal paper when tho
purpose is TO show that such paper is fraught
with glaring injustice The paper is to be held
clear and innocent of this guilty character, I'M
less its expresses the injustice literally and with
irresistible certainty. am, also, told, that some
Of the trainers of the Constitution tended to
slavery into it. But | suppose that
what they intended is well nigh as immaterial,
as what the scrivener who wrote the decd Of
land, intended. suppose that the only question,
in the one case, is what di the buyer und seller
intend by the decd aud, in the other, what did
The peogie intend by the Constitution. What the
people intended by the Constitution can of course
only be known from It's letter, wherever its letter
is inteIIiribla. But am admOushcd to express
myself mo testify on all these points. not only by
tho fact, that am not lawyer, but by the fur
Their fact, that the gentleman to whom am wri-
ting is very eminent lawyer.
You believe, that the "Fugiiiyc slave law" is
constitutional. In other words, You believe that
the provision Of the Constitution re- spec ing per-
son "heId to service or labor contains legal
description Of slaves. can see, that il contains
u legal description Of apprentices and minor chill
dren-Out that il does Of slaves likewise, can
not see. You; also, believe, that this provision
imposes Obligations on the Federal Government,
AMI is to b. executed by that Government in
tend of the Stat Go, unmeuis. TO me i; seems
clear that the Federal Government has nothing
to do with It. Bat would, again. remember
how difficulty | should speak on these matters,
in your presence.
should value very highly, and so would the
public, on argument from your Interpretation Of
ihc Constitutional provision in question What
can be said to that end by 20 able and distinguish
ed lawyer Will be read with avdity. Most per-
sons who give US their views Of this provision,
wsnd5r away from it into coniectures and spec
uaions. You will Of course, confne Yourself
to the pto@i:iOn, and undertake to give the mean
ing Of It, according to the canon Of strict legal
interpretation.
It is but right, that you should be paid for your
Opinion in this case, MS well as in other cases
where you are called on for legal Opinions
Hence, when you have given It to the press, you
will plonse draw on me for hundred dollars or
for two hundred dollars if you shall think that
moro suitable recompense for the labor you have
bestowed on it, | should not at all DO surprised
il your draft is for two hundred dollars-for |
think YOU will find the work far moro difficult
and vexatious than you are now aware Of
Do not shrink from writing this Opinion be-
cause it viii contrast so strangely with your for
mer views a generous public will tolerate
changes in you as we'll as in other men,
When recolleci how nobly you once stood
up foF liberty, could wish, that you might have
been vOunrr man alUnvs You hive grown old