The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-02-10

will scarcely be found 10 De realized ~ the doou
ments which we publish else where Except SO far
as the unhappy circumstances which accom- pany the
PRONUNCIATION constitute Suspicious gloss upon ia
text, the instrumnet pSpared oy Louis Napoleon
lie, perhaps, not much more open TO objection shin
most others Of the constitutions which revolution has
imposed ON France. There Is ne very consp'cuou3
departure from the spirit OF that appeal to the PEG.
pie with which the President commenced bis coup
d6tat; and though the constitution Of the year VIII
is expressly referred TO- that colossal fraud has not
been made an exact precedent Tor classifying or
evading pledges which the occasion had once made
necessary. The privilege of voting laws and im-
posts Is lodged with che popular branch of the new
legislatures and the cleo oral body which nomiratea
that Assembly is constituted by universal suffrage.
Contrary to general expectation, the legislative
corps is to debate the measures submitted TO it,
but the debates only to be published under tho
surveillance of the President OF the chamber. Thaa
fusion of the Introductory proclamation TO the par
manency (iramouibitae OF the j0dlcature is more
tsfactory. The implied recognition of this principle
one Of the still surviving institutions which bear
witness to the Emperor Nspoleon's genius, Is con-
sderaby better guarantee for It's maintenance than
would be any express provision TO the same effect
In the body OF the contribution Tho rights OF sho
press receive no sucn homage Apparently, this ia
one OF the subjects 10 DO regulated in the forth
coming series or organic laws. 1t Is possible how
ever, to construe the single asssge in which news-
papers are mentioned as inconsistent with an lnten.
tion to debar them altogether from criticism AMI
remark. 90
One principal novelty is the exclusion of.~ -
either chamber, introduced with categorical de.
caration that in future they are simply to be
deemed heads OF the departments conided respec-
lively to their direction The practice OF the
Unit ed States may be pleaded as an example in
point and no exception can be taken 10 the formal
reasoning OF Louis Napoleon. alleging that the
responsibility OF the executive Chief renders Idle
that of his subordlnates, If the former be really
enforced What chance there may practically be
OF calling to account sueo President the exist
ing one, is question which our imaginatons arc
lett to unriddle Another innovation is tho rro-
hlbltlon against publishing any report or the CO.
oates which is not officially sanctioned and c.lsi-
ied-a rule which evidently NAV DO turned to 1ac-
poses OF very gross dece ptioa L ae most starsing
change 1t is one so grave that may probrbiy
require fur her consideration at our hands-consists
in depriviDg the Lower House of the poTes Of
initiative and OF the right OF amending governmsat
propositions, and in LOGGING these with tho Senit3.
This is an exact reversal OF the arrangements
habitual with constltuinay governed coussries,
and it wears &c little resemblance to kaown p-sss-
dent that we can only judge of its operation by
watching the actual experiment..
To say that these documents are honorable or oe-
ditable to Louis Napoleon, would be to employ tsrms
which have no application in this connection Attic
same time they throw a1ght on his character wach
exhibits it as somewhat differing from the vulgatly
selfish idiosyncracy OF mere y successful usurpsr.
From the commencement to the close they bear
witness to a mind absolutely enslaved Dy venera-
ton for the Emperor, and completely, if coaye-
niently, habituated to q confusion between the
rights or claims Of the mighty dead, and those Of
the individual who happens to bear his pane. No
peasant in France could profess the Napoeonian
creed with more astonishing ndiUae than does tho
President Of the republic And by the side of these
convictions not in the least inconsistent with
them-there seems to be an equally servile respect
for the authority of the democracy in its widest lc-
ceptati0n. His millions of votes and his re.
latoI ship to Napoleon, app.r to have inspired ne
President with sort OF belief in himself as the
trustee Of divine mission. Motives flowing from
this belief are the most respectable thai can be IS
a m
coLduct snce the I'd of December, and for the
comparatively few absurdities in the new conti-
tuition. Napoleon manacled the press-Napolon
swept the streets of Paris with grape-Napoloon
transported jacobites and royalists pell.mel to
Cayenne. These examples, together with the poll
Of the goth, have probably closed the Presi ieIts
breast against compunction for the cruelties Which,
are scored against him in the conscience OF the
world. In the same way, between rsoollections
of the Emperor's continual appeals to universal
suffrage and his personal impression of its ssnsti-
| ty, Louis Napoleon has preserved the unlimited
franchise against the advice Of his most devosd
counsellors, whilst he has engrafted on his newn-
situations as strange an excreseence as the weld
has ever witnessed, in the shape of perpetual
right of extra constu 'ional appeal to the peo,le
| against the Constitution itself. Somebody fas
sa,iricaly defined the theory of Soci .lism as e.
solving itself into an lie mite succession OF strikes.
| Louis Napo cons idea Of progress involves ap,a-
! repty an irfni Q successful o. conpS Deaf
The commencing paragraphs OF the Proclaua-
ton strike us as bghiy ca lracterstc and itlusfa-
tive. The President asserts that every single one
Of the standing Institutions OF France was created
| by his uncle. : The greater portion," he writes,
| "of the measures which concern the progress of
industry, of CON uerce, Of literature, of science,
| and Of the arts, from the statutes Of the
| Theatre Franco t. those of the Institute of
| France, from the institution of prua' hommes to
the creation Of the Legion of Honor, have been
| fixed by the DEGREES of that (the lmperiaD time.
| IL may then be affirmed that the frame of QUE
| social edifce is the work of tho Emperor
! which has stood firm, resisting his fail and
| the shocks of three revolutions. Wherefore.
| since they have the same origin, should not his
/ political Institutions have the same chance Of du-
raticn!' This last question discloses the fallscy
which is misleading the President-fatally, we be-
| lieve, aDdto his own dishonor. The political in
! situations Of the empire are out Of date, because
| they comprised in the genius of tho Emperor
himself and the Emperor is no more. If Louis Ma
poleon can still the air at h:me with the roar of
victorious cannon abrosd-if ne can absorb tho in.
stncts Of independence in the pride of domination
| 1.-The can tempt the eye which would be inquisi-
tive in domestic concerns to lose itself in the wide
| prospect ola conquered continent--he may govern
/ France, though he accord to Frenchmeu a much
scantier measure OF freedom than is guaranteed in
| his constitution He who can bend the hero's bow
may enter upon his entire inheritance. But if this
is beyond his reach and compass It he certainly
cannot-the people will turn his political contri-
vences against him MS easily as they turned tho
| charter against Charles x We are not prepared
| osay that rational freedom is impossible under
the new institutions; but if Louis Napoleon pro-
ceeds step further in the imperial career of frau
dulent usurpaton, he may be sure that the me-
cbanical checks he creates will last just up to the
point-which is always reached eventualy-waere
| public opinion becomes stronger than terrorism
From the London Times, Jan III
The text of the French constitution, which we
have now before us in moro complete form, en-
ables us to pursue the observations we have al
ready made on the proclamation by which IL is
accompanied and on the general tenor of these in.
situations. But even now IL must be remarked that
this scheme Is rather an outline than o complete
work, ard that much depends on the various laws,
DEGREES, AMI Senqtiis Consnhs 81 which the pro-
ject isio be completed Such constitution se-
cures nothing. for it opposes no direct or iusur-
| mountable obstacle to any acts of the Executive
power though it might still, if literally construed,
leave greater latitude for the expression of opinion
than the declared adversaries of params ntary 60.
| vernment had desired.