The republic., 1852-01-06


pursuit of warlike policy. We have already
touched upon this circumstance in connexlon
with Mr.. ROBERT j. Walkers speech at
Manchester. The idea he expressed on that
occasion is thus amplified by the Philadel phia
Ledger:
| "Ths despots, sustained by standing armies,
having thus been privy to military despotism in
France. OF course will be ready to sustain it.
/ What, then, can the usurper do with his army of
| three hundred and fifty thousand men? He must
| furnish 1t with employment, and is precluded, by
this Russian, Austrian and Prussian Co operation,
from new Jena, new Eylau, a new Friedland,
q new Austerlitx, n new Wagram, a new Mar .ngo.
| What then remains but "A new inUasion? This was
the darling project Of the uncle, and was only pre-
vented by the success Of the British arstecraoy in
exciting u continental coalition against France in
| 1904. II the nephew should renew the pro-
Eject the British arstocracy could not retire be-
| hind another coalition Of continental Legitimacy.
| England has since become hot bed Of dangerous
| ideas, producing, at home, parliamentary reform,
extension OF suffrage, restriction Of privilege, and
| other steps towards the demon of American demo
| cracy; and abroad, popular instructions, barri-
cades, constitutions, liberty and equality, threaten
ing TO demollsh thrones, cxtngush nobilites, and
annihilate churches. The aristocracy power
less to stem the torrent, and therefore French Rus
sian, Austrian, Prussian bayonets must be used to
| sweep away the whole system, and establish one
| more safe for continental despotism. Such then
| being the policy Of the despots and the French
| army insisting on employment, and England pre-
| senting the only field how much enthusiasm for
glory can be excited by opportunity TO wipe off
| the stain Of Waterloo, and avsnge the imprison-
ment of the Emperor at st. Helena.''
Later advices from Europe partially upset the
| hypothesis on which this train of argument is
built. Austria, it seems, although delighted at
| the coup d'etat by which LOUIS NAPOLEON
achieved dictatorship, is by no means dis
posed TO allow him to WELD his sway mo
ment longer than is necessary to prepare the
path for the return of legitimate king and
it is all but certain that the action Of the CzAR
will be precisely similar. 1t can hardly be
otherwise, in the nature Of things. Hereditary
royalty may tolerate an accidental emperor OF
king, and may for time appear to sanction
| and sustain him, but it can never feel satisfied
while he holds power in its neighborhood.
Legitimacy is hemmed in by too many nice
distinctions to allow of its cordial alliance
with those who acquire their crowns by Gun
ming, fraud, or force To perceive the truth of
this view, 1t is only necessary to recall to mind
the absence Of warm alliances between the abb
solutist governments and that of LOUIS PM
LPPE, notwithstanding all the efforts of that
proverbially astute monarch.
Let it be supposed, however, that the Lon
don Tfmes's statement as to the unsatisfactory
relationship that exists between France and
Austria is the reverse of the fact-what then
Does it follow that because Austria and Prus-
sia prop LOUIS NAPOLEON, therefore he and
they will undertake a war against England 2
Are we to assume that the three governments,
hating England with all their hearts, will in
wade her, with the expectation that they will
thereby crush liberalism in Europe2 No such
conclusion can be arrived at, in our Judgment,
without palpable disregard of the existing
state Of affairs lfFrance had but one thought
as in the Uncle's day, and that thought associ-
ated with antipathy TO England, then, we
grant, LOUIS NAPOLEON might be able to turn
the circumstances 10 his account. Or if the
subjects of Austria and Prussia were, as in
times of yore, sunk into stolid apathy and con-
tentment, war on their part would be possi-
bic thing But neither Of these contingencies
exists. In each of these countries the chief
ruler sits upon volcano, which the merest ac-
cident may at any moment provoke into fearful
activity.
war by continental absolutism against
first class power is of all things that which
would best subserve the interests Of the revo-
lutionary party throughout Europe. France
sends her soldiers TO the conflict; what then
becomes of the tenant of the Elysee2 Without
his one hundred thousand troops, and besot by
as many thousand citizens, each more mpa-
tent than the others TO hurry on the work Of
retribution, what would become Of the PREsI-
DENT, or Of the government-without which no
war could be conducted} The bayonets that
now protect Pontihcal dignity might be re-
called, but they would not keep down France,
nor would PIUs TX. be longer able to call him
self temporal sovereign Of the Roman States.
Let Austria and Prussia rush to the rescue; be-
fore the armies cross the frontier, their own
governments would be annihilated. NICHOLAS
would pour forth his troops; but how could
hundred thousand Cossacks, unaided, quel 81.
| Hlultaneour OuAOftahs AHIouRnoul f1hngdf1s
Austria and nearly the whole Of Germany and
ltaly7
| On the whole, we are disposed TO consider
military or naval conflict between any two in
| pendent powers Of Europe, or between single
power and any combination, as amongst the
least probable occurrences Of the present hour.
A war Of tariffs against England is likely
enough, and a succession Of revolutionary OF
civil wars between the peoples Of absolutsi
countries and their rulers. may be inevitable.
" the latter occur, England will scarcely be
able TO stand alcof long her propensity to uni
versal NEEDING, if not her interest, will force
her into the quarrel and it is possible that in
this manner contingency may arise TO compel
JOHN BULL in sober seriousness to cry across
the Atlantic for help to save him and his from
| destruction.
The Nsw senator Elect from Kentucky.