The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-09-02

ing nothing from party ties, | throw myself
upon the candor and magnanimity OF the SEN
ate. | now ask your attention; but | trust
not to abuse it. | may speak strongly; for
| shall speak openly and from the strength
of nv convictions. | may speak warmly
for ] shall speak from the heart. But IN no
event can / forget the amenities which be-
long to debate, and which especially become
this body Slavery must condemn with my
whole soul but here / need only borrow the
language of shareholders themselves nor would
it accord with my habits or my sense of justice
to exhibit them as the impersonation OF the IN
Standardization calls it the "enormity y
which they cherish OF them do not speak
but without fear and without favor, as without
impeachmentof any person, assail this wrong
Again, sir may err but it will be with the
Fathers. | plant myself on the ancient ways
of the Republic, with its grandest names, its
surest landmarks and all its original altar
fires about me-
And now, on the very threshold, encounter
the objection that there is a final settlement, in
principle and substance, of the question of Sla-
very, and that all discussion of it is closed
Both the old political parties of the country, by
sstsmal resolutions, have united in this declara~
ton On a subject which for years has agita-
ted the public mind which yet palpitates in
every heart and burns on every tongue which,
in its unreasonable Importance, dwarfs all
other subjects; which, by its constant and gi-
gantic presence, throws shadow across these
Halls which at this very moment calls for APP
preparations to meet extraordinary expenses it
has caused, they have imposed the rule of 81
lence According to them, sir, we may speak
of everything except that alone, which is most
present in all our minds
To this combined effort | might fifty reply,
that, with fragrant inconsistency, it challenges
the very discussion which it pretends to forbid.
Such a declaration on the eve of an election
is, of course, submitted to the consideration
and ratification of the people. Debate in
quiry, discussion, are the necessary conse-
quence. Silence becomes impossible Slavery,
which you profess to Danish from the public
attention, openly by your invitation enters
every political meeting and every political con-
ventlon Nay, at this moment it enters this
Senate, crying, like the daughters of the horse
leech, "Give give"
But No unanimity of politicians can uphold
the baseless assumption, that a law, or any
conglomerate of laws under the name of Com
promise, or howsoever called is final Nothing
can be palmer than this; that by no Parla-
mentary device or knot can any Legislature
tie the hands of a succeeding Legislature, so
as to prevent the full exercise of its constitu-
tional powers. Each Legislature, under Just
sense Of its responsibility, must Judge for it
self; and, if it think proper, it may revise OF
amend, or absolutely undo the work of its pre-
decessors. The laws of the Modes and Persians
are proverbally said to have been unalterabe
but they stand forth in history as a single ex-
ample of such irrational defiance of the true
principles of all law
To make law final, so as not to be reached
by Congress, is by mere legislation, to fasten a
new provision on the Constitution. Nay, more
it gives to the law a character which the very
Constitution does not possess. The wise fathers
did not treat the country as a Chinese foot
never to grow after infancy; but anticipating
Progress, they declared expressly that their
Great Act is not final According to the Con-
stitution itself, there is not one of its existing
provisions-not even that with regard to fugi-
tives from labor-which may not at all times
be reached by amendment, and thus be drawn
into debate. This is rational and just Sir,
nothing from mans hands, nor law, nor con.
stitution, can be final. Truth alone is final
inconsistent and absurd, this effort is tyran-
nical also. The responsibility for the recent
Slave Act and for Slavery everywhere within
the jurisdiction of Congress necessarily involves
the right to discuss them To separate these
is impossible. Like the twenty-fifth rule of
the House of Representatives against petitions
on Slavery--now repealed and dshonored-
the Compromise, as explained and urged is a
ourtailment Of the actual powers of legisla-
ton, and perpetual denial of the indisputa-
BILE principle that the right to deliberate is CO.
extensive with the responsibility for an act.
To sustain Slavery, it is now proposed to tram
Pile on free speech. In any country this would
be grievous; but here, where the Constitution
expressly provides against abridging freedom
of speech it is special outrage. In vain do
we condemn the despotisms Of Europe, while
VIC borrow the rigors with which they repress
Liberty, and guard their own uncertain power
For myself in no factious spirit, but solemnly
and in loyalty to the Constitution, as a Senator
of Massachusetts,, protest against this wrong
On Slavery, as on every other subject, claim
the right to be heard. That right | cannot
will not abandon. "Give me the liberty to
know, to utter and to argue freely above all
liberties These are the glowing words which
flashed from the soul of John Milton, in his
struggles with English tyranny. With equal
fervOr they should be echoed now by every
American, not aireuuy saVe'
But sir, this effort is impotent as tyrannical.
The convictions of the heart cannot be re-
pressed. The utterances of conscience must
be heard They break forth with irrepressible
might As well attempt to check the tides Of
Ocean, the currents of the Mississippi or the
rushing waters of Niagara The discussion of
Slavery will proceed, wherever two or three
are gathered together-by the iireside, on the
highway at the public meeting, in the church
The movement against Slavery is from the
Everlasting Arm. Even now it is gathering
its forces, soon to be confessed everywhere. 1t
may not yet be felt in the high places of Office
and power but all who can put their ears
humbly to the ground, will hear and compre-
bend its incessant and advancing tread
The relations of the Government of the
United States speak of the National Gov.
ernment--to Slavery, though plain and obvi-
GUS are constantly misunderstood A popular
belief at this moment makes Slavery national
institution, and, of course, renders its support
national duty. The extravaganza of this
error can hardly be surpassed. An institu-
ton, which our fathers most carefully omitted
to name in the Constitution, which according
to the debates in the Convention, they refused
to cover with any sanction and which at
the original organization of the Government
was merely sectional, existing nowhere on the
national territory is now above ali other things
blazoned as national. Its supporters plume
themselves as national. The old political par
ties; while unfolding it, claim to be national
A National Wing il simply Slavery Wing
and National Democrat is simply Slavery
Democrat, in contradistinction to all who re-
gard Slavery as a sectional institution, within
the exclusive control of the States, and with
which the nation has nothing to do.
As Slavery assumes to be national, so, by an
equally strange pcrversion, Freedom is degra-
ded to be sectional, and all who uphold it