The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-05-13

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of sound sense and deep reflection, and of COM
prshensive observation.
The civilized nations of the world have be-
come so much connected by commerce, by steam,
and by telegraph, and those of Europe and this
country have of late contracted so many affini-
lies by emigration and lineage, that practical
interesin each others affairs has arisen, far more
vital and important, than between cOterminous
kingdoms a century ago.
| But this modern affinity of nations has re-
ceived great augmentation by the political
events of the last five years. Before that, We
felt but little interest in the public affairs of
any European people, except the English, whose
institutions bore some resemblance to ours. OF
France but little was expected, after Louis
PHILIPPE was securely seated on the throne
But the French revolution of lS48, so sudden.
and so radical-its immediate effect on the other
States of tho continent--the revolutions in
Rome, in Berlin, in Vienna all for liberty, ex-
cited ut once degree of interest in the affairs
of Europe among the people of this country,
never felt before. Subsequent events have in
creased that interest. The entire success Of the
reactionary party, the proclamation Of an un-
compromising resistance to all popular move.
ments there, of war between despotism and
liberty, and this too, after the development of a
liberal party so powerful as at first to have been
victors have all certainly fixed the attention, and
enlisted the sympathy of the people here still
more.
For ourselves, we confess we had little or no
faith in the recent revolutionary movements in
Europe. They proceeded generally on the doc.
trne of the natural equality of men, and rather
distinctly avowed an antagonism to all the con.
sequences of the actual moral inequality that
exists-nay, almost denied that inequality itself.
Perhaps the denial would have been positively
made, but for the necessity or the inclination to
denounce the kings as tyrantsland monsters of
cruelty. BY so doing they did recognize the
moral qualities of men and classes, as proper
causes Of political distinction. At all events, it
was seen at once that wise and merciful class
of sovereigns would have better right to
thrones than ignorant or bad ones On the
other hand, the leading idea of the liberal move.
ment was that all men were entitled to equal
liberty, without regard to class or condition, to
knowledge or to morals. Hence, one of the
first acts of the French provisional government
was the emancipation of the French West India
slaves. Proceeding on the same theory France
rejected the plan of two Legislative bodies, and
adopted one, so that there should be no Unequal
ity of representation, and no obstruction to the
immediate execution of the will of n mere nu-
merical majority.
1t was perfectly consistent with this system,
and in fact necessary result from it, if it could
have operated Iorig enough, that property should
| be divided. For it is noneAnscal to maintain
that all men are entitled to be equal, and yet to
permit some of them to be rich aud others poor
1t was however, contemplated to make of France
and of Europe, which are morally 80 much in.
ierior to this country, system Of government
politically and socially far more equal. The re-
action has been overwhelming.
A great question now with us is, whether
Europe will advance to more liberal system,
and whether, If she does, the progress will be
peaceful or bloody? We think il not 30 proba-
BILE she will advance, as that a bloody struggle
will arise. For the two parties there are SO
widely at variance in opinion that no compro.
mise is practicable, and force must be called or
: to decide. This is evidently the opinion Of
BOTH And both are preparing for the struggle
This being the condition of Europe, we do moi
apprehend serious danger to this country from
despotsm there. 1t will have quite as much as
it can attend to at home. Besides, nothing
would tend to excite the rebellion of subject
people 30 much as distant war, and nothing
afford them half so much cooperation as pow
erful and organized people like ourselves in such
an event.
The difficulty of preserving our own system,
or even of retarding its progress to centrasm,
is obvious to all rejecting minds. With federal
expenditure exceeding fifty millions per annum,
and appropriations of public lands for the last
two years of hundred millions Of acres, we
hardly suppose another war would leave us with
any sort of equilibrium between the State and
federal governments. Never has the evil of
centralism been 80 strikingly exhibited as by the
revolutionary events in Europe. In France,
Italy, Austria, and Prussia, the battle was fought
in the capitals The great mass of the people
in the provinces appear to be utterly passive
and poweress. A sudden impulse seizes mob
and the throne of Bourbon, or of Hapsburg,
is overturned in day. The institutions of
centuries disappear-the political system of
thirty or forty millions of people is fundament-
ally changed before they know it. A few
months afterwards the marshal, or general, of
the fallen despot re appears, or as in France if
usurper, and with even greater ease, the forty
millions Of people are back again to where they
were, or worse. The facility with which thes g
things have been done, is only cqualled by that
with which the crowns of Rome and of Turkey
were changed by the Pretorians and Janissarier