The southern press., 1852-04-17

ing as test Of the professions OF those Demo
Gratis who had proposed reunion of the South
ern Democra,s with the other portions OF the
party. And SC. we say now and so we VIII
And order not to be Misunderstood we de.
clare that if the public printing is given to the
Republic and Union, as by the proposed ar
ranpement, or to the Union alone by any ar
rangement, as matter OF party favor, ano
exclusive of the Southern Press, we will earnest
" ehdeavor to prevent the reunion OF the
Democratic party. We shall do this on the
principle that acts speak louder than words
and from conviction that the object OF these
oyertures for re, union is to nveigle the South
ern Democrats into the ranks OF the party, te
obtain monopoly of the spoils for the Com
promise portion Of the party. For it will always
be as easy to find or make difficulties as now
or to form coalitions with Wings, to defeat
Southern measures and men.
We did not call on Mr.. STANTON, or any
other member of the committee, until after we
understood they had many ballotings, in fact
not till about ten days ago, and after we were
informed they were about to give this very
printing to the Republic and Union, and we
called then to define our position, so that there
might be no complaint about it afterwards.
We did propose to, him that TIE Union and
Southern Press should have the printing, on
the mere ground that they had both large
Democratic support We made no pledges
whatever On the contrary, when questioned
by Others, not of the committee, whether we
wonld pledge ourselves to support the Balti-
more nominee--when in fact we were urged to
do So we positively refused-so that we offered
no bargain. We have acted throughout this
whole matter with delicacy and propriety
which we contrast. scornfully with the course
of the Union.
AS to the expression Mr.. STANTON imputes to
US of making war to the knife" we rather
think he is not literally exact. Our acknow
edged amenity Of temper, and elegance of style,
would, we think, have precluded us from so
coarse figure of speech. But the CONVERSE
ton occurred in the rotundo, and we might
have been contagiously affected by the beliger.
ent temper of the House.
speech Of Hon. James N. Mason, Of Virginia
On Nom Intervention deiiuere3 in The Senate
Of The United STATES, April 8, 1852.
CONCLUDED
At the special session of May, 1897, Presi-
dent Adams invited the attention of Congress
to the expediency of holding conference 10
some form with the neutral powers Of Europe
In his message at that session, he said:
Although II is very true that we ought moi
to involve ourselves in the political condition OF
Europe, but toPkeep ourselves distinct and sep
arate from it, if We can" &c.
ut is natural poll
cy for nation that studies TO be neutral, to
consult with those nations engaged in the same
studies and pursuits. AT the same time that
measures ought to be pursued with this view, our
treaties with Prussia aud Sweden, one of which
is expired, and the other expiring, might be re.
newed."
This recommendation was speedily followed
up BY the nomination Of his son, John Quincy
Adams, afterwards President of the United
States, as minister to Prussia, having first by
his message suggested the idea that il was i'm
portant TO institute mission to Prussia, for the
purpose Of consultation with other nations,
engaged in the same studies aud pursuits :" to
wit, the study of neutrality, and the pursuit Of
peace. When the nomination came in, il was
strongly and sternly resisted by the Republican
party; those were the days Republicans, and
Federalists. A motion WAS made in executive
session-the injunction of secrecy has been re.
moved, aud the journals have been published
that ain the opinion Of the Senate, no present
occasion exists that a minister should be sent
to Prussia" The debate that followed, showed
that the question dividing parties was, whether,
by instituting IN ssion 10 Prussia, under the
auspices Of the message, there would not be
risk Of forming an alliance with Prussia, even
for the purpose Of neutrality. The yeas and nays
were called upon that motion, and stood-yeas
II, nays Is and amongst the yeas-and call the
attention Of my friend, the distinguished Sena.
tor from Michigan Mr.. Cas- to the fact---were
all the Republican members of the body.
come now 10 the next epoch, the next start
ing point in the history Of the country, which
affected our foreign relations. II was the
Spanish American question. Where were we
them Upon our own continent. The colonies
Of Spain were in revolt against the mother
country; and the relations Of your government
with the mother country were those Of peace
NOlWltnstanolng every eUOrt was MADE 10 In
duce the country 10 change those relations, that
peace was preserved, and never departed from.
II was for long time matter Of doubt whether
the provinces Of South American would be able
to establish their independence; but this
government refrained from interfering in the
slightest degree, and in any form whatever, until
we were satisfied that the dominion Of Spain
was gone forever; then, as we had not only a
right, but as il was our duty TO do, in the year
1921 we recognized the independence Of the
colonies. To show the policy Of the country
at that day, | have taken an extract from a
letter Of the Secretary Of State-Mr. ADAMS
10 the minister Of Spain, who complained Of
what bad just then taken place, namely; the
reorganization on the part Of our government, of
the independence Of certain Of the South Amer-
can colonies. The Secretary says, under date
Of the 9th Of April, 1922:
ain the conflicts which have attended these re-.
yolutions, the United States have carefully alb.
stained from taking any part respecting the
right Of the nations concerned in them, 10 main.
tain, or new organize, their own political con.