The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-04-09
fos Tie Soult<yn Pr.ss.
Relics Of scraps and Musings.


Relics Of scraps and Masings.
No. "a
! In analysing the nature and principles of all
despotlc and oppressive governments, it will be
found that they are all based on monopoly, in
some shape or other. The first great monopoly
is the will of the sovereign, which precudes the
exercise of that of his subjects, and enables him
to dispose of their persons and property at plea
sure. In order to sustain this monopoly of
power, it has, however, always, sooner or later,
been found necessary to subsidize auxiliaries
by delegating portion of it to others, and thus
associating them in one common interest with
the sovereign at the same time that they con-
tinued dependent on his will for its exercise.
Such was the nature of the feudal system,
which consisted in monopoly of the land, and
ofcertain great privileges which enabled the Ba-
rons, as we'll as the King, to tyrannize over the
people.
In process of time these Barons waxed too
strong for the King, by combining together and
it became necessary for him to seek allies among
the people, who hitherto had remained in state
of abject slavery, without rights and without
property, completely subjected to the will of
their feudal masters. The only way in which
this could be done, was by the Acknowledgement
of a portion of the vilairs, as they were called,
and collecting them in bodies in burghs or
towns, having charter from the King, confer
ring certain corporate privileges, which shielded
them from the tyranny of the Barons, and where
they became what was called freemen. This
was the origin of corporate bodies, which in
the liberties of all those who were admitted as
members, and by degrees led to the entire
downfall of the most oppressive portions of the
feudal system, in those countries where the ex-
podient was extensively adopted 1t was under
these charters that the English corporations ex
ercised the right to send members TO Parliament
and continued to do so, in numerous instances
long after they had dwindled into utter insight.
icance, insomuch that from being among the
great bulwarks of popular freedom, they became
the great instruments of aristocratic DONNA.
ton. Many of these have been DISTINGUISHED
by act Of Parliament; and thus it is, that things
the most rational in their origin, and sautary
in their consequences, while the state of society
and the condition of the people in which they
originated continues, become not only inapp-
cable but pernicous when these are totally
changed.
In a country where all the people are equally
free, and have community of rights, the first
step to inequality is that of bestowing on any
portion of them, privileges, and exemptions
which arc either denied to all others, or in which,
from the very nature Of things, they cannot
partake. Instead of being a blow ut the old
feudal system, as in the first institution of cor
porate bodies, it is in effect revival of that
system in new disguise. Such appears to me
to be the case with all our acts of incorporation,
giving certain privileges or advantages facilitat-
ing the acquisition of gain, or creating perpetu
tiles of property of any kind. 1t is true, any
citizen having money to spare, may partake in
these advantages, but by far the greatest pro-
portion of them have no money to spare, and
are therefore entirely excluded. There corpor
ate powers, are continually monopozed by
capital, and labor has no share in their privileges
or emoluments. They are as much a monopoly
of the rich and monied class, az the land, and
the power ever n monopoly under the fcudal
system.
The greatest power ever delegated to cor
porate bodies is that Of furnishing the medium
through which all our wants, and n great portion
of our enjoyments are supplied. 1t is power
far more dangerous, because more seductive
and insidious than any ever exercised by the
most potent barons in the most palmy days of
the feudal system, and from its very nature can
not be exercised by the whole people, because
it is monied, not political power. 1t is in
effect consolidation of that great influence,
which more than any other, at least in the pres
ent age, sways the motives and the actions of
mankind. Its powers, too, are concentrated by
Il common interest, and soon become too strong
for any other great interest of the State, or, in
deed, all Of them combined and thus the entire
system of government will receive its bias, if
not its direction, from vast combined monop
oily, having no feelings or objects in common
with the great body of the people. We see
this exempifed almost every day in the pro-
cecdings of our State legislatures in the com
plete impunity given to the frauds and swind-
lings of many of these institutions; and in the
passage of laws for regulating or restricting
them, which are either totally insufficient, or
are never cffectualy enforced. There is always
some hope for the rat to creep out Of either in
visible to tho legislator, or what is quite as
likely, left there on purpose to facilitate his
cape.
But the monopoly of paper money will soon
have, If it has not already, formidable rival in
railroad corporations, which are established for
the same purposes of gain in various ways, and