The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1852-03-20

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bow down TO this divinity, must be permitted to look
at the credentials of those gentlemen who come here as
ambassadors from this imperial god OF . Manifest Des-
tiny" Before my conscience can be made to bow down
10 H. IN utter disregard OF what conceive 10 be my duty
to the country and the constitution, beg to know and to
see the Mohammed that is to come up and reveal to us
the mysteries OF this new political Koran. Sir, when
seek to make innovations upon usages and habits,
easy, very easy to lind preexts. Ii there an
attempt to abridge the cause Of liberty, was not ever
done in the name OF lberty And ii changes are 10 be
efected wrongs are to be pepetraed upon the usages
and habits OF the country requires great stretch OF
power OF Imagination. Of invention to devise paus
be prelext and fear that these things used for the
purpose OF jastfyng departure from the principles OF
fathers and innovations upon the established
toms and usages Of the country For my part, Mr.. Pres
rather Be- guided in my course here BY hs sasgssons o
manifest duty manifest experience manifest justce and
manifest prudence. than BY the suggestion OF blind de-
The resolutions OF the senator from Rhode Island
affirm the doctrines Of Washington, and the fathers of
the republic. Does any one assail those doctrinesi
Why has been found bold enough under the
mighty power and influence of manifest destiny, to
up and assail them directly While the resolutions afiTm
nothing and nothing less than the doctrines OF
them, but offer amendments. One step taken, and then
another sepis be taken II that the resolu
tons of the senator from Rhode Island the whole
ground, unless gentlemen mean what very much appre
bend they do mean make innovations upon the former
policy OF this government The friends OF these resou
0ns who have preceded have endeavored to show that
-
fed that conviction by argument deduced from Washing
ton and the fathers OF the republic We do not mean
thereby TO say that we shall adhere strictly and undev
atingly 10 every ACT which committed or approved
by the fathers Of the republic under circumstances which
do not exist We mean that the doctrine, as laid
down by Washington in his Farewell Address, was
declaration OF policy and OF princplehat it was true
them and is true now-that it was just then, and is jua
now-that il was polite then, aud is polite now We
take the broad ground and then quole Washington and
others to sustain the position But gentlemen tell that
w are zen
but that he simply meant express opinion which
ogovern the state Of things at The time being might rely
confidently the position of the honorable from
Rhode Island and The honorable senator from New Jersey
Their arguments in my judgment; conclusive and
unanswcrable Buif gentlemen choose TO make APPOINT
there, choose TO meet them; and deny utterly that
Washington meant anything less than declare
great vital principle, essential to the peace, the honor
the safety and the perPeuity OF our Union shall mol
quote from his Farewell Address his dying declaration
his dying political declaration, at easlto his country.
But ask the attention OF the Senate while read an
tract from a letter written by General Washington to
Mr. Hamilton. in 1896. At that time Lafayette i'm
American TO release him. Young Lafayette came over
here, and Gen. Washington, IN writing 10 Gen. Hamil
ton on the subject uses very strong aod remarkable Ian
the dsting guished and learned senators from Michigan
and New York, because know that they would not in :
entionaly do injustice to the memory or to the opinion
OF the Father OF his Country Upon that occasion Gen
Washington used this language:
The rcsn, of my reflections this subject, and which
have communicated TO the TWO young ne., s, that al
will be held In confinement by the combined powers uni
peace is established yet, TO satisfy them and their friends
my disposition facilitate their wishes as lar as IL can
be done with any propney on my part would. as pr
pas persor express in letter TO the Emperor my wish
what believe be the wishes of this couny towards
III at gentleman that the liberation OF him, conditioned
his repairing hher, would be grateful measure"
General Washington as we all know, must have had
feeling upon this subject than could have found an
existence 10 the bosom of any other living man. Laay-
ette his friend and companion in conflict for
liberty and with all those generous, and noble, and
heaven-descended emotions that must have filled the
breast OF that great and good man. yet under crcumstan
OF much feeling and sympathy, such was the re-
gard OF Washington for hs connlry, that he refused
nerpose in that case except asa private citizen
Yet senators stand up here and tell us that we may
inierpose as officers OF this government We are now
told this enlightened day OF progress and manifest
destiny" that Washington was declaring policy good Tor
that day but not for ihis when his mighty soul heaving
with affection for his companion in arms could not so
far forget his own policy, and what was due to his
country, 10 write an Official letter in favor OF his re-
lease.
Again. upon similar occasion, in writing Hamilton,
when Mr. Talleyrand de Perigord here Gen. Wash
ington said
"My wish is and IL Is not less my duty officer of
friendship by conduct towards their prescribed citizens
which would be dsagreeabe 10 them whilst, at the same
that they will be protected in their and
property and viii be entitled all the benefit. Of
ha vior civitcs Of citizens large who les,
rss,ra ned by political considerations than the officers Of
government must be"
Here again, we fnd General Washington declaring the
principle in language strong, so clear. and
plain, that none misunderstood him. beg the SEN
aior from New York. and the senator from Michigan TO
read these letters They will that this was not only
a policy, but deep. VITAL cardinal principle with the
Father OF his Country.
should fnd very e difficulty in voting for The reso-
lu,ions OF the senator from Michigan amendment
additional the resolutions Of the senator from Rhode
Island; but when they offered in lieu Of them, can
not reconcile II 10 my OF duty and justice to
vote for them. In the main, they unexceplionable
There is one term, however, employed IN them which
strikes being OF an exceptionahe character The
senator's resolutions say that the American people have
seen and cannot again these outrages OF Russia
and Austria without deep concern. lie uses The term
II has Distinctive diplomatic meaning. That is true
enough when il Is addressed 10 gentlemen OF diplomacy
but when goes out 10 the country, u IL OF equvocal inn
port and may great DEAL very little according
TO the Interpretation which persons may choose TO place
upon H. Deep concern Some might say deep concern
was to be manifested in that boundess sympathy which
s entertained for the soerings OF humanity throughout
the world. That would be very harmless Bu, then
some one else comes along and like the distinguished
senator himself says that deep concern is TO be mani
tested by solemn protest and renonsance That is said
to be harmless; but in this opinion do not concur.
third man comes along, OF less calm and more excable
temperament and says wher contemplating the wrongs
and ourages perperated upon the friends of liberty
Hungary, deep concern only be manifested by armed
by The application OF that phymca power
and force which may be necessary 10 redress the wrong
This term IT seems TO me, IL too ambiguous TOO doubtful
in its meaning and import
You know very well. Mr. Preadent--and speak of
with dsrespect and with view to excite any party
feeling-ihat very distinguished gentleman OF your
party once used term which thought to be plain