The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-11-03


the nation il 10 impossible to forsses. We are equally
in the dark, whsthsr We examine the spirit Of tho
people or the character Of their ruler The latter
only know Is apoltic schener, who win allow NO
obstacle TO interfere with the execution Of his plans
"a man Of indomitable will and unshakable per
severance, whom no danger can anest-no defeat
subdue but Of his love for abstract liberty
We have no means Of judging The people are,
il possible, still greater enigma. They are
tolsrably eontentsd nonarchists day, fair ave.
rage republicans the next, raving socialists the
third; and on the fourth, they seemed frensed by
mania to get rid Of the last vesige Of their liberty
Whether the next scene will find them friends Of
constitutional government, or willing slave to
depot, it is impossible to conjecture, There are
equal reasons for expecting either; and We viii not
adventure a prophecy at risk.
Whatever be tue result of the change, as regards
the people of France, il is certain that the Emperor
viii be regarded by the nations Of Europe in very
different light from the President. The tone Of The
Times has materially altered within the last few
days, and 1t now throws out psin hints that its ami
mostly will be charmed away if the French army is
reduced and the Emperor shows symptoms of an
amicable disposition to wards Great Britain. Aus
tria and Russia would prefer any dynastic govern
ment in France to republic, even though they
were compelled to fraternixe with the nephew of
Napoleon. Il is not probable that the veteran
statesmen who are in power at Vienna and st. Pc.
tersburg deluding themselves into the belief that
the empire will be perpetual, even of longer du-
ration than any Of its predecessors; but ephemeral
though it may be, it is infinitely preferable to re
public. 1t is, at all events q truce to the great
C;olx ~ tlo A.,t
favorable opportunity.
II seems to be the prevailing opinion that in case
of war between Great Britain and France, Prussia
would probably side with the former, while Austria
would remain neutral, in the hope Of crushing the
rising power Of Prussia in Germany. notwithstanding
the military honors paid to the memory Of the Duke OF
Wellington it is well known that the cabinet at Wen
ma is far from cherishng the most friendly feelings
towards the English. The common bond Of interest
which united Austria and Britain in their resistance
to Napoleon, no longer exists present. and the for
mer has deadly foe than the free press and free
people of the latter. Prussia, on the other hand is
sure ally Of Great Britain, and would take part,
without hesitation, in any struggle between that
country and France. Russas policy is obviously to
remain neutral until the dyke which the central
European monarchies now constitute against the
croachments Of democracy, bs broken down. Then
so far as We can judge from what We see to day
che mustake the lead in the great struggle between
hereditary and popular rights. Austria, Prussia,
and perhaps some Of the minor German powers, will
flock round her banners. But the real enemy Of the
people will be Russia.
Meanwhile, Great Britain, like this country, is
looking with tolerable indifference on the signs Of
the times on the Continent. Her internal politics
fat as they really are-seem to be engrossing public
attention. Parliament is to meet on the 4th inst,
Tor the despatch Of business Earl Derby is prepar
ed to open the houses, without policy-without
party measure resolved on. A protec-
ZIONIST by principle, he has pledged himself to carry
out the FREQ trade doctrine, in obedience to thewil
of his constituents. 1t will be- to the best Of our re-
collection, the first instance in which the prime
minister Of England will have played the part of
special pleader, and defended, or a. least acted
as though he defended, a course of conduct which
everybody knows is imcal to his feelings and opin-
ons There may be shrewdness in the act but it is
not very manly, not very consistent in the represen-
tatue Of the Derby family, or the tory party. In
plain truth, the issue was laid before ministers, as
consistency place, and they unhesita.ingly chose
the latter The sincerity of their professions to
be tested by the wings and the Grahamitss, soon
as the ceremony of Wellington's funeral, and some
other matters, disposed Of Lord Derby will then
have to choose between votin for free trade or suf
fering an ingorOus defeat The discreet silence
which he has observed since the election, prevents
our forming an accurate guess Us to his own views
on the subject but we can draw significant infer
ence from the gradual conversion Of his subordi.
mates. Should he resolutcly refuse to redeem his
former pledges to the agrculturiss, and pursue the
same commercial policy his predecessors in Office,
he will undoubtedly retain power for o time, and
the republican projects Of the radicals will be laid
on the shelf. Should he on the contrary, adhere to
the vacilatng tactics he has hitherto employed,
atempta retrograde step towards protection he will
at once be hurled from power, and new ministry
in which it seems likely that Sir James Graham viii
occupy conspicuous post-will be entrusted with
the destinies of Great Britain.
THE TARGET COMPANIES OF New YoRK.-We are