The republic., 1852-01-12

fled with having kind masters; it demands a par
tcIpation in its own governmen; and in States
much advanced in civilization it urges this de-
mand with constancy and energy that cannot
we'll nor long be resisted. There are, happily,
enough Of regulated governments in the world,
and those among the most distinguished, to ope-
rate as constant examples, and to keep alive
ceasing painting in the bosoms of men for the en-
joyment Of similar free institutions
When tho English revolution Of 1858 took place.
the English people did not content the nselves with
the example of Runnymede; they did not build
their hopes upon royal charters; they did not like
ths authors Of the Laybach crce.ar. suppose that
oil useful changes in constitutions and laws must
proceed from those only whom God has rendered
responsible for power. They were somewhat bet
ter instructed in the principles of civil liberty, or
at least they better lovers Of those principles
than the sovereigns of Laybach. Instead of pcti-
tioning for charters they declared their rights and
while they offered to the Prince of Orange the
crown with one hand. they held in the other
enumeration Of those privileges which they did not
profcss to hold as favors but which they dema nded
and insisted upon their undoubted rjghts.
need not stop TO observe. Mr.. Chairman, how
totally hostile these doctrines Of Laybach to the
| fundamental principles of our Government. They
are in direct contradictions; the principles Of good
and evil are hardly moro opposite If these prin.
| ciples Of the sovereigns be true. we but in
state Of rebellion or Of anarchy, and only toe-
rated among civilized States because il has not yet
been convenient to reduce us to the true standard.
But the second, and, if possible. the still more
Objectionable principle, nvowed in these papers is
interference
other States. right to control nations in their de-
sire to change their own government. wherever it
may be conjectured or pretended, that such change
might furnish an example to the subjects of other
States, is plainly and distinctly asserted. The
same Congress that made the declaration at Lay.
bach had declared, before its removal from Trop-
pau, "that the powers have an undoubted right to
take hostile attitude in regard TO thoso States in
which the overthrow OF the government may ope-
rate example"
There cannot, as think, be conceived a more
fragrant violation Of public law, or national indie
pendence, than ia contained in this short cGclara-
tion.
No matter what be the character of the govern
ment resisted; matter with what weight the foot
of the oppressor bears the neck of the oppressed
if he struggle, or if he complain he sets danger
Gus example Of resistance, and from that moment
he becomes an object Of hostility to the most pow
erful potentates OF the earth. want words to ex-
press my adherence of this abominable princi-
pie. trust every enlightened man throug ghout
the world will oppose it, and that especially those
who, like ourselves, are fortunately out of the
reach Of the bayonets that enforce it, will pro.
claim their detestation of it, in tone both
loud and decisive. The avowcd object Of such
declarations is to preserve the peace Of the
world But by what means is it proposed to pre-.
serve this peace? Simply by bringing the power
Of all governments to bear against all subjects
Here TO be established sort Of double, treble
or quadruple. or, for aught know, quntuple allie
glance. An offence against one king is to be an
offence against all kings, and the power of all il
DC put IOrtn Ior Oh the offender.
right to interfere in extreme cases, in the
Of contiguous States and where imminent danger
10 threatened to one by what is occurring in
other, ia not without precedent in modern times,
upon What has been called the law Of vicinage;
| and when confined to extreme cases. and limited
TO a certain extent, it may perhaps be defended
upon principles OF necessity and self defence. But
to maintain that sovereigns may go to war upon
the subjects OF another State to repress an exam
pie, is monstrous indeed. What is to be the limit
TO such principle, or to the practice grow out
OF 1t! What, In any case. but sovereign pleasure
10 to decide whether the example be good or bad !?
And what under the operation of such a rule, may
| be thought Of our example! Why are We not as
fair objects for the operation of the prineipi.
as any OF those who may attempt reform OF gov
| ernment on the other side of the Atlantic
The ultimate effect of this alliance Of sovereigns
! for objects personal TO themselves, respecting
only the permanence Of their own power, must be-
the destruction of all just feeling and all natural
| sympathy, between those who exercise the power
of government and those who subject TO il.
The old channels Of mutual regard and confidence
are to be dried up cut off Obedience can now
be expected no longer than il is enforced. Instead
Of relying the nffecio of the governed sover-
eigns to rely the affections and friendships
OF other sovereigns There arc, in short, longer
10 be nations. Princes and people no longer TO
unite for interests common To them both. There 10
to be end OF all patriotism, MS distinct national
feeling. Society is TO be divided horizontally; all
sovsreigns above, and all subjects below; the former
coaescing for their own security and Tor the more
certain subsection of the undistin gusbed multi
tude beneath. This, sir, is no picture drawn
by Imagination. | have hardly used language
stronger than that in which the authors of this
new system have commented their own
work. Nj. de Chateaubriand, in his speech
in the French Chamber of Deputies in February
last declared that he had conference with the En-.
pcror OF Russia, at Verona, in which that nugust
sovereign uttered sentiments which appeared to
him 80 precious that he Immediately FASTENED homo
and wrote them down while yet resh in his rccol-
lection. "The emperor declared" said he s'that
4 thera Ion ha hf,,a, l,.b
French, Russian Prussisn or Austrian policy; there
10 bencefoth but one policy which, for the safety of
all. should be adopted both by people and kings 1t
for me fret TO show myself convinced of the
principles upon which founded the alliance; an
occasion offered itself the rising in Greece. No
thing certainly could occur more for my interests
for the interests OF my people; nothing more &C.
ceptable TO my country than religious war in
Turkey. But have thought ! perceived in tho
troubles Of the Morea the sign OF revolution, and
have held back. Providence has not put under my |
command eight hundred thousand soldiers TO satis-
fy my nmbition but to protect religion, morality.
and Justice and to secure the prevalence of those
principles Of order which human society rests |
II may we'll be permitted that kin gs may have pub.
lie alliances to defend themselves against secret
encmics."
These, sir, arc the words which the French Min
ister thought so important that they deserved to be
recorded; and j, too, cir, am Of the same opinion.
But If il he true that there IL hereafter to be neither
Russian policy, Prussian policy, nor m
Austrian policy, nor French policy. nor even,
which yet will not believe, an English policy |
there will be. trust IN God, un American policy. |
IL the authority Of all these governments be hercnf
ter TO be mixed and blended, and to flow, in one |
augmented current Of prcrogative. the face Of
Europe, sweeping away all resistance in its course.
IL will yet remain for us to secure own happ |
ness by the preservation Of own principles; |
which hope VIC shall have tho manlincss to ex |
prcss on all proper occasions, aud the spirit TO dc
fend in every extremity. The end and scope Of |
this anal gsmated policy are neither more nor less |
than this, to interfere by force for any govcrnme Mt
against any people who may resist it, BE the state
of the people what il may, they shall not rise; be
the government what it will, it shall not be op |
posed.
The practical commentary has corrcspondcd |
with the plain language of the text. Look at Spain
and At Greece. ii men may not resist the Spanish /
lnqusition and the Turkish cimeter, what 10 there
to which humanity must not SUBMIT Stronger |
cnscs can never arise. u il not proper for at all
timcs, is it not duty at this time TO come forth
and deny, and condemn, there monstrous princi |
pes' Where but here, and in ono other place, are
they likely to be resistcd2 They arc advanced With
equal cooncss nnd boldncss; and they are support
ed by immense power. The timid will shrink and
givo way, and many Of the brave may be COMPEL. |
ed to yield to force Human liberty may yet, per
baps, be obliged to repose it's principal hopes on the
intelligence and vigor of the Saxon race IA far |