Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1852-02-09

eshn& aGcOunt OF thc lutcISWW ucAWccu
NJ. Kossuih aud Mr.. Clay. The manly
and pusrio,ic terms. in which the noble old
Statesman spoke lis thoughts to his dis'in-
guishedvisiter. will endcar him more warm
" than ever to the country. whose welfare
seems nearer to his heart. as his means Of
serving it diminish.
The company pre- sent on the occasion.
the Intelligcnccr says, consisted OF Scna-
tors Cass. Jones Of Tennessee. Mr.. Fendal
Of that city, and the Hon. Presley Ewing.
OF Kentucky. The last named gentleman
has been induced. at the instance of several
persons. and with the consent Of Mr.. Clay.
to give a more extended and careful re-
port Of the interview. and especially Of
Mr.. Chy's remarks, which we publish be-
low. and which may be regarded as au-
Ihentic, having. besides the authority Of
Mr.. Ewing. the sanction Of Senator Jones.
by whom the report has been examined
and approved.
NJ. Kossu,h was introduced by Mr.. Cass
at about three o'clock.
On being presented to Mr.. Clay, who
roscto receive him. "Sir," said he, IL thank
you for the honor Of this interview"
II beg you to believe" said Mr.. Clay.
interrupting him, "that it is | who am hon.
ored. viii you lie pleased to be seatedl"
After the mutual interchange Of civil
ties, Il owe you. sir" said Mr.. Clay. ian
apology for not having acceded before to
the desire you were kind enough to init
mate more than once, to see me. But real
ly my health has been so feeble that did
not dare to hazard the excitement Of so in
teres'ing an interview. Besides, sir" he
added with some pleasantly, "your won
derful and fascinating cloquence has mes.
merized so large portion OF our people,
wherever you have gone, and even some
of ourmembers Of Congress" waving his
hand towards the two or three gentlemen
who were present, shat feared to come
under its influence. lest you night shake
my faith in some principles in regard to
theforeign policy oithis Government which
| have long and constantly cherished
And in regard to this matter. you will al
low me, hope, TO speak with that stint err
~ and candor which becomes the interest
the subject has for you and for myself,
and which is due to us both as the votarics
of freedom. trust you will believe me,
too. when tell you that entertain ever
the livcliest sympathics in every struggle
for liberty. in Hungary, and in every coun-
try. And in this, believe, express the
universal sentiment of my counrrymen.-
But, sir for the sake Of my country, you
must allow me to protest against the poll
cy you propose to her. Waiving the
grave and momentous question ofthe right
of one nation to assume the executive
power among nations, for the enforcement
of international law, or ofthe right of The
United States to dictate TO Russia the char
actcr Of her relations with the nations
around her, let us come ut orce 10 the
practical consideration the matter You
tell us yourself, with great truth and pro-
prety. that mere sympathy, or the expires
sion of sympathy, cannot advance your
purpose. You require material aid. And
indeed il is manifest that The mere dcclara-
lions of the sympathy of Congress. or of
the President, or Of the public. " ould be
of little avail, unless we were prepared to
enforce those declarations by resort to
arms. and unless other nations could see
that preparation and determination upon
our part.
Well. sir, suppose that war should lie
the issue Of the course You propose to us,
could we then effect any thing for you. our.
selves, or the cause Of libcrt,l To trans
port men and arms across the ocean in
sufficient numbers and quaniies TO be cf-
iective against Russia and Austria would
be impossible. Its a fact which perhaps
may not be generally known, that the
most imperative reason with great Britain
for the close Of her last war with us, was
the immense cost of the transportation and
maintenance of forces and munitions Of war
on such distant threatre, and yet she had
not perhaps more than thirty thousand
men. upon this continent at any time
Upon land Russia is invalucrable to us, as
we are to her. Upon the ocean. war be-
tween Russia and this country would re-
suit in mutual annoyance to commerce.
but probably in little else. learn recent
ly that her war marine is superior TO that
of any nation in Europe, except perhaps
Great Britain. Her ports are few, her
commerce limited; while we. on our part.
would offer as prey to her cruisersa rich
and extensive commerce. Thus, sir, after
nothing in such war, after a
bandoning our ancient policy Of unity and
in the affairs Of other ma
lions, and thus jusiifying them in aban-
doning the terms Of forLcarance and nom
interference, which they have hitherto pre-
served towards us; after the downfall,
perhaps, of the friends of liberal institu-
lions in Europe. her despois. Initiating and
provoked by our fatal example. may turn
upon us in the hour Of our weakness and
exhaustion. and, with an almost equally
irresistible force of reason and Of arms,
they may say to US, "You have set US the
example; you have quit your own to stand
on foreign ground; you have abandoned
the policy you professcd in the day Of
your weakness, to interfere in the affairs
ofihc people upon this continent, in behalf
of,hose principles, the supremacy Of which
you say Is necessary TO your prosperity,
10 your existence. We, in our turn, be-
leiving tiiat your anarchical doctrines are
destructive of. and that monarchical prin-
ciplcs are essential to the peace, security.
and happiness Of our subjects, will oblit-
crate the bed that has nourishcd such nox
ious weeds; we will crush you, as the pro-
pagandists Of doctrines SO destructive Of
the peace and good order Of the world"
Theindomiiablc spirit ofour people might,
and woold be equal 10 the emergency. and
we might remain unsubducd even by so
tremendous a combination, but the conse-
qncnces 10 us would be terrible enough.
You must allow me, sir, 10 speak thus