New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1852-12-27
sLAvERY,s ATTITUDE FOR 1888.

sLAyERY,s ATTITUDE FOR 1888.
There was time when all the authentic or
influential utterances of our country were ad-
verse TO Human Slayery-that is, to its abb
stract justice and consequently to its expan-
sion and perpetuity The Statesmen and He
roes who won our Independence were all in
sentiment hostile to Slavery, and the immor-
tai Preamble to the Declaration was in their
mouths no mockery, no cant, no hypocrisy, but
a living and precious truth. Hence the Pro-
yiso Of the Continental Congress which ex-
Guided Slavery forever from the Territory
Northwest of the Obedience the provision
in the Constitution that Congress should have
power to prohibit the African Slave-Trade
from and after 1908; hence the attitude of the
Free States in 1919 and the better features of
the Missouri Compromise. That Slavery was
essentially, desirable or justifable was never
pretended by the leaders of opinion throughout
the purer days of our Republic.
The Age of Annexation, however, has wit
messed radical and by no means favorable
merely in its Southern strongholds, but by the
more brazen Of its Northern servitors as a
good thing in itself-not calamity inflicted on
US by Great Britain, which We must have time
to be safely rid of-but blessing to be
priced, and diff'used, and made eternal. Thus
The Richmond Examiner, in an Editorial arti-
Gle on the "Affectionatc and Christian APP
peal Of many thousands of the Women of Eng
land" respecting Slavery, thus delivers itself;
The Countess Dowagers viii produce no other sen.
saon in America than that mOmentsry irritation which
follows display Of impotent mpernence and Is only
worthy of our notice Illustration of the temper of
the world toward the labor law OF these State. All the
earth unite TO sccuse denounce aud misrepresent
High and low far and near the face Of Humanity is
against Slavery Can the institution support this weight
OF condemnation Certainly, nothing that is morally
wrong or unjust nothing that violates natural law
could hope possibly 10 support IT, But az we believe
long study Of the subject that Slavery violates
natural or moral law, correct sentiment or rational
princi e-th1t il is thing good, right, and useful in
sewe do think tina. it viii survive all the abuse Of al
the world and that the prejudice prevalent against
it viii disappear before the enlargement Of knowledge
and the sober settlement ofhuman opinion.
"A this ouicry IL based on two asserons-that we ap
propste the labor OF slaves without their consent
and that we give them no opportunity to rise into
higher grade OF civilization But we do the thing
are incapable Of higher civilization than the condition
they in and that they better on when they are
the slaves OF men than when they wild. uncare1 for
and useless In the woods and deserts Why not apply
the same just remark to the slavery Of negroes TO white
nCnf
The only reason given why we should not do so, IL
the assumption that the negro race Is capable OF rising
10 higher point Of intelligence and usefulness in state
Of freedom than in Of bondage to the white race
II this assumption could be proven true the moral ques.
ton would be decided for ever One set of mea have
no right TO keep another set of men down, by force
or law, to agraae of moral excellence aud intellectual
power lower and more confined than that of which they
are capable. Hence the ensayement of one Dor.
ton Of the white race by another would be a moral
wrong. But the assumption that the negro race can
ever rse to point Of civilization higher than that il a.
ans in Slavery 10 white men, is incapable Of proof All
the proof on the other side We have their history
for three or four thousand years every quarter of thu
globe under az conceivable circumstance and under
every climate. Yet never in single instance mas a
negro nation orig mated civilization never retained civ.
izston when gventhem, nor ever eristed in state Of
CIVILIZATION save when occupying the position Of bonds
men IN the midst OF q white nation. Now when we find
the same fact recurring often under such Diversity
Of attendant circumstances and remaining unchanged.
bic a. the nature OF ire and water during this immense
lspee OF newe ID Is only rational for US 10 recog-
nize II as the eject Of elementary prncple-soe
final osusesnd reduce it under some general law. Il
becomes only rational 10 recognize slavery az the MOST
civilized condition Of the negro race and the support ),
that institution as the duty Of the white race
Believing that Negro Slavery not only violates no
law OF a. the world thinks tOess
but that Il has this deep certain foundation in the
fitness and utility Of things also believe that II viii
outlast the Christianity OF Countess Doyacers the in
tngues OF PRESIDENTIAL csrdidates-ay, outt his Union
iisel We believe that when the voice of reason ana
true fact slowly penetrs;es the present buub of
passion, that the latter VIII become silent and that ali
the world VIII admit the usefulness and propriety Of
Negro Slavery with az unannify less complete than
tLat with which il Is now denounced"
Here We have the true Slavery Platform
the one on which the institution must stand
if it is to stand at all. Black Slavery is right
and proper, because negroes are not really
men, but essentially brutes. The affirmance of
this position implies
l. A denial of the Bible doctrine that all
men sprang originally from Adam and Eve and
that so God hath made of one blood. all "a.
tons of men,"
3 A denial of the fundamental assertion If
the Declaration of Independence, that "We
hold these truths to be selfevident that ali
men are created equal; that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain inalienable rights.
that among these are Life, liberty and the Dur.
suit Of happiness" &C., &c.
g. A denial of the justice, philanthropy and
wisdom Of our National efforts to suppress the !