Spirit of Jefferson. [volume] (Charles Town, Va. [W. Va.]) 1844-1948, 1852-10-12

Dromise'' and the 'tEfngitive Slave Law," Whicl
| had but recently occupied the most PFomlnen
place in the columns Of the Wing papers melte'
away before the gi0ries OF Lundy's Lane, anI
| Churubusco, Chippewa and CerIo GordO, just q
| Fillmore and Webster had fallen beneath tht
cleaning sword of Scott, and the assalllsq qt hii
/ Free Soil allies. But notwithstanding this re
markable change In Southern Wing views, the
| facts and arguments which their papers had
made use Otto defeat Scott, still remain. They
are undisPuted and indispuabe They refuse
70 vanish At the mandate Of q Convention, or e
lessen their force TO accommodate The varying
We've of Wing politicians. =,
The question between the North and South,
as far as Scott Is concerned, is precisely the
same as the question between Northern and
Southern Wings before the nomination. As the
candidate of the Wing party he occupies the
same position towards 4he South that be oeeu-
pied towards tho Southern Wings as the candt-
date of section. u he reasons which were give
an ~ fsohfhefn Nv fes should vote for ELL.
tlIUft llll5 ole - "a
that they should vote for Pierce against Scott
At least, we cannot see why men Eh0endeaVOf-
ed t0defeat another when he was an aspiFant for
a nomination, as means of reaching the Presf-
dency, should now call on Democrats to assist
them in eleVating him TO that position. If they
did not think he was fit to be nominated, we
are justified in thinking that he is not. fit 70 be
elected. llT ft
II we now carry our researches littIe further
into the past we find that General SCOTS antece-
dents are precisely those which would make him
eligible as the candidate OF thatfsectiOn Ofthe
Wing party which procured his nomination.
The principal fact urged as a proof of Scotts
soundness is, that he is native of the South,
and therefore in feeling and sympathy identified
with its institutions and its principles. The
weakness Ofthis argument Is evident. In fact,
il is SO maniEestly 4bsurd as scarcely to merit
refutation. But il the fact of his birth be admit
ted to create presumptiOniu his favor that pre-
sumption is more than cOnnteFbalanced by his
change Of residence and affilialion with the enc
mics Of the South in order to secure the Pres.
deDcys In addition to this overwhelming fact
we have his own declaration for the proof of his
hostility 10 slavery, and his opposition to South
eFn principles. ~
In IS42, he addressed to T. P. Atkinson, Esq,
his celebrated letter on Slavery. In that letter
we find the following language. Alter stating,
as does every agitator from Hale down to the
abolition penny-a.liner, that Jefferson is his
guide on The subject, Gen. Scott says he is Or
gradual emancipation, and adds:
''Hence, if l had the honor of seat in the
Virginia Legislature in the winter of lS3I.'32,
when, bill was brought forward TO carry out
those views, should certainly have given it my
hearty support"
John Randolph, speaking of this bill, charac-
terized it as an attempt al serVile insurreCliOn.
lie Gen. Scott also says as follows:
of masters and slayeholding States to
employ all means, ,notincompatible with the safe
~ Of both colors, TO melioRte Slavery even to
determination"
These sentiments are bad enough, but as they
relate merely 10 slavery in its moral aspect may
be said thai there is nothing practically objection
II in them. But we have still further and strong
er evidence. is known that the first and most
vigorous attacks of the abOlItionists have been
made on slavery in the District Of Columbia
They have always regarded a triumph there as
he first and principal means to be adopted fOFthe
OF their maj purpose.
Gen. Scott recognizes the constitutionality of
slavery in the District, and i'll certain
it's prOpriety. Hear him. After
saying that Congress has no power to abolish
slavery in the slavc-holding States, he says:
81 hold the opposite opinion in respect TO the
District of Columbia. Here, with the consent
Of the owners, or on the payment of 'ust COM
Congress may legislate at it's discre-
ion.'' 8.gt
From these extracts it is seen that he was an
advocate Of emancipation in Virginia; that he
regards 1t as . HIGH MORAL OBLIGATION TO NE.
LIoRATE SLAVERY, EVEN To ExTERMINATIon''-
hat he believes ia the cOnstitutOnalily of abO.
fishing slavery in the District of Columbia.
Thus we have shown that both in position
and antecedents, General Scott is unworthy Of
Southern support. His position is that of q sPe-
cial candidate of the Free SOilers and even abo.
tionists, whose only claim to nationality is that
hat they act within aud control the organiza-
ion of the Wing party. His antecedents are
hose of a man who detests slavery, who thinks
i a "high moral obligation 10 meliorate slavery
sVen TO extermination,' and who agrees with
he abolitionists in regard TO the abolition of
slavery inthe District Of Columbia, and the duty
of Congress to receive, refer and report on abo-
tion petitions.
The evidences of his unsoundness are thus
FIRsT-His advocacy of Emancipation in
Virginia, and declaring that the amelioration
0t Slavery to determination was moral obli-
CATION, resting upon masters and slave-hOlding
States.
SEcoSD.-His favoring the abolition of slave
" in the District of Columbia under certain con.
litions.
TH1RD.-Hisp political affiliations with the open
and aYowed enemies of the South.
FoURTH.-His doctrine that Congress should
not only receive and refer abolition petitions but
also report upon them-lhus scattering incendia-
~ documents over the entire country at the pub.
lie expense.
A stronger array ofproof could not be brought
10 prove any proposition, than is before the
public 10 show that the South cannot possibly
vote for Scott, withouta disregard of her dearest
interests