The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-07-09
THE PRESIDENCY.
speeeh Of Hon. Il. Toombs, of Georgia.

THE PRESIDENCY.
Speech Of Hon. Il. TOOmbs, Of Georgia.
In the House of Representatives, July 3, 1852
The House being in the Committee of the
Whole on the state of the Union, and having
under consideration the deficiency bill
Mr.. TOOMBS said:
Mr.. CHAIRMAN: 1t is my purpose to offer to
this House, and through them to the country,
some considerations touching the approaching
Presidential election. The task, sir, is not an
agreeable one to me- The facts and the details
ara dry and uninteresting. They become impor-
tant only in reference to their connection with
that great event. bring to this disagreeable
duty, sir, no resentments, no antipathies, no dis
appointments. do not flatter myself that l
shall agree, in the views which am about TO
submit, with any considerable portion of the
gentlemen of this House, and probably with
not great number elsewhere. Therefore, there
is but one motive that could induce me to sub.
motive is public duty.
The political organization with which have
acted for the last two years have declared the
final settlement of the questions which have agl'
tated this country for the last fifteen years in
mount to all questions of policy which have
hitherto divided the two parties in this country.
| concurred, sir, most fully in that declaration.
1t had the appreciation of my Judgment and
shall adhere TO it with fidelity. That organiza'
ton declared that it W aid support gentlemen
of any political party, in any part OF this repub-
lie. in the North as well az the South, who con-
Cured with them in opinion upon these great
and vital questions.
After thislong agitation of fifteen years. my
constituents desire repose, security, ana an emo
to this sectional strife, and they intend to get It,
if it can be had by any action OF theirs upon the
Presidential election
In conformity with these views of local,
though not sectional organization, during the
last session of Congress, many gentlemen OF
this House, and many gentlemen OF the other
branch of Congress, representing both Northern
and Southern States, aided by that illustrous
statesman whom we have here 80 recently had
to depore the loss of, declared that they would
support no man for President of the United
States who was not known to be in favor of the
acts of the last session of Congress, known as
the compromise, and to discountenance all fur.
Their agitation upon the subject of slavery. ]
approved of that pledge, too, sometimes called
| in derison by its opponents, " the mutual insu-
rance company" | say, | approved of that
pledge, and intend to adhere to it also, with
fidelity 1t is the key, sir, to my present posi-
ton, and to my future action with reference to
this Presidential election.
There are some facts connected with the
election of the Chief Magistrate of this Union
that deserve to be noted, and deeply considered
by the American people. That article of the
Constitution which provides for this election
has already been practically subverted. Within
the first fifteen years of this government it
became necessary to amend it. 1t was amended
The government went on, from 1889 to 1882
with and apparent and, to great extent, Il real
conformity to those constitutional provisions.
But from 1882 to this moment, on account of
causes to which | will advert, all real control
over the election of the Chief Magistrate ofthi-
country has been taken out of the hands of the
people, and placed in that of political juntoes,
calling themselves National Conventions. If the
present be the best policy it ought to be regu-
lated by law If it be wise, and safe, and
proper mode of selecting the Chief Magistrate
of this great republic, that each political party
should meet in convention, and present each
one person to the American people, and, from
those thus selected, the President should be
chosen, then, say, the Constitution ought to
be amended, and the details of the plan should
be regulated by law, so that we should have
some security that the President should be
real representative, if not of the country, at
least Of party. You have no such security
now. And, l apprehend if this plan for the
amendment Of the Constitution. and the election
Of the President, was submitted to the Ameri-
can people, it would find but few advocates.
even among the most sturdy friends of regular
nominations" Yet we stand, sir, practically,
this day, upon that very basis. 1t is great
fact in our political history the fact ITSELF and
the means by which it has been produced, the
| inatrumentalities which have been used, and the
objects for which it has been accomplished, it's
effects upon our system of government, all de.
mand the earnest consideration of the people.
The Constitution provides. that "each State
shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature
thereof may direct a number OF electors, equal
TO the whole number of Senators and Represent
atives to which the State may be entitled in the
| Congress-" whose duty it shall be to vote for
some citizen for the Presidency of the United
States, and in the event that no person should
get majority of such electors, then the House
of Representatives, voting by States, shall elect
the President
The trainers Of the Constitution intended these
electors to have real discretion. They were
intended to be agents of the people, and not the
machines Of conventions. So much Of the plan
as looked to any discretion in the electors failed
at once, but the power which the electors lost
fell into the hands of its rightful owners-the
people. With this modification, the constitutional
plan was steadily and successfully pursued, un.
aided and uncontrolled, except by the lawful
agents Of the people, from the beginning of the