The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-26
From Tie atlgt.is (0a.) chrontelt and sesiinal.
letter from Mr.. Stephens.

letter from Mr.. stephens.
| We need scarcely remark that the subjoined
letter from fhe Hon. A. H. Stephens, in reply to
one from gentlemen in the interior OF the
State, and which we are authorized TO publish,
affords MS sincere qualification.
] IL is just such letter as Ne expected from
him, on the questions which it discusses with
so much point, force, and ability, and cannot
fail to command the respect of, if it should not
carry conviction to, all classes of readers
\ WAsHISGToN Cry, February 7, 1852.
My DEAR Sir Your esteemed favor Of the
I'd inst, was received yesterday. You ask what
| think Of the late movement of our friends IN
Milledgeyille. In reply ! say, briefly and plain
ly, that so far as it may be considered as indicat
ing the expression of an opinion in favor OF
sending delegates to the Baltimore convention,
am utterly opposed 10 H.
The first and second of the resolutions Of that
meeting have my cordial approval. The first
re-affirms the principles of the Constitutional
Union party, and reiterates determination to
adhere TO them. The second provides for the
call of convention in the State at some suit.
able time hereafter, to take into consideration
the subject of the Presidential election, and to
adopt suchcour in relation to it rs duty and
patriotism may then dictate as proper This is
all right. And while cannot concur with some
/ in believing that the third resolution was in
tended by those who adopted il, to bear the
construction which has been put upon it, to wit
| that its object was to commit the party, in ad-
vance, to send delegates to the Baltimore con.
vention-sti mean simply TO say, that if such
was the intention, / am unqualfedly opposed TO
IT,
The new organization in Georgia was called
into existence upon an extraordinary crisis IN
our public affairs That crisis has not yet
passed by. Those who think so, draw differ
ent conclusions from the signs of the times from
what do. The present (apparenD calm is but
| ten porary suspension of the dangerous ele-
| ments which then ragged so furiously That
party was formed upon the principles set forth
and embodied in the action of the State con-
vention in December, 1850. Those principles
| need not repeat to you. They were such as
large majority of the people of Georgia then
thought, and as 1 still think, essential to the
maintenance of the rights Of her people and the
union of the States. They were moreover, not
sectional either in their character or objects.
| They were, and are, as broad as the Union, and
as wide as the limits of the jurisdiction of the
Constitution and in the very organization of
that party which was formed by an aburation
| and remuneration Of all old party names and af-
| filatons by all who entered into il, we offered
| to unite with any and all men, irrespective of
past party distinctions, in every section of the
country, whether in the South or North, who
would make these principles cardinal point ia
their creed. The same position we still hold,
AS yet, no party at the North has given any such
assurance. The Baltimore convention has not
| been called with any such view or object so
far from it, many Of our bitterest assailants, at
the South as well as at the North, have already
been duly appointed members oft. Could any
idea be more preposterous than the project Of
sending delegates TO convention Of our oppo.
nents, for fear that they may not conduct their
proceedings according to our liking Such
would certainly be a novel course in our politi.
cal tactics.
| If those members of that convention from the
South, who were lately so loud in their denun-
citation of all men at the North, and who were
so particularly censorious Of our position at
home, shall acknowledge their errors and put
| themselves upon our principles, and shall purge
that body Of its Freesoil elements and shall also
present to the country good candidate for the
Presidency it will be time enough for US to con-
meet ourselves with their action after they shall
have given US these evidences of their being en-
titled TO our confidence and cooperation. A
good candidate, standing on our principles, and
put forward by an organization standing upon
the same principles, is all we want.
Whether that convention will come up 70
these acquisitions, is one Of the problems that
future developments only can solve. My APP
4 prehension is, that il will not Upon what in.
dications others found more favorable expecta.
tons, am at loss TO conjecture. Is il from the
fact that Colonel Folks resolution was rejected
| in the congressional caucus at the beginning of
the present session! Is II from the fact that
Mr.. Bartlett, whose name appears as one Of the
committee who called that convention, was
elected to the seat he now holds in the House
of Representatives as an open and avowed Free.
soiLer Is it from the fact that Mr.. Rantoul,
the champion and defender Of that most unprin
cipled Of all coalitions in the annals of political
| profligacy in Massachusetts,, is one of the mem
/ bers Of that convention! Or is il from the fact
that the Union newspaper in this city puts
down the most ultra men Of the South and tn
most rabid Free-soilers at the North, now in
Congress, as all good Democrats, and equally
entitled 10 mem bership and fellowship in the
great marty of which il processes to be the sole
organ'
Ii so, have only 10 say, that these and
other indications which might mention have
quite contrary effect on me. That conven.
ton, therefore, so called and so constituted, as
well as all other national conventions, whether
Democratic or Wing, must be put right on the
record as a condition precedent, before looking
10 me for any support or countenance. speak
only for myself The Constitutional Union
party can speak for itself when its convention
assemblies. But can any one doubt that the
moral power and influence Of our position upon
the action Of the Baltimore convention would
be much greater outside than inside Of its de.
liberationsl Would they be less likely to com.
ply with our demands from fear Of our defiance
| in case Of refusal, than TO be controlled by our
wishes after voluntary surrender IL we 20
into their organization without The condition
precedent Of recognition and endorsement OF
our principles, shall we not be in the condition
Of veteran troops beguled and betrayed un
armed into the camp Of the enemy The idea
Of men thus situated Insisting on terms Is sim
ply ridiculous; captures may be allowed 10 BEG
for quarters, but who ever heard Of them de-
planding concessi0nsl And is this the time foI
our party to put itself in such humiliating pc.
i s;t;ap Tho extraordinary effort that il nou