Hannibal journal. (Hannibal, Mo.) 1852-1853, 1852-12-23


some provisions which Il does actually contain.
But 10 coerce Il into silence, 10 endeav or 10 re-
strain It's free expression, TO seek 10 compress
and confine Il, warm as il Is, and more heated
as such endeavors would inevitably render Il,
should this be attempted, know nothing
even in the Constitution or in the Union itself
which would not be endangered by the explo.
sion which might follow"
He always said that Slavery was q local matter
Of the South, sectional, not national. He took the
ground in 1890 that the General Government
had nothing 10 do with it. In 1910, standing
under the October sun at Richmond, he declared
again that there was no power, direct or indi-
rect in Congress or the general government, to in
terfcre in the smallest degree with the 'institu-
ton Of the South.
Yet, after all, on IKE 7th Of March, 1850, he
could make Eat speech--you know il too well.
he refused TO exclude slavery by law from
California and New Mexico. II would 'irri-
tate the South, would re-enact the law Of God. )
He declared Congress was bound 10 make four
new States of Texas; 10 allow all the territory
below SO deg. 30 min. 10 become slave States;
he declared that he would give Texas fifty thou
sand square miles Of land for slave territory and
$4,000, 900; would not refuse to Virginia $40, :
600 900, derived from the sales of the public
lands, 10 expatriate the free colored people from
her soil; that he would support the Fugitive bill
with all its amendments, with all its provisions
to the fullest extent.
You know the Fugitive Slave bill too we'll
II is bad enough now; then it was far worse, for
then every one Of the seventeen thousand post
masters Of America became a legal kidnapper
by that bill. He pledged our Massachusetts, "a
support it, and that with alacrity. My friends,
you all know the speech Of the 9Th March--you
know how men felt when the telegraph brought
the first news. They could not believe the
lightning. You know how the wing party, and
the democratic party, and the newspapers, treat
ed the report. When the speech came in full,
you know the effect. One Of the most conspic-
uous men Of the State, q man in high Office, de-
clared that Mr.. Webster seemed inspired by
the devil to the extent Of his intellect You
know the indignation then felt, the sorrow and
anguish. i think not hundred prominent men
in all New England acceded to tie speech. But,
such was the power of that gigantic intellect,
that, eighteen days after his speech, nine hun
dred and eighty-three men of Boston sent him
u letter telling him that he had pointed out the
path of duty; convinced the understanding, and
touched the conscience of the nations; and they
expressed their 'entire coincidence in the senti-
ments Of that speech, and their heartfelt thanks
lOT tic ulu IL nIlOT0eu 10 The DreSef-
walton of the Union
You remember the return of Mr.. Webster to
Boston; his speech at the Revere House; his
word that discussion on the subject of Slavery
must lin some manner be suppressed you re-
member the 'disagreeable Duty the question if
Massachusetts will be just against temptation;'
whether she will conquer her prejudices' in ia
OF tine trial by jury, OF the inalienable rights
Of man, in favor of the Christian religion, and
those thoughts which wander through eter-
nty.'
You remember tie agony of our colored men.
The Son of Man came to Jerusalem to seek and
save that which was lost; but Daniel Webster
came to Boston to crush the poorest and most
lost Of men into the ground with the hoof of
American power.
You all know what followed. The Fugitive
Slave bill passed; it was enforced. You remem-
Der the CONSERVATION of the coored people in
Boston, New-1 ork, Buffalo, Philadelph ia-all
over the land. You remember the speeches of
Mr.. Webster at Buffalo, Syracuse and Albany
his industry, never equalled before; his vio-
lence, his Indignation, his denunciations. You
remember his threat at Syracuse that out of the
bosom of the next Anti-Slavery Convention
should fugitive slave be seized. You remem-
Der the scOrn he poured out on men who pledged
their lives their fortunes, and their sacred hon
or, for the welfare of all men.
You remember the letters to Mr.. Webster,
from Newburyport and Kennebec. You re-
member the sermons of Doctors Of Divinity,
proving that slavery was Christian at the very
least You remember the offer of man to de- |
liver up his own mother. Andover went for
kidnapping. The loftiest pulpits-I mean those
highest bottomed on the dOllar-they went also
for kidnapping. There went up a shout from
the metropolitan pulpits-'Away with such
fellow from the earth! Kidnap him kidnap
him! And when we said, timidly remonstra-
ting. Why. what evil has the pee. black :na:.
done p the answer was, we have law, and by
that law he ought to be slave !!
You remember the first kidnappers that came
to Boston. Hughes was one Of lhem-an ugly
looking fellow. He thirsted for Ahe blood Of
Ellen Craft. You remember the seizure of
Shadrach; you remember his delivery out of his
fiery furnace dungeon. OF course it was an an
gel who let him out-for that court, after six
trials, think, has not found a man that at noon
day, and in the centre of the town, did the deed.
80 suppose it was an angel that did the deed,
and miracles are not over yet. You remember
the kidnapping Of Thomas Sims -Faneuil Hall
shut against the convention Of the people; the
Court House in chains; the Police drilled in the
square; soldiers in arms; Faneuil Hall barrack.
You remember Fast Day, 1851. You remem-
Der the Acorn and Boston on the 22d of April.
You have not forgotten the dreadful scenes at
New-Hork, Philadelphia and Buffalo; the TRACE
dy at Christians.
You have not forgotten Mr.. Webster defni-
lion of the object of Government. In l845,
standing on the grave OF Judge Story, he said
Justice 10 the great interest Of mankini.'
think he thought so, too; but at New York, on
the 18th November, 1850, he said, the great