The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-06-28

..nsst;on Gov KOssUTH advises the German
c;t;zsns of the United States to vote for the
Presidential candidate favorable to our inter.
yeution in European affairs. Gov. kossUrH
thus considers the policy of foreign Intervention
paramount TO- any or all Of the domestic 90
tons that divide the two parties Gov. X
was invited to come to this country JESUIT
vessel, by vote of Congress -" pun
hended men of both partie@ :, ""'0" 'ou'p'0
received as a guest. SA'0 a"N
self of this act r. nv" no AsAi'' mn
Ito. ;. hospitality to NEEDLE with
-, This manifests an ignorance OF
~ i of propriety that we did not ex-
P0' from him. For we have never regarded
him with unfavorable feelings. On the con-
traIy, We think he is one of the most sens
ible, consistent and sincere Of the European
republicans We do not agree with him. We
think his doctrine of the solidarity of human
rights, the solidarity of nonsense But we know
it is the prevalent opinion of republicans
throughout the world, and that it derives sup
port from the terms of our Declaration of Inds-
pendence. So We cannot be surprised at it's
avowal by him. We think he is enthusiast tic
and visionary. He does not recognize the great
moral inequalities of men, of nations, and of
races, nor the inevitable diversity of condition
lar and he has been an eminent public counsel
lor and ruler. He ought to know that he is
now intervening in our affairs, in very indei
cate and offensive manner We have achieved,
and to some extent maintained, good govern
ment. 1t is q reasonable presumption that we
understand its principles, and our interests. II
is presumpteous in him, with all his ability, to
prescribe the duties of American citizens, in the
election of their own rulers. 1t is true that he
pleads as an excuse, an invitation to do so from
German citizens. That is no excuse If they
had no more sense than to make such request
he ought to have had more than to comply with
it. 1t is offensive and improper for any body of
citizens, of foreign origin, to isolate and organ
ize themselves, in support of any policy what
ever, much less new policy, and one in which
their own sentiments and feelings on the sub
ject are peculiar. We have seeri> too much of
this disposition in adopted citizens to reform
our system Of government and administration.
We don't think they are entitled or qualified to
teach us. They have neither achieved nor pro-
posed any theory in their native land to author.
ize IT,
Some years ago, the arch-demagogue of Ire
land, DANIEL OCoNNELL, wrote to the Irish
citizens of this country to cooperate with the
AbolitIonists in putting down slavery And,
not long ago, THOMPSON, British member OF
Parliament, made a tour in New England fo,
the same purpose. Now and then we have {
bitter invectve in the British press, against
American slavery. And the other day, in Con
gress, Mr.. TowNsHEND, of Ohio, an Englishman
told Us how much he was mortified at the SEN
sation created in medical school in Paris, by
the announcement that slavery existed in this
country-and how rudely he was treated by
sown-meeting at Dublin, on suspicion of being
a stakeholder. Now, we are much more amused
than distressed at the censures of French. stu.
dents and Irish subjects, on American slavery.
And we look with equal favor on the attempts
of Germans to teach us the paramount impor.
lance of European over American questions in
electing our Presidents
The doctrine of Intervention or non. interyen.
ton per Sc, is an absurdity. Whenever our rights
are threatened by the conflicts of foreign pow
ers, it is our duty to Observation-Disclosures our
interests are endangered, we have right to in
terfere AS for remote or contingent evils, the
chances of their occurrence are to be weighed
against the certain and immediate evils of foreign
war. Every war we have, augments the power
OF the federal government, and almost every for
eign war ruins commerce and creates public debt
and thus assimilates our system to that of the
foreign despotism, we are invoked to destroy.
AS for liberty, that is never lost by people
fit to be free, nor won by those who are not.
1t can neither be given nor taken away by man
or nations. And whoever think otherwise, al.
ready need guardians for themselves, instead of
undertaking to be guardians for others. The
experiment has been tried several times, and the
failure has always been signal. 1t has been
tried on races of the highest distinction, and of
the meanest condition. 1t has been twice tried
on the Greeks, once in ancient, and once in mo-
dern times. When Rome conquered the mas
ters of Greece, Rome proclaimed the freedom of
Greece. But the moral principle of Greece was
gone, and she never rose. So when England,
Russia and France broke the sceptre of Turkey,
at Navarino, Greece only changed her masters,
and is now nothing but the subject of German
Prince, instead of Turkish Sultan. The ex
pertinent was precisely as successful, and no
more Than that of emancipation in South Ame
RIGA, In Saint Domingo and in Jamaica.
we 40 not deny that people struo Cling for
liberty may make foreign alliances with great
advantage. They are as legitimate as dome.t;c
resources. Such was ours in tba revo,,,;on
with France, Spain and Holland. Rut nono &c
them were based on svmpathr o,a ;r