Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1852-07-15
Mr.. Stewards Remarks.
In SENATE, Wednesday. June 3

glnla, already adopted by henlucky, men
as youthful as himself, entered the service
of his country, a Representative in the un-
pretending Legislature of that rising state
and having thence forward pursued with
ardor and constancy, the gradual paths oI
aspiring change, through Halls Of Congress,
Foreign Courts aud Executive Councils, he
has now, with the cheerfulness of patriot.
and the serenity of Christian, fifty closed
his long aud arduous career, here in the
Senate, in the full presence of the Repub-
/ lie, looking down upon the scene with anx-
lety and alarm, not merely a Senator like
one of US who yet remain in the Senate
/ House, but fling that character which,
/ though 1t had no authority of law, aud was
assigned without suffrage, Augustus Cesar
nevertheless declared was above the title of
Emperor, PrimuS inter WusireS--lhe Prince
ofihe Senate,
Generals are tried, Mr. President, by ex-
aiming the campaigns they have lost or
won, aud Statesmen by reviewing the trans
actions in which they have been engaged.
Hamilton would have been unknown TO Us
had there been no Constitution to be crea-
ted: as Bruus would have died in obscuri-
ty had there been no Cesar to be slain.
Colonization, Revolution and Organ.za-
sion three great acts in the drama Of our
National Progress--had already passed
when the Western Patriot appeared on the
public stage. He entered IA the next d.
vision Of the majestic scenes which was
marked by an inevitable reaction of polti-
cal forces, wild strife of factions, aud ru-
inous embarrassmenls in our Foreign Re-
lations. This transition stage is always
more perilous than any other IN the career
of Nations, and especially IN the career Of
Republics. 1t proved fatal to the Common
wealth in England. Scarcely any of the
South American States has yet emerged
from it and i, has more than once been
sadly signalzed by the ruin Of the Republi-
can cause in France.
rhe continuous Administrations of W ash
ington and John Adams had closed under
cloud which had thrown a broad, dark
shadow over the future; the nation was
deeply indebted at home and abroad, and
its credit was PROSTATE. The Revolution
AIRY factions had given place to two iuyeter-
ate parties, divided by a gulf which had
been worn by the conflict in which the
Constitution was adopted, and made broad
er and deeper by war of prejudice con-
corning the merits Of the belhgercnts in
the great European struggle that then con-
yulsed the civilized world. Our eXtraord-
nary political system was little more than
an ingenious theory, not yet practically es-
tablshed. The Union Of the States was
yet only one of compact; for the political,
social aud commercial necessities to which
ii was so maryellously adapted, and which,
clustering thickly upon il, now render 1t
ndissoluble, had not then been broadly dis
closed, nor had the habits of acquiesence
and the sentiments of loyalty, always OF
slow growth fully ripencd. The bark that
had gone to sea, thus unfinished and untrI-
ed, seemed quite certain to founder by rea-
son of its own inherent frailty, even if IT
should escape unframed in the great con-
nlct of Nations, which acknowledged nc
claims of Justice aud tolerated no preten.
sons Of neutrality. Moreover, the terrific.
ry possessed by the nation was inadequate
TO commercial exigences and indispensable
social expansion and yet no provision had
been made for enlargement, nor for extend
ing the political system over distant regions
inhabited or otherwise, which must ineyita,
blN NC uNAullNbs ANtf Nouiu any ouIi az
QUESTION be made without disturbing the
carefully adjusted balance Of powers among
the members of the confederacy.
These difficulties, Mr.. President, altho
they grew less with time and by slow de-
grees, continued throughout the whole life
of the Statesman whose obsequles we are
celebrating. Be il known, then, and an
sure that history will confirm the insiruc
ton, that Conservatism was the interest o
the nation and the responsibility of its rul
ers, during the period in which he -four
ished He was ardent, bod, generous, anc
even ambitious; aud yet with profound
conviction of the true exigences Of the
country, like Alexander Hamilton, he dis
ciplined himself, and trained restless ma
ton, that knew only selfconirol. to iht
rigorous practice of that often humilialinG
conservatism which its welfare and securi
, ty in that peculiar crisis so imperiously de
handed.
1t could not have happened, sir, to any
J cIIlZen to have acted alone, nor even to hay,
acted always the most conspicuous part il
, a trying period SO protracied. HENRI,
CLAY, therefore, shared the responsibilities
of Government with not only his proper
contemporaries, but also survivors of th'
: Revolution, as well as also many who vii
, now succeed him. Delcacy iorbids nj
naming those who retain their places here
/ but we may, without improperly, REGAL
) among his compeers Senator of vast re
= sources and iniexible resolve, who has re
I Gently withdrawn from this Chamber, but
5 trust not altogether from public life Mr.
Benton) and another who, surprising al
) his contemporaries, within his country, AM
7 even throughout the world, in the prope
eloquence of the Forum. now in au,umna
: years for second time, dgni6es and ad
5 orns the highest seat in the Executive
/ Council, (Mr. Webster.) Passing by thes
D eminent aud noble men, the shades of Cal
! houn, John Quincy Adams, Jackson, Mon
: roe and Jefferson. rise up before us-staies
!, men whose living and local fame has rip
ened already into historical and world-wid
: renown.
b Among geniuses so lofty as these, HEN
S RY CLAY bore part in regulating the cor
siitGiionsl freedom Of political debate; e'