Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1852-07-17


mean never to assist in the rcrapture of fugi-
tive slave but, contrariwisc, to obstruct and
prevent such a crime to the best OF their ability.
Aud in case a servile revolution should be max
ing head at the South, they arc determined at
least not to be found fighting against the insur>
gents. Therefore they refuse holding office
under su h an oath and therefore they refuse
to appoint o:hcrs by their votes to do so, or to
swear to do these crimes their attorneys or
deputies, which they hold it foul guilt to do
| themselves.
1t was on this ground, undoubtedly, that Mr.
Garrison said, (f he over said) "if my single
vote would cmancipatc all the slaves in the
United States tomorrow, would not give it !"
| Cntrod. p. ~. Would even Mr.. Scoblc say
that ii he could free the slaves, or save the
souls of all mankind, by telling a deliberate
ialschood, he would do IL: l presume not,
though there may be those who might think
his hesitation strange. Even the Rev. DIR.
Dewey would not tell lie to save the Union,
though he would send his mother (or, as after
wards amended, his sony back to slavery to do
| N' LUIS ~ pASNisCig why AiI' OhIlroU OOulu
not cast his ballot to do what he would not do
himself, viz. return fugitive slaves, or put
down scrvle revolution, or swear to do these
things, with the intention of breaking his oath,
whcn the case contemplated by it arose. We
10 not refuse to hold Office, or vote, under the
United States Constitution, as abolitionists, but
as honest men. 1t is not the emancipation of
the slaves, primarily, that We contemplate in
this course, but the preservation of our personal
honour, of our individual integrity. We ac-
knowledge that our second duty is to the slave
our FIRST is to our own souls. Tho slave has u
right to ask anything of us except our honour:
that he has no right to ask, even lor his own de-
livcrance.
TIE PHILOSOPHY OF THIS THEORY.
T"is course VIC adopt. irrespective of its of-
feet on tho anti slavery cause. But we believe
that, like every honest and sincere carrying
out of a true principle, it will have a far great
er influence in its favour than any time serving
conduct. We, at least establish the fact OF our
own singlcncss Of purpose, to the satisfaction
of our dcadicst enemies. We give up, for the
sake of pure conscience, what an American
prizes next to [if not abovcl his salvation, the
holding aud bcstowing of office. We have all
the strength Of an Enthusiastically disntercstcd
position. We may be fanatics, but we certain
ly are not self-scckcrs. We are not liable to
that imputaiion of selfish ends, to which all,
even the most honest, whose ant.savcry way
lies through the primrose path to ofHge, must be
exposed. And our opportunity to do all that
the most successful anti slavery partizanship
can accomplish at the present stage of our his
tory, viz. the continual agitation OF the slave
ry question, the inccssant irritation Of the ma
tioual consciencc,-is in no degree diminished,
rather greatly increased, by the uncompromis-
ing front We present to the enemy. The first
thing to be done is to change the aniHus OF the
nation, to make it really dcsirous of getting rid
of slavery. This VIC are doing, and when it is
done, the voting will take care os itself Until
it is done, all the voting and drilling of frag-
mcntary parties, is mere beating the air. What
small amount Of political abolitonism exists,
nov, in the Frcosoil, Wing, or Democratic
parties, owes its existence, by the confession of
the candid among thcms elves, 10 the agitation
commenced and carried on by Mr.. Garrison and
those identified with him. And it is the mex
orable fidelity of that censorship in rebuke OF
shortcomings and dcnunciaton of backsldngs,
that maintains in the Political Anti-slavcry
Movement the very moderate degree of vitality
it possesses.
Mr.. Sco.lc thinks it impossible that the great
body of abolitonists in England, "who had
finally brought about the extinction of slavery
in the British colonies, by political as well as
moral action, can continue their connection
with men holding such sentiments las to voting,
and giving them practical direction" Now
il rather strikes me that those are the very
men to appreciate the power of public senti-
ment outside of the government, but acting
upon it. How many of the abolitionists who
extorted that boon OF justice from an unwilling
government had the right of voting: A very
moderate proportion, l imagine. How many
of the masses that compelled the Reform in
Parliament and accomplished the peaceful
Revolution of 1882. were parliamentary cleo
torsi Not one in ten. How were Catholic
Emancipation and the Repeal of Test and Cor
poration Acts clectedi By the voting of the
Catholics and Disscnters, mainyl Nay, vori-
ly. The philosophy of all these great reforma-
lions was precisely that of the American Anti
slavery Society. The movers of them first agi-
tatcd the general mind, and made it intelligent
ly determined that they should be carried, and
of this resolution the electors and the elected
were but the instruments. Until the public
mind was brought TO this invinci5lc determine
ton, all political manouvedng was vain and i'm