Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1852-05-01


yextended territory these artificial advantages can
not be had by private enterprise. Therefore, al
though the soil may be fertile and yield abundantly,
yet its products have little exchangeable value be-
cause of the distance from market and the labor and
cost of transportation.
But, suppose this Agrarian scheme were carried
out to the satisfaction of its projectors, and every
landless laborer" in the United States, and the
rest Of the world, were made I" independent culti-
vators," would it promote the agricultural wealth"
of the whole country? Might not on the con-
trary, its extreme but possible results bring this
happy land to poverty and barbarism?
If by the term, and in this connection, is simply
meant an abundant product from the soil, then we
admit that the more land is titled the greater may
be the aggregate of crop; and, although millions of
bushels may be rotting in our barn-yards, might
be said to have agricultural wealth" Without
market, however, it would have no exchangeable
value, and would be insufficient for our mere physi-
cal wants. much less to supply the comforts that
habits and social sympathies require. But no po-
ltical economist receives the term aceal" in this
limited sense. 1t denotes prosperity in all its ee
ments; and in this and every refined society in
cludes not merely whatever is necessary to subsst-
ence, but all the fabrics Of art elegance and taste.
Would these articles of manufacture which are
now essential to the general welfare" be fur
nished under the operation of the "Home-
stead bill p Let US see In the year 1847 the
product of cereal grains (not including oats) was
700 14O,95S bushels, and the home value was esti-
mated to be 1888, 1S5685. It is calculated that
after subsisting our people, with all their horses,
cattle, sheep, swine, and poultry, had still sur
plus for expectation Of 224 384,5O2 bushels worth
at least 1925 100000 We have not at hand the
quantity sent to foreign markets in the same period,
but in 1850 we find that the whole value of bread
stufs of every kind exported to all the world in that
year was only s13,O66,5O9. 1t is evident, there
FORE that there is not demand in other countries
for the surplus products of our soil as at present
cultivated by the owners and all the hired husband
men they can obtain. How would it be if those
who are now "landless laborers" and consumers
should be turned into producers upon the plan of
this bill? Would not our already useless surplus
be increased in quantity and reduced in value?
But there might be greater evil STILL Our
handicraftsmen in the mechanic trades, in the ma
nufactories, and the various other industrial pur
suits, might be tempted by the dignity" they
may attach to rural toll, but especially by the
bonus" offered, to forsake the workshops and en-
gage in husbandry. There were in 1910, as the
census shows, 3,719,951 persons actually engaged
in tillage, women and children not included. How
many of these were "landless laborers" does not
appear, and we shall therefore not count them
But there were also S07,6 persons employed in
manufactures and trades, and in the mining opera
tons. These were all of the description contem-
plated in the Homestead" project. We shall not
embrace in our list lawyers doctors, sailors, boat
men, and other non-producers, but take the aggre-
gate above stated Suppose now that even the one
half Of this number should be induced by the dona-
ton of land proposed to leave their present pur
suits and become I" independent cultivators," what
would be the consequences Allow us to suggest
a few particulars as not only possible but probable
The supply of the articles necessary for convenience
and comfort that are made by artisans and manu-
acturers would be reduced and the prices would be
enhanced the home market for agricultural pro-
ducts would be diminished by Withdrawing
sumers from the workshops, and converting them
into producers; the quantity of grain raised would
be greatly increased but it would have exchange
able value, or very little the wages of farmhands
in the old States would be advanced beyond the
ability Of landowners to pay and all equilibrium
between employment and labor would be destroyed
But we cannot follow the principle of this bill to
all its natural results We believe if fully carried
into effect that it will impair the interests Of soce
ty as at present constituted The arts that embel-
lish life must become extinct if all laborers are to
become husbasdmen. In every refined community
there are great many different pursuits required to
supply the articles Of convenience, comfort, and
elegance that our tastes and social habitudes de-
mand as essential to our well-being We place the
farmer in the first rank Of operatives but even he
could not live with ease and satisfaction without the
ingenious conrvances furnished for his help by the
mechanic. There is a mutual assistance and depen-
dence through all the industrial occupations
But we have already occupied so much of our
space with this subject that we must forbear
There is yet, however, an important question that
we would like to submit for consideration, but we fear
it has been already practically answered. Has Con-
gress poper from the Constitution to dispose Of"
the national domain in the mode contemplated in
the Homestead BillY
| Every citizen has an undivided but certain inte
rest in the "public lands" He cannot claim any
| - n