Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1852-01-22

gwen TO the President only
FOL. his own defence---is that be is electcdb
the people, and is bound to reflect what he
considers their wil-ascertained from 9th
er sources than the popular branch of Con-
gress: in other words that he is himself the
representative Of the people.
1t cannot have been forgotten, how
largely this argument entered into the
Presidential canvass oflSIS. In his celc-
braied Allison letter, Gen. Taylor declared
,hat he regarded the veto ga high conser-
vaiIve power, ""nevcr TO beexerciscd. cx-
cept in eases Of clear violation Of the con
stltmioaor manifest haste aud want 81 con-
slderaion by Congress" lie further de-
ciared that "the personal opinions Of the
individual who may happen to occupy the
Executive chair, ought not to control the
action OF Congress upon questions of do
nestle policy; nor ought his objections 10
be interPosed when questions of constitu-
uonal power have been settled by the vari-
Gus departments of the government and
acquiesccd in BY the people" Upon these
principles, involving the very essence Of
popular government, issue was taken bv
the 50 called Democratic party, and the
position boldly assumed that the Executive
vas part Of the law-making power of
he government.
In that contest. the cardinal doctrine Of
the Wing party was the same principle,
As that asserted by its founders in Eng
land. Itwas THE principle most remote
from, and most 'autugonistic to, th6 pruci-
PIE Of Monarchy, of Federalism, and Of
nIordcrn Democracy TWAS the anirma
ion Of lie peoples right, to establish
through their representative organ, those
measures that they deemed essential iotheir
interests, without being thwartcd ~ the
iutc~Vosilion Of veto, exercised at the
mere discretion DC tho Executive, even
though heassumod il so doing to protect
tile people. against the consequences "
dlcir own acts. And here becomes apparent
,h parallel that exists, between Nv prnici-
Mss reduced 70 practice ofJhoso Who thas
construc the powers OF the President anI
the course a the French President.
Between Louis Napoleon and thc rep-
resentalives Of the people, great and ire
concilable differences arose. 1t was cv-
den; to all observers Of the progress Of
affairs in that country, that the President
was seeking 70 clutch powers not granted
him by the constitution, and that the only
barrier was the deputies Of the people
There was no giving back oneitherside,an1
the collision was at hand, which was a.
bout to test the strength Of the respective
departments. By dcxtcrous stroke Of
State,the Executive pow r triumphed and
forthwith, claiming to have acted as the
peoples representative, and for the "sal-
walton Of society" it clothed itself With the
imperial robes of an autocrat. This is the
legitimate tendency--the natural conse-
qucncc ola theory, Inch constitutes the
law-inaking aud the law enforcing branch
Is Of the government, coordinate IN the
rights and powers Of legislation. Ifcach
may claim the right TO conslrueand reflect
the will Of the people, when collision
n. 1. 1,
to the stronger, and that stronger be-
ing The executive, it assumes the whole
planning and administration Of the public
policy, and becomes a centralized govern
meut. What the soi-disom President of
Francois, we trust in God the chief magis
tratc ofthis nation may never become and
yet we cannot Shut our eyes to the fnct.ttIat
he may be made so bythcassumption ofthe
disciples Of Jackson, that be is tic eInbodi-
mcnt and exponent Of the public will
"The Government is a Unit" and al am
the Government" were the most presump-
tuons and dangerous dogmas, ever assert
cd in this land. They arrosaic to the Elk
ecntive all that Louis Napoleon claimed
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