Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1852-02-14

ances and ARTIFICIAL tiesn AS there must be two par
ties at least to all alliances and artificial s il will be time
to announce danger when there is any serious pro-
position to unite ourselves with any other Power.
Mr. President ii has often been said that We have
mission fulfil and indeed has every nation and the
first mission Of each is to conductts own affairs honestly
and fairly its benefit but after that its position
and institutions may give to it peculiar influence In the
prevailing moral and political controversies of the world
which it is bound to exert for the welfare OF all while
we discaim any crusadng spirit against the political IN
situations of other countries, may well regard with
deep interest the struggling efforts OF the oppressed
through the world and depore their defeat and rejoice in
their And doubt that the evidences
of sympathy which borne Europe from this great
Republic viii cheer the hearts, when they do not
aid the purposes Of the down rodden masses to raise
themselves if not to power, at least to protection
Whatever duties may be ultimately imposed by that
dark future which overshadows Europe and which we
oresee and ought to Define point
present policy; while at the time they call
upon TO exert moral influence in support Of the ex
listing principles of public law, placed in danger not
merely by the ambition but still more by the fear OF pow
erful monarchs; the fear lest the conagon OF liberty
should spread their dominions carrying destruction
to the established systems of oppression But repeat
alphabetically what said upon former occasion, when
this subject before and what upon no occasion
have since contradicted or unsadand may add what
distinctly stated the martyr OF the struggles Of his
country the honored guest Of ours in the first
conversation had with him upon this subjecttha the
people Of the United States not prepared to main
tain the rights Of Hungary by war that the only nu
We could exert moral and not physical one.
And certainly the considerations connected with this
branch Of the subject are SO obvious to that must
be allowed to express my surprise that any American
could seriously contemplate offensive war-I often
sive in the nature Of its operations though not in its
causesngaiRst Austria and Russia in the present cond
ton of this country and of Europe to be carried by
fleets and armies to the Adratc to the Baltic,
to both. Such undertaking hardly be the sub
ect of serious investigation, nor worthy Of serious
refutation With power Of self defence which could
resist the world capacity for distant foreign
warfare is unequal to such gigantic undertakings Our
present duty and policy are TO place our views upon re-
all rights and all remedies whatever these may
be- for future consideration when the proper exgency
may arise when the political vcissudes Of Europe may
strengthen the force of opinion there by increasing the
number and power of the free States which would be
much interested in this great question, and
whose views would be similar to own have no
doubt but there violations of the public law and this
is my opinion of of Them which would justify the
armed action of any nation though is part of the
task have imposed upon myself to define to emu
merate them. leave that duty to those who may
after u.s. and whose position may require their decision
In all cases, therefore, Of action upon this subject
think should limit ourselves for the present to the de-
caraon of opinion of great questions and there stop,
leaving the future to disclose proper obligations and
proper line Of policy But the present has its duties
well the future and among these is just regard to
the condition of the country and to the prudent appica
ton of her to objects within reach; that
while exercising her rights coequa Power of the
EARTH she shall be free choose her remedy and the time
fort The day may come, will come, indeed when we
hension To that day let dismiss the question of
force.
Mr.. President the Senate will observe that have not
referred to the remarks of the honorable Senator from
Rhode Island r CLARKE in the course of the observa
tons have submitted to the Senate did do it be-
prepared this speech before he commenced the
discussion listened with great pleasure and interest to
the views which he expressed yesterday. There
much that deserved serious consideration and perhaps
if this discussion is prolonged shall take occasion to say
something in reference to them / have not had an OPP
nrIfu fn thu hla afprs
speech, as believe it has not been published
But there two things which wish to refer
to at this time. understood the honorable gentleman
to say something about making hecatomb of the expe
rence have acquired since the death of the first and
greatest of Presidents the Father of his Country
sort of expiatory sacrifice to his That memo
ry sir is written upon the hearts Of his countymen OF
all the that recorded the long roll of history
the brightest and the purest is the of Washington
He would be the first man, if he living to condemn
such proposition. The Senator calls upon to make
burnt-ofering, like that made by the Arabian Calph
when he entered the city of Alexandria and burnt its cee
brated library saying with the ignorance of barbarian
and the zeal of fanatic that if it contained only what
was in the Koran it unnecessary and if it contained
what not there, it unhoy. The learning Of the
world thus sacrificed TO false religion and false
prophet But such dao-da.fS becomes the names Of
Washington His precepts and example should be studied
with reverence by his countrymen. But the honorable
Senator asks TO reject all have learned SINCE and
stand precisely the ground then occupied No, sir
no. repeat let study with attention the of
his conduct.
No one regards them with more reverence than do
but the condition Of country and Of the world has
greatly changed since the period Of his administration
We were then young in political life weak, surrounded
with difficulties from without and divided within and
the wise counses of Washington guided through those
perous times and gradually acquired strength and
security But Washington would administer the
foreign policy Of this country he did then would
Jefferson Madison Do you believe sir, that either
of those eminent statesmen would suffer those
rous violations of maritime rights which then took
place without aresor to war; Do you believe they would
stop to argue the egay Of such acts Of injustice in
stead Of meeting them with all the power of the republic
Would they enter into diplomatic correspondence
about mpressment Berlin Milan DEGREES orders
in councilf Or would they think Of non-intercourse
embargo? No, sir; We have got far ahead of all
that. The first man taken by force from American
ship, and Immediately and atoned for would
be the signal for waro be ended only by complete atone
ment Thanks to this age Of progress country its
power its position and its influence, have all changed
since then and corresponding change should take place
In much Of our foreign policy Let keep the level
OF our position and add own experience TO that of
fathers, and not shut out the light Of day
The Senator from Rhode Island to cast reproach upon
Kossuth compares hs conduct to that of Genet, the
French Minister during the administration Washing
ton Mr.. President there is more analogy the two
than there is resemblance the character of the two
Genet the accredited Minister of France to
this country received and recognised rs SUCH In the
phrenzy whick seemed TO accompany the
of the French revolution Genet made propositions
Government inconsistent with its neutral position and du-
ties and these being rejected he appealed from the Go
vernment Of the People to the People hemseves-thus
violating all the comfy Of national Intercourse az we'll as