The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-07-22
LETTER THIRD.
On the Subject of SiaUery.
WASHINGTON, Ebruqru

WAsHINGToN, February 9, lS43.
DEAR SIR: have been waiting for an even
ing's leisure to answer your letter before me !;
and, after an unreasonable delay, am at last
Obliged to reply in the midst of official occupa-
tons
That ever have been named in connection
with the Presidency of the United States has
not can assure you, the son of an ancient
nelghbor and friend, been by any contrivance
or desire OF nine; and certainly shall never be
IN the field for that high office, unless placed there
by regular nomination. Not then being can
didate, and seeing no near prospect of being
made one ought perhaps to decline troubling
you or Others with my humble opinions on
great principles OF State rights and Federal ad-
mnistratlon; but as | cannot plead ignorance
OF the partiality of few friends in several
parts OF the Union who may, by possibility in
Il certain event, succeed in bringing ME within
the field from which a Wing candidate is to be
selected, l prefer to err on the side Of frank
ness and candor, rather than by silence to al
low any stranger unwittngly to commit him
self to my support
Your inquiries open the whole question of
domestic slavery which has, in different forms,
for u number Of years agitated Congress and
the country. Promising that YOU are the first
person who has Intercepted me on the subject
give you the basis of what would be my re-
ply in greater detail if time allowed and the
contingency alluded to above wer. less remote
In boyhood, at William and Mary College,
and in common with most, if not ALL my com
panons ] became deeply impressed with the
views given by MIR Jefferson in his Notes on
Virginia and by Judge Tucker, in the APP
pendix to his edition of Blackstone's Common
tar > u
daUes That Appendix have not seen in thir
ty odd years and in the same period have read
scarcely anything on the subject; bit ma early
impressions are fresh and unchanged. Hence,
IT had had the honor of seat in the Virgin
ia Legislature in the winter of 1912, when
a bill was brought forward to carry out those
views, | should certainly have given it my
hearty support
suppose scarcely need say, that in my
opinion Congress has no color of authority un-
der the Constitution for touching the relation
ct master and slave within a State
hold the opposite opinion in respect to the
District OF Columbia Here, with the consent
OF the owners, or ON the payment of just COM
psnsation, congress may legislate at its dis
erection But my conviction is equally strong
that, unless 1T be step by step with the Legis
latures OF Virginia and Maryland it would be
dangerous to both races in those States TO touch
the relation between master and slave in this
District
] have from the first been of opinion that
Congress was bound by the Constitution to re-
celve' to refer and to report upon petitions re-
latlng to domestic slavery, as in the case of all
other petitions but have not failed to see
and to regret the unavoidable irritation which
the former have produced in the Southern
States, with the consequent peril to the two
colors, whereby the adoption of any plan of
emancipation has everywhere among us been
greatly retarded
own myself no slaves, but never have at
tached blame to masters for not liberatinc their
slavcs-well knowing that liberation without
the means OF sending them in comfort to some
position favorable to the pursuit of happiness
would, in most cases, be highly injurious to all
around, rs well IA to the manumitted families
themselves, unless the operation were general,
and under the auspices of prudent legislation
But | am persuaded that it is high moral OBJ
legation of masters and slayeholding States to
employ all means not incompatible with the
safety OF both colors to mcliorate slavery even
to determination.
1t is gratifying to know that general melio-
ration has been great, and is still progressive.
notwithstanding the disturbing causes alluded
to above. The more direct process of enamel
patton may no doubt, be earlier commenced
and quckened in some communities than i'm
others. Each, | do not question has the right
to judge for ITSELF both as to time and means
and ] consider interference or aid from with
out, except on invitation from authority with
in, to be rs hurttul to the sure progress of me-
lioration rs il may be fatal to the lives of vast
multtudes, of all ages, sexes and colors. The
work of liberation cannot be forced without
such horrid results. Christian philanthropy is
ever mild and considerable Hence all violence
ought to be deprecated by the friends of reN-
gion and humanity. Their persuasions cannot
fail ut the right time to free the master from
the slave, and the slave from the master-per
haps before the latter shall have found out and
acknowledged that the relation between the
parties had long been mutually prejudcial to
their worldly interests
There is no evil without in the order of
Providence, some cOmpensating benefit The
bleeding African was torn from his savage
home by his ferocious neighbors sold into sla-
very, and cast upon this continent Here. in
the mild South, the race has wonderfully null
tiplied compared with anything ever known
in barbarous life The descendants of a few
thousands have become many millions; and all.
from the first made acquainted with the arts
of civilization, and above all, brought under
the light of the Gospel
From the promise made to Abraham, some
two thousand years had elapsed before the ad-
vent Of our Saviour and the Israeltes, the
chOsen nAOpla If (.od vvara fov xx,aa ,,,-.><.u.