Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1852-07-08

'"ou 'o0" sHaileu SO far Mo one suggests
power over iugltlves from labor Sayeocracy
had not then ventured so far. 1t would have
oeeh reJscled ut once. But the clause as it
stands passed unanimously,
pocs II NOT make clear case would like
10 see muse profound lawyers of New Hamp-
shire Ut '"g'hlu' or anywhere else. show us
now tne power was put into this clause of fugi-
tives from labor, which was not or;g'ona5i,,
there; and who put it there and where and
how. Roger Sherman and Ebridge Gerr,
were induced to put it therc.-John Rutledqe
put it there, in the clause of faith and credit to
records; but he did not put it into the other
clause. He had reason for putting il IN the
one clause, and he had reason for emitting it
in the other clause--When Colonel Mas IN,
on the 22d of August, only a week before this
clause was unanimously adopted, told the world
that "every master Of slaves is born petty
tyrant They bring the judgement of Heaven
on a country It's actions cannot be rewarded
or punished in the next world; they must be in
this. By an inevitable chain Of causes and
effects, Providence Furnishes national sins BY
national caamities" i g He held il essential,
in eueyy poinL Of UielD ttct The General Govern
ment ShuId haze poDer 10 TO PREVENT THE
INCREASE OF SLAVERY" When that far-seeing
Vrginian, who seems to have anticipated the
history of Virginia in the nineteenth century,
uttered these memorable words in the Conven-
ton, do you suppose that he was contrivng
Government 10 be used as a great negro catch
ing machine, aud that should be good for
nothing else-to be broken up the moment it
ceased to plelorm that function, as seems now
to be the prevailing opinion among the dema-
r0gucs of both parties? Do you suppose for
a moment thotJamea Madison, Thomas Jeifer.
son, Patrick Henry. George Washington, George
Mason, and other Aboitl0nists OF that day-to
use the word as we here it used every day in
/ Congress imagined that provision to abhOr-
rent TO their general views had been inserted
in the Constitution, and did not make it the
subject of indignant comment in the Conven-
ton or ont of the Convention Mr.. Madison
would no suffer the black aud odous name of
slave to be named in the Constitution Is it
conceivable that he meant to enroll the hunting
down of the fugitive slave among the highest
duties of the Government founded under that
Constitution, rs our present Administration es-
teens 1t to be
Are we to believe that one. half of the Con.
vontion, being honest and firm men, believed all
the instincts Of their hearts, all the preindices
if you choose 50 to phrase it, Of their education
all that devotion to the principles of liberty in
the abstract, which the Revolution had doveIon.
ed, and made themselves parties, with ont A
paltce Of inducement held ont to them. with
out word Of remonslrance from one of them
to an eternal national slave hunt? Are we 10
believe this, not only without evidence. bnt
against all the evidences Lei me remark unon
the strangenoss OF this fac. Among the thous
and letters which were written by leading mem
bers Of the Constitutional Convention. or of the
State Convention at the South and at the North
never was there any thing produced that would
lead one to suppose Tor a moment that the Con
vention, or any mar in it, or any man out of it.
in the year 1887, suspected that the clause
relative to ugnNos from labor, contaied Grant
of power.
Not solitary letter, speech, journal, mem.
orandum or record, Of any description has been
brought forward, which contains the expanatinn
which is now put upon this clause for the mr..
pose of impairing State rights-heping TO build
up consolidated system of Government which
is centraljzng power, aud growing s,ron5ar
and stronger every day and every h,nr, without
casting into the vortex to be swl,Iovnl nm in
the Federal Maelstrom, the State Institution of
slavery
DO the Southern gentleman know what thew
are doing? Do you mean TO throw The whole
power over the subject of slavery into the h,nds
of the Federal Government? You do il here.
DO gentlemen desire that two thirds of the
white men OF the counlry-aye, a great many
more than two thirds very soon, for by the NEXT
census We snail have at least twenty -ono nil,ns
OF white people at the Moth, and nine millions,
at the utmost, at the South-do gentlemen
desire that those twenty one millions Of people
should take tins subject of slavery into their
han d. tn a. itnto
vuSe the whole nation, until it shall finally be
treated as 1t viii be treated, if it becomes the
fuel OF a universal conaagration through this
land. Let Southern states man take warning in
this mater, desire to stand upon the Con.
siltu'on, your only rock of safety, in this terrible
future, gllmpses of which are opening upon
us-to stand there, because think can stand
there safely, and nowhere else.
When | said that John RutIedge &C South
Carolina was the man who reported the Grant of
power 10 he one clause, but that he did not
report any such grant in another clause, | had
not exhausted the argument. The clauses m
derwent another scrutiny; they passed another
ordeal. Tins matter was committed to a COM
rnttee Of eleven for revision It came back
essentially in the same shape. Who was upon
the committee Of revision? Charles Cotesworh
committee of eleven. His attention had been
drawn to that subject, the reclamation of fugitive
slaves, for he had not only taken part in the
discussion Of the subject on the 28th, bat he
was the individual member who first introduced
it to the notice OF the Convention If he wan
ted grant Of power, he knew how it was to be
expressed tor the clause IN which the grant of
power was inserted on the same dav that The
jHgthDe from tabor clause tUGS adopted, was also
before that committee. James Madison, a sound
aud keen constitutional lawyer was one of
that commlttee. It ever there was strict
constructonlst, Luther Martin was one and he
also. as well as MIR. Madison, was sonnd
consutlonal lawyer, as the gentleman from
Virginia Mr.. Bdyy( who reviewed this matter
the other day, will allow. If the COMMITTEES
intended grant OF power, would Luther Mar
IN nave leil II to be implicit, and that, too. i n
such manner That it requires to be sharpened
by Judicial decision to discover the implica-
ton
i Williamson Of North Carolina was also of
that committee. Here were the men who would
look to the interests of the South, and if thew
meant grant OF power, why did they not do it >?
why did they not put it there? They have
not put 1t there Perhaps they did not want it
perhaps they wanted the power, hut knew they
could not have it, One or The other is the
natural and true interpretation. TINS clause
caQe from the ordinance of 1887, passed by
the Congress of the Confederation-a clause
that there should be no slavery north west of
the ONO, and that fugitive Aging from labor
into that territory should be dehvJted up
That was compact, and that compact we
coud not oll to understand. 1t contained no
grant OF power. 1t Is not materially changed
as to this point Trace out its history ii is
easy to find what that compact was, and whence
1t came. 1t was copied from an old English
compact, made in the year I642 between
Massachusetts Bay and her nelghbor colonies.
Afterwards, substantially the same compact
was renewed and extended a little further. but
j A.rcr