The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1852-06-18

ADAMS mol the slavery, ana lDty
also unwilling to define ~ advance the kind OF punish
ment a member deserved who should present anti.
slavery petition from slaves Mr.. Pierce, presume,
agreed with these for on the nth we find him moving
reconsider the vote by which that resolution had been
rejected-the purpose being to modify il II recon-
sdered-yeas l45, nays 4s-and then modified, 50 TO
read
Essotosd That slaves do not possess the right Of petit
lion secured the people Of the United States by The conS
tuHon."
After great deal more discussion and denunciaon, in
the course OF which hlr Adams threatened by Waddy
Thompson with an indictment by the grand jury Of the
District OF Columbia, his adversares failing in their
temp 10 censure him, settled down upon the following
resolutions:
Der from Massachusetts, whether paper which he held
IN hs hand purponng 10 be petition ifom certain slaves,
and declaring themselves slaves within the order OF
the House OF the IS Of January and the said paper
having been received by r Speaker, he stated that 10
so extraordinary and nove he would take the advice
and consent OF the House,
ion without dlsregardng rs own digrty, the rights of
large class OF citizens OF The Sou and Wes', and the
sliiuon OF the United States.
Resolved, That slaves do possess the right of petit
lion secured to The people oil the United States by the con.
sttution"
The first resolution was passed--yeas 100, nays IS !;
the second also-yeas 1902. nays ls-Fnnkln Pierce in
both instances voting yea John Quincy Adams nuy!-
We have completed the record of Mr., Pierce IN the
House. ii demonstrates that during the time he held
seat in the House OF Representatives be earnest,
thorough, consistent opponent OF an-slavery agitation
and anti-sayery discussions that he was constantly ar
right Of petition; that, while recognising the technical
right Of petition, he uniformly voted virtually 10 abro.
gate il that when The shareholders attempted 10 crush
MIR Adams and with him the hope OF free discussion IN
the House, he would not vote 10 that
able man fair hearings IN word, that he was the un-
waverng ally and supporter oil the slavehodng interest
In the year 1887 Mr. Pierce became member OF the
United States Senate Following him thther, we shall
find that he continued to pursue the same line OF policy
relation 10 III slavery question. He took his stand by
The side OF Mr. Calhoun, and stood by him in his Efforts
In Al
December IS, 1897 MIR. Wall presented petition from
ant-savery ladies' in New Jersey, praying for the abol
ton Of slavery in the District OF Columbia and moved 10
lay ii on the liable. Mr. Hubbard moved 10 lay thai mo-
ton the table. Mr. Clay was in favor of reference,
and report against the prayer Of the petition with view
to quoting excitement MIR Calhoun wished BY snmma-
~ measures 10 meet the question at As the action
of Mr. Pierce in this has been the subject OF msap
prehension with friends OF the Evening Post shall
proved him unreleLting opponent OF anti slavery dis
cnssons and petitions and he had uniformly sustained
all gag resolutions the subject. But while violating
the right of petition in feet. he had been polite enough
respect tin form This he continued in the Sen
On this he in favor oil receiving the petit
on and then of getting rid of il in any way best calculated
defeat its object and prevent agitation lie did not wish
10 give the abOnonists chance ",o make up false
Issue the right OF petition In another place he said
"A edemand is that since 10 be The first to feel
the effects OF abolition ascendency al home, should II
be acquired (Which, by the way, by no means an
ucpae,) we may meet the question unembarfassed, and
be driven by any here upon collateral issue
such as the right OF petition or any other This is key
to the policy OF Mr., Pierce. Mr. Ryes was in favor Of
rejecting the petition al Mr. Hubbard, OF laying the
question OF reception on the table; Mr. Pierce. OF laying
the petition on The table. The ayowed object OF each
was TO stamp the petitions with disapprobauonto pre-
all debate and consderaon-o get rid OF them as
summarily as possible, every meanwhile declaring
his respect for the right OF petition.
When petitions oil this character should be received
he sad he would be prepared TO act upon Them with.
delay, 10 reject the prayer OF the petitions 10 lay
them upon The table, or give them any other dITec.
that pgght ha hos ltpN Gil
the aglators and ranqulllze the public mind. As a
member OF the select committee oil the other house. OF
which Mr.. Pinkney of South Carolina was chairman,
he had fully concuTed in the sentiments OF the report
presented by that gentleman al the rs session OF the
Twenty fourth Congress; and further examination and
reflection had only served 10 confirm him in the opinion
he at that time entertained but mad and fanatca he
regarded the schemes OF The aboonsts, and deeply as
he depored The consequences OF their upon all
sections OF the Union, he could give vote that might
be construed into denial OF the right OF petition, and
thus enable them 10 change Their position, and make up
fal4e issue before the country"
He had voted once in The House TO lay upon the table
the motion to receive ant.slayery petitions hut Sc
verey had he been handled tor this that he had become
more scrupulou as TO forms, and now aimed 10 reach the
same object by laying PETITIONS on the table without de
bale, printing or consideration.
And this is the man whom the New York Evening
Post represents as having stood with John Quincy AID.
ans By the right 0: petition
December 81, 1887, Mr. Calhoun brought forward his
celebrated resolutions the subject OF slavery in the
District Territories, and States, designed ayowedly to
suppress the discussion OF all questions Of slavery:
Several amendments were moved 10 the first four oil
these resolutions, intended 10 modify their phraseology
any implication against free discussion,
bot they firmly resisted By MIR. Calhoun ADD his
friends, and in every defealedFanklln Pierce unit
foFmly voting with him. Mr.. Morris, OF Ohio, for
ample, moved to strike out from the second resolution
The words moral and religious" with view of exempt
ing from denunciaon The moral and religious discussion
OF slavery; and this seemed reasonable that even Mr.
Buchanan recorded his name in favor of 1t but II
lost-FTnnklin Pierce voting nay with Mr.. Calhoun.
NJ 1,..I ale Tr,ann fnt ha ktrI
resolution, declaring the freedom OF speech and oil the
press all subjects indspuiabe, and under the super
vision only OF tie States in which such freedom
ercsed but this rejected, believe, by the same
vote
The frat four resolutions, with some slight modihca-
ton. were then adopted-Frankin Pierce recording his
vote IN favor oil every one oil them.
When the fifth resolution came up asserting subsian.
tally that efforts by the people OF the Stses the States
themselves, to procure the abolition Of slavery in The Dis
rict Territories dIect and dangerous attacks
on the Institutions of the slaveholdng STATES though all
the States made responsible by the constitution and
Congress for slavery in be District and Territories Mr.
Pierce took occasion to define lbs position. This esolu
ton, he said, the ground which this contest
10 be determined " with, perhaps modification,
would present the issue here and 10 the countyan
issue which would raise, not question OF espe.
dency but one OF much higher character, in which the
public faith directly involved" He then proceeded 10
sustain the resolution in its length and breadth, and 10
vindicate the whole series offered BY Mr.. Calhoun
against the assaults made upon them,
But, while Mr. Pierce anxious 10 put through all
these resolutions, MIR. Clay and other slavehoding
senators thought the fifth and sixth too sweeping and
against interference by The citizens OF State with the
institutions oil another, containing declaration that