The primitive Republican. (Columbus, Miss.) 18??-1852, 1852-10-07

Ii the grave objections suggested on the
other side were sustained by an examination
OF the resolutions themselves, or a course of
sound augmentation, they would ensure nv
opposition. What are they? The first that
reached my ear was, that they contain latent
notification. l have waited to hear the par
ticular resolution, sentence or phrase pointed
out IN which this heresy is supposed to be
concealed, and have waited in vain. Hav-
ing then, assertion on one side, and what ap-
pears to me to be plain reading of the reso
lutions and the frank and unqualified declara-
tlons of the mover on the other; must be
excused if | do not take the alarm
We have next eloquent disquisitiOns upon
the liberty of speech and the freedom of the
press. To every sentiment uttered upon
these subjects yield my cordial assent; but
why introduced on this particular occasion,
have been at loss to determine Would
any man here abridge the liberty of speech,
or assaiI the liberty of the press? I take it
not: Is there anything in the resolutions to
sanction the invasion of either? Not a syI-
liable. That these are privileges most dear
to every American is freely admitted by all.
Why such a variety of changes have been
rung upon them in this debate, others NAV
determine. tits not my province to Judge
of motives, and would take occasion only to
remark, that no man shall make up an issue
upon subject for me. Toppose The Aboli-
tiOnistS, for the Uery reason that entertain a
sacred regard for these "a common acih all
other rights secured by the Constitution.
But it is further urged against the resolu-
tons, (said Mr. PIERCE that they are mere
distractions. Sir, it is quite immaterial
what name you apply to them; sufficient is
it that they meet the case, that they encoun
ter the Abolitionists upon sound and tenablC
ground, and furnish conclusive answer tC
his opportunities. To say that the petition;
refer only to this District, and that the prin
-ciples asserted in the preceding resolution.
are consequently without application, is per
fectly idle. 1t is impossible to read a single
number of the leading abolition periodicals.
without perceiving that their object reacIe
far beyond this District, and stops atno poin
short of emancipation in the States AM
r yet, sir, repeat that you would find few in
telligent Aboiitionists, who would assert tina
!, Congress has the constitutional power to in
terfere with slavery in the States; but admit
ting the want of power, here, they hold
their duty as individuals, to persevere in tn
cause. Regarding the institution of SLAYER
as morally wrong, or sinful if you pleas
, they consider themselves as citizens of tn
: Union responsible for its continuance, whe
ever it may exist within our borders. TIL
feeling has its origin, to some extent, IN
{ 01isaPprehensioa Of the structure Of oar go
r ernmeat, and dtts error the preceding res
y luttonS are cdicu}atcd to Garrett They asse
! + in effect, that the citizen of New IIampshi
is no more responsible, morally or POLITICAL
for the existence and continuance of this
: = nestle institution in Virginia or Marylnn
u than he would be for the existence Of AZ
u similar institution in France or Persia. VIII
III Because these are matters Orer lchjch t
u States, respectively, achcn dclegatiny pa
u ton Of their PoaeerS, to be exercised BY I
It general g2oernmeHt returned the lohole "a
> exclusive control, and for arhich they are
= lone responsible.
u Now let these doctrines be universally U
Il derstood and admitted, and you take 0
: great step towards satisfying the conscienC
y : Of honest but misguided people, in one s.
., ton of the country, and quoting the irri
ID ton, for which there has been too much cat
e in the other. This we have attempted to {