The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-16

proposed by the Senator from New York, Mr..
SEWARD to the fugitive slave bill brought in
by the Senator from Virginia, Mr.. MASON
"Sir, 1t does seem to me that no one who list
ened to the calm, digniiied, and truly national
argument of the honorable Senator from Vir-
GINA, Mr. mason this day pronounced in our
hearing, and who duly appreciated the sound
and statesmanke views maintained by him, can
even hear the amendment of the honorable Sen
ator from New York read, without being salts
fed that this amendment was designed to cap
the climax of Southern wrongs, to cause the
cup of our oppression at once to overflow, and to
force us of the South, whose lot it is to be the
owners of slave property, to secede from the
Union, or remaining in it, to submit to wan.
ton, heartIess, and insulting deprivation of all
our constitutional rights, such as no free people
have ever been known patiently to endure"
That was the first suggestion which | ever
heard of the right of secession in connection with
the legislation of Congress on the slavery ques-
ton and it was uttered by my late colleague
Mr. Foote on the floor of this Senate. In
looking over these debates further, because, as
have said, was an attentive reader at that
time, of the proceedings of Congress- find that
my late colleague Mr. Foote] said, in reference
to the admission OF California, at an early period
OF the discussion, 10 speech made by him here,
on the l4th of February, 1850:
81 have no hesitation in declaring it as my
solemn, dispassionate conviction, that if Califor-
min is dragged into the Union in the mode now
proposed the Southern States of the confedera.
cy will feel that all hope of fraternal compromise
has become extinct, and that such intoerable
opp ession has been already imposed upon them
as to justify, nay, to demand, secession from the
Union, in order to save themselves from evils
still worse than disunion itself"
This is the second suggestion which | have
ever found in the progress Of the debates con
nected with the subject of the right of secession
originating, too, with my late colleague, Mr.
Foote. In looking over these debates still
further, find that in speech delivered by him
on the 2lst of March, 1850, on presenting the
resolutions of the Mississippi legislature, in re-
gard to tho Nashville convention, when the
whole action Of the State of Mississippi had
been taken on this question previous to the
meeting of that convention my late colleague
Mr.. Foote said:
"The guarantees in which the South is Pc
cularly Interested, are to be respected by the
free States of the Union in all their scope and
amplitude. If in all these important points the
North should prove unwilling to do Justice
which Heaven forbd-if the offensive enact
ments menaced shall be adopted, and the griev-
ances already confessedly inflicted shall remain
unredressed, then the Southern States will as
semble in convention to consult for their own
safety and welfare; and if justice shall be with
held after all pacific and constitutional expedi-
ents have been tried, and tried in vain, why then
the Southern States may feel it to be duty,
forced upon them, of seeding, in the last re-
sort, from the Union"
These were the first suggestions which ever
heard as to the propriety of secession as the
proper remedy against aggressions on the rights
of the South on account of the legislation of
Congress, in connection with the slavery ques-
ton, and our exclusion from the territories.
Some months after this, when called session
of the Mississippi legislature was convened by
Governor Quitman, for the purpose of taking
into consideration the propriety of calling a con-
vention Of the people of the State to determine
what relations the State of Mississippi should
occupy towards the federal government on &C
count of the enactment of these measures of
compromise, Governor Quitman took position,
80 far as secession is concerned, very much the
same as that to which have last referred az
taken here by my late colleague, Mr.. FooTE.
In his message, delivered the 18th of November,
1850, after reciting the wrongs done the South.
by these measures, he says:
and still further to unite with us those of our
own people who still look for returning sense
Of justice in the North, let the propositions be
distinctly made to the people of the non-slave-
holding States to remedy the wrong, 80 far as it
may be in the power of Congress to do so, by
obtaining from California concessions south of
$500, or otherwise; and to consent to such
amendments of the federal Constitution as shall
hereafter amply secure the rights of the slave
holding States from misconstruction and from
further aggression
But, in the event of refusal, do not hest
tate to express my decided opinion, that the only
effectual remedy to evils which must continue to
grow from year to year, is to be found in the
prompt and peaceabe secession of the aggrieved
States"
That was the position which Governor Quit
man took long after the sentiments announced
here by my late colleague, Mr.. Foote, which
have read. 1t corresponds as to secession, en-
tirely with the position which my late colleague
laid down on the floor of the Senate. 1t will
be seen that Governor Qutman did not take the
position in favor of secession on account of
the measures of compromise, or on account of
what had been done, as ia charged againt him.
He says that it is "the only effectual remedy to
evils which must continue to grow from year to
year"
Are evils, sir, which are to grow from year to
year past evils? think they are evils to come
Therefore, Governor Quitman did not take the
position in his message in favor of secession on
account of what had been done but he took
the same position as to the remedy of secession
that was laid down by my late colleague in the
February preceding. To show, further, that
Governor Quitman did not take the position of
separate secession, or joint secession with the
State of South Carolina or other States, on ac-
count Of the measures of compromise, will
read what he says further
1.-THE probability of the ultimate necessity of
resort to this effective and unquestionable right
of sovereign States should be kept in view,
whatever measures may be adopted by this State,
either alone or in concert with her sister States
to remedy existing evils.'
Can it not be plainly seen, that here he takes
The position that our action, as far as it should
shen go, was ito remedy existing evils" and
hat he never mentioned secession in connection
with the measures of compromise, as a right to
De exercised solely on their account; that he |
lid not recognize it as an act them or in future |