The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1852-04-06
SPEECH OF HON. c. H. WILLIAMS,
or TENNESSEE,

IL Inc IIOuScV IteP'eSeHUttooo,Su"cH Oh, 1909
The House being in the Committee of the Whole
IN the state of the Union
Mr. WILLIAM MS said:
MIR. CHAiRMAH: have not obtained the floor for
the purpose OF making an argument in favor Of the
Homestead bill; have obtained it for far differ
ent purpose. II Is true, however, that with regard
to the Homestead bill differ from my friend from
from the Ashland district, (Mr. BRrCK-
ENRIpax,) who the other day expressed doubt
whether he ought TO vote for the bill, believing that
IT would likely lessen the population Of Kentucky
would vote for it il ] were conscious OF the fact
that every Tennesseean who has not home would
move and participate in the benefits OF this bill, II
it shall become law; and would look upon 1t as
a proud fact in Tennessee's history, il we could
truthfully say that every Tennesseean had a home
stead. desire. however, sir, to make what may
be called political speech have too much re-
gard for the time honored custom of this House to
confnc myself to the bin under consideration.
Laughter. wish to make political, and II may
be denominated President making speech.
am aware that the newspapers are charging that
these speeches wrong, ill-timed, and out OF
place. Ordinarily speaking, when there are no
questions involved in Presidential nomination
but those Of mere expediency and OF policy, would
most heartily subscribe to that doctrine; but be-
eving as do, that in the approaching Presiden-
tal canvass there is question involved connected
with the permanency and durability OF the Union,
and therefore, in importance, Infinitely above all
mere questions Of expediency; and remembering,
too, that President making includes all kinds OF
Legislation, and sometimes very exciting legisla-
ton, have, in my judgment, sufficient reason for
seeking the floor for this purpose.
desire in the outset of my remarks to pay my
respects briefly to the gentleman from the Ashland
district Of Kentucky, (Mr. BRECKENRIpdx) will
not follow the bad example set me by my friend
/ trust shall not, in my ardor to do justice to
anothac. Ispeak to the question Of abolition petit
tions for the naked purpose OF placing the history
of that question fairly before the country. My
friend from Kentucky (Mr MARsHALL) the other
day debated this question: He went into 1t mi
nutely. His argument able and unanswer-
able. desire to presenf it in a somewhat differ
ent and more general aspect. 1t so happened that
was here IN the twenty fifth Congress.one
Congress before the distinguished gentleman from
Kentucky, SO ardently defended by his friend.
(Mr. BRKcKENRIDGE,) had a seat upon this hoor,
During that Congress MIR. Slade, of Vermont,
made speech upon the slavery question. The
late President of the United States, MIR. Polk.
was then Speaker of the House. During the de-
bate. and while MIR. Slade was exhibiting1he opin-
ions of Thomas Jefferson, James Mad1s0n, Will
liam b. Giles, and host OF other dlstng uished
Virginans, upon the abstract question Of slavery,
the late lamented Legare, Of South Carolina, rose
in his place, and with extraordinary gesture, i'm
plored the gentleman from Vermont to cease that
manner and mode Of debate, and save the Union.
MIR. Slade, with q cold blooded purpose, pursued
the tenor of his argument; and member from
Virginia, and one from South Carolina, called up.
on southern members Of the House to go, pelimel,
without Adjournment, down TO the room Of the
Committee for the District of Columbia, in order to
devise ways and means TO protect the South
Southern Senator were invited TO attend the meet
ing. The invitation was promptly accepted. And
accordingly the southern Representatives assem-
bled In the committee-room. was In that meet
ing for two hours; and here state in my place
and do it not for the purpose OF rejecting upon
any gentleman who participated in that debate-ii
had the capacity to understand the purport OF ar
gument, not solitary argument was advanced,
while was there, but what looked to dissolution
of the Union; directly indirectly, the remedy.
Il refIYe al amin he w Or
TO participate any longer, assigning as my reason
that my constituents had not sent me to Congress
for the purpose of calculating the value OF the
Union. Their sittings continued Tor three days. If
my memory is correct and the result of their labor
wac the introduction OF Patton's celebrated resou-
ton. II is short, and1 will read it:
Rssolred, That all petitions, memorials, and pa
pers, touching the abolition Of slavery, or the buy
ing, selling, or transferring, slaves In any State,
district, territory Of the United States. be laid
upon the table without being debated, printed
read, or referred, and that no further action shal
be had thereon"
The House adopted it. The Senators from the
South, IN the Senate Of the United States assisted
in connecting this resolution. They could neither
be read, debated, nor referred for consideration
Six days thereafter, with remarkable inconss-
Ntency, the late John c. Calhoun, of South Carroll
ma, after having thus co-operated in tying the
hands Of the House on this exciting question, In
troduced into the Senate series oil abstract resolu-
tons on the subject Of slavery, and opened the
whole question in debate which continued Tor
weeks. II the decision of this House was correct
and II was wrong to discuss that question here, by
the Representatives of the people, can any man as
sign a sensible reason why it was right to pursu'
different course In the other end OF the Capitol
j co operated with the southern Representatives
aud supported Pattons resolution. When con
WINGED Of an error, am at all times willing to ad
init IL. Subsequent experience satisfies me, and
think must convince every impartial mind, tha
the policy Of refusing TO receive and refer petitions
the subject OF slavery was unwise, and Jailed 10
pI
ing the dangerous sectional excitements growing
out OF that question 1t enabled the unpuncipled
sgitators Of the North 10 combine great popular
question, which commended itself to the accept
anse and approval Of that entire section, with the
abstract hostility to slavery which is known to ex-
lat in that portion Of the Republic; and thus fac
ton which had previously been contemplate IN
numbers, and powerless for mischief grew into a
magnitude Of strength which has Tor years dis
turbed the peace Of the Republic, and now threat
ems its very existence.
The succeeding Congress, William D. Butte
became member OF the Housc Of Representa-
tives, and voted for Mr. Wise's resolution, whicl
similar in its provisions TO that OF MIR. Pat
ton, and which afterwards Lecame the 2lst rule
This rule the law of the House for pc
Rod Of six years, If my memory serves m
correctly, and during that whole time publ
business was obstructed in Congress, and tbi
House was kept in uproar OF excitement, by
struggle between northern and southern members
those OF the North contending that the consttu
tional right Of petition was nullihed by the 2ls
rule, and therefore demanding lite repeal; those o
the South insisting that the maintenance OF tn
rule excluding abolition petitions was essential I
the safety Of that peculiar institution OF theirs
which was constantly and vebomently assailet
by the fanatics OF the North. This excitement
this uprosr, continued until the session Of Con
gress Immediately succeeding the election OF Jane
X. Polk to the Presidency, when the 2lst rule wa
repealed Tins House will bear Inc witness-tb
whole country knows-the honorable gentleman
from Kentucky (Mr. BRsoKEsRIDeE) must him
self admit-tbat with the repeal Of that rule eS
element and contention has ceased upon this foo
on the subject Of abolition petitions The Demo
CRITIC party was IN majority when 1t was repealed
the succeeding Congress was largely Democratic
hut did not restore the rule. There ia an over
wbelming Democratic majority In this House nov
abolition petitions received and referred with
out debate, and without creating the eli htest eS
element in the House. In view of such facts a
these, I think ! can claim, from the csndor OF th
gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. BREcKrssIpoE,
the admission that the patriotism and wisdom
Mr. FIllmores votes on the subject referred TO eta n
INDICATED. The imputation OF the gentleman fror
Kentucky, that Mr.. Fillmore was Ffeesoiler,
no new idea. In the Presidential canvnss 1t wa
advanced upon every stump in Tennessee. The
we were told that should we vote for General Tay
lor and he should be elected and die before the e,
piration Of his term of Office should fall into u
arms Of the Abolition party, because by that ever
Mr. Fillmore would acccde to the Presidency. tn