The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1852-05-11

ly with northern movements, would at once be
thrown into state OF ferment, and the Executive
would be compelled by the force of public opinion
to send as many troops as were at his disposal to
Sullivans Island other points on the coast Of
that State to endeavor to oy crave her.
But 1t ia not necessary for me to argue further
to show that there serious obstacles the way
of the execution Of the Fugitive Slave law Of 1850.
or Of any legislative provision to carry out that
feature Of the Constitution. The expense alone Of
recovering a fugitive is sufficient to defeat the
object Of tho law. That expense would not be
necessary were It not for the resistance made by
In support Of my own course and views, quote q
paragraph from the Address already published by
the seeding members. Let il be borne in mind
that they are all, except Mr. Morton and myself,
the following words
"Aiter another series of wears new acquisitions
OF territory were madc-new disputes arose touch
ing the same powers and the same questions. A
new Compromise was made, whereby the balance
Of power was yielded by the s!aveholding States,
and the reins Of empire were delivered up to the
free States by the admission Of California into the
Union. The slave trade was suppressed in the
District of Columbia, territorial governments were
created over the whole public domain, and an act
wac passed to enforce the delivery Of ugtives from
labor. This settlement being made, has the South
murmured at the law suppressing the slave trade
in this District? Look upon the opposite picture.
Reply to your own hearts, how has the law for the
delivery of fugitive slaves been executed? We ask
merely that the Wing party shall not 60 behind
this last setlement that it shall nationaze itself
by taking firm and true position upon the final
ity of this settlement, and shall hold it's members
bound, without regard to former opinions, to main
tain and enforce this settlement in good faith, and
honestly"
The view here taken substantially accords with
my own position. WAS originally opposed to this
system OF measures. Inasmuch as the Constitution
expressly provided that fngitives should be given
up, thought that we we're entitled as matter of
right, without bargain. to an efficient law to carry
into effect that provision. ] did not, therefore.
consent to pay the price demanded. But it was
determined otherwise; and the measures relating
to the disposition of the territorial acquisitions have
been executed, and now beyond recall. The
Fugitive Slave law alone is executory in its charac-
ter, and is liable to be repealed, modified,
sisted.
Though regarded the bargain as whole AZ an
unwise one, yet, since what We have paid cannot
be gotten back, have not right to insist that the
other party shall pay what was promised, even
though il be less than hold it ought have been2
II man were to convey by deed to another piece
OF land worth one thousand dollars, with promise
of only five hundred in return for it, might you
not well say to him that be had made bad trade,
but that, his land was gone forever, he ought to
insist that the purchase money should at least be
paid? This view of the case ia SO clear and easy
Of comprehension, that must be excused for
doubling the sincerity of any one who processes
not to understand it. At least, be who does not
see it is covered by a coating Of stupidity thick
enough. and hard enough, to turn the edge OF any
argument, however sharp il may be, and however
forciby driven
From the day of the passage of these measures
have said again and again that, notwithstanding
the great concessions made to the North, it would
not remain satisfied, and that the Southern Com
promise men would be put on the defensive
again. have all the while held myself ready to
CO. operate with them. Having failed TO maintain
successfully my own position for the want of a
larger number of allies, it is my duty fall back
ON the next line of defence that seems tenable.
What would be thought of a soldier who in battle,
because the advanced position which he wished
defended was abandoned, should refuse to co-ope-
rate with his comrades in defending any other line
which might be occupied by themf Feeling con-
dent that the Abolitonists would not give quarter
to my countrymen, duty and patriotism required
that should be ready to aid them whenever they
found it necessary to make a stand.
twill be that my resolution went beyond those
OF the other gentlemen with whom was ope-
rating. in substance proposed that should not
give the sanction Of Congressional caucus Of the
Wing party TO the holding OF any National Con-
vention, except upon condition that certain princi
Piles should be adopted q basis of action.
But il lie said that we disposed to thrust
sectional issue upon the convention. II 10 not so;
for the Constitution OF the United States is binding
in oil IT provisions all sections of the Union, and
must be carried out in all its features by every
citizen He, therefore, who 10 opposed TO the en-
forccment OF any Of its provisions, il himself
sectional man, and ought therefore TO be excluded
from all part in the proceedings OF any National
Convention. Before entering into political part
nership with any set OF men, we have right to
require that they shall adopt principles co-exten
sive with the Constitution and the rights Of all
tions uncer it. And if the individuals composing
the body about TO assemble really entertain proper
national feelings, why should they hesitate TO say
so' II lie the high privilege Of American freemen
TO speak the truth; aud why should they not ex-
ercise this great right
The fact cannot be denied that within the last
k.lE Aa1Ax. L. - III
Wing party has become a mere northern sectional
anti slavery party To show how this was brou ght
about would extend the limits Of this letter TOO
much, and j content myself with a reference to
few well known prominent facts. In the thrtieth
Congress every member Of the House Of Rcpresen.
taves from the free States regularly voted for the
Wilmot proviso, with n view Of excluding the
South from the occupation Of every acre Of the
Mexican territory. The fact that fifteen States,
by their legislative action, adopted this proviso,
shows how general and prevailing was this feeling
among all parties at the North. And in the Prcsi
dental canvass following, viz, Of lS4S, the section
slavery ground When, therefore, the thirty frat
Congress assembled, IL was found that all Of the
eighty four Wing members from the North bad
been, either by their own declarations, or by the
resolves Of the nominating district conventions,
pledged TO put the proviso the territorial gov
ernmcnts, and TO abolish slavery in the District Of
Columbia. Though different in name, yet these
gentlemen agreed in principle with that large
ton OF the Abolition party which supported John r.
Hale candidate. While they all pro-
f,ssed a regard for the Constitution and dscaiined
apupose 10 interfere with slavery in the States yet
they alike asserted only the right but also The
duty, Of Congress 10 exclude slavery wherever IL
had jurisdiction, and especially TO prohibit Il in the
Territories, and abolish IL in the District. II will be
assembled at the commencement Of the session Of
the last Congress, when discussion these points
sprung up on the presentation Of Mr.. Toomts's
resolution, that a gentleman from New York, Mr..
Brooks, declared that he had had conference with
his colleague from the city, Understood to be Mr..
Briggs,) and that they had determined not TO vote
at nat session (thc frst one) for any proposition
ing the pressing and urgent nature Of the Discus
zion on that occasion, other gentleman from the
North made a similar declaration, while many who
did speak asserted the contrary. II was a full
knowledge Of this state Of things that in
duced me shortly after 20 DECLARE on the floor Of
the House that regarded the norlhcrn portion Of
the Wing party as neither national nor conscrva-