Daily American telegraph., 1852-08-02
Lesson on Iron.

Lesson ON Iron.
| The tariff Of 1885, aided by "cheap iron"
| from England, having broken down our own man.
ufactures, we are now, with all sorts of enter
prises in hand, wholly dependent upon the Eng
lish manufacturers. They understand and are
taking advantage Of this folly. The price of rails
has risen and viii continue to advance. Iron is
twenty five and thirty per cent. higher now than
it was year ago Rails could have been rolled
if our tariff had not been broken down. at home.
twenty-five per cent. cheaper than their cost
here. And then, besides using mp our raw ma
terials, giving employment for American capital
and labor, and increasing the demand for Ameri-
can produce, the steamers would not be taking off
specie at the rate Of half million week.
There is either objectionable cupidty or wan
ton wickedness in our free-trade policy. Cotton
growers and shippers naturally enough advocate
free trade, though it is more than probable that
their true and permanent interests would be pro-
NOTED by protective tariff; but that the masses
of our people-and above all the Democracy of
America-should favor free trade, is "passing
strange"
England having by n rigid and unyielding ad-
herence to high protective policy for centuries,
developed oil her resources, covered her entire
kingdom with engines, forges looms, and spindles,
and attained perfection in all the departments of
manufactures, with cheap labor and untold mil
lions of surplus capital, is in condition to ask
she has broken down, free trade.
Yes, after England has grown great and pow
erful overspreadng the world with her manu-
factures and spanning the oceans and seas with
her commerce.; when, by her perfected machinery,
long experience, multiplied facilities, and uplim-
tied capital, England haa placed herself beyond
the reach of competition, she assumes the cham
pionship and becomes an example of free trade.
This is eminently wise for England. Centuries
ofr rpa trin hay ora1 bar for
trade. Free trade is as clearly the policy Of
England now rs protection is the true policy Of
America. The reasons in both cases are found
in the relative conditions Of the two countries
ThurlOw Weed.
DoCToRs DIsAGREE.-Southey concludes his
life Of the Duke of Marlborough with these words:
Considering him in oil his relations, public and
private it may be safely asserted that Marlbo-
rough approaches, as near as human frailty will
allow, to the perfect model Of good patriot, a
true statesman, and consummate general"
Hallam, in summing up the character of the
same person, writes thus We find in the whole
Of this great mans political life nothing but am
biton and rapacity in his motives, nothing but
trencherv and intrigue in his means" And
again: /" His whole life was such picture Of
meanness and treachery, that one must rate mil
itary services very high indeed to preserve any
esteem for his memory" Macaulny speaks Of
the Duke in the following terms: In our age
and country, no talents, no service, no party at
tachments, could bear up under mountains Of in
fanny :" and again, in his I" History of England"
the same writer describes Marlborough as "this
man who had owed his rise to his sisters dis
honor, who had been kept by the most profuse,
imperious, and shameless Of harlots, and whose
public life, to those who can look steadily through
the dazzling blaze of genius and glory will ap-
pear prodigy of turpitude." A new bographer,
MIR. Macfarane, represents the Duke of Marlbo-
rough as man Of splendid endowments, dis
figured by only one fault--avarice. All of these
writer's had access to the same sources OF In
formation, had no personal interest to warp their
Judgment, had no other object than to ascertain
the truth and are all men Oh aery IN .nese
ion must be set down as of the "curiosities of
literature"
A vessel has cleared from New York for Aus
II. o.