Daily American telegraph. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1851-1852, 1852-09-02

| we received yesterday, from gentleman IN
MARYLAND, the letter which we give below. II
was written nearly ten years ago. and was first
published in the Danyille (Virginia) Reporter,
| and thence transferred to the I" Maryland Colo
nization Journal" from which journal it is now
copied. Our correspondent is Of opinion that
General SCOTS views on the delicate question OF
| slavery have been misrepresented, and therefore
desires to see this letter, in which they are fully
and authenticity set FORTH inserted in the Intel
igencer.
The views expressed by the General appear to
us to evince wise and comprehensive statesman
ship, as well MS characteristic philanthropy,
and we therefore, with pleasure, give the letter
place in our columns:
WASHINGTON February 8, l843.
Nix DEAR SIR: L have been waiting for an
evenings leisure to answer your letter before me,
and after an unreasonable delay, am at last
obliged to reply in the midst of official occupations
| That ever have been named in connection
with the Presidency of the United States has not
can assure you, the son Of an ancient neighbor
and friend, been by any continuance or desire
of mine ; and certainly shall never be in the
field for that high Office unless placed there 6y
regular nomination. Not, then, being candi-
date, and seeing no near prospect of being made
one, I ought, perhaps, to decline troubling you
or others with my humble opinions on great
principles of State rights and federal admins
tration but as | cannot plead ignorance of the
partiality of n few friends, in several parts of
the Union, who may by possibility, in certain
event, succeed in bringing me within the field
from which Wing candidate is to be selected,
| prefer to err on the side of frankness and can
dor, rather than, by silence, to allow any stran-
ger unwittingly to commit himsefto my support.
Your inquiries open the whole question of do
nestle slavery, which has in different forms, for
o number of years, agitated Congress and the
country.
Promising that yeu are the first person who has
Intercepted me on the subject give you the
basis of what would be my reply in greater de-
tail, if time allowed and the contingency alluded
to above were less remote. u
In boyhood, at William and Mary College, and
in common with most, if not all, Of my compan-
ions, I became deeply impressed with the views
given by Mr.. Jefferson, in his "Notes on Virgin
ia, and by Judge Tucker, in the Appendix to
his edition of Blackstone's Commentaries, in fa-
vor of gradual emancipation of slaves. That
Appendix | have not seen in thirty-odd years,
and, in the same period, have read scarcely any
thing on the subject; but my early impressions
are fresh and unchanged. Hence, if I had had
the honor of seat in the Virginia legislature in
the winter of 1912, when a bill was brought
forward to carry out those views, | should GER
tainly have given it my hearty support.
suppose I scarcely need say that, in my
opinion, Congress has no color Of authority under
the constitution for touching the relation of mas
ter and slave in a State.
hold the opposite opinion in relation to the
District of Columbia. Here, with the consent of
the owners or on the payment of "just compen-
sation," Congress may legisate at its discretion.
But my conviction is equally strong that, unless
it be step by step with the legislatures of Virginia
and Maryland, it would be dangerous to both
races in those States to touch the relation be-
tween master and slave in this District.
have from the first been of opinion that Con-
gress was bound by the constitution to receive,
to refer, and to report upon petitions relating to
domestic slavery, as in the case of all petitions
but have not failed to see and to regret the un-
avodable irritation which the former have pro-
duced in the Southern States, with the conse-
quent peril to the two colors, whereby the adop-
ton of any plan of emancipation has everywhere
among us been greatly retarded.
l own, myself no slave; but never have at
tached blame to masters for not liberating their
slaves, well knowing that liberation, without the
means of sending them in comfort to some posi-
ton favorable to "the pursuit of happiness"
would in most cases be highly injurious to all
around, as well as to the manumitted families
themselves, unless the operation were general,
and under the auspices Of prudent legislation.
But am persuaded that it is high moral obi
CATION of masters and slaveholding States to
employ all means, not incompatible with the
safety of both colors to meorate slavery to exter
mination.
1t is gratifying to know that general melora-
ton has been great and is still progressing, not
outstanding the disturbing causes alluded to
above. The more direct process of emancipation
may, no doubt, be earlier commenced and quick
ened in some communities than in others. Each,
| do not question, has the right to Judge for
ITSELF both as to time and means; and consider
interference or aid from without, except on in
yitation from authority within, to be rs hurtful
to the sure progress Of moderation as it may be
fatal to the lives of vast multitudes Of all ages,
sexes, and colors. The work of liberation cannot
be forced without such horrid results. Christian
philanthropy is ever mild and considerable. Hence
all violence ought to be deprecated by the friends
Of religion and humanity. Their persuasions
cannot fail ut the right time to free the master
from the slave and the slave from the master;
perhaps before the latter shall have found out
and acknowledged that the relation between the
parties had long been mutually prejudicial to
their worldly interests.
There u.s. in the order Of Providence, no eul ,Cith-
om some compromising benefit The bleeding dJri-
can torn from his sapGge home BIZ his ferocious
Reghbors, sold IN slavery, and cast upon this CONT
nent Here in The mild South, The race has aconder-
fully multiplied, compared Nth anything eUer kno'on
in darbdrous life. The descendants Of few
thousands have become many millions and all,
from the first, made acquainted with the arts of
civilization, and, above all, brought under the
light of the Gospel
From the promise made to Abraham, some two
thousand years elapsed before the advent Of our
Saviour; and the Israetes, the chosen people of
God, were for wise purposes suffered to remain
in bondage longer than Africans have been on
our shores. This race has already experienced
the resulting compensation alluded to- and as
the white missionary has never been able to pen
citrate the dark regions of Africa or to establish
himself in its interior, it may be within the
scheme of Providence that the great work of