The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-09-23
LETTER FROM KENTUCKY.
LOUISVILLE, KY, Sept. 8, 1856:

LOUISVILLE, NY, SEPT q, 1907.
To the Editor of the National Era.
! have just read in the Era the noble speech
of Charles Sumner, on the Fugitive Slave Law
You may well call it the speech of the session
My first wish was, that every man and every
woman in the nation might have the privilege
of reading it. After reading it myself hand.
ed it to one Of the ablest men and one of the
most eloquent writers in the State. On return
ing it, his emphatic reply was, "perfectiy unan-
swerabie" On speaking of it to another friend,
| remarked that intended to send for fifty
copies of the pamphlet edition. Put me down
for fifty more" was the immediate response,
handing me the money. So you will please
find enclosed 49, the price for 100 copies.
! intend that every prominent lawyer and
clergyman in the city shall have copy, whether
they read it or not That great and noble
speech and "Uncle Toms Cabin seem to be
special providential instrumentalities for the
advancement of the cause Of Justice and Right
eousness.
All honor to Old Massachusetts, for sending
a man to the United States Senate with hui
man heart beating warm in his bosom. May
God long preserve the lives of the brilliant and
successful authoress and the eloquent and fear
less Senator.
On taking careful and deliberate survey of
the cause which you have so long advocated, |
am struck with one prominent and uDquestiOn-
ed fact 1t is this The Slavery question is
rapidly becoming IF it has not already become)
q the national question of our day. Every
other question in national politics has assumed
secondary place. Especially is this true in
Kentucky, and the adjoining slave States. As
to preventing discussion on this subject it is
simply an absurd mpossibility Every political
paper and every stump speaker in Kentucky
are now discussing Slavery in some of its rela-
tons, to the exclusion of almost every other
matter.
Practically, everybody disregards both of
the Baltimore platforms, so far as they at
tempt to interdict agitation and discussion Of
the Fugitive Slave Law. Each political party
is endeavoring to show that they and their can
didate are the Pro-Slavery party par excel
lence" and that the Fugitive Law is only safe
in their custody The Wing orators, in their
eagerness to prove to the people that there
are negroes TO be caught" seem TO forget that
there is also "free white labor which claims
the national protection In fact, the old party
watchwords of the Whigs-"a Protective
Tariff" Internal improvements by the Gen.
eral Government" and the regulation of the
National Currencyn-are, by common consent,
regarded almost as obsolete ideasD
The advocates OF General Scott are fond of
styling him one Of the fathers Of the Compro-
mise" and claim that without his personal
influence the Fugitive Slave Law could not
have been passed"
On the other hand, the friends of Gen. Pierce
claim for him the high honor Of having en-
dorsed the Baltimore platform, and that he
further gives it the hearty approval of his dis
interested judgment They further say that
he is q National Democrat and that he re-
CARDS the Fugitive Slave Law as the only thing
that can by possibility save the Union More
over, he always voted against that old agtator
Of Massachusetts "John Quincy Adams in
his incendiary endeavors TO get the peoples De-
ttions considered by the peoples Representa-
tlyes; and, TO crown all, this same Franklin
Pierce was duly examined by committee of
Southern gentlemen, previous TO his nomination
Mt Baltimore, and pronounced sound in wind
and hoof and the very nag for q Southern
race. These, these are the prominent quali6-
cations which the two great political parties of
the South are claiming for their candidates
not that the civil and MILITARY qualifications Of
Scott and Pierce are forgotten, but these things
are regarded as merely secondary, not to he
named in comparison with those previously
cited.
Ia word, the leaders Of the Wing and