Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1850-1854, 1852-07-16
FIRMS OF ADVERTISING

more than two-Ihirds very soon, for by the mex.
census we shall have at least twenty one millions
of white people at the north, and nine millions,
at the utmost, at the south--do gentlemen de-
sire that those twenty-one millions of people
! should take this subject of slavery into their
hands-;o let it agitate, and agitate, and convulse
the whole nation, until il shall finally be treated
as Il will be treated if ii becomes The fuel ola uni
versa contiagration through this land. Let
southern statesmen take warning in this matter.
desire to stand upon the Constitution, your on.
~ rock OF safety, in this terrible future glimpses
OF which are opening upon us-to stand there,
| because think | can stand there safely, and no.
where else.
When said that John Rutledge, of South
| Carolina, was the man who reported the grant of
power in the one clause, bot that he did not re-.
port any such grant in the other clause, had
not exhausted the argument The clauses un.
derwent another scrutiny they passed another
ordeal This matter was committed 10 8 COM
miIee OF eleven for revision. Ii came back in
essentially the same shape. Who was upon
the committee Of revision? Charles CotesWorth
Pickney, of South Carolina, was one of tina.
committee of eleven. His attention had been
drawn 10 this subject; the reclamation of fuci-
tive slaves, for he had no. only taken part in the
discussion of the subject on the 2Sih, bu, he
was the individual member who first introduced
1t to the notice OF the convention. If he want
ed grant of power, he knew how it was 10 ba
expressed, 'Or the clause 10 which the grant Of
power was inserted on the Same day that the
fugitive from labor was adopted was also before
that committee. James Madison, a keen and
constitutional lawyer, was one OF that commit
tee. Luther Martin, of Maryland was also Of
that committee. Ii ever there wss a strict con-
strucuonlst, Luther Martin was one and he also,
as well as Mr.. Madison, was a sound constitu-
uonal lawyer, as the gentleman from Virginia,
Mr. (Bayly) who revived this matter the other
day, viii allow. II the committee INTENDED a
grant of power, would Luther Martin have left
II TO be implied, and that, too, in such manner
that 1t requires to be sharpened, By judicial dc.
clalon to discover the implication
williamson, of North Carolina, was also of
that committee. Here were men who would
look to the interests Of the south, aud If they
meant grant OF power, express grant of pow
er. Why did they not DO it? Why did thes
no; put il there They have not put it there
Perhaps they did not wanttj perhaps they want
ed the power but knew they could no. have it.
One or the other is the natural and true inter.
probation. This clause came from the ordinance
of 1887, passed by the Congress of the Confed-
eration--a clause that there should be no slave
~ northwest Of the Ohio, and that fugitive fly
ing from labor into that territory should be dey-
cred up.
That vas compact, and that compact we
could not fail to understand. 1t contained no.
grant Of power. 1t is not materially changed as
to this point Trace out It's history it is easy
to find what that compact was, and whence il
came. It wus copied from an old English COM
pact made in the year l6l2, between Massachu-
sets bay and her neighboring colonies. After.
wards, substantially, the same compact was re.
newed and extended little further, but granting
no power-simply an agreement to return each
others runaway servants. This is the whole
history Of it. Nathan Dane copied familiar
provision of New England policy from those
old contracts into the ordnance, which made tho
whole northwest free soil forever
Mr.. Jefferson, in 1884, attempted to make all
the territory then belonging to the United States
free soil, lie attempted to exclude slavery by
an organic ordinance from Alabama and Miss
issipp, and all the southwest as well as tho
northwest. 1t was defeated by the vote OF Mr..
Spcight ofthC state OF North Carolina If Speght,
had been a Jefersonian democrat that day, there
would have been no slavery west of the Ale
ghNnes. Mr.. Jefferson proposed to exclude
slavery but did no provide for the rendition of fu-
gtive slaves. That was Thomas Jcflerson's
plan in 1893.
Here the hammer fell