Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1852-01-03
THE SOLIDARITY OF THE PEOPLES.


cal system of the illustrious Hungarian who now
honors the country with his presence. 1t was ans
nounced by him in his very first speech in England,
and is a very pleasing specimen OF that Franco
Hungarian dialect which our astonished friends at
| New York compare to the English of Milton. The
solidarity of the Peoples means we believe that
| the Peoples shall make common cause with
each other at least SO far as this that if any foreign
Power interferes to prevent People from managing
its affairs in its way, the other Peoples shall
interfere to prevent this interference. This is the
doctrine, if we understand it, which the distip-
guished vsiter now calls upon the American People
to assert and, if Russia and all other despotic GO
vernments do not act accordingly, then, as he ad-
mits, we are to 60 to war with them. The princl
pie, therefore, is one of considerable Importance
and it behooves us to understand exactly what it is
and what 1T pledges us to do if we adopt it.
In the first place, it becomes necessary to consi-
der with great care, in applying this principle in
our foreign relations, what " people, or g nation
is. This is not easy matter as may be thought;
for instance, Mr. Calhoun and all the State Rights
| school in this country strenuously deny that the
United states are nation or even people. They
maintain that in the introduction to the Constitution
the phrase :" We the People of the United States y
means eve the Peoples of the States united"
Now, if South Carolina, which claims to be one OF
these separate Peoples" goes to war with the
General Government, with whom are the foreign
.peoples' of Europe to syhpathize? Are they to
aud the General Government to put down South
! Carolina, or to aid South Carolina to put down the
| General Government?
In the case of Hungary herself similar difficulty
exists. The foreign nations know no such people
as Hungary. The Austrian empire comprehends
many States and Provinces. As far as foreigners
are concerned, the Austrian Government represents
them all. Foreigners can know nothing of Bohe-
mia, Hungry, or Pennsylvania However impor-
tant these distinctions may be at home, they are
unknown abroad. If, therefore, ace are called upon
to spply to the Hungarian question the principle
that each People has right to manage its affairs in
its own way, it would be our duty to assist the
Austrians to put down the Hungarians. This is by
no means myopinion, Messrs Editors, but it is the
j direct consequence of Governor Kossuth's princ
ple If not, what shall we do with Croatia and
Servia? If we % behind the Austrian Government
as the representative of the whole empire, we shall
find that, besides Hungary there are Croatia, Ser
wa, IransyNania and we believe some other spec
pies" Some of these have a language of then
own; and this is the great test of separate nation
atty During the Hungarian struggle, while the
Magyars (hat is, the genuine Hungarians) were
contending against the Austrian Government on the
one hand, they were at war with the Croatians and
Servians on the other Now, it is not necessary t.
enter into the merits of this war. 1t may have
been just and righteous, Governor Kossuth main
tains The Croatians and Seryians may have beer
ungrateful rebels stirred up by Austrian ntriguei
against their Hungarian rulers, as he asserts OF
they may have been brave and vrtuous race
struggling for their liberty against their Hungarian
oppressors, as they maintain themselves. How are
foreigners to decide the question on this principle Of
the solidarity of the Peoples? Shall we take the
4 ,La1lxy g. IL
not at least to hear what the Croatians and Ser
vians have to say for themselves?
Take, again, the case of France at the present
moment. France is much more important to us
and to Europe than Hungary is or ever can be
\ When the revolution of 1S4S broke out, Congress
judictossy passed resolution rejoicing over it. as
having q consolidated the liberties of France
Such we believe was the expression. Cool specta-
tors who have something better to do than to manu-
facture political capital thought it would be as well
to wait and see. But this did not suit the ardent
friends of liberty and we passed the resolution,
without knowing what kind of Government, or
whether any Government had, in point of fact, been
established.
Since then Constitution has been framed by q
constituent assembly duly authorized; and the last
arrival from Europe informs us that the President
almost unanimously chosen by the people, has set
this Constitution at defiance, dissolved the Assembly
imprisoned the leaders of the opposition, and APP
pealed to the people. Now, this appeal from the
Government to the people is another of the Hunga-
rian doctrines which we are called upon to put in
practice; and | should like to know what the
" solidarity" requires us to do? With whom shall
we take sides? Suppose the people respond to
Louis Napoleon's appeal as they did to his un-
ce's, whom they successfully made Consul for ten
years. Consul for life, and Emperor; shall we make
common cause with him Suppose the Republicans
rise against him. shall we assist them against the
" elect of the 10th of December" confirmed again
by the people? 1t is probable that the real people
that is the mass of the traders farmers, teachers
professional men, and substantial citizens-if they
dared give their unbiased opinion, would vote both
against the Red Republicans and the Bonapartists.
They, however, we presume will be cowed, and
submit to whatever Louis Napoleon, as long az the
army sustans him, may declare to be the will of the
people. Shall we interfere to support this real no
nest Woodworking people, shall we leave them to
be ground up between the upper and the neither mill
stone-the lmperialists and the Red Republicans
Messrs. Editors, how would il do, till the welfare
of our own beloved country is threatened by some
thing done in Europe, to mind our own business,
and let remote and foreign Governments and coun-
tries do the same?
/ One word more, Messrs. Editors. 1t used to be
fundamental doctrine with us old Republicans that
the Government of the United States was Govern
ment of limited powers " Entangling alliances"
were condemned not merely on the ground of policy,
as our ustrous guest teaches us but on the ground
TINT tbav MORO ohsouta1y fnrbiddon h., tbe natrrp