The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-04-08

nary question, and has been decided BY Con
gress with unexampled unanimity, and by de-
cree awarding such honors as the American
people had before found none worthy to receive
but the constant and generous Lafayette.
Gods, Of whatsoever degree,
Resume not what themselves have given.
Freedom, sir, often undertakes, and some
times mistakes, her friends but tyranny never
is deceived in her enemies Let the honorable
Senator from Alabama Mr.. CLEMENS convince
the treacherous Bonaparte that Louis Kossuth
is not man TO be feared, or the old and subtle
Metternich that Louis Kossuth is not man to
DO hated Until then, we must stand upon the
judgment we have already rendered.
Once more, then, ask, why withhold our pro-
test? The Senator from Alabama Mr.. Glenn
ENsl would reply, that Hungary is an integral
part of the Austrian Empire, and entitled to
our declaration only when she shall, by success.
full revolution, have established her independ.
ence. The form Of my proposition defeats the
objection. Hungary had always enjoyed and
in that very way had established her independ-
ence when Russia interviewed Certainly those
who maintain that we could not now employ
force TO separate Hungary from Austria, when
Russia has united them by force, cannot deny our
right TO protest against the crime that Russia
thus committed. IL would indeed have been
better to have protested during the period of
the act itself But the period was short, and
we remote. The act is yet recent, and the
prospect OF new attempt Of Hungary contin-
ucs the transaction, and renders censure Of
the past and protest against the apprehended
renewal OF Russian intervention important and
seasonable.
There remains the objection, that flows so
:
on this side Of the Atlantic, and still more freely
from the stipendiary presses Of Paris and Wen
ma, that protest would be departure from
the traditional policy of our country, and from
the precepts Of Washington. 1t is passing
strange sir, that Louis Napoleon and Francis
Joseph should take so deep an interest in our
adherence to our principles, and in our rever-
ence of the memory of him who inculcated
them, not for the immunity Of tyrants, but for
the security of our own welfare. know by
hearsay that an association during our last con-
test with Great Britain clothed themsees with
these same principles, and even with that illus
trious name; that they call themselves the
Washington benevolent society, celebrated the
nativity, and quoted the Farewell Address of
Washington to embarrass the administration in
what they were pleased TO call an unjust and
unhoy war, even when il had become war of
national defence. have known faction, too
that planted themselves on the same sacred
text, to confine to persons of American birth
the privileges of American citizenship. A good
cause needs not the sanction OF that awful
name. bad one often seeks, although il can-
not justly claim it, Therefore, always take
the liberty to look underneath the mantle of
on whose so ever shoulders find it.
Sir, granting for moment that Washington
inculcat d just such policy as is claimed by
my opponents, is it so entirely certain that it
ought always and under all circumstances to be
pursued Here is message Of his that illus
trates the policy he adopted towards, not one
only, but all the Barbary powers, and it received,
think, the unanimous and favorable response
Of the Senate Of the United States
To The Senate of The United States
Ii the President should conclude convention
or treaty with the government of Agiers for the
ransom of the thirteen American citizens in cap
tivity there, for a sum not exceeding $40 900, |
all expenses included, will the Senate approve
the same? If the President should conclude |
treaty with the government of Algiers, for the |
Of peace with them, at an ex.
pense not exceeding $4,000, paid at the sigma.
ture, and like sum TO be paid annually after
ward during the continuance Of the treaty, would
the Senate approve the same
MAY 8, 1892. G. WASHINGTON.
Sir, you and ! and all of us would have |
answered in the affirmative to these questions.
had we lived and occupied these places in the
last century. desire to ascertain how many |
votes such treaty would receive here now /! |
And | address myself 10 the honorable Senator |
from Rhode Island, mr.. CLARKE who moved |
resolutions against any departure from the pol |
icy OF Washington. Would you, sir, pay Bsrba-
ry pirate $4,000 TO ransom thirteen captives, |
and $4,000 bonus, and $4,000 annually, for
exemption from his depradatious. He looks
| appeal TO my emulous friend
from New Jersey, Mr. Miller Would you,
sir! No. not l. demand from the other hon. /
orable Senator from New Jersey, Mr.. STocK. |
TON, who in the triple character Of senator,
and general, presided at the birth |
day congressional banquet in honor Of Wash |
ington, and dishonor Of his Hungarian disciple,
Kossuth. Would you, sir ? No, not he All
who are in favor of such treaty, let them say |
aye. What. sir not one vote in the Senate Of
the United States for the continuance Of what
was in its time a wise and prudent as we'll as
humane policy of Washington No. not one.
And why, sir The answer Is easy The times
have changed, and we have changed with them
NO one has ever thought that the Spartans
wisely continued the military monastery after
their State was firmly established. No ono ever
has thought that the rape Of the Sabine women
by the Romans was policy 10 be continued
But sir, TO come 10 that part Of Washngton's
policy which is directly in question. ] shall
maintain that il was this. II consisted in avoid.
ing new changing alliances and artificial ties
with one Of the beIligercnt powers In general
European war; but il admitted Of expressions
assurances, and manifestations Of sympathy and
Of interest in behalf Of nations eontending for
The principles Of the American Svolution, and
Of protest, earnest and decided, against the IN.
leryention Of foreign powers TO suppress these
principles by force and this, just such as have
defined it. is the traditional policy Of the United
States and has been pursued until this very day
and this very hour
Mr.. President: ! might well excuse myself
from proving the truth Of this proposition, mas.
much as, on the principles have established,
The United States, being moral person, could
not but cherish all that devotion 10 their own
ust and true system Of politics which the policy
have described implies and being, moreover,