The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-05-15
spee,h Of senator Bell, on intervention.

We consider this speech one OF the very
ablest to which the debate on Intervention IN
the Senate has given birth. II is producton
of sound sense and deep rejection, and Of conf
prehensive observation. ,
The civilized nations of the world have be-
come so much connected by commerce'oy STEAM
and by telegraph, and those Of Europe and TINS
country have of late contracted so many atfini-
ties by emigration and lineage, that practical
interestin each others affairs has arisen, far more
vital and important, than between cotermnous
kingdoms.a century ago.
But this modern affinity of nations has re-
ceiyed great augmentation by the political
events of the last five years. Before that we
felt but little interest in the public aifl'rs OF
any European people, except the English, whose
institutions bore some resemblance to ours. VI
. France but little was expected, after LOUIS
PHMLIPPE was securely seated on the throne
But the French revolution of l848, so sudden
and SO radical-its immediate effect on the other
States of the continent--the revolutions in
Rome, in Berlin, in Vienna all for liberty, ex-
cited at once degree of interest in the affairs
of Europe among the people Of this country,
never felt before. Subsequent events have in
creased that interest. The entire success of the
reactionary party, the proclamation of an un-
compromising resistance to all popular move
ments there, of war between despotism and
liberty, and this, too after the development OF
liberal party so powerful as at first to have been
vctors, have all certainly fixed the attention, and
enlisted the sympathy Of the people here still
more.
For ourselves, we confess we had little or no
faith in the recent revolutionary movements in
Europe. They proceeded generally on the doc
trine of the natural equality of men, and rather
distinctly avowed an antagonism to all the con-
sequences of the actual moral inequality that
exists-nay, almost denied that inequality itself
Perhaps the denial would have been positively
made, but for the necessity or the inclination to
denounce the kings a, tyrants.and monsters OF
cruelty BY so doing they did recognize the
moral qualities of men and classes, as proper
causes of political distinction. At all events, 1t
was seen at once that wise and merciful class
of soveregns would have better right to
thrones than ignorant or bad ones On the
other hand, the leading idea of the liberal move.
ment was that all men were entitled to equal
liberty, without regard to class or condition, to
knowledge or 10 morals. Hence, one of the
first acts of the French provisional government
was the emancipation of the French West India
slaves. Proceeding on the same theory France
rejected the plan Of two Legislative bodies, and
adopted one, SO that there should be no Unequal
ity of representation, and no obstruction to the
immediate execution of the will of mere nu-
nerical majority.
Ii was perfectly consistent with this system,
and in fact necessary result from il, If il could
have operated long enough, that property should
be divided. For it is nonsensical to maintain
that all men are entitled to be equal, and yet to
permit some of them TO be rich and Others poor.
il was, however, contemplated to make Of France
and Of Europe, which are morally so much in
ferior TO this country, system Of government
politically and socially far more equal. The re-
action has been overwhelming.
great question now with us is, whether
Europe will advance TO more liberal system,
and whether, IL she does the progress will be
peaceful or bloody! We think il not so proba-
BILE she will advance, as that n bloody struggle
will arise. For the two parties there are SO
widely nj variance in opinion that no compro-
mise is practicable, and force must be called on
10 decide. This is evidently the opinion Of
both. And both are preparing for the struggle.
This berg the condition Of Europe, we do not
apprebend serious danger TO this country from
despotism there. II will have quite as much rs
Il can attend TO at home Besides, nothing
would tend TO excite the rebellion Of a subject
people so much as a distant war, and nothing
afford them half so much cooperation as pow.
erful and organized people like ourselves in such
an event
The difficulty Of preserving our own system,
or even Of retarding its progress to centralism,
Is obvious 10 all rejecting minds. With federal
expenditure exceeding fifty millions per snnum,
and appropriations Of public lands for the last
two years of hundred millions Of acres, we
hardly suppose another war would leave US with
any sort Of equilibrium between the State and
federal governments. Never has the evil Of
centrasm been so strikingly exhibited as by the
revolutionary events in Europe. In France,
Italy, Austria and Prussia, the battle was fought
in the capitals. The great mass Of the people
in the provinces appear TO be utterly passive
and powerless. A sudden impulse seizes mob
and the throne of Bourbon, or Of Hnpsburg,
is overturned in a day. The institutions of
centuries disappesr-the political system Of
thirty or forty millions of people is fundament-
ally changed before they know IT, few
months afterwards the marshal, or general, Of
the fallen despot ro appears, or as in France if
usurper, and with even greater ease the forty
millions Of people are back again to where they
were, or worse The facility with which thes