The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-23

nOvations, and the opponents OF any scheme,
which had for lis object the giving away of the
public Lands in the new States and territories to
anybody and everybody who would come and
settle for time upon them; and, sir, they
would be eminently benefited by acquiring
means and facilities for purposes Of sustaining
their own government, and they would avoid
the temptation which would otherwise be held
out to them to force these into market more
rapidly than they are wanted for actual settle
ment IL seems to me, sir, that there are two
points in the land policy in which the new
States are especially Interested One is, that 80
long as there are wild lands they should be
owned either by the general government or their
own and the next is, that when they are sold
they should be sold no faster than they are
wanted for purposes of actual settlement, be-
cause if sold faster they would be monopoized
by capitalists and spectators. They would be
held in large quantities, vast inequalities would
be found in the landed estates OF individuals and
the seed would be sown from which woudspring
the same harvest Of troubles which we have wit
messed in the late anti-rent disturbances in New
York. But this is not all. Stating the whole
of the difficulties, these lands will be sold, not
in reference to public interests, as would be
done by the government but with single
view t. private interests and individual desires.
Neither the population nor the land would be
distributed as easily and equally as under the
direction which looked alone to the supply Of
the wants for actual settlement. And further,
sir, say that this result of monopozng the
land in private hands would take place, whether
the United States undertake to sell the lands
for mere nominal price, or whether you adopt
the idea Of giving to every man farm. The
moment you exceed the demand for actual set
Element in your sales or gifts, the excsss will
be sold at prices 80 low as to enable individuals
and companies to engross large quantities, and
withdraw them from market for long time at
least.
1t seems to me the new States are especially
interested in preventing any policy which would
force sale of the public lands moro rapidly
than they are wanted for actual settlement; and
in that fact you have a guarantee that they
would be conservative in the management OF
these lands. Their financial wants, and the in
terests Of those amongst them who already hold
lands, would prevent them from putting them
too low, so as to force them into market too
rapidly; and on the other hand, the natural de-
sire to increase the population would probably
put them so low as would fully satisfy the de-
mands for settlement The result of all this
would be to concentrate the advancing column
ness it would march with more measured
tread, perhaps, but certainly with more assured
and irmer pace.
New States would not be brought in so "a
pidly as heretofore but when they came, they
would enter with a more matured thought and,
perhaps, a wiser purpose; at any rate, with
purpose more consistent with those of the resi-
due of the confederacy. Our population would
probably not be as much dispersed as it has
been by laws which tempted it too rapidly and
too far into the wilderness; for agree with the
Senator from Tennessee that the too rapid ex-
tinguishment of the Indian title has probably
had this effect
If the policy which l have indicated should
have the effect Of concentrating somewhat more
our population in the new States, and of con-
sodatiug, as said before, the advancing col
umn of emigration, it would be beneficial, as it
seems to me, to all the States, new and old for
while, on the one hand population would thus
be distributed more equally, on the other, these
new societies would have more time to CON-
plete their organization, and to assimilate them
selves to tho residue of the system to which
they were TO be attached.
Sir, in whatever point of view look at the
question, ! see eminent moral and political ad-
ministration of this property to the States them
selves But acknowledge, that in all this
have been chiefly actuatcd by wish to dimin
ish, so far as it can be DONE the patronage Of
the general government where it is not necessa-
ry, and to transfer il to the States. have been
anxious to remove from this body all ternpia-
ton to system of legislation which may lead
TO strife between sections and classes. | have
been DESTROYS to save the country from the NOR
tfying spectacle Of beholding this vast public
property thrown into the arena 4 prize for
eOntending sections, or worse, the stake, for
which classes were to play in still more en-
Uttered rivalry. And, sir, believe if ever the
day should come when the States of the confed-
eracy shall look to the government for the means
of filling their Golfers, and when individuals shall
look to federal legislation for the means of max
ing private fortunes, or of obtaining a livelihood,
not as a return for services rendered, butJn con-
sideration Of the votes to be given, that then the
work of corruption will have been done, and
the Generalization of public opinion will be
complete. Who, sir, can estimate sufficiently
the importance of preserving pure and untainted
the public opinion of country? The sound
ness of public opinion constitutes all the differ
ence between capacity and an incapacity for
free institutions. Upon the public opinion
of this country depends, after all, the success of
our experiment in government. Without a pure
and enlightened public opinion to execute our
Constitution and laws, what would either be
worth? Not the paper, sir, upon which they
are written. Show me corrupt state OF pub
lie opinion, and will show you people who
not only require despoiic government, but
who need law for almost everything. On the
other hand, if perfectly pure and enlightened
public opinion were possible, such people
would scarcely require law for anything He
sir, who would faint and poute this, would in
fest the atmosphere which we breatf e, and would
poison the spring from which we drink, for it is
the very element in which our institutions, live
and move and have their being" We may have
strife between different sections; we may have
turmoils in our legislation; we may have politi-
cal aspirants and demagogues agitating for pur-
poses ofpersonal ambition; here and there wemay
find excitement among portions of the people !;
but these are the bubbles which float away upon
the surface, while beneath, strong without rage,
flows the deep current of the sober second