The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-04-20
France md Europe.

Continental politics, that they cannot have failed to
attract tho thoughtful attention of our intelligent
readers. We refer to the meeting of the French
Legislative Chambers undert the constitution Of Louis
Napoleon, including his remarkable address on that
OCCASION and to the death Of Prince Schwazenberg,
the bold and able Prime Minister Of Austria.
The address Of Louis Napoleon points with I'M
mistaleabe distinctness to the Empire. It's tone is
the tone Of dictator confident of his power, con-
dent Of the French, confident in his means Of silenc
ing all conspiracies, and firm in his purpose He
asks no quarter, makes cancellations, and will
have complaints. Notwithstanding all this and
the utter removal prostration of all the elements
of revolt, the Prince President does not appear to
feel perfectly secure. Hence, he admonishes all de-
signing conspirators, whether Bourbons, Oreanists,
red republicans that if necessary to reduce them
to obedience, he shall not hesitate to assume the
permanent powers Of the empire. If it is asked
what addition will this give to the absolute powers
already in his hands 1.-THE answer is that it will give
them permanency.
Under the republic, so called, Louis Napoleon's
Presidential term expires in ten years. and he again
becomes subject to the risks of popular election.
Possibly, the French people may desire a change at
the expiration Of his first decade, if not before.
The empire precudes any such hazardous contin-
gency even universal suffrage at the point of the
bayonet, to the confirmation of the supreme ruler in
his despotic authority. The empire establishes a
dynasty, and an hereditary line of succession. 1t
denies the people even the amusement of election
the mockery of the expression of the sovereign will
of the nation once in ten years, twenty years, or
hundred years. The empire establishes line of
empcrors-the Prince President, in the imperial pur-
pe is c1othed with his noyyera 1ifa md M his
death with the power Of decreeing his successor
This is the distinction between the present republic
and the empire, which the Prince President
threatens to assume, should the cause of law and
order require more imposing title. He talks like
a master assured Of his authority; and the past is
abundant guaranty that he will only hesitate till
the right time, in executing his plans for the future
His own aspirations are satisfied with the republic
but if France and the condition Of things require
the empire, the empire it shall be. He will wait
yet little while to test the security Of the repub
lic and then, if satisfied that it is insufficient for
France, it will be abolished-thc last remaining
ragged vestige of t-and they shall have the perpe
tuatiye security of hereditary power. That's all
The only material obstacle, if any exists, to the
re-establishment of the empire, is to be found in
the treaty Of the allied powers after their second
Of 1914. In that compact the family of Napoleon
Bonaparte are forever excluded from the rcassump-
ton of his imperial regime 1t was recently point
cd out to the French President, in paternal letter
from the Emperor Nicholas He was admonished
by the Gar of his position, as mere loeum tenens,
and warned of the hazards Of attempting dynasty.
Resolved, however, upon the experiment, as it APP
pears, the legislative address of Louis Napoleon is
l. IA.
"De, gratia," in advance. For example, it appeals
to the Emperor Nicholas, that if the French empire,
under the Naposonic dynasty, is restored, it will be
only for the peace Of France and the peace of Eu-
rope-nothing more, nothing less-can not, there
fore, be exeusedl
But the necessity for the empire does not
appear. Only three Of those elected to
the Legislature, declined the oath of fidelity
to the President Cavaignae, Camot, and
Heran. They refused with boldness and emphasis.
But their protest appears to have made little or no
impression in the French capital, while the address
of the President was received with undoubted en-
thusiasm. In addition to this, the departments
arc not only unusually quiet, but apparently
dial in their support If the President Paris itself
Still, if the empire is resolved upon, the necessity
can be produced, and the act will only be delayed
until it be asccraincd that the treaty of 1915
is substantially dead letter. Upon this point
there yet may be reason for little delay. The two
sons of Nicholas are pleasure visit to Austria.
They have been spending the Emperor's cash in
prncely style among the Germans, and they are ex-
ceedingly popular. II is reported that In one of
their princely conversations upon the affairs of
France, they expressed hope that Louis Napoleon
would not risk the experiment of the empire We
are also informed that the Emperor Nicholas, for
the benefit Of his health, has been medically ad-
vised to take up brief sojoum southwark, some-
where along the confines Of France and Germany.
All this il significant; but such are the complioa-
ted hazards Of rupture with France, that we pre-
sumo Louis Napoleon may venture upon the empire, |
and successfully interpose the plea Of necessity |
against the revival Of the Holy Alliance Nav,
more-there is hardly to doubt that the French
empire will be restored. and without trouble and
without war, and without any unnecessary delay.
The death Of Prince Schwarzenberg is in itself a
guarantee Of safety to Louis Napoleon in restoring
the empire The treaty of Vienna has virtually be-
comea dead letter from oldage The affair Of Cracow,
the establishment Of the Independent kingdom Of Bel
GUM, the revolutions Of 1890 and lS4S, have sub
stantially annuled the whole chapter Of the stipu-
lations Of Vienna Of ISl4l5 The allies arc not pre-
pared for war against France excepting, perhaps,
Russia; and Nicholas, If sincere in enforcing the
compact of the old Holy Alliance, will pause at
least till Austria is abe md disposed to cover his
front. The death of Schwarzenberg leaves Austria
powerlcss for aggressive action anywhere. She is
hampered with bankruptcy and internal emsarrass-
ments, which were sufficient even for the full en-
ployment of the late prime minister. His loss is,
therefore, to the advantage Of the peace Of Europe
unless some stupid gnoramus is called to his place
or some vain, conccited old woman, or somo |
tool Of Nicholas or Of England--who will drive
the distracted Austrian empire into certain ruin, by
plunging it into the experiment Of general war
Doubtless, however the death Of Schwarzenbcrg
will throw the Austrian cabinet upon the policy Of
caution and Of peace. His courage and promptitude
of action hay Aue ria 4