Semi-weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1852-1853, 1852-08-21
U1contradicted Letter Of Senator Wade.

Resolved, That Congress has no power under the
constitution interfere it'll control the domestic
institutions of the several States, and that such States
the sole aud proper judges of everything apper-
taining 10 their affairs, not prohibited by the
constitutions that all efforts of the abolitionsts
others made to induce Congress 10 interfere with
questions of slavery, to take Incl pent steps in
ation thereto, calculated to lead 10 the alarm
ing and dangerous consequences and that all such
efforts have inevitable tendency 10 diminish the
happiness ofthe people, and endanger the stability and
permanency of the Union, and ought not 10 be
tenanced by any friend of political Institutions.
Resolued. That the foregoing proposition covers
and was intended 10 embrace the whole subject of
slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore the Dem
ocratc party of the Union, star ding upon this
tional platform, will abide by and adhere a faith
fol execution of the acts known as the compromise
measures, settled by the last Congress-the act for
the retaining of fugves from service or labor in
cIuded-which act, being designed TO carry out an
express provision of the Constitution, cannot with
fidelity thereto, be repealed so changed as to de-
siroy impair its efficiency.
ResolUed, that the Democratic party will resist all
ttempts at renewing in Congress out of it, the
agitation of the Slavery question, under whatever
shape or color the the attempt may be made.
Resolutions Democratic National Conn. 1852.
81 accept the nomination upon the platform adop-
ted by the Convention, not because this is expected
of me candidate, but because the principles it
embraces command the appreciation of my judgment ;
and with them believe can safely say there has
been word nor act of my life in conflict.
FRANKLIN PIERCE.
al am persuaded that it is high moral obligation
of masters and slaveholding States to employ all
MEANS not incompatible with the safety of both COL
ors, to meliorate Slavery, eUen to determination.
WINFIELD SCoTT.
"No interference by Congress with the existence
Of Slavery in any slave State, but firm and vigi-
liant resistance to its legalization in any National
Territory, the acquisition of any foreign Territory
wherein Slavery may exist. perpetual protest
against the hunting of fugitive slaves in the free
States as irresistible Of agitation, i'll feeling
and alienation between the North and the South. A
firm, earnest, infexible testimony, in common with
the whole slaveholding Christian world, that hu
man Slavery, though legally protected, is morally
aUrong and ought to be speedily terminated' -
Horace GREELY, June 25, 1852.
"Y on insist that you cannot submit to the freedom
Will war-a war for Slavery-arrest, moder-
that discussion No, Sir that discussion ,viH
would only nflame it to greater height.
1t is part of the eternal conflict between truth and
error-be:ween mind and physical force-the con-
fict of against the obstacles which oppose his
way to an ultimate and glorious destiny. II will go
until you shall terminate IL in the only way in
which any State nation has ever terminated it-6y
yielding to i-yieding in your time, and in your
manner, indeed, but nevertheless yielding to the
progress Of emancipation. WIN. H. SEWARD, 1850.
Letter from Gen. FRANKLIN PIERCE TO Maj. LALLY.
'TREMoNT HOUSE, Boston, May 27, 1852.
intended to speak to you fully upon the sab
ject of the compromise measures than had oppor
tuniy to do. The importance of the action of the
convention upon this question be over-estima-
ted. l believe there will be no disposition the
part of the South to press resolutions unnecessarily
offensive to the sentiments of the North. But can
we say much on our side 2 Will the North come
heerfuIy up the mark of constitutional rght9 If
not, breach in party is inevitable. The matter
should be met the THRESHOLD because it rises above
party, and looks to the very existence of the conede
racy. The sentiment of one State is to be regard
ed upon this subject; but having fought the battle in
New Hampshire upon the fugitive-slave law, and up
what we believed to be the ground of constitution
al right, should of desire the approval Of
the democracy of the country.
What wish tc say to you is this IF the compro-
mise measures not to be substantially and firmly
maintained, the plain rights secured by the constu-
ton will be trampled in the DUST What difference
can it make you whether the outrage shall
seem to fall on South Carolina, Maine, or New
Hampshre2 Are not the rights of each equally dear
to US all will never yield to craven spirit that
from considerations of policy, which would endanger
the Union Entertaining these views, the action of the
convention must be vital. If we of the North who
have stood by the constitutional rights of the South
are to be abandoned to any time-serVing policy, the
hopes of democracy and of the Union must sink to-
gether. AS told you, my name will not be before
the convention; but cannot help feeling that what
is there to be done will be important beyond men and
Partes-transcendently important to the hopes of
democratic progress and civil liberty.
Your friend, FRANK. PIERCE"
NB- Bear in mind that the statement which is