The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-10-07


York, Ingersoll, Meade Of Virginia stanton OF
Tennessee. Stanton of Kentucky, Stuart oil
Michigan, Sutherland of New York, Thurston
of Rhode Island
"The history of the present Congress, alone,
says the Post, was enough to destroy all our
faith, which was never much, IN that Democ-
racy which rests upon the Anti-Slavery senti-
ment Alone We will not believe that this re-
mark springs from any disafiection to the Anti
Slavery movement, although it looks unfrendiy'
The Anti-Slavery sentiment in Its fundamental
nature, is the only true foundation of Democ-
racy. Its essential element is recognition
of the equality of all men in natural rights
and Democracy that does not rest upon this
is a sham. IL is not claimed that all who cher
ish the Anti-Savery sentiment are necessarily
good Democrats but we do claim that tins
Sentiment, held in sincerity, is constantly work
ing towards the truest Democracy. Let us
call the attention of the Posi- to a fact in con-
frmation of this remark BY referring to the
records of the House, it will find that ma
jority of the Northern men who voted Tor the
Collins line appropriation were opponents OF
the Ant-Slayery movement, while majority
of the Anti-Slayery members, including nearly
all the Radical Democrats from New York,
voted against it The Post ought not to re-
proach its own friends, whose Democracy is in
yigorated by their Anti Slavery sentiments.
~ much for the conduct of the men " who
elect to be distinguished by the title of Free
Democracy" in regard to appropriations for
ocean steamers.
We shall now examine the other accusa-
ton against them-that the 60 Free Democ-
raey voted to give away, during the last
session of Congress, public lands " to railroad
companies, States, and local institutions" worth
$1,000 600 To heighten the enormty of
their alleged prohigacy, the Post INDUCES IN
very fanciful representation. 1t assumes that
there were two parties anxious for a bargain.
The South desired the passage of the Fugitive
Law, and the suppression of the Wilmot- Pro-
yiso excitement: the North wanted appropra-
The terms says the Post, "were soon ascer-
tained-the Atlantic States must have steam
boats, for they have commercial exposure /;
the Northwest must have railroads, for they
are agricultural, and require facilities for
reaching remunerative markets. Reluctantly,
and without unanimity, the South assented to
these terms they agreed to give S2,OOOOOO
year, which is five per cent upon capital OF
500, 100000, to the commercial States for
steamboats,, and sanctioned precedent which
will involve an expenditure OF more than four
times that amount, in lands to the agricultural
States for the construction of railroads and
other local improvements And for what was
all this expense submitted to by the South !
For no one right privilege, or guaranty, which
has not lost its value by the unprincipled ALI
ance. The South has got nothing but the Flu
gitive Slave Law Was it in obedience to their
Anti-Slavery impulses, we beg to ask the Com
monweaith, that Messrs Seward, and Sumner,
and Hale, and their followers in Congress,
voted for the contamination and ratification of
this unnatural bargain Was Free Democ-
racy here the handmaiden of economy and legis-
lative purity"
There il wonderfully complicated mass of
error groundless assumption and injustice in
this representation. The contracts in pursuance
of which the lines of ocean steamers were es-
tablished, were made long before the passage of
the Compromise measures, or before they were
thought of, and without any reference to them,
whatsoever. The famous Union movement in
New York took place after their passage and,
as the Post shows, many of these contractors
were prominent actors in it, That this was
brought to the notice Of Southern men here,
when additional aid was demanded for the
Collins line, is quite probable; but a reference
to dates shows that the policy of supporting
ocean steam monopclies by Governmental aid
had its origin before the existence of the ele-
ments of such a bargain as the Post imagnes
SO, too of the policy Of granting portions of
the public lands to aid in the construction of
canals and railroads it is of long standing 1t
was commenced without any reference to the
Ant-Slayery excitement; it has never consti-
tuted an issue between the South and any other
section of the country. II was rather subject
of controversy between the East and the West
The Western and Southwestern States moved
together, while the Southern and New England
States were disposed to cooperate. The SUPPOSE
ton that the South agreed to vote railroad
grants for the sake of securing a Fugitive Law,
il entirely ianciful; and the statement that
the South, reluctantly and without unanimi-
ty,' sanctioned precedent which will intro
duce an expenditure of an incredible amount,
in lands to the agricultural States, for the
construction Of railroads and other local i'm
provements," is without the slightest founda-
ton
The record shows that on this question there
was no reluctance, no division in the South
Years ago, We heard Mr.. King-now the Posts
candidate for the Vice Presidency, whom we
must presume it is supporting for the sake OF
putting an end to such Notwithstanding
earnestly, in the Senate, this very policy Look
at the vote, too, on the passage of the Iowa
Land Bill in the Senate. On that bill the
question was made, Shall this policy be contip'
ued On that bill the whole debate was car
ried on Its passage was the precedent alluded
to by the Post. What did the result show
Let the record speak. March nth, 1852, The
Iowa Land Bill was taken up, and passed by
the following vote:
Yeds-Messrs Adams Atchison, Bell, Dor
land, Brooke, Cass, Clemens Dodge of Wiscon
sim Dodge of Iowa, Douglas, Downs Felch
Fish, Foote, Geyer, Gwin, James Jones OF
Iowa, Jones of Tennessee, King, Mangum Nor
ton, Rusk, Seward, Shields, Smith, Soule, I'm