New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1852-02-04

teryiew. with Kossuth.
Alter the mutual interchange of civlli-
tiss, Mr.. CLAY said
lowe you. Sir, an apology for not having ac-
eeded before 10 the desire you were kind enough
10 intimate more than once to see me; but really
NV health has been so feeble that did not dare
~ hazard the excitement OF so interesting an
interview. Besides, Sir, he added, with some
nleasantry, your wonderful and fascinating elo-
ouencs has mesmerised so large portion OF our
people wherever you have gone, and even some
OF our Members OF Congress, (wavlng his hand
toward tho two or three gentlemen who were
present) that l feared to come under its influence
lee, you might shake my faith in some principles
IL regard to the foreign policy OF this Govern
nent, which / have long and constantly
cherished.
And in regard to this matter you will allow me,
hope, to speak with that sincerity and candor
which becomes the interest the subject has for
you and for myself, and which is due to US BOTH
40 the voiarles of Freedom.
trust you will believe me, too, when tell you
that entertain ever the liveliess sympathies IN
every struggle for liberty in Hungary and IN
every country, and in this believe express the
universal sentiment Of my countrymen. But,
Sir, for the sake of my country you must allow
me 10 protest against the policy you propose to
her. Waving the grave and monen.ous ques-
ton of the right OF one nation to assume the
Executive Power among Nations for the en-
foreement of International Law, or OF the right
OF the United States to dictate TO Russia the
character Of her relations with the nations
around her, let US come at once to the practical
consideration of the matter.
You tell US yourself, with great truth and pro-
pIiety that mere sympathy, or the expression OF
syppathy cannot advance your purposes You
REQUIRE material aid And indeed it IS mani
feet that the mere declarations of the sympathy
of Congress- or Of the President or OF the public,
would be Of little avail unless we were prepared
TO enforce those declarations by resort to arms,
and unless other nations could see that prepare
lion and determination upon our part.
Well, Sir, suppose that war should be the issue
Of the course you propose to us. Could we then
effect anything for you, ourselves or the cause OF
hDtUy 10 GdHSpOit HitH anu aims H~i'Fo
the ocean ia sufficient numbers and quantities 10
be effective against Russia and Austria would
be impossible. /, is fact which perhaps may
not be generally known that the most imperative
reason with Great Britain for the close Of her
las. war with us, was the immense cost OF the
transportation and maintenance OF forces and
munitions of war in such a distant theater, and
4. L. han mi N
upon this Continent at any time. Upon land,
Russis is invulnerable to US as we are to her.
Upon the ocean, war between Russia and this
country, would result in the mutual annoyance
to commerce, but probably in little else. | learn
recently that her war marine is superior to that
Of any nation in Europe excep, perhaps Great
Britain. Her ports are few, her commerce linz
lied, while we, on our part, would offer as
prey TO her cIuiers rich and extensive com
neIce.
Thus, SIR, after efecting nothing in such
wal, after abandoning our ancient policy OF amity
and non. intervention in the affairs Of other ma
tons, and thus Justiiyins them in abandoning
the terms OF toIbearance and non-interference
which they have hitherto preserved toward US
amer the downfall perhaps, of the friends OF lib
eral institutions in Europe, her despots, imtat-
ing and provoked by our fatal example, may turn
upon us in the hour of our weakness and ey-
Aaustion, and with an almost equally irresistible
force otreason and oiarms they may say tous. You
have set US the example. You have qui, your
own to stand on foreign ground you have
abandoned the policy YOU protested in the day
OF your weakness, to interfere IN the affairs oil
the people upon this Continent, in behalf OF those
principles, the supremacy OF which you say Is
necessary 20 your prosperity, to your existence
We, In our own turn, believing that your an
arehical doctrines are destructive OF, and that
monarchical principles are essential 70, the
peace, security aud happiness OF our subjects,
will ebhterato lAe bed which has n0urished such
noxious weeds we will crush YOU as the propa-
gandis,s Of doctrines SO destructive OF the peace
and good order of the world.
The indomiiable spirit OF our people nigh,
and would be equal to the emergency, and we
nigh, remain unsubiued even ty SO tremendous
a combination but the consequences 10 US
would be terrible enough. You must allow me,
Sir, 10 speak ths freely, as feel deeply, though
my opinion may be OF bu. little import, as
the expression of a dying man. Sir, the re-
cent melancholy sub,erSion Of the Re
publican Government Of France. and tina,
enlightened nation, voluntarily placing its neck
under the yoke of despolism, teach Us TO despair
Of any present success for liberal institutions in
Europe. II gives US an impressive warning not
to rely open others for the vindicaiion of our
principles, but to look to ourselves and 70 cherish
with more care than ever the security OF our in.
stitutions and the preservation OF our policy and
principles.
BY the policy 10 which We have adhered since
the days OF Washington, we have pTcspered be-
You'd preceient-we have done more for the
cause OF liberty in the world than arms could
effect W. havn shnAxeA To other nations the