The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-07-02
SOUTHERN PRESS
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, JULY, 9, 1854.
Another Platform.


make the following extracts from the last paper:
The Era 10 not the organ of any party, any
organization, any body OF men,. 1t has been
founded by no party, is sustained by no party,
does not pretend to speak by authority Tor any
party, acknowledges allegiance TO no party. IL
is owned and controlled absolutely by its editor,
and may pursue whatever course it peases,
without violating any party engagements, for it
has contracted none.
1t can therefore acknowledge no mans right
to call it to account, on the strength of supposed
party relations. Anybody may controvert It's
doctrines, assal its position, question its policy,
arraign its consistency, charge it with dsloyalty
to the cause of human rights, but no one can
denounce it for want of fidelity to party, mas
much as no party has claim upon US.
The subscribers to the paper are composed of
Abolitionists, Freesoers, anti-savery Wings,
anti.savery Democrats, those who believe that
the Constitution is covenant with death and
an agreement with hell, those who believe that
it is purely anti.slavery in its provisions, party
men and n0-party men, and merely miscellane-
GUS readers. If they desire any improvement
in the Era. they have right to suggest it: if
they think we are in error, they have a right
to say 80 to their hints, suggestions, thoughts,
arguments, expostulations, we shall always pay
due respect; but, if we see proper TO disregard
them, we shall do so, without questioning their
right to do just what they please-either con-
tinue their subscriptions, Notwithstanding the
difference of opinion, or withdraw them.
So much for the position of the Era and its
relations to parties and subscribers. In all re-
spects, it is free and independent.
In regard to the aims of the Era, we trust
that it represents the sentiments OF the majority
Of the American people.
Its first aim is, to relieve the federal govern
ment from all responsibility for the existence OF
slavery, by div0rcing it from that system, and
throwing its influence on the side of human free
dom. This embraces within its scope the re-
peal of the act of Congress re-enacting the slave
code of the District of Columbia; the repeal of
the act regulating the coastwise slave trade; the
repeal of the act relating to fugtives from
service or labor, that subject being left by the
Constitution to the several States; and the es-
tablishment of personal freedom, as the univer-
SAL Interchangeable law, within TIE exclusive
jurisdiction of the federal government.
To accomplish this aim, federal political nc
ton is necessary. 1t concerns the people the
United States, and they must act in their nation
al capacity.
Some suppose that, as parties are now con-
stituted the proper course is, for the anti slave
nv members of the old political organization to
continue in them, laboring faithfully to Undue
them with anti-savery sentiments, but always
submitting when overpowered. Others, assum
ing that the domination of slavery over these
organizations is too strong to be broken by
such policy, and feeling the inconsistency of
supporting by vote what they denounce in
word, look to independent, separate political
action, which, uniting voice and vote for the
anti-slavery sentiment, must command respect
for its consistency, and present political comb
nation Of such power as shall neutralize, at first
partially, at last, completely, the influence Of
the slaveholdipg interest.
With this class we more especially sympa
thize. Their policy, it seems to u.s. is simple
consistent, truthful and sagacious. 1t relieves
them from embarrassments, from contradictions
from temptations to double dealing and evasion
it harmonizes their opinions and acts their pre-
tests and their votes; gives prominence to the
great object at which they aim, secures them
respectful hearing, and places them in position
where, if they stand fast, they may extort con-
cessons from the old organizations, and con-
strain them to approximate their ground at the
same time that they strengthen the hands of
those anti slavery men who continue with their
parties.
Agreeing in general opinions with this class
of independent voters, we still respect the mo-
tives and sympathize with the ant-slavery ef-
forts of those who think they can work to better
purpose in their respective parties. Let every
man be fully persuaded in his own mind. Were
the Era, party organ it might denounce
them; were its chief ambition directed to win.
ming adherents to the Freesoil organization, it
might forgetth common aim of all classes OF
political anti-slavery men, in the effort to make
them all think and act alike. But while attach
ing due Importance to our favorite course OF
policy, and on all proper occasions, and by fair
methods, striving to induce others to follow it,
we shall not fail to commend and sustain anti
slavery sentiment and effort, in whatever Organi.
cation it may be manifested; and never, we
trust, shall we be guilty of the folly of charging
those, as the worst enemies of our course, who,
while agreeing with us in aim, differ from us in
policy.
So much for the political aim of the Era, as
it respects slavery, and the methods by which
it proposes to reach it.
Another principal Though not politicaD aim
of the Era is, the abolition of slavery in the
South; not by federal political action, because
the federal government has no constitutional
power to act on the question, but by a free and
full discussion of the subject of slavery, in its
aciutiouo w thc lHttTtoto VI tuc oihNoss VI tifc
masters, of the non-slaveholders of the South,
of the country, of the cause of republicanism,
of civilization generally, with the hope of CO.
operating with other peaceful and moral agen-
cies in promoting the growth of an ant-slavery
sentiment in the Southern States, which shall
finally embody itself in voluntary legislation in
favor of emancipation.
This, after all, is the great aim of the Ma
tional Era 80 far as the question Of slavery is
concerned; and in the prosecution of this object
il has always held, and will always hold, invo
late, the doctrine of State rights, never claiming
for the federal government the exercise of a
doubtful power, but asserting for the States in
which slavery exists the exclusive right to legs-
late upon the subject.
The other aims of the National Era, like
those just stated, are thoroughly Democratic
Adopting the language of our prospectus for
1850, we still hold, and at proper times are pre-
pared to maintsin-
That the federal Constitution ought to be so
amended as to place the election of President in
Al n. 81 khn !.