The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-08-05
Cen. Pierce and the Fugitive Slave Law
rne Morality Of the Question.


II r.. in January last, has ut length been reduced
to question Of vsracity between the witnesses on
both sides. At this stage Of the dispute. an impair
tial and common sense view of the whole matter
NAV be of service 10 all the parties involved
member of Congress has recently enclosed to
us certificate, signed by "cloud Of Witnesses"
exceeding one hundred in nunber-all, no doubt,
respectable men-denying, IN general terms, that
Gen. Pierce expressed in his speech at New Boston,
the sentiments attributed to him. in reference to the
Fugitive Slave law, and giving the substance Of
what he did say. all Of which is orthodox south Of
Mason and Dixon's line. We have been requested
to publish this certificate, after its publication in
some comparatively obscure journals of the demo-
cratic faith-a request with which We modestly de-
cline to comply. We have mortal repugnancs to
the publication of any stale and second hand docu-
ments; nor, in this particular instance, does the
certificate affect the real merits of the question.
It is charged against Gen. Pierce that, last Jauu
airy, at place in New Hampshire called New Bos-.
ton, in the of public speech, on being inter-
rogated directly to the point. he replied that he
'loathed the Fugitive Slavela had a revolving
feeling at the giving up of slave" and that the
law was opposed TO humanity and opposed to
moral right" but that it was constitutional, sc.
This charge we find sustained by the affidavit Of Mr.
Foss, reporter who reported the speech the spot;
and from experience and observation, we have
learned, in the matter Of disputed speech, to trust
the reporter if honest the most reliable witness
that be produced. It is reporters duty, and it
soon becomes his habit, unless he is a deliberate
knave report the speech he hears it. and to hear
( all. Mere spectators seldom hear correctly n
tenth part of stump speech, and their testimony,
or even the testimony Of the speaker HIMSELF in
frequent cases. not strictly reliable for accuracy
as the evidence of the reporter. Members Of Con-
gress frequently correct mistakes of the reporters
or deny the accuracy Of certain remarks charged
upon them, when, we have no doubt in the world,
the truth is oftenest on the reporters side
Such being opinion upon the merits of the
witnesses, and taking into consideration, also, the
strong temptations of Gen. Pierce, on the occasion
in question, to concliate the democratic free sellers,
we must conclude (unless Mr.. Fess and others are
upprincpled knaves), that the case, like the Native
American letter against Gen. Scott, is proved
against the democratic nominee, 1t was the can
vass for the election of Governor-the democrats
had superseded the year BEFORE the free soil Atwood,
and put up another man-it became necessary to
concliate far possible the free soil democrats
tured in his speech at New Boston It was for the
local elections-it all for Buncombe; for, with
this single exception of the temporizing of the poll
tcian, the whole political career of Gen. Pierce, in
Congress and out of Congress, presents as clean a
record on the slavery question, as that of any party
man in the Union, North or South. In fact, we
know Of no politician whose political course has
been so free from blemish or inconsistency upon any
4la
las the polical life Of Gen Pierce
We apprehend, however, that tho policy of
the wings, in regard to Gen. Scott's Native
American letters, and that extraordinary " alien
and sedition" document signed "Americus, is the
true policy Of the democrats in regard to General
Pierce's speech at New Boston. 1t is, to say nothing
about it, but to let it go for what it is worth-au
attempts at denial only recoiling with additional
force. We have remarked, with the highest admi
ration, the exceeding prudence of the wing jour
nails in avoiding that beautiful political document Of
"Americus." Let the democr attic journals initiate
this good example respect to that local eeconeer
ing speech of GeneralPerce at New Boston, and let
| 1t pass
| We have 10 remark, in conclusion, that with both
| parties in the North, and among the soundest men
| of both parties-whigs and democrats-there has
been too much temporzing and trucking to the
unclean spirit Of abolition and free SOIL in all our
elections general and local, but particularly in
local elections. We doubt whether there is single
politician in the North-whig or democrat-that
will have the moral courage, or has that prac-
teal common sense information, to proclaim,
| openly and above-board, the morality and the
humanity Of the Southern institution Of slavery.
There is scarcely public journal in the North, ex-
| cepting the New YORK HERALD, that has had the
independence or sagaciy to adopt this practical view
of the subject. Our view of Southern slavery is,
that it is an institution consistent alike with the
dictates Of humanity and the principles of morality.
And such is our view Of the Fugitive Slave law.
The Southern slave is insured against starvation or
the almshouse. He and his family have lien for
their support upon their masters estate, while they
live. Africa, Hayti, and jamaica prove that Cuffee
cannot get along without master. Left to him.
SELF he rapidly deteriorates back again to the
wage cannibal. In the same community with the
white man, there is for the negro no other relation
ofbappiness or safety to either race, than that Of
dependence and submission. The institution OF
slavery ia the South, then, being the only system
adapted TO the harmony Of both races in the same
community, we maintain that it is consistent with
humanity and morality, common sense, the Bible,
St. Paul, and the constitution.
But this great fundamental fact has yet to be in.
stlcd into the Northern mind. The speech attr
buted to General Pierce shows that the seed of the
whole evil-that slavery is q sin-has taken deep
root in the North; that it is almost universal or
that so safe man as Pierce the vital issues Of
slavery, would have tempered with the senti-
men, with the most pressing demands Of local
election. 1t is the same sentiment which induced
General Scott 40 write in opposition to any further
annexations Of, slave territory, while ne was in
favor OF the incorporation Of Canada into the Union
In such state oftbings we have but TO choose that
side which is the safest for the preservation of
good faith with the South, and the obligations
which we owe to the constitution and the Union