The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-03-25


ourselves or our enemy. But the Protest is not
a declaration, nor a menace nor even a pledge
of war in any contingency. War, then, will
not come in that way, nor by or in consequence
OF our act. II war is nevertheless to come, 1t
must come in retaliation of the Protest and by
the act of Russia, or Of Austria or of both. As
sumo now that it shall 80 come, will it be Just
/ The Protest is a remOnstrance addressed to the
conscience Of Russia, and, passing beyond her
carries an appeal to the Reason and Justice of
/ Mankind. As by the Municipal Law no re-
monstrance or complaint justifes blow, so by
the Law of Nations no remonstrance or com
/ plant justihes war The war then would he
unjust and so the Protest would be not a cause
/ but q pretext. But nation that will declare
war on pretext will either iabricate one or
declare war without any. Let no one say that
| msstate the character of this measure. 1t is
neither untried nor new. Austria protested
against the mission of Dudley Mann and Pres
inent Taylor's avOwal Of it. Did we 90 TO war
! Did anybody think that we ought or could go
to war for that No we made counter pro-
test by the celebrated letter of the Secretary of
! State Mr.. WEBSTER Did Austria maintain
| her protest by declaration of war! No we
are at peace with Austria yet and hope we
shall be so forever And now honorable Sen
ators ask, if we are to shrink from this Guty
through fear of unjust retaliation, what duty
shall we not shrink from under the same mo-
tive! And what will be the principle of our
policy, when thus shrinking from obligations,
but Fear instead of Dutyl
And who are we, and who are Austria and
! Russia, that ue should fear them when on the
defence against an uni ust war! | admit, and
| hope all my countrymen will learn it without
trial, that we are not constituted for main
tanning long distant wars of conquest or of ag-
erosion. But in defensive war levied against
us on such a pretext the reason and the SYM
pathies of mankind would be on our side, CO.
operating with our own instincts of patriotism
and self preservation. Our enemies would be
pOwerless to harm us and we should be uncon-
querable.
Why, then ask. shall we refrain from the
Protest The answer comes up on all sides
Since. then, the measure is pacific, Russia will
disregard it, and so it will be useless Well,
r~k@t4df s..J1 Jts.-;U Pr I,~et io borypless
But Russia will not disregard it. 1t is true
that we once interpleaded between the belliger-
ents of Europe twenty-five years by protests
and remonstrances in defence of our neutral
rights and indicated them at last by resist
ance against one party, and open, direct war
against the other But all that is changed now
Our flag was then a stranger on the seas, our
principles were then unknown. Now, both are
regarded with respect and affection by the Peo-
pie of Europe. And that People, too. are chang
ed. They are no longer debased and hopeless
OF freedom, but. on the contrary, are waiting
impatiently for it, and ready to second our ey-
pressionS of interest in their cause The Brit
sh nation is not without jealousy of us Let
us only speak out Do you think that they
would be silent? No. sir. And when the
United States and Great Britain should once
speak, the eyer-traternizing bayonets of the
army of France, if need were, would open
passage for the voice of atimpulsive and gen.
erOus nation. Who believes that Russia des-
potlc as she is, would brave the remonsrances
of these three great Powers, sustained as they
would be by the voice of Christcndoml Sir
do not know that this Protest will do Hungary
or European Democracy any good 1t is enough
for me that like our first of orators Mr. WEB
sTER in a similar case, can say 81 hope it
may
But it is replied that if our Protest shall be
! dlsrcgarded we must resort to war to maintain
! it, and that Louis kOssuth has confessed so
much. shall not stay long on the bubble of
| the lawyers who clam to have c;rcumventcd
the guest at the feast to which they had bid
! den him. Ii was so that some of old sought to
entangle in constructions of their national ira
| dltlons the Great Teacher who came not to
! dispute with Doctors, but to call all men to re-
! pcntance This proceeding is mine. not that
! of the Hungarian Neophyte in American poll
| hcs. 1t IL to be scttled upon arguments here,
not on concessions elsewhere And now, sir
why must we go to war to sustain our Protest
You may say, because we should be dishOnored
by abandoning an interest so solemnly assert
ed Sir. those who oppose the Protest arc
willing to fOrsake the cause of Hungary now
VIII it be more shonorabe to relnqush it af-
: ter an earnest effort, than to abandon it with
out any effort at all in its behalf Sir, if it be
mere honor that is then to prick us on, let the
| tmd give over their fears A really great en-
, lghtencd, and Christian nation has Just IA
much need to make war on Il false point of hon
| or, as really great, enlightened, and Chris
tlan man has need to engage in personal
contest in the same case aud that is no neces-
sity at all. Nor shall we be reduced 10 the al
Tentative of war If Hungary shall never rise,
there will be no odSuS beH II she shall rise,
we shall have right to choose the time when to
recognise her "a n nation That recognition,
with Its political influence and commercial
benefits, will be adequate to prevent or coun-
lcl DululCt huSNldll intervention. bllt
swered, that we shall unnecessarily offend Pow
t ers whom 1t Is unwlsc to provoke reply that
. 1t is not enough for Il nation that it has no
enemies. Japan and China are in that happy
condition. 1t is necessary that State should |
c have some friends. To us exemption from ha |
tired obtained by insensbity to crime is of no
value; still less is the security obtained by self.
) lshncSS and isolation Only generosity ever |
makes trpnIg and tbnsn that . 4, L..
grateful and enduring.
Again then, ! ask why not yindicate tho
Law of Nations by our Protest One Senator
Mr. CLEMENS draws an argument AGAINST
the exercise of national sympathy from the
character and conduct he imputcs to Louis |
kossuth, and represents him as having been |
reckless and uncalculating before danger an |
| preached and weak and yacilatinp and shrink |
| ing when it was coming on; as having aban-
doned his country while he had yet one hun
dred and thmty.fye thousand men and as
having surrendered the State unnecessarily or
unwisely To one who for months he had believ-
cd traitor and as being. therefore, not
hero; and, finally rs addicted to military dis
play, and irreverent of the ashes of Washing
ton, and therefore not Republican.
Sir, if these assumptions were rs correct
and Just rs it has sufficiently appeared that
they are erroneous, what would they or the
objection raised upon them have to do here
| and now This is trial of Russia at the
! bar of the Public Justice of the World How
can the verdict be affected by any magincd
misconduct of Louis Kossuth here after Rus
sian intervention in Hungary was ended, or
even by any errors or misconduct before, OF
which Hungary alone, not Russia, had right
to complain The objection is as much ont
of season as out of place. The character OF
Louis Kossuth was preliminary question, and
has been decided by Congress with uncxampcd
unanimity, and by a decree awarding such
honors rs the American People had before
found none worthy To receive but the constant