The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1852-05-03


Gently argues, confess 1t is not worth the dis
cussion. II either means something nothing
II 1t means nothing, it is simply idle and ridicu-
lous, and il Ia not worth single speech from
man of his conceded ability; IL is surely not
thy grave proposition, TO be entertained week
after week in the Senate Chamber OF the United
States, and to occupy the attention of Legislature
after Legislature in resolutions formally passed,
and here graveIy presented. But, if il means any
thing. il meane a subversion of the whole spirt
and character of our institutions and our Govern
ment, Bring me no preceden's from the history
of European nations. have not read the bloody
pages of their history in vain. know that they
have entertained and acted upon many schemes
Of Intervention, under various pretexs, and for
rious purposes, for the preservation Of the balance
Of power, or for their own aggrandizement. We
know that they have done this at incalcuable
expense OF treasure and Of blood, as in the OF
Great Britain, at the cost of an enormous public
debt upon her shoulders, which she never and
never hopes 10 get rid Of. | have read that Of
her earliest attempts at the exercise of foreign
power was the sending OF the two regiments to
Tan giers, which became the germ of that standing
army against which the heart of every free born
Biton 60 long revolted but which, at length, with
all their other evils. they have become used to, and
now quietly submit to.
This Government il have any appreciation of
its genius and character, is not Government in
the sense in which the term Is applied to those OF
Europe 1t is Government formed with limited
powers, powers recognised and conceded To be linn.
tied in ali that apperan5 to our domestic policy.
II ask you to expend the patry sum Of 900,
to clear out the dam at the head OF Cumberland
leland, the eyes and hands elevated in patTi-
Otto horror and indg nat on at this outrageous vio
laton OF the Constitution And yet we are called
upon in the assertion o. the principles OF universal
humanity, and in redressing the wrongs OF men
and nations, to exercise powers unknown and I'M
limited Tel! me not that the foreign policy Of this
Government must be a unit, and being in part
reserved TO the States belongs in the whole TO the
Federal Government There powers which
belong to neither, as the power to disregard that
IF
imposed upon the admission OF State into the
Union, which cannot be d,sregaried by the one,
dispensed with by the other. The forei IN power
of The Federal Government IL guarded in the Con
stiu;ionS with lees than its domestic each
grant being doled out with avaricious caution-no
one being supposed to cover any other not clearly
involved in it. The power to 'declare war" not
carrying with 1t the power to grant letters Of
marque and reprsa, even to raise armies )" or
maintain a navy" without express grants for the
purpose. For the trainers Of that instr ument we'll
| knew that the danger OF usurpauon OF power was
| even greater, and the results Infinitely more stu
pendous, in the foreign relations rha in the domes
| tic administration OF the Government. In the lat
ter, il will be carefully watched and guarded
against, as II should be, by the various local and
rival interests to be affected. Sir, from my limited
reading of history, feel war; anted in sa ying-and
| If time allowed might cite examples even with
the learned Senator from Michigan-that. if ever
the fate Of all past republics should become the fate
of own-if ever the liberties of this people shall
be rampled under the iron heel Of military despot
isn--t will be upon the basis of Federal consoli-
dation, and through the means of foreign war
How, indispensable, them was il that the FEEDER
Government should be constituted il was. self
defensive, unaggressive, the Constitution being
formed, it descrbes itself, for the common de
fence" to secure the blessings of liberty 10 ourselves
and our postcrity
will not go back to search the writings Of Wash
ington with those gentlemen who have taken J..
tracts wrestcd from their context, and perverted
from their true meaning, to make him "a witness
a Let conceded
present which they go earnestly demand, either
that lie too shortsg hed to foresee the of
things which has now arisen, or that, not daring
to look hity or sixty years In advance. he only
attempted ia his Farewell Address 10 give counsel
and fix the policy of the country for his own time
care not for that. They tell Us that then
weak and comparatively powerless, and that
| own necessities compelled to remain neutral
IN all the quarrels Of foreign powers, and that
oSn self-defence was the last limit and must, of
necessity, be the last limit of our hopes and ex-
! peCtation5. Have we grown sufficiently strong
! yet for the schemes and purposes those gentlemen
! propose to US? The able and eloquent Senator
from Louisiana Mr. SoULE) tells US, in his enter.
| tanning speech, which heard with much plcasure
| that now, instead of three millions of poop e. we
have twenty five millions; that We have-I forget
] the hgures-a vast number of steamboats,, and a
vast amount of tonnage. The relevancy of this laet
item confess do not xactly perceive. Are now
powerful enough 10 effect a deliverance of Europe;
TO constitute ourselves the executive power of in
! ternatlonal Law; To turn ourselves into a sort Of
|
mails and prevent national crmes' With sparsely
populated country, wr,h an immense territory not
settled with population sufficient for its cultiva
! tion-the more rapid settlement Of which ia the
object Of the bill now under considerntion-arc
We in the condition of those over populated coun-
tries TO whom war IL sometimes means Of REFORM
aud pestilence itself a tolerable evil, with
! its compensatory advantages! Are powerful
enough, generous enough, having little enough to
hope for, for, at home, 10 go abroad and 10
| undertake the affairs Of everybody elseS ! care
not for the change in our circumstances Ii mat
ters hut little, and it 10 waste of time discuss
! it, W hat was prudence and sound policy then,
| must be now. Whatever contributed then to
] cherish and develop the wealth, and power, and
prosperity of the country, must stl have the same
/ effect And though we might now be better able
| to afford the immense sacrifice proposed fir the
benefit Of others, patriots, have no more right
| TO make that sacrifice now than then. We sit here
as an American Congress, not as a Congress Of ma
| tions, and IN that capacity can know higher
law than the Constitution we have sworn TO sup
! port. To suppose otherwise, would be TO mock
the Deity IN the invocation Of His name, witness
the oath swear 10 support that Constitution our
only rule OF duty, patriots and as Representa-
tiyes. The change IN our circumstances, the
growth Of our power, can affect the question in no
! point of view, except that, perhaps, may be
| tempted by IL 10 DO that which then we would not
because could not. That our extended com.
mcrcial relations may render more liable TO be-
! come involved in the wars Of other nations il an
! argument which, however plausible can have no
I
| comes that for the protection Of those enlarged
! and complicated interests, for the defence OF our
national rights or honor, we must, we have done
before, go 10 war, hope every patriot will be pre-
/ pared for the struggle; and I have every conf.
dencc that our energies and resources will be equal
/ to the emergency. n we have these extended in =
terests To protect If more complicated relations
render more liable than formerly to the dan gers
| OF colIi8ion and war. there s only the reason
Why we should carefully avoid ali causes Of quar-
! rel with which we have Of right nothing to do.
No, cir, VIC can effect nothing for the dcverance
Of Hungary from Russia; can effect nothing for
the delyerance Of one people from the power OF
other by the force Of arms. How and with wba.
| weapons arc VIC 10 proceed in this great conflict
The Autocrat Of Russia, with a million Of armed
men, assisted by the despot Of Austria, Brcnnus
like. filings into one scale the sword; and into the
other the vRlorous Senator from Michigan hurl,
biz potent Congressional resolution Of ''dcep con
Germ" Laughter What is TO be the rcsu,t-
what the issue Of the great conflict Why, Lord
Palmcrst0n tells that opinions are stronger than
armies; and Of course the result must be that tho
puIssant Senator from Michigan will come forth tri.
umphaut from the conflict. But, sir it il not Con
grcrsiOnal resolutions, carefully considered dpo-
! natIcaily pcnned, ably advocated by the Senator
ia the other end Of the Capitol or resolutions die.
lated by kOssuth at Harrisburg aud voted by ac.
! clanstiOn by m1ss mccting-these are not tn,
opinions which arc stronger than armies. They