Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1852-05-08

by granting TO every citizen OF the United States
ton to become citizen OF the United States h{nred
and sixty acres of land This bill is Familiarity known as
the homestead bill IT. sir, this bill, in my judSment
would effect half it processes to dof it tended p fact
to encourage commerce. agriculture, and manuacres I'll
would not here be found to oppose II but in my lumhlai
opinion its tendeacy is just the reverse Its etdncy
TO parayze each and all Of these, and to retard them
lin proposition to cede the lands to the Suites n
which they LEA proposition upon which dstin8ushed
Senator of the West Mr. CLAY, when he examined i y
1882 remarked: "Can you imagine that the Stltes q
Ohio Kentucky and Tennessee would quietly rc10unce
their right in all the public lands west Of them No. Gr
no. sr They would wade to their knees in bloodhefeI
they would make such an unjust and gncminicr sq&
render" This is the startling proposition now sue
to US, under more amiable and engaging form Es
Mr. Chairman, upon what principle is this tI1
Upon the principle Of gratuity-- principle nc11
ss,. gysss@ ssfSEs 7 z Sus s lsys I; sSa
Ippbc calamity tfs nation Has felt hK bo1Sd y re-
spond to the spontaneous feeling Of pity, and it's
hand to relieve necessity but man say that heres
toore the Legislature of this country has adopted the
principle Of donaon basis Of systematic disposition
of the public lands This, il nothing else is enough
wake up this Congress to the consequences of the bill
This if nothing else, is sufficient make inquire
grant this boon when and where stop? What
treasury will be ample enough to relieve the wants Of the
INDECENT who will crowd around us What will be its
effect upon the industry of the country? 1t has another
most offensive tendency Its eect i to appeal at once
to the sordd passions of those upon whom this body lives
and in whom they have their political being 1t is direct
appeal to the venaity of voters 1t assas the citadel of
suragethe purity Of the baot-box is calculated
divide society into two paresthose who are favor Of
voting the public lands to the indgen and those who
topposed to it and who doubt when motto of that
kind is engraven apon their banners which party will
preyai 1t constitutes privileged class be pensoned
on the Government Can justify ourselves,
except under some great necessity in making such
sault upon the sanctuary ofthe Republic? Am vision
airy extravagant in suppong this to be its tendency
Will not gentlemen admit that from the hour this bill be-
comes law, and it is proclaimed to the world that the
Thrty-second Congress have granted hundred and
sixty acres of land to every citizen intended citizen
that other minds and other men, generous and be-
nevolent than thesedearer friends of the peope-wl
rise and offer larger boon for the public favor and
pubhc gratitude? regret to say, Mr.. Chairman that
only precedent to be found for this legislation is to be
found in the decay of the Roman Republic and there
find it staring in the face in its most formidable and
revolving features Yes this bill is in principle but
repetition of that agrarian law which re-enaced by
Caius Gracious, but not carried to the extent
Gracious, after requiring there should be annual dis
rbuon also required that granaries should be estab
shed and the poor supplied with below the market
price He also obtained decree by which the
of the estate bequeathed by the King Of Peraamus to the
Roman people should be allotted for the maintenance Of
the poorer citizens. This for time lifted the tribune
above the Senate and above the Government He won
golden opinions of all sorts of These signs were
portentous, Mr.. Chairman. They preceded and fore
shadowed that decline of the Republic and that decay
which ultimately resulted in the most formidable of
be instructed by history, though it be the history of
the schools. n y
! Mr.. CHANDLER ] am Indifferent about any remarks
upon myself but ask that my old school friend Tibe
rius Gracious, may not be misrepresenAed 1t win be
found if gentlemen viii examine little carefully
the Gfacch not censurabe they have
considered When the aristocracy write history
the plebeans. Tiberus Gracchus if remember correct
ly, land am taken little by surprise 10 this matter
never attempted any wrong upon the citizens of Rome
Tiberus Gracious sir was an honorable man-the Hon.
L for he was rof he
House of Representatives of Rome Hefound that
rbe abuse had crept into the practices aristocracy
who during the absence of the plebeaas in the war; got
possession Of the public lands, of which, by law
could hold more than three hundred and acres
and for that must pay uSury ground rent But in
absence OF the soldiers these graspng andhoders
fused to pay the rents and Tberus Gracious prevent
the civil and sele wars sought to revive the Lcinan
law He sought to prevent the accumulation of the pub
lie lands in the hands of those who could plead pre-
empton rights and would not pay for the Of them
And sir this attempt of Gracious to restore the public
land public would have gone very WELL but the
arstocracy brbed Octayus of the Tribunes to
take part against the which he had approved
and this led to disturbance And let add that the
very consul Opmus who under pretence Of great purity
and patriotism, made such rumpus in Rome account
the reforming influence of Gracious and of his home
stead land bill exertons subsequently convicted of
sacrificing the interests Of his country for the gold of
Jugurtha Sir, let say that this cry of "agraran
laws and the Gracch napposite. By agrarian laws
people led to understand Legislative attempt forciby
70 the possession OF anus Sucn attempt
is made in this bil-none, far know, ever was
made in Rome Rome had o law, believe that
limited the individual possession Of land-certany she
had at the time of the Gracch Every citizen might
own much as he could pay for and might occupy be-
sides that three hundred and thirty acres III he
would pay the small rent To this Tiberius Gracious
limited the operation Of his law and Caius Gracious only
undertook to divide the public lands among the soldiers and
others who had aided to conquer thembounty lands
which the arstocracy were laying their hands for their
foreign slaves to cultivate while they 1.-THE rich occupants
were holding in fee simple any amount of lands which
they could purchase. ta tt
The honorable gentleman speaks of his schoolbook
hority Sir authorities be found later and better
than those he seems to have read The
man speaks of these attempts of Gracious to the
rapacy Of the arstocracy occurring in "he decay of
Rome" Does my honorable friend think that Rome
owed her decline and fall to the attempt Of patriotic cit
zens to check the civil Of the country lessen the
rupon Of the nobes and extend the comforts Of the great
of the peopef Or it the failure of the Gracch
to effect the remedial objects they proposed that hastened
the catastrophe they foresaw and dreaded2 with
out books, and my memory does not with par
ticulars. But spare the Gracchi, and read Nebuhr.
Mr.. BOWIE have doubt the gentleman is accurate
in his recollection but quote Putarch and Ferguson for
what have said The original Law upon this subject
not proposed by either Of the Gracch was law pro-
posed by Licinius. iE 81
Mr.. CHANDLER. That very old law, brought back
by Tiberus Gracious.
Mr.. BowrE Yes, after the destruction of Rome |
by the Gaus Licinus proposed law which prohibited
acres Of land and certain number of cattle But
hundred and fifty years after that Tiberius Gracious
having disgraced himself in in the wars,
and subjected himself to the rebuke Of the Senate
turned TO Rome, and attempted revive the law of Lci
MUS IN order to reestabsh himself in favor of the peo