The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-07-01

Ii commences with the old slng-song oil the
government of the United States being one OF
limited powers, a general proposition which no
one ever pretended to deny, and which is equal.
ly true of every government not administered
by the sole will OF despot. While it gives
full latitude to the federal construction of the
meaning of the words necessary and proper
for carrying out the powers granted by the Con-
stitution, it at the same time comedies that the
State governments "should be held secure in
Their reserved rights" with this salvo, that "tbe
general government be sustained in its constitu-
tonal powers, and the Union be watched over
as the palladium of our liberties"
Now what does all this amount to- No one
questions that Congress has right to pass all
laws indispensably necessary and equally proper
to carry out the powers conferred on it by the
Constitution that it has a right to regulate
foreign commerce and domestic trade between
the States or that the reserved rights of the
States should be respected and the general gov
ernment sustained in its constitutional powers.
In all these both parties agree as general princi.
pies. But the difficulty is they differ widely in
their extent, as well as application. They don't
agree at all in their ideas of what is necessary
and proper to the execution of the powers dele
gated to Congress by the Constitution; nor in
the extent of the reserved rights of the States,
and the functions which the general government
may lawfully exercise. II is here the shoe
pinches; and any mere general recognition un-
accompanied by definition of what they under
stand by proper and necessary; reserved rights;
and the constitutional powers of the general
government amounts to nothing but repet
ton of words in whose construction and appl
cation both parties differ as wide as the poles
This is exemplfed in the succeeding resolu-
tions of the convention, which assert the right
of the general government to make such i'm
provements as are necessary for the common de-
fence, or for the protection and facility of com
merce with foreign nations, or among the States,
such improvements being in emery instance ma
tional and general in their character" This
covers the whole ground, and justifies the gov
eminent in appropriating both the public money
and the public lands to any local purpose what
ever, because according to this declaration, all
are equally national and general in their char
acter. This is certainly not the Democratic
doctrine, or at least of that Democracy of which
Mr.. Jefferson is said to be the great apostle
The convention also asserts that the govern.
ment Of the United States has not only the !
right, but is in duty bound to discriminate be-
lures, whereby suitable encouragement may be
assured to American industry equally to all
classes, and to all portions of the country" All |
this is mere verbiage, calculated, and without |
doubt, intended to deceive the South, or at least
to give the, Wings of that quarter decent pre-
text for supporting the nominee Of the conven-
ton. Everybody knows that the Wigs apply |
this phrase of" American industry" exclusively |
to manufacturing establishments. Everybody |
knows that when they prate of American, or
domestic industry, they do not mean the in.
dustry Of the fireside and the hearth, nor the |
labors of agricuturists nor least of all, the pro.
uuClb Ol the INDIVIDUAL skill anu lnuusub OF inH !
honest mechanic, who labors for his own benefit |
ADD not to enrich the millionaire. They mean
the protection of that species of domestic in |
dustry which is prosecuted by young women far
away from home, for the purpose of enabling
our minister to England TO support the dignity
of the United States, and exemplify the sim
plicity Of rspubicanisn, by vieing with the luxu
rous prodigality of the English nobility In his
entertainments, and giving them a sample of the
benefits derived from the protection Of ado,
nestle industry" To talk Of a affording equal
ptcfec,ion to all classes and all portions Of the
cooutry,7 by special legislation in behalf Of one,
is worse than nonsensc. It is an insidious at.
tempt TO impose on the people Of the South
or, what is most likely The real object, 70 give
certain portions Of them Pretext for being i'm
posed on, a course 70 which they would not 10
all probability have ventured to resort, had they
not Justly calculated on their unlimited credu.
Hty, or unlimited acquiescence.
Last comes the grand psnacea, which is 70
heal all Southern wounds without leaving even
the scars, and give perpetual repose to this
distracted country by endorsing The fnality
Of the compromise" the new Constitution, as
il ia called by It's admirers. This endorsement
consists IN pledge that The great natioual Whig
party viii maintain the principles Of the CON-
promise, which be il remembered, diddled The
South out Of its share Of the vast territory ac
ouired from Mexico, and established precedent
for Congress to legislste on the institutioh Of
slavery. Bot even this pledge is accompanied
by proviso, that it is only binding uata time
and experience shall dsmonsirste fhs necessity Of
further legislation 20 guard qgaina me evasion
Of the laios on one hand and he abuse Of their
popers on he Other"
Now what is the English Of ~ this poes
any man 10 his senses, except Southern Whig,
believe that the CREST national Wbig parts will
attempt revision Of the fugitive slsvefaw, for
D