The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1852-08-18

The Republic admits the "frankness'' OF General
Pierce's disclaimer of the words imputed to him by
Foss and also admits that his "personal character"
gives credit to his disclaimer. But in the face OF
these admissions, and of the published testimony
Of the meeting Itself, the Republic persists in its
charge, upon no other authority than the pretend
ed report Of an aboltionst, who is admitted to
know nothing ubou. reporting! Plainly. this is the
conduct of conspirator who no longer expects to
be able 10 deny his conspiracy!
or piece with this, and tending in the same
manner to a confession Of the conspiracy. is the
pettfogging effort of the Republic to shift the issues
in the case to rely upon the resolutions heretofore
adopted by New Hampshire Democrats, with which
General Picrces name is no way connected, and
to make capital out Of the circumstances under
which General Pierce's letter comes before the pub
lie. All this has nothing to do with the question,
and we do not propose to discuss it.
Union Of yesterday.
The above are the material paragraphs Of
the only article which the Union has ventured
to ind,e in regard to General PIERcE's defen-
sive letter. They amount to begging Of one
portion of the question and a surrender of an
other; and are altogether founded upon pitt
full perversion of the articles already in the
hands of our readers.
Our admissions" did not bear the con
struction put upon them by the Union. We
said that the letter had the semblance Of
lrankness, and that the character Of its author
as man-not as a poitician-might be as ex
celent as his friends allege it is; but we said
that, in the case now undergoing trial before
the country. "personal character" could have
little or no weight when balanced against
the mass Of eliminating testimony. We
showed that the charge, though primarily rest
inv on the sta nents of Mr.. Foss. is fully
sustained by other witnesses, and by the entire
home character Of General PIERCE and his
friends. In existing circumstances, we attach
as much credence to Mr.. PIERcE's 'disclaim-
err as we should to Mr.. VAN BUREN's. and no
more.
The "shifting of the issues" has no reality
out of the brain of our contemporary. We re-
iteratcd the first issue arising out Of the New
Boston speech, and we retorate it again, with
the full conviction not only that General
PIERCE has not met it, but that his smooth
evasion under the guise of '1rankness," adds
immensely to the force Of the case against him.
He has not dared to meet it. He has not touched
one of the points involved. He has not at
tempted to give specific denial to any one of
the Abolitionist expressions that are imputed
to him The whole force of the letter lies in
its evasion of distinct allegations, and its de-
vices to effect an escape under cover of high.
sounding but vague and worthless generalites.
But the other "ssues'' are not to be set
aside because the Union has not the fairness or
the courage to encounter them. They are
relevant to the first issue, and not less import
ant. They show that General PIERcE's New
Hampshire character is bad. They prove that
his New Boston dennnciatons of slavery and
the Fugitive law are the echo of equally
offensive sentiments uttered by the same
speaker at numerous times and places. The
charge has therefore assumed much larger and
more serious proportions than it had at first
and however unpaatable to the Democracy, il
will be pressed until the South is made tho
roughly familiar with the Freesoilism Of tho
Democratic nominee.
The Unaffected nonchalance with which the
Union acknowledges these portions of the
question is very amusing. 1t has not a word to say
in defence of Messrs. NoRRIs, HIBBARp, PEAS
LEE, and the other political sponsors of Genera
PIERCE. 1t laeitly comedies that they are a.
darkIy dyed in Freesoilism as any Freesoilers
in the country. 1t comedies that the New