The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-08-13

,ol. ON -Crlsleal Position OF Continental
AHaArs.
The coup d'aat OF the second of December, by
which the French President anticipated the termi.
nation Of his tenure Of office, and procured his re-
instalment, with Siosatorial powers for ten years,
alarmed the despotic governments OF Northern
Europe, for the safety of the divine right prin-
siple, under which they rule and govern, and which
was terribly endangered by the total negation OF
hereditary sovereignty in France, and the assump-
tion by the people, Of the right Of electiDg their own
chief magistrate. 1t is well known, that immedi-
a,ey subsequent to this successful movement Of the
Prince President of France, the powers Of Russia,
Austria and Prussia, n.ercbanged notes and opini-
Mons on the subject, and commenced negotiations
for the establishment of treaty with each other,
for the purpose of securing combined action in refer
epce to the course they should decide upon adopt
ing towards France and her government
The spring and summer months were consumed
by the cabinets of st. Petersburg, Vienna and Ber-
lin, in deliberations to the best mode Of checking
the ambitious projects of Louis Napoleon, and pre-
venting his assuming the imperial sceptre, either as
an elective OF hereditary sovereign These nego-
tiations have Terminated in the formation Of
cret treaty dated the 10Th Of May, 1852 and signed
by the Emperor of Russia, the Emperor Of Austria
and the King Of Prussia, analysis Of which was
FIRST given TO the ngsh publicin the London Mo9t-
! ing Chronicle of the 2Sth ultimo. This treaty,
which like that of the Holy Alliance has been BIAS
phemously placed under the invocation of the Trini
| ty, declares that the basis of European order is
hereditary right; that in France the house of Bour
| bon, of which the present head is the Comte do
| Cbambcrd, personifes that right and that tho
power exercised by Louis Napoleon is power de
| tacto, which can make pre.ensions whatever to
such right, since the origin of his elevation is the
very negative of it. The subscribing parties then
bind themselves that in case Prince Louis Bona
parte should get himself elected Emperor for life,
they will not recognise him such till be should,
among other things, formally renounce all preten-
sions to the continuation founding of dynasty
and that in the event of his declaring himself here
ditary Emperor they will protest against it.
and consult as to the Interior measures
which it may be necessary to take. They then
hold out the tempting assurance to the legitimist
party, that should Napoleon be removed from his
position by revolution or death they wiz use all
the at their disposal to restore the Legitimate
heir of the crown, the Comte dc Chambord. This
secret treaty, of which the foregoing is the sub
stance, was republished in the London Times,
the document, at the same time that it admits the
probability, from the antmus evinced by the con-
tracing powers last spring, that such would be
the course they would determine on.
Ne one can fail to appreciate the Importance of
the issue which the publication, in France. of this
treaty is calculated to evolve. 1t is protestation
of the three great northern powers against the
reign right Of the French people to exercise the pri
Al. thos
ciomento Of Anticipated despotism against mo-
dern despotism, and it involves principles Of
human rights, the settlement of which may
precipitate general continental war It's
effect in France will doubtless be to establish
Louis Nspoleons position more firmly than ever;
and to the spirit OF the French people to re-
sent the insult offered them by those sovereigns
who presume to dictate whom they shall have as their
ruler. The enthusiasm awakened throughout the
French nation, after their first revolution, in 1892
and up to the fall Of Bonaparte by the interference
of the allied powers Of Europe, on behalf of the
BouIbons, will be anifested anew in opposition to
this modern holy alliance, and the consequence
most probably will be the investturs of Louis Ma
poleoD with the imperial purple-the establishment
Of that BoDaparte dynasty which the Northern pow
anxious to avert, and the springins up of
a war between France and those old despotisms,
which may end in universal crash to those prin-
cples of hereditary sovereignty which they assert
to be the basis Of European order Louis Napoleon
will know how to profit BY this manifesto of the
10Th Of May, by making it the lever Of his
elevation to the summit Of his ambition, and Of
evokipg the martial spirit of the French people TO
teach these meddling sovertigns such lesson a
| the elder Bonaparte gave them once before.
The impending struggle in Europe will De, there
FORE one not between revolutionism and despotism,
but between the two principles of hereditary and
elective sovereigntythe represented by Austria,
Russia and Prussia, and the other by France. The
| French will not now, they did gloriously in
| the wars Of Napoleon have to fight single h lnded
against the allied forces of Europe, but will have
merely to chastise these supercilious powers, who
may almost be said TO have thrown down the gaunt.
let. In this they will be cheered ana sustained
by the people of Germany, Spain and Italy, Them
selves aspiring for freedom, while Britain win be
forced by her peculiar position relative the United
States and France, to observe neutrality The in
ternal as well as the foreign relations Of England
will force her 20 remain inactive In the coDact
tie results Of the late general election in that
kingdom give working majority to minis
tiers, which would preclude the possibility Of their
assuming an attitude unfavorable to progress and
freedom. And without England in the listt against
her, France would show an lnvincible front to all the
powers Of Europe besides.
The consequences which threaten TO follow from
the hostile position assumed towards France by
Russia, Austria, and Prussia, may not develope
themselves Immediately. But they will no: the less
certainly come. Louis Napoleon is in no hurry TO
change the name and formula Of the pgav he cow
exercises France. There is no differe0ce, save
in title, between Napoleon President and Napoleon
Emperor. He has period Of ten years 10 org lnize
his plans and 10 consider best he may carry out
the promptings Of his ambition, and punish this
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