The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-05-20

u.
between Texas and New Mexico, with the pay
ment of ten millions to the former for it
claims
Sd. The organization of Territorial Govern
ments for New Mexico and Utah, without any
provision excluding Slavery
4th The prohibition of slave-impOrtatiOr
in the District of Columbia:
5th. The law for the reclamation of fugi
tiyes from service or labor:
9th. A declaration, that hereafter States
applying for admission into the Union, shall b.
admitted, with OF without Slavery, as they shall
elect
. The Compromise party, laying aside al
i other questions, thrust this system of meas
l. ures into the Presidential canvass, as the soil
I issue, and demand the judgment of the coun
u try upon it. They require-nOt acquiescencC
not submission, but--a positive recognition of il
as a final adjustment of the whole question o
Slavery, 80 far as it can affect national poll
ties.
We recognise their right to make such ar
issue, nor do we underrate its Importance; bu
let us clearly understand it.
Four parts of this Compromise nobody pro
poses 10 disturb The Anti-Slavcry party
which the Compromisers seek to crush, ap-
proves of the act admitting the State of Cali
fornia, submits to the settlement of the bound
airy question with Texas, as a thing rrevoca-
ble would be unwilling to deprive New Mex
leo and Utah Of their Territorial Governments,
aud would oppose the repeal of the law pro-
| hibiting the importation of slaves into the
District of Columbia In all this, we suppose
it concurs with the general opinion of the
country. If our acquiescence in these meas
ures be asked. we yield ito some because we
approve of them, to the rest because we can
not help them. These therefore constitute no
practical questions between us and the Com
promise party. But the remaining two por-
| tons Of the Comprehensive Fugitive Law,
and the Declaration in regard to the admission
of slave States-are liable to modification or
revocation.
What, then, is the real issue forced upon us
by the Compromises? LIST. AcquieScence in
this law, and in the policy embodied in this
Declaration and IDLY, the acceptance of the
Compromise in all its parts as a final settlement
Of the question Of Slavery. They mean by this
that the political organizations of the country
shall pledge themselves against the repeal or
amendment of the Fugitive Law, in favor of
the admission of new slave States against any
action to prevent the introduction of Slavery
into New Mexico and Utah, even should its
advocates attempt to establish it there in favor
of the perpetuation of Slavery in the District
of Columbia, and of course, against all agita-
ton or discussion of questions of Slavery.
Should this pledge be given by the Wing
and Democratic organizations it must be evil
dent that "A strong influence will be brought
to bear against the Anti-Slavery movement
Party machinery will be put in operation to
carry it out to the letter. Free discussion will
be deemed an offence. No man, hostile to the
Fugitive law, or in favor of discussing the sub
ject of Slavery until the country by peaceable
and constitutional means be rid of it's evils
will be recognised as a fit candidate for Office,
or safe member Of the party. Local Anti
Slavery action by sections of the party, while
adhering to the National organization, would
be denounced as violation of the pledge
This pledge can be given in two ways-by
resolve of the National Convention of the party
or by the declarations or known position of its
Presidential candidate.
Messrs. Cass, Buchanan, Douglas Butler,
Dickinson, are all known to be committed to
the support of the Compromise in its totality
as a final settlement. The nomination of any
one of them, even without a declaration by
the Convention, would be equivalent to the
giving of an express pledge on the subject, and
every supporter of the nomination would be-
come by that act party to the pledge
The same remark would be applicable to
the nomination of Fillmore or Webster by the
Wing Convention Such nomination in itself
would be a pledge to the totality and fnality
test and the supporters of it would make
themselves parties to the pledge. So that,
should they, at any subsequent time, in any
section of the country, agitate or discuss the
question of Slavery, they would stand convict
ed of Il breach of faith and gross nconsist-
ency.
On the other hand an express declaration
| by either Convention of adhesion to the Com
promise final adjustment, would determine
the position of its candidate for the Presiden-
cy whoever he might be for the acceptance
of the nomination in the absence of any in
timation of dissent, would be conclusive evil
dence that he concurred in the great issue in
yolvcd in that nomination,
1t is proper that these things should be
clearly understood beforehand Every art will
be tried to sophisticate honest voters, to mys-
tify them, to deude them into the abandon
ment of their principles, to make them subser-
Went to the exactons of the Slave Power
Mr.. Bolts of Virginia has lately made Ger.
tain revelations, calculated TO check the zeal
of those who are in haste to commit them.
selves to the support of General Scott Here
is part Of a letter he publishes in the Richmond
tVa) Wing, after having had "a very long
free, and full interchange of views with him y
(the General)
" General Scott occupies no doubtful OF
equiyocal position on the Compromise, nor does
he desire TO do 40 and il he did, would not
support him, even if nominated. His views are
freely expressed to every man who approaches
him. no matter TO what party or section he
may belong. lie is accessible to every respect.
able man in the country, who chooses to APP
proach him, and he has never hesitated to say
that he is in favor of the Compromise measures
in all their parts and opposed to any disturb
| ance agitation. or alteration of the Fugitive