The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-08-26

| it is not unreasonable to make it condition oil
enfranchisement and citizenship. But on the
other side, again, the disfranchised man and
woman may plead their natural right OF sell
government infringed by the denial Such
rights as these, in such conditions, may and do
conflict Where is the mischief that begets
this confusion, and disocates the logic OF trst
principles? These principles are respectively
right and cannot therefore, contradict each
other. It must be an accident, it must be IN
the sphere of some (alsehood where they meet,
that they go thus to war | can find the error
nowhere else than in the constitution OF the
civil state. If that were true, if it were the
true focal point of action for any right princi-
pie, it would not embarrass or destroy the force
of any other. The primary rights OF all men
issue fairly out of the abstract truth, but they
get entangled in the forms of our organic
structure and the facts Of our condition. 1t is
not 20 in the institutions of nature In the
family economy, infancy and incOmpetency
work no forfeiture of rights and cripple no ill.,
terests and sacrifice no benefits, OF individuals.
Liberty and authority are there we'll balanced ;
parental instincts and natural affection pro-
mote the highest good Of all. The wisdom and
strength Of the little society supply its igno-
rance and weakness the inequality is without
oppression. and the Government is in the best
hands for the best uses Of the whole communi-
ty. The newborn child and the immature
youth are governed so far as they need direc-
ton they are not invested with Offices of which
they are incapable, but their powers are not
crippled their freedom is conceded to the full
measure of their capabilities, and its exercise
is encouraged
Until the institutions of civil society are in
like manner adjusted to capacities and fitted
for the protection Of the interests OF all its
members republics as heretofore, will serve
only for the greatest good of the greatest mum,
Der which they can accommodate of the people
concerned in organizing them. Government
by representation in the higher counsels OF
State is said to be necessary on account of the
inconvenience OF primary assemblies Of the
people for such purposes; but it has also another
effect it removes the power, by many step in
many an indirect path, from the populace; and
the majority principle in the election of legis-
lators is nothing else than plan for ascertain.
ing truth by counting the noses of the opposing
parties, however necessary it may be for the
purpose of attaining decision Of the questions
submitted.
Now, with mperfections such as these which
have been presented, and other violations of its
fundamental principles which are obviously un.
ayoidable, it is clear enough that our repre-
sentative democracy is incapable of providing
for the rights of all the people, and at the same
time securing the order, civil and social, which
exists among us.
If we had perfect order, no man would be
any more disposed to hold a slave than to be
one. A perfect system would be an adapted
one, and of course, under it, no mans igno
rance or weakness would be mischievous to any
other, because provision would be made for
him which would keep him in place, while his
best interests would be kept within his reach
and 50 his own well being would flow into and
swell the tide of the general prosperity
| am not denying that republicanism is an
advance upon monarchy and aristocracy, or
that government of all by the many is not an
improvement upon the One-man power. |
reckon, on the contrary, that our Liberties are
worth all that their purchase and conquest
have cost in the past ages | am only exhibit
ing the discrepancy between the first principles
which we hold, and the forms through which
we endeavor to give them effect. The exposure
shows the difficulty which there is in according
to the disfranchsed classes the rights which
first principles demand for them The radical
reasoner has no trouble in displaying his doe.
trne of human rights, and good conscience anC
highest policy cOrrobOrate his creed with then
instant endorsement; but the objector who
stands upon the incompatibility of universal
Justice with the existing system, has advantages
in his position from which he is not 50 easily
dislodged
But If the emancpationist valves for the
present the slaves political rights, and only in.
sists upon his lawful ownership of himself, and
his right to the rewards of his own labor, he
comedies the alleged incapacity for full citizen
ship, and damages very materially the force OF
his argument for the simpler rights demanded
1t greatly affects the entireness and beneii.
cence, as well AZ the policy, of the individuals
personal freedom, to strip him of it's political
safeguards and auxiliaries This is what is
meant by the assertion that the emancipated
slave is changed into nuisance, and crushed
into the degradation of an oppressed caste and
held there without hope of change, by the re-
pugnance of the higher classes. apprehend
that there is no certain or immediate prospect
that the free States will admit their colored
inhabitants to the rank and rights of citizen.
ship. If this be So the objection, to this extent
is supported by the fact, and the ncompetency
of our institutions for complete emancipation
affected rs they are by the public sentiment
which controls them is established.
But our industrial system, or the economy OF
property and commerce. and the social order
which results, confronts the proposed personal
freedom of the three millions with other incom-
patibilitics, which touch the very substance Of
our fitness to grant the right, and to confer its
real blessings along with the form and name OF
freedom The Great Teacher said to one of his
disciples, After thou art converted, preach my
gospel y and we must not be surprised if the
enemy retorts the advice to the friends of uni.
versal freedom.
What, hitherto have our laws done for the
RIGHTS of labor that NAV authorize us to re-