The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-12-18

clains that ali Europe stood assembled and vstori.
We conclude that it is NO. to Il. arst .bdio.sion
81 tae emperor Napoleon in favor Of his son that
this allusion 10 made; for that abaication was i'm
medtstely followed by the treaty of Fontsineblssu,
containing complete reconciliation Of tho throne
on behalf Of the whole Bonsparts family; and on
the return Of Napoleon from Eba he himself treated
the cession Of the crown to his SON - altogether
null and void. Consequently, on that transaction
ne claim whatever can be founded But tho pro-
when the Emperor Napoleon had even less au-
therity to make it, and the King OF Rome had even
less power to accept it. The battle Of Waterloo had
been fought, and Napoleon flying before the allied
days in that identical palace OF the Elysee which
has since witnessed the success of his nephew
The Chamber Of Representatives had declared
Itself in peTmsnence under the energetic d.
moro fer the liberties Of his country, and
under the intxigues of Fouche. who was sold
70 the Bourbons. On the 22d Of June, 1915,
Emperor, and he affected at the same time to pro-
claim his infant son Napoleon IL The child was at
that moment at Vienna, in the hands of his grand
father whose armies occupied largo portion Of the
soil Of France Lucien Bonapar,e was selected, as
the most liberal member Of the imperial family, to
make this communication to the Legislature. He
was oeldly and bitterly received. for it was we'll
known that the abdication had only been given to
avoid the indignity of deposition, and the Assem-
bly, was moro inclined to outlaw Napoleon than to
accept his SON It is historically false that he was
10 /" proclaimed By the two Chambers in the last
burst Of vanquished patriotism" Manuel made an
attempt to carry. vote ia favor of the impsria!
claims but it fell fiat, for the i'm nenss majority Of
both Chambers was eager TO GOT rid OF the Bona
parties, to mako peace with the enemy, and 10
possible that few surrepdtious acts may have
been put forth in tbs name OF Napoleon H.,
by some of the more eager partisans Of thu
imperial family; but th,t is all. They were
lSun T.nuin Ma 20
own proclaim atoms at Strasourg and Beulogae, and
they we're Fever acknowledge oy the Chambers, the
nation, or by the rest OF Europe These facts
which can neither DO reiuted nor forgotten, and
though it is perfectly competent 70 the "logic of
the people to best0w on Louis Napoleon Whatever
figure it may choose to afix to his name, it is i'm
possible to aoque see in interpretation of past
events, In which this country, in common with her
allies, took no inglorious share
No doubt, from the manifest importance which
Louis Napoleon has ats ched in his address to this
subject. he is already aware that ne has advanced
pretepsons which will meet with no recognition
abroad; and although the whole of Europe is ready
to acknowledge him "a Emperor OF the French it
would be base and contemplate to convey In that
acknowledgement dissgowal OF one OF tbs most
brilliant periods of our own history We know not
If tho COZ Guiding words Of this harsngne in which
he declares that " while he mainta pe,ee he will
yield in nothing which may touch sue oonor and the
dignity OF France also to To uodetato ID to bs
apped to the question raised upon the numerical
addition to the Imperial tide Bat we arc ~ a loss
to see III what manner the bonor and dignity Of
France ere in any way touched ny so negative snd
purely personal 0hjes ion. Within his own
dominions, it would ne prepos erous to can
test the right OF the French nation to be-
stow on their ruler any sign of numerstlon wbas-
evor but in his relations with forsgu countries he
hardly expect that they will s6opt title which
Is expressly intended to convey by Implication n
right they altogether deny, IL is impossible not to
regret that this discussion has been raised for SO
very futile an object, it, indeed, anything be futile
1Hhf fhrn wa iDkE n he int 1f an
uncertain power but il has not only been raised,
but discussed. in tone which is not likely to carry
conviction to the rest of Europe though it batravs
resentment at the opposition already encountered
by the French government on this point We shall
not, however, allow ourselves 70 form hasty and
conclusive opinion from the tenor Of this speech,
which was addressed to tho French Senate, aud not
to foreign States. Within few hours il is probable
that the language in which the Iew emperor is to
announce his accession TO the rest Of Europe will be
known, either by publication in this days Mont
tsxy or by the usual channels of official oommnn-
cation. We shall hope to fnd in that document
signs OF . more temperate spirit and Of DISPOSE
ton to enter into more precise engagements; for
these were altogether wanting 1t would become q
becomes the dignity and security Of the other States
Of Europe to pursue.
[Frem the London Herald (Gov. Organ,) Dec. 81
The declaration of the Emperor Napoleon III (for
such L. the new title into which the loss importing
one Of Prince and President has now merged,) will!
DO read with unusual interest, Whatever may be the
opinions Of men, whether favorable OF unfsvorable
to the new dynasty, which if not founded, has been
re-established in its present representative. AL
will look with no little curiosity to the first an.
nouncemenss of the ruler. who has been raised to
authority as unexamped in the history of the world
As it il without parallel in the method by which
1t conferred In this nineteenth century, over
people the most oultivated-perhaps tho most intel
Ggent of any on the face Of the earth-in arts, in
science, in the social ornaments OF life without q
rival - have seven millions and more raised
man to power, not les, than a rs.
tiny of their nation. So few are the oppos-
ing voices, that the acc!anations by which
that power was bestowed may be considered as
unanimous; and history will hereafter point to
this act as the most remarkable in the middle of
this century-is will show millions Of intelligent
men entrusting to one man-raiaed up from among
themselves to dignity and power, which the greatest
of patriots soldiers and statesmen the most able
the most ambitious Of kings and potentstes, have
toiled sighed for In vain. Pho peop not, ia
general, so blind to their interests as 10 sur
render their own rights without; some consideration
they not much in love WITH slavery as to sub
NIT implicitly to ruler without suf ,ent induce-
ment; however. therefore, the world msy regard
the exaltation of Napoleon III-;o whatever causes
parties among ourselves incline to attribute it
they csnnot but confess tina. it ia most strange and
msrvellous, urequalled by any event D the history
of France If to have reached n throos through
years OF toll and bloodihed-if, have been enid
epueneIdI NJ tBe cost OF lilo or
safety has been reward enough for the smbision Of
many, with what capplacepcy may the present
governor of France regard his exaita,ion, which
bears mark Of bloodshed. and has not Deen
wrupg from reluctant people II to b. appointed
ruler by the genera suifrse forms so strikirg
contrast between free aud despotic rnlsr, with
what proud exultatioD might he compare his .n
petition with those Of other imperial crowns in
Europe? To whom e'se, With one exception. would
IL be given to resume crown once laid aside; or
who could answer that tho mere shadow ottheir
name, ~ the distance Of three generations and
through broken succession, woull he sufi,ieo. 20
place diadem on the brow of their descendautsl
Yet this islthe proud position Of Napoleon Ill We
have never been among those who reved him in
the uncertain tide Of his fortune ror though thus
amply acknowledging the greatness and upper.
taEce OF his present and his nov position, do
we intend to fatter him We were willing
then to giro him credit for fair intent ii oDs
to watch how far be would rule in