The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1852-06-19

and looking as think they wisely may 10 their ulteor
interests; they would find j well 10 accep, II though
very obvious that in the blind spirit OF what they deem
The season oil their power they mean TO reject H. They
are likely to Ego further and fare worse"
THE DEFICIENCY
II il be in order as ! presume il is, TO discuss The
whole bill upon any single amendment, propose now
10 consider the general character oil this so-cale de-
cheney bill
Fret, and in general terms, | would remark that.
wrong IN principle, and nschlevous in practice, as
have endeayoTed 10 show and honestly believe this
matter OF the Collins line 10 be, Il IL certainly not the
only bad feature in this bill nor am snTe IL is the
worst Even remove this damned spot from il vet so
many more renan-indeed its whole structure, and the
very and occasion from which il sprung all
so Taught with evil in themselves, and danger pre-
cedent, that would take leper 10 my bosom
10 vote Tor il, amend il you might as long any
portion oil that structure remained or The faint oil lis
source attaches 10 II.
Sir, in view OF several features of this bill acquired
since lett the other House. and especially in view OF
The proposed amendment Tor the Collins line, would
seem That the two houses were engaged, alefy, in
game oil brag" with the pablo money. But the other
day we sent The House OF Representatives bill OF
$4,000 for some work upon the Capitol, and il re.
turned TO US magnhed 10 $50OO00! Now the House OF
Representatives have sent us bill OF S3O00O00,
10 supply certain deficiencies resulting from Executive
usarpalon and extravaganza, aud about TO return
H. as sort OF omnibus crainmed with some $lO,OoOO 900,
Tor almost every purpose OF reckless podgay AT such
rate, we shall certainly Ont. brag the House, and win
the game But will be triumph from which the
Try can derive neither honor nor profit and over which
no sound democrat rejoice. Progress am in favor
oil but this progress in the wrong direction, and must
end IN ruin II persisted in
1t is hardly necessary for repeat, have taken
more than occasion here 10 say that, alike upon
principle and in policy, am opposed ts all deficiency
sespecially 10 such il has OF late become fash
ion oil the federal Executive To urge upon u.s.
Let them come when, or how, or whence-in what
ever shape, or upon what preext, they may-t may be
safely assumed general proposition, that some pub
lie wrong lies at the bottom OF them and that wrong
wi he al her IN nrU cF pnnIp
pie OF legislation, or in some still more vicious Executive
usurpaton OF authority; at best, in neglect
recklessness IN the administration OF the government
Except from some one OF these causes or perhaps from all
OF them combined, tmus be rare indeed, that deficiency
bill can become necessary. assume il general prop
osition TO which there can possibly be but few, and
rare aud nconsiderable exceptions that ii the consttu
tonal requirement. the wise and safe rule oil action
here and with the Executive, be observed, 10 limit the
administrative operations and pecnnary expenditures oil
the government, by specific appropriations to each branch
OF the public service, there can be no occasion Tor such
bills as these
can well understand the origin and the necessity OF
exceptions such as have indicated can understand
also and appreciate the circumstances which may make
not only allowable for the Executive TO send de-
tciency bill but duty, al the tne to pass II
without hesitation delay. Thus, sudden and
peced hostile collision with foreign nation, with our
Indian tribes or the exgencies oil existing state OF
war; the breaking out OF some domestic instruction
civil commoilon possible though probable)all
either OF these causes requiring the prompt action OF
the Executive, without time opportunity for legisla
tive counsel corporation, and yet involving the neces
siy OF expendHg money not provided by PRIOR appop
atoms, would make of legitimate deficiency, for
which should provide the very instant il brought
10 our notice. And II we may suppose such an M
stance should there be accidental niscalculaon
OF amounts the inadyerent omission the part OF
the Executive OF Congress OF any specific approra
ton for necessary purpose, they, loo, either
oil them, would co stitue legitimate deficiency, de-
manding our prompt action 10 supply IT, So much is
due 10 the true interest and good faith Of the govern
menpeshaps 10 It's very preservation. Of this kind and
in this sense, deficiency bills though 10 be always
avoided practicable and closely scrunized whenever
presented cannot be dsappoved, certainly rejected
Such indeed, and such alone, properly speaking, are
deficiency bills II is not and never will be, TO such
that make objections
But Mr.. President, how do the deficiency bills
called which this administration has sent 10 us-hat
OF last Congress- and especially his-eonfom TO the very
comprehensive and liberal conditions have suggested
In the before there may be two three
items-bu each OF them small-whch may be regarded
az true deficiency doubt whether since the rejection
OF the one presented by my colleague Mt The
other day, there be a sing item in the whole bill which
really be considered adehcency, IN the true sense
OF the term.
That amendment imy colleague take occasion now
TO repeat proposition 10 redeem The pghied faith OF
the government III furnishing the additional amount ne
cessary 10 pay recognised and INUNDATED debt which
had been paid in part as far back as 1917 and The bal
ance OF which has been due since-now thiriyhve
years That, ] remarked al tue time, was the only
real deficiency before us.
But the majority OF these items and all the large ones
are destitute Of the first feature Of legitimate deficiency
need go into particulars TO show this, for think II
has been sufficiently done already by the senator from
Virginia Mr.. HusTER and The senator from California,
mir. GwIs.l | will, however, remark, in general
terms, oil what may be called the bulk OF the bill az
from the Executive, or according 10 Executive
recommendation and demand that IL not only not de-
hciency in The sense in which insist every one should
be, but is directly and Extensively the Not only
has resulted without authority Of law, constructive or
contingent, bat il has been perpeirated-ay, SIR per-
peTated, in direct violation and contempt OF the law
contempt of the we'll considered action Of the two
houses oil Congress BY no can this be denied for
nothing is better Accommodating is more plainly and
ndeibly written upon the records OF the last Congress
than the proof OF the allegation have made " moth.
ing extenuate nor set down aught in malice" But il
set down upon the records 10 which refer, in char
acers strong, and in terms clear, that he who
runs may read" and understand il, too, that when
certain OF money for the anticipated expenses OF
the War Department asked for by The Executive,
they were after full discussion and due deliberaton.
fused By the Congress Those appropriations urged
by the administration, but they rejected by the
Congress Thus was the Executive told, in as plain and
strong language could be uttered by American
Congress, that he should not have the money he asked
for, nor erpend in the way he proposed And yet in
the very face OF that reusapcrhaps before the ink
dry with which IL written down--he Executive
ordered, authorized, permitted, not which,
the expenditure oil these very OF money and
think in instances still larger sums-and that, loo,
after fashion OF wasteul exrayagance without paral-
lei IN the administrative history OF The government
and absolutely astounding 10 contemplate. This, re-
peat has been done, not only without authority OF law
but IN direct violation and contempt OF the law made and
provided in special reference TO this very class OF expend
lures aud Tor the very purpose OF aesing their wasteu
exirayagance.
II Ia M answer ia ths IN say that Conoress yyaa ron