New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1852-02-12
DAILY CRESCENT.
Henry CLAW and Kossuth.

National Intelligencer: & - "f 900
The interview between NJ. Kossuth and Mr..
| Clay has excited general interest in the
country, and the reports Of it hitherto given to
| the public have been somewhat inaccurate, and,
| at the best, imperfect. '|
| The company present on the occasion consisted
of Senators Cass, Jones, Of Tennessee, Mr.. Fem
dali, Of this city, and the Hon. Presley Ewing,
| of Kentucky The last named gentleman has
been induced, at the instance Of several persons,
| and with the consent of Mr.. Clay, to give more
extended and careful report Of the interview,
and especially of Mr.. Clay's remarks which we
publish below, and which may be regarded as
authentic, having, besides the authority OF Alr
| Ewing, the sanction of Senator Jones, by whom
| the report has been examined and approved.
| NJ Kossuth was introduced by Mr.. Cass at
| a bout three o'clock.
| On being presented to Mr.. Clay, who rose to
receive him. i" SIR said he, Sc / thank you for
the honor of this Interview
81 beg you to believe said Mr. Clay, inter-
rupting him, s' that it is / who am honored.
Will you please to be seated'''
After the mutual interchange Of civilities, '' |
owe you, SIR said Mr.. Clay " an apology for
| not having acceded before to the desire you were
kind enough to intimate more than once, to see
me. But really my health has been SO feeble
that did not dare to hazard the excitement OF
so interesting an interview. Besides, sir,'' he
and fascinating eloquence has mesmerized so
large portion of our people. wherever you have
gone, and even some of our members OF Con-
gress,' waving his hand towards the two or
three gentlemen who were present, " that
feared to come under its influence, lest you
might shake my faith IN some prlncples IN re-
gard to the foreign policy of this Government
which have long and constantly cherished
And in regard to this matter, you will allow me.
hope, to speak with that sincerity and candor
which becomes the interest the subject has for
you and for myself, and which is due to us both
as the votaries of freedom. trust you Will be-
lieve me, too, when I tell you that L entertain
ever the liveliest sympathies in every struggle
for liberty, in Hungary, and in every country.
, And in this, l believe, express the universal
! sentiment of my countrymen. But, sir, for the
sake of my country, you must allow me to pro-
test against the policy you propose to her
Wai'sing the grave and momentous question OF
the right of one nation to assume the executive
power among nations, for the enforcement Of in
! ternational law, or of the right Of the United
States to dictate to Russia the character OF her
relations with the nations around her, let us
, come at once to the practical consideration OF
the matter You tell us yourself, with great
+ truth and proprety. that mere sympathy, Or
e che expression Of sympathy, cannot advance
your purposes You require material aid And
indeed it is manifest that the mere declarations
or of the public, would be of little avail, unless
. we were prepared to enforce those declarations
j, by resort to arms, and unless other nations
- could see that preparation and determination
5o upon our part.
"Well, sir, suppose that war should be the
81 issue of the course you propose to us, could We
- then effect any thing for you, ourselves, or the
'S cause of liberty: To transport men and arms
80 across the ocean in sufficient numbers anc
quantities to be effective against Russia anc
,s Austria would be impossible. 1t is a fact which
perhaps may not be generally known, that thu
"A most imperative reason with Great Britain TO
40 the close of her last war with US, was the I'M
(mense cost of the transportation and mainten
81 ance Of forces and the munitions Of war on sue
a distant theatre, and yet she had not perhaI
st more than thirty thousand men upon this cont
on nent at any time. Upon land Russia is invu
m nerable to us as we are to her. Upon I'll
Ks ocean, a war between Russia and this countr
on would result in the mutual annoyance to con
nerce, but probably in little else ! learn re
Gently that her war marine is superior to tina
, of any nation in Europe. except perhaps Grea
!, Britain. Her ports are few, her commerc
limited; while we, on our part, would ofter as
ss Ss prey to her cruisers rich and extensive com
merce. Thus, sir, after ettectlnS nothing
=" such a war, after abandoning our ancient pollc
Of amity and nom n-interventlon IN the affairs {
other nations, and thus Justitylng them
apaLloiAhs pile teiiAo VI ioA p.-i "hee " W
Z interference, which they have hlthefto preserve
he towards US; after the downfall, perhaps, OF tn
he friends OF liberal institutions IN Europe, he
W despots, initiating and provoked by ourtatal ez
lie ample, may turn upon us IN the hour OF on
Dr. weakness and exhaustion, and, with an almos
equally irresistible force OF reason and OF arms
they may say to us, You have set us the eA
ample; you have quit your own to stand o
/ foreign ground; you have abandoned the polio
\ you protessed in the day OF your weakness,
- interfere in the affairs OF the people upon th
Us continent, i'll behalf of those principles the s
he prenlacy of which you say is necessary to you
he prosperity, to your existence We. IN our turl
believing that your anarchlcal doctrines are dt
structive of, and that monarchical principle
= are essential to, the peace, security, and happ
, ness of our subjects, will obiterate the be
which has nourshed such noxlous weeds;
2. will crush you, as the propagandists Of doctrine
be- So destructive of the peace and good order
INV the world The indomltable spirit OF our PEI
pie might, and would be equal to the emergenc.
and we might remain unsubdued even by
'. tremendous combination, but the consequence
- to us would be terrible enough. You must a
s low me, sir, to speak thustreely y, as feel deep
ems ems though my opinion may be OF but little lmpor
i. rs the expression OF dying man ,la.