Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1850-1854, 1852-06-18

HoL INC AStSFdph
Free citation so the Doinss
OF the Baltimore Convention

ces-throw personal preferences to the wind
and yet, with all the liberality that can muster,
can neither cordially unite with that party, nor
even give it a temporary suppoUat the approach
ing contest.
In giving my reasons for this dissent would
say that know nothing against the characters of
the Statesmen who are its nominees and heav-
en- forbid that should raise finger to open the
sluices to that flood of Islander which dashes
with such fury against every public character,
and deluges and disgraces free land every pres
idential election but we must take the men as
the embodiment Of the principles set forth, as
standing on the platform which the Convention
in its wisdom has created
1t is evident from the Baltimore Platform-the
deserton of Bonton-the tone of its papers, and
many other Indications, that in relation to our
principles that party has not changed, or ifany,
that it has receded farther from US, and is paying
more difference than ever to the Slave Power !;
that it would sustain it not only in its just claims,
and its ancient privileges, whether just or not,
but also in its more modern over-reaches, and
give it every chance to extend itself wherever
there is an opening-unopposed by National Lee
gslation, and unrestrained (yea, rather forward
ed,) by Executive interference and, farther
still TO soothe it amid the wrecks by which it is
Surrounded and fortify it against the progressive
spirit Of modern innovation, il would bar the on
ly avenue to Truth by prohibiting all discussion
re ,ba cpbiaof IIonoo nj ~
ent aspect of affairs it is evident that if we unite
with that party, the change must be entirely on
our part-that we must 60 to it, for it will not
come to US. With this prospect before Us an
important question arises: Were we right in
our first position? Ifso, surely we ought not
to leave it merely to be parsakers of a triumph
at the expense of some Of our dearest principles:
lst Our leading principle, that on which our
party existence was based-that slavery should
be restricted to its present area-no more Slave
Territory-no more Slave States-is so mode
rate and even negative in its character, that il is
difficult to conceive-a priori-that any objec-
ton could have been raised against it in an intel
ligent and patriotic (to cay nothing OF rnoraD
community. 1t was generally alleged that south
ern men deplored the existence of slavery, and
wished for some easy, gradual mode of abolish
ing it-and, surely, if they were sincere they
must have been glad to see its extension prevent
ed; and if they might be expected to be satisfied,
whore is the being so in love with evil, for its
own sake, as dare to complain. II would have
done injustice TO no one. The planter, to be
sure, could not have gone there as a STAKEHOLDER,
yet he could have gone as man and enjoyed ell
the privileges that were common. On the other
hand il would have been an act OF Justice and
mercy to millions of living and Of unborn Afri-
cans who would have vegetatcd in those dens TO
angush in slave toll, and shrek under the slave
lash 1t would have been an act Of Justice to
our great Republic, 10 whom all the products
of slavery, whether master or serf is q source
of weakness and disgrace. Last, and net least,
it would have been an act Of Justice to our labor
ing men where Gotten ill-requited) toll is tho
source of nearly all the wealth and comforts Of
society.
Wherever labor is associated with Slavery,
there it is degraded and 80 are all who engage in
it, In many States of this Unon, men who work
for living, and have neither professional nor
a mercantile garb to adorr them, are held in low
estimation-pointed at as the creatures ofa mean
employmCnt-the drudges of low occupation
the slaves Of necessity, almost as low and degra-
dcda the slaves oflaw and hence, the moment
that Slavery obtains footing in any Territory,
it is to certain extent closed against the free,
spirited and Independent laIorers and mechanics
Of the North, and deep Injustice is inflicted on
those who are the pillars AMI glory of the Union.
For other nations may boast warriors as destruc-
tive and brave, statesmen as visa writer's as
learned and eloquent, but none, probably, can
equal the honest independence of our laboring
farmers, the general intelligence and ingenuity of
our mechanics.
a"d. Opposition to the Fugitive Slave Law,
Is simple giving vent to tie feeling Of svmn,-
thy IN our nature and of pride in our country -
Until trained BY some hardening process theYe
are few of our citizens who could bear to see a
poor helpless creature (howerer woody bis head
or black his skin,) who had Just breathed free
air, and rejoiced, though but FOR a moment, in
the sunlight of Hope and Freedom, manacled
and sent back into the gloomy night of Slavery,
which to his haggard eye appears endless, with
out even one distant streak of approaching dawn.
The feeling OF pride is more extensive still
than that of sympathy, and we cold not bear TO
see our fair fields, and quiet villages and cities,
set as on hill, seen Of all the world, -:ransfor
med into hunting ground for the lave-catcher,
and our citizens yelling around, tia dogs Of his .
train. Were Kossuth among US, ana our streets
polluted in his presence by scene of,ave-catch-
ing, there is not man among US (oiany party
whose cheeks would not burn with The deepest
dyes of shame.
The case stands thus: A being i: among US
to whom there are two claimants One man,
with complete mastery of himself, ans that by
huma law he is also owner of the other The
other claimant is the being himself. lie alleges
the rights that heaven gives to every man, are
his own person and the responsibility towhich it
holds each for his conduct-fhat ba ,,oeer r,,,,o !