The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-07-03
Another Platform.

serves, perhaps, some space and attention. we
make the following extracts from the last paper:
The Era is not the organ of any party, any
organization, any body of men. IL mas been
founded by no party, is sustained by no party,
does not pretend TO speak by authority for any
party, acknowledges allegiance to no party. IL
is owned and controlled absolutely by its editor
and may pursue whatever course it pleases
without violating any party engagements for it
has contracted none.
IL can therefore acknowledge no mans right
to call it TO account, on the strength Of supposed
party relations. Anybody may controvert its
doctrines, assai its position, question its policy
arraign its consistency, charge it with disoyalty
to the cause of human rights, but no one can
denounce it for want of fidelity to party, mas
much as no party has claim upon US.
The subscribers to the paper are composed Of
Abolitionists, Freesoilers, anti-slavery Wings,
antislavery Democrats, those who believe that
the Constitution is a covenant with death and
an agreement with hell, those who believe that
it's purely anti slavery in its provisions, party
men and no-party men, and merely miscellane'
Gus readers. If they desire any improvement
in the Era, they have right to suggest it: if
they think we are in error they have right
to say so to their hints, suggoatinns, thnnghts.
due respect; but, if we see proper TO disregard
them, we shall do so, without questioning their
right to do just what they please-either con-
tinue their subscriptions, notwithstanding the
difference of opinion, or withdraw them.
So much for the position of the Era, and its
relations TO parties and subscribers. In all re-
spects, it is free and independent.
In regard TO the aims of the Era, We trust
that it represents the sentiments of the ma ority
of the American people.
It's first aim is, to relieveaihe federal govern
ment from all responsibility for the existence of
slavery, by divorcing it from that system, and
throwing its influence on the side of human free,
dom. This embraces within its scope the re-
peal of the act of Congress reens citing the slave
code of the District of Columbia the repeal Of
the act regulating the coastwise slave trade; the
repeal of the act relating to fugitives from
service or labor, that subject being left by the
Constitution TO the several States; and the es-
adjustment of personal freedom, as the univer-
sal, Interchangeable law, within the exclusive
jurisdiction of the federal government
To accomplish this aim, federal political nc
ton is necessary. 1t concerns the people of the
United States, and they must act in their nation
al capacity.
Some suppose that, as parties are now con-
sttuted, the proper course is, for the anti-saye-
ry members of the old political organization to
continue in them, laboring faithfully TO Undue
them with antslavery sentiments, but always
submitting when overpowered. Others, assum
ing that the domination of slavery over these
organizations is too strong to be broken by
such policy, and feesng the inconsistency Of
supporting by vote what they denounee in
word, look to independent, separate political
action, which, uniting voice and vote for the
ant-slavery sentiment, must command respect
for its consistency, and present political comb.
nation Of such power as shall neutralize, at first,
partially, at last, completely, the influence Of
the slaveholding interest.
With this class we more especially sympa
thize. Their policy, it seems to us, is simple,
consistent, truthful and sagacious. 1t relieves
them from endorsements from contradictions,
from temptations to double dealing and evasion
It harmonizes their opinions and acts, their pro-
tests and their votes; gives prominence to the
great object, at which they aim, secures them
respectful hearing, and places them in position
where, If they stand fast, they may extort cep.
cessions from the old organizations, and cor
strain them to approximate their ground, at the
same time that they strengthen the hands Of
those antislavery men who continue with their
parties.
Agreeing in general opinions with this class
Of independent voters, we still respect the mo-
tiyes and sympathize with the ant-slavery ef.
forts Of those who think they can work to better
purpose in their respective parties. Let every
man be fully persuaded in bis own mind. Were
the Era, a party organ, il might denounce
them; were its chief ambition directed to win
ming sdherents 10 the Freesoi organization, IL
might forget the common aim Of all classes Of
political antislavery men, in the effort 10 make
them all think and act alike. But while attach
ing due importance 10 our favorite course Of
policy, and on all proper occasions, and by fair
methods, striving 10 induce others TO follow it,
we shall not fail 10 commend and sustain anti
slavery sentiment and effort, in whstever organi-
Zation il may be manifested; and never, we
trust, shall we be guilty Of the folly Of charging
those, as the worst enemies Of our course, who,
while agreeing with us in aim, differ from us in
policy.
So much for The political aim of the Era. A.
II respects slavery, and the methods by which
Il proposes 10 reach t.
Another principal Though not POLITICAL aim
Of the Era is, the abolition Of slavery in The
South; not by fsieral political action, because
the federal government has no constitutional
power 10 act on the question, but by free and
full discussion Of the subject Of slavery, in its
relations TO the interests Of the slaves, of the
masters, Of the non-slaveholders Of the South,
Of the country, Of the cause Of republication,
OF civilization generally, with the hope Of co. |
operating with other peaceful and moral soen. |
cies in promoting the growth Of an Ant.slavery
sentiment in the Southern States, which shall |
finally embody itself in voluntary legislation in
favor Of emancipation.
This, after all, is the great aim Of the Ma /
tionol Era, so far az the question Of slavery is
and in the prosecution Of this object |
Il has always held, and will always hold, invio /
late, the doctrine Of State rights, never claiming
for the federal government the exercise Of
doubtful power, bot asserting for the States in
which slavery exists the exclusive right 10 leRis-
ate upon the subject
The other aims Of the National Era. like
hose just stated, are thoroughly Democratic
Adopting the language Of our prospectus for
1850, we still hold, and at proper times ar, pre-.
pared 10 mantsin--
That the federal Constitution ought TO be 30
amended as 10 place the election Of President in |
he hands Of the manila direotlv and "a limit Il