The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-07-10

and, bssides, there was no one point Of differ.
euoe between them. The division wall was bro.
ken, and both parties stand upon the same plat
form. The Freesoil party was in opposition 70
these two parties. thus united IN sentiment il
now one of the two great parties Of the country.
The great issue was to be, whether or not there
was one subject on which American freemen.
might neither speak nor think. He asserted
that the can idates of both parties had given
their adhesion to the compromise measures, and
voluntarily forfeited the support the Freesoi
party. There could only bs one finality-truth,
victorious or anqashed. Throughout the world
was going an that contest between liberty and
despolsm, in which the Freesoil party was en-
gagged.
COMMITTEE TO PREPARE AN ADDEss.
On motion of General Wilson, committee of
one from each Congressional district was sp-
pointed to prepare an address and resolutions,
and the following gentlemen, nominated by the
chair, we're then chosen that committee
Hon. Henry Wilson, Rodney French, Caleb
w. Proaty, F. w. Bird, Seth Webb. jr., J. W..
Stone, A G.. Brown, Edward Kimbal Amasa
Walker, Edward Hopkins, and ID. w. Alma.
THE HALL FOUND TO SMALL.
Mr. VIM. A. White, of Wateriown. stated
that one of two things WAS evident--either that
the convention was too large or the hall too
. mall--that hundreds were unable to obtain ad
mission, and he moved that when the convention
adjourned, it be to the spacious tent upon the
common at two o'clock, which motion was carried
by a unanimous vote.
LETTERS FROM PROMINENT FREEsoILERs
Letters were then read from the following
NIL, -.
the convention:
Hon. E. L. Keys, Hon. Horace Mann, Hon
Charles Allen, Hon. Joshua r. GiddinRs, Hon.
Charles Sumner, Hon. Simeon p Chase
We here annex two Of the most interesting
letters
SENATOR SUMMERS LETTER.
WASHING TON, July 8, 1852.
DsAR SIR The true and we'll tried friends
of freedom in Massachusetts are about to as
semble at Worcester. 1t will not be in my
power to be with them to enjoy the contagion
Of their enthusiasm; to be strengthened by their
determination; and to learn anew, from eloquent
lips, the grandeur of our cause and the exigency
Of our duties. But confidently look to them
for trumpet words to rally the country against
the sectonalsm of slavery.
At Worcester, in f848, commenced the first
strong movement, which, gaining new force at
Buffalo and sweeping the free States, finally
enrolled three hundred thousand electors in
constitutional opposition to the hateful wrong
The occasion now requires similar effort
Both the old parties, with an apostacy greater
than that which aroused our condemnation at
that time, have trampled on the principles of the
Declaration of Independence, and the most cher.
shed sentiments of the fathers of the republic.
Even liberty of speech is threatened. 1t is diff.
cult to see how any person, loyal to freedom
and DESTROYS of guarding it by constitutional
means, can support the national candidate of
either OF these parties without surrendering the
cause which he Processes to have at heart
Let no man expect from me any such sur
render.
The two conventions at Baltimore, by their
recorded resolutions, have wed with each other
in servilily to slavery. But Irejoice to believe
that in both parties there are numbers of good
men who scorn these professions. The respect.
able persistence in opposition to the black flag
which distinguished at least one of the eonven
tons, furnishes an earnest for the future
though Massachusetts can derive small encour-
agement from her delegates there. All her
votes in that convention were cast i'm favor Of
those declarations by which slavery has received
new safeguards and freedom new restrictions
But these efforts are doomed to disappointment.
In spite Of all the allegations of partsans and
the assumptions of the slave power, there il
one principle which must soon prevail. Ii can
not b, too often declared; for of itself it is an
basis to our political activity, and
also an answer to the cry Of sectionalism, which
is sometimes ignorantly and illogically directed
against US. According to the true spirit of the
constitution and the sentiment of the fathers,
freedom and not slavery is national, while sla
very and not freedom is sectional. Though thi
proposition commends itself at once, and i.
sustained by the history of the constitution, yet
both the great parties, under the influence of
the slave power, have reversed the true applica.
ton of it's terms. A National Wing ia SIMPLY
a Slavery Whig and National Democrat i.
simply Slavery Democrat, in con,rads,inction
to all who regard slavery rs a sectional institu-
ton, within the exclusive control of the States,
and with which the nation has nothing to do
In unfolding freedom. everywhere under the
national government, we oppose a pernicious
sectionaism, which falsely calls itself national
All this will yet be seen and acknowledged.
Amidst the difficulties and defections of the
hour the future is clear Nothing can perma.
nently obstruct truth. But our duties increase
with the occasion; nor will the generous soul
be deferred by the greatness of the peril ANY
such will be content to serve freedom, to SUP
port her supporters, and to leave tho result to
Providence. Better be where freedom is, though
in small minority, or a alone, than with sla-
very, though surrounded by multtudes, whether
Wings or Democrats, merely contendng for
Office and place. Believe me, dear sir, ever
yours, CHARLES SUMNER.
Hon. f. l.. KEYEs
JUDGE ALIENS LETTER.
WASHING TON Julv g. 1880