Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1852-08-19

trivanCe or desire Of mine; and certainly |
shall never be in the field for that high Of
flee unless placed there by regular nomina-
ton. Not, then, being candidate and see
ing no near prospect Of being made one,
ought, perhaps, to decline troubling YOU or
others with my humble opinions on great
principles of State rights and Federal ad-
ininistraton; but as cannot plead ignorance
OF the partially of few friends, in several
parts Of the Union, who may by possibility,
in certain event, succeed in bringing me
within the field from which Wing candi-
date is TO be selected, prefer TO err on the
side Of frankness and candor, rather than,
by silence, TO allow any stranger unwittingly
TO commit himself TO my support.
Your inquiries open the whole question
of domestic slavery, which has in different
forms for number of years agitated Con-
gress and the country.
Promising that you are the first person
who has Intercepted me on the subject,
give you the basis of what rouH be my re-
ply in greater detail, if time allowed and the
contingency alluded TO above were less re-
mote.
In bovhood, at William and Mary College,
and in common with most if not all my COM
panions, became deeply impressed with
the views given by Mr.. Jefferson, in his
"Notes on Virginia" and by Judge Tucker,
, in his appendix to his edition of Black stones
Commentaries, i'll favor Of gradual emanci-
patton of slaves. The appendix have not
seen in thirty cars, and in the same pc
Rod have read scarcely anything on the sub
ject; but my early impressions are fresh and
i. 4 I L. l. III.
of seat in the Virginia Legislature in the
winter of lS3l-'32, when bill was brought
forward to carry out those views, l should
certainly have given it my hearty support.
suppose | scarcely need say that, in my
opinion Congress has no color of authority
f under the Constitution, for touching the re-
n lation of master and slave in a State.
hold the opposite opinion in respect 10
the District of Columbia. Here with the
: consent of the owners, or on the payment of
lust compensation" Congress may legis-
late at its discretion. But my conviction is
equally strong, that, unless it be step by step
s with the Legislatures Of Virginia and Ma
? ryland, it would be dangerous to both races
in those States to touch the relation be-
tween master and slave in this district.
= Congress was bound by the Constitution TO
i receive, to refer, and TO report upon petit
e tions relating TO domestic slavery, as in the
case of all other petitions; but | have not
failed to see and to regret the unavoidable
Irritation which the former have produced
in the Southern States, with the consequent
peril to the coIors, whereby the adoption OF
' any plan of emancipation has everywhere
among us been greatly retarded.
own, myself, no slave; but never have
attached blame TO masters for not iberating
their slaves-wcll knowing that liberation,
without the means Of sending them in COM
= fort to some position favorable to the ''pur-
{ suit of happiness" would, IN most cases, be
highly injurious TO all around, as well as TO
the nanumitted families emselycs-unless
the operated were general and under the
: auspices Of prudent legislation. But | am
t persuaded that it is high moral obligation
D of masters and slag ehoding States to en-
pluy all means not incompatible with the
safety TO both colors, TO melorate slavery TO
| determination.
, 1t is gratifying TO know that general me-
. Iteration has been great, and is still pro-
gressive, notwithstanding the disturbing
causes alluded TO above. The more di-
rect process of emancipation may, no doubt,
= be earlier commenced and quickened in some
communities than in others. Each, | do not
! question, has the right TO judge for itself,
= both as TO time and means, and ! consider
interference or aid from without, except on
{ invitation from authority within, TO be as
d hurttul TO the sure progress of moderation,
= as it may be fatal TO the lives of vast multi
!, tudes of all ages, sexes and colors. The
= work Of liberation cannot be forced without
d such horrid results. Christian philanthropy
= is ever mild and considerate. Hence all
t violence ought TO be deprecated by the
e friends of religion and humanity. Their
. persuasons cannot fail at the right time to
c free the master from the slave, and the slave
i from the master; perhaps before the latter
d shall have found out and acknowledged that
5 the relation between the parties had long
d been mutually prejudicial to their worldly
0 interests.
There is, in tie order of Prouidence no
# epH withoW some compenSating benefit. Thc
n bleeding african lraS torn from his SaUag,
d home By his .terociouS neighJors, sold iatc
: SLAVERY, and cast upon tits continent. Her
d m the mild South, the race has 1c0ndertHh
d multiplied, compared Nth anything ere
: knoun IN barbdrouS life. The descendants
: of few thousands have become many mil
V lions, and all from the first made acquainted
0 with the arts of civilizations; and, above all
n brought under the light of the Gospel.
n From the promise made TO Abraham, somC
n two thousand years elapsed before the od
:, vent of our Saviour; and the Israelites, Tho
c chosen people of God were for wise purpo
r ses suffered TO remain in bondage longer thar
Africans haze been on our shores. Thi.