The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1852-03-20

Of Russia 10 the friendship Of the rsgnng Emperor be
he Psier or Paul. os Alexander, or Nicholas As to the
attachment Of the people OF Russia TO this couury
have not the slightest evidence of IT, indeed can
have for they have agency whatever IN the direction
OF national affairs The Emperor inherits The govern
ment and nherts the people, and directs all the opera
tons OF the empire; and he whose opinion OF public al
fairs does not coincide with the aulhotes-be who does
not think. and speak, and act like the slave OF despo
snlls marched of 10 Siberia TO be taught wisdom by
the discipline oil the knou in that great prison house
where much of the patriotism and intelligence OF the
country have persisted beneath the SHOWS oil that rigorous
climate. A$N FEF kt# ~
The Emperor of Russia in looking at the condition Of
his country, could not fail to that there
great rival Europe whose direct force upon the
and whose moral force upoa land might be most unfo
unae for his ambitious projects He could see, too that
there was young and rising nation on the western con-
nent liable, as well as himself to be brought into col
son with England by the nature OF her pretensons, al
variance with free commerce throughout the world He
was Just as much interested we were in the establish
men OF the Just principles OF international law upon the
ocean, and ii he wished was not the result
Of the sympathy OF feeling, but OF interest," originating 10
his relations with her who modestly claims to be the
mistress Of the ocean L was not question OF friend
ship at all, but merely OF policy.
The senator asks me to give him one reason why this
declaration should be made might retort by asking
him TO give why the declaration that he supports
should be made !for all the consequences that might
flow from the former might also flow from the latter.
But will not make this appeal to consistency obvious
as rs IT'S Justice will give four reasons and very sub
sana reasons too they appear to me- in favor OF the
course propose to take.
In the first place, by this proceeding put dissent
on record that it may remain there, that hereafter u-
der other when we may be prepared 70 ao,
more efficiently nation shall be able to say that we
concluded by acquiescence in these outrageous
acts and assumptions, and that We have therefore no
right to oppose the principles they establish.
In the second place, such solemn proceeding will 60
far towards assuring the nvioabty OF the law OF ma
TONS which is the great protector Of the weak against
the strong and the best peservave OF peace which has
yet been offered to civizatonfar better to my apprs-
henson than all the peace societies, much as respect
hav okonfn
| of the world
In the third place. this declaration will speak to the
struggling millions who are seeking, amid the oppres.
sons of despotism to that freedom which is
their blrthright desire they should know. amid the
trials and suerngs which surround Them that the
It washes, there IS great and powerful and Tree peope
who have preceded them in these trying Efforts and who
sympathze with them, and who wish them God speed il
the which they followed before them. This in
deed. is not material aid but still goes TO the human
heart and il will the and strengthen the pur.
pose OF down trodden nations.
And, in the fourth place. desire this declaration for
reason not less powerful than those have enumerated
am anxious that influence should be felt among the
great communities of the earth am anxious that
known throughout Chrstendom that there are twenty
five millions OF people looking across the ocean al Eu
rope strong in powers acquainted with their rights. and
determined TO enforce them.
/ These, il seems TO me, very good reasons why this
measure should be adopted | need not ask the senator
from Tennessee TO give me his reasons against ts adop
on for he has already stated them in his speech and,
though they apply in principle TO the measure proposed
by the senator from Rhode Island will not stop to
strength Of their application 1t Is urged tina, this
nre will do no good unless you support BY force But
sir say the declaration will do good. whatever action
tabsh%eni Of FAY great ,J principle which viii finally work
its way, and become the law OF the world eevang
moral force above phyeca force Il is objected, also,
that this proceeding will lead TO Why lead 10
How is It possible that such declaration OF opinion
must be necessary followed by such result, when we
all agree that the country is not now in condition for
armed Intervention, and does not intend to act That
is question in the future that those who TO
after must solve
repeat. sir what said on former occasion. that at
the bottom OF this opposition is another disrus OF the
wisdom and discretion OF the American people 10 conduct
their affairs in their own way. Nobody believes
that this Senate and House of Representatives can de-
clare war do not mean constitutionaly but mean
they would not dare TO declare war unless such meas
supported by great majority OF the American
people For myself cir. sincerely wish that this
perseded by the government OF Him whose reign will
never end But human nature must essentially change
before such contamination takes place. But repeat
that will be declared in this country which
is not required and directed by the people That is my
OF the energy OF public opinion in this country and
have mistaken the character Of my counirymen il the
result does not prove its correctness.
Il Is also objected that such course Is at variance
with the traditions OF our policy and with the sentiments
OF Washington and OF Jefferson. Now, sir, am not
going over all this matter again. have had my share
OF il. said before that both OF those eminent
opposed 10 "aftcial lee, and TO "enangllDg al
iances p and so, sir are we all We want such bonds
OF connection which would inevitably involve us in the
collisions OF European politics But what has that TO do
with the subject before u.s. How is this declaration
be necessarily followed by war; when all unite in OPP
posing such measured This is neither an artificial tie
entangling alliance. II is neither tie alliance
OF any kind and its adoption would render ii
necessary for 10 interfere the affairs OF Europe than
in the affairs OF Madagascar Of China. Such a con-
sequence is entirely grautous, unsupported by one soil
just confess my surprise at the pernacity
with which this view is urged and repeated With re-
spect to Mr. Jeferson's opinions he is The best
his TO President Monroe. dated June II, l523 which
efiecuay rebukes this attempt TO enlist him among those
who are indifferent 10 human rights will read an ex
tract from IL
"And the question you propose. whether in
form, take holder attitude than formerly In favor Of
liberty, give you but common place ideas. They
will be but the widows mite, and offered only because
quesed. The matter which embros Europe, the pre-
spmpon OF debating TO Independents nation the form
OF It's government is arrogant atrocious that indgna
ton well moral sentiment enlisu all paralities
and prayers In favor OF and equal execations
inst the other do not know, indeed whether all ma
tons bold and open dec Rraon
their synpahie with the party and their detestaon
conduct OF the oaher But further than this
not bound go and indeed for the sake of the world
ought increase the eaouses draw on ourselves
the power OF the formidable confedeacy" t4h vol Je
ersons works page 1866 Leor 10 the President Jane H.
1921
Here, sir, have the views Of Mr.. Jefferson as ex.
pounded by himself. His commentary upon his own
principles. We know what indeed was evident enough
before that when he spoke OF "entanging alliances, be
meant entangng alliances, and did not not mean TO deny
the right 10 take our share the assertion and mamie
nance OF the law OF nations And least OF all lest be-