The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-08-12

the slave system are not answered by replying
the difficulty of emancipation on the sol;
and not single restrictive movement which
they advocate is well met by any objection to
Abolitionsm. The error SO prevalent is, that
every interest which opposes any demand OIL
the slave policy is made responsible tor every
consequence within the broad scope OF unlver-
sal emancipation or, in other words every
other interest and policy of the country is taxed
and checked to the whole extent OF securing
Slavery and insuring its prosperity.
The suppression of the rum traihc IN the
State of Maine is not an invasion OF the local
sovereignty of South Carolina; neither Is the
abolition of the lash i'll the United States navy
an abridgement of the oycrSeerS right OF DIS
cipline in the Southern cotton fields For like
reasons, abolition in the District, and the d.
vorce of the General Government from Slavery,
is not an undertaking Of emancipation IN the
slave States, nor an assertion of the doctrine OF
negro citizenship nor pledge of its universal
vindication. 1t is simply in itself policy OF
free labor, and is not the general issue with
Slavery, nor an assumption of all ultimate con-
sequences 1t is not Il war of races, nor even
war of moral principles, but the care and eau
ton of special interest and the time will yet
come that the manufacturing interest IN the
free States will take ground on the simple basis
Of business competition against system oil
labor at cost OF sixteen cents per day OF Inn
mediate outlay, to be wholly refunded by the
value of the children, chattels which the work
man leaves behind him. The men who con-
tend for protection against the pauper labor oil
Europe now, will at an early day feel concerned
to check a system based upon the still cheaper
slave labor of the South There is not "a single
tobacco factory now in Philadelphia, solely be-
cause there are four hundred slave girls making
segars in one establishment at Richmond. And
the iron and cotton manufactures OF the nation
bid fair to be in like manner mOnopolzed at an
early day in the Southern States
Again politician may have excellent OBJ
jectons to the Pro-Slayery test, applied IN these
days 50 stringently to the candidates OF the
great political parties, who nevertheless would
be well contented with perpetual Slavery for
the blacks of the South and would rather see
the three millions sunk in the ocean than make
q voluntary sacrifice for them. Nay he may
heartily hate their masters and his, without
being one whit more an Aboitionist for all his
repugnance to their tyranny. Martin Van
Buren, and Prince John did turn Abolltlonlsts
for little while, under such prOyocatlOn, and
Gen. Cass could be forgiven for the same thing
if he could make it succeed.
The Fugitive Slave Law is so unprncpled
stances to the average humanity of the age,
that not only does an Abolitionist feel happiest
when he is most eilectually resisting it, but
even Union Committee man is glad to pur-
chase back slave whom he has helped to re-
turn into bondage yet the same men, Commits
sioners and all, would willingly drive every free
colored man out Of the free States and help
the fugtives into Canada, to get rid of them
but would not consent to the emancipation OF
the slaves of Virginia, and their admission to
citizenship in the North.
There are thousand motives recognised as
good and valid, for opposing the measures and
interests of the slave system, which are not an
swercd by the theory that afhrms the inferior
ity of the African to the white race, and denies
the possibility of reconcilng their social and
political rights.
Very clever politicians point us to the sub
urbs of our Northern cities for the results of
emancipation upon the lowest class of colorcd
people, and to the disabilities which the feeling
of caste imposes upon the very best OF them
among us and they seem to think this sufli.
cient justification of the Baltimore platforms
vet it is manifest that there are very sufficient
reasons for resisting Slavery propagandism,
though every emancipated slave from this to
the end of time should prove a felon or a
nuisance.
1t is natural to give the best reasons for a
good thing; and it is honorable to humanity,
and the best hope of our nature, that we recur
to first principles to support sound policy; but
the state of moral and religious sentiment is so
low amongst us, that the broadcast right is apt
to narrow the chances of measure which it
covers A man is not bound to be u man now,
nor Christian allowed to be Il Christian but
a democrat must still be either democrat or
dodger The higher law is openly rcpu,
dated, but the principle of democracy is moi
fatty disayowcd, and the claims of interest are
everywhere acknowledged. And no the para
doxical bubble that part is greater than the
whole, has come to be II practical truth.
| press the distinction between the various
forms of Anti-Sayery sentiment and action for
the availabeness of the partial and special
where the general is repudiated think a
rascal might be made ashamed of the folly OF
doughiaced servility, and n fool be persuaded
of the dishonor of submission. With II wise
true, whole, brave man, there is no need for
argument.
Let us press the lower law upon those who
occupy the lower level; its Judgment day is
here in this life, and its sanctions are respected
when they are understood Webster, Fillmore
and Cass understand it by the things they
have suffered, and some good may be done by
preaching it faithfully to their disciples. a
negro who went through the severest form Of
camp-mceting conversion under the impression
that it was the celebrated Whitfield who occu
pied the pulpit was not n little disguised wher
he found that common country local preacher
had been run up, like jury-mast in storm
to supply MIR. Whitfclds accidental absence
Rising from the ground where he had been ex
ercising his agones of prostration, he brushed
his clothes with rueful face, and acknowl
edged that he chad dirtied himself all over fol
nothiny.r and then walked off n wiser If mo-