The Sumter banner. [volume] (Sumterville, S.C.) 1846-1855, 1852-06-15
POLIT ICAL.
From the Southern Prosa.
The Free Farm BILL.

Nothing illustrates so we'll the
rapid progress of opinion in this
country as the debate OH the bill to
grant lands to the landless which has
passed the House of Representatives
this session. 1t is only about twenty
years since Robert Owen, Fanny
Wright, and few other skeptics and
atheists began to preach here the
doctrines Of communism in properly,
or promiscuous intercourse between
the sexes, and of general subvcr-
sion of our domestic, social, political
and religious institutions. They
were then regarded as the widest Of
visionaries, the weakest of sophists,
and the most depraved of moralists
and teachers. Now, we have wit
messed the passage in Congress of a
measure which they were the first to
propose-of measure which cannot
be defended for a moment except on
the principles Of socialism they adj
vanced-of measure which amounts
to q ratification by this government
Of their doctrinc-of q measure
which is subyersive, not only Of the
moral system which has heretofore
prevailed in this country, but Of the
political relations created or rccog-
nizcd by the Constitution, between
sections and classes, and subversive
also of the right, and even of the ve-
ry institution of property itself.
The public domain is as yet the
JOINT property of the States. This
bill grants it to the poor-a thing
which Congress has no right to do
Congress has no right whatever,
even to discriminate between the
rich and poor: The people consists
EnEheth -:*sases, and each mas All
equal right to protection. If the
common! property Of both can be ia
ken away and given to one, then the
separate individual property of each
man can be taken for the same pur-
pose. If Congress can take the pub
lie land and give it to actual settles,
it may take any land of private own.
ers and do the same thing; nay, if an
individual owner cultivatcs more land
than Congress may deem necessary
for his subsistence, it can take that
from him and distribute it. True,
Congress has no power under the
Constitution to dispose Of private
lands is a trust to be exercised for
the common use and benefit of all
the States, and if such trust can
be so abused as to bcstow them on a
particular class of people, then any
power of Congress can be easily per-
vcrted to similar objects, and it has
ample powers to accomplish, without
greater absurdity, the distribution of
private property. 1t can be done
through the taxing power alone, with
more facility and more plausibility
than IN the manner now proposed of
giving away the public lands.
The pending bill gives quarter
of a section to man who is andlcss,
and who is moneylcss, or nearly so.
1t takes the land which has been
paid for by the labor of the industri.
Gus, the money Of the frugal, and the
blood Of tho brave, and which be-
longs chiefly to them, to a class
among whom arc the lazy, the COW
ardly, the prodigal, the stupid, the
vicious. The man who has been in.
dustrious, sell:denying and frugal
enough to accumulate five hundred
dollars of property receives no favor
f'om Government, however large his
family, and however dependent. But
lie who has always been too lazy to
accumulate five hundred dollars of
property receives no favor from Go.
vclnncnt, however large his family,
and however dependent. But he
who has always been too lazy to work
or too Incorporate to savc-hc who
may have squan'lc:cd thousands in
vice or in luxury, is presented with q
farm by Government.
At present the public lands are
divided into tracts Of forty acres, the
price Of which is fifty dollars. We
hold that the man who is not capable
of accumuating that sum Ly MUS.
try, frugality, energy or talent. is
not fit to have farm, and would be
8 miserable incumbrance on on. =,
pest to the neighhorhood, and an ob.
staclc to the rightful cultiyator. We
hold that property, as well as liberty,
belongs only to those who are moral.
ly capable of their acquisition and
maintenance. Even bread itself ia
promised only to the children of the
righteous by scripture. The wicked
perish. But the pending bill disre-
CARDS totally tho moral distinctions
between men, except that it gives a