The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1852-05-07
which may justify material changes Of government
in this rn,,nfrv u,ait the rrnnfa nf

which may justify material changes Of government
in this country, wait the proofs Of.
Mr. President, have occupied more time in these
general views than intended. must revert
to the main subject OF inquiry that is, how are we
to be affected by the late changcs in the condition of
Europel II what has been said, and what have
prcscnt state of things in Europe is permanent
then let me cay TO you what in my judgment will
be the result In that event, and under recent cir
cumstanccs in this country, will be found the germ
that continent against the Republic Of the United
States; and, sir, we shall see that the next great
war which is 10 fill the world with ts desola,ions
will be war between The old continent and the
new-bctwcen the Old World and the New World
betwecn the ideas, the principles, and the interests,
and the passions Of European or Eastern ciyza-
ion, and the ideas, the principles, the interests,
and the passions belonging to the new and more
vigorous civilization Of The continent of Amer
lea. This is the natural order Of progress In the
civilization Of the world. The Jealousy Of all
Europe has been efiectually reused and excited
by the late and vast accession TO our terri
tory, foreshadowing in its future the profits
and resources OF the trade OF the gorgeous
East. As long this Republic shall continue
standing rebuke to despotic power. II will haunt
the dreams OF the enthroned masters Of Europe like
the ghosts OF murdered princes, and they never
be at hearts ease until they shall have made one
great and united effort 10 crush this disturber Of
their repose. Principles of government SO di.
verse-adverse interests 30 deep and inperish-
able--cannot exist on continents between which
the barrier Of an ocean is removed by modern in
ventions, without bringing jealousies, rivairies,
harcds. and collisions, which, sooner or later. must
result in war-herce, protracted war, which can
only be terminated by the mutual exhaustion of
the parties, or the final triumph Of one over the
other.
A voice whispers me- Where will England be in
contest between the despotic powers Of the CONT
nent and this Republic? What guaranty have we
that she would be disposed to interpose her broad
ahi hetw WI Am andh tsS
kindred race and language be guaranty OF The
friendship Of England Never, cir, as long the
story Of the Revolution shall be handed down;
never while the brightest pa ges of our history shall
st be those which record our trumphs over Brit
ish valor and British domination. The dire and
lasting hate engendcred by family feuds 10 proven
bai; aud the lasting cninity of England 10 decrced
by an inexorable law.
But may not kindred institutions be a guaranty
OF her alliance and protection? No, cir. The throne,
the altar. the aristocracy, the whole governing
race, including the wealthy middle classes OF Eng
land, have as great horror of republican anlsm, and
Of the ieveing theories of the fierce democracy Of
the continent, as the Car of Rnseia himself No
thing can be more unneanlng, hollow, and deceit
ful, than what we hear 80 often announced,
through some OF our own journals, Of the desire Of
Great Britain to draw more closely the bonds of
amity between the two countries. Neither the
cause OF liberty, nor any interest in the diffusion
Of constitutional monarches, has been the basis Of
British policy in this age. or in any other in her
relations with the continent with America
These were not the Of her involvment in the
last general war of Europe. They were purely
and simply the protection Of her own interests and
her safety.
May not her trade, may not her profitable COM
nerciai connexions with the United States bind her
to our cause against the powers of the continent
still answer, unhestatingly, no. II there is one
fact in the future history Of the world that be
oretold with greater certainty than any other, il
Us the great conflict, not now but 10 be, be-
tween Great Britain and the United States for The
Aft tnA. AZ. "A
OF the world. Instead of becoming our ally in a
war with the d.spotic powers Of the continent,
Great Britain would have cause to exult and let
me say that she has at this moment cause to exult,
and her lar-sccing statesmen doubtless do exult,
in the dawnng of state OF things which may place
all the powers OF the contincnteyen Russia hereto
fore In her policy friendly the United States-in
ON attitude OF lasting hostility and resentment
against this Republic Great Britain may sce, in
cent events ON the continent and in ths country,
capsesoqualy y new and Unexpected, which ma pro-
lopg her power and her ocean dominion date in
The iuture far beyond all former hope calculation
She would rejoice 10 commerce cut up, and
our youthful energies parayzed aud crushed under
! the weight OF a European combination. She may
stand of, to be sure; but If the powers the
| tinent will only pursue a pacific policy toward
her; II they will keep their ports and commercial
| marts open, on liberal terms. to her trade and
manufactures, they will have her free consent e
| model their governments upon principles of the
| purcst absolutism; they may c1tinguish every
1
crumble into dust every republic the globe
True. England may clamor for some concession tc
| popular rights; shc may write strong diplomatic
| notee; she will bluster in thousand ways to dc
udc aud concilatc the liberals at home, but il will
be all mere vaporj and the whole farce will be
| played of with perfectly good understanding be
tween her and her neighbors.
| As stated upon a former occasion, Great Bri
tain, for the present avnils herself fully she
may of all the advantages she derive from the
weak points OF her cousins in America. She ha,
dilcovered that little wcli-timed fattcry goes a
! great way with them. She is now carrying on a
courtship with them most satisfactory 20 herself.
BY profession of the principle nd practice Of the
semblance of free trade, together with some re-
taxation Of her navigation laws che has quite
come the jealous prndcry oi America. In the
mean time, compliments TO the ingenuity and in
yention Of Brother Jonathan in the manu- iacturc 81
agricultural implements, and with i'll concealed
chagrn, TO bic skiIl in the construction uf sailing
vessels, are showcred in profusiop. hope ap-
prcciate az oug ht the liberal and vauable features
oi British Institutions; and, above all, do appre-
| ciatc the ~ell-carned rcno~n Of Englishmcn in
every department u human fort lin the arts aud
sciences. and especially those which contribute
| most To advance the happiness of manknd,
cecding all Gy,cian, all Roman iame. ] must ever
honor the land, as ought. which has given TO the
world n Shakespeare, Bacon a Milton, n Hamp.
den, Newton, a Watts, an Arkwnght. With hun.
dfed other Nance ustrous for theiC genius aud
venvons; but, with all this, regard the embrace oi
Great Britain Sc death to American development.
aud iair speeches on her tongue, but with venom
and destruction in her heart. My blood boils
within me when perceive Tho signs Of her sue
eessfui enchonincnt every little guilcful compli.
nIent TO American skill and enterprise, carefully
and os'entatiously heralded in the columns Of the
ablcsi public journals of the country, though VIC
could not feel assorcd that we are entitled 20 re-
sprct until IL is yielded by Englisbmcn; as though
&c policy Of England, nrtfully yet systematically
pursued, now ma always, was not 10 Undermine,
and finally 20 pull down, the main pillar in the
inbric of our powcr-tbe Union. No, sir; if il
shall ever bc our misfortune TO be engaged in n
struggle With tho great powers OF continental Eu
rope, We can have no reliance upon the friendship
and support Of Great Britain. Ia such confiict
We nlusi stand or TALL, submit conquer, contend
ing single handed; relying alone upon American
yalor aud American resources.
! have now, Mr.. President, closed what pro
posed 10 cay upon branch Of tho important
subject have undertaken 20 discuss. am awsre
that have pursued train of thought and argu
ment which may not interest Senators generally;
but other and dcrcat aspects Of the su, jcct remain
60 be noticed, and which | think Il sufficient i'm.
portauce TO claim the further indulgence Of the
Senate.
Notwithstanding the apparently overwhelming
weight Of authority upon which the opinion is