The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-05-17

treasury upon n somewhat INSCRIPTIONS paft-
zan paper Of the opposite party. and thus giving
it the means Of rendering itself more mschiev-
Gus
have before said, and repeat it, that if the
contract system was not in existence, and the
question before US was the election OF printer,
know no reason why Donelson & Armstrong
should not receive my cordial support. But in
expressing this preference for those gentlemen
| do it not solely and exclusively because they
support the compromise, though that has its
weight, but because they are Democrats, and
editors of Democratic paper in this cty-the
"organ,' if you please to call it. They are
opposed, and very properly to secession, or
they could receive no support from me Tor any
position but they are not understood 10 be
opposed to the proper and legal exercise of re-
served State rights. Hence reasonable State
Rights men can, and the contract law out of the
way, doubtless would, support them. The
defense OF State rights, to the extent of pre-
venting eDcroachmenls upon them by the gene
raj government (Which it has constant lenden-
cy to make is the duty Of every editor, and still
more, of every representative. If recreant to
that duty they are unfit to be clothed with any
trust. Much as revere the Union of the
States" if ! thought the power Of the Union
was used, regardless Of the Constitution, in n
manner destructive OF the rights and interests
OF any State, would resist but the resistance
should be first under the OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES
consist III an appeal TO the Judiciary, the United
States Supreme Court, the last peaceful arbiter
IN disputes among the States and between the
states and general government. 1.-THE decision
or that court was adverse TO me and mine, it
would be quietly submitted to- but if in our
favor, and dsregarded, or upon some preiext
evaded by the general government, and its OPP
preston continued, so help me Heaven, would
advocate forcible resistance--tor that would
then become duty both to State and general
government.
II Southern secessionists had sought legal
u constitutional remedy for their real or imagi-
nary grievances, no one would have gansaycd,
ih.r right so to do, or oppose their effort; but
their error was, in advocating us first remedy
and the only one to which they were willing to
resort, one outside of the law and the Constitu
ton. No one can class me with either the
Northern or Southern extremes in sectional SEN
timent | am, like most Of the great West, of
and with the nation as a whoe--not with the
sectional North or South. ! neither opposed
all the compromise measures, because they were
not as favorable to the North rs could have been
wished, and thus took rank with The Freesoiers !;
nor do denounce such rs were favorable to
the North, because Of their imagined encroach-
ments upon the South, and thus act with their
Southern opponents. voted for most of them,
and readily acquiesce in all, not because think
all of them are right-and not so thinking, no
motive shall induce me to say so--but because
whatever OF evil the measures contain sink into
insignihcance, when compared with the greater
evils which we may reasonably expect to result
from reopening and Regulating them. For the
votes which did give, ! have no whining re:
grets-such as We have heard expressed for
dodge on the Fugitive slave law. then es-
teemed those votes right; and have ubsequently
discovered no reason to change my opinion.
Under the same circumstances, the same votes
would doubtless be given again. My negative
vote upon the passage of the fugitive slave
law, was a vote, not against executing the pro.
visions ofthe Constitution requiring the delivery
Of fugtives, but against bill containing features
which esteemed unnecessarily harsh--features
indicative, as | have elsewhere said, rather of
angry than of enlightened Legislation. But the
previous question having been sustained, no OPP
portunlty was permitted of Directing to any of
its features, or proposing amendments, and the
only other means left of dissenting from any of
the bill, was negative vote against the whole
of it. There is a,wide difference between ex-
pressing opinions adverse to measure, or seek
ing to amend 1t while pending, or opposing it
on its passage because of objectionable features,
and continuing that opposition after it has be-
come law. The former is right to be exer-
cised by every independent representatve-ihe
latter is incompatible 18th the duty of a good
citizen. The compromise has passed, and the
measures composing it are, it Is to be hoped,
settled ; and no person has right to 90 back to
the period of its passage, and attempt to make
vote for or against it the exclusive test of De-
mocracy. And such attempt, whenever made,
and by whomsoever, will prove mortifying
ia lure.
While saying this, however, must he per
mitted further to say, that it is the duty of every
good citizen to acquiesce in all provisions of the
Constitution, and observe in good faith all laws
necessary to enforce them, although those laws
may contain provisions which he objects to hav-
ing embodied in them; and especially Is this his
duty when evils greater than the laws contain
are likely to result from his refusal to observe
them. And believing all Democrats to be good
citizens, and notification of law, or of con
stltutIonal provision, no part Of the Democratic
creed, therefore believe it right and highly
proper for the party, as such, to avow their &C
quieserce in all the provisions Of the Constitu.
ton, and their observance, in good faith, in all
laws necessary TO enforce the provisions, and
to place that avowal upon record, that the coun-
try may see and know their position, to con.
denim or sustain it, as the majority may deem
proper. have, therefore, acted with those who
sustain the compromise, and shall continue so to
do but it is not hence to be inferred that
wish on the Ona hand TO denounce or punish
those who opposed 1t, bat violated no law in
such opposition, or on the other to myself VIC
late a law, as is proposed by the committee in
this printing matter, for the purpose of re,card
ing those who sustain it.
Mr. STANLY. | rise TO point of order, that
it is not competent for the gentlemen to discuss
the compromise measures in connecto with this
subject
Mr. FITCH The compromise has been con-
nected often with the printing by others in the
previous debate have followed their example,
though, perhaps, it was erroneous in it's inception.
But the gentleman makes his point Of order too
late, tor have no more to say upon the subject
of the compromise.
Mr. SFANLY. All want is fair play.
want tie SINE privilege extended to others as
to the gentleman from Indiana.
Mr. FITCH. | know of no one to whom