The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-03-03
petrated BY the strong against the weak. Coco


God, sir has it come to this, that an America
senator IL to ask himself not whether measur
is unjust, iniquitous, and oppressive, but whetbe
it is the best he can do? Not whether he wi
consent to wear chains at all, but whether tn
links are to be round or square NOT whethe
8 he will bare his shoulders to the lash, but wha
, is the color of the cowhde with which they ar
+, to be inflicted! Sir, when consent to ask my
self such questions, | hope the walls of this cap
! itol will fall upon me and crush me. When
stop to inquire into the degree OF oppression
rather than the fact, shall feel that degradation
has reached its lowest deep, and existence is bu
the privilege to be infamous"
This is proud and noble language, worthy o
a true Southern man and a Southern senator
on the great question whether the people of the
South were to be turns out Off domain riche
than Ormus or the Ind. Alas where is he
now? Upon his charging upon Mr.. Foote his
Inconsistencies, and virtually calling him tra
tor worthy to have the capitol crush him as q
base, vile thing, unworthy to live and scarcely
to die, Mr.. Foote, with his usual adroitness
turned round and charged him with abolition
aflinities, precisely as he Mr.. CLEMENS did to-
ward me the other day, when he drew his pic
ture of the scene in the Senate chamber. Now
here is his answer to Mr.. Foote, which l will
give as the best answer can make to his charges
against me:
"The senator says he will not suspect the pro.
priety of his course until he finds himself in
company with Freesoilers and Aboltionists
All, sir, is that the rule by which he Judges OF
the right and wrong Does he propose to in
quire who is for a measure and who against it,
before making up his mind as to its justice Sir,
he ought to bear in mind, that some Of those
with whom he is now acting are not altogether
free from the same faint. 1t may, it will be,
that on the final vote shall find myself in CON-
pany with some of those he has mentioned ;
but if he does not understand the reason, can
explain it to him in very few words. They de-
mand the Wilmot proviso direct: the bill the
senator favors only proposes to give it to them
coverty They demand one half of Texas and
the bill only gives them little more than one.
third. They demand that fugtives shall not be
given up: the compromise only throws around
the master the shackles ofa trial by jury. Hence
their opposition. Mine arises from the fact that
too much is conceded. The Abolitionists pro.
pose to enslave us at once; the compromise ar
rives at the same end by more circuitous
route shall resist both; but, IL the truth
must be told, | prefer the direct to the indirect
attack"
Mr. President, when the bill admitting Cali
fernia into the Union finally came up on its
passage, the Senator from Alabama entered a
protest, not speech; he called it protest
against her admission. He fought to the last.
and although vanquished he held his proud
crest still higher, bre ithing defiance to our foes
He then reiterated his object ons to the bill as
strongly as he had done before, and assaulted
the Senator from Michigan for his new doctrine
of squatter sovereignty in terms of great sever
ty, and to- him he had been deceived as to his
views in ALBANIA, and had been the instrument
Of deceiving others. He had supported his
views in his construction Of the Nicholson letter
as consistent with the rights of the South lie
concluded in the following solemn strain:
| "Mr. President, other senators have spoken
the probable action of the States they represent
upon the passage of this BILL | do not know
what Alabama may do. That her action will
be characterized by wisdom and iirmness, have
not the least doubt. | am not here to dictate
to her what she ought to do. | am the servant,
not the leader of her people. Whatever they
do, shall do in despite of Executive menaces,
and of all the bltody pictures other hands may
exhibit to our view. Born upon the soil of the
State while it was yet territory, we have grown
up together. Time after time she has commit
ted her interests to my hands. Again and again
she has trusted and promoted me; and recog-
nize no allegiance to any power higher than ]
owe to her. When she commands, will obey.
If she determines to resist this law by force By
secession, by any means, am at her service, in
whatever capacity she desires to employ me- If
this is treason, | am traitor-a traitor who
glories in the name"
Is not that in noble strain ! have no doubt
that there is not heart here which does not
glow at this high and brilliant annunciation of
selfsacrifice and devotion to his native State.
| He continues:
81 know, sir, that the President, in his late
letter to the governor of Texas, has assumed
the right of the government to coerce a sover.
eign State. deny that there is anything in the
Notwithstanding in the laws-to Justify
such an assumption. The law is plain and clear
individuals, not States are the subjects of CO.
ercion. If any State should secede, let him, if
he dare, attempt to employ military force to
compel her return He will soon find, in that
event, that he has more than "A State to deal
| with, and that the powers and resources of this
government are wholly inadequate to the tasks
he has undertaken. The federal doctrine, that
all power lodges here, has been somewhat wide
| ly repudiated and the denial Of State sover-
eighty, either North or South, can bring to the
Executive nothing but contempt"
| Mark how he speaks of State sovereignty
that to deny State sovereignty, can bring no.
thing, either in the North or the South, but con
tempt. will afterwards show you that he de.
MES that the States are sovereign at all, in the
speech delivered here the other day. He con-
tinues
81 hold that my first allegiance is due to my
State; and that treason cannot be committed
against any power while obeying her mandates
Such opinions have recently been unsparngly
denounced but let me warn those who resort
to such weapons, that they may be used by more
than one side. There are more traitors than
traitors to the Union"
There are more traitors than traitors to the
Union! He means. suppose, that those South
ern men who supported these compromise
measures on this floor, and asserted that if a
State should secede it was treason--were trail
tors themselves. Mr.. CLAY had made this as
sertion, and even expressed the hope that they
(the secessionists) might meet a traitors doom,
1t was in reply to that position, presume, that
tho Senator from Alabama uses this language:
"Sir, | impugn no mans motives who lets
mine alone. question the purity of no mans
conduct who does not provoke retaliation bv az