The daily union., 1852-02-11


N whatever mode national representations made and
received Why, sir Lord Panerston, directing lhe for
egn anars OF England, upon this very subject said q"
DO nor hink thai the preservation OF peace Is any De.
gree endangered by the expressions OF opinion ia regard
10 ic transactions In Hungary ~ other countries 1 He
70 oi course audng TO the proposition then before the
Rouse oil Commons, 10 call Tor the papers relation 10
the Russian Intervention, with view TO the Judgment OF
the House But here told. touch NOT, Taste not
handle notgrea will be the danger thereof Sometimes
Inc interest involved IN questions like this is immediate
ana important; sometimes Il is remote and unmpouan !;
but IN The practical relations OF independent powers great
questions may arise which may eventually affect the
Whoie commonwealth oil nations. Every power must udge
lor se how far its interest may be touched by the
petensons advanced and what true policy requires
should lake II is not necessary tina, the evil day should
De upon before II makes known its dsapprobaton for in
mat case aggressons would be eternal the only
remedy TO resist them The annunciaon OF the objects
OF Inc Qulntuple treaty awakened the velest socitude
OF The American people, and their determination to resist
10 The last extremity was made known, though they
had sustained injury, the treaty had been rat
hed ana THIS very demonstration prevented its ratification,
ana saved them from perilous contest No man ever
condemned The Executive Tor laying down. in authori-
tauve manner, views OF the laws Of nations upon the
subjects embraced in that treaty and denouncng preen
slons equally dangerous TO rights and honor
may be sand indeed, that the danger had apprehend
from such an Interpolation into the true code OF public
law was Imminent, and justified prompt and energetic
measures, II was so and we Therefore prepared TO
take lar more decided steps than would be expedent in
less pressing exgency. But the principle remains the
same We proclaimed our opinion upon great question
OF public law because pretenson had been advanced in
compatible with the independence OF nations, and in which
all were interested And are not all interested in the
great right OF sell conton the right of establishing,
maintaining and changing their governments pleasure,
without The interference OF any other earthly power 1t
is not probable that The Russian Emperor even in his
widest dreams oil unlicensed power and ambition. ever
contemplated sending his Cossacks TO put down free in
slltulions among us-though he put them down in Hun
gary. Tor Hungary within his reach and within his
power But we have direct interest material interest
you disclaim every principle of action but the ua
rlan pIlncipein the benefits of commercial intercourse
and IN The prosperity and stability and independence OF
nations by which the resources and commerce OF coun-
try increased and in the maintenance of those great
principles which protect these rights.
But | agree with one Of the most independent Of the
public men of England-Mr. Roebuck-iha, higher con-
sderations may Justly influence actions, and that
"we should not bind up all feelings in the inter-
change OF commodities, or the sordd questions OF profit
loss He believed there something more in the souls
OF the people than that" And the sentiment advanced
by Lord Pamerston, that great country should not be
passive and mute spectator OF everything that goes on
around" deserves Our commentator and concurrence
There is not page of modern diplomatic history in
which may not be read the outlines have already refer
red to OF national conduct But strange
prevail respecting branch OF this subject, which ii is
necessary TO cxamne-not from the support it derives
from reason authority, but from the confidence with
which it is urged, aud because, not corrected i may
paraly the national action in all time to come Before
however, advert to it, may be permitted 10 say that
the discussions which have taken place. here and else
where, through the country, manifest very unreason
able jealousy OF the good faith and sound discretion OF
the American people. suppose man could hardly be
found in this broad land, however sensitive he may be on
the subject of foreign policy who fears the wrath or
should great fact passed into history,
that the rights and Independence OF nations have been
fagrany violated IN the case OF Hungary. and should
we declare the principle OF public law which ought 10
have protected that unfortunate country. Well, then, if
we fear such danger abroad where is the danger we
do fear 1t is at home, sir We cannot shut our eyes
ering certainty, that the apprehension felt and avowed
directed. to others, but to ourselves One would
really suppose there was imminent danger, this claim
to equal right to adjust questions OF the law OF
nations is established, that this great republic would
deal with child deals with payhing, and
that il would rush into ii with blind haste restrained
by no considerations OF duty or OF expedency Let this
apprehension be dismissed This is one OF the last
dangers have 10 fear The honor and welfare OF the
country safe in the custody OF the PEOPLE and
need not hesitate 10 assert our just rights lest the PEOPLE
should betray their trust Almost seventy years have
passed away since the acknowledgment OF our ndepend
ence and in that time have had but two wars deserv
ing the name of such Where is there another nation,
great small, which say the same for It's own mod
Grafton So much for the effect OF salutary public
opinion upon the policy OF country
But TO return TO the erroneous doctrine which has been
widely and confidently spread, and which seeks to
deter from expressing ony opinion upon the law OF ma
tons by an apprehension OF the consequences, and by
which il is maintained that in all where nation
makes such declaration, is bound TO support lis views
by ii these are not acquesced IN, or II VIII lose It's
own self respect and subject itself 10 the contumey OF
the world There is not The least foundation in reason,
or authority, precedent for such assumption. II IS
as grautous il is untenabe. And yet this position is
repeated here and esewheefrom one end OF the coun-
Try TO the other-as though u were written upon every
page of every treatise the law OF natons and many
man who does doubt right TO express opinion
upon questions OF public law, these arise IN the world
for consideration, doubts the expedency OF exercising H.
lest we should be driven to war to support il
MIR. President have already said that the particular
form in which nation makes known Ms views from the
most common diplomatic note 10 the most solemn protest
neither adds TO takes from its responsibility or obi
CATION Ii appears TO be assumed that there is some pc
culiar pugnacious quality attached 10 protest. which ne
cessarily leads TO armed action This is not So pub
lie declaration n that form more imposes on the ma
lion making il the duty of vindcatng II by arms than
the every -day representations which the usual diplomatic
intercourse renders necessary To be sure, the proceed
ing is solemn, the subjects generally are more
grave and il goes forth 10 the world under circumstances
of deberaon which give 10 such declarations mo than
usual Importance But that they necessarily fol.
lowed BY whenever they fail in the result, Is con-
adcied by all the diplomatic experience OF modern times
very few references will place this subject beyond dis
pule.
Before advert I'd them however let remark that |
fad part of my taskihat of establishing that decla-
ration upon questions Of public law legitimate mode
OF national acknowledged, and taken out OF my
hands, by the resolutions OF the senator from Rhode
Island, Mr.. CLARKr,l which practically admit this right
by the very enunciaon of many principles OF the law oil
nations. And allow further TO remark that u pro-
test-whch is truly an act aud solemn one too of ma.
onsl intervention points to particular power and
particular measure-carry with II no necessary ooga,
un fof armed action certainly declaration OF general
principles, 10 all, cannot impose higher duty
upon the party making H. When, however, naiion as
sometimes happens, distinctly announces IN It's protest
that acquiescence in its demand war IS the only ate
native, In such case IL anticipates its course IN the
event oil REFUSAL and must 60 on 10 Its begeent WORK
These hostile menaces are however, rare. believe That
ufaud Ind opfeh tcffs att