Semi-weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1852-1853, 1852-01-10

es of my absence that have given to-udy, anu ~
mon the gentlemen whose names have stated u TIC
Senate as hayino been in New York with me "neh
the vote was taken, and who were In the mee'lns
when the Chicago speech was made, 10 conhl'n NY
statement nregard to my absence ana my eod n
that time to vote for the law You will also mo IN
that speech that Wind cate the law In respect 10 oo'
its consutonaity and necessity that deiend IL as
whole, and in all its parts that answer every oo
lection that has been urged against It, Inc oo-
ectons relating the right If trial by jury 10 the
writ of ha6eas corpus records from other Staes' 10
the fees of the commissioners, to the pains and pen
ates, to the ''higher law EVERY objection wnlId
the INGENUITY and fanaticism of aboonIsm could
invent was fully and conclusvely answered In mat
speech-at least the satisfaction OF that vast as
semblage of people. l am extremely reluctant 10
| speak of The effect of my own speeches. out IL Is
par of the history of that transaction that Inc meet
ing comprising tHreefourths of all the legal voters OF
the city. majority of whom had the night previously
pledped themselves to open and violent resistance
after the speech was concluded UnaniniouSty od0PIed
series of resolutions in favor if sustaining and car
ruling into effect euery provision Of the constitution ana
avs respect to the surrender OF fughre slaIeS Inc
resolutions were written and submitted to the meet
ing by myself, and cover the entire ground VIII
onlv detain the Senate while | read or two OF
them, and refer to the pamphlet copy OF the speech
for the whole serles
RESOLVED, That so long the constitution OF the
United States provides that all persons held 20 service
or labor in one State escaping into another State
SHALL BE DELIVERED UP on the claim OF the party
to whom the service labor may be due, and so
long members of Congress are required TO take
an oath support the constitution, 1t is their solemn
and religious duty pass all laws necessary to carry
that provision of the constitution into effect.
ResoEped That we will stand or fall by the Anne
rican Union and its constitution, with all lis comPro-
misses, with its glorious memories of the past and pre-
cious hopes of the future "
The city council having nufed the law, and de-
nounced me and other supporters of it traitors. Ben
edict AnoIds, AMI udas lscarots, Mr.. Morris offer
ed the following resolution, which was also adopted
ResoIrcd, That We, the people of Chicago, rePu-
date the resolutions passed by the council of
Chicago upon the subject of the fngtive-slave law
passed by Congress at its last session. -
tonly remains for state that the city coun
Gil assembled the next night and repealed their
uufyng resolutions by vote of twelve to one.
Now, Mr.. President, have given yon detailed
account of my course in relation TO the fugitive law
have no comments to make upon it. L submit the
facts and leave the Senate and the country TO draw
their conclusions. These facts are not now sub
ntted for the first time. They are contained in the
pamphlet copy of the Chicago speech, which hold
in nv hand, and which, repeat was laid on the Ia
BILE OF every senator and representative more than
year ago, and fifty thousand copies were distrlbu-
ted by senators and representatives to every portion OF
the Union. | may also be permitted TO add that, so
far as my knowledge or belief extends, this the
first published speech made in free State in de-
fence of the fugitiveaw, and the Chicago meeting
the first public assemblage in any free State that
determined 10 support and sustain it. At Chicago the
reaction commenced. There rebellion and treason
received their first check the tanatca and revolution
airy spirit rebuked, and the supremacy of the
stitution and laws asserted and maintained. ] claim
no credit for the part acted. l did more than
my duty citizen and senator. | claim 10 have
done my duty, and for that was entitled 10 eXemp-
ton from the repeated charges by the special organ
of the administration, and other partisan prints, Of
having lodged the question. l never dodge a ques
ton. l shrink from any responsibility which
my position and duty justly devolve upon ME. l new
er hesitate to give an unpopular vote or to meet
indignant community, when know am right. My
Stato
charge against me, and feel that upon this point
appeal to the Senate with perfect safety for
! unanimous verdict in my favor.
Mr. President, while am ged in the work of
sef-defence, will refer to other point. have
recently it stated in several papers that
time, and occasion, have been the advocate
and sup porter of the w ilmot provSo. This CHARGE
upon investigation, will be found to be unjust and
uufounded as that in regard to the fugitive law. In
order put the question at rest and beyond dispute
forever, will take brief review of my course on
the whole slavery aglatlon and show clearly and dis
tnctly the principles by which my action upon the
subject has always been governed. 1t is part of
my purpose the present occasion to vndicate the
correctness OF my views and princp es but simply
to show what they are, and what my official have
been, in order that the public may Judge for them
selves. l have always opposed the Introduction of
the subject of slavery into the halls Of Congress for
any purpose-either for discussion action-except
in the specified and enoined by the constitution
Of the United States, in the of the recama-
lion of fngtves from labor. The first important vote
ever gave in the House of Representatives was in
favor of the rule excluding abolition petitions, and
my vote stands recorded against its repeal the time
it was abolished. My action here since have been
member of the Senate has been governed by the
principle. Whenever the slavery agitation has
been forced upon US, have always met it fairly, d.
rectly, and fearessly, and endeavored apply the
proper remedy. Whether the remedy proposed by
me has always been the wsest and most appropriate
is fair subject of discussion, and will doubtless give
rise to a wide diversity of opinion. When the stor-
anIfat iOna
Texas, originated and first brought forward the Mis-
souri, Compromise applicable to that Territory, and
had the qualification to it incorporated in the bill
which annexed Texas to the United States. | did
not deem ii a matter of much moment applicable
to Texas alone; but did conceive it to be of vast
importance in view of the probable acquisition OF
New Mexico and California. My preference for the
Missouri Compromise predicaed the assump>
ton that the whole people of the United States would
be easily reconciled to that measure than to any
other MODE of adjustments; and this assumption rest
ed upon the fact that the Missouri Compromise had
been the means of amicable settlement of fear
in cheerfuly and cordially by the people tor more
than quarter of century, and which all parties and
sections of the Union profess respect and cherish
as fair, just, and honorable adjustment could
discover reason for the application of the Missouri
line TO all the territory owned by the United States
in 1921 that would not apply with equal force to its
extension the Rio Grand and also the Pacific so
soon We should acquire the country In accord
ance with these views, l brought forward the Mis-
souri, Compromise the session of l844-'45 as ap-
pcabe to Texas, and had the satisfaction see it
adopted. Subsequently, after the WARMTH Mexico
had com nenced, and when, in August, 1916, Mr.
l., 7