The southern press., 1852-02-10
CONGRESSIONAL PROCEEDINGS.
in SENATE.

OF the bill. Ii made an appropriation Oh VIZ, ouu'
The room wassto be of the same dimensions as
formerly. There were to be three stories Of al
coves, to be covered with superb sky-light, ex-
tending the whole length Of the room. Iron was
to be the only material used, so that it would be
perfectly ire-proof II was expected that the room
would be ready for use by the middle Of May
next, if the bill should pass without delay-and il
was a matter of special interest to both Houses of
Congress to have It fitted up as soon as possible
The bill was ordered to be engrossed.
ss RESOLUTIONS FOR INFORMATION, ETC.
Mr.. BRODHEAD submitted resolution, which
was agreed to, calling upon the Secretary of State
to inform the Senate whether all the claims laid
before the late board of commissioners on claims
against Mexico were finally adjudicated or not,
&c.
Mr.. CLEMENS submitted resolution. re-
questing the Secretary Of tine Navy and the Post
master General to furnish the Senate with copies
Of all contracts entered into by those Departments
for the transportation Of the mail from the Allan
tic ports to California, with statements of the ex-
penses Of that branch of the mail service in detail
The resolution lies over
SYMPATHY FOR THE IRISH ExILEs.
The Senate then proceeded to the consideration
~ the ioint resolution, expressive of the sympa-
inv Of Congress for the exiled Irish patriots
Smith O'Brien and Thomas F. Msagher and their
The pending substitute Of Mr.. SHIELDS having
been read,
in snnnort Of the same. Smith % 'Brien and sew
eral az his associates, he remarked, were convicted
of treason, and sentenced to be hanged, drawn,
and chartered. This sentence was subsequently
committed TO transportion for life. Others OF the
Irish patriots were transported for limited num-
Der of years. The sentence, in It's m'dest form,
was a cruel one. Dea.h itself would have been
ndar cIrcumstanCes. If this
resolution should have the effect which he believed
il would have, Of restoring these men to liberty,
the action of this government would belnvaluable
1t would be the voice of mercy But If it failed
to accomplish this object, it would at least lmpart
some consoIation-afford some faint hope-lighten
the burdens of their captivity and brighten the
dreary existence to which they were doomed. If
these men should be liberated, and have the BOD
fortune to reach these shores, he believed he spoke
the sentiments of all of them when he said that
thew did not desire any such public welcome and
expensive parade as had been rendered to Louis
Kossuth. He should simply ask for their per-
mission to emigrate to this country, and lncorpo
rate themselves with our citizens, and live quietly
and peacefully under the protection of our glorious
Constitution.
There were strong reasons why we should SYM
nathize with these men, w e had not only large
number of Irish born citizens amongst US, but
Irish blood ran in the veins of nearly half our
sideration still stronger. The people of ireland
and of this country might be considered as mem.
bers of a great family Of the human race, and con-
nected by ties of blood, language and litera ure;
and America was the destined home of this race.
The passage of this resolution could not be con-
sidered as insulting to the British government
On the contrary, it was, in his opinion, compl-
mentary. He firmly believed that the British
government would not refuse the request. They
had nothing to gain by such refusal. They had
nothing to fear from renewal OF agitation. Ire
land was as feeble and helpless as her bitterest
enemy could desire. Her nationality was gone.
Her hopes were gone. Her very race was be-
coming extinct, at least in her own land. She had
no future, or if she had any, it was dark one
The present time was favorable one for prefer
ring such a request TO the British government.
The most friendly relations existed between the
people Of this country and the people OF Great
Britain and Ireland. There was strong feeling
Of common interest, and he would add, of common
danger, which seemed to be uniting the two peo-
pje. The English people were beginning TO APP
prsciate the institutions and the remarkable pros
perity Of the United States, and are beginning to
look with something like admiration upon the
growth Of this country. Not only Great Britain
but the whole world were beginning TO feel that
this country was destined to be the mistress Of
the world at no distant day-the mistress, he
might say, Of the future. Great and powerful as
England was, she was fettered, and al her ener-
gies were crippled by her enormous public debt.
II was enough, he said, to sink any other nation.
The only sin which Ireland had committed, was
that of always befriending the unfortunate as he
showed by several historical illusions.
He spoke Of the part which the Irish bore in
our own revolution, as furnishing additional
reason why we should sympathlze with her un-
fortunate and oppressed sons. History, he said,
proved that at that time there was not IN our
whole thirteen colonies single Irish tory. The
Irish, here, at home, and abroad, always declared
for the colonies And who defended the Ameri-
can colonies in the British Parliament, but Irish
pa,riotsl Not a single lrishman was heard to
utter his voice there against the colonies. But
ireland had now fallen with her fortune. The
verdict Of the world was against her; but he, Tor
one, could not recognize the Justice OF that verdict
In speaking t.us Of Irishmen, he would not
speak disparagingly OF Englishmen. They were
brave, generous, and Just. But Ireland had not
been governed by Englishmen. He would irus,
Ireland with EngIishmen. But she bad been
governed by an Anglo-lrsh oligarchy. The prin.
chile upon which such government acted, was
most unjust and tyrannical; and that olgarchy had
pursutd a course towards ireland which would
have destroyed any nation on earth. Our own
country would now have been IN the condition Of
Ireland IL our fathers had not seasonably resisted
The policy Of that oligarchy was TO Anglicise
Ireland-to fasten English institutions upon her
"a transform Irish into English hearts, which
never could be done. The British government
was not adapted TO Irish. IL was incomprehensi-
ble-it was positively repulsive to them. Hence
the result which we see. Now when he heard
Kossuth pleading in behalf oft doctrine OF non
intervention, he felt that he belonged to weak
people No nation which had strength IN itself
would make such a request. He referred TO the
Sn,nish colonies in America, which, instead Of
building up government for themselves, adapted
20 their condition, had borrowed republican
form from the United Ststes, which they were IN
c,pable OF managing. Il was just so with Ireland.
The institutions Of England could never be sue
cessfully applied to that nation.
The present condition Of Ireland demanded the
serious attention of all English statesmen. Ireland
was rapidly becoming depopuuted, and some Of
the English writers were rejoicing at Il. IL was
the exodus, they said, Of the Celtic race which
was about becoming extinct. But there was o
danger Of the extinction Of that race IL his opin-
ion. But, il the ruin Of ireland should be sc-
complished, he ventured TO prophecy that the
whole British empire would go down with her.
He smoke of this because he, and, he believed,
every American citizen, felt deep interest IN the
welfare of the whole British empire.