The republic., 1852-01-12

enter into any discussion OF the form OF govern
ment which may be proper for Hungary. Ofcourse,
all of you. like myself, would be glad to see her,
when she becomes indepencen embrace that sys-
tenn OF government which is most conformable to
our own. We should rejoice to see our American
model upon the Lower Danube, and on the noun,
tains OF Hungary. But that is not the frat step.
II ia not that which will be first prayer for
Hungary. That first prayer shall be, that Hun
gary may become independent of all foreign pow
er; [great appause;] that her destinies may be en-
trusted to her own hands, and 10 her own discre-
ton. [Rcnewed appause.] do not profess to
understand the social relations and connexions Of
raccs, and twenty other things that may affect the
public institutions of Hungary. All l say is, that
Hungary can regulate these matters for herself in
initely better than they be regulated for her
by Austria, [applause;l and therefore limit my
aspirations for Hungary, for the present, to that
single and simple point-Hungarian independence;
Hungarian self government; Hungarian control of
Hungarian dcstinics. These arc the aspirations
which entertain, and give them to you, there
lore, gentlemen, toast:
Hungarian independence Hungarian control
OF her own destinies; and Hungary as distinct
nationality among the nations of Europe"
1.-The toast was received with enthusiastic ap-
plause.1
las suggested in our paper of Friday last, we
append to this speech extracts from various pro-
ductions of Mr.. WEBsTER, in which he has dis
cussed thequestions growing out Of attempts made
by the great monarches of continental Europe to
suppress popular institutions or prevent their
tablishmcnt.1
On the assembling of Congress. in December, 1923,
President Munroe made the revolution in Greece
the subject of paragraph in the annual message,
and on tho Sth of December Mr.. Webster moved
the following resolution in the House OF Represent
atives:
"Resolped, That provision ought to be made. by
law, for defraying the expense incident to the ap-
pointment of an agent or commissioner to Greece.
whenever the President shall deem it expedient to
make such appointment"
These, it ia believed, are the first official ex-
presiions favorable to the independence of Greece
uttered by any Of the governments of Christen-
dom, and no doubt contributed powerfully towards
the creation Of that feeling throughout the civil
| lied world which eventually led to the battle Of
Navarino and liberation of portion of Greece
from the Turkish yoke.-TPtbster's Works. Vo
Ill.,, p. 81, ct seq, edition.
1t cannot be denied that the great political ques-
tion Of this age is that between absolute and regu-
lated governments The substance of the contro
versy Is whether society shall have any part in its
own government. Whether the form of govern
ment shall be that Of limited monarchy, with more
or less mixture of hereditary power. wholly cleo
tive or representative, may perhaps be considered
as su bJrdnnte. The main controversy is between
that absolute rule, which, while it promises to gov
ern well means, nevertheless, to govern without
control, and that constitutional system which
strains sovereign discretion, and ASSERTS that society
may claim as matter Of right some effective power
in the establishment Of the laws which are to regu
late it. The spirit OF the times sets with most
powerful current in favor of these last toned
opinions. 1t is opposed. however, whenever and
wherever it shows itself, by certain Of the great po
tentates OF Europe and II Is opposed on grounds
applicable in one civilized nation in another,
and which would justify such opposition in rela-
ton TO the United States, well in relation TO
any other State or nation. if time and circum-
| stances should render such opposition expcdient.
What part il becomes this country to take on 4
question Of this sort. SO far as it is called upon to
take any part cannot be doubtful. Our side OF
volition eOur history, our situation, our charac-
ter, necessarily decide our position and course
] before we have even time TO ask whether we have
an option. Our place is on the SIDE Of free insttu-
tone. From the earliest settlement OF these States
their inhabitants were accustomed, in greater or
less degree, to the enjoyment Of the powers Of self
government; and for the last halfcentury they
have sustained systems Of government entirely
representative yielding TO themselves the greatest
possible prosperity, and not leaving them without
distinction and respect among the nations of the
| earth. This system we are not likely to abandon;
and, while we shall no farther recommend its adop
ton 10 other nations, in whole or in part, than il
may recommend itself by its visible influence
on our own growth and prosperity, we
Of doctrines which deny the legality Of its founda-
| tions. We stand equal among nations
claiming the full benefit Of the established interna
tonal law and IL lie our duty to oppose. from the
earliest to the latest moment, any innovations up
that code which shall bring into doubt or quss-
ton equal and independent rights.
will now. MIR. Chairman, advert TO those pre-
tensions set forth by the allied soveregns Of conti
mental Europe, which seem to me calculated, il
unressted 10 bring into disrepute the principles of
our Government. and indeed to be wholly noom-
pstble with any degree OF national Independence.
do not introduce these considerations for the ga ko
of topics. | am not about to declhim against
crowned heads, nor TO quarrel with any country
for preferring form of government different from
The right of choice that exercise for
ourselves, am quite willing to lenve alec TO others.
10 m n he prct To Whi
! have alluded are wholly inconsistent with the in
dependence OF nations generolly. without regard
TO the question whether their governments be nbso
Lutte, monarchical and limited, purely popular
and representative. have a most deep and tho
rough conviction that a new era has arisen in tho
world, that new and dangerous combinations are
taking place, promulgating doctrines and fraught
with consequences wholly subversve in their ten
dency of the public law OF nations and Of the gene
raj liberties of mankind. Whether this be 30 or
rot, is the question which nov propose to exam
inc, upon such grounds Of information ss are
afforded by the common and public means Of
knowledge.
The allied powers profcss to establish two prin-
ciples, which they would introduce as part Of tho
law OF the civilized world; and the establishment
OF which ia to be enforced by a million and half
of baysnets.
The fire, Of these principles s that all popular or
constitutional rights arc held no otherwise than
grants from the crown. Society, upon this prin
cpc. has no rights Of it's own; IL takes good go
rernment, when II gets II, ss boon and conees-
sion, but can demand nothing. It is to live by that
favor which emanstes from royal authority, and il
il have the misfortune to lose that favor there 10
nothing TO protect 1t against any degree Of JUS
tioe and oppression. II can rightfully make no
deavor for change. by itself; its whole privilege
is TO receive the favors that may be dispensed by
the sovereign power, and all its duty 10 described
in the single word subn,ssion This s the plain
suit Of tho principal continental State papers; in
deed IL s nearly the identical text of some of them
The circular despatch addressed by the cove
reigns assembled at Lsybsch in the spring Of 1921
to their ministers at foreign courts alleges " that
useful and necessary changes in legislation and in
the administration of States ought only to ema-
nate from the free will and intelligent and we'll
weighed conviction of those whom God has
dercd responsible for power. All that dcviates
from this line necessarily leads to disorder. com
motions. and evils far insufferabe than those
which they pretend to remedy."s Now, cir, this
principle would carry Europe back again at once
into the middle OF the Dark Ages. II is the old
doctrine of tho Divine right of kings, advanced
now by new advocates, and sustained by FORUM.
dsblo array of power. That the people hold their
fundamental privileges as a matter of concession
or indulgence from the sovereign power, lie a senu-
ment not easy TO be difIused in this age any far
ther than il is enforced by the direct operation Of
military means. II is true, certainly, that some
sir centuries ago tho early founders Of English
liberty called tho instrument which secured