The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-03-25
PROGRESS - THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY - ITS
PRINCIPLES AND MEASURES.
SPEECH OF Mr.. TOWNSHEND, OF OH

In the House Of Representatives., March IL, 1882
Mr.. CHAIRMAN | desire to avail myself of
the latitude of debate usually tolerated in this
Committee, to present my views OF the true
method to secure the pacifcation of the coun-
try in general and of the Democratic party in
particular The action of the last Congress
on the series of measures known as the COM
promises the efforts made to secure their en-
dorsement by both party caucuses at the be-
ginning of the present sesslon-and subse-
quently in this House and in the Senate; the
resolutions adopted by the Legislatures of seve-
raj States, and the avowed opinions of several
Presidential candidates prove, beyond the pos
sibilty of doubt, that slavery, in some form or
other, either righttully or wrongfully is in fact
the great question now before the country. 1t
occasions more strife, both sectional and per-
sonal-has more to do with the selection of our
public officers, and interferes more with the
legitimate business of Congress, than all other
political questions put together. In view of all
this, am tempted to ask the question often
asked by Others, What has Congress to do with
slavery?
For an answer to this question will not in
trude upon the Committee my own opinions,
but refer instead to the authorized creed Of
the Democratic party. The Baltimore platform
reads:
Resolved That Congress has no power under
the Constitution to interfere with or control the
domestic institutions of the several States, and
that such States are the sole and proper judges
of everything appertaining TO their own affairs,
not prohibited by the Constitution &c.
With this doctrine, the platform of the Ohio
Democracy agrees After asserting that slavery
il an evil &c it saws.
But be At further reSoibed, That the Democ-
racy of Ohio do at the same time fully recog-
Mise the doctrine held by the early fathers of
the Republic, and still maintained by the
Democratic party in oil the States, that to each
State belongs the right TO adopt and modify its
own municipal laws, to regulate its own inter-
nal affairs and to hold and maintain an equal
and independent sovereignty with each and
every other State, and that upon these rights
the National Legislature can neither legislate
nor encroach"
So well settled is this position, that it is en-
dorsed also by the Buffalo platform Of l84s, as
follows:
Resolved, That slavery in the several States
of this Union that recognise its existence, de-
ponds upon State laws alone which cannot be
repealed OF modified by the Federal Govern
ment, and for which that Government is not
responsible; we therefore propose no inter-
ference by Congress with slavery within the
limits of any State"
These resolutions all agree in declaring
slavery to be a State, and not National insti-
tuition they all assert it to be under the sole
control of the States where it exists and not
subject for national legislation
! come now to a second inquiry. If Con-
gress has no power granted by the Constitution
over slavery, by what right has Congress been
legislatng in reference to it, and what pro.
priety is there in bringing the subject contin-
ually before Congress? On this point, the
Baltimore platform is equally explicit. The
remainder Of the resolution, of which | have
already read part, is as follows:
"And that all efforts of the Abotionists, or
others, made to induce Congress to interfere
with questions of slavery, or to take incipient
steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead
to the most alarming and dangerous conse-
quences and that all such efforts have an in
evitable tendency to diminish the happiness Of
the people, and endangcr the stability and per-
manency of the Union, and ought not to be
countenanced by any friend Of our political in
stitutions
1t is plain enough Mr.. Chairman, that the
convention that adopted this resolution, or, at
any rate, its trainers, supposed that Congress
was liable to be disturbed by agitations Of the
slavery question, and solicitations to legslate
on the subject came from two opposite quar-
ters first, from the opponents OF slavery who
are here called Abolitonists; and secondly,
from the friends of slavery, who come under
the general description Of "or others" The
opponents Of slavery seem to be suspected OF
wishing Congress to interfere with slavery in
-, Al, ID nf 81 ,f ia
string Congress ~ egislatc in it's behalf, or for
its extension beyond State limits. From what
ever quarter agitations come, or efforts to in
duee Congress to legslate on the subject, such
efforts. according To Democratic doctrine, are
greatly to be deprecated, and ought to be dis
countenaDced.
| propose. now, to inquire from which side
all these instigations ~ national interference
have come. and who is to blame for the conse-
ouent disturbance of the public harmony.
The law Of 1893 was passed at the demand
of the friends Of slavery, to enable them to re-
capture their runaways with greater facility.
This law not only gave national aid to State
institution. which is declared to be no concern
of ours but it is an unconstitutional assump-
ton of power on the part Of Congress violating
the sovereignty Of all the free States
By another act Of Congress, the General
Coyernmept became responsible for the exist
epce of slavery in this District, and Congress
has been legisiating On the subject in the Dis
trict more or less. ever since and this was
doubtless TO please the friends Of slavery.
AT different periods, North Carolina and
Georgia made cessions Of territory 10 the United
States Out of which Kentucky, Tennessee Ala
bama, and Mississippi have been formed Con-