The republic., 1852-01-12

CNIlghtCneU DuDT1C BEnII1nGnt,
proval of the cause by liberal appropriation for
the furtherance of its benevolent designs"
From the Paris Correspondent Of the London Times.
Relations OF France and England.
Correspondence bet,cee,, Lord Palneston and Louis
Napoieon-P Position Of the Continental Po.Ders in
regard to France.
Some curiosity will probably be felt as to the ma
ture Of the relations which exist at the present mo-
ment between the President Of the republic and
the English government; and again between him
and the continental powers. 1t ia stated, on the
authority refer to, that soon after the coup detdt
Of the I'd communication was made in the name
ofthc English cabinet to this government in which,
while any irritating expressions or comment ap-
peared to be avoided, explanations were asked as
to whether it was contemplated to completely
abandon the liberal and constitutional policy which
had previously formed the bond Of alliance between
the two countries. The President OF the republic
was reminded that England and France. connect
ed as they had 30 long been by the similarity, so
far the difference Of character OF the two people
permitted, of their respective institutions, were at
the head OF European civilization that both stlil
enjoyed, with the necessary notifications, the nd-
vantages of a representative government, freedom
of the tribune. and liberty of the press that
pension cessation of such guarantees for pub
lie liberty would necessarily imply an abandon
ment on the part of France of those political ad-
vantages. and would necessarily diminish, in
considerable degree, the sympathies entertained
in England for system like the present, 80 wide
ly different from its own; that coup d'ffdf which
abrogated the constitution annhilaed the legisla.
ture, and destroyed the liberty of the press, was,
and must be, distasteful to the people OF England,
remar kable for its enthusiastic attachment to all
these institutions; and the French government
was earnestly called upon to give some explana-
tions of its intentions Of what it purposed do
ing, SO soon as the embarrassment OF the present
situation had disappeared, or been materially di-
minished..
The note Of which ] speak was at considerable
length; and its tone was. am assured, though not
irritating at all events decided and energetic The
answer is stated to be what perhaps might be
guessed under the circumstances. 1t purported to
repudiate all intention of abandoning a liberal
policy; il spoke of the President having no de-
sire to establish despotc authority; alleged the
difficulties Of his situation; the dangers that had
threatened not only France, but the European con-
tinent, from the rapid and fearful progress OF 30
cialist ideas; and it repeated the arguments al
ready so often put forward in excuse OF the act OF
the I'd instant. This answer, though believe OF
equal length with the original communication, was
not considered as sufficiently satisfactory; there
we're not found in II assurances OF positive ma
turc- sufficiently 30 to satisfy the parties to whom
il was addressed. second communication was
made lees of official than personal kind, and
in the name of one Of the most prominent members
of the English cabinet-nof the Foreign Minister,
and use the word non Official, because il as ad
dressed, not to a member of the French govern
ment. but to n parsonage who, nevertheless is sup
posed TO possess no uncomfortable share Of infiu
ence, owing TO circumstances no way interesting to
the public. This second communication was also
replied to; but the answer, entering as II did into
sll greater detail, and repeating with more force
the arguments made of in the first, was not
considered as more categorical than the first, nor
did il produce any greater satisfaction.
IL had been urged, on the part Of the noble lord
referred to, that il absolutely necessary TO give
explanations of still more precise kind; that pub
lie opinion in England required them; that the mo-
mentous events which had just taken place in
France would, no doubt, be commented on in the
English Parliament, ms they had been in the press
OF the same country and that 1T would be not mere
ly satisfactory but absolutely indispensable for the
Brtish Cabinet to have some data, some assu-
rances, something positive in fact, TO present to
Parliament when, as would certainly be the case,
explanations were demanded, and that 1t was
scarcely necessary to say these explanations ought
to be of satisfactory kind. In addition 10 the re-
ply to this second note, IL was decided that per-
should be sent TO London to confer directly with
Lord Palmerston, and give explanations which, II
was hoped, would be satisfactory The party IN
question, however is said 10 have declined the mis-
SION, on the ground Of not being able TO give posi-
tive assurances, an explanation OF the intentions
OF the government of that precise nature which II
evidently the desire of the English Cabinet TO
possess Such, am led 10 believe, is the situation
of affairs up to a very recent date.
With reference to the continental powers, am
insured that what has lately occurred has NOT dis
posed those powers to regard the act Of the Presi
dent one that ought necessarily to induce them
to give him any more sympathy or support than
they have hitherto done. while admitting that
Ito their own terms) the President has suc-
cecdcd in restraining and crppling the power Of
the "cncmies of order" in all continental coun-
tries they still regard that act quite conducive
TO his interests az to theirs. The suppression
OF the revolutionary party ought not they are said
to allcgo, TO change their views with reference to
a power that had ts origin in popular movement.
They admit that, as France is the hotbcd OF revo-
luton any blow aimed at ii there must necessarily
produce corresponding effect elsewhere; butev
that advantage docs not, and cannot, induce them
to consider the power OF tho President, or any
power similar to IT, otherwise than provisional
as a stop gap, but by no means such ms would in
duce them TO regard it in the light of Legitimate
and permanent authority; and that, IN fact, ruler
whose sway might be stopped by the merest ecci-
dent, to say worse, ia not quite that on whom
reliance could be placed as on ono OF legitimate
kind. They admit the services rendered TO what
ia considered by the powers in question the cause
of order and their relations with France will other
wise continue the same az heretofore, but on qucs
tions Of European policy the provisional nature OF
the present system cannot be forgotten. Such,
am assured, is the present position Of the Presi-
dent with theee powers.