Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1852-04-26


of your commercial and social interests.
take it for an axiom that there exist interests
common in every patton, comprised within the
boundaries of the same civilization, take II
equally for certain, that among these common
interests none is of higher importance than the
principles of international law.
say, that if the absolutistcal powers are per-
mitted to dispense with that law arbitrarily, they
encroach upon your own most vital interests
And, ito look indifferently at these encroachments
is so much as a spontaneous abdicatlon OF the
position of power on earth, and that position
abandoned, is independence abandoned.
The principle of neutrality does not involve the
principle of indtferentism about the violation OF
the laws of nations, which are common proper
ty to all nations. Indifference to these violations
is rather contrary to the principle OF neutrality,
as indeed it is fallacy to believe that you are
neutral If we once more raise the Republican
banner of resistance against the oppression OF
the Austrian dynasty-that perjurious dynasty
may arm vessels in your country, embark volun-
teerS upon them, (perhaps they may ma some
foreign diplomatic influence has grown too strong
in Republican America, and Russian Divine
Right" has not only advocates but votarles IN
Republican America, they may find men who
would fight for them by profession, having found
men who are lying for them by profession, which
in any case is less honorable even in the service
of despotsm than to fght,) yes, the Emperor of
Austria as of Russia or even the infamous usur-
per of France, may arm here vessels, enlist
volunteers, and carry commerce in arms
and ammunition, to murder nations with, and they
will be protected by ali the maritime power OF the
United States {; but, if | would arm here vessels
and enlist volunteers for the deliyerance of my
people from oppression, your laws would send me
to prison for ten years, and, if buy your arms in
Springfield, and buy ammunition, your fleet IN
the Mediterranean will not protect this my COM
merce. Is that neutrality No! Indifference
for the principles of international law hasled
VIM lv iOtp 40 granting
lection to the opPressors, and refusing even the
right of commercial intercourse to the oppressed
And, were it not so, neutrality as constant rule
is impossible to great power. Neutrality as
lasting principle is an evidence of weakness, and
is rather dictated by the rivalry of other powers,
as in Belgium and Switzerland, than by own choice
and neutrality a permanent principle IS as
much as the abandonment of the position OF
power on earth. Neutrality, in a great power, is
always a matter of pohcy resulting from the ma
ture of particular cause but to take neutrality
for lasting principle, lis much as to declare that
we claim, not The position of an independent
power on earth, because,to permit other powers TO
regulate the condition of the outward world, IS as
much as to grant charter to those powers to reg
ulatarbeitrary the foreign affairs ofthe lndltteE-
ent power
believe, gentlemen, that with citizens of Mas
sachusetts, there can be no difference of opinion
about these views, and thus the success or the
failure of my humble endeavors here, is reduced
to the question, care the measures which | re-
spectfully ask, contrary TO the principles and IN
terests of the United States, or mott"
TFrom this point Kossuth proceeded to argue
this question. He spoke of his wishes-of the
position of Hungary-upon the neutrality laws,
and declared his position was what the demo-
cratic party had adopted before he came to Amer
ica-what Mr. Cass had proposed to Congress,
what Mr. Fillmore declared in his message, and
what Mr. Webster defended He explained his
in IN ms asked
means now, only that Hungarians might getcon-
troll of the resources of their country. lie did
not ask it to revolutionize Europe. Revolutions
could not be made by force; they must spring from
necessity, and where there was necessity, and the
spirit of liberty, the Revolution must happen
He argued that the people of Enrnrn r'arA much
better prepared for Revolution now than IN 1910,
and the despots were not so we'll prepared II
Louis Napoleon held his place, and foreign war
was made by France, it must be European war,
and then the friends of liberty might have
good chance e. if Louis Napoleon did not,
there would again be good chance for the OPP
pressed. He spoke against the doctrine, that the
people OF Europe We're not prepared TOR Repuoh
can government. In the Revolution of lS40, they
failed because they sought after something beside
a Republic; they supported Capitalization, and
Capitalization was fatal to liberty; Capitalization
was only not dangerous in the hands of men like
Washington, and Washingtons were not so thick
ly strewn nowadays.
In conclusion, hosSutn sald ne hao Deen IoIu
that the people of Massachusetts, were cold-God
grant that he might always be among such cold
people as he had found in Massachusetts,. The
people were too wise, too prudent, too intelligent,
to act upon sudden excitement. They liked to
consider-then how happy must he, be to meet
in Massachusetts, such warm hearts-because it
was from calm reflection, and the people of New
England had always been known for their attach
ment to principle. Sudden excitement passed
away-the tear of passion dried up, but principles
were eternal Some people might forget him,but
he knew the people of Massachusetts, would new
er forget his cause.
While Kossuth was speaking he was frequently
applauded with enthusiasm, and when he conclu-
ded. six hearty cheers were given.