The southern press., 1852-01-10
Mr.. Gentty's Remarks In the House en- the
A0ssuIh Resolution.

hAt. OI4aN IL lihNO pISIeTTcu 10
have given silent vote upon the proposition
that Is before this committee think that would
have been in the best taste in my own view Of
what is proper, and in view Of what we owe TO
ourselves under the circumstances which sur
round US. But so much has been said pro and
con, that feel disposed to say word or two
by way of indicating the reasons which have
influenced me, and will influence me in all the
votes may give in connection with this Kos
smith question. Ii 4 man presents himself at
my door when know he comes for the purpose
of asking me to endorse his note for $4,000, il
he is a gentleman in character and position,
will invite him into my house, and extend to
him all the courtesies which are due to gentle
man, though may know him to be insolvent, and
though may feel all the while that duty to N.Y.
self ana my children imperiously imposes upon
me the necessity of refusing TO indorse the note
would be careful more especially to do so, il
the doors of nv house had been opened to him
by myself and had invited him to come there
upon another ground not connected with the
Endorsement of his note. | would invite him
into my house ii | supposed him gentleman OF
high character, principles, genius and talent
overwhelmed by a torrent of misfortune, though
might know he came to ask ma to do that
which would imperil the fate of myself and
family, and though could not give him all he
came to ask. Sill, respecting him as gentle
man--respecting him for his genius, the exalted
principles and motives which believed actuated
his conduet-though | might believe that the
wave of misfortune had buried him beyond all
hope of resurrection, and could do nothing for
him except to give him my respect and sympathy,
would | slam the door in his face and say, (" Get
away from here! you shall not ask me to indorse
that note?" Laughter Not at all. Itwould
be an exceedingly painful operation, and there
fore should make my courteses and hospitali-
ties all the mere abundant, because presently !
should have to give most unwecome response
to the favor which he asked of me-
That is the position in which we stand in ref
erence TO Louis Kossuth; and the only ques.
ton in the American House of Representatives
to consider is that they shall be careful to de-
mean themselves as gentlemen upon this occa-
sion, and not as rowdies. The question of
indorsing the note is an after question, which
we are not called upon to consider now. We
are called 6pon TO extend the cviities aud cour.
teses which the properties growing out of the
circumstances that surround MS deuIand at our
hands. We are called upon to represent and
take care of the dignity and character Of this
great nation in this regard. Whether in rela.
ton to what is passed we have done right or
wrong, Is not now the question. This gentle.
man is here. How is he here, and what are the
circumstances under which he presents himself
here! 1t surprises me that any debate or ad-
verse opinions should have arisen here in relation
to this subject. After the disastrous termina-
tion of the Hungarian Struggle for national ex-
istence, when Louis kossulh was prisoner in
Turkey, this government, responding to the
just, proper, and honorable feelings of the Amer
ipan paonla in oil tho ,pbi,,h
employ exhibited its anxiety for his condition
and fate. Much as | am exposed to embarking
this nation in the affairs of Hungary, am not
ready TO admit that we are called upon to be
afraid to show we sympathize upon this or the
other side of questions which may arise beyond
our borders. Congress passed resolutions upon
this subject. Our diplomatic representatives.
to European governments were instructed and
required 10 use the influence which they might
egitimately ard rightfully employ to release
kossuth from Imprisonment. a ship was sent
across the Atlantic ocean, and its commander
was instructed to receive and bring him home
to our shores, if he chose to come. Kossuth
accepted the offer, aud he is here, regarding him.
self as the guest of the nation. II is enough
that the world so understands and regards it,
whether we shall so regard it or not
Now, the question is, what does propriety re-
qure ut our hands Though perchance since his
arrival upon our shores, as an humble petitioner
he may ask that which we cannot grant, yet pro-
priety requires at our hands that we should re-
ceye him with all the civilities due to the occa
sion and the circumstances which surround him
and us.
But gentlemen are afraid that he will make
speech-that he will overturn the long establish
ed policy Of the nation They seem 10 be afraid
hat l. Al i.
for Kossuth will forget Washington. have no
such fear. Let him speak as much as he pleases.
Let him 90 into every Congressional district in
the United States Of Amer ca, and speak as
often as he de Tres. His speeches will be HARM
less. ] expect, if occasion should make il ne.
cessary, to resist, with as much irmness as any
other man, the line Of policy which he would
induce US TO take. Let him speak. Why, sir,
Iam so much of a Democrats real genuine
Democrat-that am willing TO submit every
and all questions which have arisen, or can
possibly arise, involving the interests and honor
OF this republic, 20 the arblrament OF the Amer
lean people. II the people are not competent
to solve safely for the republic all questions that
can be submitted 10 them, why, then ourgov-
eminent is founded upon a false idea, and il il
needless for US TO struggle against the ruin that
is inevitable. II Kossuth can overturn this re
public, or unsette the long-established and firm
convictions Of this people, and make them disre-
gard the adnonitons of Washington, so rs TO
make then abandon the policy that has made
them what they are and which, If persevered in,
is destined TO make them infinitely more power
ful than language can tell, or imagination con-
ceive-7-if any foreigner from another cline can
do all that, il our only safety il in not giving
him chance TO speak, laughter,l why, then
this legacy which we have inherited from our
fathers is not worth struggling or fighting for
at all
In respect to the safety of this government,
and the stability Of its policy. consider Louis
Kossuth as very harn less individual. IfI am
wrong in that, am wrong in believing the the.
Dry upon Which this government Is founded. VI
this people can be made TO forget the high dus.
tiny 10 which they are called, and the great re.
sponsbility which rests upon them--if they can
be- made 81 forget Wasl ington for Louis Kos
suth, why then our institutions are not worth
struggle, aud the whole experiment which our
fathers have undertaken, and which we are seek.
ing 60 perpetuate is y fallacy and is of no value