The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1852-03-19

pay the expenses OF his entertainment In THIS tty
He would have been reJoiced IT, on that occasion,
the Senate had stood up one man and had voted
for that measure the passage OF which was so ne
cessary for the honor and dignity of the country.
But Of those who were the ioudest in their
praise OF the guest were found among those opposed
TO the payment of the expenses of his reception
Mr.. BORLAND said that he, and those who had
voted with him, had voted against the resolution,
not from an unwillingness 10 pay the bill but be-
cause Of the manner in which its payment was or
dered 10 lie made-out OF the contingent fund.
Mr.. JONES said that he imputed no motives TO
any He spoke from the record, as he found
II. But still he believed that no one had objected
10 the resolution on any other grounds than those
of usa ge and custom; one had objected 10 1t on
constitutional grounds.
Mr.. CASS said the Senator mistaken.
Mr.. JONES said he did not know till now that
the Senator had any such objections
he then alluded TO the position in which he saw
Kossuth at the Congressional banquet Like Cine
OF old, he stood there pleading In behalf OF his
country, &c f; and on that occasion, though the
wise and the great of the land were present, no
Appius Claudus was there to speak, not for Rome,
bat for America none TO speak word OF warn
ing, TO utter protest against the doctrines OF
the new Ambassador; but all, by silence at least,
II not by words OF encouragement, gave assent to
what he said.
There was, however, an Appius Claudius found
before the distinguished person left the city. MIR
J then referred 10 the position of MIR. CLAY, his
illness of body, his brightness of intellect, his pa
rrotsln, and his ardent love OF his country, and to
his interview with Kossuth in which he addressed
him as a dying man, and protested against his
doctrine of intervention That was spectacle
never 10 be forgotten.
He (Mr. J had no fear of the people; let Kos
suh go on and speak to them of his doctrines; he
considered that there was virtue and patriotism
enough in them to overcome any error he might
preach He hoped Kossuth might find his future
pathway as brighH and glorious as during the past
il had been troubled, and wished that he might
Il he IA ntTU
age, and the Hungarian people breathe the pure
atmosphere OF republican institutions.
Was it not important question whether the
long established policy OF the United States shall
be changed,
Those who propose the change of policy he con-
sdered bound 10 show that the change would
be beneficial, and that evil would result from it.
When they asked what argument was there for
changing the present policy OF the nation, they
were met by the statement that this Is the age OF
progress, and that this Is sufficient inducement for
Us 10 fall into the schemes; and those who did
not agree with all that was asked for TO keep up
with this age of progress were said to be tor stand
ing still and doing nothing. He was not for stand
ing stili and doing nothing, but was for going for
ward in the path which wisdom, experience, and
argument and common sense pointed out. He was
for standing still il, by doing he was to stand
where Washington, Jefferson, Adams, and the
other fathers of the Republic stood; and it was no
deroga,ion TO the loftiest intellect 10 stand in such
company.
no. fall down and worship blindly this new dvin-
ty- Against those who resisted the DEGREES OF ma
nliest destiny were ordained all the pains and
penalties OF heresy. And If political was now
punished gious heresy was In the days OF
Cranmer he would not be surprised if he
condemned TO the stake, where he would cX-
pect to the Senator from New York, (Alr.
SEWARD and the Senator from Michigan, Mr..
CAes,) attending decked IN magnificent robes, TO
perform the last Offices.
He preferred TO be governed by the dictates of
manifest duty, manifest experience, and manifest
justice and prudence, rather than by the sugges-
tions OF manifest destiny.
He examined the counsel given by Washington,
and maintained that his policy not merely in
tended for that day, bat was principle TO govern
and guide the policy of the Republic for all time.
He read from letter written by Washington, in
which he declined TO write letter in behalf Of
Lafayette in any official capacity.
He would vote Tor the resolution OF Mr.. CAss, II
it 10 be- added TO those of the Senator from
Rhode Island, but not as a substitute for them.
The "deep concern" mentioned IN the resolu-
! ton Of the Senator from Michigan susceptible
of many interpretations. 1t like the 'judi-
! cious tariff" Of General Jackson
| He was opposed to making any protests, as pro-
! posed by the two Senators. Fear vas said 10 be
| the only why they should not be made. He
confessed that he afraid to involve HE country
in any difficulties from wh!chit might be very diff
cult to extricate her On this point he read from
General jackson fourth annual message, and said
that from the charge of fear he sheltered himself
beneath the mantle of Andrew jackson, against
whom no such charge could be made.
Tue Senator from Michigan took the position that
one nation in order 10 protect itself might inter
icJe IN domestic war; If this be so, what charge
/ could be mace against Russia, for she interieTcd
expressly on the ground OF self protection, He was
defender vi Russia; but she placed her Interior
ence this ground, wrungfuliy no doubt, but Of
that she was the proper judge; and then how could
the Senator object 10 her course, when he had him
sslt slid It was perfectly justihable?
! He was for dong whatever done with man
| iincss Let whatever be done be done with a pur-
posc e sustaining it at all hazards and TO the last
! extremity. Suppose this Government did protest
/ az wat proposed, and Russia cent back an insult
ing counter protest, what then would the Senator'S
| do! Would they pocket the insult, let the af
front pass unresrnted. and submit 10 the indigniy
Ii 90, he entreatcd them to stop where they were,
and push the country into any such humiliatng
position. Never say 10 Russia, "hands off," un-
lsss you intend TO maintain by all your power that
demand Let us, II we are TO protest, do il man
fully; whatever was done, when II done he
would support, Tor then he would be for his country,
right or wrong II il took all the American ships
iu al The and all the American soldiers poss
bic getinto the field, he would vote to send them
+. nth t. maintain The honor and dignity Of the ma
ton. lie was urlike the Senator from New York
wh0 would not 60 TO war in any case except in one
Of defence; he would 90 to war AT any time TO sup
port the honor OF the nation. II, however, the two
Senators DO not mean TO fight the Russians, they
ought 10 let them alone keep quiet attend 10 their
orr business. II they do intend 70 interfere, let
them ~ prepared fora fight, and have no lodging,
H. was opposed o. propagandism. lie did not
approve Of forcing freedom and liberty on people
who did not want them. II other nations did not
dcsire freedom, let the be slaves let us choose our
own form Of government, and others choose THERE.
| The Senator from Michigan claimed that his
protect not 70 lead TO war, but was TO have a
moral influence Mr.. J. drew picture Of the
character Of the Emperor Of Russia, as represented
in the speech u the Senator from Michigan, and
asked what possible moral effect this resolution
could have on such devil. Suppose the little re.
public of San Marine was 20 protest, What effect
would IL produce upon the mind OF the Emperor OF
Rassa, None whatever. Hence he deduccd that
the whole virtue Of protest was derived rom the
RICH; Of the thing itself, and the physical power
tborc cXistci behind to Import it. II VIC we're "a
send a protest 20 Russia, and send with II tho
| speeches Of the Senarors that was 20 follow
If 10 was UNDECIDED, what moral effect could such
| protest produce,
lie then referred TO the speech Of Mr.. Cas- on
former occasion, in which il vas held that poitca
offences were not now regarded, az IN former times
! as involving any degree of moral turpitudc. II by
4 esnse political offences meant the dcecs O
| WnsnI.. g'on, he agreed with the Senator; bu
what might ECY be considered a mere overturn
ing Of governments other nations more interested
might by their laws consider serious, and declare t
be treason. He had always considered treason Pc
litica offence; and nowhere was n traitor held 81
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