The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-04-16


we would consider the disposition Of the print
ing as test of the professions Of those Demo
Gratis who had proposed reunion of the South
ern Democrats with tho other portions of tn
Aud in order not to be misunderstood, we de
clare that if the public printing is given to tn
Republic and Union, as by the proposed ar
rangement, or to the Union alone by any ar
rangement, as matter of party favor, anc
exclusive of the Southern Press, we VIII earnest
" endeayor to prevent the reunion OF the
Democratic party We shall do this on the
principle that acts speak louder than words
and from a conviction that the object of these
oyertures for re- union is TO nveigle the South
ern Democrats into the ranks Of the party, to
obtain monopoly of the spoils for the Com
promise portion of the party. For twill always
be as easy to find or make difficulties as now,
or to form coalitions with Wings, to defeat
Southern measures and men.
| We did not call on Mr.. STANTON, or any
other member of the committee, until after we
understood they had many balotingF, in fact
not till about ten days ago, and after we were
informed they were about to give this very
printing to the Republic and Union, and we
called then to define our position, so that there
might be no complaint about it afterwards.
We did propose to him that tire Union and
Southern Press should have the printing, on
the mere ground that they had both large
Democratic support. We made no pledges
whatever. On the contrary, when questioned
by others, not of the committee, whether we
would pledge ourselves to support the Balti-
more nominee-when in fact we were urged to
do So we positively refused-so that we offered
no bargain. We have acted throughout this
whole matter with delicacy and propriety
which we contrast scornfully with the course
of the Union.
AS to the expression Mr.. STANTON imputes to
US of "making war to the knife" we rather
think he is not literally exact. Our acknowl-
edged amenity of temper, and elegance of style,
would, we think, have precluded US from so
coarse figure of speech. But the converse
ton occurred in the rotundo, and we might
have been contagiously affected by the belliger
ent temper of the House.
speech Of Hon. James N. Mason, Of Virginia
On Non. Intervention delipere1 in The Senate
Of the United States, April 6, 1852.
[coNcLuDED.]
At the special session of May, 1897, Presi-
dent Adams invited the attention of Congress
to the expediency of holding a conference in
some form with the neutral powers of Europe.
In bis message at that session, he said
Although it is very true that we ought not
to involve ourselves in the political condition OF
Europe, but to keep ourselves distinct and sep
| arats from it, if we can" &c.
at is natural poll
cy for nation that studies to be neutral, to
| consult with those nations engaged in the same
studies and pursuits. At the same time that
measures ought to be pursued with this view, our
treaties with Prussia and Sweden, one of which
is expired, and the other expiring, might be re-
newed."
This recommendation was speedily followed
up by the nomination of bis son, John Quinc,
Adams, afterwards President of the United
States, as minister to Prussia, having first b,
his message suggested the idea that it was i'm
portant to institute mission to Prussia, for the
purpose of consultation with other nations
engaged in the 'same studies and pursuits, :" to
wit, the study of neutrality, and the pursuit OF
peace. When the nomination came in, it was
strongly and sternly resisted by the Republican
party; those were the days Republicans, and
| / ederasts. A motion was made in executive
session--the injunction of secrecy has been re.
| moved, and the journals have been published
that sin the opinion of the Senate, no present
occasion exists that minister should be sent
to Prussia" The debate that followed, showed
that the question dividing parties was, whether,
by insttuting IN issiOn to Prussia, under the
| auspices of the message, there would not be
risk of forming an alliance with Prussia, even
for The purpose of neutrality The yeas and nays
were called upon that motion, aud stood-yeas
| IL, nays l8; and amongst the yeas-and | call the
| tor from Michigan MIR. CAss to the fact-were
all the Republican members of the body.
l come now to the next epoch, the next start
ing point in the history of the country, which
affected foreign relations. 1t was the
| Spanish American question. Where were we
| then /! Upon our own continent The colonies
of Spain were in revolt against the mother
| country; and the relations of your government
| with the mother country were those of peace
Notwithstanding every effort was made to in
duce the country to change those relations, that
peace was preserved, and never departed from
| 1t was for long time matter Of doubt whether
the provinces of South American would be able
to establish their independence; but this
government RETAINED from interfering in the
slightest degree, and in any form whatever, until
we were satisfied that the dominion of Spain
was gone forever; then, as we had not only a
| right, but as it was our duty to do, in the year
| 1922 we recognized the. independence of the
colonies. To show the policy of the country
at that day, | have taken an extract from
letter of the Secretary Of State-Mr. ADAMS
to the minister of Spain, who complained of
what had just then taken place, namely the
Reorganization on the part of our government of
the independence of certain of the South Ameri-
can colonies. The Secretary says, under date
of the 9th Of April, 1922
sin the conflicts which have attended these re-.
| volutions, the United States have carefully alb
| staaed from taking any part, respecting the
right of the nations concerned in them, to main
to;, III IA