Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, South-Carolina) 1852-1852, 1852-09-28
Thomas Jefferson.

also, Jet1crSOns administration. Indeed, he seem
ed inclined, in his private correspondence, to throw
upon the incoming Cabinet, to which, no doubt
it entirely belonged the responsibility of the re-
cent enactments. As the retiring President came
into office, so he now left it, with character We
ry differently estimated by the two great politi-
cal parties into which the nation was divided
Party animosity, indeed so far from having been
extinguished under his rule, as he had fondly an
tcipated, had broken out, especially Of late, with
new fury.
Judging as the superficial mass of mankind
always do, more by professions than by practice,
by words than by deeds, the great body of the
retiring President and all the active party leaders,
whatever might be their private opinions, to seek
to recommend themselves to party favor and con-
fdcnce by extoling him-a practice continued
by large class of political demagogues, as well
as by many sincere admirers to this day-as the
very personifcation of republican wisdom and rir-
tue; entitled by his simplicity, his straightforward
truth, his clear and candid judgment, no less than
rights of man, to implicit confidence; confidence
more that of religious devotees in some favorte
saint, than the limited and guarded trust, which
alone, according to republican maxims, ought
ever to be placed in any political leader. Such,
indeed, were the reverential sentiments very gen
orally expressed, not only in the Democratic
papers, but in legislative resolutions, on the oc-
cason of Jefferson's retirement from office.
The Federalist, on the other hand, together
with certain number Of once leading Republi-
cans, did not hesitate to denounce the ex-Presi-
dent as an accomplished political Jesuit, Won
derfully adroit to ascend the ladder of democrat
ical power, but whose narrow policy and vision
ary Imagination, the policy of an inland planter,
the imagination, Of perdant, disqualified him
from redeeming, as sometimes happens, by skill
full conduct of affairs, the base arts the 1attering
ing of prejudices, BY which he had risen to pow
er.
Many previous acts of his administration, but
especially the whole history Of the embargo, were
quoted to prove. him a hypocrte and base decei-
yer, totally forgetting in practice, all his profes-
sed regard for the wisdom of the people; all his
pretended reverence for public opinion; all his
reiterated objections to stretches Of executive au
thority; all his violently urged attachment to
all his anxiety that the General Government
should not trespass on the reserved rights of the
States; all his objections in general carried often
to extremes, against Legislative Interference with
the right of men to exercise their own judgement
in the management of their own personal affairs.
Nothing, indeed, could have been less in ac-
cordance with Jeiferson's political theories than
to have thrust upon the country one Of the most
momentous measures which it was possible to
adopt, involving the very livelihood oftens ofthou
sands without the least opportunity to have the
public opinion upon it; employing for that pur-
pose scrvilc Congress, driven to act hastily in
the dark, with no other guide or motive beyond
implicit trust in the wisdom of the Executive
and such 4 measure the embargo, the most re-
markablc act of Je!lerson's administration, un-
qucstionablv was. Yet it would be most rash
and unjust to charge him or any other man with
political hypocrisy merely because, when in pow
er, he did not act up to the doctrines which he
preached in opposition. 1t is not in the nature
of enthusiasm to hesitate or to doubt; and that
very enthusiasm, though it had liberty and
equality for its object with which Jefferson was
50 strongly mbued, pushed him on,,howevcr he
might theorize about the equal right Of all to be
suited, to the realization of his own ideas, with
very little regard for opposing opinions. With
all his attachment to theoretical equality, he was
still one of those born to command, at least to
control; brookng no authority but his own; and
not easily admitting Of opposition or contradic-
ton, which he always ascribed to the worst of mo.
tives. In the feeling that he sought not selfish
ends, but the good OF the community, he found,
like so many other Jealous men, sanction for his
plans, justification of his means, and excuse for
disregarding the complaints and even the rights
of individuals.
Yet whatever defects Of personal character,
whatever amount of human weakness we may
ascrbe to Jefferson; however low we may rate
him as practical statesman; however deficient
we may think him even in manlincss and truth;
however we may charge him with having failed
to act in accordance with his own professcd prin-
ciplcs; there remains behind, after ALL this undc-
niable fact: he was-rarity indeed, among men
of affairs-rarity, indeed among prolesscd demo
cratical lcadcrs-a sincere and enthusiastic belle
yer in the rights of humanity. And, as in SO
many other like cases, this faith on hi, part will
ever suffice to cover, as with the mantle of char
ity, multitude Of sins; nor will there ever be
wanting host of hipers-living ideas being
of vastly more consequence to postcrity than
dead actions passed and gone-to mythzize him
into political saint, cannonized by throbbing
wishes for themselves, and exalted by passion
ate imagination, far above the heads of contem-
porary men, who if they labourcd, suffered, and
accomplished more for that generation, vet loved
or,l nJ ,,nivorc al humanity