Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1852-03-25
Rantoui's Great Speech.


resentative from, Massachusetts, has not only |
won an enviabe reputation as a debater in the |
brief period he has been in Congress, but has
put the friends of freedom, State rights, and
The Constitution as it is, under immeasnra-
BILE obligations for the mastery speech he re-
Gently delivered in reply to the second attack of
the traitor Davis. When the National Demo-
Gratis began to talk of supporting men of the
the principles and ability of Robert RantouI, in
the Baltimore Convention, we will begin to talk
Of going there.
The following most sensible, clear, just and
unanswerable remarks on the slave law, and the
slavery issue generally, constitute the conclud'
ing portion of the speech.
Now, sir, l was saying, and cannot go over
the matter that had intended to pass over, that
this issue of slavery is great national issue to
be met with national, constitutional principles
We have got to see what has to be done with it.
say it is zoe, say that it is moi one third Of the
Union that is to settle this subject if the United
States Government take 1t up. 1t will be settled
by two thirds of the people of the United States
and not by third. Yes, sir, gentlemen
should remember that the State of Massachusetts
has greater white population than any State
south OF Mason d Dixon's line, and yet Massa-
chusets is small State at the North. Are
these States that contain one-third part of the
white population, to say that the Gen ,ral Gov
eminent shall take hold Of this subject? That
is the first proposition. Second: When they
take hold of it are they to do what they demand
they being one-thnd of the people, and we,
the other two thirds, shall hunbly submit to it to
the end of our days. They will make that de-
mand, but it will not be granted thati is all. Is
it wise to make it Is it not better to look about
a little and see what you can do before you en-
bark in an enterprise of that kind see but
three issues to this great question of slavery.
will PROFOUND them in few words, Ior see my
time is very short. There are three issues, say
It NAV result in civil war and anarchy. | say
that is possible; but in my opinion it is mere
possibility. But 1t is possibility that prudent
men ought to look at, because bad management
luay drive the chariot off the precipice, when,
with the slightest degree Of prudence and skill
the course would be perfectly safe. 1t may re.
suit in civil war, if badly managed, indeed with
out any sort of prudence. Then, what are The
two other issues in which it may result? Why,
there is a Federal, and there is Democratic is
sue. Slavery will not last forever for the seeds
of its death are within itself. Now almost the
whole civilized world have got rid Of It, and that
part Of the civilized world of which speak
for say nothin of the barbarians which still
retains this institution, retains temporary lnstl-
tuition, and it must look about to see how, with
the least inconvenience and suffering to itself,
that temporary institution IS to come to all end,
; That is the great question for Southern men
o and if it is to be pressed upon this government
n and think it ought not 10 be-then it Is the
great question Of Northern men. And | say
there are two issues-a Federal issue and a
F. Democratic issue! What is the Federal issue
! That the Federal Government be forced, day af
', ter day. to take more and more interest IN this
U subject Of slavery, and to interfere more anG
d more with it, by at one time making fugitive
slave law, TO compel all of my constituents to be
the catchers of runaway negroes, which is re
., pugnant to my people. They do not like it,
d Or, by an arrangement which they say is con
Of sttutional, and to give the great caoitalsts o
t. the North an opportunity to raise an amount suf
10 6cient for the cxgency, either by taking thu
- national lands, or making great national loan
Or to build up great national debt, greater thai
or that of Great Britain, which they would deIigh
to do, to buy up the negroes OF the South. Thi
is the Federal issue. Towards it you are tend
ing now. By and by gentlemen will see thi
II tendency more strongly developing itself. 1t i
bs of no avail for gentlemen to try to shut thei
10 ewes to it. When the Federal party see tina
u slavery must come g En- nc they Ein es.Asss
z; ffeVafs WON &c tseaAral GoFefanenl % bu
it up. Against that protest beforehand. Whe
u, that isdope, il makes complete seyolsiis
j s aeht As great as that of England. II give
s, a., President power which makes the Reput
re lie an Empire, even though your forms renal
- unchanged as France has been transformed il
- to an Empire, from tho great paSEonage existln
'g in the hands of one magistrate But what is tn
en- other issue The Democratic issue >is, thu
CHI you take your stand sterny upon the Constitt
ton, and say that the Constitution of the Unite
States does not allow-does not Justify the Fe,
eral Government in touching the institution
AZ slavery in the States. SLAVERY, AND TIL
on EXTRACTION OF SLAVES, MUST B
ed LEFT TO THE STATES. That is the do
trine maintain at home. 1t is the only doctrir
" upon which this question can be settled, witt
ng out one or the other of two resuts-either civ
JUS war, or else the building up of debt whic
of would crush the Freedom of the United Stat
-, forever. | say, then, stand upon State Right
'"' and say, sternly aud infexibly that the Gener
On, Government shall not NEEDLE with the instit
Ia ton of slavery in the States and ask gent
am men to look, to see if they have not made fat
:, mistake in misconstruing a clause of the Co
a. stitution with regard to fugitives from labor.
de That clause no mole allows the United Stat
Government to enact a law for the rendition
runaway slaves, to employ its officers for Il
rendition Of slaves, than it would allow this Co
- gress 10 enact law to send its officers into Il
III port of Charleston to rescue free mel of col
DR.. seized there, and sold as slaves, because thu
CHI, cannot pay their Jail fees. | ask gentlemen
h; they would think that was constitutional lie;
make out as strong case of constitutional
'eu for that, as any gentleman has yet done for Il
ION other. The principles you adopt In the OF
or case, must cover the Other. say, then, if W
h. have already infringed upon the Constitution
If you have already violated it-hereafter cea
aP to do so. You have already entered the poi
OF the wedge. Do not drive it home, by CO
tinual urging upon Congress this question
mr. slavery. What have we heard of ali this Sc
os, sion? "Quiet agitatlon;" and quoting agitatlc
is the noslest business we have-the very moi
no lest; and also the most irritating. Sir, agitat
ell is not to be quoted by hard words Hard wor
of will have very little success on either side. TIL
question Of slavery can be quie,ed- only in t.
ways. OAe way will be for the South to let
alone ; and then if everybody at the North WOu
I'm, let 1t alone, which no man can promise, it wou
of be quieted. The other would be to talk abo
=, it like reasonable men. Take it up as you tai
-, up any other great national interest, and try
1th get at the merits of it. When you do that,
III will be then as quietly approached and treat,
be as any other subject,and by the blessing of Pro
idence on your honest endeavors, a way will
found to pass through that transition of the s
cIaI system, through which most of the natio
Law of Europe have passed within comparative r
90, cent period.
u'' Here the hammer fell
the ------
'eu Intervention.