The southern press., 1852-04-13
For the Southern Press.
New YoRK, April 5, 1852.
The Hon. Pierre SOule and the Washington
3,.isr ~, Union. @ Htsr

| 8FslGu ktt.U uIOus
Although | do not agree with this distin.
guished Senator ip the necessity or expediency
of"The Protest" still cannot but confess that
his late speech in support of that measure was
one of great ability AID eloquence. 1t is not,
however, my intention to analize its principles
or dissect its arguments on the subject of inter.
vention; but lido not feel inclined to withhold
my appreciation of the just and severe remarks
he made on the general policy of the present
administration in our foreign affairs, most es.
pecially in relation to the proclamation of the
President, placing all American citizens, EN-
barked in the project Of freeing Cuba from a
most oppressive system of missrule, on the foot
ing of pirates waring against the human race
and inviting all nations to treat them according
ly. This spirited demonstration against our
own countrymen is singuarly contrasted with
the courteous reception given to the annuncia
ton of the ministers of France and England
that these two powers had mutually undertaken
TO assist the United States in enforcing their
own laws against their own citizens, by naval
| force stationed in the great track of their com
merce, authorised and directed TO assist search
detain, aud ii deemed expedient, capture any
vessel they might be pleased to suspect of any
hostile Intentions against the Spanish authority
in Cuba. To this communication, which one
might have supposed would have awakened the
| indignation of any American, much more any
American charged with the protection of the
honor and interests of his country, reply was
given, so tame, so spritless, so almost acques-
cent, as to amount to an acknowledgment that
the President had no special objection TO this
insulting interference, this revival of the pre-
tension 10 the right of search, but apprehended
it would be rather disagreeable to the people of
the Uni cd States This is the substance of
the letter to Mr.. Sartiges. The reply 10 the
British charge, if any was made, | have never
seen. If communicated at all, il was not in
cluded in the documents laid before the Senate,
as published in the newspapers. But judging
from the subsequent toying, and the sentiment
al twaddle that took place between the Presi-
dent and the new British envoy, il must have
been excessively polite and conciiatory.
As matters now stand, to all appearance this
right of interference, and this revival Of the
right of search has been virtually recognised by
the government of the United States The two
intervening powers still keep up force in the
Gulf Of Mexico, or in the neighboring West In
Ola station for the protection of Cuba; and
though we don't hear Of any overt acts against
our commerce, that is of no consequence The
right Of intervention, and that of search has
been, IL not recognised, at least virtually acqu
esced in by the government Of the United States,
so far as nothing appears 10 the contrary, and
may at all times be exercised under any specious
pretence whatever
Yet for exercising his right and performing
his duty MS Senator Of the United States, 10
reprcbating this disgraceful subseryiency 10
British policy-for such il is-the acknowledged
organ Of the Executive has called Mr.. Soule To
ACCOUNT before the tribunal Of the people OF the
United States, as if he had committed some
great crime against Executive majesty, by i'm.
peaching lis infallibility. ! am not disposed 20
question the right Of any administration 10 de
fend itself when called 10 account for its sins of
omission or commission; 10 meet the arguments
Of its opponents with dignity and temper, and
convict them Of error fany has been committed
But at the same time, mantain the right and
the duty Of every representative Of the people in
exercising that freedom Of debate guaranteed
by the Constitution, to express himself freely,
| frankly-and IL the occasion demands it-indp.
nantly on all occasions, in which he deems the
honor or interests Of the country have been nc
elected or sacrificed. The time I trust il not
vet come when the person Of he President Of
the United States is 10 be held sacred, or his
acts above rcprcbension or examination. lie
vet stands before the people responsible for his
conduct, and subject TO their good or III opin-
ion. lie is not created 80 high above his fellow
citizens or their representatives., rs 10 soar be
yOnd the reach Of their arrows: and when, like
the royal bird Of prey, he covers Indignantly
over the lesser Of the fcsthered tribe menacing
their safety, he should be- brought down by the
we'll aimed shot Of the hunter. Let him huiter
as he will afterwards.
The article in The Washington Republic,
which gave rise IN these reflections, is not so
much defence Of the Administration, rs a per.
soual attack on Mr. Soule, for having dared 10
take the liberty Of auimadverting on what he
considered course Of policy injurious 20 the
interests, and degrading 10 the honor Of bis
country. What is il come 10 this-tbat y
Senator, or a Representative Of the people Of
1 the United States, must not dare 10, exercise
that freedom Of debate, IN expressing his opin.
ions as 10 the general policy or special acts Of
the Administration Is the voice Of the people
| or their representatives 10 be muzzledl And
Il the latter to be held in check by a chained
bull terrier, fed and paid by Executive bounty
10 be let loose on every sacreligous foot that
dares to intrude in the sacred precincts Of the
temple where the political Pope residesl Is he
TO be barked at, snarled at and worried by. the
pampered cur, because Re had the independence
and honesty 10 denouice what thousands, nay
millions, of his countrymen feel in their very
hearts was, and is, stain on their honor and q
| blot on their namel
| If such is to be The established etiquette o.
The government, and il Senator or Represen
tative OF the people cannot freely express bis
4 opinions or his feelings, however indigDant--no
Of the persons, but the public acts Of the bigf
functionarica Of the State, without being an OBJ
jet Of personal attack and personal denuncia
ton, there is an end to the freedom of debate
and nothing more is necessary TO secure entire
Executive impunity, than 70 follow the example
} Of Louis Napoleon in regard TO the freedom o
; the press, or subsidze II by Executive patron
age. The freedom Of speech, so far as il relates
70 public men and public measures, is as essen
tai 70 the liberties Of The people, as the freedom
Of the press; and the attempt TO restrain II IL
any representative body, by singing out an OBJ
Doxious member for Executive persecution, Il
only a prelude to Executive infallibility or Exc