The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-06-03

pledges his veto to make irrepealable and UNI
changeable, no matter what may be the will of
a majority of the American People, or of the
Law-making Power
These men do not pretend that the proyis-
ions of the law are not uneOmmonly stringent,
but they proceed ON the insulting assumption
of Mr. Bayly of Virginia, that this strngency
is rendered necessary by the disloyalty Of the
Northern People to the Constitution. They
know that it is revolving to the People of the
Free States, but they pledge themselves TO veto
any amendment that may make it more toler-
able while it is understood that they would
sanction any amendment that would make it
more intolerable. With them, the views and
wishes of the thirteen and a half millions Of
freemen Of the North weigh as chat against
the will of the three hundred thousand slave
holders Of the South
Congress is the sole law-making power of
the United States It's proceedings ought to
be independent and unfettered save by the
Constitution The President is authorized to
veto bill after it has passed both branches of
Congress. The presumption is, that he will
have awaited himself of the deliberations of
Congress, of the facts and arguments adduced
during its consideration. for and against it and
that then. on mature reflection, he will be able
in view Of existing circumstances and his con
stitutional obligations, to approve OF disapproye
of it, wisely. This is the theory of the veto
power. But when he pledges himself in ad-
vance of all discussion by Congress, to veto
particular measure which it is supposed it may
pass he assumes prerogative not conferred
by the Constitution. If he may do this in one
case, he may do it in any case and thus
abridge the sphere of the Law-making Power,
as defined by the Constitution. He usurps, in
fact, the power to designate the subjects ON
which Congress may legislate, by announcing
the measures that will not receive his sanction.
If such usurpatiOn is to become usage Con-
gress must look to the Annual Message of the
President instead of the Constitution. for the
charter of its powers Instead of being the
representative of the People, it becomes the
tool of the Executye-instead of a Law maker.
it would be the Law-register of the President
A President who declares his purpose in ad-
vance, to veto measure that may be passed
by the Federal Legislature, does 50 because he
believes himself so well informed upon the sub
ject that the discussionsof Congress and further
reflection on his own part can add nothing to
his information or wisdom or because he aims
to extend the power of the Executive Depart
ment at the expense of the Legislative; or be-
cause he is willing to become the tool of Fac
ton, desperately bent upon overruing the will
of a majority of the People This is precisely
the case with the score of Democratic aspirants |
who have pledged themselves to veto certain |
Legislation by Congress, should any one of them
be elected. Let us ask Mr.. Douglas, for ex-
ample, What do you mean by that pledge
Are you wiser now than you will be year
hences Are you so enlightened that you can
derive no wisdom from the debates of Congress
Are you ambitious to enlarge the Executive
Power and circumscribe the sphere of Congress-
so as to augment the consequence Of the Presi-
dent! Or, do you mean that, through you, the
Slayeholding Interest shall control the deliber-
atons and decisions of the Federal Government
One or all of these questions you must answer
in the affirmative, or your conduct is without "a
reason-sheer madness. We shall answer for
you: 1t il in obedience to the Slaveholding In
terest that this pledge is given. That pledge, |
if any one who has made it should be elected,
puts the Federal Government under its control
for the next four years.
1t matters little what the issue is, so it be
one that will unite Shareholders In 1896 for
want of something else they made the issue
on Slavery in the District of Columbia, though
there was far less danger of it's abolition then,
than there has been repeatedly since. But it
was necessary to raise a question that would
unite the South, which through ts union could
then take advantage of the divided North, and
obtain possession of the Government Hence
Mr.. Van Buren, was constrained to pledge his
veto against any bill for the abolition of Sla-
very in the District
II was to unite tho South, and through that
union conquer the divided North, that the gag
test was got up in Congress, and not till its
effects in aggravating excitement and leopard
ing Democratic asccn3ency in the free States
became palpable, did the Shareholders consent
to release their Northern friends from its en-
forcement.
In 1914 the issue was Texas Annerdtor. |
for the purpose of extending the area of Sla-
very. Mr.. Van Buren, hesitated, was thrown
aside; the South rallied upon Mr.. Polk and
elected him.
In 1913, the issue was raised on the ques-
ton of the Wilmot Provso, and the Northern
candidate, Mr.. Cass, was obliged to change
his opinion, and become an Anti Proviso man,
before he could receive the nomination But
this time the policy of the Slave Power was
bafled. The Anti-Slavcry feeling aroused at
the North was stronger and more active than
at any former period, and the position of Gene
raj Taylor the Wing candidate, was much
less obnoxious to it than that of his Demo
cratic opponent while the fact of his being
large Stakeholder divided the South, and Sc
cured him strong support in that region This
time, then, the Democracy lost the battle by
planting itself upon sectional issue.
Presently, the Adjustment measures passed,
and it was assumed that, rs the question of
| Slavery extension was settled, the excitement
at the North Would be allayed The Democ-
racy trumphcd in the local elections; but the
cause was msrepresented 1t triumphed, be-
cause the Administration, committing itself
| wholly to the South alienated from tho Nortb |
ern Wing party its Anti-Savcry supporters,
while the Democrats in Ohio Massachusetts,
| and New York nlhliatinr with them hrnnrht