The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-03-25

towards France, now suddenly uansiOrmed from u
Ma~lrchy into a Republic, all our sympathies are
naturally enlisted on the side of great People, who,
initiating example, have resolved to be free.
Our ardent and sincere congratulations are extended
to the patriotic People of France, upon their noble
and thus far successful efforts to found for their flu
ture government liberal institutions similar to our
own
Congress echoed these just sentiments, and
in the name and behalf of the American People
rendered their congratulations to the People
of France upon the success of their recent efforts
to consolidate the principles of Liberty in
Republican form of Government
Mr.. President, spark from the flame, which
thus breaking out in Paris was regarded with
so much pleasure here kindled the material
which had been long gathered and prepared
by Louis Kossuth and his compatriots in Hun
gary Remote as we were, we watched and
followed the revolution in that ancient country
with intense interest. We had an agent there,
ready to tender our congratulations; but the
cause went down under the iron pressure of
Russian Intervention When we could do no
more, we sought the exiled Chief in Turkey
procured his release from duress and suryeil-
lance; and while the Russian and Austrian
monarchs, with menaces, demanded his surren-
der to them by the Ottoman we brought him,
a
ton of our flag down the Mediterranean, and
home to our own shores and received him with
honors that have divided the homage of man
kind between ourselves and him.
Sir even while this slow and languid debate
has been going on, we have Observation-Disclosures
mally, indeed but nevertheless we have inter-
ceded-with Great Britain for clemency to i'm
prisoned patriots who, under auspices hopeless
hnt npJar tba Of ,at;onol a,.lg
intolerable, had attempted to renew the Ameri-
can Revolution in Ireland And you and |, and
every Senator here, whether he suppresses ut
terance as some may do, or speak out as ! do,
is earnestly hoping that that act of interces-
sion may prevail with the amiable and virtuous
Monarch who yields a benignant Sceptre over
those realms.
Here, sir, the history ends will add no
CLOSES to the recital will not attempt to
simplify the subject, involved as it is in the
confusion resulting from the want of definitions
of Intervention, and from the neglect to dis
criminate between Intervention in the domestic
affairs Of nation and opposition against the
fagrant act of a strong foreign Power in at
lacking, without Just cause or motive, weak
but brave one struggling with its proper enemy.
| shall not ask the Senate or the country to
distinguish between ntercession, solicitation,
or protest, on the one side and armed inter-
vention, entangling alliances, and artificial
ties, on the other. will only say that either
this Protest is not an Intervention, or we have
done little else than to intervene in every con-
test for Freedom and Humanity throughout
the world since we became a natOn-that if
this act be wrong we have never done right.
If we approve and own the precedents of our
predecessors this act is one which cannot be
justly or wisely omitted. The question before
us, then, is not whether we shall depart from
our traditional policy, but whether we shall
adhere to it.
lnasmuch as some will say that | have pre-
sented, in too strong relief the action of the
Government in behalf OF freedom, call now
on those who maintain that its policy has been
one OF indifference, to show one act that the
United States ever committed one word that
they ever spake, or one thought that they ever
INDUCED, of cOngratulation, of sympathy, or
even of liberation, towards a falling despotism
or successful usurpation.
Having indicated my country and her
statesmen against the Implications of indiffer
ence, GOODNESS, and isolation, hope it will not
now be thought presumptuous on my part, or
irreverent to the memory of Washington, or
dangerous to the State if inquire on what
principle the duty of neutrality was founded
by that illustrious man, and whether he en-
joined that policy as one of absolute and per-
petual obligation "Thc duty of holding
neutral conduct" said he in his Farewell ADJ
dress, "may he inferred without anything more
from the obligation which justice and humani-
ty impose on every nation in cases in which ii
is free to act to maintain inviolate the relations
of peace and amity towards other nations.r
Our freedom" in that case resulted from the
circumstances which excused us from co-ope-
rating with France, notwithstanding cur treaty
of alliance; and the exercise of "justice and
humanity was in favor of our own People
The inducements of interest for observing
that conduct (said he) will best be referred to
your own reflections and experience. With me,
q predominant motiue has been to endeayor to
gam time to settle and mature its yet recent
institutions and to progress without Interrupt
ton to that degree of strength and constancy
which is necessary to give it, humanity speak
ing the command Of its own fortune"
| will not venture on such a question as
whether Humanity and Justice may not, in
some contingencies require that we should af-
ford substantial aid to nations as weak as we
were in our Revolutionary contest when we
shall have matured our strength. Nor will
inquire whether time enough has not been al
ready gained to give u.s. speaking always with
due sense Of dependence on an all-gracious
Providence, the command of our own fortune
1t is clear enough however, that we distrust
our strength seldom, except when such diff
dence will serve as a plea for the non-perform-
ance of some obligation of justice or of human
ity. But it is not necessary to press such in
quiries. What is demanded here is not any
part of our fifty millions of annual revenue,
nor any use of our credit, nor any employment
of our army or of our navy, but simply the ex-
ercise of our free right of speech. If we are
not strong enough now to speak, when shall
we be stronger? five are never to speak out,
for what were national lungs given us!
Senators and Representatives of America if
may borrow the tone of that sturdy Republi-
can, John Milton, would have you consider
what nation it rs of which you are Governors
a nation quick and vigorous of thought, free
and bold in speech, prompt and resolute in ac-
ton, and just and generous in purpose-a ma
ton existing for something, and designed for
something more than Indifference and inertness
in times of universal speculation and activity.
Why else was this nation chosen, that out of
her, as out of Sinai, should be proclaimed and
sounded forth the first tidings and trumpet"
of political reformation to all nations would
have you remember that the love of liberty
is public affection which this nation has
deeply imbibed and has effectually diffused
throughout the world and tina. she cannot
now suppress it. nor smother her desires to
promote that glorious cause, for it is her own
cause.
Mr.. President thought, that after answer
ing the objections against this Protest, | would
show affrmatvcly why it ought to be adopted
But with the disappearance of opposing argu-
ments the reasons in favor of it have risen with
sufficient distnctness into view | will only
add that it is time to protest. The new out
worls nf our systa,, oc ,ol;t;ou -, E,uo,o L..