The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-11-11
ARRIVAL OF THE GLASGOW,
THREE DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE.
Attempt to Assassinate the President of
the Tuscan Ministry.
ANIMATION in THE COTT0y MARKET,
&C., de-, &c.


The screw steamer Glasgow, Captain Craig, ar
rived at this port yesterday afternoon. She left
Glasgow on Tuesday afternoon, the 10Th ult., thus
making the passage in fifts en- days.
Owing to q variety of circumstances we have NOT
obtained full fles Of papers from England. This is
the first time We have received news by any Of tho
Glasgow steamers. Their passages have been
marhably short and regular, but the aide wheel
steam ships have generally anticipated the prope-
lers. The paddle wheels are In danger; however,
the submerged screws are rapidly improving in
speed.
The Liverpool cotton market on Monday, the 25th
ult., was animated.
What Would he at Stake In a General War
From the London Spectator, Oct %
Conversations in Vienna, as well as in London
and Paris, in Berlin, Brussels, and Rome-in New
Cape Town and the Australian capitalists concern
ing itself and the prospect Of q general war The
continental veterans Of the last war, the Germans
and Austrians especially, are speaking as if their
old experience were rising to premium, and they
are laying down the law as to the probabilities Of
such occurrence with great vivacty. They are
sidering the prob able results Of this that combi
nation when the outbreak may happen. Louis Ma
poleon, they say, will not be able to stick to peace
by his own will; his army and encourage will force
him into hostiities. war between France and
England would be pleasing to Austria, especially
il Prussia joined England then Austria might
make war in Germany, and strengthen her own en-
pre. We attach no great importance to the specu-
lati0ns ct old gentlemen whose political views
based mainly upon the state Of affairs thirty or for
ty yesrs ago, and who find great difficulty in bring
ing the understanding Of 1915 to bear upon 1852 or
1853. The general tendency, however, to talk Of
subject, although of great moment at any particu
lsr place or time, becomes clearly significant
it extends over successive years and many couu-
tries II people in places far apart those which
we have mentioned for two three years perseverc
in discussing war rs an imminent probability, it is
all but certain that they arc moved by some COM
mon impulse resting upon reality. If Vienneso
general, an Italian patriot, Cape rebel, an Austria
liam colonist, cute Yankee, French adventursr,
and London trader, all find their minds inclined to
run upon the same idea, there must be some real
and solid fact at the bottom, upon which they all
really stand, and of which they are conscious. II
does not matter that the fact may lie below the
surface may be vague and difficult for us to scruti-
nize and describe We all feel it is there; it is the
common cauIe Of the common thought in SO many
different communities and understandings. The
general concurrence therefore, of superficial signs,
indicates that this war talk has in it reality; that
this war is q thing to be, ut no very distant day.
But if war is to fall upon the world, what does it
involvea What arc the main points ct stake If
Europe should be involved in general contest
This is question which concerns us not remotely,
not ligbtly because in tho brief interval allowed be-
tween that event which all concur in expecting, the
position of our ewn country in the confli,t-the
things in which it tak0s a most lively Interestingly
be materially influenced.
The 6rst thing that appears to us to be at stake
is freedom. The freedom Of Europe is pre-eminent-
y At stake especially according to our English un-
idea as to the rights Of the people prevalent upon
the whole in England, and in those countries which
have been endeavoring to copy her institutions, is
of parative]y recent growth, yet for some CEN
tury or two, or even more, Europe has upon the
whole been adopting civil rather than military
form Of government 1t is sometimes said that this
progress Of civil freedom is endangered and checked
by outbreaks like those of 1913; and, as fact, 1t
may be 70, but matter oflogc, the result is not
credtabe either to the state of intelligence in
Europe or to the moral courage Of those who sup
port constitutional freedom
The excess OF m uneducated populace and its espe
ciDl friends have no logical force against the merits
OF regulated liberty; as little as the excuses cf ar
bitrsry government can be taken to defend free iom
OF any sort 1t is the business OF those who uphold
regulated liberty, to see that their doctrines DO
maint in the face Of both extremes; and il
CUES little for the conviction, the moral courage
even the practical intelligence of men, when they
finch from maintaining their principles ut the time
when those principles are most pcremp.orily chsl-
leDgcd. The revolution OF 1913, and the reaction
Of ls49, were exactly the times when the upholders
of constitutional freedom should have used their ut
most exertions and it was exactly at those times
that they most especially drew back from their op-
poftunisy. The struggle has been left to the OK
uemes, One extreme has vanquished arbitrary
rule has pressed with such iron force the popula
tions, that chronic rebellion is maintained by
counter irritation; and in the case of general war,
it is probable that pTovocatves of she same kind, on
both sides, would be sufficient pretence for increase
to the aggressive spirit OF arbitrary rule In
merse armies have been formed for the
maintenance of that rule; they arc all
ron engaged in practical encroachmenss; period
Of general disturbance would give them the oppor-
tuuity ofexteLdng those encroa,hments and con-
Grming them Although none ofus can determine the
ultimate results Of general commotion in Europe,
the first result seems tolerably csrtan--the estab-
r.. -.
rule OF government. An Illustration of that is seen
in Northern Italy, where even municipal affairs are
administered by tae soldiery OF the empire. IL
freedom is at stake, therefore, in the nsrt
European war, the most obvious danger which
threatens is the general establishment Of military
administration.
The next thing which England more especially
has at stake, in case there should be any general
conflict, is her commerce. This is sssailed ia many
Ways Her intercourse with countries quite willing
to trade With her might of course be stopped by
any power able to intercept that iatercourse, espe-
cially if England failed by the popularity Of the
position that she might assume, to engage on her
side the good will oiasy such community Northern
Italy and Hungary, for example, have signihed
their desire to extend commercial relations with this
country, and know their resources for that pur-
pose arc ample. But in the of war it light be
quite possible for Austria 10 intercept even the ex
istjng trade Of England with both these countries
Her commerce at sea would be much more manifest
" endangered. The Australians already perceive
that; ard in the Australian newspapers, as well as
in private letters brought by the last mail, we find
sombre reflex of tho reports from Europe, that
war might probably break out. The Australians
alarmed for their produce trade, for the gold
traffic, for the trade from England, and, in Short
for commerce in any form. Freights and insursn-
ces, they say, will rise. OF course they would
The long voyages even more than the short, would
be renaced by state Of the world which should
loose the maritime powers and privatecrs against
our trading ships.
In these respects England stands in perfectly
different condition fran what she did before, At
one time her sailors exclusively her own; but
since that period great progress has been made in
manning with English sailors the navy Of foreign
country the navy of the American repuslic. A.
British privateers to intercept Spanish srgosies
bearing gold to Europe. At the present day the
great argosies are the English; and amusing ss it
might be to bring Spanish gold ship into London