New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1852-01-08


| the Republic on this occasion
Instead Of this. the Executive branch seem
inglv declines 10 say anything or to DO anything
# can avoid doing or saying Urged on by a
controlling popular sentiment, and by the lnliu-
| cnce Of position which il voluntarily assumed
on releasing KossUrH from captivity, It seems to
have tined 20 see how lmle It could do and yet
maintain q respectable degree of consistency,
and reputsble position before the country. 1t
takes no manly attitude. II does not stand out
in the omen day. 1t does not boldly welcome
KossUTH in the face of the country, and IN the
! face of the world II does not stand by and stand
| nm for the doctrines of freedom, against the
absolutism of continental Europe, for which
KossrrH's arriYal and reception furnished such
a fitting and admirable occasion. 1t does not
even collect its material elements and present
the Executive Government before the country as
a unit in the reception Of the illustriouS stran-
ger. 1t does not DO homage to the great princi-
ple in the case, to the extent of even calling
Cabinet meeting for his reception. 1t presents
no show of cordially II sounds no note OF well
come It exhibits no sense of Just respect TO
the great idea of human freedom, enforced
upon public attention by every step OF
the great Hungarian, since his liberation. The
whole proceedings in the case are trigid to the
last degree and seem designed TO bettle the man,
to belttle the occasion, and TO belittle the prn-
ciples involved. Instead of seeming to show
hospitality and honor to the everlasting truths
of freedom which have been scorgcd from the
face of continental Europe, the design seemed to
be I'VE will not say was TO consider those truths
in the light of vulgar associations, andto desire 10
treat them as shabby, and to hustle them out OF
doors as speedily as possible. Instead OF dong
what it ought, the Executive arm secretly taxes
KossurH behind the door In room where there lsa
fragment Of the Cabinet, about two Senator'S, ard
about nobody else and there, III secret, lcly ex-
tends to him forefDger In manner which eS-
presses, by your leave, gentlemen sovereigns 81
Europe" ard after listening TO few eloquent WORDS
from the exile, tells him that he must understand
tia. this Gorfr7mst neither recognizes hlm nor MS
cause And this, too, after the Government had
ordered National ship TO be placed at his disposal
10 convey HIM 10 this country The brief response
erds by q praver that God may bless and prosper
him plainly implying that what God may be pro-
perlyi invoked 10 do, it would yet be uRbecoming
uudigni1od or improper for the Government of the
United States to do.
No, one word of generous appreciation Of the go-
rious cause in which that exile was 50 prominently
engaged. Can this Government express not one
woTdfof sympathy, OF consolation, or OF hope Not
Ole SYLLABLE FOR the cause OF hberynot an intInf-
ton of hope that there was brighter day in the
future for the heroic lovers of freedom in Central
Euuope nOs hint that mans condition In the Old
world vas ever TO be anything but that Of CALLING
and eternal bondage This is what the Executive
did ard did rot do We submit it not fitting.
And now having said this much, must go a little
further. We are not Of those who hold to the doc
tine hatit any part of the duty ofthe Government
to take up for the purpose OF setting night ali
the wrongs OF this world We do not know that any
body does But neither do we subscribe to the doc
trine that it would be becoming in this great Nation
TO make sudden and wide departure from our long
established foreign policy under the influence of the
logical or oratorial displays Of any man. Grave
matters of state not TO be disposed of IN day
and least of all should they be disposed OF amid
excitement or with unnecessary haste GOV Kos
sUrHs general doctrines commend themselvesto the
heart of every man, and to the head of NEST men
But what international law s, and how 1t should be
enforced which is the burden Of his discourse, has
long puzzled the wisest. If eminent writers upon
international law are TO be referred TO TO decide what
that law is ii is quite likely should be compelled
TO other authority to decide what 1t IS
that those writers decide And 1t is quite as likely
that other authority would disagree in opinion upon
the matters submitted for their decision. To say
what the law is that has been written, and that
rests upon the mixed foundations of what ought TO
be and what is, upon the contradictory practice OF
nations, and upon principles OF abstract right ard
Justice in strange combination, is not the easiest
task so far the practice of nations goes, we take
il as much can be said on one side the other i'll
regard to the question of foreign interference. And
in regard to the authorities, taking the eminent wr
tiers upon international law as authority probably as
much can be quoted on side on the other. The
most we can DO in the case, therefore, would be, to
declare what we consider to be sound doctrine. In
this, another nation might rot, and we know that
some would not, agree with us. 1t may be SAID,
therefore that IN assuming all executive attitude
upon international law it would only be left to us 10
enforce our riews Of II.
In this state of the facts it is only for 10 con-
sicer, in view of sound state policy, what this
nation will do for the rights Of man in Europe. We
are not called upon to become the champions OF
universally recognized law OF nations, for It does
not exist in this case and the idea that nation
aty aud independence in any degree depend on the
general recognition o. the doctrine Of our right to
nationality, is a eeluSon, or worse. Our independ-
ence rests upon such sandy foundation but rather
on the general recognition OF a (act-namely, that
We are quite too powerful TO be held in subsection.
twas the fact and not the doctrine that first gave us
place among the nations, and It is the same feet,
snce grown a thousand times more potent, that Sc
| cures 10 us nations lity.
Now, upon this point of what the country Will do
| for Freedom Europe. nobody will dispute that II
IS very becoming In the Government to act with
greet caution and No man of sense and
discretion expects 1t will start of on sudden IN
general crusade against all the despo,ic powers Of
that continent Our capital is not yet large enough
10 embark IN 50 extensive business Besides, some