Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1852-09-11

that IL was suggested by some special difficulty,
which had become practically and extensively
felt anterior to to the Constitution. But this
is one of the myths or fables with which the
supporters Of Slavery have surrounded their
false god. In the Article of Confederation, while
provision is made for the surrender Of fugi-
tive criminals, nothing is said of fugitive slaves
or servants and there is no evidence in any
quarter, until after the National Convention,
of any hardship or solcitudc on this account
No previous voice was heard to express desire
for any provision on the subject. The story to
tho contrary is modern fiction.
put asite as equally fabulous the common
saying that this provision was one Of the origi-
nal compromises of the Constitution and an
essential condition of the Union. Though sane
toned BY eminent judicial opinions, II will bc
found that this statement has been hastily
made, without any support in the records
of tho Convention, tho only authentic evidence
of the compromises nor will it be easy to find
any authority for it in any contemporary docu-
umcnt, speech. published letter or pamphlet Of
any kind. It is true there were compromises
at the formation Of tho Constitution, which
werc the subject of anxious debate but this
was not of them.
There was a compromise between the small
and large States, by which equality was secured
to all the States in the Senate. There was an.
other compromise finally carried, under threats
from the South, on tie motion Of a Ne,o England
member, by which the Slave States were allowed
Representatives according to the whole number
Of free persons, and "thrcc- fliths of all other
persons" thus securing political power on ac-
count of their slaves, in consideration that di-
rect taxes should be opportioned in the same
way. Direct taxes have been imposed at only
four brief intervals. The political power has
been constant, and, at this momont, sends
twcnty-one members to the other House.
There was a third compromise, which canno,
be mentioned without shame. 1t was that
hateful bargain by which Congress were re-
strained until 1908 from the prohibition of tho
foreign slave trade, thus securing down to that
period, federation for crime. This was pcrtina-
of an absolute restraint on Congress. John
Rutlcdge said :" If the Convention thinks
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Gcorgia,
will ever agree to this plan [tho Federal Con-
unless their right to import slaves be
untouched, the expectation is vain. The peo-
pie OF these States will never be such fools as
10 give up so important an interest" Charles
Pickney said, " South Carolina can never re-
csive the plan of the constitutional if it pro-
hibits the slave trade" Charles Cotcsworth
Pickncy Thought himself bound to declare
candidly that he id not think South Carolina
would stop her importation of slaves in any
short time" The e.grontery Of the slavohold-
ers was matched by the sordidncss of the East
ern members, who yielded again. Luther
Martin, the eminent member Of the Conven-
ton, in his contemporary address to the Legis-
laturc of Maryland, has described the compro.
misc. al found," he saws, "that the Eastern
members, Notwithstanding their aversion &c
Slavery were very willing to indulge the South,
ern States, at least with a temporary liberty tC
prosecute the slave trade, prorided the Somherr
States rouid in their turn crafty them, BY laying
no restriction on navigation acls." The bargain
was struck, and at this price the Southern
States gained the dctcstable indulgence. At
subsequent day, Congress branded the slave
trade as piracy, and thus, by solemn Legislative
act, adjudged this compromise to be felonious
and wicked.
Such are tho three chief original compromises
of tho Constitution and essential conditions oi
Union. The case OF fugitivos from labor is moi
OF these. During the Convention, it was not in
any way associated with these. Nor is there
any evidence, from the records of this body
that the provi'ion OIL this subject was regarded
with any peculiar interest. As its absence from
the Articles of Confederation had not been tho
occasion of solcitude or desire, anterior to tho
National Convention, so it did not enter into
AIRY OF the original plans of the Constitution. =
Il was introduced at a late period of the Con.
venton, and with very little and most casual
discussion, adopted. A few facts will show how
unfoundcd are the recent assumptions.
The National Convention was convoked tc
meet at Philadelphia on the second Monday il
May, 1887. Several members appeared at thii
timei but majority of the States not being
represented, those present adjourned from da,
to day until the 25th, when the Convention wa'
organized by the choice of George Washington
as President. On the 2Sth, a few brief rulei
and orders were adopted. On the next da,
they commenced their great work.
On this day Edmund Randolph, of slavehold
ing Virginia, laid before the Convention a &C.
ries of sixteen resolutions, containing his plar
for the establishment of now National Gov,
ernment. Here was no allusion to fugitiy,
slaves.
On the same day, Charles Pinckney, of slave
holding South Carolina, laid before the Con,
yention what is called ga draft of n Fedora