The organ of the temperance reform. (Cincinnati, O. [Ohio]) 1852-1853, 1852-08-13
Liberty

is the idol of mankind, and eloquence
has exhausted its stores upon this fa-
vorite theme, and yet very few have
any Just appreciation Of even the mean
ing of the word, much less of the thing
represented by it, 1t has been sym
bolized in various ways by cOckadeS
and caps, and poles, and the passions
of men have been influenced by the
wild defamation of demagogues, un-
til almost every crime has been sancti.
fed under its hallowed name. The
purpose of this brief article is not to
utter a word against this object Of wor-
ship, but rather to ascertain, if possi-
BILE, its real and intrinsic character.
Liberty, does not, as some suppose,
embrace the right of doing everything
which a mans passions urge him to
attempt, Or his strength enables him
to effect this is the liberty Of the fe-
rocious beast, but not of man.
Moral or natural liberty has been
defined, by eminent law writers, to be
The right which nature gives to all
mankind, of disposing of their persons
and property after the manner they
Judge most consonant to their happi.
ness, on condition, of their acting
within the limits of the law of nature.
and that they do not in any way abuse
it to the prejudice Of other men," 1t
is a right, inherent in us by birth, and
one of the gifts of God to man at his
creation, when he endowed him with
the faculty of free will.
Grill liberty, says Blackstone, " l'
that of a member of society, and is nc
other than natural liberty, so far re
strained, by human laws, as is neces
sary and expedient for the general ad
vantage of the public
Paley says, "Civil liberty is, tn,
not being restrained BY any law bu
what conduces in great degree t.
the public welfare"
To do what we will, is natural lib
erty to do what we will, consistentl
With tie interest Of the community b
ahicb rOe belong, is cicH liberty. Ifw
claim the right to do as we will, ever,
other person can assert the same claim
and in this state of universal indepen
dence, there would be SO many con
hicting wills, and so many obstacle
in the way of their qualification, tha
there would really be less liberty anc
infinitely less happiness, than if tht
whole community were subject to the
dominion of equal laws. Hence, the
very laws which restrain a mans lib
erty, often augment it, upon the princi'
pie that he gains more from the limita.
ton of other mems freedom, than he
suffers by the diminutiOn of his own
Political liberty is nothing more than
the security, with which the subject
enjoys his civil liberty-this is defined
and guaranteed by constitutions, treat
les, &c, &c.
CjUH liberty may be enjoyed to its
fullest extent, under an absolute mon
archy-but there is no political liberty
there, because the subject has no secu
rity that his civil liberties will be con
tinued for a single hour.
If these definitions are correct, tn
laws of free people will impose n
restraint upon the private will of tb
subject, which do not conduce in
l greater degree to the public happinet
and of course what restraints wi
e conduce to the public happiness, or
. the general good of the whole sta
ought to be made, or neither civil n
political liberty are secured.
After stating these plain, fundame
t tai and universally acknowledged pri
} ciples, we will inquire
, First.-Does the general good of t
whole community, require the suppre
sion of the manufacture of, and traf
in, Intoxicating drinks ? Would SUI
suppression result in greater securi
to the health, life, liberty, propert
> morals, character, and reputation, 4
of one individual or class, but of
persons of every class of society?
Second.-Upon what principle C
distillers and liquor sellers claim t
right to pursue their nefarious trad
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