Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1850-1854, 1852-09-24

scented for adoption the following article, which,
being ratified by the proper number OF states, be-
came a part of the Constitution as the tenth
amendment:
"rc powers not delegated the United States by the
Constitution prohibited by the States, reserved
to tho states espjc.ycly, or 70 the people"
Stronger words could not be employed to linn
it the power under the Constitution and to pro-
tect the people from all assumptions of the Ma
tonal Government, particularly IN der0gGtion Of
freedom. It's guardian character commended 1t
10 the sagacioas mind Of Jefferson. who said
g | consider the foundation corner stone of the
Constitution Of the United States to be laid up
onthe tenth article of the amendments" And
Samuai Adams, ever wachtul OF freedom, SAID:
" 1t removes doubt which many have enter
tanned respecting the matter, and gives assurance
that, if any law made by the Federal Govern
m2nt shall be extended beyond the power gran
ted by the Constitution, and inconsistent with
the Constitution Of this state, it will be an error,
AMI adjudged BY the courts of law TO be void.
Beyond all question the National Government
ordained by the Constitution, is not general or
universal, but specia! and particular 1t Is
government of limited powers. 1t has no power
which is not delegated. Especially is this clear
with regard TO an institution like slavery. The
Constitution has no power to make King to
support kinglY rule. With similar reason it
may be said, that It contains no power 70 make
slave or to support system OF slavery. The
absence Of all such power is hardly more clear
in one case than in the other.
At the risk of repetition, bat for the sake of
clearness, review now this argument, and gather
it together. Considering that slavery is OF such
an offensive character that it find sanction
only in = positive law" and that it has no such
"postye" sanction in the Constitution; and that
the Constitution, according to It's preamble, was
orI1inelto establish justice" and secure the
blessings Of Ib5rty:" that, IN the Convention
which framed it, aud also elsewhere at the time,
it was declared not to sanction slavery that, ac-
cording to the declaration Of independence and
the Address Of the Continental Congress, the ma
ton was dedicated to Liberty" and the rights of
human nature that, according to the principles
of the common law the Constitution must be
interpreted openly actively, and perpetually, for
freedom; that, according to the decision OF the
supreme court, it acts upon slaves, not as paper
~, but as 'PERsoNs; that, at the first organ-
cation of the National Government under Wash
ington, Slavery had no national favor, and oXis-
ted nowhere beneath the National flag or on the
National Territory, bat was openly condemned
Ey the nation, the Church, the Colleges, and the
literature of the time and, finally, that, acCOr-
ding to an amendment of the Constitution, the
National Government can only exercise powers
delegated to it, among which there is none to
support slavery; considering these things, sir,
it is impossible to avoid the single conclusion
that slavery is in no respect national institution,
and that the Constitution nowhere uPholds prop
erty in man.
But there is one other special provision of the
Constitution, hjch have reserved to this stage,
not SO much from its superior importance, but be-
cause it may illy stand by itself This alone if
practically applied, would carry freedom 20 all
within its influence 1t is an amendment pro-
h,,t II, first FL,
No person ha be depriy9a Of life, l55rry property
ttout Gae lrJeaSs q llU.'
Under this eLis the liberty of every person
within the national Jurisdiction Is unequivocaHy
placed. | say Of every person. OF this there
can be no question. The word" Person" in The
Constitution embraces every hamln beiug with
in its sphere, whether Caucasian, Indian, or AZ
rican, from the President to the slave. Show
me a person, no matter what his condition, or
race, or color within the natural jurisdiction,
and | confidently claim for him this protection
The natural meaning of the clause is clear, but
q single fact Of Its history places it in the bread
light of noon. AS. originally recommended by
North Carolina and Virginia. il was restrained 10
The frasmFa. Its Ian ruage was, I" No freeman
ouraE to ba deprived OF his lfa liberty, or prop
orty, but by the law Of the land" In rejecting
this Limitation, the authors Of the am 3udmcut re-
vcalcd their purpose, that no person, under the
fa'oIH @oElf1lsn'2 o' ""aIeI'I c'aI"c'oF'
saaii o. deprived Of s.o1lIy "I'Ho'' que process
OF IA" thH IS ",tno3' que ohleL1i lnI'tt
m3s, or 9'Sr ',c.',' IoceealIss mere t uy
| i,-,' ri 49, r;5
.n,,',.r, at ,as rn tho n,Iion.
a. ;nr;lJ;n,;1,,
Sir, apply these principles, and Slavery will
- "9 WHY" ~ y" y''N ''t' '.'' o,',''
itGa1eA' Lac Cu''n '59 % ne ~ P'o..o
WI" oecom' onGe !" ire 'H5 H'5 OF t'c'uolp' ". 'i
AZ an points WITHIN 'I' I@,2h" ,H!'1IcH'", WIZ
leiuSe 10 Cover SUE D-''-I'H Us o''e''(,''
foi"7' Wherever Il IS caFrI1d on lana or sea, ga
very VIA u'942'2'', "A5 ol'N'I1' U'I'C' u'c al
rows .. ''' a95.N''"5 s'n-t'Ao Tie St'i' oi
hN" o'ior' 'i' Al9g' D! ''c h''u' ~,
IN 2.I hau'a'' lTHtofi19 slavery WEI o. I'M
possible
Ga the high seas, under the national flag Sla-
very viii be impossible.
Ins,irod lv these princinlcs. CONGRESS can
give no sanction to slavery by the admission of
lew Save Stats.