Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1850-1854, 1852-09-24
Speech of Chas. Sumner.
IN SENATE, August 90.

The great length OF this admirable speech
as compared with our limits, makes its pubica.
ton entire, by us, impossible, We give the whole
of the first division, which is complete and con-
elusive as to "the true relations of the National
Government to slavery" By the perusal of this
every man can understand precisely the present
position of parties, and the aim and purpose of
each. Both great parties of the nation have
pledged themselves to maintain and eternize sla-
very in our National Government, while the
Free Democracy pledges itself, to restore the 60
vernment TO the condition so clearly pointed out
by Mr. Sumner as its true condition under the
constitution. We ask every one into whose hands
this paper falls, to read, and :.len hand TO hi,
doubling neighbor, for him to read.
l. And now for the TRUE RELATIONS OF TIE
NATIONAL GOVERNMENT TO SLAVERY These
will be readily apparent if we do not neglect well
established principles.
If slavery be national, if there be any power in
the National Government to uphold this institu-
tlon-as In the recent slave act-it must be bv
virtue of the constitution. Nor can it be by mere
inference. implication, or conjecture. According
to the uniform admission Of courts and inrists in
Europe, again and again promulgated in our
country, slavery can be derived only from clear
and special recognition. 1.-The state of slavery"
said Lord Mansfield, pronouncing judgment in
the great case Of Somerset, sis Of such nature,
that it is incapable of beng introduced on any
reasons, moral or political, but only By positire
tasC. 1t is SO odlous that nothing can be suffered
to support ii but POSITIVE LAW. (Howell's
State Trials, vol. 20 p. S2.) And slaveholdinr
tribunal, the Supreme Court of Mississippi, adop-
ting the same principle, has saidS
Slavery Is condemned by reason andthe laws OF nature
1t exists and can exist onl through
diary Us. Decker, Walker II, ~
And another saveholdng tribunal the supreme
court of Kentucky, has said
1--WE view this right existing by postce GGr of mu
nicpa character without foundation the law nature or
the unwrii!en and common aw."-Rankin LYDIA, ,
Marshall, 40.
OF course every power to uphold Slavery must
have an origin as distinct as that of Slavery it.
self. Every presumption must be as rung
against such power as against slavery. A pow
er so peculiar and offensive, so hostile to reason
so repugnant to the law Of nature and the Unborn
Rights of Man; which despos its victims of the
fruits of their labor; which substitutes concubin-
age for marriage; which abrOgates the relation
of parent and child; which, by denial of education
aliases the intellect, prevents a true knowledge
of God, and murders the very soul which, a.
midst plausible physical comfort, degrades man,
created in the divine image to the level of beast;
such a power, so eminent, so transcendent, so
tyrannlcal, so injustice find no place in any sys-
TEN OF Government unless by virtue of p0Siiire
sanction. 1t can spring from no doubtful phra-
ses. 1t must be declared by unambiguous words,
incapable of double sense.
Slavery, now repeat it, is not mentioned in
the Constitution. The name Slave does not
pollute this Charter of our Liberties. No "pos-
tive" language gives TO Congress any D0,cer to
make Slave or to hunt Slave. To find even
any seeming sanction for either we mast travel,
with doubtful footsteps, beyond its express letter
into the region of Interpretation. But here are
rules which cannot be disobeyed. With electric
might for Freedom, they send a pcryasive in
fiuence through every provision, clause, and
word Of the Constitution. Each and all make
Slavery impossible as a national institution
They efface from the Constitution every fo1n-
tain out of which il can be derived
First and foremost, is the Preamble. This
discoseS the prevailing objects and principles of
the constitution. This is the vestibule through
which all must p IS, who would enter the sa-
cred temple. Here are the inScri ptons by which
they are earliest impressed. Here they first
catch the genius of the place. Here the procla-
nation of Liberty is first heard. 1--WE the Peo-
pie of the United States" says the Preamble,
"in order to form a more erfect Union, establish
JUSTICE insure domestic tranquility, provide for
the common defence, promote the genera! rel
fare and secure the blessings Of Liberty to our
selves and our .posterity, do ordan and estlbllsh
this Constitution for the United States of Amer
ica." Thus according to undeniable words, the
Constitution was ordained not to establish, secure
or sanction Slavery-not to promote the special
interests of Shareholders not to make Slavery ma
tonal, in any way, form, or manner; but to 'es-
tabIish justice, promote the general welfare"
and secure the blessings of liberty" Here
surely Liberty is national.
Secondly. Next in importance TO the Pream-
bic are the explicit cOnlemp0rdneOuS declarations
in the Convention which framed the Constitution,
and elsewhere, expressed in different forms OF
language, but all tending to the same conclusion.
BY the Preamble, the Constitution speaks for
Freedom. BY these declarations, the Fathers
speak as the Constitution speaks. Early in the
Convention, Gov. Mofris,by Pennsylvania broke
forth in the language of AN abolitionists. "He
nerer ,cOuid concur in upholdjng domestic SID
reru Ii was a nefarious institution. 1t was
the curse of Heaven on the State where it pre-
vailed" Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut,
said, 1.-The morality or wisdom of slavery are
considerations belonging TO the States them
selves" According TO him, slavery was sec
tiona.
At later day. discussion ensue1 on the
clause touching the African slave trade, which
reveals the defntive purposes of the Convention,
From the report of Mr.. Madison. we learn what
was said. Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts,,
"ihougut we had nothing to do with the conduct
of the State as to slavery, but IRE ought to BE-
careful not 10 gire any sanction 10 it," Accord
ing to these words be regarded slavery as Sec
tional, and would not make it national. Roger
NJ. Sherman, of Connecticut, was opposed
to any tax on slaves imported, as making the
matter worse, because ii implied hey ,cere prop
erty." After debate, the subject was committed
to a committee of eleven, who subsequently re-
ported a substitute, authorizing ga tax on such
migration or importation, at rate not breeding
the acreage Of duties laid on imports" This
language classifying persons with merchandise,
seemed to imply recognition that they were
! property. Mr. Sherman at once declared him
self against this part as acknowledging men 10
be property, by taking them as such under the
/ character of slaves" Mr.. Gorham thought
| Mr. Sherman would consider the duty not as i'm
plying that slares are property but as dlscour-
! agement TO the importation otthem." Mr. Mad
ison, in mild juridlcal phrase thought II urong
to admit in the Constitution the idea that there
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