The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-09-02

ing nothing from party ues, 'hto" "yo0ii
upon the candor and magnanimity OF the Sen
ate. now ask your attention but l trust
not to abuse it. / may speak strongly tor
| shall speak openly and from the strength
of my convictions | may speak warmly
for shall speak from the heart. But IN no
event can | forget the amenities which be-
long to debate, and which especially become
this body. Slavery must condemn with my
whole soul; but here | need only borrow the
language of shareholders themselves; nor would
it accord with my habits or my sense OF justice
to exhibit them as the impersonation OF the IN
stitution-Jefferson calls it the "enormity"-
which they cherish. Of them do not speak ;
but without fear and without favor, as without
impeachmentof any person, assail this wrong.
Again, sir, may err but it will be with the
Fathers. | plant myself on the ancient ways
of the Republic, with its grandest names, its
surest landmarks, and all its original altar
fires about me.
And now on the very threshold, | encounter
the objection that there is final settlement, in
principle and substance, of the question of Sla-
very and that all discussion of it is closed.
Both the old political parties of the country, by
sysmai resolutions, have united in this declara-
ton. On subject which for years has agta-
ted the public mind which yet palpitates in
every heart and burns on every tongue which,
in its Unreasonable Importance, dwarfs all
other subjects which, by its constant and gi-
gantic presence, throws a shadow across these
Halls which at this very moment calls for APP
preparations to meet extraordinary expenses it
has caused, they have imposed the rule of ST.
lence. According to them sir, we may speak
of everything except that alone, which is most
present in all our minds.
To this combined effort | might fifty reply,
that with fragrant inconsistency, it challenges
the very discussion which it pretends to forbid.
Such declaration, on the eve of an election,
is, of course submitted to the consideration
and ratification of the people. Debate, in
CURRY, discussion, are the necessary conse-
quence. Silence becomes impossible Slavery,
which you profess to Danish from the public
attention, openly by your invitation enters
every political meeting and every political con-
vention. Nay, at this moment it enters this
Senate crying, like the daughters of the horse
leech, "Give give!"
But No unanimity of politicians can uphold
the baseless assumption, that law, or any
conglomerate of laws under the name of Com
promise or howsoever called is final Nothing
can be palmer than this that, by no Parlia-
mentary device or knot, can any Legislature
tie the hands of a succeeding Legislature, SO
as to prevent the full exercise of its constitu-
tional powers. Each Legislature, under just
sense of its responsibility, must judge for it
self; and, if it think proper, it may revise or
amend, or absolutely undo the work of its pre-
decessors. The laws of the Modes and Persians
are proverbially said to have been unalterable
but they stand forth in history as a single ex-
ample of such irrational defiance of the true
principles of all law.
To make law final so as not to be reached
by Congress, is, by mere legislation, TO fasten a
new provision on the Constitution. Nay more !;
it gives to the law character which the very
Constitution does not possess The wise fathers
did not treat the country as Chinese foot
never to grow after infancy but, anticipating
Progress, they declared expressly that their
Great Act is not final According to the Con-
stitutiOn ITSELF there is not one of its existing
provisions--not even that with regard to fug-
tivcs from labor-which may not at all times
be reached by amendment, and thus be drawn
into debate. This is rational and just. Sir,
nothing from mans hands, nor law, nor con.
stitution can be final Truth alone is final
Inconsistent and absurd this effort is tyran-
meal also The responsibility for the recent
Slave Act and for Slavery everywhere within
the jurisdiction of Congress necessarily involves
the right to discuss them. To separate these
is impossible. Like the twenty-fifth rule Of
the House of Representatives against petitions
on Slavery--now repealed and dshonored--
the Compromise, as explained and urged is a
ourtailment Of the actual powers of legsla-
ton, and perpetual denial of the indisputa-
BILE principle that the right to deliberate is CO.
extensive with the responsibility for an act.
To sustain Slavery, it is now proposed to tram
pie on free speech. In any country this would
be grievous; but here, where the Constitution
expressly provides against abridging freedom
of speech, it is special outrage. In vain do
we condemn the despOtisms OF Europe, while
VIC borrow the rigors with which they repress
Liberty, and guard their own uncertain power.
For myself in no factous spirit, but solemnly
and in loyalty to the Constitution, as Senator
of Massachusetts,, protest against this wrong.
On Slavery, as on every other subject, claim
the right to be heard. That right cannot |
will not abandon "Givc me the liberty to
know to utter and to argue freely, above all
liberties These are the glowing words which
flashed from the soul of John Milton in his
struggles with English tyranny With equal
fervor they should be echoed now by every
American, DOJ diGtuuy IL sidNc'
But sir, this effort is impotent as tyrannical.
The convictions of the heart cannot be re-
pressed The utterances Of conscience must
be heard. They break forth with irrepressible
might As well attempt to check the tides Of
Ocean, the currents of the Mississippi, or the
rushing waters Of Niagara. The discussion OF
Slavery will proceed, wherever two or three
are gathered together-by the firesde, on the
highway at the public meeting in the church.
The movement against Slavery is from the
Everlasting Arm. Even now it is gathering
its forces, soon to be confessed everywhere Ii
may not yet be felt in the high places of Office
and power but all who can put their ears
humbly to the ground, will hear and compre.
bend its incessant and advancing tread.
The relations of the Government of the
United States-I speak of the National Gov.
ernment-to Slavery, though plain and obvi-
GUS are constantly misunderstood popular
belief at this moment makes Slavery a national
institution, and, of course, renders its support
national duty. The extravaganza of this
error can hardly be surpassed. An nstitu.
ton, which our fathers most carefully omitted
to name in the Constitution, which, according
10 the debates in the Convention, they refused
to cover with any sanction and which, at
the original organization of the Government
was merely sectional, existing nowhere on the
national territory, is now above all other things
blazoned as national Its supporters plume
themselves as national. The old political par
ties. while UNFOLDING it. claim to be national.
National Wing is simply n Slavery Wing,
and National Democrat is simply Slavery
Democrat, in contradistinction to all who re-
gard Slavery as sectional institution, within
the exclusive control of the States, and with
which the nation has nothing to do
As Slavery assumes TO be national, So by an
equally strange pcryerson, Freedom is degra-
ded to be sectional and all who uphold it,
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