The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1852-05-12

Republic they may hail. would dwell in unity.
And, sir, | am sure know my people. They
want peace--an end Of agllation and the best evi-
dence Of their sincerity, as have shown is the
fact that am here And must go back TO that
people and tell them that, however much they may
cry 'peace peace" our southern brethren will have
no peacei hope not.
But say again, would not entertain those reso-
lutions at that time and in that place. because they
were clearly out Of order, and had no business
there. 1t was so ruled by the patriotic and distn-
guished southern Senator (Mr. MANGuM,) who
occupied the chair, on the ground that they were
not german TO the business before the meetng and
IN this the chairman was calamity sustained, not
by the North merely, but by several southern SEN
| ators and Representatives, whose devotion 10 the
COMPROMISE and the peculiar institutions OF the
South is not only ardent, but above suspicion.
And was not this right? Sir, all political caucuses
and conventions are, at BEST unpopular with many;
and they are only tolerated when they assume not
| to dictate to trcemen how they may THINK, and
what DOCTRINES they may cherish; but when, by
the common consent of competing asplrants, and
their respective friends, they arbitrate between the
MEN understood to correspond in cardinal articles Of
faith, and determine whom they would advise to
retain the field for concentrated action. Thus far
may they be tolerated, and no farther.
And what was the object of our meeting? Every
body understood it--nobody questioned it out Of
doors 1t was simply TO fix the time and place for
our authority for this' The necessity of the case
seemed to indicate that it must be done by meet
ing of the Wing members Of Congress. With
one voice the entire Wing press of the Union
called upon us TO do it. And no discordant note
was heard throughout the land. Neither press,
pcn nor tongue intimacd that any thing further
was expected or desired of US, than to agree upon
that time and place, until gentlemen IN caucus OBJ
truded these resolutions upon to determine who
could or who could not, 60 into Wing National
Convention. With this record, put myself upon
the country, confident that It's verdict will give me
| no disquiet.
Mr. Chairman, am done with the manifesto if
its authors done with me. hope my position
now is well enough understood and that | will
have no future occasion 10 protest against the
cription of either sentiment motive TO in this
behalf that utterly repudiate. am pleased with
my record. | would not change it, or any part of
it, even could obliterate the change from the re-
membrance of all men, and forever. cannot an
ticipae that sufficient motive to change it ever
be presented to my mind unless, peradventure, /
am brought TO despair of dwelling with my south
brethren in harmony, and finally despair of the
Union.
Mr. Chairman, am sorry that the gentleman
from Georgia Mr.. STEPHENS is not IN his seat to-
day. have listened with more interest and more
pleasure TO no address i'll this House than did TO
his on yesterday. Nearly all the sentiments that
he presented meet with cordial response in my
own heart. There are some things, however, about
which we should differ toto cGlo. Sir, my friend
| from Georgia is laboring under great mISappre-
| henson in reference to the North--a very great
msapprehension. Let me read you short cX-
tract from his address, as find il reported in the
| National lntelligencer this morning, and have no
doubt reported correctly, for it corresponds with
my own recollection Of what he said:
The great leading and controlling question
which was likely enter INTO the political contest
ernment, the constitutional right of one sec
ton Of the country 10 the reclamation of its fUg-
| tive slaves; and II said that there must be
| dsag rccment between northern and southern men
upon this question that is, that men must disa-
| gree upon great constitutional question"
| Now, MIR. Chairman, my friend from Georgia
| either confounds the Fugitive Slave law with the
! Constitution, else he mlsrepresents-wIthout
/ design, | know--the position of the great mass
the millions Of the North. Sir, you know the sen
timenls upon this floor. We have all manner Of
/ spirits here. But think might call up the mem
bers of tins House now, and not single gentle
man, north or south, would answer and say that
he stood upon this question as the gentleman from
| Georgia has laid il down. Where is the man at
| the North who denies the constitutional right Of
the South to reclaim their fugitive slaves That
| was the proposition, and II was argued as SUCH
| Sir, know the northern people. My destiny was
cast with them. IL is with them now. never
|
I'll | came TO this capital last winter-never /
know those people too well TO believe, for one mo-
ment, that doctrines Of that kind arc entertained
amongst them. Sir, there not to be found in
this broad land hearts ttuer 10 the Constitution, IN
oil its spirit, compromises, and acquisitions, than
are TO he found throughout this whole North 10
which the gentleman refers. That will never be
disputcd-no, never, where that people are known
Our southern brethren may dismiss their fears, and
we beg them TO do 50. They greatly msappre-
hcnd the North.
will tell you what exists IN the North, how
ever. There docs exist ~ the North a coniraricty
Of opinion IN regard to some Of the provisions OF
the Fugitive Slave law. There is no question Of
that. II Is useless to attempt TO conceal Il or 10
deny II. But, that there is disposition in the
North, at this time, 20 agItae that question, con-
fess 10 YOU do not believe. ! do not believe il
exists IN my district. know OF no place where
| IL does exist.
The people Of the North want harmony, they
want quiet 10 this Union, and they will stand by
the Constitution, depend upon 1t, as long there
is plank Of Il left to stand upon. But, my God .
may we not think May we not have our own
private sentiments in reference TO these thngsi
Southern gentlemen must not ask Of US that we
shall longer be entitles-sentient beings. IL is
gong TOO FAR. II ought TO be enough for them that
lhoy have got the law, and that wc are going TO
stand by It. For one, will not touch a hiir Of
It's head until they themselves call for II and
believe that is the feeling oc the North. II ough
not 10 be misunderstood come, ns have said,
from portion of that North, and from district
Ne sensitive upon this subject as any other that
know Of I came here particularly upon this
question: and ! know the feeling Of tho people in
regard 10 It. They will abide Ivy that compro-
mise they will stand by and over and above
that, they will counienance no man, ia the presi-
DENTAL chair out of il, who will oppose or dis
suade faithful execution OF the Fugitive Slave
law.
Mr.. Chairman, there is probably no law ever
passed by Congress that has been so much mis-
represented as that Fugitive Slave law has been
There are bad features IN IL and yet, strange 10
tell, my own State has a more inhuman law on
her own statute book, Of her own enacting, and
upon this same subject and, TO this day, | have
never heard a voice raised for its amendment,
modification, or repeal told my constituents,
as say now, that had ! been member Of the
last Congress, would not have voted for that bill,
unless had known that my vote was essential to
save the Union, for ! consider that paramount TO
every other question | will vote for no bill that
do not approve, except It I've in some such desre-
rate contingency. But when il has become iatc,
this hns--a part of compromise for the Pur-
pose Of sustaining the Constitution and the inicg-
rity Of the Union, and preventing the eiluson Of
a