The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-03-25

and renders censure of the past and protest
against the apprehended renewal of Russian
intervention important and seasonable
There remains the objection, that flows so
readily from all conservative pens and tongues
on this side of the Atlantic, and still more
freely from the stipendiary presses of Paris and
Vienna, that Protest would be departure
from the traditional policy of our country, and
from the precepts of Washington. 1t is pass
ing strange. sir that Louis Napoleon and
Francis Joseph should take so deep an interest
in our adherence to our principles and in our
reverence of the memory OF him who inculca-
ted them not for the immunity of tyrants, but
for the security of our own welfare. | know
10y hearsay that an association during our last
contest with Great Britain clothed themselves
with these same principles, and even with that
illustrious name that they called themselves
the Washington Benevolent Society, celebra-
ted the nativity and quoted the Farewell Ad-
dress Of Washington to embarrass the Admin
istration in what they were pleased to call an
unjust and unholy war, even when 1t had be-
come a war of national defence | have known
Il faction too, that planted themselves on the
same sacred text to confne to persons OF
American birth the privileges of American
citizenship. A good cause needs not the sane
ton of that awful name. bad one often
seeks. although it cannot Justly claim it. There
fore always take the liberty to look under
meath the mantle of Washington, on whose so
ever shoulders find it.
Sir, granting for moment that w ashington
inculcated just such policy as is claimed by
my opponents, is it SO entirely certain that 1t
ought always and under all circumstances to
be pursued Here is a message OF his that
illustrates the policy he adopted towards, not
one only, but all the Barbary Powers, and it
received, | think the unanimous and favorable
response of the Senate of the United States:
To tie S,1laff of the Unted .States
If the President should conclude a Convention or
Treaty with the Government of Agiers for the
of the thirteen American citizens in captivity there
for sum not exceeding 10000, all expenses in
cludod, will the Senate approve the same, If the
President should conclude treaty with tho Govern
ment of Algcrs for the establishment of peace with
them, at an expense not exceeding $4,000, paid at
tho signature, and like sum to be paid annually
afterward during the continuance Of the treaty
would the Senate approve the same!
MAY s. 1872 q. WASHINGTON
Sir, you and and all of us would have
answered in the Affirmative to these questions,
nau we lyr' anu Occup,eo s,ooo places IN the
last century. desire to ascertain how many
votes such treaty would receive here now
And address myself to the honorable Senator
from Rhode Island, Mr.. CLARKE, who moved
resolutions against any departure from the
policy of Washington. Would you, sir pay
Barbary Pirate $4,000 to ransom thirteen cap
tiyes, and S25, 900 bonus, and S25, 900 annually,
for exemption from his depredations He looks
dssentngly. appeal to my emulous friend from
New Jersey, Mr. MILLER. Wouldyou sir No,
not |. demand from the other honorable Sena-
tor from New Jersey, Mr.. STOCKTON, who in
the triple character of Senator, Commodore and
General, presided at the Birthday Congressional
Banquet in honor of Washington, and dishOn0r
of his Hungarian disciple, Kossuth, Would you,
SIR No, not he. All who are in favor of such
n treaty, let them say, Aye. What, sir not
one vote in the Senate of the United States for
the continuance of what was in its time wise
and prudent a. well as humane policy of
Washington No, not one. And why, sir
The answer is easy: The times have changed,
and we have changed with them No one has
ever thought that the Spartans wisely continu-
ed the military monastery after their State was
firmly established No one ever has thought
that the Rape of tho Sabine women by the
Romans was policy to be continued
But sir, to come to that part of Washington's
Policy which is directly in question. shall
maintain that it was this. 1t consisted in
avoiding new entdngl'ng alliances and artificial
ties with one Of the bcligerent Powers in
general European war, but it admitted of ex-
pressions, assurances, and manifestations of
sympathy and of interest in behalf of nations
centendng for the Principles of the American
Revolution, and of protest, earnest and decided,
against the intervention of foreign Powers to
suppress these principles by force and this,
just such as have dotinod it. is tho traditional
policy of the United States, and has been pur-
sued until this very day and this very hour.
Mr. President might well excuse myself
from proving the truth Of this proposition.
inasmuch Us, on the principles have establish
ed, the United States, being moral person. |
could not but cherish all that devotion to their |
own just and true system of politics which the
policy | have described implies; and being,
moreover, an enlightened as well rs generous
Power they could not but desire to see it sue
ceSslully adopted by other nations; and being
finally, a free nation, they could not fail to
speak out their sympathics with those who
might be struggling to adopt it, and to utter
their indignation ut armed Intervention by
DcSpotic Powers to deprive them of right 80
absolute, and OF benefits 80 inestimable Least
of all could George Washington, the highest
human PRESERVATION Of justice and benevolence,
have mculcated any other policy than that
which have described. But the issue is one
OF profound and lasting Importance. And
therefore History shall prove my proposition to
be true, and vndicate my country and her
Founder.
Political philosophy, as the last century was
approaching its close was engaged in an effort
% discover the true theory of Government. The
American Revolution terminated the dispute,
BY presenting practical experiment of a free
representative Government, directly established |
BY the People, and depending not merely for
but for continuance, upon their
'vcr-renewed. constant and direct activity.
France with mingled motives of previous favor
% the new system, and of opposition to a
hereditary rival, had recognised the United
States at an early day, and granted them
reasonable and effective aid, and bound them
% her by treaty of mutual and eternal guar
,ntee and alliance The French Revolution
Of 1889 was the American Revolution begin
ming new career in Europe. When, in 1872
a popular Constitution had been received by
Louis XVI he announced his acceptance of it
to the several nations, and with very different
results. 1t reused all the Monarchies of
Europe, sooner or later to mighty and COM
bined effort for tho extinguishment Of the
Popular Cause in France, as necessary meas
urc of security to the Ancient System. On
the contrary, the President of the United States
transmitted the virtuous, but rresolute Kings
letter to Congress. The House of Representa-
tives, in their reply, assured him of their " sim
cere participation in the interest Of the French
Nation on that great and important event. and
of their wish that the wisdom and magnanimi-
ty displayed in the formation and acceptance
of the Constitution might be rewarded by the
most perfect attainment of its object-the per-
manent happiness of so great People This,
sir, was the first salatation to RePublicanism