The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-08-26

! NIT. thurman, III IL TRUE lutIc IN u
show kept up of two political parties under
the names of Wing and Democrat; but it is
all hypocrisy, designed to deceive the people,
and no member of this House pretends to deny
it. Every political man throughout the cOun-
try. who has observed the course pursued by
Wings and Democrats for the last two years
knows that the affinity in sentiment and feel
ing is infinitely stronger between these social
ed parties than between the sections of which
each is composed The two creeds recently
constructed ut Baltimore are so nearly identl-
cal as to leave no doubt on this point. Indeed,
their similarity has spontaneously drawn from
the people the title of 'Samese platforms"
The only issue in the canvass for Scott and
Pierce. il their own comparative personal pop
ularity 1t is evident then, that 40 far as po-
litcal principles make parties land know Of
no other element that will sustain political
party long there are now, practically but two
parties in the country. The Wings and Demo-
Gratis. being united on all the great questions
now absorbing public attention, form the party
of retrogressiOn the friends Of freedom form
the other which may emphatcally be styled
the Party of Progress.
Sir, in the history of American independence,
we discover four important epOchs, each mark
ed by high political excitement on great pOlti-
cal questions
The first was the conflict between the Colo
MES and the mother country: the second, on
the alien and seditiOn laws; the third, con-
corning the rights of American seamen; the
fourth in regard to the National Bank In all
these great struggles for political ascendency,
there was on one side conservative retrOgres-
sive party, and on the other Democratic, pro-
gressive party. The party of freedom, in eve
ry contest, was triumphant 1t will be SO in
the present struggle, marking the fifth epoch.
TO be sure. the Hunkers talk about reform"
So did George III so did the enemies of pro-
gress when they undertook to put down free
dom of speech under the sedition laws; so did
the banktes when the officers refused to permit
an examination of their books. There were no
means proposed for the relief of the poor and
oppressed then; neither are there now; but,
on the contrary. every member OF the fraternl-
ty is forbidden, under pains and penalties, to
plead their cause, d" both iii and out of Con-
gress,n in the social circle, and through the
press Oh most ptiable humiliation. 1t has
left them not so much as the certainty OF
mess Of pottage in exchange for their birth
right!
The Progressive party, Mr.. Chairman, de-
mands personal liberty for all the people, wher-
ever the General Government has jurisdiction;
freedom of the public lands to actual settlers;
the homestead exemption the election OF Pres
ident United States Senators, and PostmasterS
directly by the people; the reduction and re-
organization of the army and navy the pro-
lection of commerce in the Improvement of
harbors and rivers; cheap postage, and free
dom of speech and of the press on all subjects,
not excepting the immaculate Baltimore plat
forms, or even the Constitution itself Let the
people judge which class of measures tend
most to advance civilization, protect the liber-
ties Of the people, and perpetuate republican
institutions.
Sir. have before me an address on this sub
ject written by an able Democratic editor of
Wisconsin, Cthe Hon. c. L. Sholes from which
will read merely paragraph:
But this whole question of slavery has to me a
deeper significance than appears on its face 1t is but
part of the great strife which is agitatng the
world, between wealth and idlcness on one hand, and
honest labor in all its conditions the other.
Slaves are held because they labor, and enable tho
master thereby riot in idlcness. 1t is not the IN
diVtdH0I who is cnSaycd but it is dbOy that is bound
and east at the feet of dloness The save-hunter
does not the country to find his human chattel
simply because he wants the RidH, but because no
wants the LIbOy the man represents When, then, we
called upon to aid in slavery extension we are
called upon to put labor in chains and under the
lash in "a new extent of country, and when we are
called upon to chase and chain slave, il is Ia
down and tie up much labor dwclls in his mus
cles and snews. 1t may do for wealth, and dleness
and aristocracy, to do these things but every man
whose standing and interest depend on honest labor,
whom he acluiescos in or permits these things is
binding the chains upon his own imbs-is degrading
his own calling. and lowering his own standing. If
the slavery principle finally triumphs in Govern
men then idleness has got the upper hand of indus
try And think you its effects will never he felt north
of Mason and Dxons line IL is no longer the black
who is slave to the white, but it is labor that is
cnslavcd to deness and the slave will be the aborer
whatever his color, and the master the idlcr, what
ever his color. The strife Is whether our Govern
mcnt shall be the Government of the laboriug masses,
or the Government of the few oilers; and the triumph
of slavery is of necessity the triumph of idlencss
against industry.
This, sir, presents the real issue, not only in
America, but on the Eastern Continent Eu-
rope is at this moment rocking to and fro with
mingled emotions of sympathy and indignation
This undying principle, love of liberty, will
soon burst forth in some of the transatlantic
States, with burning lava more destructive
to tyrants and despots than was that which
buried the cities of Pompei and Herculaneum
| rejoice to see the true friends of freedom
in this country waking up to the universally
kossuth, the patriot and statesman, the great
apostle Of freedom, has done much to awaken
the sympathies and energies of all true repub-
leans on both sides of the Atlantic. This great
chord of sympathy must hereafter be kept
alive and cherished by advocating in Europe
and America, Just and liberal domestic and
foreign policy in governmental affairs Kos
suth has uttered many truths on this subject,
which will sink deep into the American heart
Meanwhile we are having practical illustra-
tons Of the overbearing and centralizing power
at home, which are opening the eyes of the
people to the real danger that surrounds us.
II the laws of nations are to be made operative
anywhere, they certainly should be enforced in
the rights of individual States
throughout the civilized world While the adj
yocatcs of despotism, both in Europe and
America, sympathize with each other, and form
leagues to strengthen oppression, should not
equally efficient means be instituted, by the
friends of Progress, in support of law and
order Yes, sir, the time has arrived when we
should not only speak, but act on this subject
Hear few words from an address read n short
time since in London, rs was drawn up by the
friends Of Italy, with Mazzini at their head:
Ct You must tell your workingmen not to fear that
the agitation for International mastery should prove
deviation of forces from vital internal questions
that the very existence of the actual Cabinet sprung
up after the establishment of dcspotism in France,
shows how connected European enemies are; that
the death-blow to despotism and arstocracy the
continent would be Il death blow to British aristoc-
lacy, and that the emancipation of the working
CLASSES is not nero interest, but principle, which
Is to he conquered everywhere nowhere. We trust
You Tor the tuhiment Of this task Trust for the
accomplishing our own And may this mutual trust
ana active cooperation toward single aim be the
orcrunn'r OF that alliance thatwe have long dreamed
o. Tor The general good of humanity, of national
one between new born Italy and England
SIR, let the friends of the same common cause
III America SO acquit themselves at the polls on
the great question soon to be presented for
their Suiiragcs, that it may be said they too