The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-01-08

Popular Governments and arrayng itself
against Kossuth, the man above all other men,
feared and hated by them as the greatest I'm
personation of Popular Freedom in Europe!
What is the philosophy of this repulsive at
titude which Slavery has chosen to assume
In the first place, kindred Principles affiliate.
Slavery and Despotism, as we showed few
weeks since, are identical in Principle, generate
similar sentiments and habits, are advocated by
similar arguments, protected by similar agen-
cies Why should an advocate of American
Slavery, per Sc lift his hand against European
Despotism feel sympathy with the wrongs of
the masses trodden under its heel, or dispo-
stion to honor their champion? We know
that house divided against itself cannot stand.
Again Among Kossuths measures in Hun
gary that drew down upon him the vengeance
of Austria was the emancipation of the serfs,
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in these measures to propitiate the good will of
Slavery?
Besides, the Principles which Kossuth pro-
claims among us are fundamental. With
earnestness, thoroughness, and eloquence I'M
surpassed he breaches in the ears of the
American People the solemn Truths of the
Declaration of Independence; and the feelings
aroused in the great heart of the Public arc
certainly not proptious to the demands of
Slavery. We cannot believe that a rapt auditor
of the Hungarian orator could 60 away from
one of his Banquets, and, with. the sound of
Liberty rung out in the clarion tones of the
Hungarian fugitive still thrilling his heart
seize and drag back to slavery miserable flu
gitive from American oppression. A resurrec-
ton of the spirit and principles of Seventy-Sx
is deprecated by slavery as fatal to its usurpa-
tions, incompatible with its existence
Again: 1t sees the friends of Liberty in this
country, generally, on the side of Kossuth-
foremost to welcome and sustain him. This is
gall and wormwood to a Power which seeks
by every device of an Internal ingenuity, to de-
grade prescribe, destroy its opponents; and
it regards with jealousy, if not hatred, the man
who cheerfully accepts their friendly demon
strations, and is deemed by such as they deserv-
ing of remarkable honor.
No matter how wise, how respectful, how
frank the policy of Kossuth-no matter how
studiously, being the guest of the United States,
he avoids everything calculated to wound the
pride or prejudice of any State or Section--no
matter how carefully he abstains from the
slightest intermeddling with any domestic
question or cOntroversy-nO matter how often
he afirms the great Principle that every nation
has right to determine for itself, without for
eign interference, its own institutions and dis
pose of its own cOncerns-no matter with what
downright honesty and unyielding consistency
he illustrates in his whole career among us
this vital Prnciple-still, his simple position rs
the Embodiment of the Truths contained in our
Declaration of independence, his application of
them in his own country the kind of enthusiasm
aroused by the marvellous eloquence with
| which he presents and enforces them, and the
high appreciation Of his Principles and acts
manifested by Anti-Slavery men, make him an
unwecome guest to the Slave Power His
very presence rebukes it.
Finally: Mr. Calhoun was right in a certain
sense, when he said that Slavery was the Con-
servative element of this Union 1t is certainly
the enemy of all radical reform, of all real
progress of all movements tending towards the
enlightenment and elevation of the masses
Popular Education, Cheap Postage, Land Re-
form, have always encountered in it their dead
Hest foe. Slavery is q Conservativc-it con-
serves corruption. IL is now found clinging
spasmodcally to the cold blooded, Cain-like
policy of Absolute Neutrality 1t forgot all
about Washington's Address, when it sought
to wrest from Mexico new fields for slave labor,
when it warned the South American Republics
against carrying the war they waged for indie
pendence into Cuba, and when, through one of
the leading presses here, it proclaimed it as
the duty of the United States to interfere with
all their military and naval power, to resist the
emancipation of slaves in that island. Inter-
ventiOn against Intervention was then all
right and it was right, too, when Mr.. Monroe
announced to the world the determination of
|
ference in the affairs of this Continent
Slavery was anxious to secure for its aggressive
policy in this hemisphere complete immunity
exemption from all disturbance But when,
in the greatness of our strength, in accordance
with our rank as leading Power in Christen-
DOM it is proposed that we shall throw the
weight OF our influence on the side of Justice
and Freedom in Europe, that is different
question. Such Intervention promises no benefit
to Slavery, but may indirectly react against it.
What part could American Slavery take in the
Worlds Battle for Liberty Could Wrong
struggle for Right Could Injustice raise a
fratricidal hand against Injusticea Every
successful blow for Freedom in Europe would
make American Slavery reel and the last gasp
of Oppression there would be the signal of its
doom here.
The opponents of the resolution before the
House. though it contained no recognition Of
the Principle Of Intervention against lnterven-
ton, feared that its adoption might in some
way, give il countcnance II would at least be
distinguished tribute of honor IN the Man
pre-emincntly identified with the Principle.
We have thus shown the nature of the oppo-
sition to Kossuth and his mission. The Ameri-
can People will understand it. Whether
Slavery will gain anything by an alliance with
European Despotsm, is not doubtful question.
The Democracy Of the North will shrink from
that cntangling alliance Its instinct is for
Freedom and Progress but it must soon decide
between the Law Of Progress and the Law Of
Regress II cannot serve two masters Let il