The primitive Republican. (Columbus, Miss.) 18??-1852, 1852-03-11

Forcibly has Gen Jackon been recently
defended against tile charge Of Federalism
BY reference to the fact that be was denomi-
mated and known a. State Rights Demo-
cTat. This was when tho term State Rights
was intended BY those who approvingly used
| it to include the idea of State Remedies
also.
Thus Mr.. Livingston, who, in the great
debate in the U. s. Senate of 1880, took
the middle ground between notification on
the one hand and consolidation on the other,
said: 'But if the power contended for on
the one side be dangerous, the doctrine by
which it is opposed on the other seems no
less SO. If this be strictly popular gov
eminent, as contended for by the Senator
from MASSACHUSETTS, (Mr Webster,) that is
to say, a government formed by the people
Of the United States, considered in one mass,
without any consideration of the relation IN
which they stand to each other as citizens OF
different States, then the following important
consequences follow: not denial of State
! Rights, = =
But, sir, although his argument acknowl-
edges the existence Of our reserved rights,
yet it took away the means of preserving
them" This is the speech which was re-
published in the Washington Globe Of Sept
III, 1888, in aid of an exposition of the
principles of President Jackson's proclama-
ton Of 1882.
Mr. Grundy, of Tennessee, whose claim
to the appellation of Democrat cannot,
suppose, be denied, in the SINE debate after
having opposed the doctrine that State
Legislature could nnllify and make void an
act of Congress, and having referred to the
manner in which the Constitution was adop-
ted, said "Let the injured and oppressed
q State, then, assume its highest political
&c attitude convention in the State, for
{" the purpose of deciding whether the great
q fundamental law, which unites and binds
I" the States together, has been violated. <
X If the State possesses the power to
'F act as have shown, the necessary conse-
queDcc is, that the act of Congress must
g cease to operate in the State; and Congress
/" must acquiesce, by abandoning the power,
or obtain an express grant from the great
{" source from which all It's powers are drawn.
The General Government would have no
" right to use force. What can
q be more rational What more consistent
Z" with the spirit of our system, than where
+" there is conflict between a sovereign
j" State Ga party to the compact) and the
+" General Government, as to the powers
+" which have been yielded to the latter, that
q it should be compelled to decide the ques-
" ton by an appeal to the source of all its
" powers? do not hesitate to say that the
/" power on the part of the States to compel
" such an appeal is indispensable to the ex-
4" istence of their sovereignty and to the pre-
" servation of their reserved rights. 4 X
(" x If three-fourths of the States shall
&" not concur in admitting the contested pow
" er, shall not pronounce that it already ex-
" lists, Congress will be constrained to aban-
" don the exercise of it, inasmuch as no
" new power can be granted without such
=" concurrence. The decision of less num-
" Der ought not to be obligatory, when a
q State has solemnly pronounced that such a
"grant of authority was never made. This
doctrine, that the ultimate arbiter between
the States and the Federal Government was
a convention of the deputies Of the people
of the Union, Mr. Grundy claimed as an
"humble disciple Of an old school, to draw
from Jefferson, who said: at has been the
peculiar wisdom and felicity of our constitu-
ton to have provided this peaceable appeal,
when that of other nations is at once to force"
But why multiply proof that the Democratic
is the State Rights party ?" He must be
ignorant indeed of the political history of
our country who has yet to learn that fact.
Heirs of the the principles of the old Re
publican party, we also inherited their hos
tility to an extension of federal power by
construction. This is estate Rights >
This, like an impossible wall, has kept our
people divided into two political parties,
from the foundation of the Government up
to the present hour; and this is now, as it
has been, the vital principle of the Democ-
racy of the United States. It was, then, no
change of principle or of name, to designate
the Democracy as the Democratic State
Rights party.
On what, then, did Gov. Foote rely, when
he said / assuredly was not nominated by
the true Democracy of the State for the Of
fee of Governor; but which he said he would
"not stop here to show p He acted with
his usual cunning in this. Had he stopped
there until he did show it, he never would
have progressed farther To say that was
nominated "only by little squad of avow-
ed secessionists," was to utter falsehood
great even for him. Here it is known that
was not nominated by a convention, OF
committee, but by Democrats and Democrat
ic presses in every section of the State; and
that the committee to Fill vacancies in the
Democratic ticket, announced to the public,
that when they met they found that anomi-
nation had been made, and that it only re-
manned for them to ratify it. OF the impo-
tent reflection which he casts upon those
gentlemen, will only say, am sure there
is not one of them who would not, and
ought not, to feel himself humbled by being
placed in any moral sense on an equality
with him. But if I was not the nominee Of
the "true Democracy" who was? Was hei
And was it to found in the convention which
nominated him-a large majority of the del
egates to which were Wings; one of whom
distinguished in his party, Witty object
ed to taking the F'foot of one party to make
it the head of another? Few, if any, a
mong US can believe that that convention
selected its candidate for Governor because
oftheir "devotion to Democratic principles ,
Does any one doubt that it was done for the
purpose of distracting and dividing the De
mocracy? The distinguished and honora
bic members of the Wing party who control
led that convention, / am sure will not claim
to represent the true Democracy of Mis-
-