The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-04-01

TO express them And also desire to see all
who hold that il is our duty to MAINTAIN the
Compromise, to lend our influence to the sup
port of slavery and of the slave trade, come
forth. and say so manfully as becomes men
who represent an enlightened people. This
expression of our honest sentiments IS due &c
the people; it is due to ourselves We have
been panied at exhibitions of tergiyersations
here; at the exposure of gentlemen who hoid
to manly sentiments of freedom at home, and
when they once get here turn round and
swear allegiance to slavery. There is no ex-
cuse for this deception. If our constituents
desire us to act for slavery, let us do 1t openly
and boldly IL they wish us to maintain the
cause of freedom, let us do 1t mantuiiy, or
resign our seats in this body: but let us not
deceive those who honor us with their confl-
dence.
Again, sir, by maintaining the Compromise
We shall uphold the fugitive law, with all Its
infamous and unconstitutional provisions. The
constitutional provisions in regard to tugitlves
from labor have been so often argued by me,
that will not, on the present occasion, repeat
my views | will only say that proposition
to involve the people of the free States in the
expense and disgrace of arresting and imprlson,
ing fugitive slaves, was offered to the Conven'
ton that framed the Constitution that the
proposal was objected to; and 80 strong were
the objections, that the member who offered II
withdrew it, not daring to take vote OF the
Convention. We are all aware that on that
occasion no member expressed the opinion
that the people of the free States were bound
by that instrument or by any moral or political
principle, to participate in the expense or the
disgrace of capturing fugitive slaves We
know historically that it was the intention OF
the trainers of that instrument to do no more
than to secure to the master the same right to
pursue and capture his slave in free State
that he possessed to pursue and capture his
horse or mule. That the latter part of this
provision, which says he shall be delivered
up on claim of the person to whom such SER
vice or labor may be due" renders it our duty
to deliver up the slave, as we deliver up the
stray horse or mule, on claim Of the owner
We are not to obstruct the master in reclaim
ing him. This was the view expressed by the
Supreme Court in the case of Prigg Us. the
Commonwealth Of Pennsylvania.
This is perfectly consistent with the views OF
the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. RAN
ToUL, who, think, has taken the ground en-
tertained ut the time the Constitution was
adopted by the people in their several State
Conventions. But, for the sake Of the argu-
ment, | will 60 beyond him. and admit that
Congress possesses the right to legisate so far
as to secure the owner in the exercise of this
right; that we may by legislation, punish any
person who interferes with that privilege either
by making such interference penal. or giving a
compensation to the owner. This was the view
evidently entertained by the Congress of 1898
They endeavored to effect this object but there
they stopped. They made no attempt to in
yolve this Government, or the people of the free
States, in the burdens, exp use, and disgrace, of
catching and sending the trembling fugitive
back to bondage
Here, sir, at this precise point, | take issue
upon the consttutionality of that portion of the
law OF 1850 which imposes upon this Govern
ment the burden, expense, and disgrace. of
chasing down the flying bondman, and sending
him back in chains
Those portions of the law which authorize
and require the appointment of officers to grant
process for the arrest of slaves; that part which
makes it the duty of judges to grant such pro-
cess; that part which directs marshals and
deputy marshals to arrest the slave: which au-
thorzes them to call on.the people to assist in
that piratical work; which renders it penal for
a man to feed a furnishing or starving fugitive,
by which he shall be strengthened and enabled
70 pursue his hght-these provisions are each
If them unconstitutional, un ust, abhorrent to
he principles and the feelings of the people of
The free States inhuman and barbarous.
Mr., Chairman, it has pleased certain gentle
men, on various occasions, to allude to myself
vN.ltt trio d.,
stitution. They will not meet our arguments
on this point They rccoil from legitimate de-
bate, and seek to msrepresent us by general
charges, carefully avoiding every specific point.
! now repeat that to the full extent to which
the law Of 1850 involves this Government, its
officers and the people of the free States, in the
burden, the expense, and disgrace, of recaptur-
ing and returning fugitive slaves, it is uncOn-
ditdi0ndl
And sir, here desire to understand if there
be member from Ohio or from any free State
east of it, who denies this position! Is there
one who holds that mis- constituents and him
self are bound to participate in the expense and
crime of chasing slaves! If so, desire that he
will announce the fact long to find one such
public man and if there be one here, ! wish
he would avow the fact.
No, Mr.. Speaker | blush for my country,
when her representatives take shelter behind
unmeaning gcneralites, and refuse to avow
their honest sentiments.
If gentlemen intend to support the Compro-
mise, they must of course intend to chase down
the trembling female as she fees from the in
humanity Of worse than savage oppressor.
And, in view OF some men, no candidate Is hit
for President or other Office, unless he is will
ling thus to degrade himself in view of those
who regard with sentiments of respect the dig
nifty of the human race
MIR. Chairman, we are under neither moral
nor political obligations to leglsate on this sub
ject. The first clause of the same section of the
Constitution provides that "the citizens of each
State shall enjoy all the privileges and immu-
ties of citizens of the several States" Now, sir,
instead of carrying out this provision of the
Constitution, by legislating for its enforcement,
we have left the subject as it was when the
Constitution was adopted And instead of en-
forcing this provision, we permit Southern
States now to sell the citizens of Massachusetts,
into slavery; and hundreds of native born
American citizens have by those States been
seized and sold into slavery in plain, direct
and palpable violation of the Constitution, and
are now bowling under the lash while mem
bers of this body from the same States do not
even refer to such outrages upon liberty and
humanity, but are eager to rise and swear al
legance to this fugitive law; avowing then
readiness to chase down fellow being whC
seeks an asylum from oppression. How Ions
will the people tolerate such callousness, sucl
nsensibility to all that is right, and just anC
patriotic
Mr.. Chairman, for sixty years this construc
ton of the Constitution which have express
ed has been acknowledged and observed Dur
ing that period no statesman advanced the alb
horrent doctrine ofsubjecting the laborng mel
of the North to the disgrace of catching slaves
The history of our Government shows this fact
and coming ages will read it. This law which
takes from the laboring men Of the North {
portion of their earnings to pay for catching
and returning fugitive slaves. is Thousand