Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1852-04-28
Those who aid and couintenance a fugitive

liable to abuses. AS these abuses have
been greatly exaggerated, and have beer
made The foundation of very illogical argu
ments, it is important to take some notice
of them. They are of two kinds. First
those which consist in unrighteous legisla
ton. Under this head may be reckonet
all laws which give the master an undue
degree of power over the slave; as for in
stance, the Roman law, which gave hin
the power of life and death; all laws which
needlessly abridge the privileges of the
slave; and all neglect, on the part of legis.
lators, 10 make suitable provision for the
interests of the slave. Such abuses result
mainly from the fact, that slaves cannot
have a voice in the government under which
they live. This liability to abuse is not Pc
culiar to slavery. Any class of people who
do not enjoy the right of suffrage are liable
to suffer in like manner. The other kind
of abuses comprehends those, which result
from the improper use of their own power
by individual masters. Among them may
be counted, the imposition Of unreasonable
tasks; unnecessary severityin punishment;
the failure to give TO servants "that which
is just and equal, as arecompeuse for their
labor: nattention to their comfort in the
general arrangements Of the family aud
want of suitable provision for their moral
and religious improvement. Liability TO a.
buse is inseparable from the possession of
power, of any kind, IN any degree. The
opponents OF slavery represent it as pecn-
iarly liable to abuse, on account of the de-
gree of irresponsible power possessed by the
master. But there are two circumstances,
not sufficiently considered by them, which
operate in favor of the slave. The first is
the interest of the master, which requires
that the slave should enjoy health, and
which therefore dictates plentiful supply
of the wants of the slave, and moderation
in the exaction of labor. Interest also die
tates another thing when the case is prop
erly viewed: it is that moral and religious
training, which will cultivate good princi-
Piles in the servant, and thus make HIM
more valuable: for the truth is, that the
want of honesty, industry and fidelity on
the part of slaves, is the greatest draw back
on the galnfulness Of slavery. The other
circumstance referred to is the affection
which naturally springs up between mas
ters and slaves. This is subject, ofwbich
most Northern people seem to have scarce
ly any idea. A Northern gentleman Of high
character, Prof f. A. Andrews, who was
we'll acquainted with the South, correctly
remarks, speaking of the comfortable con-
dition of slaves 1.-THE mistake into which
many fall on this subject, arises principally
from their failing TO estimate properly the
amount of happiness, occasloned by the mu-
tual affection between the white and color
ed members of the same family" Letters
on Slavery, p. 34 II is perhaps in con-
sequence of the influence of these two cir
cumstances, that the Mosaic law provides
with more care for the kind treatment of
hirclings, than seems to be thought neces-
sary in the case of slaves. But whatever
may be the abuses of slavery, they prove
nothing as to the intrinsic character of the
institution itself. Where they exist they
show that slavery ought to be reformed, and
not that it ought 10 be abolished unless its
reform be impossible. To justify slavery,
is not BY any means to justify any of its
abuses. While the Bible permits slave
holding. it wages the most uncompromising
warfare against all injustice and oppression.
But it is conceded by the majority Of the
people of the South, and with good reason,
that slavery, even in its best form, is an
evil. 1t Is important to understand in achat
sense it is an evil. II is not in itself NOR
al evil, that is sin. This has been proved
from the B6le. 1t is an evil in its influence
on the wealth and prosperity of the coun-
try in which it exists. The most perfect
state of human society, which is possible,
is one in which there is no slavery. 1t
may be called an economical evil; for it
would be great error IN political econo-
my to introduce it into any county, where
there was no necessity for it. But this
qualifying clause, ,-achere there is no nscessi-
ty for it--should be particularly noted. In
certain circumstances, slavery may be ne
cessary evil, or the best choice Of evils
just as that, which would be poison TO
man in health, may be salutary medicine
10 one in sickness. In either case the ne
cessity may continue for long time for
there are chronic disorders in the body pol.
itic, as well as in the human body.
Let US consider the matter little more
particularly. Slavery may be viewed as
an evil to the slaves themselves, or to the
community at large and in reference to
both, it may be regarded under two aspects;
first as condition ofpoverty, and second
ly as state of guardianship and restraint
To the slave it is certainly an evil, that he
is so poor as not to possess property even in
his own labor. For poverty is, by the uni
versal consent of mankind, regarded as an
evil although it is a fact, that the
poor are often happier than the rich. To
be in state of guardianship is an evil to
any person, who does not need to be in such
q state. To the slave then, who is iit for
freedom, and who iffree would be in cir
Cumstances to derive the natural advan-
tages from it, to such an one, slavery is
in every respect an evil. But 10 the slave
who, in consequence ofhis defective intel
lectual or moral character, or, of the pecu-
liar circumstances in which he is placed,
needs to be in state of guardianship, such
a state is real benefit. And the benefit
may be so great, as to everbalance the evils
of his poverty, and TO make slavery on the
whole blessing to him. Still it is an evil
to him, that he is IN a condition which
makes slavery blessing.
With regard to the community at large,
slavery must be accounted an evil, when
viewed as condition of poverty for it is
always disadvantage to country for any
portion of its inhabitants to be in state of
extreme pehury. 1t is also an evil to
country for any portion of its population to
be unnecessarily deprived of liberty. In
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