The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-04-12

the whole country"
| For the Southern Press.
| New YoRK, April S 1852.
The Hon. Pierre SOuIc and the Washington
| Union.
| Although | do not agree with this distn
guished Senator in the necessity or expediency
of "The Protest" still cannot but confess thai
his late speech in support of that measure was
one Of great ability ard eloquence. 1t is not
however, my intention to analize its principles
or dissect its arguments on the subject of inter
vention; but do not feel inclined to withhold
my appreciation Of the just and severe remarks
he made on the general policy of the present
administration in our foreign affairs, most es-
peciay in relation to the proclamation of the
President, placing all American citizens, en-
barked in the project of freeing Cuba from a
most oppressive system of missrule, on the foot.
ing of pirates waring against the human race
and inviting all nations to treat them according
ly This spirited demonstration against our
own countrymen is singularly contrasted will,
the courteous reception given to the annunca
ton of the ministers of France and England
that these two powers had mutually undertaken
to assist the United States in enforcing their
own laws against their own Citizens by naval
lOICe III great tVdck Ot Jncir com
merce, authorised and directed to assist, search
detain, aud if deemed cxpedcnt, capture any
vessel they might be pleased to suspect of any
hostile intentions against the Spanish authority
| in Cuba. To this communication, which one
might have supposed would have awakened the
Indignation Of any American, much more any
American charged with the protection of the
honor and interests of his country, a reply was
given, SO tame, so spiritless, 30 almost acqucs.
cent, as to amount to an acknowledgment that
the President had no special objection to this
insulting interference, this revival of the pre-
tension to the right Of search, but apprehended
it would be rather disagreeable to the people of
the Uni'ed States. This is the substance of
the letter to Mr.. Sartiges The reply to the
itish charge, if any was made, | have never
seen. If communicated at all, it was not in
cluded in the documents laid before the Senate,
as published in the newspapers But Judging
| from the subsequent toying, and the sentiment
al twadde that took place between the Presi-
dent and the new British envoy, it must have
been excessively polite and conciliatory
AS matters now stand, to all appearance this
right of interference, and this revival Of the
| right of search has been virtually recognised by
| the government of the United States. The two
intervening powers still keep up force in the
Gulf of Mexico, or in the neighboring West In
dia station for the protection of Cuba; and
though we don't hear of any overt acts against
our commerce, that is of no consequence. The
| right of intervention, and that of search has
been, if not recognised, at least virtually acqui
esced in by the government of the United States,
| so far as nothing appears to the contrary, and
may at all times be exercised under any specious
| pretence whatever
Yet for exercising his right and performing
his duty as Senator of the United States, in
| reprobating this disgraccful subserviency to
| British policy-fOr such it is-the acknow lodged
| organ of the Executive has called Mr. Soule to
| account before the tribunal of the people of the
United States, as if no had committed some
great crime against Executive majesty, by i'm
pcaching its infallibility. | am not disposed to
question the right of any administration to de
fend itself when called to account for its sins of
omission or commission; to meet the arguments
of its opponents with dignity and temper, and
convict them of error ifany has been committed
But at the same time, maintain the right and
the duty of every representative Of the people in
exercising that freedom of debate guaranteed
by the Constitution, to express himself freely,
| frankly-and if the occasion demands it-indig-
nantly, on all occasions, in which he deems the
honor or interests of the country have been ne
elected or sacrificed The time ! trust is not
| yet come when the person of the President Of
| the United States is to be held sacred, or his
acts above apprehension or examination lie
| vet stands before the people responsible for his
conduct, and subject to their good or i'll opin-
ion He is not created so high above his follow
citizens or their representatives, as TO soar be
yond the reach of their arrows and when, like
the royal bird of prey, he covers Indignantly
| ~ 81 Lo f,,t a.. al,
their safety, he should be brought down by the
well .aimed shot of the hunter Let him nutter
as he will afterwards.
The article in the Washington Republic
which gave rise to these reflections, is not sc
much a defence of the Administration, as a per
sonal attack on Mr.. Soule, for having dared to
take the liberty of animadverting what he
considered course of policy injurious to Tho
interests, and degrading to the honor of hi
country. What! is it come TO this-that
Senator, or Representative of the people o
the United States must not dare to exercise
that freedom of debate, in expressing his opin
ions as to the general policy or special acts o
the Administration Is the voice of the peOpl
or their representatives to be muzzled! And
is the latter to be held in check by chane
bull terrier, fed and paid by Executive bounty
e to be let loose on every sacreligious foot tina
. dRreB TO lntruQc III INC baCreu pIeCIIlctS Ol III
e temple where the political Pope resides :? Is j
r to be barked at, snarled at, and worried by tn
pampered cur, because he had the independents
: and honesty to denounce what thousands, nay
millions, Of his countrymen feel in their yer
hearts was, and is, stain on their honor and
blot on their name?
/. If such is to be the established etiquette
d the government, and if Senator or Represer
II tative of the people cannot freely express hi
n opinions or his feelings, however indigDant-nc
+ of the persons, but the public acts of the hig
: functionaries of the State without being an oil
iect of personal attack and personal denunci'
ton, there is an end to the freedom of debat
and nothing more is necessary to secure entir
Executive impunity, than to follow the eIampl
n of Louis Napoleon in regard to the freedom {
y the press, or subsidize it by Executive patror
age. The freedom of speech, so far MS it relate
i TO public men and public measures, is as esser
tal to the liberties of the people, as the freedor
Of the press and the attempt to restrain it J
any representative body, by singing out an OF