Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1852-10-09

| EkN EN 10 were lnSltutcd ntnOng men,
deriving their just powers from the consent
of the governed" This paper settled it for
ever in the minds of the American people,
that selEgovernment is the right of all men,
& the misconceved interests, promted 10y the
vile cunning of the South, together with the
pnssivity aud duplicity of Northern Dem
agogues can only account for its want OF
universal application. Next in order is the
Constitution. We learn two things ftOm the
preamble of the Constitution: LIST, who uIndc
it, aud 2nd, what they made it for. ave
the people of the United States" made it, Z" in
order to form more perfect union, establish
justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide
for the common defence, promote the gener-
al welfare, aud secure The blessings Of hJeryto
ourselves and our poSteriiy do ordoin aud es-
,ablish this Constitution for the United States
of America"
Is this of uncertain meaning? then the
whole instrument is void for uncertainty
But there is not the least uncertainty in the
phrase, "wc the people of the United States"
1t necessarily means all, not a part of "thc
peope'- every kind, not ono kind of those
those that were permanent inhabitants Of the
country. To say the Phrase means but voters
is an ubsurdity, for all know that voters, in
such n case, represents the whole permanent
population. Those who claim that part of
tho people were excepted from "wc, the
people," should show the exception in the
Constitution, or yield the question. Aud not
only so, but expressed in irresislnbly clear
terms, according to wcll.establishcd rules Of
Interpretation. Then we say aud think we
have proven, (at leas, until we are successful
Iy contradicicd), that the Constitution was
formed, at least the Preamble, based upon
the above conclusion, viz. that Slavery bad no
legal existence in the United States, aud was
made to guaranty those blessings of liberty
to all lis suhiects-to the black as well as to
the white, and that one 10 more than the
other, can be deprived of them, or wrested
from them under the auspices of the Gov
ernmGnt.
To conclude this part Of my subject, sup
pose during the American Revolution, an
American had been nrrnigned before the
American count, for trcnson to the crown,
could he not have successfully pleaded the
Declaration of independence, to prove his
right to break his allegiance to the crown
None dare doubt it. II, however, he had
been arrested the next day as Fugitire
Stare, would not his plea, that the same pa
per recognising liberty to be the birth-right
of all, just as successfully as it was the day
previous? Certainly. For the same paper
makes this right of the people to seLfgovGn-
ment grow out of the iHaiienaJie rights of the
individual 10 liberty
We must next proceed briefly, (too briefly
iot want OF room to do the subject justice J
to examine some portion Of tho interior OF
the constitution, held as the " compromises
And MS we have shown the illcgnlity of Sla-
very in the government, we think conclu-
svcy, aud as we have thus far found the
constitution clearly Anti Slavery" since
we see the Goddess Of Liberty, standing in
Its porch, may We not expect to find that
the whole constitution constitutes her glor-
Gus temple.
The first clause in order, is the one for
the appointment of representatives, it is
claimed that the other persons" referred to
in this clause are slaves. But this clause, on
the supposilion that it does, can but be
numbered, with the .9nii-Siduery .jeGimes
aud Anti.Slavcry advantages of the constilu-
ton. II instead of allowing the slave to
count hut threefllhs of person, the Con-
slitution had allowed the persons, "all per-
sons" who could rot read and write, TO
count but three-fitls Of person, wouh il
hare been chWgeaJie wih .jdUOring or pulling
bounty upon MterdteHeSS. Certainly the
true aud intelligent friends of the Slave will
not object to the coorcd man being counted
lhrec-flihs of us much value ns the white
man. Certainly not. But would they not
rather he was counted n ichOie man. Be
cause a man is wronged, shall lie be counted
less than q man. "a man is a man for all
That" God counts every man an unit
! Then tell me not that "the constitution is
wrong in allowing the Slave TO count at all
in the apportionment," which is the obiec-
lion urged against this clause. 1t is also
urged by way of complaint, that the slave
should be allowed to vote. ! certainly ad-
nit it. But this is the business of the State
government, not Of the Constitution. The
State and not the Federal Government reg
wrongs the slave, if it counts him less than
one unit. But It does not help Slavery
thereby. But the State Government that
dsallows the slave to cast his vote to the
| con,.or, hotb ,vrongs the sIoyc mud helms