The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1852-09-28

may speak OF everything except that alone which most
present an all minds
To this combined effort might fly reply that. with
agrant Inconsistency, challenges the very discussion
which II preiends TO forbid Such declarallon the
eve OF election, is OF submitted 10 the consd
Grafton and ratification OF the people Debate, inquiry,
discussion, the necessary consequence Silence be-
comes impossible, Slavery, which you profess TO ban
sh from the public attention, openly by your invitation
enters every political meeting and every political conven
ton Nay, this il stalks into this Senate cry
GiveF' w
But no unanmity Of politicians can uphold the base
less assumption. that law, any congiomerate OF laws,
under the name Of Compromise, howsoever called. is
hnal Nothing can be palmer than his-hat, by par
amentary device or knol, any legislature lie the
hands of succeeding legislature so TO prevent The
iu exercise OF lis constitutional powers. Each legisla
ue, under just sense OF lis responsibility, must Judge
for itself; and, il il think proper il may revise or
ameRd absolutely undo the work of lis predecessors
The laws OF the Medes and Persians proverbally
said TO have been nnalte,able but they stand forth ia
history as single example OF such irrational defiance ol
the true principles OF all law.
To make law final, SO not to be reached by Con-
gress is, by mere legislation, to fasten provision
on the constitution. Nay, more II gives TO the law a
character which the very constitution does not possess
The wise fathers did not treat the country Chinese
foot never to grow after nancy but anticipating pro-
gresa they declared expressly that their great act is not
hnal According TO the constitution itself, there is
one OF its existing provisions---not that with re-
gard TO fugltyes from laborwhch may not al all times
be reached by amendment and thus be drawn into de-
bate This is rational and just Sir, nothing from mans
hands nor law, constitution, can be final. Truth
alone is final.
Inconsistent and absurd this effort tyrannical also
The responsibility for the slave ac and for slavery
everywhere within the jurisdiction OF Congress-
rlly involves the right to discuss them 10 separate
these is impossible Like the 25h rule OF the House of
representatives against petitions slavery--now re-,
pealed and dishonored-the Compromise, explained
and urged, is curtaimen OF the actual powers OF le-
gsation, and perpetual denial of ndisputable prn
clpe that the right 10 deliberate is coexensive with The
responsibility for act. To sustain slavery il is
nrnn To MIA AZ
would be gevous; but here, where the constitution
pressy provides against abdgng freedom OF speech
s SPECIAL outrage In vain do we condemn the despo
sms OF Europe, while borrow the Tigors with which
they epress liberty, and guard their uncertain pow
er. For myself in acous spirit, but soemnly and
IN loyalty TO the constitution as senator Of Massachu
sets, protest against this wrong On slavery, on
every other subject claim the right TO be heard. That
right cannot, will not abandon "Gve the liberty
ties" These are the glowing words which flashed from
the soul OF John Milton, IN his struggles with English
tyranny With equal iervor they should be echoed now
by every American not already slave.
But, sir. this effort is impotent tyrannical The
convictions OF the heart cannot be epessed The utter
ances of conscience must be heard They break forth
with irTepressIble might AS well attempt to check the
tides OF ocean, the currents Of the Mississippi or the
rushing waters OF Niagara The discussion of slavery
will proceed wherever two three gathered together.
by the hreslde, the highway, at the public meeting,
in the church. The movement against slavery is from
the Everlasting Arm. Even is gathering its
forces soon 10 be confessed everywhere 1t may yet
be felt in the high places OF Office and power; but all
who can put their humby 10 the ground will hear
and comprehend its incesslnt and advancing tread.
The relations of the government of the United States
speak OF the national governmenio slavery, though
plain and obvious, constantly misunderstood A
popular belief at this moment makes slavery national
institution, and OF readers It's support national
duty The extravagance OF this hardly be
passed. An institution which fathers carefully
omitted TO name IN the constitution which, according 10
The debates IN the convention, they refused 10 with
any sanction, and which, at the original organization
OF the government, merely sectional, existing no
where on the national territory now, above all other
things blazoned national Its supporters plume them
selves national The old political parties, while up
holding Il, claim 10 be national. national whig is
simply slavery whg and national democrat is simply
slavery Democrat In contTadstlnction 10 all who re-
gard slavery sectional institution within the exclu-
control OF The States, and with which the nation has
nothing 10 do
As slavery assumes 10 be national So by an equally
strange peyersion, freedom is degraded 10 be sectional
and all who uphold u, under the national constitution,
share this epiihet The honest efforts its
/ blessings everywhere within the jurisdiction OF Con.
gress secuted sectional and this cause which
the founders OF our national government had much at
heart, Is called secohdtfsH These terms now belong
ing to the comnonpaces OF political speech, adopted
and mlsspplied by persons without reflection But
herein is the power ol slavery According 10 curious
tradition OF the French language, Louis XIV the Grand
Monarch BY accidental OF speech, among supple
courliers, changed the gender of noun But slavery
has done more Than this has changed word for word
IL has taught many 10 say national" instead OF "
tional," and sectional Instead of 'national"
Slavery natonall Sir, this is all mistake and abb
place 10 some new C0llectOn OF ul-
gar Errors by other Sir Thomas Browne, with the
ancient but exploded Stories that the toad has stone in
its head and that oslrches digest iron According
the true spirit OF the constitution, and the sentiments OF
the fathers, slavery and not freedom is SECTIONAL while
freedom and not slavery IL nIi0na Ga this unanswer
able proposition take my stand. And here commences
my Argument.
Tue biect presents itself under fpo principal heads
First, The true reilnoas Of the rahOndi goUernntni 10
slavery wherein will pear that there is national
fountain out Of which slavery can be derived, and no
national power, under the constitution by which II can
be supported Enlightened by this general survey, we
shall be prepare TO consider secondly me true nature T
III, pr0ui,i1n for fs rendition Of fugi from labor ald
herein especially The unconstitutional and offensive
legislation oil Congress in pursuance thereof
\ l. Aud for the relations OF the national gov
ernment TO slavery These will be readily apparent il
we do not neglect well established principles.
III slavery be nationals II there be any power IN the
national government to uphold this nsuiionas IN the
recent slave ac must be by virtue of the constitution
Nor il be by inference, implication conjecture.
According to tile uniform admission OF courts and ursts
IN Europe again aud again promulgated IN our country,
slavery be derived only from clear and special recogn-
ton. /" The sae Of slavery" said Lord Mansfield pro.
nouncing Judgment in the great OF Somerset, u OF
such nature that il is incapable OF being introduced
any moral political but only By positive aD.
Il odious that nothing can be suffered 10 support
but POSITIVE Lsw"HoDeirs STATE Triai, vol 90 page 50
And slavehohng tribunal the supreme court OF MIS-
sisslpp, adopting the same principle, has said
slavery Is condemned by and the laws ofNature
IL exists and can exist 0rfv through municipal Tegua
tions"-Hnrry Decker VaLt,r r. ~.
And another slayehodng tribunal, the supreme court
of Kentucky, has said;
" We view This right existing by positive law OF n.