The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-24


sible to collect all the Germans in the United
States into one State, the Irish in another, the
French in another although each might speak
it's own language and be governed by its own
local laws, they would no more be entitled to
the appellaiion of nations than now, when they
are diffnsed throughout the whole republic
Mere difference of language, and of local laws,
is no evidence Of nationality. Something more
is needed; and il would be easy to show that,
in enunciatng his first proposition, kossulh has
made case against himself.
But, sir do not wish to pursue the inquiry.
IL is immaterial whether or not any such right
is to be found in the law of nations. Indeed it
is somewhat difficult for any one 1T all conyers-
ant with the history of the world to suppress a
smile while listening to learned dissertations in
favor Of rights founded on the law of nations.
That nation does not exist which has not disre-
garded all such laws whenever prompted by in
terest to do So To take care of its own inter
est, to provide for its own securty,is and always
has been the ruling principle Of every nation,
irrespective Of any public law. SO universal
has been this practice, that recolect but one
instance in all history to the contrary, and that
was when Themistocles wished TO burn the
ships of the other Grecian States, and was pre-
vented by the report of Ar.stldes to the Atheni-
ans, that though nothing could be more advant-
ageous to Athens, nothing could be more unjust.
England pursued different course at Copenha-
gen and by so doing, struck one of the heaviest
blows ever dealt at the power of Napoleon !
make no comment upon the different degrees of
morality exhibited by the ancient and the mod
ern, the heather and the christian merely
state historical facts, and from them draw the
deduction, that right without the means OF
al. TOD a
ted that Hungary has no such means The
question, them arises, shall we furnish them ?
This is the point, the whole gist of the matter
Let me begin by supposing that it is in our
power to do so---that we have the ability to
punish Russian interference and repel Russian
invason--how are we to be benefited What
portion of the fruits of victory is to nure to US?
do not address this question-to dinner orators,
brimfull of philanthropy and champagne, nor to
vainglorous militia colonies, who are exceeding
ly anxious to march to Hungary tomorrow, but
who could not make it convenient to march to
Mexico when our country ,oas engaged in war;
address it to grave Senators, who are charged
with the interests of twenty five millions of
people, and who are responsible to the present
and the future for the manner in which they dis
charge the duties assigned them.
General Washington has said:
There can be no greater error than to ex
pect or calculate upon any real favors from ma
ton to nation. 1t is an illusion which expert.
ence must cure, and which just pride ought to
discard"
There is deep wisdom in this paragraph
and ne who dsregards or treats it lightly wants
the highest attribute of statesman. We can
expect nothing rs a favor from other nations
and none have right to expect favors from u.s.
Our interference, if we interfere at all, must be
dictated by interest; and therefore ask in what
possible manner can we be benefited? Russia
has done US no injury we have, therefore, no
wrongs to avenge. Russia has no territory of
which we wish to deprive her. and from her
there is no danger against which it is necessary
to guard. Enlightened selfinterest does not
offer single argument in favor Of embroiling
ourselves in quarrel with her. So obvious, 70
indisputable is this TRUTH that the advocates of
intervention" have based their speeches almost
solely on the ground that we have divine mis-
sion to perform, and that is to strike the mana
cles from the hands ofaI mankind. 1t may be,
MIR. President, that we have such mission but
it so, the time of its fufllment is not yeti
And, for one, prefer waiting for some clearer
manifestation of the Divine viii. BY attempt
ing to fulfill it now, we employ the surest means
OF disappointing that "manifest destiny" of
which we have heard so much We have before
us the certainty of inhcting deep injury upon
ourselves, without the slightest prospect of ben
citing others. According to Kossuth's own
admission, Russia can precipitate upon Hunga-
ry one hundred thousand men in thirty days /;
Austria, at the lowest calculation, can bring as
many more into the field. If we give them no.
ticc, in advance, that we intend to interfere in
ha oil Of Iunn ~ "a, hoo, &r,,
but all the disposable forces of both empires
will be collected at the most convenient points,
and an attempted revolution would be crushed
before we heard it had begun | need not de-
pict the uncnviable attitude in which we would
then be placed. Involved in n war without an
object, our ally vanquished the very chains we
sought to loosen riveted with tenfold strength,
the miserable victims of their own and our folly
piling curses upon u.s. with the sneering taunls
of the victors adding the last modification to
the Quixotism of America Sir, if | had but one
prayer to offer for my country, it would be,
May God avert this deep disgrace !" Misfor-
tunes may come upon us all 4; dishonor attaches
only to the unworthy. A nation may be con-
quered, trodden down; her living sons in chains,
her dead the prey of vultures, and still leave a
bright example, glorious history to after
times. But when folly and wickedness have
ruled tho hour when disaster is the legitimate
child of error and weakness, the page that re-
cords it is but record of infamy, and pity for
misfortune becomes crime against justice.
Sir, do not love that I'D " destiny" man.
ifest" or not manifest" Men and nations
make their own destinies.
Sour acts, our angels are, or good or i'll
Our fatal shadows that walk by us STILL"
The future of this republic is in our hands,
and it is for us to determine whether we will
launch tho ship of State upon wild and stormy
sea, above whose blackened waters no sunshine
beams, no star shines out, where not ray il
seen but what is caught from the lurid lightning
as it treads its fiery path. This, Senators, is
the mighty question we have to solve, and let
mo add, that if the freedom of one continent and
tho hopes of four shall sink beneath that inky
flood, ours will be the guilt, ours the deep dam
nation it deserves.
Shall be told these are idle fears? That in
war with Russia, no matter for what cause
waged, we must be the victors? That, in short,
all Europe combined could not blot this Union
from the map of nations! All, sir, that is not
all that fear | fear Srccess even mora than