Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1852-04-16
Ko..uth,s New o,1cons sncech.

Kossuth. the so called 6 mob hero' delivered his
first speech in New Orleans to an immense concourse
of people, who listened, amidst storm of wind and
rain with profound attention portion of his
speech was given to yindication of himself from
the charge Of having assailed Mr.. Clay. This SLAM
der which had been put forth by the telegraph and
which had been made the text of innumerable bitter
TRADES against Kossuth, answered to the fullest
satisfaction of the vast assemblage.
After the conclusion of this branch of the
he took up consideration of the prejudices existing
in the south against him and his cause. From this
we make the following extract:--
II have one thing here to complain of. Let me
tell you gentlemen, that when was about to leave
England for the United States gentleman prog
nosticated to me that would be opposed by the
southern States. My answer was No, that is i'm
possible. The southern States warmly attached
to the principle of their State rghtsto the princi-
pie that every nation has the right to dispose of its
own domestic concerns. 1t is this principle which
plead, and plead not only for my country but plead
it for the common law of all nations because the
principle is in jeopardythe absolustical powers of
Europe having made powerful alliance with the
openly avowed purpose to crush that principle OF
State rights everywhere, and to establish by force
and violence, in its stead, the arbitrary principle
that every centralized government and every foreign
power has the right to interfere against the State
rights of whatever people,
sit is this principle of interference against which
plead, and which / will combat all my life stand
upon the very ground which is the preeminent plat
will have lost their 1t Is, therefore: said in
England already: NO. the uthern States cannot
oppose my principles their interest is connect
ed with them. The eastern and northern States may
support me but the southern States must support
me if they are not willing to abandon the ground
upon which they stand.
And yet, curious though have warm politi-
cal friends in the South, still it is indeed true,
met also more opposition in the south than | have
meet in other parts of the United States. How is
this to be explained? will tell you, gentlemen,
with your kind permission, and here is my second
complaint:
My enemies, unable to meet my arguments, re-
sort again to Justification of facts and misrepresen-
tation of principles. They represent me to you as
| man advocating just that principle to which
am MORALLY opposed. They charge me with being
an Intervention man, while am soul and body for
the principle of non-intervention. And besides
material aid, require but that principle of non-in-
terventon secured, very soon to see my downtrod-
den country Independent and free-because We do
not ask others to fight our battles--we will fight
them by our own hands, and all that we desire is
not to have any interference, but. fair play
" 1t is. therefore, raise my voice out of the bot
tom of my nations distress, and Europe's oppressed
millions join in my voice exclaiming rs there no
power earth willing to maintain the laws of ma
tons, when all the despots of Europe unite 10 vo-
late them o. And say to the great Republic of the
United States, and say it particularly to the South
States, maintain the principle of state rights
and fgovernment-else, if that principle is crush
ed everywhere the danger of Capitalization and of
foreign interference will come home to yourself
And yet, all my exhausting endeavors of nearly four
months-lnore than four hundred speeches reported
by hundreds of newspapers. in more than hundred
thousand copies--resolutions passed by nearly
thousand public meetings, and by several state leg
isatures and the debates of the United States SEN
ate-all this together could not secure me from be-
ing charged with loving what hate, advocating
what oppose, and with claiming that very thing
which made myself homeless exile. my country
valley of desoaton and nameless woes-in a word
charging me with wishing that which is the only
impeachment to the restoration of my native land to
life, independence, freedom and prosperity.
81 is sorrowful-very sorrowful indeed
"But again. my enemies advise you not to support
me. Why perhaps because am wrong. Oh, no.
but because some abolitionists support my cause
Well what have | to do with abolitionism anti
abolitionism? Nothing in the world That is not
my matter; am no citizen of the United States;
have neither the will the right to interfere with
your domestic concerns; | claim for my nation the
right to regulate its own institutions | therefore
must respect, and indeed do respect the right
in others. Now, is that principle right or wrong I?
Is it your principle it not? it be yours, and
if it be right how could you abandon it only because
it is supported by those to whom you are. in some
interior questions, opposed? Can there be no COM
mon ground to such as are, in respects, oppo-
sed to each other!
"Is not every man in the United States republi-
can, to whatever party he may belong! See We
not often Mr.. Clemens, of Alabama voting with Mr..
Seward, from Now York, as the last week. for in
stance, on the land grant question. If the Cover
nor of Russia should interfere with your republican
institutions, Gas be sure he will if Europe be once
crushed,) if the despotic power would try to estab
lish monarchy in Mexico Gas surely they will try
even nearer than in Mezco) will you not oppose
them only because also the abolitionsts will oppose
them? Will you not support rerublicahism only
because the abotionists also are republicans Oh,
my God avert the doom from humanity that even
IL.
commit national suicide out of blind party spirit"