The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-09
yren,h views Of Intervention.


the eminent on that side of the water. As
the Advertiser justly remarks, in view Of the
/ rigid censorship now exercised over the press
| in France, the views set forth in Ills editorial
may reasonably be presumed to concur with
those entertained by the existing French gov
eminent LAssembLee rationale says
g We have never failed, not only in courtesy
but in sympathy, when speaking OF the people
| and the government of the UnitedStates. The
existence of that trans atlantic and essentially
maritime power has M Importance, in respect TO
French interests which cannot be misunder-
stood
THE United States are still dear to France
by the remembrance of the sacrifices which the
establishment of their independence cost her,
She sacrificed for them much more than the pre-
cious blood Of her sailors and her soldiers and
more than her treasures-the traditional princi.
plies of policy TO which her own existence WAS
linked Sad error of the reign OF Louis XVI,
which was soon cruelty eXpiNted The chiVa-
rous champions who hastened TO draw their
swords in the service of the independents OF
Boston, became, on their return from France,
the precursors and the natural chiefs of the pa
triots who SO blindly and so rapidly opened the
abyss in which the monarchy persisted
10 the present day France has never re-
ceived any positive recompense for her sacrifices
for the United States; she has remained attached
| to them by ties purely dsinterested; and in the
commercial treaties between the two nations,
American shrewdncss has known how to secure
the greatest advantages for its own side.
France, however would not think of com
planning, if the United States had not entered
upon a system of foreign policy offensive and
menacing toward her, and toward all Europe
Until the year 1912, the American government
observed circumspection and reserve toward the
governments of Europe; it even descended TO
humility toward England, in enduring so long
the outrages inflicted on it, commerce by the
British marine. But the successes of the war
of 1912, 20 greatly exaggerated by national
pride changed It's spirit, and began to inspire il
with pretensions which were beyond its right
and its strength.
An example of this occurred in 1925, when,
upon the recognition Of the independence of
Hayti by King Charles X, Mr. Monroe, presi
dent of the United States, in his message to
Congress, deemed it his duty to protest against
the terms in which the King Of France had
sanctioned the fact of the independence of our
al cient colony. He emitted, on that ccasion,
a theory according to which the European pow
ers would not have the right to intervene at any
point in the two Americas the only faculty be-
longing to them being that of maintaining their
/ domination where it was already established
All other Intervention would be considered as
constituting an indirect attempt against the SO,
curly and independence of the United States
"Assuredly, this pretension was exorbitant in
Itself; but az no event gave the American gov
ernmeut opportunity to put it into practice, tn
European governments had no occasion to com
! bat it.
"'rhe United States do not now confne the
exercise OF their omnipotence 10 the American
continent; they extend it, in words at least, to
the old as well as TO the new world. Orators
are found in Congress who have sought to es-
tablish that it is the right and the duty of the
United Statc5 to defend Democracy, and make
it prevail in all the States of the old world where
its flag may be hosted. 1t is true this doctrine
has not been sanctioned by an express resolu-
{ ton, but we have seen the two Houses of Con-
gress by their vote in favor of Kossuth, mingle
themselves, as far rs il depended upon them, in
; the affairs of great European government, and
take the part of subjects who revolted against
their sovereign,
"That this intermeddng has something ride
uIQps in it, does not remove its censurable char
acSr; we should say odioas, if we did not still
wish to believe that there was more of igno.
rance and Of impulse than of evil intent in the
vote of Congress- Democracies, indeed, are
subject to the greatest bndnesses, to the pro-
! foundesi errors of Judgment to the greatest in
Justices absolute soveregns in regard to them
selves, they are always led to set themselves
above the law in regard to other nations This
is the most favorable thing that can be said for
the American Congress, not to Justify, but to
! explain its resolution so contrary to treaties, to
! the law of nations, and we must add also TO the
interests and to the future Of the United States
% In short, if the Union should deiinitively
renounce the principle of non Intervention in the
affairs of other people, which was the basis Of
its policy, and which has been the safeguard of
its infancy, it would authorize, il would epcour.
age, those people to intervene in its territory
whenever their interest might counsel it. Now
| that interest would soon become common to all
! the European governments, if they began to see
the revolution, which menaGes them all, and
which they can only suppress by great exertion
| necessarily raising its flag against them from the
other side of the Atlantic there mastering its
soldiers, there collecting its contributions, with
the assent and connivance of the public au-
| thorites.
Furthermore il seems to us impossible that,
the new attitude wi the government Of the
! United States assumes in relation to Europeans
can fail to become the subject OF diplomatic ob.
servation. American pride may continue to eate
! itself with its easy victories over Mexico, and
its conquests of Texas and California 1t will
expose itself TO grave disappontments, by think,
| ing TO brave and menace Europe with impunty"