Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1852-02-18
cCEN RICHMOND WAYNE COUNTY, IND, FEBkU AkY Is, lS52
The Interview Between Kessuth and
Henry Clay.

Henry Clay.
The interview between NJ. kossuth and Mr..
Clay has excited general interest in the coun-
try, and the reports of it hitherto given to the
public have been somewhat inaccurate, and, At
the best, imperfect. The National InteHi-
gencer publishes the following correct account:
The company present on the occasion consIs-
ted of Senators Cass, Jones, of Tennessee, MI
Fendall of this city, and Mr.. Ewing of Ken
lucky.
The last named gentleman has been induced,
at the instance of several persons, and with
the consent of Mr.. Clay, to give more extern
ded and careful report of the interview, and
especially of Mr.. Clays remarks, which we pub
lish below, and which may be regarded as au-
thentic, having, besides the authority of Mr..
Ewing, the sanction of Senator Jones, by whom
the report has been examined and approved.
NJ. koss1th was introduced by Mr.. Cass at
about 3 o'clock.
On being presented to Mr.. Clay, who rose to
receive him, Sir said he, Il thank you for
the honor of this interview
Il beg you to believe" said Mr.. Clay, inter
rupting him 'that it is l who am honored
Will you be pleased to be scated?'
After the mutual interchange of ciyillties, 81
owe YOU, sir" said Mr. Clay, can apology for
not having acceded before to the desire you
We're kind enough to intimate more than once,
to see me. But really my health has been so
feeble that | did not dare to hazard the excite
mcnt of SO interesting an interview. ''Besides,
sir he added with some pleasantly, 'your
wonderful and fascinating eloquence has mes
merlzed SO large portion of our people wher-
ever you have gone, and even some OF our
members of Congress" waving his hand to-
ward two or three gentlemen who were present,
'Hthat | feared to come under its influence, lest
you might shake my faith in some principles in
regard to the foreign policy of this Government
which have ,ong and earnestly cherished.
And in regard to this matter, you will allow
me. hope. to speak with that sincerity and can
dor which becomes the interest the subject has
for you and myself, and which is due to us both
as the votaries of freedom l trust you will
believe me, too, when Itell you that | entertain
ever the livelicst sympathies in every struggle
for liberty. in Hungary, and in every country.
And in this, | believe, | express the universal
sentiment of my country. But, sir, for the
sake of my country you must allow me to pro-
test against the policy you propose to her.
Waving tire grave and momentous question Of
the right of one nation to assume the executive
power among nations, for the enforcement of
its international law; or the right of the United
States to dictate to Russia the character of her
relations with the nations around her, let at
once to the practical consideration of the mat
ter.
You tell us yourself, with great truth and
proprety, that mere sympathy, or the EXPIRES
sion of sympathy, cannot advance your pur-
poses. You require material aid. And indeed
it is manifest that the mere declarations Of the
sympathy of Congress, or of the President, or
of the public, would be of little avail, unless
we were prepared to enforce those declarations
by resort to arms, and unless other nations
could see that preparation and determination
upon part Well sir, suppose that svSr
should be the issue of the course you propose
w effect for
ourselves, or the cause of liberty? To trans
port men and arms across the ocean in sutfici-
cnt numbers and quantities to be effective
against Russia and Austria would be impossible
1t is fact which perhaps may not be general
" known, that the most imperative reason with
Great Britain for the close of her last war with
us. was the immense cost of the transportation
and maintenance of forces and the munitions of
war on such a distant theatre, and yet she had
not perhaps more than thirty thousand m n
upon this continent at any time. Upon land
Russia is invunerablc to us, to her
Upon the ocean, between Russia and
this country would result in the mutual annoy
ance to commerce, but probably in little else.
learn recently that her war marine is sup
erior to that of any nation in Europe, except
perhaps Great Britain. Her ports are few, her
commerce limited; while we, our part, would
offer as prey to her cruisers rich and exten-
Sive commerce.
Thus. sir, after effectinr nothing in such a
war, after abandoning our ancient policy of
amitv and nonintervention in the affairs Of other
nations, and thus justifying them in abandoning O
the terms of forbearancc, which they have
hitherto preserved toward us after the down
fall, perhaps, of the friends of liberal institu
tions in Europe, her despots, initiating and pro-
voked by fatal example may turn upon us
in the hour of our weakness and exhaustion
and, with almost equally irresistible force
of reason and of arms, they may say to us,
You have set the example, you have quit your
own to stand on foreign ground, you have aban
doned the policy you professed in the day of
Your weakness. to interfere in the affairs of the
people upon this continent, in behalf of those
principles the supremacy of which you say is
necessary to your prosperity, to your existence.
We in our turn, believe that your anarchical
doctrines are destructive of, and that monarch
cal principles are essential to the peace security
and happiness of our subjects. will oblitcrate
the bed which has nourished such noxious
weeds. will crush you. the propagandists
of doctrines so destructive of the peace and
good order of the world" The indominitable
spirit of our people might, and would be equal
to the emergency, and might remain unSub-
dued even by tremendous a combination,
but the consequences to us would be terrible
enough. You must allow me. sir, to speak
thus freely, as feel deeply, though my opinion
may be of but little import, as the expression
of dying man.
Sir. the recent melancholy subversion OF
the Republican Government of France. and
that enlightened nation voluntarily placing its
neck under the yoke of despotism, teach US to
despair of any present success for liberal insti-
tutions in Europe; it gives an impressive
warning not to rely upon others for the vindi-
cation of our principles, but to look to our