The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-05
From The Iiielligenesr of Tuesday.
MI, KOssuth and Mr.. Clay.

Clay has excited a general interest In the coun-
try, and the reports of il hitherto given to the
public have been somewha. inaccurate, and, at
the best, imperfect
The company present on the occasion consist
ed of Senators Cass, Jones, of Tennessee, Mr..
Fendall, of this city, and the Hon. Presley Ew
ing, OF Kentucky. The last.named gentleman
has been induced at the instance of several per-
sons, and with the consent Of Mr. Clay, to give
more extended and careful report of the inter.
view, and especially of Mr.. Clay's remarks, which
We publish below, and which may be regarded
as authentic, having, besides the authority of Mr.
Ewing, the sanction Of Senator Jones, by whom
the report has been examined and approved
~ kossulh was introduced by Blr. Cass at
about three o'clock
On being presented to Mr.. Clay, who rose to
receive him, :" Sir" said he, g thank you for the
honor ofths interview"
g | beg you to believe" said Mr.. Clay, inter-
rupting him, that it is | who am honored Will
you be pleased to be seated!"
Alter the mutual interchange Of civities, :"
owe you, sir" said Mr.. Clay, an apology for
not having acceded before to the desire you were
kind enough to intimate more than once to see
me. But really my health has been so feeble
that / did not dAe to hazard the excitement of
so interesting an interview Besides, SIR" he
ohdSu WIN opiHo PACs'oduliys yOuT
and fascinating eoquence has mesmerized so
large portion OF our people, wherever you have
gone, and even some of our members Of Con-
gress," waving his hand towards the two or
three gentlemen who were present., that feared
TO come under its influence, lest you mic shake
my faith in some principles in regard to the for
eign policy Of lis government which have
Tong and constantly cherished And In regard
to this matter you win allow me, | hore, to
speak with that sincerity and candOr which be.
comes the interest the subject has for you and
for myself, and which is due to us both as the
votaries of freedom. | trust you will believe
me, too, when | tell you that | entertain ever
the liveliest sympathies in every struggle for
liberty in Hungary, and in every country And
in this, believe, express the universal senti-
ment of my countrymen. But, sir for the sake
of my country, you must allow me to protest
against the policy you propose to her.
Waving the grave and momentous question
Of the right of one nation to assume the execu-
tive power among nations, for the enforcement
Of international law, or of the right OF the United
States to dictate to Russia the character of her
relations with the nations around her, let us
come at once to the practical consideration of
the matter You tell us yourself, with great
truth and propriety, that mere sympathy, or the
expression of sympathy, cannot advance your
purposes You require material aid And in
deed it is manifest that the mere declarations Of
the sympathy of Congress, or Of the President,
or of the public, would be Of little avail unless
we were prepared to enforce those declarations
by a resort to arms, and unless other nations
could see that preparation and determination
upon our part. Well, sir, suppose that war
should be the Issue of the course you propose
to US, could we then effect any thing for you,
ourselves, or the cause of liberty To tran spor.
men and arms across the ocean in sufficient
numbers and quantities to be effective against
Russia and Austria would be impossible. 1t is
fact which perhaps may not be generally
known, that the most imperative reason with
Great Britain for the close of her last war with
us, was the immense cost Of the transportation
and maintenance of forces and the munitions
of war on such distanrtheatre, and yet she had
not perhaps more than thirty thousand men upon
this continent at any time. Upon land Russia
is invulnerable to US, as we are to her. Upon
the ocean war between Russia and this coun.
try would result in the mutual annoyance to
commerce, but probably in little else. learn
recently that her marine is superior to that
of any nation in Europe, except perhaps Great
Britain. Her ports are few, her commerce
limited, while we on our part would offer as
prey to her cruisers a rich and extensive com.
merce.
Thus, sir, after etfecting nothing in such war,
after abandoning our ancient policy of amity and
non intervention in the affairs Of other nations,
and thus justifyiDg them in abandoning the terms
OF forbearance and non.interterence, which they
have hitherto preserved towards us; after the
downfall, perhaps, cf the friends liberal insti-
buttons in Europe, her despots, initiating and
provoked by orr fatal example, may turn upon
US in the hour of our weakness and exhaustion
and, with an almost equally irresistible force of
reason and Of arms, they may say to u.s. "You
have set us the example, you have quit your own
TO stand on foreign ground, you have abandoned
the policy you professed in the days Of your
weakness, TO interfere in the affairs of the peo-
Pile upon this continent, in behalf of those prin-
ciples, the supremacy of which you say is neces-
sary to your prosperity, to your existence. We.
in our turn, believing that your auarchical doc.
,rines are destructive of and that monarchcal
principles are essential to, the ! eace, security,
and happiness of our subjects, will obliterate the
bed which has nourished such noxous weeds;
we will crush you, as the propagandists of doc.
trines so destructive to the peace and good order
of the world" The ndomitabIe spirit of our
people might and would be equal to the emerg-
ency, and we might remain unsubdued even by
so tremendous a combination, but the couse-
quences to us would be terrible enough. You
must allow me, sir, to speak thus freely, as
feel deeply, though my opinion may be of but
little import, as the expression of dying man.
"Sir, the recent melancholy subversion of the
republican government of France, and that en-
lightened nation voluntarily placing its neck un
der the yoke of despotism, teach us to depair Of
any present success for liberal institutions in
Europe; it gives US an impressive warning not
to rely upon others for the vindication of our
principles but to look to ourselves, and to cher
ish with more care than ever the security of our
institutions and the preservation of our policy
and principles. BY the policy to which we have
adhered since the days of Washington, we have
prospered beyond precedent; we have done more
for the cause of liberty in the world than arms
could effect; have shown to other nations the
way to greatness and happiness. And if we but
continue united as one people, and persevere in
the policy which our experience has so dearly
and trumphantly indicated, we may in another
quarter of century furnish an example which
the reason of the world cannot resist. But if
we should involve ourselves in the tangled web
of European politics, in war in which we could