The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-11-04

Where then. we again ask, IL the hope OF
the slavel So far as we can see, 1t is under
God. in the free citizens of the South. Peace
full successful Emancipation must be their
work The Public Opinion that shall originate
the movement carry it forward, shape it, direct
it, accomplish it, wisely and beneticently for
all concerned. must be Southern Public
Opinion
But what work is this Emancipation in
the Colonial dependencies of European Powers
is hardly to be compared with it. The eman-
cipating power did not in their case reside Ill
the Colonies to be affected by 1T. The OPINION
which set this power in motion was the Opin-
ion of a country free from Slavery and whose
social condition could not be affected IN any
way by the act of Emancipation. The power
was omnipotent; its mandate could not be re-
sisted Here, the power of Emancipation re-
sides alone in the country where Slavery exists,
and whose social condition must be radically
affected by the act 1t resides, too, IN the
hands of those whose personal interests are IN
volved vitality in its exercise. 1t Is to be put
forth by those whose education, habits, preJu-
dices, interests, are all adverse to It's exercise
Among them is to grow up the Opinion that is
to set this power in motion.
The work has no parallel among the Eman-
cipations of the negro race. And yet, there
is general parallel in the history of the pro
gress of mankind Serfdom in England for
example, gave way gradually before the power
of religious sentiment, especially AS embodied in
the Church, before the decisions of judicial trl-
bunals, and before u better informed self-inter-
est. To these agencies and to the influence OF
intercourse with the Northern States, and with
the States of Christendom hostile to slavery We
look for the generation of that Public Opinion
in the South that shall lead to Emancipation.
The reflection that the wisest and most
highly civilized nations of the world have put
the seal of reprobation on Slavery, as barba-
rous and mischievous institution. while it is
maintained now chiefly by savages and two or
three semi-civilized States must create feelings
among Southern men untavOrabe to its CON
tinuance.
The reading population of the South knows
that the literature of the world and of all ages
is against the system. Its sons in Northern
Universities learn to prefer Northern institu
tons. Its tourists are made to feel that in the
judgment of mankind slavery is dark spot on
the escutcheon of their country Its merchants
in thousand ways are brought into contact
with Anti-Slavery sentiment. All ecclesasti-
cal bodies with which its religious people are
are constantly agitated with ques-
tons respecting the relations they should
sustain towards the system; all of them, what
ever may be their compromises and evasions
and postponements proceeding on the assump.
ton that it is an evil necessarily involving
more or less of criminalty. All political Or
CARNATIONS with which its politicians are con-
aected, are continually agitated in the same
manner, and not one of them prctends to re-
gard it as normal or desirable system-as Il
condition towards which they can, at the most
sustain any other relation than that of tolera-
ION
The steady pressure of these combined and
manifold influences cannot be resisted
Two duties are especially incumbent on the
North, and their faithful fulilment must power
ully tend to the increase of Anti-Slavery senti-
nent in the South 1t should present clearly,
uIly, and constantly, the whole argument in ia
,or of Freedom and Free Labor and it should
lindly, but firmly proceed in the work of re-
icving itself Of ali responsibility for slavery.
The question, some say has but one sde--it
does not admit Of argument--the advocates of
slavery do not believe what they say-thev
are fit subjects for Remuneration or rdicule. not
sober argument. This is great mistake The
Southern advocates of slavery have presented
their argument with II plausibility never before
eqnalled. During the whole struggle against
slavery in Britain, we recollect no logic used
10y It's supporters there, so subtitle and ingenious
as that by which it is now sought to sustain
American Slavery. 1t does no good to de-
nounce and deride it: the thing to be done
is to expose and refute it the advocates of sla-
very must be met on every ground, natural
moral, politco-economcal, and constitutional,
and the demonstration must be made that their
whole argument is a sophism, and all truth is
against them
The next duty of the North is kindly but
firmly to relieve itself of all responsibility for
Slavery 50 long as its political organizations
are subserylent to its demands, so long as its
ecclesiastical bodies give it any support or
50 long rs its religious or political
press apologies for it. so long Us its literature
or religion shall afford it any sanctuary or
refuge, it must share in a greater or less degree
the responsibility of it's existence. Above all,
such responsibility must rest upon it. so long
within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Federal
Government or to its extension beyond the
limits of the States in which it now exists In
all kindness, but with memorable purpose it
must say distinctly that it cannot, will not,
consent that the Government in which it has
an equal voice, and an equal interest shall use
its power for the maintenance or advancement
of "a system purely sectional, repugnant to the
great principles and ends of that Government
and in its Judgment essentially wrong and mis-
chevous This much it has a right to say
this much it ought to say. 1t violates no right
Of the South; it ntlicts no wanton insult 1t
simply refuses to consent to what in its opinion
would involve it in guilt, and the Nation in
ultimate ruin.
Let this duty be faithfully and courageously
discharged and Slavery would be limited for
ever to its present area. This being settled
and considered settled AS an ultimate fact. the
extinction of the system would then be only
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