Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1852-06-25
view. az Frankin pierce ON the Aboliaeh Question

views OF franklin the Aboisfch Question.
We publish an extract from the speech Of Frank |
lin Pierce, delivered in the Senate in 1881 the
following resolutions introduced by MIR Calhoun.
Resolved, That the intermeddlng OF any State
or States or their citizens abolish slavery IN this
district any of the Territories the ground, or
under the pretext that it is immortal or SINFUL for
the passage of any act or measure OF Congress with
that view. would be direct and dangerous attack
on the institutions of all the slayeholding States"
MIR Pierce of New Hampshire rose and said the
Senate had come at length to the ground on which
this contest was to be determined. The District of
Columbia emphatically the battlefield of
the Abolitionists, and the resolution Immediately
der consideration, with, perhaps some modification
in phraseology, would present the true issue here
and to the country-an issue which would raise. not
a mere question Of expediency but of much
higher character, in which the public faith is direct
~ involved. s.t s... ssg .rt+a.s ....-.
That my position, said Pearce, may be distinctly
understood some explanation is perhaps due to the
State which have the honor in part, to represent,
especially there is manifest disposition, in
tain quarters pervert votes and misrepress mt
motives.
have given to the resolutions all the considera-
ton which am capable of bestowing. and have lis
tened to the debate which they have elected with
interest and profound attention.
If the grave objections suggested on the other side
were sustained by examination of the resolutions
themselves of sound augmentation. they
| would ensure my opposition. What are they! The
first that reached my was, that they contain
latent notification have waited 10 hear the res
outon, sentence or phrase pointed out in which this
hereSy is supposed to be concealed and have wait
ed in vain. Having then, assertion side. and
what appears TO me to be the plain reading of the
resolutions and the frank and unqualified declara-
ton of the mover on the other must be excused if
| do not take the alarm
We have next eloquent dispositions upon the lib
erty of speech and the freedom of the press. To
cry sentiment uttered upon these subjects yield my
cordial assent but why introduced on this particu-
! lar occasion, have been at loss to determine
Woult any man here abridge the liberty of speech,
or assail the freedom of the press? take it not -
Is there anything in the resolution to sanction the
invasion of either! Not syllable. That these
privileges most dear to every American is freely ad
mitted by all. Why such variety of changes have
been rung upon them by this debate others may de-
termne. 1t is not my province to Judge of motives,
and would take occasion only to remark, that no
man shall make up an issue upon subject for me.
oppose the Abotionists. for the very reason that
entertain sacred regard for these in common with
all other rights secured by the Constitution.
But it is further urged against the resolutions,
(said Mr.. Pierce, that they are distractions
Sir. it is quite immaterial what name you apply to
them sufficient is it that they meet the that
they encounter the AbotiOniSt upon sound and ten
able ground and furnish conclusive answer to his
opportunities To say that the petitions refer only
to this District, and that the principles asserted in
the preceding resolutions consequently without
application, is perfectly idle 1t is possible read
single number of the leading abolition periodicals
without perceiying that their object reaches far be-
yond this District, and stops at point short of
emancipation in the States. And yet. sir suspect
that you would find few intelligent Abolitonists who
would assert that Congress has the constitutional
power to interfere with slavery in the States; but
admitting the want of power here they hold it their
duty. individuals, to persevere in the cause. Re-
garding the institutions of slavery as morally wrong,
sinful, if you please, they consider themselves
citizens of the Union, responsible for its continuance
wherever it may exist within borders. This feel
ing has its rgn. to some extent, in misapprehen
of the structure of government and this
ror the preceding resolutions calculated to cor
rect They assert, in effect, that the citizen of New
Hampshire is responsible. morally or poti-
cy. for the existence and continuance of this do
nestle institution in Virginia or Maryland than he
would be for the existence of any similar institution
in France or Persia Why? Because these are
matters over which the States. respectively, when
delegating portion of their powers to he exercised
by the general government retained the whole and
exclusive control, and for which they alone re-
sponsible.
Now let these doctrines be universally understood
and admitted. and you take one great step towards
satisfying the consciences of honest but misguided
people, in section of the country, and Quietng
the irritation for which there has been too much
! cause in the other. This We have attempted to do
We are bound to &c further and frankly declare to
these petitioners that long slavery shall con-
tinue in Virginia and Maryland. it is in vain for
them to expecr its abolition here that are for
hidden to legslate upon this subject, under existing
circumstances. by obligations hardly inferior the
Constitution itself; that Congress cannot abolish
slavery in this District against the wishes of the in
habitants, without breach of public faith and
: an outrageous infraction of private rights.