The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-04-02


the claim he sets up on the 9th Of January, be-
cause he was governor elect, and because he
was entitled to be considered a Senator for a
day or two longer that resignation of his to the
contrary notwithstanding lspoke of him harsh
y before he was inaugurated: against my will,
his coniuct has required me to do so afterwards.
In my first publication after his Inauguration, |
avoided offensive expressions. But he says |
more than once intimated that he was guilty of
falsehood and double dealing did not intend
to Intimate it; but to present the facts which
proved it as a defence due to myself and my
political friends
quoted from the Daily Union of December
28th, 1851 the following remarks of Mr.. Foote,
in reply to Mr. Rhett, in debate of the Goth
December:
"If the gentleman had known what peculiar
difficulties we had to encounter in Mississippi,
if he had known what peculiar Taylor-Cass
speeches were made there by persons who pos
sessed particular inhuence-which made me
leave certain duties which was performing here,
for the purpose of counteracting movements
elsewhere--he would perhaps have perceived
that circumstances had occurred which had no
right to anticipate at the time of that converse
ton These circumstances were Of snch ma
ture AS even to justify some surprise that the
State was not carried by 10000 majority against
u.s."
Not doubling that he referred to me as having
made Taylor-Cass speeches, thus commented
upon it:
"Those speeches he says compelled him to
leave duties he was performing at Washington
The first speech made in the Presidential can
vass of 1913, was at Raymond, having gone
there by invitation, to meeting for two days OF
joint discussion. | arrived late ard found Gen
Foote upon the stand erected for the speakers.
If he alluded to my speeches, teegraphic speed
would not serve to reconcile the statement
with the fact; if it was not to me, then 10 tchom
d,d he aHude? Again, what was there in my
speeches which he had no right to anticipated"
He replies thus in the article before me:
"The true Interpretation is, that came home
in order to counteract the influence which
feared he might exert by speeches and other
wise. In the paragraph quoted, spoke first of
the peculiar difficulties which we had to en-
counter in Mississippi | then spoke of 'Tay-
lor- Cass speeches made here and there de-
scribed these speeches IA having been made by
persons who possessed a peculiar influence,
which Qhat is to say, which influence or the
dread of it) made me leave Washington for
the purpose Of counteractng movements which
| anticipated, &c, &c. | will leave il to any
psychologist in christendom to say whether do
not put the proper construction upon the Ian
guage imputed to me in the report"
If the Psychologists" sustain such eqnivoca-
ton, am sure honest men will have nothing
more to do with them. 1t seems unnecessary
to add anything to such an exposition, yet |
will say, that my opinions in relation to Mr..
Cass and Gen. Taylor, must have been as well
known to him when he conversed with Mr..
Rhett, as when he left Washington to visit
ho 10,
burg, and New Orleans on the return of the
Mississippi regiment from Mexico, and at the
dinner on the occasion of the resignation of Mr.
Crittenden from the Senate, spoke of Gen.
Taylor as great soldier, pure patriot and
honest man, and thus will ever speak of him.
The attempt to represent the speech at the din
ner to MIR. Critten1en as political in its nature,
would be unworthy of man who had anything
noble in his character. The dinner was not
political, and the toast to which was called on
to reply, was given to the army. He produces
Wing reports only of the speeches / made in
the canvass of I848. The files of these papers,
though his present supporters, would probably
show something in relation to himself at that
period, which it would give him no qualification
to republish. Secluded as am, | have no OPP
portunity to refer to Democratic papers to find
their notices of my speeches at that time and
to present them as the appropriate answer to
the extracts he brings from the Wing papers of
that date.
Perhaps might there find also, something in
relation to his former connection with the Wing
party, when he saved an union between HIM
self and seat in the legislature. Much, very
much, of his subsequent unmeasured abuse of
the Wing party and its leaders, could not fail
to find. There too, might find his authorized"
construction of the nicholson letter." which
he afterwards silently sat and heard repudiated
by its author, as one for which he Gen. Cass)
was in no degree responsible Broadcast over
the columns ofthe Mississippi press, might be
found his declarations (within the last two
years. that old party distinctions were done
away, and that new organization should be
founded upon recent acts of Congress. And
after this had served his purpose, the shameless
averment that he had been "exceedincly, yea,
painfully anxious to prevent that division in the
ranks of the Democratic party of the State which
che" foresaw would arise from renewal of the
contest at homo which had been waged between
"him and myself in the Senate" 1t will be re-
collected by many that after the close of the
session at which "the compromise" passed, he
visited Mississippi, traversed considerable por-
ton of the State, and commenced that agitation
which he subsequently continued.
!
some that returned to ne home, and occupied
with private affairs, remained there until near
the period when it was necessary to start back
to Washington City. Who them renewed the
contest at home? Who did that which he
says he foresaw would divide the Democracy of
mississippi?
But the boldest of his misstatements, if they
be not all ofthe superlative degree is that in
relation to the ground of controversy between
us. He says, that was displeased with him
because he would not yield "the principle of
non-interventon" and aid me in the enactment
of what he called at the time the W'ilmot Pro
piSo South" He further says that 1--WE had both
acted together in 184S, in opposition to this
dangerous and unconstitutional proposition"
and that, he "dd not understand that he had
been sent to Congress with instructions to
change front upon grave constitutional ques-
tion," &c. &c. What proposition of mine did
he term the Wiinlot Promise South, when did he
use the expression, and where is it to be found
| 1t could not be when | proposed the extern
sion of the Missouri compromise line. That
| limo which the enemiea of uayo institutions