The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1852-03-12
opinions OF wise and good men, then non- intcrven
tion is the settled law OF this Government.

But we have here a national platform, American in
its design, and American in all its materials. 1t
has no foreign stuff about il. 1t ia made OF the ma
tive timber, and 10 for home use. would invite
Presidential candidates to examine this platfor
but let them beware how they disturb any Of its
proportions; for the time is coming-and at the
next election, too-when he who desires to stand
where Washington stood, must stand on Wash.
ington's platform, stand there firmly, and without
equivocation He must bring with him no foreign
plank, no European prop, which may have been
tic revolutions No, sir he must stand as Wash
ington stood. upon American principles sustain
ing American interest and policy.
There is no doubt but that the question OF our
foreign relations will more or less affect the result
OF the coming election. The great question will
be, whether the Government shall steadily adhere
TO its ancient policy Of intervention, whe-
ther it shall be changed to meet the excitement
and sympathy Of the times. Thia IL IlioIIientous
question for the people Of this country decide;
and upon their decision depends the future pros.
perlty and glory Of our country shall, upon this
occasion, endeavor to sustain the non intervention
policy OF Washington in it's letter and in its spirit
In discussing the doctrine Of Intervention, in
tend to abstain from expressing any opinion about
the affairs OF Hungary, Of the domestic
OF any other foreign nation. Neither will enter
INTO my criticism upon the character the motives,
or the conduct OF kossu,h. ! propose to examine
this subject solely with reference to its bearings
upon the interests and the honor of my own coun-
try; believing that in our intercourse with other
tons we best discharge the duty we owe TO our
own country and to the world by confining our
foreign policy to the defence and advancement of
the peace. the liberty, and the prosperity of our
own people.
With these views, / shall proceed to consider
the subject matter of the resolutions under dis
cusson.
In treating this subject, | will show that inter
vention by one nation to regulate the domestic at
fairs OF another has long been the practice and the
law Of the nations of the world. That such, it
has been the instrument by which the strong gov
ernments regulated and oppressed the weak ma
tons. That In 1883 Washington discarded the old
law OF Intervention, and promulgated the
law OF fnon-intervention, for the regulation OF our
intercourse with foreign nations, and theirs with
u.s. will then contrast the European law of in
tcrvention with the American law of non interven-
tion. and show the effects Of each system upon the
cause OF human liberty, and upon the happiness and
prosperity Of nations. Intervention has ever been
the INSTRUMENT Of ambition and tyranny-the
weapon by which the strong powers of the earth
have destroyed the independence of the weak.
The ancient nations are known to us more by
their aggressions upon other countries than by
what they accomplished for themselves; and their
renown In history is derived more from their
OF Intervention and conquest than from the wis
dom and virtue OF their domestic policy. The
States Of Greece, when separate, intervcned with
each other; and, when united, the King of Ma
cedonia intervened TO divide them. Carthage in
tervened with Rome, and Rome with Carthage,
then she commenced system Of intervention upon
all surrounding nations, and, after destroying their
independence, intsrvened with hersef by dividing
her empire into two parts, thus herself falling
victim to that system OF aggression which she
had practiced upon Others. The modern nations
Of Europe, formed out OF the wrecks of the Roman
empire, partook of the same spirit of intervention.
The treaty of Westphala, in 1913, is the epoch
from which commences the history of the modern
science Of international law. This treaty termi.
mated the long series of wars growing out of the
Reformation; and although IT did mucn for the in
dependence of modern nations and for the civilza-
ton of Europe, yet, unfortunately for the peace of
the world, IL contained the obnoxious principle of
intervention IL secured TO certain leading powers
the right 10 interfere with the internal affairs OF
nations, in order 20 maintain the balance OF power
The treaty Of Utrecht, in 1913, contained the
same aggressive principle Ii again re-enact-
ed by the treaty of Paris, in 1914, and finally
sanctfed by the Holy Alliance at Vienna.
For two hundred years this intermeddling spirit
disturbed the peace OF Europe. Assuming every
variety OF form, it embraced alike by the
friends Of liberty and Of despotism Republics
and monarchics, Catholics aud Pro estants, have
each in their turn marched under its bloody BAN
ner. Intervention has been the evil genius of Eu-
ropean peace. IL is the ''red horse,' which was
sent forth upon the opening Of the "second seal"
so whose rider was given power "to take peace
from the earth that they should kill one another
and there was also given TO him great sword"
We can trace the horse and its rider in his bloody
tramp through thousand battle fields, from the
Baltic to the Mediterranean, from the Euxine to
the Atlantic. over the smoking ruins of towns and
cities, trampling beneath his iron hoofs kings
subjects, law, liberty, and religion
Up to the era Of the French revolution interven-
ton had been the peculiar instrument of the abso
Lutte powers.
Now it was that republicansm tried its hand at
France, in the excitement of her
fresh liberty, mounted the red ste,d, and wrench
ing the great sword" from the hand Of dis.
scH br. or,
tion through the nations, the Alps, through
Italy, up the Danube, down the Rhine, over the
burning Gands Of Egypt and the cold SHOWS of
Russia, never stopping in her mad career until
both the horse and it's rider perished upon the field
of Waterloo.
Then the absolute powers again took Up the
"great sword;" again the weaker nations If Eu-
rope felt its keen edge in the smembcrment of
their territories. Ii was just at the time when
republican France was using the weapon of inter
vention against the absolute powers, and in sup.
port OF free governments proclaiming to the world
that her object give liberty TO oppressed sub
lects, and Independence 60 trodden- down nations,
that Washington appealed 10 to unite the in
fluence- moral and physcal--of our Republic with
that of France in the great battle she was wagng
for republican institutions the continent of Eu-
rope. Washington answered this appeal the
23d Of April, 1893, by his celebrated proclamation
of neutrality. This declaration of neutrality was
made under the most trying and peculiar circum-
stances:
EARLY in April" says Marshall, "the declara-
ton OF war. made by France against Great Bri-
tain and Holland, reached the United States. This
event seemed 70 restore full vivacity to n flame
which peace Of ten years had been unable to ex-
tinguish. The prejudices against Great Britain,
which bad taken deep root during the war OF the
Revolution, appeared To derive fresh vigor from
cent events and by great proportion Oi the Amer
ican people 1t was deemed almost criminal te re-
main unconccrned spectators OF conflict between
their ancient enemy and republican France. The
feeling upon this occasion was almost universal.
Men of all parties partook gift"
"The few who did not embrace these opinions
aud they were certainly very few-were held up
Rs objects Of public dctestation, and were calum-
piated tools of Britain, and the satellites OF dee
po,ism."
When this storm Of public excitement fret burst
upon the country, Washin gton was at MountYe
non. There, in the privacy of that consccrated
spot, without even the counsel OF his Cabinet, in
the calm reflection of his own great mind, guided
by that uuerring judgment and that high aud
bic patriotism which had enabled him ON so many
occasions TO check and resist the popular excite
ment of the present, in order to secure in the fu-
ture permanent happiness and lasting glory TO his
country; then and there il was that Washington
conceived and maturcd that principle OF in.
ternational law, since known as American neu.
trality-American non-intervention in the affairs
Of Europe On the 18th of April, 1893, he writes
from Mount Vernon to the Secretary of State:
"War having actually commenced between