The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-11

SENATE.
TUESDAY, Feb. 10, 1851.
PETITIONS.


TUESDAY, Feb. 10, 1851.
PETITIONS.
Petitions were presented by Messrs. CoopER
Id BADGER, Of assistant mnrshals employed in
king the seventh census, praying for additional
pmpensation; by Mr.. Downs, asking that suia-
provision may be made for carrying the mail
etween New Orleans and Vera Cruz; by MIR.
HlELDs, for the right of way and grants of land
hr certain railroads in the State Of Illinois; by
r. FIsH, in favor OF establishing a branch mint
the city Of New York; by Mr.. BRADBURY, call
g for the repeal of the law concerning proceed
pgs IN courts of admiralty.
REPORTS COMMITTEES.
Mr.. SiIDLDS reported amendment to the
i'll TO refund to the State of California certain
honies collected in her ports before she became u
tate.
Mr.. GWIN read the instructions of the legis-
ature of California upon the subject, and said
bat when the bill came up for consideration he
houd move several important amendments. -
lie referred to the action of the last Congress
pom the subject which he said gave great dissatis
action to the people of that State.
Mr.. PEARCE said he should be prepared
when the bill came up, to present the views Of the
committee.
Mr.. SHIELDS reported bill to repeal the act
or the organization Of company Of Sappers and
Miners.
Messrs. CLEMENS and MALLORY reported on va
ious subjects.
The act for the better security of the lives of
passengers on board steam vessels, which was
Yesterday or1ered to engrossment, was passed.
The bill recently passed by the House, making
military bounty land warrants assignable, was re-
ferred 10 the Committee on Public Lands.
The Joint resolution expressive of the sympa-
nv Of Congress for the exiled Irish patriots, was
bn motion of MIR. SEWARD, who has the floor
tLat ouhierf sf cd and ms dc tba
cial order of the day for tomorrow at | o'clock
INTERVENTION.
The Senate then resumed the consideration of
the Joint resolution, introduced by Mr.. CLARKE,
re aft ming the doctrine of non-ntervention
The pending amendments of Mr.. SEWARD and
Mr.. CAss having been read,
Mr. CASS proceeded to address the Senate in
support of his own amendment
In consequence of having been unsupported
heretofore, and msur Outstanding as to his real
sentiments having arisen therefrom, he said he had
written out his remarks upon this occasion, and
should ask the Senate to indulge him in reading
the same.
The time had come for us to speak out upon this
subject. Whatever reasons may have existed
hitherto from silence with regard to the important
questions under consideration, they existed no
longer We had both the right and the power to
speak, and the relations which we, rs great and
free people, sustain to the nations of the word,
imposed upon us the moral obligation to make
known our sentiments abroad.
He reviewed with great severity the course of
Russia in their late Intervention in the affairs of
Austria and Hungary, and ccntended that the real
motive of the Gear, however studIously concealed
in language, was to prevent the establishment of
great and powerful free government upon his bor-
/ ders Such government he knew full well have
formidable barrier to the march of despotsm, and
would exhibit to his own objects dangerous
ample of the capacity Of mankind to govern them
selves. Austria also no doubt influenced, in
great measure, by similar motives.
| 1t was for the interest of the whole civilized
world he agreed, that the rights of nations be
speced by each other; for the instrument of OPP
preston to-day, might be the victim Of it to-
morrow. We, as nation, had direct interest
in the matter. 1T was not probable that the Rus
sian Gar would think Of sending his armies
across the Atlantic to put out the light of liberty
here, as he had done in Hungary; but he had the
power to affect our commercial interests abroad
very seriously, and we should look after those in
terests. He agreed also with the declaration of
Lord Palmerston, that great and free people
should not be indifferent to the rights of other
tons, even upon the common principles of hui
manity. He denied in toto the assumption that
we should be bound to follow out our expression
Of opinion by arms, or that declaration Of the
kind contemplated would necessarily lead to war.
There was not civilized nation on EARTH he
said, which had not, at some period, expressed
its opinion upon the subject Of Intervention. He
quoted Lord Palmerston, who, in reference to the
action of the House of Commons upon this very
subject held the following language: g do not
think that the preservation Of peace is in any de-
gree endangered by the expressions ofopinions in
regard to the transactions in Hungary, or in any
othercountry. He cited numerous cases where,
in modern times England and France had sepa-
rately and jointly protested against the interven
ton of one nation with the domestic affairs of an
o(far md
yet without involving themselves in any war in
consequence. He also instanced the case of
President Monroe, who denied to European gov
ernments all interference in affairs upon this con-
tinent. Although this protest had not proved en-
trey eficacious, yet it had undoubtedly been a
very powerful restraint upon those governments
and no war had resulted from it.
In view of the present greatness and prospect
i've growth and power of this nation, there were
no considerations of expedency which should
prevent us from taking this step. He had no
fears of establishing precedent which would
prove dangerous hereafter. He was opposed to
the sand-still policy of doing nothing, because we
cannot do everything. He was in favor Of pro-
gress.
The advice Of Washington which had been
brought up in opposition TO the views he was ad-
vocating, was not applicable; for our situation had
entirely changed since the period when it was Civ
en- And besides, this measure contemplated no
s'entangng alliances with foreign powers.
Finally, he repeated emphatcally what he said
on a former occasion, and what he told Kossuth in |
the very first conversation which he had with
him, that the people of the United States were not
prepared to maintain the rights of Hungary by
war. The only influence which we could exert
was moral and nota physical one. This was so
obvious that he surprised that any American
should seriously contemplate offensive war
with Europe. IL was wholly inexpedient. Our
resources were altogether inadequate to it, though
the day might come, and would come, when we
should be called upon to act. To that day he
would dismiss the subject.
After few words In reply to Mr.. CLARK's re-
marks
Mr.. CLEMENS took the floor and on his mo-
ton the subject was postponed until Thursday
next.
The Senate then held short executive session,
and adjourned.