Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1852-06-18

In all the positions we have attributed to Mr..
Kerr have been careful not to msrepresent him.
All statements will be borne by the report or
the debate at Fayetteville, as given in the Observer
of the 10th inst
Mr.. Reids position upon State politics is, we pre-
sumo, correctly stated in the following from the Rail
eigh Standard, which paper may fairly be presumed
to present him accurately:
"Gov. Reds position on these questions. and each
of them. important to the people of North Carroll
ma, is perfectly well understood. He believes that
the principle of Free Suffrage is right IN itself and
should be Incorporated into the fundamental law of
the State He believes that the cheapest surest and
most expeditions and most satisfactory mode of eff
fecting the amendment (now pending before the Lee
gslature) is by of Legislative enactment; and
that the dangers if any exist of unacceptable chan
ges, and of tnkering with the Constitution would
be multiplied by the call of an open Convention:
and if the right of Free Suffrage cannot be engraft
ed in the organic law by the Legislature, it cannot
and will not be accomplished. by Convention. He
believes that the effect, if not Of the objects of
those who most strongly insist ON a Convention is
the defeat of Free Suffrage s.
The Constitution of the United States and of very
many of the States themselves is based upon the
principle of granting protection to the interests of
separate communities sections. indeed this prin
cpe underlies all really federative associations and
is in accordance with reason and justice but while
the propriety Of such protection is very generally
conceded, as between seperate communities or Sec
tions, nothing can be odous anti-republican
than invdious distinctions between different classes
or professions residing in the community. All
experience has shown, that such fair protection to
sectional local interests, may be necessary to
guard the weaker against the encroachments of the
stronger. has been productive of beneficial effects,
while special privileges founded upon classes social
distinctions, have uniformay produced an effect d.
rectly the reverse.
The basis of representation in the Senate and
House of Commons was agreed upon in spirit of
compromise, and was intended so to balance the pow
er of the East and West in the Legislature. to
preventone from encroaching upon the other or OPP
pressing it in any way; and it has generally been
productive of the desired effect nearly So at any
rate, as merely human institution could be expec.
ted to be. But the clause requiring landed quail
cation for Senatorial electors is founded upon such
principle of sectional local protection. 1t is nten
ded to separate classes in the communicate give to
one, rights that the other has MOTTO guard the rich
man against the poor man, the land holder against
the land the farmer of the country against
the mechanic the merchant the professional man
Of the The farming interest neither requires
asks such protecton--it protect itself the peo-
pie of New Hanover county of Dupin, Sampson. Ons-
low. Bladcn Brunswick, Columbus, Wayne or any
other eastern county have no desire to disfranchse
the people of Wilmington Newbern or Fayette
vile any other of the towns of the State. Even
in South Carolina where the balance between the
different sections of the State is still more jealousy
preserved than with u.s. they have never dreamed Of
guarding man against his neighbor, possessing the
same feelings interests and associations with himself
In good truth this distinction is founded upon no us
principle is conservative of no rights rendered
necessary by no calculation of policy and the
it is abolished the betttr.
There have been serious doubts of the propriety
of personal canvass by the candidates for the high
Office of Governor of North Carolina and it has been
regarded by many as calculated to detract from the
dignity of the Office and initiate against the high
position which should be occupied by gentlemen
honored by the confidence of great parties and aim
ing at the chief Executive Office in the State How
ever this may be- thing is certain. that any ap
peas to passion prejudice, any of the little clap
trap of eectoneerng-an resort to storytelling or
testing is decidedly out of character; and however
it may cause the groundlings to laugh cannot but
make the judicious grieve.
| Those who have ever listened to Gov. Reid can
not have forgotten the remarkable GOODNESS and de-
liberation of his of speaking taking up and
disposing of the points involved: point by point with
out turning to the right hand or to the left making
no attempts at display and far above the petty am
bition of exciting laugh against his opponent, by
some misplaced witticism miserable pun. Mr..
Reds speeches as gubernatorial candidate awake
but little excitement, and produce no laughter
They are intended to awaken thought-to present
ideas that may be pondered over and reflected upon
by the people and their effect in this way rem
dered visible by the marked gain in his vote in near
ly every county in which he and Mr.. Manly spoke
as exhibited by the returns of the last Gubernator
al election. Mr. Reid is man of clear intellect
and sound and we'll read politician.
MIR. Reid's present competitor, Mr.. Kerr, has thu
reputation of being one of the most snowy declaim
ers in the State-a capital special peader and stuml
orator-and perfect gentleman withal, in privat
>, any gentleman of his age and reputation in tn
State In the various discussions which have oc
CURED between himself and Mr.. Reid, it has appa
, rently been his aim rather to make what might b
called ''hts' for temporary effect, than to FOLLOW
the cool and methodical survey and dissection Q
principles made by Gov. Reid When, by ludicrou
comparisons or comic action, laugh could be gotte
f up, the opportunity was seized upon; or when, by
little cap-trap feeling could be excited it wa
brought into play. Now, general rule, thi
might be regarded fair stump speaking, and n