The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-06-03


pass no law for the disturbance of the Fugitive
enactment it was equally within their power t.
iorbid'the passage of law giving its consent
to the admission of slave State formed out o.
the territory of California No proposition car
be clearer than this and if there be any obi
CATION binding in good faith TO refrain from
the exercise of Legislative power in the one
case. there is the same in the other. Yet those
who would hold us with steel to that part
which we dislike, tell us that the spider
most attenuated thread is cord, is cable, to the
slender tie by which they are bound.
In this connection, desire TO read short
extract from the debates Of the Senate at the
present session. | quote from the Congress
sonal Globe of December last:
Mr. Foote Whenever any gentleman in
PRODUCES proposition here to divide California
with her consent by the line of SO deg 80
min, or 35 deg SO min, treating her in all
thessfespeets as u sovereign State, | shall vote
for il, and some Of those who will vote for it
in connection with me will vote in a manner
wholly repuguant to their former feelings
MIR. Butler. Then the Senator admits that
while he wishes to make the Compromise i'm
mutable, he is perfectly willing to change it
when it suits him. This is fnality of a to-
tality'
Mr. Foote | should vote for that PROPOSE
ton in the same way that | should vote for a
proposition to alter the boundary lines Of any
other State in the Union at her request |
would not vote for that sooner than PROPOSE
ton to divide Texas or New York, if those
States desire a new State TO be formed within
their limits While hold the Compromise to
be dcfntive settlement, | do not hold it to
no ohn no nd fha
ton expressly gives Congress the power of ad-
hitting new States. Now, perhaps the gen.
tleman is entitled to the triumph which he
claims
Mr.. Butler | claim no triumph The gen.
tlemans own explanation shows where he con-
siders the triumph is While he insists on these
Compromise laws being like unto the laws of
the Modes and Persians so perfect as not to be
changed, yet he admits there are contingent
cies on which they may be changed That is
what intended to say
Now, sir feel that on this point am quo
ting authority which no man will dispute no
less authority than that of the acknowledged
father of the Compromise; and surely, if he
does not know what it means, we shall seek in
vain for instruction. But other commentators
agree with him The honorable gentleman
from Texas, MIR Howard who may be pre-
sumed to understand the Southern construc-
ton of the Compromise expressed in recent
speech substantially the same views as those
presented by the late Senator from Mississippi.
! The Senator held that the Compromise was not
above the Constitution and as the Constitution
gives Congress the power of admitting new
States he would vote for the admission of a
new slave State to be formed out of California
| Rufa ba 4 ,c Ilu E,ll
in the grant to Congress Of power to modify
| the Fugitive Law, he would not vote for such
modification, because it would be inconsistent
with the Compromise beg to know wherein
the latter vote would be more inconsistent with
the Compromise than the former The law
admitting California, and defining her bounda-
ries, was one of the Compromise measures, and
the Senator has always contended that the Fu-
gitive Law was another. He would, at the in
stance of new slave State, permit the ques-
ton of slavery to be reopened by a proposition
for the division of California and the increase
Of slave representation in Congress This,
suppose would be no disturbance of the sla-
very question, as it was settled by the Compro-
mise But, if twenty States should ask, by
all their members in Congress, for some change
Of the law providing for the return of fugitive
the adjustment"
3. oppose the new test, because its adoption
will increase agitation, and tend to the iorma-
ton of sectional parties. | know the avowed
object of this test is to put down agitation.
The manner in which this is to be accomplish
ed is by telling men that they must not speak
or think on the subject it refers to; that, if
they do, it will be useless, rs all legislation
thereon is forbidden. 1t denies the rights of
free discussion and private Judgment, and i'm
poses restraints on the human mind more wor-
thy the times and rank--old doctrines of Sir
Robert Filmer--than of this age and land Of
freedom Freemen cannot be dragooncd into
silence Your Convention resolution would
have II contrary effect from that desired. Our
Northern people, ~ you know, MIR Chairman,
Mr. Seymour, of Connecticut have a HGrRey
rock ut Plymouth, and are about rs much i'm
clined TO speak their minds as were their Puri-
tan ancestors who landed upon it centuries
ago Of one thing be sure you cannot make
them hold their tongues upon compulsion.
There is such thing M pushing matters so
far us 10 create reaction. Northern men are
in the habit of thinking that they have gone
about far enough in the direction in which
they are now urged They have eyes, and
they can see-hearts, and they can feel-mem.
cries, and they can recall what is past and
courage to follow wherever honor and duty
may lead