The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-01-22

suth stands here before the country, the first
European that ever stepped upon our shores,
the champion Of State rights 1t is that princi-
pie which he personifes and no other man ever
came from the Old World that could be said to
personify it That is the highest claim which
he has upon my regard, and as believe, upon
the regard of the civilized world. What was
the case of Hungary for several hundred years!
She had constituted a part of confederated
empire she had her own rights, and guarded
them with jealous care; and she had her sepa-
rate State independence and sovereignty, which
persisted through the encroachments of the CEN
trail pOwer--a power created under express Inn
itations. If this Republic should 60 the down.
ward path which every republic has gone
whose story has been written, from what
cause will it perish1 | stand here to welcome
Louis kossuth because | love this Union, and
pray that it may be eternal; but see in this
Government symptom of mortality-and what
is itl Ii this Government shall perish, 1t will
perish by the encroachments of the central
power upon the rights of the separate States.
And here stands a man whose whole life has
been devoted to the vindication of State rights
against consolidation and Capitalization. That
is the principle he embodies, and it is for that
we should welcome him here, if we welcome
him at alas trust in God we shall do cheer
fully, and with our whole hearts
Now, what is the reason why liberty has been
impossible in Europe, from the earliest times
down to the present day! Simply because
they have had no contrvance there for dlv-
ding the powers of the Government among many
different administrations How WAS II that
that great mantle apostle of liberty IN two
wOrlds-and his c0mpeers failed to establish
constitutional government in Francet Why's
constitutional liberty impossible now IN France!
For one reason, and one only: and that Is, be-
cause all the powers of the Government are in
trusted to one central power. And that pow
or must of necessity be altogether too strong
for liberty TO exit anywhere.
And sir when | see here in this country the
universal tendency of power to attract to itself
all power; when see there must, some day OF
other, come up the question, shall this cluster
of Republics cease to be Il cluster Of Republics
Shall 1t bccomea National Government? When
see a party sometimes calling itself national,
because it carries national powers further than
other men are disposed to carry them; when
see such tendenccs-l allude not to the present
particularly, but to different periods since the
foundation of our GOyernment-when see that
this is the great danger against which every
man IN this country ought to contend who de-
sres tbs ''~9seyy9t''ss-ss.t - ....- -
wneh y -..,.,, '-,.,o 1iNs ucvoted h.s
life, his energies, his genius-a genius which
will not now pause to characterize for trust
all around me appreciate NJ ] do man who
has devoted all the powers God has given him
to the purpose of defending the institutions and
independence of his country against tho central
power of her federal government, ask myself
IL il possible that any man who sees IN the
rights Of tho several States the bulwark and
safeguard of our liberties, can for a moment
hesitate to welcome such a man. The mystic
nv to me is incomprehensble confess ! can
not fathom it and nothing that have yet
heard in the debate upon this floor has given
me any assistance in understanding what il at
the bottom Of this unwilngness to welcome
our brother our friend, our compatriot in the
defence of that great principle which lies ut
the foundation of all our institutions.
If, sir, Louis kOssuth had not been brought
hero in Government ship, if he had come in
his own vessel ut his own expense If he had
never been heard of except "a the champion OF
the principle of which have already specified,
that alone would have been claim enough on
me- And when such a man has been brought
here at the national expense, are we to stand
parlevng while he is at the door, and debating
whether we will let him in or shut him out ?
What new light have we on this subject? Are
we to say that, by admitting Louis Kossuth, we
sanction all the opinions he has ever uttered
If that be 80, we never should have invited him |
here He had uttered good many opinions
before he came to this country, in which | for
one could not agree with him But say that |
we must take the man as the glorious represent
alton of a glorious cause. As SUCH we can
take him to our hearts, differ from us as he |
may great variety Of questions, and impor-
tant questions too, that may arise All honest
men, having different inteccts, do differ. When
| find two men agreeing precisely in opinion, !
take it for granted that they are either both
fools, or that one of them il u fool, and is con-
trolled by the other This man has n right to
his own opinions. Let him express them, and
express them iearlessly do not say that by
vote | endorse any of his opinions. simply
say that glory in welcoming to America the
peculiar champion of the great principles Of
American institutions.
With this exposition, | am willing that my
vote should 60 forth to the country; and what
ever position Kossuth may hereafter take | shall
not feel that have reason to regret that vote.