The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-04-09

rian chief than those who are inHexibly opposed 70
the policy TO which he is urgently inviting this
country
IFrom the New Orleans Bulletin, April IT.
M. kossuth commences his address with charac-
| teristic coldness He assumes that injustice has
been done him, that he has been prosecuted, and
that the positions he enforces would if carried OUT
be alike beneficial and advantageous to his own
country and to the United States Without dis
arrangement to him, We may be permitted to say
that ne has iterated and reiterated this statement
SO often, that he begins to have confidence in its
applicability and truth himself But he forgets
when he INDUCES in such fancful defamation that
he is addressing reading and intelligent commu-
nity-mcn who are generally we'll versed in foreign
and domestic afairs--who think for themselves, act
for themselves and are, many of thom as capable of
judging and approaching the rule Of causes and
effects. as any mon in any, or from any, country
This grand mistake he committed at the outset Of
his career, when he presumed to advise the Ameri-
can people to abandon the policy of Washington
and substitute his own therefor and although ex-
perlence has since caused him to materially change
his tone in that particular regard still it appears
impossible for him to continually bear in mind that
he is appealing to men of intelligence, and to
bring forth argument and proof in support of his
propositions, instead of eloquent, yet sophstical
defamation; He generally compliments his
hearers by pleasing illusions to their understanding
and patriotism, and then Immediately afterwards
| insults the one by assuming ground and calling
upon them to advocate it, in relation to European
affairs, which their information tells them is I'M
founded and untcnable, and calls in question the
other, by asking them to support doctrines utterly
at war with those held by every leading statesman
of the land, from the immortal Father Of his
Country down to the lustrons Clay:
In relation to the interview with Mr.. Clay in
Washington, nc is equally unfortunate, when he
| says:-
Rut somebody Of those few present on that occasion Il
indeed don't know who, but certainly Mr. Ciay--of
this am sure) considered matters not with the
delicacy have done and made public report in some
ncwpapers ahou; our private interview; and therefore
stood before the public of this great republic in the light
as II were not able to view opposed and
had ay Z, silent scquiescenee to plead bad cause
As M. kossuth's memory is 50 trcacherous that
ne cannot recollect the names OF the insignificant
persons present on that interesting occasion, we will
just give them for his especial bencit:-One Lewis
Jones, edo our Tennessee friends know anything
about such an individually one Mr. Ewing Of
Kentucky and one Mr.. Fendall, Of the District Of
Columbia, together with Mr.. Clay and NJ. Kossuth,
comprised the whole of the congregation. The re-
| port OF the interview was drawn up by the Hon.
Presley Ewing. Chan whom more high-mndcd,
honorable. or sensitively delicate" gentleman, in
all matters of personal etiquette, does not cxist0
with the advice and consent Of the other distin-
gushed visitors. Mr. Clay approving the correctness
Of the abstract of his remarks, written down
by Dir. Z. This is specifically stated in the prefa-
| tory observations which accompanied the official
account of the interview, az ii appeared in the Ma
| tSonM Atafgencer. In relation to the concluding
sentence OF the paragraph above quoted, We have
furnishes abundant instances where jackals have
snarled, ieartully and apprchensively, around the
| dying lion, before the breath had left the body of
| the proud monarch of the forest. DESTROYS to
| gorge their rayenous appetites. yet dreading the
last spring of their kingly superior.
His ideas in regard to Estate rights. as such
rights understood in the South arc as unique as
| they are inapplicabe and absurd -
Ihave one thing to complain Of. Let me tell YOU
gentlemen. that when about leave England for
the United States some gentlemen prognostcated to me
| that | would be by the thorn Statcs Nv
answer was" No that is impossible. The Southern
states are very warmly attached TO the principle of their
state rightso the principle that every nation has the
right to regulate its own institutions and dispose of its
own dons concerns Its this principle which plead
and plead not only for my country, but plead it as
common law Of all nations; because that principle is in
jeopardy the absoutistical powefs OF Europe having
made powerful alliance with the openly purpose
TO crush that principle of State rights everywhere and
establish ty force and violence in its stead that arbitrary
principle that every centralized government and every
foreign power has the right interfere against the State
rights of whatever people.
1t is true that the Southern people arc warm ad-
yocates Of the doctrine of State rights as they un-
derstand it, which applies solely to the rights qua
rantied them under the general organic laws of their
| country. The State rights doctrine Of Kossuth is
as different from theirs rs light is from darkness-as
| tie wild fury OF n tornado is from gentle zephyr
as the raging of the eiements is from smiling calm
They say to their Northern brethren, interfere not
with our local affairs. let u manage domestic
| matters our own way touch not ous institution Of
slavery. We have no desire to NEEDLE with your pr-
| waite concerns. and we are not going to submit to
any offcious interference your part. Let Us alone
IL Tie ciJoS ment Q! our constitutional and nalien-
| ALI rights. his comprises the Whole State rights
| doculne, as Understood in the Southern country.
The difference between tic position Of Kossuth
taken evening before last. he question Of non
| interference. and national protest against the
principle Of interference, and his views as express
ed at the bar dinner III New York. the same sub
ject, not many months since, is tocrably wide We
| quote paragraphs from both speeches.
| From the New Orleans speech -
And again am Of opinion that if you maintain now
the principle of nonnterf,rcncc and national protest
against the principle OF interference and protest
will be dsregarded then you viii be entangcd in difficult
ties, and even in war But. quite the contrary
your protest will not entanglc you in any culties-in-
vo,c you in war But you do protest then you
will certainly be lee into 'liicultcs, and have
I,fm ~ Vow Eclt ln" Gi-~ey s.rerE
hat l.ay L, anoMcleu, oi We (,ne uniIed .tatcs)
make such declaration Of non-admssion Of the inter-
ference Of Russia in Hungary tbecause that i the
viii respect declaration then might to go
to war And there i the rub. tLaughter.) Well. am
not INC man 70 decline IN consequen.cs q NY principles
sympathy by slippery evasion. Yes. gentlemen con-
icsf should Russia not respect such declaration your
country then you alphabetically obgcd-to 20
war; or else be prepared 70 be degraded before mankind
iiem your dignity (Applause) Yes, confess that
Which, arc we to believe, Kossuth in New Or
leans, or kossuth in New York HI tells Us in
New Orleans that il we ''do not protest will
have war" He tells us in New York that If
we do protest, and Russia does not respect such
declaration" we viii he literally obliged to 90 to
war; or else be degraded before mankind from
our national dignity. Further, in the New York
speech, he admits that he is an Intervention man.
in the language cited, as follows swell, if we
Ohe United States) make such declaration of nom
admission OF the interference Of Russia in Hungary
(because that is the practical meaning of the word
will not dcny) and Russia will not respect =
ETC., etc. In New Orleans he says he is :. mortay
| opposed to the principle Of Intervention Now,
which speech is correct kossuth in New Orleans
repudiates kossuth in New York. Which is right
Which is to be depended upon! 1--WE pause for a
reply"
The military portion Of the argument hardly
| needs reference to- Should the despots Of Europe
| combine in the manner indicated, and with such q
| purpose the United States and Great Britain will
be necessarily forced into offensive and defensive
| alliance. Those two nations could close every hos
tile port in Europe, in six months, completely