Semi-weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1852-1853, 1852-07-31
GOV. REID ON FREE SUFFRAGE.

North Carolina, dated June 2Sh, 1850.
I,trust shall be pardoned for alluding the
ner in which this subject was made issue in the
canvass Of l54S, for think the part acted enables
me to know more about this matter than any other
human being upon the face of the earth. That some
men were permitted to vote for the Senate and others
were not, was no new discovery to me or to any
body else At any rate well remember my atteR-
ton directed to the inequality and injustice of this
feature OF our Constitution even before became
ter; and presume there but few in the State
who could not say much. My attention was fire.
quenty called to the subject when candidate for
the Senate by persons who desired to vote for me,
but expressed regret that they could not do for
the want of the land qualification. Many years ago,
while member of the Legislature, determined at
one time TO present the subject the consideration
OF that body, but met with no encouragement from
cupyIng an humble position and possessing but lit
tie influence, was fearful that failure then might
prove Preudicia to this question of Constitutional Re-
form, which. believed, could some day convince
the people they ought to adopt. The time and state
OF pubic opinion then appeared unpropitious, and
abandoned my determination. Early in the year ls49,
to press the subject to the consideration
OF the people of the State AS federal politics had
governed almost everything in our State for years.
foresaw that would be difficult procure for this
subject that consideration which its importance de-
manded, unless it was adopted by one of the pot-
cal parties. With this view l determined to attend
the Democratic Convention be held that Spring and
urge its adoption an issue; and that if the Con-
ventlon would not adopt it, would seek suit
my own County, and write it out for publication and
that would publish essays the subject, urging
the consideration of this question the people. III
health prevented me from attending the Convention.
When heard from that Convention, was surprs-
ed to learn that had been nominated for Governor.
Before received official information of my nomina-
tion wrote Mr.. Holden letter stating that should
probably decline, but if l run IS desired to make
Equal Suffrage issue. Believing the state of my
health was such that canvass OF the State would
be hazardous to my life, subsequently wrote let
ter declining the nomination. This letter
published, and roy friends prevailed upon me 10 with
draw it and accept the nomination. The next day
after accepted left home to meet my competitor,
who was then engaged in the Canvass. Before leav
ing home apprised some of my friends Of my pur-
pose make this issue. When / reached Raleigh,
mentioned the subject several of my friends there
and Mr.. Holden assured me, if l carried ont my
intention, that the Standard would zeaously advo-
cate the measure. At Goldsborough / mentioned
| the subject to friends met there When arrived
at Newbern consulted friends there the subject
and Mr.. Gulick promised me that the Republican
would zeaousy advocate the measure. My friends
will recollec that in all these conversations that to
make this issue was favorite object with me and
that these conversations and consultations the
subject were brought about by my suggestions.
had consultation or conversation the subject
Of making this issue with any living of the
State; neither did | receive from Washington City
elsewhere any suggestion, either written oral,
in relation to making the issue.
The Democratic party had nominated me without
my knowledge consent. and although they had not
authorized me TO make Equal Suffrage question in
the election, yet believe ed they would sustain if
did right and therefore took the responsibility to
put " that ball in mOsion'' the 10th of May,
lS49. This is the way in which the subject was in.
troduced into the canvass of lS4S.
What is the dearest privilege Of an American ct-
zen! 1t is to exercise the great and inestimable
right of suffrage. In advocating this reform do
not now nor have at any time, proposed TO change
the basis of Representation for either the Senate or
House of Commons. Let that remain as it is. What
II nA0
vote for the Commons, to U0te also for the Senate.
Is this right? l might call your attention to the fact
hat this odioUs distinction does exist in any other
Staeof this Union. AS the Constitution now stands,
a man cannot vote for the Senate unless he holds
freehold of fifty acres of land. This is unjust, even
between landholJer and landholder. One man owns
fifty acres worth $25; he can vote for the Senate,
while another may own one acre worth ten thousand
dollars yet the latter for the Senate 1t
is still unjust between those who land, and
those who do not. Il is not to take the right of
ting from the andholder but it is extend the right
Of suffrage to another meritorious and viruous class
of our fellow citizens. All experience has
shown that the mere fact that owns land, does
not make him more wise, more pure more patri-
otc. 1t is slander upon the merits and character
of this 'vFtuous class of citizens say they
would niquitious laws to plumber the landhold.
ers. There many of our citizens who own prop
erty and yet are not landholders; and no would
go further protect the rights of property of every
description. large portion of enterprising young
men, and of industrious farmers and mechanics,
do not own nifty acres OF land. These men will
attempt to impose the landed interest, because
they intend, as it is compatible with their
convenience ability, possess themselves of land
mot by the unholy means of Punderng their neigh.
bors, but by purchase with the proceeds of their hon.
est industry. During the last canvass, willie dis
cussing this question the Vest, Gov. Manly insis.
ted that could be the friend of Equal Suffrage
because did not GO for changing the basis of Repre-
senfafion, by which some of the Eastern Counties,
having less number Of voters than of the es
tern Counties, yet they had the representation
in the Legislature and why he would ask, did not
go for equalizing them? l do not know whether he
intends to this arguement in the present canvass
see, however, in his Speech lately made before the
| Whig Convention, and which presume was pub
lished be circulated aU the STATE that he does
not allude to this point. Our basis of Representa-.
on for branch of the Legislature is taxation for
| the other it is feared population. The Abotoniss
at the North wish to destroy the basis of federal pop
ulation upon which we represented in Congress-.
regard their course the subject as mischievous
and dangerous, and l should regard similar move.
in relation to representation in the Legisa-
| ture, fraught with equal mischief and danger.
presume there are at this day, fifty thousand of
our. free white citizens of the age of twentv-one
years, who cannot vote for the Senate. And why
is it sol 1t is because they wanting in vir-
tue, intelligence patriotism but because of an
arbitrary feature in Constitution which withholds
from them one of their dearest rights In vain may
we boast of equal rights, while this feature remains
in our Constitution. Although these not
placed upon terms of equality at the ballot-box, yet
when taxes are to be paid, when the rights and
honor Of the country to be defended against the