Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1852-01-10

and the ultimate design some if there be any such in
this House, to involve this country in difficulties with
european Powers. am opposed to the latter and in
favor OF the former believe the questions be entire
ly distinct Permit me, Mr. Chairman 10 say to nv bre-
hren Of the South that seems To me they have mani
tested upon this occasion undue sensveness in
ence 10 TINS proposition DO they intend to imply by
opposition to this resolution that the march of free
principles In Europe is march upon the South If they
do, must beg leave to part from them. stand here
amongst the foremost whenever republican liberty is the
question: to give my aid in every legitimate form for its
progress do not believe the establishment of freedom
any where can operate to the prejudice of the South
Southern institutions any undue sensitiveness upon
that SUBJECT is calculated to do injury serious injury
with the lovers OF freedom throughout the world because
we teach them by that to draw distinction be-
tween the republicanm of the South and repubcansm
elsewhere. admit no such thing. assert that the
triumph of democratic constitutional liberty does NOT
and cannot interfere with the Southern institutions
will not admit there is paradox presented by our nst
buttons and the constitutional liberty we enoy They are
altogether compatible and shall always be found among
the foremost in advocating whatever may lepitimatey
tend 10 the establishment of freedom other parts of the
wor out not 70 the extent of involving my country in
intervention with European politics / am opposed to n
policy OF that sort but when the simple question is Shall
we do such honor to the representative of free principles
IN Europe as VIII give aid and comfort those noble
hearts who are now beating high with inspirations for
freedom, shall withhold it? No sir. 7 win not with
hold through the vain fear that it may reco upon our
institutions Our Institutions based upon a frner
princpie hrmer foundation; and the march of liberty
elsewhere is not in conflict with our interests We Mt the
South know there would be much wisdom in n man
emancpatng his infant children before thew have arrived
at the years of discretion there would be in emanci
pating the black The difference between the two
is that the children of the white man win arrive to ne
Rod when they become freemen and can provide for
themselves; tse les,y nsJs. aan distinction drawn
by the hand OF the Almighty between the black and the
white race has placed the negro in his present position
and there he must remain receiving protection from the
white man, and rendering him service for it, The white
must be served by them the little bow of ten
0fecfs A 70 NJ
ways child. Unless we stand upon a principle
which is immutable in relation to our institutions and
also compatible with the great truths of republican gov
ernment shall be condemned and we are pronouncing
condemnation If refuse our sympathes to the
oppressed Of other countries Let avoid sir even the
appearance Of it.
Mr.. BOC0CK. This debate has been long protracted
and have not made attempt before this in the last
two days to participate in it. Nor should have done SO
but for the fact that the speech which has been Just
made by my colleague Mr MEADE) places me- and those
who have acted with me- in false position before this
House, the country, and constituents. He has as
sumed in the remarks which he has just made that
have been guided solely by sensveness upon the sub
eot OF slavery in our course here
Mr.. MEADE. II, in the hurry of my remarks I made
any such statement, did intend it. only inferred
the thing from the resolution offered by the gentleman
from North Carolina Mr. STANLY and from the fact that
the vote here had partaken in of sectional
character
Mr.. BocooK. If the gentleman has not intended it,
take this occasion to say for myself to this House and
chiefly operated upon me- any of this de Far
as know.
Mr.. MEADE. l am glad to hear it,
Mr.. BococK. The vote has in fact been very far from
sectional one Gentlemen from Indiana, Ohio and New
York have been prominent side.
ask upon what principle is it expected that this
luton is to be adopted Is it personal compliment
to Louis Kossuth? Nobody claims that Is it because
he is the representative of great principle that
to honor him in this House? Now ask of what prin-
cplc is he the representative He to declare be-
is the organ of his opinions, sentiments and wishes
He has proclaimed trumpettongued ~ do not ask your
empty compliments; do not ask your empty sympathy"
lie says the sympathy he wants is operative sympathy
He wishes to take European affairs under manage
ment, and if necessary to fight for Hungary When a
resolution like this sent him from the other end Of
the Capitol what did he say? He told it COM
pliment. He said know better than you do There
is meaning, political meaning in it. He deceived
Well, it is not Louis Kossuth that only deceivng
In deSea.ing him are we not as was said by colleague
Mr. BAYLY deceiying his counrrymen home, and de-
ludng the poor Hungarians In aid of his sentiments
in the Northern States leapng forward as if
in eager competition to be the first to join in this
When see the thing taking through the country and
the public mind becoming nfamed and when we see
gentlemen upon this floor rising and utterng such sent
mens have heard in this debate from several speak
ers and when we see majority here breaking down the
rules to carry out their purpose in this respect ask is
it not time for rejecting serious, and sober-mnded
to pause in their course they upturn the long
hshed policy of the country We have told him that he
ry.
dered all that the country, all that magnanimty and be
raty required. This willingly consented to. No man
feels sympathy with the of freedom through
out the world with the who dedicate themselves
to it, than do But our first duty is to ourselves
am willing to pay compliments and extend courtesies
to the worthy and deserving if harmless But when
that serious consequences likely follow from
action is it not time, ask, to pause and reflect? And
when gentlemen come here and tell that with the mi
nory have resorted to revolutionary measures and to
factious course tell them that the charge they make
against applies them They have trampled the
rules have not They have resorted to unusual and
unprecedented modes Of action; have not. We have
endeavored to deprive such efforts of successful result
and thus maintain the rules and protect own rights
But for doing So not to be misunderstood hav
ing sympathy with Kossuth and his cause i'm
properly bringing the institution of slavery into the
We have not done thing to give good grounds for either
charge.
The question recurring upon Mr.. MEADEs amendment
to the amendment it taken, and decided in the
gatve.
SO the amendment the amendment was not agreed to-
Mr. TUCK offered the following amendment to the
amendment, to come in at the end thereof
And hereby declared be the judgment of this House
that the late Intervention Of Russa in the affairs Hungary
violation of the law Of nations"
Mr. 7. said: That amendment expresses nv sent-
nents, and am for speaking them out here let who may
take offence.
Mr.. CARTIER. would inquire Of the Chair whether
that amendment is in order?
The CHAIRMAN. In the opinion of the Chair, the
amendment is not in order.
Mr.. SAVAGE then offered the following amendment to
the amendment:
Resoired That Congress dsapproves the political doctrines
OF Louis Kossu In relation to the frign policy Of the Uni