The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-19

| involving these results, to the exclusion oil
Messrs. FoorE and COBB. So, on the other
hand, it is indispensable to the success OF the
Democratic party, that all its elements are re-
united, and the resolutions Of '4S may be re.
\ adopted. In that event, we may see Mr.. HALE
or Mr.. RAsTouL, in the Treasury, or the mission
to England-and General QUrrMAN must en-
gage in promoting this result, against Judge
GUIoN, a distinguished Wing of Mississippi
who supported General QuITMAr. MIR. BENTON
Mr.. BLAIR, and JOHN VAN buren,, resume their
position, under an act Of general amnesty and
oblivion. These are the inevitable results OF
re- union, unless the parties mediate treachery.
Can these things be,--after the resolutions
Of fourteen States-after the resolutions OF
the Nashville convention the speeches
against the Compromise-afte the adoption OF
the Georgia platform?
For our part, as yet advised, we cannot acqui-
esce We cannot support Messrs SEWARD and
GIpDIrGs against Messrs. TooMBsa and STEPHENS
and Com; although nobody lamented more
deeply than we the course of the latter. We
think that their course was fatal to the terrific
rial rights of the South If they had not sup
ported the Compromise and had not recon-
mended submission to Georgia, We are now
morally certain she would have joined South
Carolina, and that Alabama and Mississippi
would have joined them And we are now also
morally certain, that if such had been the
case the federal government and the North
would have receded, and the Union, as
well as the rights of the South, would have
been saved. But although we think those
gentlemen committed fatal error, we have no
idea of associating them with the Stewards, and
SUMMERS. and GIDDIsGs, and Preston KINGS,
unless they make the association themselves.
On the contrary, the result in, the South admon-
ishes us that If they did commit great error,
majority of the people of the South have done
the same thing.
We do not know, of course, what political
combinations will be formed. Nobody knows.
But, whilst we are ready to promote any
thing that promises to attain the~tmost prob
able and practical benefits to the country,
and to support any party which may be the
most eligible for such an object, we may. per:
haps, as well take this occasion to notify both,
that the day passive obedience to party is over.
As for the usage which has hitherto prevailed
of paying party organs with enormous jobs, it is
gone with the day of their despotic dictation, and
the business of the government must be open,
as well as the opinions of the people, to the le-
climate completion of capacity, integrity, and
energy.
The DUTY OF THE DEMocRAcY-It is obyi-
GUS that the divisions which appear in the ranks
of the Democratic party at this time have been
produced by causes that have but little practical
connexion with the administrative policy Of the
federal government The crisis lately existing
has in great measure passed, and it would seem
to be our duty to refer to it rather as unfolding
the weak points in our political system than to
fix error upon the individuals who acted prom.
4 inent part in it. A mistaken philanthropy on the
subject Of slavery, gradually infused into the
sectional jealousies of our country, produced
the WiImot proviso, the necessary effect of which
measure excited to high degree those who's,
rights it threatened. From this cause sprung
ritory from Mexico. The same cause had pre-.
viously shown its unhappy tendency; but unit
the annexation Of Texas and the war with Mex
leo il had been confined TO small theatre, and
was easily counteracted by the ordinary action
| of the government When. however, il was
supposed that the vast addition made to our
country would change the equilibrium existing
between the slave and the non-slaveholdinQ
States, the sectional jealousy, already strong
was called into dangerous activity and political
ambition soon interviewed to aggravate feelings
which were too much inclined TO mistake the
permanent and substantial interests of those
who indulge them. In the contest thus pro-
voked, the South stood necessarily on the defen
sive, II was compelled 10 look TO those features
OF our System which mark the limitations OF
federal power. Feeling that the compact Of the
/ Constitution, which secures the institution oil
slsvery against foreign interference, was in dan.
ger of being undermined, the attitude of the
South was that Of appeal TO the original rights
Of the States; and hence the movements among
| public men converged TO the general idea that
the preservation Of the Union depended on the
withdrawal OF the aggression threatened by the
sectional sentiment which aimed 10 use the gen
eral government In changing the original un.
derstandinQ Of the States when they formed the
. UNION. ut ftOIdl, Ou bHt Obucr utuu, rtEhF0-
ing slavery as an evil, was easily tempted 70
lose sight Of those duties which not merely en-.
| Joined an abstinence from interfering with the
institution within the limits of the States where
Il existed by law, but which also required that
this institution should not be the cause Of any
inequality in the rights Of the people of the
Union in the acquisition Of new territory, or in
1 the admission or new States under the federal
| Constitution In this state of feeling the two
sections stood srrayed against each other, until
Il was apprchended that there would be an en-
tire alienation Of feeling, and that the Constitu.
ton would cease TO perform its functions as the
common instrument Of all the parties TO it
Patriots in the ranks Of both the regular partie,
Of the country felt the necessity Of doing some
thing 10 restore peace and tranquility, and they
united so far as 10 carry through Congress Ger
tain measures--which are now the laws of Oh.
land--intended 10 produce this result. All thes'
measures, however, were not entirely satisfacto
fy 10 every portion of the Union. The question
T respecting their justice and expediency formed