The Ohio star. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1830-1854, 1852-09-30


forth in history single example of such ira
tiunal defiance OF the true principles of all law.
To make law final, not to be reached by
Congress, is, by mere legislation, to fas.en new
provision onthe Constitution. Nay, more; it gives
to the law character which the very Constitution
does not possess. The wise fathers did not treat
the country Chinese foot, never to grow after
infancy; but, anticipating Progress. they declared
expressly that their Great Act is not final. Ac-
cording to the Constitution itself, there is not
of its existing provsions-not even that with re-
gard to fugitives from labor-which may not at all
tunes be reached by amendment, and thus be drawn
into debate. This is rational and just Sir, moth
ing from mans hands, law, nor constitution,
can be final Truth alone is final
Inconsistent and absurd, this effort is tyrannical
also The responsibility for the recent Slave Act
and for Slavery everywhere within the jurisdiction
of Congress necessarily involves the right 10 dis
cuss them. To separate these is impossible. Like
the twenty-fifth rule of the House of Representa-
tives against petitions on Slavery-now repealed
and dishonored-the Compromise, as explained and
urged is curtailment of the actual powers of leg
slation and perpetual denial of the indisputabe
principle that the right deliberate is co-extensive
with the responsibility for an act. To sustain Sia-
very, it is now proposed to tramPle on free speech
In any country this would be grievous; but here,
where the Constitution expressly provides against
abridging freedom of speech, it is special outrage
In vain do we condemn the despotisms of Europe,
while we borrow the rigors with which they
press Liberty, and guard their own uncertain pow
err For myself, in no factious spirit, but soemnly
and in LOYALTY to the Constitution as Senator of
Massachusetts,, protest against this wrong. On
Slavery, every other subject, claim the right
to be heard. That right cannot, l will not aban-
don. 'Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and
to argue freely, above all liberties These are the
glowing words which flashed from the soul of John
Milton in his struggles with English tyranny. With
equal fervor they should be echoed now by every
American, not already slave
But, sir, this effort is impotent tyrannical.-
The convictions of the heart cannot be repressed.
The utterances of conscience must be heard. They
break forth with irrepressible might. AS well at
tempt to check the tides of Ocean, the currents
of the Mississippi, or the rushing waters of
Niagara. The discussion of Slavery will proceed,
wherever two or three gathered together-by
the fireside on the highway at the public meeting,
in the church The movement against Slavery is
from the Everlasting Arm. Even now it is gather
ing its forces to be confessed everywhere. 1t
may not yet be felt in the high places of Office and
power; but all who put their humbly to the
ground, will hear and comprehend its ncessant and
advancing tread.
| The relations of the Government of the United
| StatesII speak of the National Government-to
| Slavery, though plain and obvious, constantly
misunderstood A popular belief at this moment
makes Slavery national institution, and, of course
| renders its support national duty The extrava-
| gance of this hardly be surpassed An
institution, which fathers most carefully omit
ted to name in the Constitution, which, according
to the debates in the Convention, they refused to
cover with any ''s motion, and which, at the orig-
nal organization of the Government was merely
sectional existing nowhere the national terrific
ry, is above all other things blazoned ma
| tional Its supporters plume themselves nation
| al The old political parties, while upholding it,
| claim to be national A National Whig is simply a
Slavery Wing, and a National Democrat is simply
Slavery Democrat, in contradistincton to all who
regard Slavery sectional institutions within the
exclusive control of the States, and with which the
nation has nothing to do.
/ As Slavery assumes to be national, so, by an
equally strange perversion Freedom is degraded to
be sectional and all who uphold it, under the ma
| tiona Constitution share this epithet. The
honest efforts to it's blessings, everywhere
within the jurisdiction of Congress, secuted
sectional; and this cause, which the founders of
our National Government had so much as heart, is
called sectionalism. These terms, now belonging
to the commonplaces of political speech, adopt
cd and misapplied by most persons without re1ec-
ton But herein is the power of Slavery Ac-
cording to a curious tradition of the French Ian
guage, Louis XIV, the grand monarch, by an acci-
5 dental error of speech, among supple courtiers
changed the gender of noun; but Slavery ha:
done more than this 1t has changed word for word
1t has taught many to say NATIONAL instead Of sec
tioraL and sectional instead of national .--
Slavery national! Sir, this is all mistake ant
absurdity, fit to take place in some new collection
T of Vulgar Errors, by some other Sir Thomas
Browne, with the ancient but exploded stories, tha
the toad has stone in its head, and that ostrche
a digest iron. According to the true spirit of th
Constitution, and the sentiments of the Fathers
/, Slavery and not Freedom is sectional, while Free
I dom and not Slavery is national On this unanswer
e able proposition take my stand. And here com
" mences my argument
Il The subject presents itself under tco principe
ii heads FIRST, the relations Of the National Con
l. ernment to Siapery, wherein it will appear that ther
IS is no national fountain out of which Slavery can
r derived, and national power, under the Const
't tuition, by which it be supported. Enlightene
IS by this general survey shall be prepared to col
is sider SECONDLY the true nature of the provision f
the rendition of ugitues from labor, and herein esp'
cially the unconstitutional and offensive legislatio
E. of Congress in pursuance thereof.
,e I. And now for the TRUE RELATIONS OF THE NA
r. r1oNAL GOVERNMENT TO SLAVERY. These will b
t. readily apparent, If we do not neglect well-estat
of lshed principles.
b. If Slavery be national, if there be any power
i the National Government to uphold this nstituto
lie -as in the recent Slave Act-it must be by virth
of the Constitution. Nor it be by mere infe
u ence implication, conjecture. According to th
is uniform admission of and urists in Europ
as again and again promulgated in our country, 81;
very can be derived only from clear and special IT
of cognition. "The state of Slavery said Lol
E. Mansfield, pronouncing judgment in the great cas-
ed of Somersett sis of such nature, that it is inc
ce pable of being introduced on any reasons moral
d, POLITICAL but only by positfve lao. 1t is so odou
ny that nothing can be suffered to support but pos
st TIVE LAw.'-(Howells State Trials, vol 20, p. 81
IL And slaveholding tribunal, the Supreme Court
Mississippi, adopting the principle, has sal
t "Slayery is condemned by and the laws of n
at 1t exists and exist only through munlcp
nd regulations. ."6 Harry vs. Decker, Walker R., 42)
ID And another slaveholding tribunal, the Supren
=, Court of Kentucky, has SAID:
a. ave view this right existing by positive laU of
y. municipal character without foundation in the law
e nature the unwritten and common law.-( Rankin
AIS MS Lydia, 2 Marshall, 470)
Of course every power to uphold Slavery mt
no have origin distinct that of Slavery itse
he Every presumption must be strong against su
ow power as against Slavery. power peculi
and offensive, SO hostile to reason so repugnant
I'd the law of nature and the inborn Rights of Ma
i which despos its victims of the fruits of their
IN Dor; which substitutes concubinage for marrias
~ which abrogates the relation of parent and chi
~ which, by denial of education, aliases the int
~ ect, prevents true knowledge of God, and mi
III ders the very soul which, amidst plausible ply
Nv ical comfort, degrades man, created in the dvi
~ image, to the level of beast;-such power,
;s eminent SO transcendent, tyrannical, unju
can find no place in any system of Government,
~ less by virtue of positioe sanction. 1t can spri
vi; from no doubtful phrases. 1t must be declared
unambiguous words, incapable of double sense