Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1852-02-13
From the National Intelligencer.

/ The company present on the occasion consisted of
Senators Cass, Jones of Tennessee, Mr. Fendall of
this city, and the Hon. Presley Ewing of Kentucky.
The last named gentleman has been induced, at the
instance of several persons, and with the consent OF
Mr.. Clay, to give more extended and careful report
of the interview, and especially of Mr.. Clays re-
marks which we publish below, and which may be
regard authentic, having besides the authority of
Mr.. Ewing, the sanction of Senator Jones, by whom
the report has been examined and approved.
M. kosssuth asintroduced by Mr.. Cass at about
three o'clock
On being presented to Mr.. Clay who rose to re-
ceve him. SIR said he, Il thank you for the hon.
or of this interview
81 beg you to believe" said Mr. Clay, interrupt
ing him, that it is who am honored. Will you
be pleased to be seated q
After the mutual interchange of eivilites, owe
you sir'' said Mr. Clay, apology for not having
acceded before to the desire you were kind enough
to intimate more than once. to see me. But really
my health has been feeble that did not dare to
hazard the excitement of so interesting an interview
Besides, SIR he added with some pleasantly " your
wonderful and fascinating eloquence has mesmerized
so large portion of people. wherever you have
gone, and even some of our members of Congress"
waving his hands towards the two or three gentle
men who were present s.that feared to come under
its influence, lest you might shake my faith in some
principles in regard to the foreign policy of this Co
vernment which have long and constantly cherish
ed. And in regard to this matter, you will allow
me- hope, to speak with that sincerity and candor
and for myself and which is due to US both as the
votaries Of freedom trust you will believe me,
too when tell you that entertain ever the veliest
sympathies in every struggle for liberty in Eunga-
ry and in every country. And in this, believe
express the universal sentiment Of my coUntrymen.
But sir for the sake of my country you must allow
me to protest against the policy you propose to her.
Waving the grave and momentous question Of the
right of one nation to assume the executive power
among nations for the enforcement of international
law or of the right of the United States to dictate
to Russia the character of her relations with the
tons around her, let at once to the practical
consideration Of the matter. You tell yourself,
with great truth and propriety, that mere sympathy,
Or the expression of sympathy cannot advance your
purposes. You require material aid
And indeed it is manifest that the mere declara-
tons of the sympathy of Congress of the Presi-
dent of the public, would be of little avail unless
we prepared to enforce those declarations by
resort to arms and unless other nations could see
that preparation and determination upon part.
WE'LL sir, suppose that should be the issue oftbe
course you propose to us, could we then effect any
thing for you, ourselves the cause of liberty 3
To transport men and arms across the in suf-
fcient numbers and quantities to be effective against
Russia and Austria would be impossible 1t is
fact which perhaps may not be generally known,
that the most imperative with Great Britain
for the close of her last war with us, was the i'm
mense cost of the transportation and maintenance of
! forces and the munitions of war on such distant
theatre and yet she had not perhaps than thir
| ty thousand men upon this continent at any time
Upon land Russia is inyunerable to US, as to
her. Upon the ocean, II war between Russia and
this country would result in the mutual annoyance
to commerce. but probably in little else. learn re-
Gently that her marine is superior to that of any
nation in Europe, except perhaps Great Britain
Her ports are few, her commerce limited while we,
on part, would offer prey to her cruisers
rich and extensive commerce. Thus sir, after effect
ing nothing in such a war, after abandoning our an
cient policy of amy and non-interventon in the af
fairs of other nations and thus justiying them in
abandoning the terms of forbearance and non-inter
ference which they have hitherto preserved towards
US; after the DOWNFALL perhaps, of the friends of lib
eral institu ions in Europe, her despots initiating
and provoked by fatal example, may turn upon
in the hour of our weakness and exhaustion, and,
with an almost equally irresistible force of reason
and of arms they may say to u.s. You have set us
the example, you have quit your own to stand on
foreign ground, you have abandoned the policy you
protested in the day Of your weakness to interfere in
the affairs of the people upon this continent, in be-
half of those principles the supremacy of which you
say is necessary to your prosperity to your existence
We, in turn, believing, that your anarchica doc
trines destructive of, and that monarchial prn-
ciples essential to. the peace, security, and hap
pness of subjects, will oblierate the bed which
has nourshed such noxious weeds; will crush
you the propagandists of doctrines destructive
of the peace and good order of the world. The in
domitable spirit of our people might, and would be
equal to the emergency, and might remain
but the consequences to would be terrible enough
You must allow me- sir, to speak thus freely, as
feel deeply, though my opinion may be of but little
import, as the expression of a dying man.
"Sir, the recent melancholy subverson of the Re-
publican Government of France and that enlghten-
ed nation voluntarily placing its neck under the
yoke of despots, teach us to despair ofany present
success for liberal institutions in Europe; it gives
an impressive warning not to rely upon others for
the vindcation of principles, but to- look to
selves, and to cherish with care than ever, the
security of institutions and the preservation of
our policy and principles. By the policy to which
: have adhered since the days of Washington, we
: have prospered beyond precedent; have done
! more for the of liberty in the world than arms
e could effect; we have shown to other nations the
e way to greatness and happiness. And if but
= continue united people, and perseVere in the
policy which experience has clearly and tri-
umphantly vindicated, may in another quarter
n of century furnish example which the reason
II of the world resist But if should involve
ourselves in the tange web of European politics.
l. in war in which I'd effect nothing and if in
that struggle Hung r, should go down, and we
should go down with her, where then would be the
last hope of the friends of freedom throughout the
world? Far better is it for ourselves for Hungary,
3 and for the of liberty that adhering to
- wise pacific system, and avoiding the distant
f of Europe should keep our lamp burning bright
i ly this western shore. light to all nations
\ than to hazard its utter extinction amid the ruins Of
r. fallen or falling republics in Europe
e Throughout Mr.. Clay's remarks NJ Kossuth lis
tened with the utmost interest and attention and
indeed, throughout the whole interview he illustra
r ted the combination of the proundest respect
er without the smallest sacrifice of his personal dgn