The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-03-18

sttutional, necessarily involves the exercise
of power not granted to Congress, but nsurpeC
by it.
Again Slavery is dependent upon local law
1t is a State, not National Institution Inc
Federal Constitution does not authorize Con
gress to create il, or to recognise 1t BEYOND tne
limits of the States in which it exists; or to rec
ognise it in them, any further than to abstain
from interference with it, and to regard 1t as
an element in fixing the ratio of Federal repre-
sentation. Legislation for Slavery beyond the
limits of State authority, has no warrant IN the
Constitution. And yet we find Congressional
legislation regulating the coastwise slave trade,
and re-enacting the laws by which Slavery is
maintained in the District of Columbia ana
Federal Executive action in favor OF treaties Tor
the extradition of Southern slaves who have
escaped to other countries; with bold clam
set up by Shareholders that the moment free
territory is added to this Union, the Consttu-
ton of the United States authorizes the estaD-
lshment and protection of Slavery therein
These, we repeat are the only practical ques-
tons of Importance concerning the powers OF
the Federal Government and State Sovereign
ty now before the people; and on all these the
Shareholders maintain heightened Federal doc
trines, or rather, doctrines tending towards
Centralism, in direct antagonism to the State
Rights theory of Democracy.
In relation to the remaining subject-that OF
Territorial Extension-we all know that there
is no longer any real sympathy. When, year
or two since, the project of Canadian annexa-
ton was talked about, not voice in favor OF
the measure was heard from the South, but the
shareholders were prompt in throwing cold
water upon the annexation feeling so prevalent
among the Northern Democrats. No one
dreams that they could be induced to favor any
scheme for the extension of free territory.
We have thus shown that the questions of
commercial and financial policy and of inter-
nal improvements, on which the Democratic
party of the North and the Shareholders Of the
South haye acted in concert, have either been
! ga2!iy d;sposed Of oE now exist in such sshape
~ NO longer to constitute important party is
sues and that on the questions of the relative
powers of the Federal and State Governments,
and of Territorial Extension, so far as they are
practical, the two divisions occupy antagonist
| cal grounds-the Democrats standing upon
the ground of Strict Construction, the Slave
holders upon that of Federalism
Can We wonder, then, at the indications OF
growing weakness in this organization which
has so long ruled the country! The intestine
brols which of late years have distracted it
demonstrate the absence of common issues, the
presence of discOrdant elements Certain great
issues, requiring for their settlement the COM
binaton of men holding principles ON the sub.
ject of Human Rights, radically opposed, sus.
pended for a time their legitimate operation,
but, having been disposed Of those principles
now begin to work. in obedience to the law of
attraction and repulsion. Hence, the schsm
at Baltimore in lS4S, the dscords and teuds
of the Democracy all over the country, and
the extreme difficulty of re-uniting it on its old
platform.
Divisions are kept up by prejudice long af-
ter their causes have become extinct Names,
though they may cease to be the representatives
of things, are chung to "reminiscences, and serve
still as the symbols and bonds of organization
Parties, through the force of their machinery
and their representative men, often survive
! the objects which called them into existence
The political connection between the Slave
II ~
maintained though fcebly, not in virtue of
Principles and Aims held in common. but by
theforce of ReminiScence, old Organization, and
Representative Men But these are growing
more and more imperative. The Past fades as
it recedes an organization that has lost its vi
tai principles, must die daily the men who
have won leadership by the signal representa-
ton and advocacy of one class of Questions
these being disposed of, must be content with
gratitude and respect for their past services
but abdicate power in favor of successors rep.
resenting other Questions
The political connection referred to, weak
ened by the disappearance of the bonds which
once gave it frmness and efficiency, must be,
or ought to be, dissolved by the action of new
questions, on which there should be no compro-
mise, and on which there can be no agreement,
unless one Of the parties to it will consent to
change its fundamental principles. These ques-
tons relate to Slavery, the Disposition of the
Public Domain, Intervention, and movements
concerning Human Progress generally. Slave
| IL lo;, Horo G.
Slavery seek its extension, and insist upon
using the Federal Government for these ends.
Democracy is the natural enemy of Slavery,
and cannot, without a violation of all its prin.
ciples and its instinct of self preservation, con-
sent that the Union shall be prostituted to its
support and extension. 1t recognises State
Sovereignty, and the right of a State to deter
mine it's own institutions but cannot suffer a
General Government, instituted to establish
Justice and extend Liberty to minister in any
way to the encouragement of Slavery Its de-
mand is that within the sphere of it's exclusive
jurisdiction, there shall be neither Slavery nor
involuntary servitude except in punishment of
crime.
In relation TO the Public Domain its policy
has always been, to promote its settlement, by
cheapening its price to actual settlers-untll
now when, advancing in the line of progress,
it recognises the policy of free grants of the
public lands in limited portions to actual set.
tiers. The Idea which lies at the bottom OF
this is the right of every man to portion Of
the soil, and the duty of elevating and improv'
ing the condition of the masses
This is the Democratic Idea, but not the Idea
of the Slaveholding Class. 1t recognises nc
| sucb right no such duty. Its model s0ca