The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-12-18

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policy In Difference to some passion or prejudice Of
his own-should conDrs some petty dispute with
the Governor Of Cuba into an occasion of war, We
should only deceive ourselves by surprising that no
will be forced to slacksn in his undertaking by any
present lack OF popular sympathy. His party will
cheer him on, though their own destruction will DO
involved in the issue, and the wings arc too
thoroughly coyed to offer any efsctss resist .ncs:
remonstrances Of foreign powers. On behalf OF the
country most interested in maintaining the sacred
ness Of public law against the latitudinarian prac-
tice of the United States, let us express hope
that, when the attack is preparing, the Foreign
office will possess sufficient sagacity to foresee Il,
and. when the intention ID declared, sufficient
skill to encounter the pettifoggng dexterity which
they know themselves to be fagrantly in the
wrong.
Of England
From the London Times Dec IL
In one point there is q very general agree ent
among the nations Of the e.rth. They ali believe
that they understand their own difficulties better
than their neighbors do for them. We have had
and still have many social problems, which events
legislation, are solving in one way or another. But
whether it be the condition of the Irish peasantry,
or the Irish church establishment, English pau
persn or factory labor or the excess Of our female
population We have never attached much imp0r-
lance to tho opinions Of French or German writer's
on these fubjeots
When We find this national jealousy 50 strong In
ourselves, it is reasonable to expect something Of
lowance for it. Negro slavery, as 1t exists In the
United States, is just such deep and apparently
incurable sore, and such are the feelings with which
it is regarded in the Union. We. the great British
nation, having our own slave colonies some six or
seven thousand miles off, and having. also, moro
money and better credit than any other nation in
the world, INDUCED our benevolence and our pride
in abolishiDg slavery and adding EGO 900 to the
figure OF national debt, with very little regard
to the results either to the planter or the slave At
the present moment. indeed if there is one thing in
about, or even to think about it is the condition Of
the race for whom this great effort was made. We
are net the less proud, however, OF our achieve
ment and its cost, and think that, having done
like sacrifice on our nsighbors. But the precept,
see. and do thou like sise," seldom comes with
much force when the spokesman is urging his OWE
example; and, as it happens in this case, the ex-
ample does not apply quite go closely rs it nigh do
In the United States the evil is constitutional and
incorporate. It is political and domestic. Il Is
gigantic and household 1t is question that
affects families, institutions, States, and the whole
Union, 1t Affects slaves and freemen, both OF every
possible shade. Confessedly, and on the showing
Of the lady whose work has SO sPellbound every
two great negro difficulties to be dealt with in the
United States,-the difficulty Of the colored slave
aud that Of the colored freeman; and, Of the two,
the latter is the worse. But, when England inter.
and particular object Of the Interference Are we
to tell the Americans to love those whom they
loathe, and to associate with those against whom
they feel an actual ropulsion? If We do, we are
dealing hard measures if we do not, We are not
touching the greater of the two difficulties to be
dealt with.
Of course, we are disposed to regard with every
little convention of ladies that met the other day at
Stafford Houso. Never did anything moro defy
criticism; and it would really be breaking butter.
fly on the wheelto remark on the affair as we should
on the rough tustle Of opinion in the House OF Com
mons, or the tempes.uoas rhetoric Of Exeter Hall.
We may be permitted, however, to doubt whether
women of the oalibre that assembled tho other day
satin paper and rosewater of female aristocracy;
much more, whether the Haleys and Legrees, or
even the Shelbys and the St. Clares of the Union
will take much need Of so softly whispered
Our fair readers who are invited to enter on
crusade of some what international character, will
excuse one little warning which We venture to
just the most extensive employers, (indireot, but
not less really) of slave labor in the world Negro
slaves, working under the lash in the midday sun
Mr.. Legrse would say, produce the material Of our
cravats, our stockings, and the simple and COM
prehensive garment in which We take our repose
They supply the muslins and prints and nearly all
the other fabrics Of our female costume, from the
dress of the sovereign to that Of the poorest neede
woman. Slaves produce coffee and the sugar that
sweetens it. By day and night, sitting down and
The whs goS. the
wheels slavery are told Is the northern
capitalist, who has his mortgage on the slave
estate, or holds bill Of sale, and who secures him.
sell CT everything on the estate, slaves and ALL for
what they will fetch ct the hammer. This man,
Mrs Stowe tells u.s. is really guilty partner In tho
becaufe he supplies the strongest stimulus Of the
the system, and he oonpels the most violent mea-
sures. But, if the Norshern capitalist pulls the
strings OF the Southern planter, who pulls the
the merchants and brokers ut New York are mainly
dependent on the British market. We use the slave
cotton. We supply the slave capital. Our money
buys the nssromsas money buys i his work 4
operations, Of which the white slave OF this
country is at one end, and the black slave
Of America at the other end Of the chain. THIS
should teach us little more modesty than If We
were simply preaching to the people Of Timbuctoo
to burn their idols and desst from human sacrifices
Perhaps it may suggest, also, that, as beginning,
We bad better not insist on abolition, or even talk
about it, which 10 all indeed, that this ladies OF
England are invited to do, but rather suggest re-
guiation. There are many who think that, With
proper regulations, and particularly with system
for the self enfranobisement OF slaves, we might
have brought about the entire emancipation OF the
Britith Wet Indies, with much less injury TO the
property of the planter and to the character OF the
negro, than have resulted from the abolition
act. Perhnps tno warning VIII not pe ios1 on sus
Americans, who may SEQ the necessity OF putting
things in train for the ultimate abolition OF slavery,
and thereby save the sudden shock which the
sbolitionists may one day bring on all the institu-
tiops of the Union and the whole fabric Of American
society.
The Eff ct In EngIan OF the Speech OF the
Emperor OF France.
From the London Times, Dec. 81
Tho speech addressed by Louis Napoleon to tho
Senate and the Legislative body of France, upon the
announcement Of tho suffrages which have just
rails ed him to the throne, may not be regarded as
the most significant and important Of the State pa
pers which that event is likely to call forth II was
designed for tho enlightened and independent
might be unfair to copstrue IL by the strict rules
which would apply to manifesto directly addressed
to the other powers of Europe Yet We cannot but
remark ia this document the absence OF those pa