Daily American telegraph. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1851-1852, 1852-05-17

the power to resist and he is striving by this
means to get back himself into the Wing ranks
By the way, let me ask, who are the agitators
now? No matter which section presents this
question, the other must and will oppose it ; now,
suppose those in favor of the repeal of the law
were to omit no opportunity when Northern and
southern men were collected together, to intro
duce resolutions declaring the fugitive slave law
unconstitutional and unsatisfactory and that it
ought to be repealed would they not be de-
nounced by the South as agitators and disturbers
OF the public peace? And if, on every like occa-
sioh' the South will persist in presenting resolu-
t'ohs OF an opposite character, do they not them
@elves become the agitators and disturbers of
pubhc reposeF AS long rs we have the law and
it is executed we should be satisfied What
more should we ask? What more have we a
right to demand +?
Of one thing feel perfectly assured, and thnt
is, that we could have no safer man on the Com
promise than General Scott; not because he is
more in favor of it than some Others but because
he is as much in favor of it as any other and be-
cause he is fixed and stable in his opinions,
(self-willed if you choose and as little likely to
be under improper and undue influences, as any
man now before the country
The fare-up OF the Seceders here is of no great
moment-lt must die an early and natural
death. 1t can produce no serious effect. What
consequence can rejecting men attach to it? In
the first place, they give satisfactory reason in
their address for the course they have pursued,
and there are very few of them that are known
to have been at any time particularly friendly
to the Compromise. Take Morton, of Florida,
for example. He voted in the Senate, from first to
last, against the Compromise, and he proposes to
make notthe Compromise itself test, but the writ
ten published declaration Of Gen. Scott in its favor
test of his political orthodoxy. Take Clingman,
of North Carolina, for another. He not only
voted against the Compromise, out and out, but
within the two last weeks he voted against Hill
yer's resolution declaring it permanent settle
ment Of the questions involved, and that they
ought not to be agitated or disturbed. He then
goes into Wing caucus called for the sole pur-
pose of fixing the time and place of holding the
National Convention, and because resolution
similar to that he had just voted against is ruled
out of order, he Indignantly secedes, and unites
IN the publication of manifesto against the
Wing party. Again: how can Cabell throw sus-
picion on the character of Scott, when, in his
speech made only few weeks since, he said she
happened to know Gen. Scotts views on the Com
promise, and he was entitled to the support of
every Compromise man in the country 2"
Ny own impression is, that it is quite time
enough to disband the Whig party, and throw the
administration of government into the hands of
the so-called Democracy, when it shall have done
something essentially wrong, and not for refusing
whenever and wherever that subject is introduced
hereafter by either section to the other it must
lead to agitation for while the North is, for the
most part, willing to acquesce, they are not pre-
pared in q body (even those who do acquiesce)
to endorse all the principles of the Compromise
and for one, am satisfied with Northern acqui-
escence, though from the South | would ask for
something more In my judgement, they should
approve.
You are not to infer from anything that have
said that write as the partisan of General Scott.
write as Wing, to do justice to the position of
a true Wing that has been traduced and SANDER
ed-one that may be called upon in a few
weeks to support as the candidate of the party
one against whom prejudice has been fercely at
work and one who will receive my ardent and
earnest support if nominated by the National
Convention. As delegate to that Convention,
shall support the that upon consultation
with Wings from every part of the Union, l
shall believe to be the strongest, and most certain
to bring victory to our flag and defeat to the
other side. | am q partisan Of no mani 90 for
the. party and the principles of the party, and
not for men. If Fillmore is the strongest man, |
shall go for him-so for Webster and so for Scott;
and If either Of the former had been as much mis-
represented and assailed in the South, l should
with equal aacrity have undertaken their vindi-
cation.
1t is a little strange but l have not yet seen
the first man of any party who insisted on Scott's
writing that would say he entertained any doubt
about his opinions, and, if Wing, was not clam
orous for Taylor in '4S without pledges, while
every body knows Scott, and nobody knew Tay
lor. But the most interesting feature in this
general strife is the extreme socitude Of the
Democratic party generally, and of the letter
writer's in particular that General Scott should
be required to WRITE for fear he may fall into the
Jaws of Democracy When will trickery and in
trgue run its course and when will Wings be-
come wise? Now is the accepted time; now it
is that we can beat Democracy so bad that they
will he ready to abandon their organization as
they were in 1910, till John Tyler came to their
aid and now is the time that the Wings select
for quarreling over men, and defeating the party
for the sake of favorite man.
am, very truly, yours, &C.,
JOHN NJ. BOTTS.