The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-07-24

pending, IL 10 imPOo~lOlo W luuuCo OOu&toSo u
attend to any other business. Such has beer
the case with that long " inded discussion Of
two sessions, of the law giving farm to every
man who had ever shouldered musket, OF
brandshed pitchfork in his own defence oil
that of his country, and killed All opossum or g
rattle snake, in any war past, present, or future
| 1t will be observed that this discussion turned
entirely on the question whether these grants
should be assignable by those to whom they
were originally issued. This was the question
of most conseQuence-at least to brokers and
SPECTATORS for whose benefit most of these
beneficiary laws are passed-and accordingly
nothing could he done in the public business
until the point was settled to the satisfaction OF
the aforesaid brokers and spectators, in and
out of Congress. Thus, too. all grants of lands
for railroads, and other speculatons all grants
of money or books to members; and in fact, all
bills involving pecuniary considerations, or re-
sulting in individual benefit, fl at smoothly on
18th wind and tide, and are hurried through
Congress with astonishing facility, to the utter
neglect of great national objects, and without
any opposition except from Mr. Hunter, of Vir
enia, the only Democratic Senator who seems
to have the slightest recollection of Democratic
principles, or the slightest regard to Conslitu
tona limitations, in appropriating the public
lands and public revenues.
1t is proper that Congress should learn that
this almost exclusive attention to bills of To-
cal, private, and pecuniary character, for putting
money in somebody's pocket, is rapidly under
mining the confidence and respect of the people,
and if continued will bring the representative
system, which is the great basis of our govern
ment, into disrepute, if not contempt. The peo
pie already begin to suspect that the members
of Congress are governed by their own private
interests rather than the public welfare; and
when they see so many of both houses advo-
eating grants of the public money to the amount
of millions to private individuals, with all the
zeal and perseverance Of hired counsel whose
fees depend on the success of their efforts they
clnnot repress suspicion, that these efforts are
not altogether disinterested. The people begin
to talk of this, not in Whispers or in secret but
loudly and openly and if this course of egisla.
ton continues, the representatives will have lost
the respect and confidence of their constituents.
When that is the case our whole system of gov
eminent will become amockery, an empty shad-
ow without foundation and without substance.
The people begin to sneer at Congress; to
make it the subject of ridicule, if not the theme
of obloquy, and woe to that nation among
whom the source of power is not sustained by
respect for those by whom it is exercised.
There is then an end to all the legitimate author
ity of governments, and the only tie of obedi
ence is that of force or corruption. The time
wasted in the consideration of this enormous
proportional interest it excited in certain quar-
tiers the extraordinary zeal of its advocates
and the preference given it over other subjects
of great general interest, juslfes suspicion
on the part Of the people that there is secret
influence operating in behalf of this inroad on
the treasury, either personal, political, or pecun'
larry, which, however obvious, is not perhaps
susceptible of proof For my part, assert no.
thing; insinuate nothing, ] only respectfully
recommend to Congress little more regard to
appearances, at least; and that when it gives
away the public money. that honorable body
will do it under circumstances such as not to
excite suspicion that any ofits members come
in for share. speak for the people, not for
myself; for it must be something amounting to
positive testimony which would persuade me
that any honorable member of either House
would degrade himself and betray his constitu'
ents, by taking fee in cause which he him
self was to decide, or accepting share of the
spoils of the treasury as compensation for as
sisting in breaking oren the door.
1t is, l think, high time for the President to
exercise that power which was given him by the
Constitution, not as an empty feather to be
stuck on his cap for ornament, but for the pur
pose of arresting legislative excuses, and legis
lative corruption. The veto power was confer.
red on the Executive, not simply to guard
against violations of the Constitution, but to
| dIT6St pIeClpltdtt, uHWl5t VI uc"ouEtb
and is one for the exercise of which he is alone
responsible to the people, to whom he virtually
appeals on all such occasion. 1t is an unre
strcted right, as much so as that of any func
ton exercised by any other branch of the gov
eminent, and it is his duty to exercise it in any
case where his conscience or his Judgment tells
him, in words that cannot be mistaken, that The
measure he is called on to approve, is false II
principle, or injurious to the interests or happi
ness of the people. 1t is course not to be re
sorted to on idle or frivolous occasions, Blu
there are times approaching, if they have no
already come, when we shall require Presi
dent who, like Old Hickory, is not afraid to vett
law, and stake tho responsibility" Legisla
ton is becoming despotic and requires bit il
it's mouth.
The SLAVES OF ELrHU CREswELL.-Tnirty
two of the slaves belonging to the succession