New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1852-02-27

Hanover from PRUSSIA snd Prussia from Austria;
it cid not even make the slightest attempt TO re-
move the obnoxious dues tina, everywhere OBJ
slruct Iiyer navigation in Prussia. But the less
this Asscmbly did, the more il clustered II
created German Fiest-upon paper; it an
pexed Poland and SchesSig; 1t allowed Ger
man Austria to carry on war against Italy, and
vet prohibited the Italians from following mp
the Austrisus inlo their SAFE retreat IN Ger
many; it gave three cheers and one cheer more
for the French Republic and It received Hun
garjan Embassies, which certainly went home
with far more confused ideas about Germany
than what they had come with.
This Assembly had been, in the beginning OF
the Revolution, the bugbear of all German Gov
enment.. They had counted upon very dic!a-
torial and revolutionary action on i,spars-on ac-
count of the very want of dehnlteness IN whichlt
had been found necessary to leave Its competency
These Governments therefore, got up mos
comprehensive system of intrigues IN order TO
weaken the influence o. this dreaded body; but
they proved to have more luck than wits, for this
Assembly did the work OF the Governments bet
ter than they themselves could have done The
chief feature among these intrigues was the con-
vocation Of local legislative assemblies, and IN
consequence, not only the lesser States con-
yoked their Legislatures, but Prussia and Austria
also called Constituent. Assemblies. In these,
as in the Frankfort House OF Representatives
the liberal middle-class, or its allies, liberal
lawyers and bureaucrats, had the majority and
the turn affairs took in each Of them was nearly
the same. The only difference is this, that the
German National Assembly was the parliament
of an imaginary country, as it had declined the
task of forming what nevertheless was It's own
first condition of existence, viz an United Ger
many; that it discussed the imaginary, and
never-to be-carried.out measures of animaglnary
Government of its own creation, and that 1t
passed imaginary resolutions for which nobody
cared while in Austria and Prussia the
constituent bodies were at least real par
haments, upsetting and creating real minis
tries, and forcing, for time at least,
their resolutions upon the Princes with
whom they had to contend. They, too, were
cowardly, and lacked enlarged views of revo-
lutonary resolution; they, too, betrayed the
people, and restored power to the hands OF feu-
dial, bureaucratic and military despotism. Bot
then, they were at least obliged to discuss prac
tical questions of immediate interest, and ohye
upon earth with other people, while the Frank
fort humbugs were never happier than when
they could roam in the airy realms of DREAM"
i'm Lrftreich dss Iraums. Thus the proceedings
of the Berlin and Vienna Constituents form an
important part Of German revolutionary history,
while the fluctuations of the Frankfort collec.
tive tom-ioolery merely interest the collector of
literary and antiquarian curoslties.
The people of Germany, deeply feeling the ne
cessity of doing way with the obnoxious terrific
rial division that scattered and annihilated the
collective force OF the nation, for some time ex-
pected to find in the Frankfort National Assem-
bly, at least the beginning of new era. But the
childish conduct of that set of wiseacres soon
disenchanted the national enthusiasm The dis
graceful proceedings occasioned by the armistce
of Malmoe, (September, ls4S,) made the popu-
lar Indignation burst out against boly, which,
it had been hoped, would give the nation fair
field foI action, and which instead carried away
by unequaled cowardice, only restored to their
former solidity the foundations upon which the
present ounterrevoutionary system is built
London January. 1852 KARL MARX.