The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-07-29
Henry Clay and London journalism

Henry clay anu ItOhuOh coUfu@Hss"
TIE notices and criticisms of the London journals
on the life and character Of the greatest statesman
Of the West-Mr. Clay-will create similar notices
and criticisms in the estimate which foreign writers
and foreign editors pub upon the history OF most
great men.
Generally, the name and reputation Of Henry
Clay were better known in Europe than those Oh
any other man Of his own era, save and except
Daniel Webster, who might be considered his COM
petiter in foreign reputation, as he was IN homo
popularity. From these circumstances, probably,
arises the fact that the estimate of Mr.. Clay, made
by foreign writer's, is generally Of character and
quality commensurate with the object of their COM
mendations.
All the London journals seem to have clear
conception Of his elevated statesEianship, his high
character, his great diplomatic powers, and his Won
derful eloqucnce. Some Of them, however, ceusrred
him for committing one great and pointed error
in his political career and that was his support ana
origination Of the protective system of this ccuatry
"a system which is considered by these writers as
hostile to the general and aggregate interest Of this
republic, as trading and commercial nation
Some of the narrow thinking politicians among Us
have already found fault with this criticism the
career of Mr. Clay. Such are those who belong to
that class Of small political economists whose vision
is restricted to particular localities and special in
terests, instead Of framing great measures and prn
ciples for an extended and widening confederacy
such as this republic, is. The tariff policy Of Mr..
Clay was undoubtedly one Of the principal errors Of
his life: yet the tariff Of orr protective policy, rs
understood in this country, was altogether OPP
posed TO, and different thing from, thai which
English writer's and politicians understand by
the terms. In England they understand
by o protective system scale Of high duties
on the importation of foreign corn and 70
reign food on the contrary, in this country
Mr.. Clays tariff systcm and every protective sys-
tenn has been marked for The preference given to
| high duties on foreign merchandise and manufac-
ures, without reference to the importation Of food
of any kind in other words, protection in Eng
land is meant to affect neutrality-suspicious. in
the United States is intended to operate manu-
actures alone.
In this application Of almost the same language
both countries to different objects oflegslatiop,
there of course might arise mistaken ideas and mis-
understood criticisms on both sides The tariff sys-
TEN in the United States, originated by Mr.. Clay,
undoubtedly error Of that great statesman !;
it sprung from comprehensive regard to the great
interests of this country, but originated entirely in
the exclusive operation and powers Ct Congress to
advance the speculative purposes of few badly
managed manufacturing corporations. During the
career Of Mr.. Clay six different tariffs, some high
and some low have been enacted by the Congress
of the United Statee-:ome for the purpose of rails
ing the manufacturing interests some for the pur-
pose Of advancing other interests; but all the tariffs
without exception, have never realized the results
anticipated by their friends, because higher and
more important influences, connected with the cur
rency, have regulated the whole frame Of manurac-
turing, commercial and agricultural industry far
beyond the power Of the mere tariff laws
In this view Of the matter, therefore, we agree in
the opinion that the tariff policy of Mr. Clay was
the principal error Of his political life and that he
was led into that by the personal friendship Of the
eastern SPECTATORS and manufacturers Had he fol-
lowed the impulses of his own senses, combined
with knowledge of results embracing the whole
country, he would have seen long before he closed
his career that all the great interests Of this couu-
try are more regulated by causes beyond the power
Of Congress, than by causes within the limits of
that body; in fact, the whole commercial and manu-
featuring phenomena Of this land, for forty years,
have been principally under the influence of an un-
regulated system of paper currency, with which the
nation has been afflicted, and not so much control-
cd by the loose, inefficient tariff laws which Con-
gress passed. The statesmen, merchants, and ma
nufacturers Of the present day, are beginning to
pen their eyes to the lights of experience, and to
acknowledge that high or low tariffs. in this cner-
getic, enerprsing country, Of far less effect in
he movement Of any branch Of industry than the
extraordinary and sudden expansions or contractons
Of the credit and bank paper currency, and all sorts
ofinAations of paper money. We arc in the begin
ming of q revolution in these doctrines-and Mr..
Clay's tariff policy the principal error Of his, amid
o thousand merits, has nearly died with him.