The miners' express. (Dubuque, Iowa) 1849-1854, 1852-01-21
OUR PosITION.

W II POSlTlON. ]
II is charged against us, that VIC are the only
democratic paper which has held back IN the
proposed aid to Hungary What is the "Pro-
posed aid to Hungary" All that the Govern
,r claims is, that we, as nation, acknowledge
he independence OF Hungary, and further, to
declare it to be an inviolatc and settled princi-
pie Of the law of nations, that no foreign power
has the right, nor can nor shall Interfere in the
domestic concerns of other nations that every |
nation has the sovereign right to regulate
and CONTROL its own domestic Affairs
Ii We declare the one, we must acknowledge
the other. Let us therefore enquire how far We
have withheld the proposed aid to Hungary"
No sooner had the Cas'le Garden speech en-
anated from the lips of the orator and been
transmitted to us by telegraph, than We land il
entire before our readers, with such comments
as then appeared to Us lust and reasonable We
were the first journalists in the State to make
frank avowal of our views Of the policy sug.
gested by the distinguished Stranger, who has
occupied SO large share of public attention
both in this country and in Europe Our views
were highly conservative and they are still so.--
We have seen no reasons for conversion, even
with our increased admiration Of the brillancy,
purity and power of the man. We are found
fault with by our accuscrs, either from mis-
conception Of our position, or that of the Hun
garian himself The position Of Kossuth is
intervention and the prerentien of interven-
ten, for the reason that non intervention is
claimed by him, to be fundamental and nvlo-
liable principle, preccpt OF the law of nations,
which is now other than the law of nature. lie
claims that this law of non-intervention ought
to be recognized and its observance insisted up
on. Now we say that all this is right, and
righteous and just, abstractedly cons. dcred.-
But whilst We acknowledge the law, whilst the
very existence of our institu tons is q standing
recognition of the principle, are VIC, because OF
this fact, bound to enforce the observance Of the
principles 1t by no means follows We may,
| or we may not be SO bound. As 4 member Of
the great family of nations, we take it that we
arc equally bound to observe, protect and de-
fcnd the laws of nature and of humanity as in
dividual members Of society are. As ind;vidu
ais it is our duty not TO see the laws of common
humanity trampled upon without our interposi
ton and prevention thereof, provided zoe can 81
prersent 1t, and here rest the whole case.
Now, by way Of illustrating our position we
will suppose case in point.
A and B have misunderstanding, A insists
upon certain certain concessions from B. which
are highly unjust and oppressive. Il plant.
himself npon the justice and humanity Of his
position and declares that he will never yield te
such demands as those sought to be enforced b,
his oppressor. A persists, until Mt length fur
the forbearance ceases to be virtue and a cen
flict ensues in the presence Of a third party
This third party has no right to interfere in tn
quarrel beyond an attempt to conciliate and es
tablish peace between them. This 10 renderc,
impossible by the circumstances, and therefore
the third party preserves an entire neutrality
A and have originated their own troubles an,
it is for themselves to end them a. best they can
itm no body's business how the struggle ter
inmates But moment and the whole seen
is changed. is about to gain an effecfual tri
umph over his antagonist when fourth part,
steps in TO the assistance Of A, to rescue hin
from defeat Both now fall upon and ar
about to crush him to the earth, nay, to com
pletely annihilate him and blot out his very ex
istence from amongst men. Under such cir
cumstanccs what would be the duty of the thir,
party that we have spoken of? The laws of ma
ture, of humanity, of righteousness, all dcclar
TO him that such an outrage ought not to be per
mitted. But they do not say that he mast inter
fere. No. Turning to the interior man, hi
first duty is to ask himself, "can interfere an,
prevent this monstrous injustice with perfee
security to myself and perfect justice to thos
who may be dependent upon my existence 70
their peace, security and happiness. Ii hav'
the undouCted ability to do so, am bound b,
all the laws of God and man to prevent this in
fraction of fundamental law of humanity
But If my ability be matter Of doubt, il by in
terfering hazard my own security, my owl
personal safety; and likewise endangcr the peac,
and security Of those whom am bound to pro
tcct by obligations of higher nature, then an
admonished to keep aloof from all cntanslin.
alliances, and however much may deplore tn,
Fate Of the party thus crushed and broken, t
keep single eye to my own preservation"
Our application has no doubt been anticipa
ted. Such is precisely the position we claim 70
the American people in the sproposed aid t
Hungary We cannot deny the righteous
ness Of the doctrine propounded by the grea
Magyar, when considered in the abstract; Blu
when we come to its practical reduction, Their
looms up before us the great and solemn dut,
which we owe to ourselves and t, posterity
duty which demands from us to preserve intac
the priceless inheritance of our fathers, and t
| transmit it unimpaired to those who are to COM
after US. Can we interfere without endangcrin!
this Inheritance? five can, it becomes our solemn
duty SO 10 do. If not, the duty of self preserva
ton is OF equal solemnity AMI of paramount
consideration. No man is bound to preserve
the life of mis- neighbor at the sacrifice Of hi.
own. So it is with nations. Thus we hope
our position is clearly defined.
We believe then that the cause Of Hungary
isa just cause; that the expectations Of Kos
suth are not unreasonable; that his requests from
US are founded in righteousness and humanity
but, that we should just now grant his request,
is very questionable, is a matter of policy 70,
| ourselves to determine. Kossuth believes tina,
the time has arrived when we have the power to
interfere with perfect safety to ourselves and to
postcrity; that Russia will not dare to provoke
us to war by disregarding our declaration thai
that the principle of non-intervcnton must b.
held sacred and inyiolable. We believe other
| wise; at least we have onr doubts on this point
and therefore it is, that we believe the time la.
not yet arrived which is to give us the ''com
mand of our own fortunes so far, as to make
it wise and polite in us, to concedc to the
hopes and the wishes of the great and noble
Maygar-that if that time has not arrived. ant
we still interfere, that our Sun may set in blood