Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1852-01-31


judge the question Of right or wrong in contests
between distant Powers of the Earth and the fur
ther right of any State to give effect, in way
other, to such judgment of theirs-are particular
illustrations
Evidence of this sort satisfies us that no small
part Of the present generation has grown up in the
belief that, in regard to all Foreign questions the
State Governments have the same right as the Gov
eminent Of the United States to take ground.
This is great fundamental error, which we trust
few of our readers would be likely to fall into
But that our own silence, in regard to such a
notion, may not be taken for Indifference in matter
50 serious, we will briefly speak to it.
If the General Government cannot, with safety
to ITSELF engage in crusades against the principles
or the policy Of distant foreign Powers, and ought
therefore to resoutey resist all attempts to enlist it
in such desperate enterprises, still less has any State
of this Union a right to embark, even by Legisla-
tive pledges or promises, in such wild and mis-
chievous schemes. The pretended right of Secs
sion Of State from the Union is sufficiently at war
with the principles of the Constitution but an at
tempt to exercise that alleged right would be inno-
cence itself compared with any proceeding by State
Government which, bringing on foreign war, should
involve all the States of the Union in the conse-
queHces Of the folly of any single State Such de-
clantions those contained in the foregoing Reso-
lutpns are altogether out of the range of State
rights, and beyond the scope of State authority
Thu subject of these declarations is one which the
States, in their separate capacity, have constitu
tidal right to NEEDLE with. To preUent their ndi-
vdual interference in questions concerning our for
ei9l relations, indeed of the chief objects
of this People, under the guidance of an assembly
of the wisest men that lived in ordaning and
establishing the existing Constitution of the United
Sites.
Among the powers entrusted by that Constitu-
ton to the Government of the United States, the
first class comprises the powers necessary for secu
Fifty against foreign danger; the second class those
flor regulating the intercourse with foreign nations
Other provisions of the Constitution of no less con-
sequence to the existence of General Government
class of powers thus conferred upon the Govern
i ment Of the United States
\ To Congress is given all legislative power neces-
sary to provide for the common defence and general
welfare to declare war; and grant letters of maraue
and reprisal; to raise and support armies; to pro-
vide and maintain navy; to provide for calling
out the militia to suppress Instructions and repel
invasion to the President the power of command
in chief of the army and navy of the United States
and of the militia of the several States when called
into active service to receive foreign ministers &C.
and to dc President, IN conjunction ruth the Senate
the treaty-making power, and the power Of appoint
ing ambassadors, ministers, and consuls to Foreign
Powers.
The States are forbidden, in terms than which
none could be more peremptory, the exercise of any
one of these powers No State in this Republic car
enter into any treaty, alliance or confederation o
grant letters Of marque and reprisal; or maintain
troops or ships of war in time of peace or engage
in actual war, unless actually invaded, or in sucl
imminent danger as will admit of no delay
| The conduct of the Foreign Relations of tn,
United States belongs in word, exclusively to The
General Government; and the only control which
a State Government can constitutonally exercis,
over the action Of the Government of the United
States, IN these particulars, is through its equal re
presentation with other States in the Senate of the
! United States
What, then, can be more idle-or, if not unmean.
ing merely, more absurd-than for State to enter.
tain propositions from any Foreign Power any for
egn Prince, or any Foreign Exile seeking to regain
lost power and rendering to him pledges of support
and aid in carrying out in another quarter of the
globe his projects of revolution or restoration Such
conduct is worse than merely trifing with matters
of the utmost gravity 1t is unpatriotic derogato-
ry to the character of the Union as well as of the
particular State exposing the whole People of this
great country to the imputation of making mocke-
ry of the highest and most solemn duties which
Providence has committed to their charge.
Not to pursue any further train of thought
which has, unbidden, forced itself upon us, we will
devote the residue of this article to the contempla
ton of one view of the Crusade" proposed to us,
which is essential to right understanding of its
character.
Let us take a rapid glance at the business we
shall have before us, should we conclude to 90
into the work of INTERVENTION consistently, and
with right good will
The first thing for US to do would be to say
to Russia, Prussia, and Austria, that they must re
store the Nationality Of Poland, and each give up
its share of the partition of that country. No one
we presume, will pretend to say that the Poles have
low an IL, =. l..