The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-02-11
General Cass on Intervention.

General Cass Oh Intervention.
We understand that General CAss made
speech, or rather read an essay in the Senate
yesterday, on intervention; and that he pro
nounced for the right Of pronouncing by Con
gress, but destined the necessity or the conse
quence of enforcing our pronunciamentoes b,
deeds. This is as much as to tell the Emperor O
Russia, that at present we only go for bullyin,
him,-and that if he don't regard our declara
tons, we shall not attemptto compel him.
resolution of Congress, without purpos
OF sustaining it, but accompanied even with al
explanation that we are not bound to sustain il
is nothing but an abstraction. 1t is nothing but
the opinion of as many persons as vote fol
it. If it were even regarded as the opinions
OF those they represent on Legitimate questions
II would have far less numerical authority than
is arrayed in support of the Russian Emperor.
He has about seventy millions of subjects, and
is their representative to all foreign countries.
We have only about twenty four Nay, more
than that they have supported by arms, taxes
and acquiescence, his practical Intervention
But with us there is no such support given to
our doctrine. Now, the fact is that we are not
advocates of the principles of noninterventon
and don't mean what we say when we pass such
resolutions. General CAss don't. Suppose the
Emperor of Russia were to intervene in favor
of people struggling for liberty and indie
pendence against their masters, would we
complain or would we insist, even verbally, on
intervention? Certainly not Nor is such a
case so improbable as not to be supposed For
it has actually occurred. The Emperor of Rus.
sia did actually intervene in favor of people
contending for freedom. He interviewed in favor
of Greece against Turkey, of which Greece had
long been subject portion. The Emperor OF
Russia sent a fleet, which united with one from
France and one from England, aud they attacked
the Turkish fleet, in the Turkish harbor of
Navarino, and destroyed it, and thereby, secured
the liberty of Greece. This was Intervention as
fragrant as that in Hungary But did we con
denim it? Did we then talk of oninterven.ion?
No. The news was received with universal iov
And yet the doctrine of General CAss is Just as
fatal to the Greek as the Hungarian interven.
ton.
All then that is meant by the doctrine of non
now is, that there shall be no inter
yention on one side--but as much as any body
pleases on the other. There shall be no inter
vention for Russian institutions, but plenty of it
for American. Can any thing be more silly
since recent events have demonstrated
the Russian system in Europe to be in more ac-
cordance with the character of the people than
our own. Russia has sixty millions of her
own in favor of her system, and France has
just voted some fourteen. fifteenhs of her
vote in favor of the same system Here are
in Europe in two countries alone over hundred
millions ofpeople, nearly half of all Europe pre-
iering The Russian system, and supporting it by
votes, arms, and taxes-and how many are there
in Europe in favor of our own? Scarcely a
single State, or if one, not population of five
millions. To say, therefore, virtually to the
Emperor of Russia that we protest against his
in Europe, in favor of his system
and that of his people,-but that we shall re.
oice in all Intervention there against it, is sim
ply to make ourselves inexpressibly ridiculous.
But such declaration of Congress is as un
warrantable by our system, as it is at variance
with common sense. Congress has no power
and no right to manufacture these distractions.
It is not, or ought not to be- debating club, or
/ mandatory of abstract dissertations 1t has
10 right TO debate or to adopt resolutions that
10 not belong to its Constitutional powers 1t
vas not instituted nor is it paid to discuss or to
lecide questions that do not confessedly affect
is own duties or functions. Such labor would
De needless and useless, but not costess And
Residential candidates have no right to avail
themselves of seat in the Senate to use such
IN auditory, and the reports of the debates at
great public expense, delay and detriment, for
ne purpose Of avaing themselves of an oppor
une popular excitement. We look upon reso
utions and speeches for non-intervention, as the
most obvious and impertinent of nterventons
With public business at home, and foreign af
airs abroad.
The doctrine Of non-interventon, even if it
we're true, is liable to many exceptions that its
PRACTICAL assertion can be of no value, without
the circumstances of given case,
md this would Involve our Congress in an in
JURY or debate about the condition, capacity.
md controversies of every foreign nation-and
his too, at period of our affairs when Con.
,ress cannot get time to attend to our own.
Hunts Mer chants Magazine.
This valuable monthly is always welcome to
our table. We do not, of course, concur in
many of the theories it contains but it always
abounds in facts on a great variety of subjects.