Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1852-05-17

In tue iCStSiauSC ~ SSSSoAu5o so' '"~> = ~
day, a communication will be seen from Gov.
johnson. assigning his reasons for the commu
tation Of the deaih-pcnalty, in the case of the
negro slave Jordan Hatcher. We think the
Governor altogether mistaken III his view Of
the case. If Hatcher had been a phtc man.
he says. the utmost, he could have been charg-
ed with would have been Unsuitable homicide
or involuntary manslaughter." The laws re.
lating to slaves. and those relating TO white
persons, are widely differ ent, and Governor
johnson should have been lawyer enough TO
know it. The slave is not entitled to trial by
jury as ga white man" is, and an attempt 20
take life by a slave is punishable with death
How can this case be compared with that of
white mani Jackson. the murdered man. was
inhicting chasiisement upon Hatcher. the MUIR
derer, with COW hide. This he had RICH,
to do, and it would seem from the evidence,
that the punishment was deserved by the slave.
Had Hatcher been a white man. the use Of a
cowhide would have been So shameful an indig
nity that, had he taken the life ofJacksnn a jury
would in all probability have acquitted him.
But with slave there is no indignty offered in
the instrument that may be used for lis chas-
tisement. Heis bound by law and duty TO sub
nit. and resistance. " hirh would be proper in
a white man, is a crime in the slave. To com
pare the whole circumstances with the case oi
white man, they oud stand thus: Hatcher
offers an affron,, (by filing to obey an Orderly
Jackson offers none in return. (,he law full and
proper correction being no af1ron,;) whereupon
Hatcher srizes deadly weapon and SD 5
him. This would be murder in the first de-
gree. and it is the only proper comparison that
can be made Of Hatcher case to that Of white
man.
We abhor all cruelty to slaves. We think
the man who is guilty of inhumanity 10 them.
in Furnishing them without cause, or in failing
TO provide necessary food and clo,hing and
other things necessary to their comfor'-a mon
ster who should receive kick from every
honest man he meets. But we believe that the
laws enacted for their government and punish
ment are necessary, and should be rigidly en-
forced. Without this there is 10 security 10 the
lives Of masters and mana gers.
Governor Johnson regards this murder as
extenuated by the fact that il was committed
at ga moment Of great excitement and su0ering "
Does he not know that punishment always pro-
daces excitement and suffering, and tina, if such
plea be allowed it would excuse every SINH
lar offencel If this be the law, which, in the
name of society and in defence of the lives OF
those who have the management Of slaves.
we most earnestly protest it is nor, every mas
ter who attempts to correct his servant ex-
poses his life
But Gov. Johnson considers this only an
unfortunate casualty" We take it TO be very
much such casualty as might have been ex
pec,ed to happen. from violent blow upon
the head with "an iron poker" We suppose
the sczing the implement and the striking the
blow were the voluntary acts of the negro
What was the casualty? was it the breaking
the skull from such a cause His Excellency
must have an unusually thick one himself. to
have come to such a conclusion. Was the
DEATH after the skull was broken, a casualtyl
1t twas very much such an one as happens to a
man. who, when the rope is fastened and the
scafiold knocked away, meets "the casualty OF
strangulation and broken neck. But sup
pose II was in fact casually, ii was one re-
sultng from the resistance of the slave, which
was in itself crime; and very slight know-
edge of criminal law would have taught Gov.
j. that killing happening under such circum-
stances, whether intended or not, is murder in
the first degree. There was no necessity for
the malice 1repense of which he speaks. The
act itself supplied all the conditions necessary
to complete the offence.
The penalty Of death. the Governor admits,
was authorized. perhaps. "by the letter of our
laws" What ght has he to disregard the let
ter Of our law2 BY what authority does he un-
dertake to say, that the law does not mean
what it says. and that it's letter" and spirit
are not the same2
We have d~elt on this matter more fully
thanit may seem to deserve, but we regard it
an occurrence of the gravest moment. The
lives Of too many are jeoparjed by this act Of
Governor johnson. to pass it over lightly
Whoever will reflect upon it. free from every
political or personal bias. must o1cluJe that
Governor johnson is unfit, either from want
of intellect, or from too warm sympathy with
the slave population. to occupy the post of
Chief Executive ofthis Commonw eal,h. The
hypothesis that slave stands upon the same
footing with white man, in contemplation of
criminal law, betrays very great ignorance. or
a dangerous leaning towards the doctrines Of
aboli,ionism. Which had most to do in control
ing the action Of the Governor,or whether thew
might not have operated jointly and equally,
we will not undertake to say.
All the uproar. that locofoeo apologists for
this very wrong and reprehensible act are max
ing about the little blackgusrd gathering a.
round the Executive mansion, is intended To
withdraw public attention from the act itself.
That affair was disgraceful enough, bu, the
Mayors Office was the proper place for settling
it The pardon Of the murderer and the alarm.
ing precedent it establishes affect the whole
State of Virginia and the demand judgement of
the people. For one we enter our solemn pro.
test against the Interpretation put upon the law
by Governor Johnson.