Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1852-02-28

fnractable, when accidental or ing occasions of dis
pute occur Hence frequent collisions obstinate,
omed and bloody contests The nation prompted by i'll
wan and resentment sometimes impels the Govern
ment contrary to the best calculations of policy The
Governments sometimes participates in the national pro-
Pensy and adopts through passion what would
reect at other times it makes the luminosity of the
ton subseryent to projects Of hostility instgated by
PRIDE ambition and other sinister and perncous motives
me peace o1ten sometimes perhaps the liberty, OF ma
tons has been the victim.
80 likewise, passionate attachment of one nation
ahotner produces variety Of evils Sympathy for the
iayorte nation, facilitating the illusion of imaginary
common interest In cases where real interest
exsts and nfasing into the enmes Of the other be-
Trays tne former into participation in the quarres and
wars ol 'he latter without adequate nducement us
hcaton leads also to concessions to the fayorte ma
ton OF privileges denied Others which is ant douby to
inure the nation making the CONCESSIONS by unnecessa
y parting with what ought to have been retained and
by exciting jealousy, wil and disposition to retail
ate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are with
heidi and it gives to ambitious corrupted or deluded
citizens who devote themselves to the fayorte naon) f
chty to beray sacrifice the interests of their own
country, without odum sometimes with popularity
gliding with the appearances Of vrtuous Of obiga-
ton, commendabe Difference for public opinion or
audabie zeal for public good the base foolish compi
ances OF AMBITION corruption, or infatuation fANE
AS avenues to foreign influence in nnumerable ways
such attachments particularly alarming the truly
enlightened and independent patriot How many oppor
tunueS 40 they afford to amper with domestic factions
practice the Of seduction to misiead public opinion
to influence or the public councils 6nch an attach
inent OF small weak towards great and powerful
nation doons the former 70 be the satellite Of the latter
Against the insidous wes Of foreign influence II con-
Jure you to believe me- feow-ctizens the jealousy Of
free people ought to be constantly history
and prove that foreign influence one Of the
most baneful foes of republican Government But that
jealousy to be useful must be imparta else it becomes
the instrument of the very influence avoided instead
OF defence against it, Excessive Partially for for
eign nation and excessive dislike for another those
whom they actuate to danger only side and
serve to veil and second the influence on the
other Real PATRIOTS who may resist the nrgues Of the
ayorte liable to become suspected and odious while
It's tools and dupes usup the applause and confidence Of
the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule OF conduct for us, in regard to foreign
nations is in extending commercial relations have
with them as little political connexion possible So far
as we have already formed engagements let them be full
filed with perfect good faith Here let us stop.
Europe has set of primary interests which to have
no, OF very remote relation Hence she be en-
gagged in frequent controversies the of which
essentially foreign to Hence, therefore, it
must be unwise in impicate ourselves by artificial
ties In the ordinary ycissitudes Of her politics. the
ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or
enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables
US to pursue different course we remain people,
under an ecient Government the period not far off
when we may defy material injury from external annoy
ance when may take such attitude win cause
the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be
scrupulousy respected; when beigeren nations, under
the impossbity of making acquisitions upon u.s. win
nightly hazard the giving proyocaton; when may
choose peace war; interest guided by justice,
shall counsel
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar situation
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground Why,
by Intervening destiny with that Of any part of Eu
rope enange our peace and prosperity in the tolls OF
European ambition ryashp, interest humor caprice?
1t is true policy clear of permanent ALLAN
ces with any portion of the foreign world far mean
as we are now at liberty to do it, for let not be under
stood as capable of patronisng nfdety to existing
gagements. hold the maxim less applicable to pub
lie than to private affairs that honesty always the best
policy. repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be
observed in their genuine But in my opinion it
is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking always to keep ourselves, by suitable
tablishments respectable defensive posture, may
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary
emergencies.
Harmony and liberal intercourse with all nations
recommended by policy humanity, and interest. But
even our commercial policy should hold equal and Inn
partial hand; neither seeking granting exclusive ia
yors preferences consulting the natural course of
things diffusng and dyersifypg by gentle means the
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing
with Powers disposed in order to give trade stable
course to define the rights of merchants and to ena
BILE the Government support them conventional rules
Of Intercourse the best that present circumstances and
mutual opinions viii permit but temporary, and liable
be from time to time abandoned varied experience
and circumstance shall dictate constantly keeping in
view that is folly in nation to look for dsnteresed
avors from another that it must pay with portion Of
its independence for whatever it accept under that
character that by such acceptance may place itself in
the condition of having given equivalents for nominal ia
vors and yet Of being reproached with ingrattude for
not giving There be greater than to
expect calculate upon real vors from nation to nation
1t is all Illusion which experience cure which AUST
pride ought to discard.
II offering you, my countymen, these counses Of an
old and aectonate friend, dare not hope they win make
the strong and lasting impression could wish that they
will control the usual current of the passions or prevent
nation from running the which has hitherto
marked the destiny Of nations but may even fatter
myself that they may be productive Of some partial bene
fit occasional good that they may now and then
moderate the fury Of party spirit to warn against
the mschefs of foreign ntrgues to guard against the
impostures of pretended patriotism this hope viii be
full recompense the socitude for your welfare by
which they have been dictated
How far in the discharge of my official duties have
been guided by the principles which have been deineated
the public records and other evidences Of must
witness to you and the world To myself the assur
of nv conscience is that have at least believed
myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subssting in Europe, my
proclamation of the ed Of April l793 is the index to my
plan Sanctioned by your approving voice. and by that
Of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress- the
spirit Of that has continually governed me,
influenced by any attempts TO deter divert me from It,
After deliberate examination with the aid Of the best
lights could obtain, l was well satisfied that
try, under all the circumstances Of the had right
to take, and bound in duty and interest to take
neutral position Having taken it, determined, MS far as
should depend upon me- TO maintain with moderation,
and frmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this
condoet ii is not necessary on this occasion 70 detail
viii only observe that according to my understanding
of the matter, that Tight far from being denied by
any of the beigeren Powers, has been virtually admit
ted by all.
IT, lat ~ hold,r nautrai ond,,rt he