The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-02-03
tArdizpg every Catholic in the British Empire, and
placing the Liberties and the property Of almost
every one Of them at the mercy Of the minister Of

tardzipg every Catholic in tho British Empire, and
placing the Liberties and the property Of almost
every one Of them ct the mercy Of the minister Of
the day.
the nineteenth century, by many OF the staunchest
Protestant statesmen of England, OF which 1t Is
much to say, that not even our btterest opponents
in this country, have justified II, yes, this very mea
sure was eulogized by Kossuth when seeking the
applause Of English audiences.
And is this the man whom We should hail as the
apostle of civil and religious liberty!
To those reasons whish have peculiar weight
with Catholics as such, it may be added, think,
that they, in common with many of the most dstin-
guished men of the land, are generally opposed to
the policy recommended by Mr.. Kossuth, deeming
it subversve of the best interests of this country
There may be some who think otherwise. but
most OF rs feel convinced that the moment the Unit
ed States go abroad as the armed propagandists Of
any political creed, their fate, as free nation, Is
sealed IL is not that We should be afraid Of Other
nations; but the bad passions created by W AIRS for
opinion-the endless strife to which they would give
rlse-the necessity for large armies arising from
them, would destroy any republic that could DO
framed by the wisdom Of man. The interests, the
passions, the hereditary feuds Of and parties,
fused into mass by the equal institutions of this
country, would DO all awakened agais. Military
glory would soon dazzle Us, and military fame
would become the road TO power and grestoess.
Where these things lead is written the history
of many republics that Aourisbed and dazzled
the world with their Deeds and then died IL would
be saying that oar country is nos peopled by hui
man beings, TO pretend that like causes should not
here produce like results.
Thus, ut least, |, fer one, have understood the
maxims which | considered the foundation Of the
policy which has inado and will preserve, this ma
tion great If Others willing to learn from Mr..
ksssuth the true meaning of the words, or to disre
gard the parting advice Of tho immortal Washing
ton, will ever consider that advice as lesson Of
wisdom, which that great man learned from the
history of the world-not lullaby to prevent the
babe from hurting itself during its weakness but
warning voice from the Father OF his Country, tell
ing Of the rock which has proved fatal TO so many,
ard where dangers threaten IN special manner
those conscious Of power.
With these convictions of the interest OF that
power, to which, before all others, We have sworn
allie glance in the tenn poral Orderconvictions that
sh ared with our fellow citizens, ofevery class,
until kossuth landed on our Understanding, moro
over, the additional reason, stated above, for ad
herring to this traditonary policy of the country
we find ourselves naturally opposed to the stem pier
who invites us to embark on sea where we our
selves have not yet ventured, but which We cannot
cell unknown.
In conclusion, would beg leave to say, that il is
in no wise creditabe to Mr. kossuth 10 introduce
into sober harangue the romantic idea OF the all
pervajipg influence Of an 8 order which he repre-
scnts as ruling the Gar; and through the Gar,
wishing to rule the world. Such ideas may suit the
fctions OF Sue /; they should be beneath pract-
cal statesman L is poor device to represent our
opponents as under some hated influence.
However, | do not intend entering further on this
subject. Mr. kossuth's remarks, and the evidences
Of regard which no has received from many most
respected fellow citizens, have led to state the
reasons of our Indifference or opposition to him and
10 lis cause. Yours faithfully,
NJ. O'CoNNoR, Bishop of Pittsburg