The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-08-19

this floor during the present session, that tn
, time had arrived when we should return t
cardinal principles in public affairs ! approx
Of this suggestion. 1t is precisely what W
, ought to do. When the patriots of the Reyc
luton renowned their loyalty to George III
they uttered their bold and manly sentiment
, in these words
I'VE hold these truths to be self-cvidcnt-that a
men created free and equal-that they en-
dOwed by their Creator with certain inalicuab!
rights-that among these arc life. liberty, and Oh
pursuit Of happiness
Now. sir, we should ever be conscious of thi
memorable truth, that these rights exist indie
pendent Of Governmcnts-that Constitution
and Governments are instituted to protect, no
to destroy these rights. Our form Of govern
ment. we all know is of a mixed character. II
the partition of power, as regulated and guar
anted by the Constitution, we find specific
powers granted to the Federal Government
T and certain specific powers granted to the
State Governments All power not granted T.
the Federal and State Governments is resery.
ell to the people. so that there exist three linn
tied Jurisdictions, to some extent independent
to each other | will illustrate If the officers
and legislators Of the Federal Government
should transcend the power vested in them by
Nic COuStilutlOl, anu Jay N'OICHI Hdnuo vi INV
treasury Of any one Of the States with or with
out the forms Of law, for the avowed purpose
Of selEaggrandizcmcnt the State would have a
right to resist, by force, the exercise Of any
such assumed power Such a right is self-ey-
dent. So would an indiridudi have the same
right in like circumstances Neither the Gen
eral nor State Governments possess any more
right wantonly to rob Il citizen of his property,
than does highway robber The citizen is
sovereign judge of his selEevdent reserved
rights, as much as either the State or Federal
Government is, Of rights delegated to it by the
people; and he possesses the right to institute
his own mode Of defence whenever those rights
are aSsailed by violence.
Should, therefore, the General or State Gov
eminent undertake to seize your person for the
purpose of selling you as a slave, or to deliver
you up to some person claiming you rs a slave,
without any charge Of crime, you would have
the same right to defend yourself with deadly
weapons, as you would if attacked by pirates
1t is n mistaken opinion Mr.. Chairman though
honestly entertained by many, that crime be-
comes sanctlfed when committed in the name
Of law. ! am aware, sir, that this sentiment,
IN some instances, desecrates the pulpit, while
heartleSs, dishonest politicians are found assent
ing to it; but deny its correctness 1t is the
doctrine alone Of tyrants and despots The
multiplication of numbers can never Justify
crime neither can the high source from which
1t may emanate lessen It's moral turptude 1t
4 Is crime still, and it cannot escape the penalty
of Gods violated law. Law, in the most exat-
ed sense of the word exists in the very nature
OF things. 1t is only the business of legislators
to discover and enforce this law so far as they
have the power. Then, sir if the State has no
right to commit great wrong upon any one
OF ITS people, it has no right to require me to
do such an act
But ! am asked, who is to decide this mat
ter | answer, each man, individually, for him.
self We should ever bear in mind the iniunc.
ton that we are to obey God rather than
man. Can corrupt Legislature-can a mis-
crcant " commissioner who may be bribed for
live doIars-lay down a rule which should
govern and Justify the conSciences of men in
the kidnapping Of their iellow-beings Sir,
acknowledge no such censorship over my con-
science. While | am forbidden by law of
Congress to give Il cup Of water or Il crust of
bread to the hungry and thirsty fugitive, or
commanded to lay violent hands on his person
for the purpose of returning him into a lifelong
/ bondage, rest assured sir, shall treat all such
laws with contempt ! shall trample them un-
der my feet as an outrage on humanity and
an insult to God
Why sir, if we become loyal to such despot-
ism. and do acts that would disgrace a barba-
ran IN heather land we show ourselves I'M
worthy the rich legacy bequeathed us by the
fathers OF the Revolution. In fact, we surrcn-
der every right guaranteed to us by the Con-
sttutOn
Were | to obey such u mandate, should
prove myself knavc or II fool should be &
traitor 10 high Heaven. | am for retaining t
the people all powers not granted to the Gen
eral and State Governments, and for resistin!
every cncroachment of Federal domination. 81
much, Mr.. Chairman, for the character of tn,
Fugitive Slave Law, its cruelty to the people
ITS Disgrace to the country. propose now +,
consider the arguments of it's friends for its ne
ccSsIty and continuance upon our statute book
1t was said and is still maintained by tn,
authors of the late Compromise measures )
that, in adopting them, they but followed tn,
illusuiOus example Of our revolutionary father,
IN framing the Constituton-that the SLAYER,
question IN 1888 was, ms now, very grave anC
serious one, and could be settled only by q
Compromise" The great difference Mr.
Chairman between the Compromises of the
Constitution, and the Compromises of the Fug
, tive Slave Law, consists in this That was n
, Compromise of jurisdiction this Compromis,
, ct principle, like the one which Russia. prus
f STA, and Austria made with Poland, when the,
blotted out her national existence. and divided
, her territory among themselves! Or the Com
promise England made with China, when shc
sunk over thirty jjunks in one day, with all OF
board, because of their refusal to permit tn,
sale of poisonous drug in the Celestial En-
pire
Sir, talk about 1.-THE Compromise when il
actually authorizes slave dealers. n rufhanl,
class who are despsed through the South. anC
looked upon as base and wicked by many slave
holders themselves (hOw consistently, will no
say) to scour the North, break up peacefu
families, seize and carry OF fathers and mother
into slavery for life, and even to require cti
zcns of the free States to aid them in this mos
nciarlous and revolving practice
Why, sir the very idea that this s the irui
OF Compromise is an insult to the under
standing and to the moral sense of the are
for 1t compromises principle and character
everything dear to humanty-at the command
OF lmpudcnce and rrogance-crushng tn,
weak and innocent in disregard of their mos
solemn protestations and prayers The Com
promises made by the trainers of the Constitn
ton, between the State and Federal Govern
ments was very different matter. part o.
the delegates, in Convention, were anxious tina
the Federal Government should be clothed will
jurisdiction over the foreign slave trade, while
{ a majority were unwilling to transfer this DOW
or from the States to the new Government
but they finally consented to do SO, 10 take eff
feet after 1903. Congress acted without hest
tatIon upon the subject Immediately thereaf
Ter by declaring its further continuance piracy
That, Mr. Chairman, did not look much lik,
binding the General Government to sustain
slavery
Slavery needs no law but that of brute force
1t presuppoSeS the abrogation or absence of nj
law. MIR. Calhoun alwnYs sconted the ide,