Semi-weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1852-1853, 1852-05-22

slature But, unfortunately for the prophesies, when
last winter the Legislature reassembled, the PROPOSE
ton to repeal this act OF notification was rejected by
vote of nearly three one-naking it manifest that
the settled action of the State against the execu-
ton of the law of Congress. similar multiplying
law few weeks since, according to the statements
published In the papers, passed the Senate of Mas
sachusets, and only failed in the House by vote of
hundred and sixty-two to one hundred and sew
enty-eight. Such things, when they in the
northern States now do not excite the Comment
of of the national papers here the seat of gov
eminent. But If the State of South Carolina, which,
without actually carrying it out, has threatened
nullify, in former times-if this State, say, were
really to nuly, or seriously even threaten to nullfy,
any act of Congress of as much importance the
one under consideration, the whole country from this
point to Canada, and such portions of the southern
people as sympathiZe mainly with northern move
ments, would at once be thrown into state of fer
ment and the Elective would be compelled by the
force of public opinion to send many troops as
were at his disposal 10 Sullivan's island other
points the of that State endeavor to over
awe her.
But it is not necessary for to argue further to
show that there serious obstacles in the way of
the execution Cf the fugitive slave law of 1885, of
any Legislative provision to carry out that feature of
the constitution. The expense alone of recovering
fugitive is sufficient to defeat the object of the law.
That expense would not be necessary it not for
the resistance made by the mobs to its execution.
In support of my own course and views, quote
paragraph from the address already published by the
seeding members. Let it be borne in mind that
they all, except Mr. Morton and myself, support
ers of the compromise measures. 1t is in the follow
ing words:
.'After another series of years acquisitions of
territory made-new disputes arose touching the
same powers and the same questions. new COM
promise was made, whereby the balance of power
yielded by the slavehoding States, and The reins
of empire delivered to the free States by the
admission Of California into the Union. The slave
trade was suppressed in the District of Columbia
territorial governments created the whole
public domain, and act was passed to enforce the
delivery of fugitives from labor. This settlement be-
ing made, has the South murmured at the law sup
pressing the slave trade in this District Look upon
the opposite picture. Reply to your hearts, how
has the law for the delivery of fugitive slaves been
executed We ask merely that the wing party shall
90 behind this last settlement; that il shall ma
tonaze itself by taking firm and true position upon
the fnality of this settlement. and shall hold its
members bound, without regard to former opinions,
to maintain and enforce this settlement in good faith
and honestly
The view here taken substantially accords with my
own position. l was originally opposed to this sys-
tenn of measures. lnasmuch the constitution
pressly provided that fugitves should be given up,
thought that we entitled, as matter of right,
without bargain, to efficient law to carry into effect
that provision. did not, therefore, to pay
the price demanded. But it was determined other
wise and the relating to the disposition OF
territorial acquisitions have been executed and
now beyond recall. The fugitiVe-slave law alone is
execuory in its character, and is liable TO be repealed,
modified resisted
unwise one; yet, since what we have paid cannot be
gotten back, have right to insist that the other
party shall pay what was promised, even though 1t
be less than hold it ought to have been If man
were to convey by deed to another a piece of land
worth one thousand dollars, with promise of only
FIVE hundred in return for it. might you not well say
to him that he had made bad trade, but that his
land was gone forever he ought insist that the pur
chase-money should at least be paid This view of
the is clear and easy of comprehension, that
must be excused for doubling the sincerity of any
one who PROCESSES not to understand it. At least he
who does not see it, is covered by coating Of STU
pidity thick enough and hard enough the edge
of any argument, however sharp it may be, and how
ever forcibly driven.
From the day of the passage of these measures l
have said again and again, that notwithstanding the
great concessions made to the North, it would not
remain satisfied, and that the southern compromise
men would soon be put the defensive again. l
have all the while held myself ready to cooperate
with them. Having failed 10 maintain successfully
my own position for the want of larger number of
allies, it is my duty 10 fall back the next line of
defence that seems tenable What would be thought
of soldier who in battle, because the advanced po
ston which he wished defended was abandoned,
should refuse to cooperate with his comrades in de-
Tending any other line which might be occupied by
them Feeling confident that the abolionists would
not give quarter to my countrymen, duty and patri-
otsm required that l should be ready to aid them
whenever they found it necessary to make stand.
1t will be seen that my resolution went beyond
those of the other gentlemen with whom | was
OPCinuhS. IL III SuoSIdHCo PloPoSSd uidl we SHouiu
give the sanction of congressional of the
whig party to the holding of any National Conven-
ton, except upon condition that certain principles
should be adopted basis of action. But it is
said that disposed to thrust sectional issue
upon the convention. tits for the constitution
of the United States is binding in all its provisions
all sections the Union and must be carried
in all its features by every citizen. He, therefore,
who is opposed to the enforcement of any of its
provisions is himself sectional and ought there
fore to be excluded from all part in the proceedings
of any National Convention. Before entering into
political partnership with any set of men, have
right to require that they shall adopt principles
extensive with the constitution and The rights of all
sections under it, And if the individuals composing
the body about to assemble really entertain proper
national feelings, why should they hesitate say So
1t is the high privilege of American freemen speak
the truth; and why should they not exercise this |
great right?
The fact cannot be denied that within the last half |
a dozen years large portion of the called whig !
party has become mere northern sectional an-slav-
cry party. To show how this was brought about
would extend the limits of this letter much, and
content myself with reference to few weIlknown
prominent facts. In the Thirtieth Congress every
member of the House of Representatives from the free
States regularly voted for the Wilmo proviso, with
view of excluding the South from the occupation
Of every of the Mexican territory. The fact that
fifteen States, by their legislative action, adopted this
Droviso, shows how general and pervading this
feeling among all parties at the North. And in the
canvass following-viz of IS4S-the
section of the party in those States took extreme anti
slavery ground. When, therefore, the Thirty-frst
Congress assembled, it found that all of the