The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-06-30

The steamship Africa viii probably be along to-
day or to- morrow, with three days later European
news.
General seott's Letter, and Other Letter.
Plenty OF Letters-PlcDty Of Soup.
published, in advance OF al our contemporaries,
yesterday, General Scott's letter accepting the
whig nomination for the Presidency. We re-pub-
lish ii this morning, together with the letter Of
President Fillmore, defining his position to the
Wing Conventions; and the letter of Mr. Graham,
accepting the wing nomination for Vice President
These three letters are each remarkable in their
way. The letter of Mr.. Fillmore is manly and
msgnanimous. The letter Of Mr. Graham is
straight forward and unpretendng; but the letter Of
General Scott is most striking,y characteristic of
the very peculiar style and qualities of the man
He begins by saying that be had "not written a
word to procure this Distinction from which il is
evident that the letter fshed out of Mr. Bolts coat
pocket, in the convention was forgery, or was iu-
tended for some other purpose-probably to aid in
the nomination of Fillmore or Webster. The Gene
raj then proceeds to inform us that he slost
not a moment after the nomination was
made, in Fastening to accept it, platform
and all-not even stopping to take ga hasty
| plate of soup" 1t might have been supposed by
patch all the time in his coat pocket, or waistooat
pocket breeches pocket, cut and dried. This cx-
PLANTATION, therefore, Of General Scott Is apropos
and to the purpose, though there no particular
necessity in being in auch prodgous hurry, after
the nomination was made
In this, his formal letter Of aoceptance--for
he twice accepts the nomination and the platform
be makes short work of the resolutions, by simply
saying that he accepts them. He says the platform
isvery broad; but, not being quite broad enough,
he proceeds to widen it by few additional planks
of his He feels lively interest in the "actual
settlers" of the public lands, which is quite natural
for any man in his position, and hints, in q rather
roundabout way, that if the States have no objec-
ton, he is in favor of free farms, and may possibly
! recommend something Of that so4l to Congress one
of these days, for all he knows The only difficulty
in the natter is, in giving to everybody in the
United States his just rights Gin that vast national
inheritance" of the public domain.
On the Native American question: however,
General Scott's views appear to have undergone
the most remarkable change. From 1886 to 1873
period of twelve long years-he was, from his own
published correspondence, rigid native American.
He had, in conjunction with one or two friends at
the Aston House, in that long interval, drawn up
an address to the American people in favor of the
organization Of Il native American party. Iu 1871,
after the wings had carried the country by stern,
and after all immediate political causes Of popular
excitement had subsided, General Scott writes q
letter to a Mr.. Reed, Of Philadelphia, in which he
says that between extended period Of naturali-
Eation and total repeal Of all laws the subject"
10 exclude the alien forever from the right of
III.
And it il not till the Presidential election of 1913
that he retracs these long cherished heresies, of
the stamp Of the alien and sedition laws. But in
1862, not only does he make the most thorough 60
ing apology, but in letter to an Irish benevolent
society at Brooklyn, he declares that he can't help
being tho friend Of Irishmcn, because they have
been his friends, and that he never knew an Irish
man to turn his back upon friend or an enemy"
From this are led 10 infer point blank, that Riley
and his deserters ut Mexico were Yankees or Dutch-
men, or Frcnchmen, or Scotehmen, speaking the
English language with stiff Irish accent; for had
they been Irishmen, Gen. Scott would have been
the first to know that those base fellows had dis
honorod the patriotic Irish character by their treach
cry. But the afectionate regard OF General Scott
for our foreign born population, though of re.
cent developement, does not stop here. he says in
this letter, accepting the whig nomination, that
he is in favor Of giving to all foreigners who
shall have served year in the army or navy, in
time Of war, The full rights Of citizenship,
which is tremendous and magnanimous i'm
provement upon his native American theory of
1885, 80, '3s, go, 40, Al AZ, 49, a. As, '46, AZ,
and down TO the spring season and the Rchelieu
Robinson letter Of lS4s.
Furthermore, Gen. Scott promises to punish all
disorder, sedition, faction resistance 70 the
laws" most strngently. He will not tolerate these
things He also hints Ut the possible resort to the
veto power but whether this has reference TO a
possible bill repeating the Fugitive Slave law or to
a possible bill for the admission Of another slave
State two into the Union, or for the acquisition
Of Cuba, does not appear He 10 silent these
subjects, also on she Canadian question, upon
which he wrote very fair annexation letter late
as 1ss9. Gen. Scott closes his letter with an ex-
preston of opinion on the Intervention question,
which gives Kossuth and Kinkcl the cut direct,
sticking closely upon this point to the whig plat
FORM, notwithstanding Greeley says it was drawn
mp by an ass.
Here, then, we have the position Of Gen. Scott
completely defined He stands upon three plat
forms. Gen. Taylor bad only two-one North and
one South. Harrison had none. But Gen. SCOTT
has three. First, his Native American platform
second the platform Of the Wing Convention, en-
largcd and improved by himself; and, third, the
platform Of the Seward party, who "dcfy, execra,c
and spit upon" the platform Of the convention. If
Cen Scott cannot be elected upon these three plat
foIlns az military cheftain, then indeed, is gun
powder at discount, aud bombshos 80 for nothing.
Let ua loIe itr the beet, any bow