Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, South-Carolina) 1852-1852, 1852-02-27

Gen. Cass is tie great expositor of the Inter-
vention doctrine in the Congress of the United
States. He is not, he affirns, the advocate Of
armed Intervention in the affairs of other coun-
tries He abures the use Of force in the conflicts
which now or hereafter may signalize the battle
Of Democracy with Absolutisnl in Europe. But
he is the supporter of what is called the moral
influence of Protests and Declarations. BY the
magic of words is the effect to be wrought which
is to inspire hope on one side and induce despair
on the other. Now if paper pellets ever turned
aside tyranny or baked ambition, unbacked bv
physical force, there might be some potency IN
the logic of such verbal warfare, but without mil
itarY preparation, to sustain Declarations and
Protests they are not merely idle-thcy are pos
itively mischevous. They leave sting behind.
They rankle and produce bitter fruits at some
period or other. We hope, therefore, that the
Senate will have nothing to do with the general
tiles which have found place in certain resolu-
tions now before that body.
The world is not governed by abstract decla-
rations. Gen. Cass seems to attach great I'M
portance to the re-affirmance of those principles
of public law that protect the independence OF
nations. ard implicitly exclude armed interven-
ton. Well a combination ofpowerfu sovereign
ties may do some thing to restore or preserve IN
ternational principles or maXims which are tal-
ling into disuetude or tramp pied upon. But what
gives significance to such combination is the
demonstration of power to enforce the conclusions.
The United States are provebially aycrse to such
military preparations as would give to their Prot
est anv thing more than the virtue that resides
in we'll reasoned document. But making no
exhibition of force, and standing alone in protes-
TING. would in the end leave lis without national
dignity. Our protest would be laughed at as
mere brutum tulmen. In a joint Protest of En-
gand and the United States, there would be
some nationality, provided there were reciprocal
stipulations to back it with their united physical
strength.
The analogy sought between Mr.. Monroe's
Declaration and protest or Declaration by
Congress, under existing circumstances, fails in
real similitude. The great political event OF that
day was the Holy Alliance. 1t had met at We
roma in 1922, and France, under its sanction,
had put into force its maximcs OF intervention
by the invasion of Spain, and the overthrow OF
the Spanish Constitution of the Cortes. The
apprehension was entertained that the Holy Al
lance would extend their system of intervention
to tie American continent. This led to MIR.
Monroes Declaration Now, there is no such
Allance-no such combination. THERE'S nopart
of this continent that invites attack-no insur-
eent colonies to recover-no scheme of coloniza-
ton on foot for the implantation of principles OF
Absolutism. We published declaration in 49,
"a, that no footing should be had on this CONT
nent for monarchy, We are counsclled to pro-
claim in 1851 that no interference should be per-
m;ttcd internationally in Europe. Is there any
similarity in the circumstances? Whenever the
league of Absolute princes III Europe menaces
American liberty, Protest, standing alone,
would not save US. We would have to rely on
our physical ability to rcpel attack. But a Pro-
test against prospective dangers, unbacked by
what can alone give it efficacy, determination to
take up arms if it is treated eontemptuously,
would be serious injury to national character,
if it did not hazard the peace Of the country.
The effect of Mr.. Monroes Declaration has
been exaggerated. 1t alone did not keep inva-
sion from the American continent. At the same
time Mr. Canning gave the Holy Alliance rea-
son to know that if they directed their arms a
cross the Atlantic, so as to mence the independ-
ence of the h-Amcrican States Great Rritaln
would arm in their detcnce.-EUening Ne'cs.