The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-03-25

towards France now suddenly transformed from a
Msslrchy into Republic, all our sympathes are
naturally enlisted the side of great People, who,
initiating our example, have resolved to be free.
Our ardent and sincere congratulations are extended
to the patriotic People of France upon their noble
and thus far successful efforts to found for their flu
ture government liberal institutions similar to our
own
Congress echoed these just sentiments, and
in the name and behalf of the American People
Il" rendered their congratulations to the People
of France upon the success of their recent efforts
to consolidate the principles of Liberty in a
Republican form of Government"
Mr. President, a spark from the flame, which
thus breaking out in Paris was regarded with
so much pleasure here, kndled the material
which had been long gathered and prepared
by Louis Kossuth and his compatriots in Hun
gary. Remote as we were, we watched and
followed the revolution in that ancient country
with intense interest We had an agent there,
ready to tender our congratulations; but the
cause went down under the iron pressure of
Russian Intervention. When we could do no
more, we sought the exiled Chief in Turkey,
procured his release from duress and survel-
lance; and while the Russian and Austrian
monarchs with menaces demanded his surren-
der to them by the Ottoman, we brought him,
ton of our flag, down the Mediterranean, and
home to our own shores, and received him with
honors that have divided the homage of man.
kind between ourselves and him.
Sir, even while this slow and languid debate
has been going on, we have nterceded-infor
mally, indeed, but nevertheless we have inter
ceded-wth Great Britain for clemency to inn
prisoned patriots who, under auspices hopeless,
but under the pressure of national evils quite
intolerable, had attempted to renew the Ameri-
can Revolution in Ireland. And you and |, and
every Senator here, whether he suppresses ut
terance as some may do or speak out as | do,
Is earnestly hoping that that act of mterces-
sion may prevail with the amiabe and yirtuous
Monarch who yields benignant sceptre over
| those realms
Here, sir, the history ends. will add no
CLOSES to the recital will not attempt to
simplify the subject involved as it is in the
confusion resulting from the want of definitions
g. Intervention, and from the neglect 70 Dis
-. 49, .,{ I, ...si ycGaS1 in the GofI-Ef-
affairs of a nation|and opposition against the
| fragrant act of a strong foreign Power in at
lacking without just cause or motive, weak
but brave one struggling with its proper enemy.
| shall not ask the Senate or the country to
distinguish between intercession, solicitation,
or protest, on the one side and armed inter-
vention, entangling alliances, and artificial
ties, on the other. will only say that either
this Protest is not an Intervention, or we have
done little else than to intervene in every con-
test for Freedom and Humanity throughout
the world since we became nation-that if
this act be wrong, we have never done right.
If we approve and own the precedents of our
predecessors, this act is one which cannot be
81 loc.
us, then is not whether we shall depart from
our traditional policy, but whether we shall
adhere to it.
Inasmuch as some will say that have pre-
sented, in too strong relief the action of the
Government in behalf OF freedom, call now
on those who maintain that its policy has been
one of indifference, to show one act that the
United States ever committed, one word that
they ever spake, or one thought that they ever
INDUCED, of congratulation, of sympathy, or
even of liberation, towards a falling despotism
or a successful usurpation
Having indicated my country and her
statesmen against the implications of indfer-
ence, GOODNESS, and isolation, | hope it will not
now be thought presumptuous on my part, or
irreverent to the memory of Washington, or
dangerous to the State, if inquire on what
principle the duty of neutrality was founded
by that illustrious man, and whether he en-
joined that policy as one of absolute and per-
petual obligation "Thc duty of holding
neutral conduct said he, in his Farewell Ad-
dress, "may be inferred without anything more
from the obligation which justice and humani-
ty impose on every nation in cases in which 1t
IS free to act to maintain inviolate the relations
of peace and amity towards other nations
Our freedom" in that case, resulted from the
circumstances which excused us from co-ope-
rating with France, notwithstanding our treaty
of alliance: and the exercise of "justice and
humanity was in favor of our own People
The inducements of interest for observing
that conduct (said he) will best be referred to
your own reflections and experience. With me,
q predominant motive has been to endeavor to
gain time to settle and mature its yet recent
institutions, and to progress without Interrupt
ton to that degree of strength and constancy
which is necessary to give it, humanity speak
ing the command of its own fortune"
| will not venture on such question as
whether Humanity and Justice may not IN
some contingencies require that we should al
ford substantial aid to nations rs weak as we
were in our Revolutionary contest when we
shall have matured our strength. Nor will
inquire whether time enough has not been al
a due sense of dependence on an all-gracious
Providence the command of our own fortune
Ii is clear enough, however, that we distrust
our strength seldom, except when such diff
dence will serve as a plea for the non-perform-
ance of some obligation Of justice or of human
ity. But it is not necessary to press such in
quiries What is demanded here is not any
part of our fifty millions of annual revenue
nor any use of our credit nor any employment
of our army or of our navy but simply the ex-
ercise of our free right of speech. If we are
not strong enough now to speak, when shall
we be stronger? If we are never to speak out
for what were national lungs given us!
Senators and Representatives of America, if
NAV borrow the tone of that sturdy Republi-
can, John Milton, would have you consider
what nation it rs of which you are Governors
| a nation quick and vigorous of thought, free
and bold in speech, prompt and resolute in ac-
ton, and ust and generous in purpose--a ma
ton existing for something, and designed for
something more than Indifference and inertness
| in times Of universal speculation and activity
| Why else was this nation chosen that "out of
her. as out of Sinai, should be proclaimed and
sounded forth the first tidings and trumpet
of political reformation to all nations | would
have you remember that the love of liberty
is a public affection which this nation has
deeply imbibed and has effectualy diffused
throughout the world and that she cannot
now suppress it, nor smother her desires to
promote that glorious cause, for it is her own
| cause.
Mr. President thought, that after answer
ing the objections against this Protest would
show affrmatiycly why it ought to be adopted
But with the disappearance of opposing argu-
ments, the reasons in favor Of it have risen with
sufficient distinctness into view | will only
add that it is time to protest. The new out
works of our system Of politics in Europe have