Cooper's Clarksburg register. [volume] (Clarksburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1851-1861, 1852-09-08

deluded by the hope of an administration
free from the influence of party. Now,
time has afforded opportunity to distin-
guish between the meteor flash of mere
military glory, and the calm light of civil
qualification. Now, in the administration
Of the government, General Scott declares
in his letter accepting the nomination,
"In regard to the general policy of the
administration, If elected, should, OF
course, look among those who may APP
prove that policy for the agents to carry
it into execution, and I should seek 70
cultivate harmony and fraternal senti-
ments GroEghouttle Wing party, without
attempting to reduce its members by pro-
scription, to exact conformity to my own
views" There is no hope of any politi-
cal millennium, if General Scott shall be
elected; and no Democrat can contribute
to his election by any Of the delusive hopes
which induced many to give their support
to the other candidate from the army
Without any purpose or desire to dispar-
age the brave old man who was thus cleo
ted, we appeal to the whole country, if
the experiment of making President of
the United States out of successful SOL
ulCAB hIu NV PAONV eAh hbbCA AoAAaAVl anu
whether his administration for the brief
period in which he survived his Inaugural
ton, is not a beacon to warn his country
against its repetition, rather than sue
cessful example commencing itself by its
results as worthy of being followed.
We object to General SCOTS election,
because of his expressed and unretracted
political opinions. The vast powers of
the Office of President, invests the incum-
bent with an influence, powerful for good
or for evil, over the Legislature of the
Union, and on measures deeply affecting
the rights of the people and the prospe-
rity of the country and his opinions,
therefore, ought to be carefully examined,
to enable you to determine what system
of measures, and what policy he will ex-
ert his official Influence to promote
Gen. Scott has never served or given a
vote, in either House of Congress, or in
a State Legislature but within very
few years past. when speaking of the pro-
mitigation of his opinions, on questions of
State rights and federal administration,
he declared that as he "could not plead
ignorance of the partially of few friends
in several parts of the Union, who may,
by possibility, in certain event, succee d
in bringing me within the field from which
Wing candidate is TO be selected, l
prefer to err on the side of frankness and
candor, rather than by silence to allow
any stranger unwittingly to commit him
self to my support" and his prolific pen
gave to the public through several years
carefully prepared letters, in which he
avowed his opinions on the most interes-
ting questions, which, involving the true
construction of the Constitution, had di-
vided political parties, and exerted a
mighty influence on the business and pros
perity of the country.
We content ourselves with stating some
of these opinions.
1. He has ayowed himself as late as
1843, after all the excitement had passed
away, in favor of the gradual emancipa-
ton ofslaves, (and declared that if he
had chad the honor of seat in the Vir-
ginia Legislature in the winter of 1881
'32, when bill was brought forward for
that purpose, he would have given it his
hearty support.") He has declared, "I
am persuaded, that it is high moral OBJ
legation of masters and sIaDshOIding States
to employ all means. not incompatible
with the safety of both coiors, to melio-
rate slavery even to determination. y
He comedies the ,power of Congress
over slavery in the district of Columbia,
and maintains the Constitutional right of
Congress to receive, refer and report upon
petitions on the subject, while he declares
that under the Constitution there is no
color of authority in Congress for touch
ing the relation of master, and slave with
in State. For what end, then, does the
right of petition exist ? Is it that, while
the relation of master and slave cannot be
touched, the right of property cannot be
destroyed, the value of that right may be
destroyed, by the Legislative acts, on
which the Executive veto would not be
applied?
2. He has declared, in his letter oil
acceptance, that the veto power ought al
ways to be most cautiously exercised. and
under the strictest restraint and neces.
sities-and in 184l he expressed hope
that "by an early amendment of the Con
stitution, to see a reduction of the Presi-
dents veto," and his plan of amendment
was thus stated by himself. There can
be no good reason why the veto should
not be overcome, by bare majority Of
each House Of Congress, of all the mem
bers elected to it, say for the benefit OIL
reflection, at the end Of ten days from the
return of the bill" These extracts show
the Generals appreciation of this grea
conservative principle of the Constitution
the principle on which the minority, and
especially the South, (already in mino
rity. on the absorbing questions arising
out of slavery, must. under the Constitu
ton rely for protection against legisla
ton; fatal to them; destructive of thei
rights of property, their peace, and Tho
lives of their women and children, but b,
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