The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-03-25
THE NATIONAL ERA WASHINGTON D. C., MARCH %, 1852.

and renders censure of the past and "A protest
against the apprehended renewal of Russian
intervention important and seasonable.
There remains the objection, that flows so
readily from all conservative pens and tongues
on this side Of the Atlantic, and still more
freely from the stipendiary presses Of Paris and
Vienna, that a Protest would be a departure
from the traditional policy of our country, and
from the precepts of Washington. 1t is pass
ing strange, sir, that Louis Napoleon and
Francis Joseph should take so deep an interest
in our adherence to our principles and in our
reverence of the memory of him who inculca-
ted them, not for the immunity Of tyrants but
for the security of our own welfare. know
10y hearsay that an association during our last
contest with Great Britain clothed themselves
with these same principles, and even with that
illustrious name that they called themselves
the Washington Benevolent Society celebra-
ted the nativity and quoted the Farewell Adj
dress OF Washington to embarrass the Admin
lstraton In what they were pleased to call an
unjust and unholy war, even when 1t had be-
come IA war of national defence. have known
faction, too, that planted themselves on the
same sacred text, to conhne to persons OF
American birth the privileges of American
citizenship. A good cause needs not the sane
ton of that awful name. bad one often
seeks although it cannot justly clamit. There
fore, always take the liberty to look under
meath the mantle of Washington on whose so
ever shoulders find it,
Sir, granting for moment that Washington
inculcated just such policy as ~ claimed by
my opponents is it so entirely certnin that 1t
ought always and under all circumstances TO
be pursued Here is message of his that
illustrates the policy he adopted towards not
one only, but all the Barbary Powers, and 1t
received, think, the unanimous and favorable
response of the Senate of the United States
To tle Stnair ofthe United States:
If the President should conclude a Convention or
Treaty with the Government Of Agers for the ransom
of the thirteen American citizens in captivity there,
for a sum not exceeding 5000, all expenses in
cludcd, will tho Senate approve the same! If the
President should conclude treaty with tho Govern
ment of gicrs for the establishment of peace with
them, at an expense not exceeding 1000 paid at
tho signature, and like sum to be paid annually
afterward during the continuance of the treaty,
would the Senate approve the same!
MAYS. 1892 q. WASHINGTON.
Sir, YOU and | and all of us would have
answered in the affirmative TO these questions
had we lived and occupied these places in the
last century. l'aeshc~.o asosr,an NOV many
votes such a treaty would receive here now
And address myself to the honorable Senator
from Rhode Island MIR. CLARKE who moved
resolutions against any departure from the
policy of Washington. Would you, sir pay
Barbary Pirate $4,000 to ransom thirteen cap
tives, and sos, 900 bonus, and S25 900 annually,
for exemption from his depredations He looks
dissentingly. Iappeal to my emulous friend from
New Jersey, Mr. MILLER Wouldyou, sir? No,
not l. | demand from the other honorable Sena- |
tor from New Jersey, Mr.. STOCKTON who in
the triple character ofSenator, Commodore, and
General presided at the Birthday Congressional
Banquet in honor of Washington, and dshonor
of his Hungarian disciple, Kossuth, Would YOU |
sir! No, not he All who are in favor of such |
a treaty let them say, Aye. What, sir not |
one vote in the Senate of the United States for |
the continuance of what was in its time n wise
and prudent as well as humane policy of
Washington No. not one And why, sir 2
The answer is easy: The times have changed |
and we have changed with them. No one has |
ever thought that the Spartans wisely continu-
ed the military monastery after their State was
firmly established No one ever has thought
that the Rape of tho Sabine women by the
Romans was policy to be continued
But, sir, to come to that part of Washingtons
Policy which is directly in question. shall
that it was this IL consisted in
avoiding new entangt,ng alliances and artificial
ties with one Of the beligerent Powers in
general European war, but it admitted Of ex-
pressions assurances, and manifestations of
and of interest in behalf of nations
centendng for the Principles of the American
Revolution, and of protest, earnest and decided,
against the Intervention of foreign Powers to
suppress these principles by force and this,
ust such u.s. havo dotinod it. il tho traditional
policy of the United States, and has been pur-
sued until this very day and this very hour
Mr.. President: might well excuse myself
from proving the truth of this proposition,
inasmuch Us, on the principles have establish
ed the United States being n moral person.
could not but cherish all that devotion to their
own Just and true system of politics which the
policy have described implies; and being,
moreover, an enlightened as well as generous
Power, they could not but desire to see it sue
cessiuly adopted by other nations; and being,
finally, free nation, they could not fail to
speak out their sympathics with those who
might he struggling to adopt it, and to utter
their Indignation mt armed intervention by
Dcspotic Powers to deprive them of right so
absolute, and of benefits 30 inestimable Least
of all could George Washington, the highest
human personation of justice and benevolence
have ncucated any other policy than that
which have described. But the issue is one
of profound and lasting Importance. And
therefore History shall prove my proposition to
be true, and indicate my country and her
immortal Founder
Political philosophy, as the last century was
approaching it's close, was engaged in an effort
to discover the true theory of Government The
American Revolution terminated the dispute,
by presenting practical experiment of free
representative Government directly established
by the People, and depending not merely for
administration, but for continuance, upon their
eyer-renewed, constant, and direct activity
France, with mingled motives of previous favor
to the new system and of opposition to
hereditary rival, had recognised the United
States at an early day, and granted them
seasonable and effective aid, and bound them
to her by a treaty of mutual and eternal guar
antee and alliance The French Revolution
of 1889 was the American Revolution begin
ming new career in Europe. When, in 1892
n popular Constitution had been received by
Louis XVI, he announced his acceptance of it
to the several nations and with very different
results 1t reused all the Monarchies Of
Europe, sooner or later, to mighty and COM
bncd effort for the extinguishment of the
Popular Cause in France as a necessary meas
urc of security to the Ancient System. On
the contrary the President of the United States
transmitted the vrtuous, but rrcsolute Kings
letter to Congress. The House of Representa-
tlves, III their reply, assured him of their Z" sim
cere participation in the interest of the French
Nation on that great and important event, and
OF their wish that the wisdom and magnanim-
ty displayed in the formation and acceptance
of the Constitution might be rewarded by the
most perfect attainment of its object-the per-
manent happiness of 80 great People" This,
sir, was the first salutation to Republicanism