The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-11-05

us
within her exclusive jursdicton-her own house, as
Il we're Every traveller who complies with our police
measures abdcates that ridiculous Interpretation OF
the treaty of 30 whereby his countrymen wouli be
entitled 70 convert themselves into uncontrolled or is
OF the country. And lastly, when we see Mr. Web
openly recognise that foreigners cannot by virtue
OF the said treaty, claim privileges greater than
these enjoyed by the natives, the debate appears
All this reasoning, natural, yet so irrefutable
IL nevertheless based the erroneous principle that
the treaty in question comprises in its provision the
island Of Cuba What, then, will the conclusion be,
when il shall have been proved that it cannot have,
and has not, reference to our island!
Alliance between England and the United
Statess
From the London Sun Oct %
All Iiends Of civil and religious liberty, of good
government, and IN active commerce, must desire
the hcerties. union between England and her trans
atlantic offspring. One in origin, in language, in
literature, in our common law, and substantially,
also, in our common capacity for municipal and
constitutional goverDment-one in the souvenirs
half Of Engand's best and greatest men wished
success to the colonists one, we may truly say,
even in our religion ITSELF according to Lord Bacon
the great bond Of human lite'-for their scots
nearly all Offsets OF our owns no two great nations of
the world have many points OF union capable
Of acting together for their own common good and
the good Of the human race In capacity for self
government the French are OBJ viously a century be-
bind us both, and whatever the refinement and
civilization Of our volatile neighbors it is not Of
kind to blend easily with the more practical
and steady energy Of the Enssliah character. 10.
nathan, indeed, differs from US in manners. II
enlarged staff Of income-tax collectors, America
could supply us with any number, who would ask us
without blush how many dollars we were worth !;
will our genuine Yankee fail to instruct you in
every Euglishman while the Frenchman will in
duge any amount Of vanity without lowering you.
Jonathan il both rude and proud--the Frenchman
only vain, but polite withal. Jonathan affronts
us twenty times, and seals our lips in
naughty silence. or, at best, opens them in curt
replies, where Monsieur would only amuse US !;
and yet We like Jonathan best. There is true Eng.
lish blood in him, after all we can trust him better.
We can sympathze With him more easily. He is
not prou5er at heart than Germans and Frenchmea
think half their English visiters; but he is just
foreigner enough to treat with little Of our
own self Importance The chief difference is, tn at
he. not being yet out OF his national teens, though
overlapping in stature many of the older nations,
feels obliged TO tell US that he is the man he is,
while we rs his parent can take our manhood for
granted. We love him heartily, Notwithstanding
these little things; and being got now far too big
for the cane must wait patiently for his mature
age to cure him of all his nonsense.
There is, however, one vice an Inherited one,
alas which in many ways does more to destroy
unity Of sentiment between England and merica
than ali other minor faults or follies on either
side. Slavery is the malady, the cherished ma
LADY. which can never be otherwise than loathsome
to English feeling. From the times of Wilberlorce
and Clarkson, with their noble band Of c0a5juors,
all but few interested have imbibed an
iueradic6ble hatred Of slavery Ever since the ques
tion has been mooed in Eo gh courts justice, the
bench and an applauding nation have argued that
q man could not set his foot the British shores,
and remain q slave. We glory in British soil, as pos
sessng nobler treasure than California than any
portion Of the United States-every foot of it can
turn slave into man. Nor is this mere national
k1l-- 81 e.
and hard battle with po werful and wealthy in
terest, mighty in Parliament by borougdnonyer-
ipg and bribery, and rather than retain slave
in the least island Of our dominions, it added
ego, coo Geo to its already enormous debt. Amsri-
cans must allow that We have shown, by the best
o. all tests, self sacrifice, inextingushable ha-
tired Of slavery. The United States however,
cling to It, and that. too, under many damaa-
tory circumstances. 1t flies in the face of their cee
brated deed Of Independence, which declares that
all born free and equal 1t convi,ts their at
tacbment to that deed Of the grossest hypocrisy and
sel6shness Slavery is attended in the Southern
States with its worst and most revolving cruelties
and evils. We need not recount the horrors of the
whip the chain, and all kinds of bodily punish.
ment; of the unbridled licentiousness of masters,
and their selling their own offspring, perhaps most
readily. OF the cruel separations of husbands
wives, and families. Of the impossibilty Of redress
when the evidence of the cooted man is rejected
AL these tales of horrors, though but too true,
make up but one half the mischief. What we
States themselves. ldolizing, as they do the
Union, there seems to be no moral price which they
will not pay to preserve it AT one tim, fugitive
slave bad come chance If he oncs crossed into
the free States Benevolence could then aid him
till he reached British soil But that mos; dis
graceful of modern ensctments, the fugitive slave
law, dispelled The last gimmer of universal free
dom from the free States. Free States, indeed
exist no longer. Slave-holoipg and slave catchiag
States is now the only difference. Over
twerty degrees of latitude, ana more than ms
many of longitude, man is thing, a
chattel, salesblc commodity. The whole
United States is the land of the slave. Law re-
quiresthe freeman there to aio in returning to his
purchaser the man (slave we should saw who pants
for freedom it fines and imprisons the freeman
who aida his escape; IL brides the Judge before
whom he is taken with double fee If be gives him
up TO his Infatuated pursuers, and it places the
question of the fact Of his freedom in the hands of
that bribed Judge, and not III those Of jury. All
Chris,enoom fleets this law TO be an sfront on its
moral sentiments and its common civilization. IL
must be abolished. Nothing so horrible ex-
ists even in Austria or Tuscany and Isty
did M Hulsemann, when Mr. Webster lectured
Austria on despotsm, lecture that low prin-
cipled politician on the vile slavery Of America.
Yet, sorry to cay, this iniquitous law found
iDnumerable defenders in the free, or as we must
now call them. the slave-catcbing States. Reve.
rend doctors of divinity, aud professors Of moral
philosophy in colleges, pleaded for obeying a Law
to do iniquity The clergy of every denomi-
nation were excusing it from the pulpit or, at
least, advocating obedience to it while it was
law, though making no effort at elections other
wife, to get IL repealed; and after fsw violent eff
forts Of ugtves to resist at rst the passive North
began to slumber in the political embraces Of the
South. England witnessed the spectacle with set
tied but hall hopeless disgust When an Epglish-
man went into America be found the negro an object
Of aversion Of the aversion which the oppressor
feels for the victim LIE wrongs and depresses, but
whose will he never can quite subdue. Scarcely
any tbng gave signs Of amendment The noble. in
luU VI ALI In h.
eloquence wae left, but not like his Statesmen
and cergymen, more sickening in their apologies for