The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1852-04-07

lection is AZ much out of season as out of place
The character OF Louis kossuth was u preimi.
nary question, and has been decided bv Con-
grsss with unexampled unanimity, and by de-
cree awarding such honors az the American
people had before found none worthy to receive
but the constant and generous Lafayette.
Gods, Of whatsoever degree,
Resume not what themselves have given.
Freedom, sir, often undertakes, and some
times mistakes, her friends but tyranny never
Is deceived in her enemies. Let the honorable
Senator from Alabama Mr.. CLEMENS convince
the treacherous Bonaparte that Louis Kossuth
is not a man to be feared, or the old and subtle
Metternich that Louis X ossuth is not "A man to
be hated. Until then, we must stand upon the
judgment we have already rendered.
Once more, then, ask, why withhold our pro-
test? The Senator from Alabama Mr.. Glenn
EMS would reply, that Hungary is an integral
part of the Austrian Empire, and entitled to
our declaration only when she shall, by success
iul revolution, have established her ndepend-
ence. The form of my proposition defeats the
objection. Hungary had always enjoyed and
IN that very way had established her ndepend-
ence when Russia interviewed Certainly those
who maintain that we could not now employ
force to separate Hungary from Austria, when
Russia has united them by force, cannot deny our
right to protest against the crime that Russia
thus committed. II would indeed have been
better to nave protested during the period Of
the act itself. But the period was short, and
we remote. The act is yet recent and the
prospect of new attempt of Hungary contn.
ues the transaction, and renders a censure of
the past and protest against the apprehended
renewal of Russian Intervention important and
seasonabe.
There remains The objection, that flows SO
readily from all conservative pens and tongues
on this side of the Atlantic, and still more freely
from the stipendiary presses of Paris and Wen.
ma, that Il protest would be departure from
the traditional policy Of our country, and from
the precepts Of Washington 1t is passing
strange sir, that Louis Napoleon and Francis
Joseph should take so deep an interest in our
adherence to our principles, and in our rever-
ence of the memory of him who inculcated
them, not for the immunity Of tyrants, but for
the security of our own welfare. know by
hearsay that an association during our last con.
test with Great Britain clothed themseles with
these same principles, and even with that illus
trious name; that they call themselves the
Washington benevolent society, celebrated the
nativity, and quoted the Farewell Address of
Washington to embarrass the administration in
what they were pleased to call an unjust and
unholy war, even when it had become a war of
national defence. | have known a faction, too
that planted themselves on the same sacred
text, to con6ne to persons of American birth
the privileges of American citizenship. A good
cause needs not the sanction of that awful
name A bad one often seeks, although it can
not Justly claim it, Therefore, always take
the liberty to look underneath the mantle of
Washington, on whose so ever shoulders find it.
Sir, granting for moment that Washington
inculcat d just such policy as is claimed by
my opponents, is it so entirely certain that it
ought always and under all circumstances to be
pursued Here is message Of his that illus
trates the policy he adopted towards, not one
only, but all the Barbary powers, and it received,
| think, the unanimous and favorable response
of the Senate of the United States:
To The Senate of The United States:
If the President should conclude convention
or treaty with the government of Algers for the
ransom Of the thirteen American citizens in cap
tivty there, for sum not exceeding $4,000,
all expenses included, will the Senate approve
the same If the President should conclude
treaty with the government of Algers, for the
establishment of a peace with them, at an ex-
pense not exceeding $4,000, paid at the sigma
ture, and like sum to be paid annually after
ward during the continuance of the treaty, would
tho Senate approve the same
May 8, 1899. G. WASHINGTON.
Sir, you and ! and all of us would have
answered in the affirmative to these questions,
had we lived and occupied these places in the
last century. | desire to ascertain how many
votes such treaty would receive here now
And address myself to the honorable Senator
from Rhode Island Mr.. CLARKE who moved
resolutions against any departure from the pol
icy of Washington Would you, sir, pay a Barba-
nv pirate $4,000 to ransom thirteen captives,
and $4,000 bonus, and $4,000 annually, for
exemption from his depradations He looks
dsseningly. appeal to my cmulous friend
from New Jersey, Mr. MILLER Would you,
sir! No, not l. demand from the other hon
orable Senator from New Jersey, Mr.. SToCK
TON, who in the triple character of senator,
commodore, and general, presided at tile birth
day congressional banquet in honor of Wash
ngton, and dishonor of his Hungarian disciple,
'Kossutb Would you, sir! No, not he An
who are in favor of such 4 treaty, let them say
aye. What, sir not one vote in the Senate of
the United States for the continuance of what
was in its time a wise and prudent as well as
humane policy of Washington No, not one
And why, sir? The answer is easy The times
have changed, and we have changed with them
No one has ever thought that the Spartans
wisely continued the military monastery after
their State was firmly established No one ever
has thought that the rape of The Sabine women
by the Romans was policy to be continued.
But, sir, to come to that part of Washington's
policy which is directly in question. ] shall
maintain that it was this 1t consisted in avoid
ing new changing alliances and artificial ties
with one of the beligereut powers in general
European war, but it admitted of expressions,
assurances, and manifestations of sympathy and
of interest in behalf of nations contending for
the principles of the American revolution, and
of protest, earnest and decided, against the in-
tervention of foreign powers to suppress these
principles by force and this, just such as have
defined it, is the traditional policy of the United
States, and has been pursued until this very day
and this very hour.
Mr. President: might well excuse myself
from proving the truth of this proposition, mas
much as, on the principles have established,
the United States being moral person. could