The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-08-12

are not AbolitiOnists, would gladly aDoiish ~"
very today. if the slaves could be removed tc
foreign country. Surely, the objections Of
these people to the continuance and growth o.
the slave system are not answered by replying
the difficulty of emancipation on the sou
and not a single restrictive movement when
they advocate is well met by any objection 10
Abolitionism. The error so prevalent rs that
every interest which opposes any demand OIL
the slave policy is made responsible ior every
consequence within the broad scope OF unVer-
sal emancipation or in other words every
other interest and policy Of the country Is taxed
and checked to the whole extent OF securing
Slavery and insuring its prosperity.
The suppression of the rum traifc IN 'he
State of Maine Is not an invasion OF the Iocai
sovereignty of South Carolina: neither Is the
abolit;on Of the lash in the United States navy
an abridgement Of tine oycrseerS right oil us
cipline in the Southern cotton fields. For like
reasons abolition in the District and the d.
yorce of the General Government from Slavery,
is not an undertaking Of emancipation IN the
slave States, nor an assertion of the doctrine OF
negro citizenship. nor a pledge of its universal
vindication. 1t is simply in itself a policy OF
free labor, and Is not the general issue with
Slavery, nor an assumption OF all ultimate coll
SEQUENCES. IL is not a war of races, nor even
war of moral principles, but the care and cau-
ton of special interest and the time will yet
come that the manufacturing interest IN the
tree States will take ground on the simple basis
of business competition against system Of
labor at Il cost of sixteen cents per day of I'M
mediate outlay, to be wholly refunded by the
value of the children. chattes which the work
man leaves behind him The men who con-
tend for protection against the pauper labor oil
Europe now, will at an early day feel concerned
to check system based upon the still cheaper
slave labor of the South. There is not single
tobacco factory now in Philadelphia, solely be-
cause there are four hundred slave girls making
segars in one establishment at Richmond. And
the iron and cotton manufactures of the nation
bid fair to be in like manner mOnOpOllzed ut an
early day in the Southern States.
Again: politician may have excellent OBJ
jections to the Pro-Slayery test, applied in these
days 50 stringently Ia the candidates OF the
great political parties VINO nevertheless would
be we'll contented with perpetual Slavery for
the blacks OF the South and would rather see
the three millions sunk in the ocean than make
a voluntary sacrifice for them Nay, lac may
heartily hate their masters and his, without
being one whit more an Abolitionist for all his
repugnance to their tyranny Martin Van
Buren, and Prince John did turn AboltiOnists
or little while under such proyocatlon, and
zen. Cass could ne forgiven for the same thing
t he could make il succeed
The Fugitive Slave Law is 80 unprincipled
n its provisions and so abh0rrent in its crcum-
tances to the average humanity of the age,
hat not only does an Aboltionist feel happiest
when he is most eifectually resisting it, but
ven Il Union Committee man is glad to pur-
base back slave whom he has helped to re-
urn into bondage yet the same men, Commis-
toner's and all, would willingly drive every free
olored man out of the free States, and help
he fugitives into Canada, to get rid OF them,
nut would not consent to the emancipation OF
he slaves of Virginia, and their admission to
in the North.
There are thousand motives recognised rs
,ood and valid, for opposing the measures and
interests of the slave system, which are not an
wered by the theory that affirms the inferior
tv of the African to the white race, and denies
he possibility of reconciling their social and
political rights.
Very clever politicians point us to the sub
lrbs of our Northern cities for the results OF
upon the lowest class of eolored
people, and to the disabilities which the feeling
IF caste imposes upon the very best OF them
among us and they seem to think this suff-
cient justification of the Baltimore platforms ;
yet it is manifest that there are very sufficient
reasons for resisting Slavery propagandism,
though every emancipated slave from this to
the end of time should prove felon or u
nuisance
1t is natural to give the best reasons for a
good thing and it is honorable to humanity,
and the best hope of our nature, that we recur
to first principles to support sound policy but
the state of moral and religious sentiment is so
low amongst us, that the broadcast right is apt
to narrow the chances of n measure which 1t
covers A man is not bound to be man now,
nor II Christian allowed to be Christian; but
u democrat must still be either n democrat OF
a dodger The higher law 4" is openly repu'
dated, but the principle of democracy is not
fatty disavowed, and the claims of interest are
everywhere acknowledged. And 30 the para
doxical bubble that n part is greater than the
whole, has come to be practical truth.
press the distinction between the various
forms of Anti-Slavery sentiment and action ioI
the availableness of the partial and special
where the general is rcpudiated think
rascal might be made ashamed OF the folly o
doughiaced scryility, and fool be persuaded
of the dishonor of submission With wise
true, whole, brave man, there is no need fo'
argument
Let us press the lower law upon those wh'
occupy the lower level; its Judgment day II
here in this life and its sanctions are respected
when they are understood Webster, tlllmor"
and Cass, understand it by the things the.
have suffered, and some good may be done b.
preaching it faithfully to their disciples.
negro who went through the severest form
camp-meeting conversion, under the impression
that il was the celebrated Whitfield who occu
pied the pulpit was not little disguised whe'
he found that common, country local preache
had been run up like jury-mast IN storm
70 supnlv Mr. Whitfclds accidental absence