Semi-weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1852-1853, 1852-10-06

WHEN Defeating PORllOM ~
THEIR POWERS, TVVE PE EME RETAIN-
| ED THE WHOLE AND EACLUS1EE 1 SOls
ITROL. AND FOR WHICH THEY AXE A
LONE RESPONSIBLE. u,ooa
and admitted and you take one great step towards
satisfying TIE conscience OF honest out mlsguIueu
people, in section of the country ana qule''ng VIC
rriation for which there has been too much cause,
in the other. This we have attempted to do. we
are bound 10 60 further and frankly declare 10 lnese
petitioners that so long as slavery shall commune IN
VIRGINIA and Maryland it is in vain tor them 70 ex-
Decs it's abolition here tina: we are FORBIDDEN
! TO LEGISLATE UPON THIS SUBJECT, UN-
DER EXISTING CIRCUMSTANCES, BY OB,
! LEGATIONS HARDLY INFE Fl; t EoH NJ ne
! CANNOT ABOLISH SLAVERY IN THIS DE,
TRICT. AGAINST THE WISHES OF III
INHABITANTS. w 1T OU 4 u IL O ~ .
| RAGEOUS INFRACTION OF PRIVATE
RIGHTS.
~ existed in the States of Maryland and Virginia
IL still exists there and it has also existed from that
| day to this. Now, how is 1t possible 10 mistaAe
what must have been the understanding OF ootn par
ties the time ! No man, it strikes me- can oouo'
for moment who will regard, without prejudice the
relative position of this " ten miles square,, Inc o.
ects of the cesson, and the manifest interests OF the
States making It, Who can believe that these Patr.
otto States would have parted with their territory, II
they could have supposed that the rights and proper
ty of their citizens, living upon 1t. were TO be nVad
ed, against their consent and IN defiance OF the re-
monsirances? l have no hesitation In saying ma! !
consider slavery social and political evil, and most
sincerely wish that it had existence upon the lace
of the earth but it is perfectly immaterlal how It
may be regarded either by you or myseH IL N ~
DETERMINE WHETHER THE RIGHTS Sc
CURED TO THE DIFFERENT STATES BY
THE CONSTITUTION ARE BLESSINGS OR
ARGUMENT THAT THEY ARE RIGHTS,
WHICH THE INHABITANTS DO NOT CHOOSE
TO RELINQUISH.
Further, MIR. President, suppose, for moment
that the cession had not been made, and that the
States of Mary land and Vrg na should now attempt
without theconsent of the inhabitants of the District
to interfere with this description of propery-to abol-
sh slavery within these portions of their respective
limits, ard retain it upon its present basis in every
other portion. What would be the consequence
Why, the law could never be enforced and every
rejecting man throughout the whole length and
breadth of this country would revolt at such wanton
disregard of equal justice and of equal rights and
privileges. And yet, because these States have gen.
erously ceded their territory to you for certain Pur-
poses YOU propose do this very thing, and thus
requite their confidence and their spirit # accommo-
dalion by opening common refuge Tor their runa-
way slaves. will only add. upon this point, that
the Abolonist would do well to pause in the mid ST
of his zeal, and inquire calmly and dispassonatey
whether in fact, anything more than nominal ad-
vantage would be gained by the abolition of slavery
in this District and whether even this would not be
acquired at serious sacrifice. Is il not admitted
that domestic slavery exists here in its mdest form
That part of the population are bound together by
friendship and the relations of life. They are
attached to the families in which they have lived
from childhood. They are comfortably provided for
and apparently contened. Now, let bill for the
abolition of slavery in the District pass either House
of Congress, and what would take place here! Why,
before it could possibly become law, all these ties
would be violently sundered every slave in the Dis
trict would be moved beyond its limits; their pres.
ent comparatively easy condition changed, it is prob
able for of greater rigor; and, with all this ac-
Icomplished, you would have made the slightest
progress in diminishing the aggregate amount of
slavery in the United State.
Mr.. President, yielding to my inclination, would
here take leave of this irritating subject, now and
forever; but the manner in which it appears to be
connecting itself with other topics renders it proper,
in my judgment, TO add a few remarks.
When, it is often asked, is this agitation, in Con-
gress and out of it, to cease2 When is it to termi
nate, and with what results? These are questions
which. three years since, would not have cost one
moments uneasines. thought the apprehensons of
Southern gentlemen, to great extent, had their ORR
gin in morbid sensibty upon the subject. STILL,
mindful of their interests and peculiar relations, ap
preciated their feelings. and deeply regretted the
cause of irritation. And now these questions would
create little interest," certainly excite no alarm, in my
mind, If agitators upon the subject were only to be
found in the circle of avowed Abolitionists. With
regard to the State which l have the HONOR in part,
to represent, am perfectly satisfied, well from my
own observation from the expression of the Legis
lature during the last winter, that public sentiment
can hardly be said to be divided upon this subject.
But here, sir, feel bound admit that there are in
dications in New England which cannot and ought
not to be overlooked The aspect of things in this
respect has undergone some change, and fear the
elements of still greater change in active oper
alton. Go not mean to say that the Abolitoniss
proper are gaining strength rapidly; but what do
mean to say is, that they finding allies in the
cause of agitation in the political press. Sir, if
politics to be mingled with this subject, lei it
be known; ii cannot be proclaimed to soon. have
been taught that the way to overcome difficulties
and threatening dangers is TO meet them the adj
vance, not to await their approach; and, although
would create no unnecessary alarm, l ASSURE THE
MOVER OF THESE RESOLUTIONS THAT
HE SHALL NOT FIND ME- STANDING
TAMELY BY, OR ATTEMPTING TO LULL
OTHERS INTO FALSE SECURITY BY THE
CRY "ALL is WE'LL" WHEN BELIEVE
THERE is DANGER-when know there is an
enemy in motion, protesting and claiming to be in
fuenced by considerations and governed by motives
above and beyond the Constitution and laws of my
country and that enemy likely to be sustained by
alliance with party politics. No, sir, we have no
conceaments upon the subject. All demand is,
that since be the first feel the effects of
Abolition ascendency at home should it be ac-
quired, (Which, by the way by means antcipate.)
we may meet the question unembarrassed and not be
driven by any course here upon collateral issue,
such the right of petition any other The force
OF this suggestion will be fully apprehended af
ter the remarks which am about to make.
1t is not to be disguised that, from insignificant
beginning, and with comparatively few, even now,
who hold what generally considered abolition
sentiments this subject is assuming aspect of fear
full interest and momentods consequence. The Sena.