New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1852-06-22


developing, diversifying our National In.
dustry no longer exist Is this indeed .,
subordinate, secondary matter that Il
may properly be held in subservience 3.
any other function, necessity, or dusyf
We have not so learned Political Economy
We hold Protection Of far greater imoo,,-
ance than Revenue-that the former (if
either should be the main considerable,
and the latter the incident-aad that
wise, vigilant, paternal government could
by judicious Protection, increase tia
wealth of the Nation and the general com.
fort Of the People by more than three Tina.
the amount of its Annual Revenues. r.
so, why should Protection be treated a.
incidental or subordinate to Revenue,
G. The Constitution vests In Congress n. ,o
| open and repair Hsrbors and Il Il expedient tar c.
gress should exercise its power to remove ob,,rcs
from navgable Rivers wherever such improve rsns.
cesssry for the defense and for the NJ
lection and facility OF commerce with forrgo p.ton.
or among the Ststes said Improvements being i,
every instance, national and general In their character
This is broad, strong, and unequivocal.
II is the best of the series.
T. The Federal and State Governments are part. a.
system alike necessary for the prosperity
peace and security, and ought be vita
cordial, hsbitusl and immovable attachment Respecs
for the authority OF each, and scquescence In con-
sfutons measures Of EACH duties required By the
psnest considerations OF National of State and Of In
dividusl welfare.
Rather primer-like, but there is moth.
ing bad in it.
& That the series Of acts Of the thrtyfrst Censrss
the act known as the Fugitive Slave Law included srs
received and scquesctd In by the Whig party of tAs
United States settlement In principle and abstsace
OF the dangerous and exciting questions which thcv
embrsce; and, so far they are concerned we vi
maintain them, and insist upon their strict eoforcemeu
until time and experience shall demonstrate the nscesi
~ Of further legislation 10 guard against evasion
The laws the hand and tho abuse OF their DO cen
the other, not mpsirpe their present efficiency ssd
deprecste all further agitation of the question th
settled ss dangerous to our peace and win dscouns
nance all efforts TO continue or renew such agitation
whenever. wherever, or however the attempt mar b
made; and viii msintsin this system essential b
the nationality Of the Wing party, and the integriy
the Union.
THAT "the Compromise measures,r
including the Fugitive Slave Law, win
stand for years on the statute-book unal-
tered, we have no manner of doubt. Some
of them are in their nature irrepcalable;
some are so proper and right in themselves
that they would stand if to that end they
required reenacting every year. Having
been an early and earnest believer shata
Compromise with regard to the New Ter.
ritories was necessary-having done what
we could to promote that Compromise--ws
have not the least objection to an assertion
of its finality,' except that we consideri.
superhuous, irritating and mischievou.
There is no probability that one of the
Compromise measures including evn
the Fugitive Slave Law most unwisely and
perniciously foisted in among them, will b
altered by Congress during the present
generation. The Slave States have %
votes in thee Senate, even without Della.
ware, and can at all times prevent any
repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law N
threatening to bolt from any party thss
favers it. There will be no need of mon
acing the Dissolution of the Union--ths
law may be upheld great deal cheaper
than that.
If, then, this plank had simply affirmed
that the Compromise measures, one and
all, would not and should not be altered,
we should only have objected to it as en-.
tirely foreign to the distinctive principles
and aims of the Wing party-as idle, use.
less, and mischievous.
But by "the question thus settled" the
plank evidently means to cover all CUES
tons relative to Slavery, and to denounce
all discussion, criticism or remons1ance
respecting the existence of Slavery in this
country as perilous and wrong. All this
is alike futile and preposterous-we defy
it, execrate it, spit upon it. There 10
nothing in the Federal Constitution, nothing
in our Union, which forbids the indignant
exposure of any wrong, the reprehension
of any iniquity, such as Slavery generally
is and perpetually tends to create. Trs
enslavement of men and women, their COM
plete subjugation as chattels to the willd
others, is an offense against God and Hr-
nanity, such as cannot fail to draw down
retribution on the headsof all who willing
ly participate therein. The existence o.
Slavery in this land of Liberty and LlgH
is the darkest stain on our National charac-
ter and the great, appalling obstacle to the
diffusion of Freedom over the world Oy
the blaze of our inspiring example IL
must come TO an end and, while we OF tne
Free States have no power under the Con
.x4a<ca.a lou.alaflYelI Wild