The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1852-02-16
National Protests.

all the relations Of life; in private and public life,
with individuals and nations. One immoral act
will neutrahze a thousand good preccpts
Perhaps the power Of this principle has never
been more clearly unaffected than in example as
a nation. Kossuth dwells on this point Again and
again baa he told that bright example cheer
ed the hearts and nerved the arms Of his people in
their struggles for liberty. But he is not satisfied
with this; "the more the pity" But every
American, and especially those who have been
abroad, ia fully aware of this fact. France, at
early period in our history revoutionzed by
our then doubtful experiment. All the efforts for
freedom and elfgovernment in modern times, or
in the last century, be traced mainly to our
institutions. PROFESSIONALLY, the moral influence
of our Government is the most potent earth
This truth has been most gratifying to Us, as it
should be. And let it be well remembered that
these etfecs not unforeseen by the great WISE
and good fathers OF our institutions Washington
and others refer to them some of the happiest
results OF America n liberty; as the inevitable
sequences OF success. This was the great aid
they designed to give man everywhere struggling
for liberty.
But we have evidently reached a point in our
history when certain men disposed TO take
step forward. Kossuth, while acknowledging our
past and present powerful influence, through the
instrumentality of example alone, is now, con
trary to the request and advice Of our wisest men,
urging something more. He wants our 'mate-
riaP' aid-our men, our muskets, our money. Were
these, and kindred views, confined to him, there
would be little danger; but find distinguished
and influential men disposed to go step in the
same direction. Their views plausible, and
falling in as they do with American love of liberty
and detestation Of tyranny, they become dan
gerous.
We see around us in the feelings of many, but
especially in the action of certain State Legisa
tures, the most significant reasons for firm resist
ance TO any course which may ultimately, and at
no distant day, lead to departure from the wise
policy of Washington, Jefferson, jackson, and
others The plan now appears to be Govern
mental or natiOnai protest against RUSSIA, or, as
events may come up, against the "rest Of man
kind" Many reasons urged for this course,
but all think unsatisfactory. What would this
protest be? According to its advocates, mere ex.
preston OF opinion; senatorial fulnien brutun,.
Is this necessary; and we called by the force of
present circumstances to give such expression Of
national feeling? i think not. Do not European
despots noo know what feel. Are no, our con
situations, our laws, our legislation, the entire
workings OF our systems. social character, the
often repeated opinions of our most distinguished
know, by language the most significant that VIC
hate tyranny and love liberty
ask, if the danger Of the evil we might do by
the proposed course does not ovcrbalance the prob
able good' Would this course increase our ability
to do real service To the oppressed? Would II
strengthen our influence with the oppressorG
Would it not rather place us in a position where
the force OF our example would be weakened? If our
silence give acit to- the slightest appro-
ba ton Of, the conduct Of Russia towards Hungary
or Austria towards Poland, France towards
Italy, or England towards China, would say
speak out with the voice of thunder; but IL docs
not. III silence, when IL was necessary 10 speak,
cvinced want Of courage, would cry aloud. But
who will take this ground? But let US glance a
moment ut the danger of the proposed course.
There is the greatest danger that IL might involve
us in European wars. Kossuth, who ought TO
know, frankly states this. Mr.. Case. however,
differs THE point Jackson empha tically opposes
this of action, for thesc reasons Protests will
prepare the minds Of our people for somethin z
else. II will not be difficult glide from protest to
II Russia, and other powers, treated us with
contempt, 1t would stir our blood and theirs This
they would be likely to do. For any alteration in
their policy only be the result Of radical
changes in their own systcms Of government, and
the genius Of their people. But, If commence
protesting. when and where shall stop The
world s filed with bad and oppressive govern
ments, and corrupt men. This has always been
true, and all good men depore it. Don Qurote
found this out years ago. and found it right diff
cult matter to put things they ought TO be. II
VIC begin protesting with Russia, we must
come down TO our natural ally, England, and to
| Spain and Turkey, &c, &c, &c.
But, without evincing selfish policy, ask, have
we not troubles enough at home TO employ the
greatest wisdom Of greatest Statesmen? In
many respects powerful republic is placed in a
dangerous position. With power. comes a spirit
10 abuse /, or misuse il. Even n great na,ional
virtue may become an instrument Of destruc ton.
Detestation Of tyranny abroad, by injudicious in
reference. may introduce tyranny at home. While
wc-aro setting other nations right we may become
wrong; and in crusade 10 incucato precept
cease TO present eranpis, Men often, in their
seal TO become popular, impruden and, in court
ing the public appreciation poison the public mind
On this whole subject the great man now in the
Executive chair, following the best examples, has
taken the wisest II this doesnot make him
popular, it wins the appreciation Of all rejecting
men, aud tends TO the true glory, honor, and pros
pority OF hs country, which is evidently lie high
Get aim. a CONSERVATIVE.