The daily union., 1852-09-29

other State. And the Congress may, by general aw.
pesctbe the 10 which such acts records and
eeedngs shall be proved, and the effect thereof.
!" SEc O. The ctzsns OF each STATE shall be entitled 10
all privileges and mmanies OF citizens IN tho several
States.
"A person charged In any State with treason, felony.
other crime, who shalt fee from nsce, and be iound IN
Of the State om which he fled, be delivered be
moved TO the State having jurisdiction OF the crime
mo person held 10 service or labor IN one STATE, under
tho laws thereof escaping into another SHALL in conse
9uence o. any law or Iesuiaon .herein be dlsenaIsed
claim Of the parry TO whom such service or labor may be
duo
into this Union but State shall be formed erect
ed within the jurisdiction Of any other State any STATE
be formed by the junction OF TWO or more States or parts
Of States, without the Of the legislatures OF the
States concerned, as well as Of the Congress.
ihe Congress shall have power 10 dispose Of and make
all needf rules and regulations respecting, the territory
other properly belonging to the United States; and nothing
claims OF the United States, OF any particular state.
SEo. The United States shall gnamnty every State
protect each of them against INVASION and application
Of the essature of the executive. (when the legislature
cannon be convenod,) against domestic violence"
Here is the whole article |, will be observed that the
third section Immediately following the triad section OF
compacis. contains two specific powers one with regard
10 new States and the other with regard 10 the public
treasury These are naturally grouped together, while
the fourth section OF this article which is distinct
lis character Is placed by itself In the absence OF all
specific information, reason alone can determine why
this arrangement was made But the conclusion is OBJ
vous, that in the view OF the committee and OF The
venton, each of these sections differs from the others
The frst contains compact, with grant OF power The
second contains provisions, all OF which are simple COM
pacs, and two OF which were coniesscdly simple com
pacts in the old Articles of Confederation, from which,
unchanged IN letter or spirit. they were borrowed The
third is tWoold grant OF power 10 Congress, without
any compact. The fourth is neither power nor compact
merely, nor both united, but solemn injunction upon
the national government TO perform an important duty
The trainers OF the constitution were wise and careful
men, who had reason for what they did, and who
derstood the language which they employed They did
not after sslon, incorporate into their work any
perfuous provision; did they, without design, adopt
the peculiar arrangement in which appears In adding
to the record compact the express grant OF power they
testified not only their desire Tor such power Congress.
but their conviction, that without express grant il
would not exist Blu. il express grant necessary
in this il was equally necessary in all the other
cases. Erpressum dcl cessare tacttum. Especially, in
view OF It's odous character WAS necessary in the case
OF fugitves from labor. In abstainng from any such
grant, and then in grouping the bare compact with other
similar compacs, separate IRON every grant OF power,
they have most significantly testified their purpose They
not only decline all addition OF any such power to the
compact, but to render misapprehenslon impossible, to
make assurance doubly sure 10 exclude any contrary
conclusion they pnncliousy arrange the clauses, on the
principle OF n0citur 10 distinguish all the
grants OF power but especially to make the grant OF
power, in the case OF public records stand forth in the
front by itself, severed from The naked compacts
with which 1t was originally associated.
Thus the records OF the convention show that the
founders understood the necessity OF powsrs in certain
cases. and, on consideration most lealousy granted HEM
gress is expressly empowered "to establish uniform
rule OF Naturalization and uniform laws the subject
OF bankruptcies throughout the United Stales" Without
this provision these Two subjects would have been with
in the control OF the Sates the nation having power
10 establish q uniform rule thefeupon. Now, instead
OF the existing compact on uglves from labor, il would
have been easy, had any such desre prevailed 10 add
this case TO the clause naturalization and bankrupt
cy, and TO empower Congress EsTABLisH UNIFORM
RULE FOR THE SURRENDER OF TuGTIyEs FROM LABOR
THROUGHOUT THE UNITED STATES. Then, OF cour se
whenever Congress undertook 10 exercise the power all
State control OF the subject would have been superseded
The national government would have been constituted
bike Nimrod, The mighty hunter, with power TO gather
the huntsmen, 10 baoo the pack and direct the chase
OF men, ranging AT WILL without regard to boundaries or
jurisdictions, throughout all the States But person
10 he convention, not one OF the reckless pasans OF
slavery, was so audacous TO make this proposIton
Had 1t been distinctly made, would have been distinct
ly denied
unanimously, while showing the little Importance al
tachea TO Il in the shape it finally assumed, tesies also
that u could not have been regarded OF ma
tonal power over slavery. IL will be remembered that
among the members Of the convention, were Gouverneur
Norris who had said that he Hsptr would concur in
upholdng domestic slavery" ElbridEe Gerry, who
thought " we ought 10 be careful 10 giUe any
tton 10 -" Roger Sherman, who was OPPOSED TO any
clause " acknowledging 10 be properly !" and MI
Madison, who thought IT wRose TO admit in the cons
tuition the idea that there could be property man." la
the face OF these unequvoca statements il is absurd to
suppose that they consented unanimously 10 any provis
ION BY which The national goyefnnea,'bs work Of their
hands dedicated 10 geedum-oould have been made The
most offensive Instrument OF slavery.
Thus much Tor the evidence from the history OF the
convention But the true principles Of our political sys
TEN in harmony with this conclusion OF history aud
here let nae say word OF Stale rights
II the purpose OF our fathers 10 create national
goyernmeni and 10 endoy II with adequate owefs
fhey had known the pers Of mbeclity, discerd, and
CONFUSION, during the uncertain days al the eieraon
and desired government which should be true bond oil
union and efficient organ OF the national interests
home and abroad But while iashioning this agency
Isad hp mis- nj fha
To the nation delegated high powers essential 10
the national interests, but specific ia character and limited
number TO the States and to the people reserved
the powers general IN character and Unlimited in nun
Der, not delegaedo the haon prohibited the Stale
The integrity OF our political system depends upon
harmony in the operations OF the nation and oil the Stat
While The nation, within Its wide c.s!: Is supreme the
Stales move with equal supremacy in their own. Bat
from lhe necessity oil The case, the supremacy oi zach IN
us proper place excludes the other The nation cannot
exercise rights reserved to The States nor can The States
lnefiee with The powers OF the nation Any such action
on either side is usurpalon These principles were
distinctly declared BY Mr.. Jefferson, 10 I7gs, IN words
oen adopted 'ince and which must hnd acceptance from
aIparies
That the several States composing the United States n
America are united upon The prime pie OF unlimited
subni sol TO the general government bat that by
pact under the style and tile Of the constitution OF the
unied ates, aud OF the amendments thereto they
sutued general for special deeYl
TED 70 that government dehne powers reserving
each SAFE 10 ITSELF fcsdusy Of right to their own
segoyeument and that wheftsoevcr the general govern
ment ihies nndeiegted powers, It's acts uusuthor
| ized, void, and OF 40 iOtce"
But have already amply shown to-day that slavery s
in respect national that IL is not within the sphere
~