The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1852-03-10

rule in Hungary, yet they notindiherent to the
usurpatlon and conquest by which II was estaD'
| lished.
4. That they may lawfully protest against that
conquest and usurpation, and against any new
armed intervention by Russia TO uphold II against
the will OF the people Of Hungary If 1t shall be ex
pressed.
This being the whole of our case, and il being
! thus established, he asked why shall we not pro-
claim that just and lawful protest?
He then answered the objections urged to this
| protest lie disposed of that which sand that inter
est presented no argument in lis favor by main
tanning that the preservation OF these laws, which
protected national rights, OF vast interest; and
also by suggesting that the commerce OF Hungary,
when expanded under republic, would present
motives of interest To us.
In answer 10 the objection that war would ensue,
he said;
But if war is TO follow this protest then it must
come in some way, and by the act of either our
selves enemy But the protest IS not de-
Clafatlon, nor a menace, nor even pledge OF war
in any contingency. War, then, will not come in
that way, nor by or In consequence OF our act. IL
war Is nevertheless to come, II must come IN retail
iation OF the protest, and by the act OF Russia or
OF Austria, or OF both. Assume now that II shall so
come, will be jusH The protest is a remon5trance
addressed 10 the conscience OF Russia and pa sin z
beyond her, carries an appeal TO the reason and
justice of mankind. As by the municipal law no
remonstrance or complaint justifes a blow, SO by
the law OF nations no remonstrance or complaint
iustites war. The war, then, would be unjust and
the protest would be, not cause, but pretext
Bat nation that will declare war pretext will
either labriCate one or declare war without any
Let say that misstate the character of THIS
measure. Ii is neither untried nor Austria
protested against the mission OF Dudley Mann, and
President Taylors avowal oft. Did we go to war?
Did anybody think that ought or could go To war
for that? No; We made a counter protest by the
| tod n Of tot.
| WEBsTER.) Did Austria maintain her protest by
| a declaration Of war? Mo-; we peace with
| Austria yet, and hope we shall be 50 forever.
Aud now, honorable Senators, ask, il we are to
shrink from this duty through fear Of unjust
taliaton, what duty shall not shrink from un-
der the motive? And what will be the prin-
ciple of our policy, when thus shrinking from OBJ
legations, but fear instead Of duty?
And who we, and who Austria and Rus
sa that zoe should fear them when ON the defence
against unjust war | admit, and hope all
my countrymen will learn 1t without trial, that
We are not constituted for maintaining long, dis
tant of conquest or OF aggression. But IN a
defensive war levied agains. US such pretext,
the reason and the synpathes OF mankind would
be on our side, cooperating with our own instincts
OF patriotism and self preservation. Our enemies
would be powerless to harm us. and we should be
unconquerab,e
He then adverted to the policy of Washington.
now 80 much commended. He read the message
sent the Senate in May, 1892, by Washington
asking il the President should conclude conven.
ton with the government of Agiers for the ransom
of the thirteen American citizens in captivity
there. for the sum of 5000, and if he CON
cuded treaty of peace with the same power upon
the terms OF paying an annual sum of $4,000,
would the Senate approve the same! The Senate
then did approve the same. He asked, would any
one now vote for such a treaty? Was there ma n
now there who would vote for the policy-wise and
Humane the time-of Washin gton The reason
was an easy one. Times bad changed, and we
had changed with them No one ever thought
that the rape of the Sabine women by the Romans
was policy 10 be continued.
He then commented upon the non Intervention
policy Of Washington That policy consisted in
avoiding new sntangling alliances and artificial
ties with OF the beiligerent powers in gene.
raj European war; but il admitted Of expressions
assurances, and manifestations of sympathy and
or interest in behalf of nations contending for the
principles of the American Revolution and of pro
test earnest and decided, against the Intervention
Of foreign powers to suppress these princpc by
force; and THE, just such as have defined it, Ia
the traditional policy OF the United States and has
been pursued until this very day and this very
hour.
tie then proceeded at great length to show that
the events which took place in this country after the
French revolution, the acts of Washington and
the United States, perfectly consistent with
his view of what the policy of the United
States laid down by Washn gton. He referred
To y hat had been done with respect to the South
u
the Holy League; with Greece; with France in the
revolution OF lS4S, and OF the mission of Mann to
Hungary. and the release and reception here OF
kJssutb, as all consistent with this view vi that
policy.
Alter referring to the identity Of this nation with
the great primo ples of political reformation which
1t had proclaimed TO the world, he concluded by
saying:
/ 1t has already come 10 this, that whenever in
any country advocate of freedom, by the
changes Of fortune ia driven into exile, he hastens
10 seek an asylum here; that whenever hero falls
IN the cause u reedomop any Of her battle fields,
MS eyes Involuntary turn towards Us, and he
commits that cause with conhding trust to our
sympathy and our care. Never, sir, as we value
the security .: our own freedom, or the welfare
and happiness Of mankind, or the favor OF Heaven,
that has enabled to protect both, let that exile
be lnhospitaby rcpulsed. Never let the prayer OF
that dying hero fall unused 10 hear, or
spend itself upon hearts that refuse to be moved.
Mr.. JONES of Tennessee, obtained the floor;
and. on HE motion, the subject was postponed ill
Wednesday Of next week
The Senate then adjourned.