The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-07-08


abandoned: it only awaits more favorable
auspices Ii is important that the pubhc
mind be narcotized-that the Apprehension oi
non-slaveholders Of further slavery extension
schemes he allayej-and that security he
taken for the future recognition Of territorial
acquisitions for the use Of Slavery Hence the
Democratic party !. pledged by it, Convention,
which lately met At Baltimore, To sanction the
introduction of new slave States, and TO resist
all attempts to continue or renew the ag'h'-
ton Of the uuest,n of slavery, no matter un'
der whatever shape or color This pledge en-
counters little or no opposition. Mr.. Pierce
the Democratic candidate accepts 1T strongly
sanctions the whole series of resolutions, not
because they were adopted by the Convention
but because he cordially concurs in their prln
ciples and in the language OF has own declara
ton. no word or act of his life is in conflict
with them His nomination is the work tac
cording to Mr.. Forsyth of Georgia, Disunior
Democrat) of the Southern Rights Democrats
of the very men who are seeking to extend
Slavery. and who resisted the Compromise be
cause it admitted California as a free State
They claim him as their first chOlce-they re
ly upon his willingness to fulfil their demands
The Wing Convention also has endorsed tn,
Compromise, forbearing however to declare
war against Free Discussion
This endorsement was resisted by sixty-si,
members of the Convention not enough how
ever, to control that body. General Scott is its
candidate. His nomination it is true, was
strenuously urged by these sixty-six members
and by the delegates dsinclined to the endorse
ment of the Compromise, and was carried at
last by the vote of the free States with but thir
teen members from slave States 1t is true,
too that Messrs Toombs, Stephens Abercrom-
bic Gentry, Williams, and several other South
ern Wing members of Congress, have issued
card, in which, assigning as reasons the cir
cumstances above stated, they say that Gene
raj Scott is the candidate of the Free Soil wing
of the Wing party and therefore they will not
support him. 1t is true, that in his letter of
acceptance, he does not declare his approval of
the entire platform, and especially disa-
vowed the policy of prescription for opinions
sake, should he be elected President. Allow
all these things their due weight still they con-
stitute no claim upon the support of the friends
of Freedom at the most they show that the
Wing ticket is not so Objectionable as the
Democratic; and we might, therefore, as in
the election of lsis, desire specially to see the
Democratic party defeated But we cannot
shut our eyes to the fact, that the Wing Con-
,ention did adopt the platform by which the
compromise measures were endorsed, and that
General Scott whether cordially or not, has
accepted that platform and its obligations
How, then, can independent voters deter
mined to denationalize and limit Slavery, dedi-
'ated to the establishment of this policy, vote
Tor candidate who in accepting the Wing
platiorm, Identifies himself with policy the
very reverse of this, Men must be true to
heir own convictions and if they would vim
licate right principles, and exert influence in
heir favor they must not violate them in the
xercise of one of the most important rights
# citizenship.
But practical politicians are apt to contemn
distractions. The question with them is, "Cui
onot What practical result are we to gaint"
What was proposed and expected in ls4s?
The Free Soil men did not expect to carry a
ingle State but by what practical view did
hey justify their conduct Whoever may be
he successful candidate, they said, the best
security for Freedom will be large vote, given
directly in support of its demands, i'll utter dis
regard of all party prejudices and require
nents. No Administration will dare defy
m organization of three hundred thousand
voters, consecrated to the establishment of n
Principle, which though distinctively repre-
'ented only by them, is cherished by major
with their old organizations under the impress
sion that this liz the better way, but who will
be inevitably driven to the ranks of the indie
pendent organization should their just expect
atoms be disappointed. The argument of ls4s
is the argument for 1852 Triumph who may,
the best safeguard for Freedom, the surest re.
,traint upon his Administration, will be the
fact that three hundred thousand voters have
'purned all party obligations, all party preju-
1ces all the seductions and intmidatons of
party, for the sake of giving distinct testl-
mony at the ballot-bex in favor Of Free Soil,
Free Labor, and Free Men
And what said the radical Democrats of
1913! Not only DO we rely upon the power of
II large vote to restrain the action OF whatever
Administration may be formed, but we contem-
plate with satisfaction the probable defeat of
the Democratic party from this movement.
No harm can follow this The Democratic
party is really the party Of the country its
policy is SO rooted and grounded in its legsla-
ton that il cannot be unsettled, even should
the Executive power pass into the hands of
its opponents. When, in violation of its ga
cred principles, 1t bows to Class Interest eter
nally hostile to them, and seeks asceudency
through its alliance, it ought to be defeated
Its defeat will save the country from evils
which the Slave Power can inilict through
its powerful machinery alone, and will teach
it that it can look for triumph only in single
eyed devotion to ito fundamental Truths.
The argument they used in as is applicable
in 50. The relative positions of the two par
ties and the two sets of candidates now, find
their parallel in the annals of lS4s. The de-
feat of the Democratic party then did work
good, and was only prevented from working
out its disenthralment from the power of Sla-
very, by the ambition of few of the leaders
of the radical Democrats of New York, who,
intent on their own personal aggrandizement
debauched their followers, and turned them
Il u Al.