The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1852-02-12

whenever Q struggle Is commenced TO overthrow An
arbitrary government, other despotic powers should
net be permitted to take part in the contest, and
with foreign bsyonets decide the issue. Such is
our desires and this principle Of n0ninterference is
well established in the code Of public law 1t lies
at the very foundation of national independence.
need net multiply proofs or illustrations Of the
truth of this doctrine. II was well laid down by
Mr.. Roebuck, in the English House of Commons,
when he said, "Theimpertant principle with which
we have to deal was, thatin the affairs of any coun-
try there should be no external force or pressure "
Its recognition goes back to the time Of the Ro-
mans, for We are told that when certain Cartha-
genians preferred charges against Hannibal, Soipio
declared that the Roman Senate would not be jas
titled in intermeddling in the affairs of Carthage.
No one denies its obligation here else where; and
even while papable violations Of the principle take
place by armed Intervention to repress the effort Is
of freedom, they are attempted to be justified as
rule, depart from it emily in consequence Of some
great necessity, that universal and eternal plea
Of arbitrary power. When the allied nations
undertook their crusade against France, to
obnoxious decree, to which | shall refer by aud by,
presume there was not publicist in Europe who
would have hesitated to concede the general duty
of non Interference, even while he defended the in
vasion, as a measure of self defence, against the
contagion of democratic principles. Aud signally
was this outrage rebuked by the consequences,
which for twenty years weighed upon Europe, and
overshadowed it with the French power, converting
lto IdlI plAlub lutO Dattl0 ueQs, HOm klboOu 10
Moscow And thus was Poland blotted from the
map Of nations, while Frederick and Ca.harne
published honilies upon law and morality, and
regretted the unwelcome necessity which the cir
cumstances of that unhappy country imposed upsn
them, to annex it to the dominons of the allied
powers And three times was the world iosulted
by these hypocrtica professions, before the whole
Of old Sarnata was rescued from the danger of
freedom and independence by partition and anoex-
alton. There is one highly respecta ols authority,
and know Of no other (Vattel), who holds that,
in state of civil war; any other power az assist
the party which it believes to be just Bat it is
obvious that such principle would open every case
to direct armed intervention, at the will Of any
foreign government, which has only TO say such 9
party has justice on its side, and | will aid it.
Now, sir, this doctrine is c0ntradio.ed, we'll by
reason rs by the whole current of authorities.
Wildman. one of the most recent, as well one Of
the most able commentators on the law of nations,
condemns the position of Vattel, into which, he
says, he was led. by "a msconstruction of q
passage Of Grotius," and "that it is little recon.
cilable with reason as it is with precedent" He
examines the eases fully, and shows how erroneous
is this doctrine, and thus announces the result =
But this restriction Of interference in favor of tho
cause OF justice is an aosolute prohibition of inter
ference the part Of those who have no jurisoic.
tion to determine the justice Of the cause. Hence
1t follows that no foreign power has any right TO
interfere IN the internal affairs of an independent
State. Establish this doctrine OF Vattel, and the
Emperor Nicholas, who no do 1bt believes every des
armies everywhere to repress the efforts of freedom
But the case Of Hungary is strengthened-if
strength were needed-by the authoritative declara-
tion Of the Emperor Nicholas as to this very prin-
cple Of non-intervention in the manifesto, he is.
sued. when the Russian armies crossed the frontier.
He there admits the right of every State to ar.
range it's own political constitution according to
its own mind" and he admitted also the duty Of
other powers 20 "refrain from interfering with any
alterations Of the form Of govern nent, which such
States may think proper to make" This admis-
sion is broad enough to cover the whole ground of
national immunity; kut it is accompanied with q
reservation-that is the word:-"that in case the
reaction of revolutions near him should tend to en-.
danger his own safety, or the political equilibrium
on the frontiers of his empire, his maesty reserved
to himself his full liberty Of action Dark the
oracle Of Delphi, but still darker is the oracle 0.
Russian pc wer. We have all heard of the politi,a
equilibrium Of Europe, otherwise known SIS the
balance Of power, that fertile source Of war aud
oppression But the political equilib .um on
the frontiers OF the Russian empire, is q new
element in the public law Of the world, and | dis.
miss it for the investga lion Of future Grotius.
As to the reaction Of a revolution, contra dis.
lipguished from its direct action, 80 as to be dan.
gerors to neig CHEERING States, am utterly unable
TO comprehend it, and take refuge in my gno .ance
had supposed before saw this in perial decl ar
alton, that the first frenzy Of revolutionary move
nent was always its most dangerous state and that
reaction brought with it mere cslnHess and
security What kind Of n rea,tive power mad
taken place In Hungary, during the brief inerv 81
between the commencement Of the Hungarian
struggle and the Russian Intervention, We srs no.
tod and it would be vain to inquire. But for my.
SELF, sir, | am an utter unbeliever in any claim,
under the law Of nations, by which this right o!
national Immunity could be limited: and aere
such claim has been practically asserted, it has
been so because one party was weak and the other
strong. Nations. like individuals, have an hides
tructible right of self defence against unlawful
danger, and If it shsuld happen that one
country is. exposed to imminent peril, from
the proceedings Of another, whether in state
Of revolution or internal ouiescence it has certainly
the right to adop. all proper means Of protection
But the danger Of opinions, or, in other words the
principles upo which government shall be found
ed, can give no just cause Of offence unless indeed
there Is lluxotc attempt to carry them else where
by direct interference. no one accuses Hung sry
OF such folly. She had enough to do, withou. con-
sttutiDg herself the armed champion Of propagan a.
dfm But, sir. dismiss these political subterfuges,
as unworthy Of serious consideration, and will re-
mark, that the power which claims right TO act in
opposition to an ackno wledged principle Of public
law, on the ground Of peculiar exception, should
establish It's case to every reasonable mind. Is the
independence itself, which is sought ius cause OF
offence Surely not, for that rig at is conceded by
the very proposition, ard without it there could
never be revolution. Ia just offence given by the
Moderation OF existing institutions II is equally
certain that another power cannot object to
such change, for in that case there could
be no revolution, which might not be PM down By
the foreigner, unless the political system Of the
country we're stationary or retrogr idng which would
be utterly incompatible with every revolutionary
effort As to Hungary. her people sought inde-
pendence, and they sought TO introduce free inst
tutions, though do not understand that was ever
determined whether the government should be a
constitutional monarchy or republic Bat the
establishment Of a republican government is com
patibe not emily With the public Law OF the world
but with the condition Of Europe, where SUCH
governments have existed from the earliest
ages, ana some Of them are yet struggling
TO maintain their position Ain ost in the centre Of
Europeis the republic ct Switzerland and the r N.
peror Nicholas was himself party to the forma-
ton Of the republic Of Cracow, in contact with his
OWE dominiops, perhaps because il was small one,
which ne could control at pleasure But, sir, il is
useless 10 pursue this investigation. Ii tie
Bussian Empire was indeed in Imminent dagger
from the improper conduct Of the Hungarian
patriots il is for the defenders Of Russian Injustice
10 show i. VIVA. dagger does the Emperor Nj.
cholas assume to apprehend 10 his public appeal to
the world 7 Why, sir, he talks about +" what is
now doing, and preparing in Hungary" as en-
dangering bis safety, as though the strag Cling re.
yolute nits had not work enough to DO without at.
tackirg Russia, He talks also about the new
state being raised on the basis Of anarchy" ard
"imbued with that hostile spirit, which the Hun