Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1852-01-24
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
ALLIANCE WITH ENGLAND.
PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY II, Is!

consciousness of having contributed, in a small de-
gree, to the result. The warning given in your
columns on this subject was given before NJ Kos
suth put his foot on our SOIL and was excited by no
personal feeling with regard to him. In fact,
seek the opportunity to disayow most distinctly any
other than the kindest feeling TO this unfortunate
gentleman, and to claim credit for nothing but un-
wavering fidelity to certain principles of American
policy which his not unnatural ZEAL and the facility
Of some who listened to him, seriously endangered.
Those principles are, take it still the principles of
the nation and the Government Let Us all rejoice at
their new escape Canada, Cuba, and Hungary
have successfully threatened shipwreck to the
American system Of neutrality the currents of SYM
pathy and antipathy, alike dangerous, have rushed
fercely along and yet thanks to the piotage of an
ancient day. we have avoided all that menaced US.
Since my last communication NJ Kossuth has
made several speeches-one here, one at Baltimore,
and several at Washington; and, what is more
material, he has had a speech made to ham by the
Chief Magistrate of the nation. That speech
settled the question to the present policy of the
Government. Let as, now that the immediate risk
is past, pause and inquire what is the prospect and
danger of the future. Is there much liability to a
recurrence of this sort of spasm?
1t seems to me that we are in no danger now Of
the ENHANCEMENT of continental European politics.
If Louis Napoleon eonsolidates and maintains his
power, then the military despotisms of Eastern
and Western Europe literally the upper and the
neither millstones between which the efforts of
revolt must be hopelessIy crushed If he falls, as
Nj Kossuth thinks he must he will fall by violence,
and the fierce elements forming that strange com
pound known as French Republicanism will burst
out in carnage and at least temporary horrors and
desolation American sympathy, to reach NJ. Kos
suths countrymen, must in that event soar very
high or it will scken as it passes the of
Western Europe and the realities of a new French
reign of terror. In either event, it seems to me,
there is no danger now of American intervention in
the affairs of Europe; for there is not | honestly
believe, one sane public man in America who would
now since the fall of the French Assembly, put his
hand on his heart and say he has the least confidence
in European republicanism. And yet few weeks
ago. certain presses and certain politicians were hard
at work in nstigating crusade for this very coun-
terfeit and worthless cause. | believe the danger
has passed the dream or the drunkenness is over.
NJ. Kessuth if he appreciate his true position, is
in safer and more decorous attitude than when his
missionary labors began-that Of fugitive from
tyranny-the welcome guest Of generous people,
and nothing more and this we owe. to the IN
scrupulous vigor of one other man, who short
time ago was the favorite of American sympathizers
and who proves how eminently unworthy he, and all
ike him, are Of our sympathy and confidence 1t
looks to me very much if the friend of liberal
institutions and even constitutional monarchies has
little now to do but as Mr. Pitt said after the battle of
Marengo, "roll up the map of continental Europe"
Be its doom what il may, it will at least have no
attractions for Us, genuine habitual republicans.
How will it be with the only other Power, Great
Britain isolated as she has been from the continental
system, and dependant on friendliness with US
Are to affiliate more closely with her, OF are the
two Nations TO maintain that attitude of cautious,
h
which has characterized our intercourse from the
time Mr.. Adams negotiated about the Western posts
with Lord Shelbourne, down to the date of Mr..
Wcbster's last despatch to the Promethcus? The
tar-seeing, nay the most near-sighted, statesman
realizes that these questions which must be met
and answered. And here, too, let rs observe the
change which few weeks have worked. When Mr.
Walker spoke at Southampton, and NJ. Kossuth in
New York, the predominant idea inculcated was al
lance with Great Britain for the sake Of Hungary;
protests, and, if need be- armed Intervention against
Austria and Russia. England was not to ask Amc-
rca (such the programmed to unite with her to
repair the rest of the world but America was to take
the initiative Now, since Louis Napoleon's coup
detat, and the apparition to England at no greater
distance than the width of the channel Of an armed
and ambitious despotism, the tone is changed. The
offensive league against Russia is forgotten or post
poned; alliance for mutual safety is talked of the
danger being all Great Britains and none Of ours,
and the solicitation comes 10 US, not from US. The
London Times Of December 18th, the French mill
tary 'despotism being then ten days old, has this
remarkable language
At no time for the last three centuries and half has
America worn so youthful and promising aspect to
this country at this moment has appeared
much in the light Of friend in need land Of refuge,
aud our destined partner in many labors and many r
umphs Could suppose these islands suddenly planted
in the midst Of the Atlantic the opposite shores sud-
denly drawn by thousand miles; could we
imagine yet stranger caprice Of fortune restoring the
United States the dependence they renowned three
quarters Of century since that would hardly express
great approximation and great conveyance of in
terests as what we now brought about by ordi
nary methods This j. the splendid theme Of Mr..
Walkers address at Manchester
The panic exists, with all its unmistakable signs
of depression Of public securities nor is il unreason-
able to the thoughtful mind. Louis Napoleon, with
restless soldiery and fdgetty population to back
him, may we'll be tempted some day to repair his
Boulogne discredit, and make his uncles pillared
monument mean something. Nor is the result IN
reasonable in another point Of view, for who shall
say that the union of military absolutism with the
policy Of the ultramontanism Of the Roman church
will not be aggressive towards the only Government
within its reach whose State religion is that Of
avowed hostility to Rome? Who shall say that W.
may not in our generation be called to witness what
Englands great constitutional historian, speaking
the past has called I" the agony Of the Protestan
faith and the English name ~ Shall the apprchen
sion mot unreasonable Of such result should its
atty tempt us into an alliance with Great Britain anC