The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1852-11-25

rend asunder the fabric of the Union.
The court based its decision also upon a
statutory enactment of New York, thus re-en-
forcing the higher by the lowest law-ignoring
all the while, however, the obligations of the
Constitution and the Union. This provision is
as follows:
".Noperson held as a slave shall be imported,
introduced, or brought into this State, on any
pretence whatever. Every such person shall
be free Every person held as slave, who
hath been introduced or brought into this
State contrary to the laws in force at the time,
shall be free
Now, it is obvious to any man who knows
ANYTHING of the nature of the Federal compact
that this local law of New York is in conflict,
if not with the letter. with the spirit of the
Constitution of the United States, and is at war
with the object and intent of the Federal Union
The Constitution of the United States which is
the supreme law of the land, recognises and
guarantees the right of property in slaves, and
makes a common country of the different
States The State of New York is not content
only to abolish slavery within the sphere of its
sovereignty but assumes to deprive the citizen
of another State of his property if by any
chance that property should be thrown under
its jurisdiction, thus imposing penalty upon
what should be the unquestiOned privilege OF
the citizens of the United States-tO wit TO
travel with their property in unmolested
security throughout the length and breadth OF
a common country.
When the Federal Constitution was adopted
and Virginia entered into political cO-partner-
ship with New York, slavery existed in the
latter State, and the Nirgnian might and did
go thither with his slaves and no man burst
question his right of property. Since the adop-
ton of the Constitution. New York, by her
own act, has set free the slaves Of her own cit
liens, and decreed that slavery shall not exist,
even for a moment and IN trdnTtu, within her
jurisdiction but this was maniiestly in deroga-
ton of the rights enjoyed by the citizen of
Virginia, when the Union was cOnsummated
by the adoption Of the Constitution. Imagine
that pending the discussion of the Federal Con-
stitution by the convention of Virginia a court
of New York had made the decision ust now
announced for the first time does anybody be-
lieve that Virginia would have consented to
the Union We say. now announced for the
first time. because cases similar to the one I'M
der consideration have been repeatedly adu-
dicated in the courts of the nOn-savehOldng
States and heretofore the right of the master
has uniformly been upheld. Notwithstanding,
however the force of invariable precedent
against the common understanding of the au-
thors of the OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES the spirit of
the Constitution itself and against the intent
and harmony of the Union--it is now deter
mined by the courts of New York, that South
ern gentleman cannot set foot upon the soil of
the State, without mourning the penalty of
forfeiture of property! Most sincerely do we
deprecate this decision for we see it is but the
torch wherewith to light again the flame of
sectional agitation. If this principle is to pre-
vail, the citizens of the different States are no
longer citizens of a common Countrywide en-
barge of higher-law decree intercepts all
friendly and free communication between the
North and the South, the people of New York
regard the people Of Virginia. as aliens and
foreigners 1t were we'll if by some mode the
patriotic people of New York could manifest
their dissent from the higher-law doctrines of
their judge and thus shield their State from
the dishOnOr of being the first to raise again
the banner Of fratrcidal strife. We appeal not
to the South, which needs no spur to prompt
the redress of its grievances but to the North !
from the intelligent and Union-loving citizens
of the North, we invoke some expression of in
dignant rebuke, which shall crush the schemes
Of the abOlltlOnsts and give assurance of the
continuance of domestic peace and quiet"
The Union has certain purposes to accom-
plsh. 1t is PrO-Slayery paper, and seeks to
Slavery. 1t represents specially the
policy of the Slaveholding Class, and would Sc
,ure its absolute ascendency in the Federal
Councils. 1t is the central organ of Party
which has just elected President of the United
states and would make that Party and
resident the slaves of Class Interest 1t
leprecates agitation at the North, but by gross
of the legitimate and newt
lble workings of its laws and institutions, fos-
,ers it at the South, 80 as to secure among
shareholders the requisite combination and an
tagonism to enforce whatever exactions they
may find it polite to make. The great griev-
ance few years since was, that the legal pro-
vision for the reclamation of fugitive slaves was
and that cmbarrassments were
thrown by the free States in the way of their
A more stringent law was demand
ed" give us that, pass the Compromise, and we
ask no more-thcre shall be peace" The claim
to carry slaves into free State, or through it,
was not then set up, The attempt had been
made; but judicial decisions in several States
had affirmed the right of the slaves so conveyed,
to freedom and it was generally understood to
be a wcll-settled principle in the free States,
that slaves brought within their borders by the
will or consent of their masters, became free,
and could not be subject to reclamation. The
decision of Judge Paine is simply an afirma-
ton of this Principle and yet the Union de-
nOunccs it as unhcard-oi, unthought-of, totally
exhibition of the higher-law
doctrine, fratricidial, subversive of the guaran-
tees of the Constitution and Of the Union of the
States What does this herald A new demand
on the North. This central organ imagines
that, because the Democratic Party, with a
Pro-Slavery Platform, and candidate COM
mittcd to its support has achieved great
victory, even in the Free States, the people Of
these States are prepared for further conces-
sion. They will grant to the shareholders the
privilege of carrying their slaves with them,
when the. visit the North aye, and of making
its princi pal seaports convenient slave marts.
Why not The Constitution of the United
States guarantees the right of property in
slaves, and makes common country of tho
different States" This is the ground on which
the demand and concession are to be made.
Now, we shall not undertake to maintain
the correctness of Judge Paines decision by an
argument. The decision speaks for itself The
Judge has planted himself on impregnable
ground he needs no defence or vindicaton.
But we shall make simple statement of the