The daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1848-1851, 1851-12-19
1,t.rve.tson and Non-Intervsntio.n

Intervention prominently before the citizens OF
our Union. Naturally advocating Intervention,
he has threatened to appeal in behalf OF 1t from
the Government to the people Of the United
States. We have noticed his grave mistake In
supposing the possibility of hostility or violent
controversy between free people and their Tree
Government, unless, indeed, reign OF Jacooin'
| ism and mob law is invited. We have shown
how the Presidents of our Republic-the monu-
meuts in history Of present political struggles
.Ds.kps to the futurs-all, Wing and Democrat,
Federalist and Republican, have. in clear and
unmistakable terms, condemned the policy Of
Intervention which he urges, for which he would
array our people against our Government, and
in default Of our adoption of which he threatens
~ with his contempt and scorn.
To US, we must confess it, scorning all fiat
terry to the passion Of the day, Washington,
Hamilton, Jefferson, John Adams, Madison,
Monroe, John @. Adams, Andrew Jackson,
Fillmore, Henry Clay, are greater than Kossuth.
We hear the grand old voices Of the Republic
they re-scho from the past and fill the present
to our ear-and we know they speak as truly,
as bravsly, with as high heart and as resolute
will for freedom-not freedom for Hungary,
only, but freedom for man-as ever had Magyar,
or Irshman, or Frenchman. They were not
special pleaders las Kossuth 10y for particular
cause; for the worlds progress to freedom they
spoke as men and as statesmen. They mingled
high heart with clear mind prudent intelligence
with lofty enthusiasm. Their policy left to us
BY them as political legacy, has been and is
on.intervention peace with all nations; safe
refuge to the oppressed entanging alliances
with no power on earth. Let us look at it.
We have new land, sparsely populated, re-
curing increase of numbers to secure prosperity,
wealth, and advancement We properly invite
emigration to our shores, to open our forests to
Gods sunshine, till our waste lands, dig our
canals, bald our railroads and enlarge our
cities. We offer Gan asylum to the oppressed
Of every cime." Austria might demand Kos
suth's person of Turkey. Would she dream Of
such nonsense with us? Kossuth is safe here.
Intsrst, honor, national pride, would compel US
to protect him in the sanctity Of an American
Asylum, against the whole world in arms. 1t is
commended that this is not sufficient. We are
NOT only to shelter the fugitive; we are to turn
back upon his pursuers; we are to beat them
back w are to bear him in triumph, from our
land which he values beneath his own, to his
own soil. and, by force Of arms, in the roar Of
cannonry and the death-struggles of the battle
field, inaugurate his triumph.
Where will this end How many fugitves
will hereafter throng upon our shores, if we re-
/ cognize their demand for mon, money and arms
. (sll of which Kossuth demands as imperative ?
If we fight for Hungary, why not first free glo.
rous old Ireland, classic Italy, time honored
. Venice? They have older claims upon US
They have as grave wrongs to appeal to our en-.
thusisstic sympathes They have made a,
!, earnest struggles. We do not express, or ever
intimate, our views. We merely question the
unthinking impulses Of demonstration" men
II we are as much bound to Ireland, Italy
Venice, Germany, as to Hungary if we are t.
help all of them, battle for all Of them, where
is our mission Of propagandism to begin or end
| lhcic 10 PiAhOiPio ia INC CALL Ut IL - q mere
sound signifyirg nothing. If there be princi.
pie in this Hungarian appeal, why should there
not be one in the call from Ireland, Italy,
Germany, and every other King.ruled nation Of
the earth? Why should we rush into war
for race whose revolutionary notwithstanding
to Kossuth hmself-was for a limited monarchy,
not free republic? If we shelter the exile is not
that sufficient? Do we not 20 far enough do we
not consult our own interests BEST when, without
weakening our own strength by great wars, we
nourish our great republic in the holiday of pros
porous peace and make it the safe asylum of the
oppressed?
But let US 60 further into the consequence 8.
Suppose we enter upon the career of propagand.
ism to which we are fiercely and unwarrant.
ably commanded. Suppose we are successful in
it What then? We will have interrupted our
commerce. The mass and flower of our young
men will have been drawn of into our gigantic
contests land we will fight almost single. handed)
with the great powers of Europe. When they
return to US, if they return to us at ALL they will
come back untitled largely for peaceful pursuits
when all industrial pursuits will be fully emerging
from the prostration Of period-a long period
:, Of violent and exhaustng wars. They will bring
back with them favorite military leaders-men fa
. away for long years from the peaceful authority
: Of the Republic, and accustomed to severe ant
psrsmptory, if not arbitrary and despotic, exer
!. else Of authority; men wreathed with militar,
chsplets, contsmptuous of peaceful civilians, an.
It smbitiously coveting the excitement of actus
n power. Experience in the history of our govern
y ment-the remembrance Of Jackson, Harrison
4 Taylor and Scott-show how peculiarly influer
tial-the history Of the world shows how DANCE
eus-are these mil tsry candidates. They rule
a Greece and Rome; they sacrificed Italys midi
n ages Of liberty they drove France into mor
T. archy; they have debauched honest political Sc.
lie timent in our own land. Coming back at th
's head Of the immense land, as we now suppos
victorious,) armies which we would have to sen
abroad, they would have a fearful power.
But though great and powerful, we are not IL
y vincibe. Suppose then, warning in the interior
~ Europe at an immense distance from the fountai
=, head Of our resources, we should be unfortuna,
., Suppose, by the combined power of Russia, Au
tria and Prussia, land more than these would
RI | auaioat ms, ehould ,oa rcz.;..u