The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-04-30

sumed that protection diminishes the power to
consume foreign commodities, and that the OBJ
Ject OF the change Of 1886 that OF in
creasing the power to consume them. The facts,
however, show that the power OF consumption
grew rapidly under the protective tariff Of 1925,
diminished under the compromise until II reached
It's lowest point at Close of the period
increased rapidly under the tariff OF 1872 and Is
now steadily and rapidly diminishing under that
OF 1896 Here is a constant fact that must be ac-
counted for by those who seek to attain freedom of
trade by any other means than those OF adequate
The reason of this is simple. When men pro-
duce largely Of food, they can consume largely OF
cloth. When they produce largely of coal and
iron, they can buy largely Of coffee, sugar. and
silks. Under the protective system the productive
power Of labor and capital increases, while under
that commonly known by the name Of Stree
trade" it diminishcs Adam Smith taught that
the nearer the men who made exchanges, the more
they would have to exchange; and the greater the
tendency to consume on the land the products of
the land, the richer would grow the farmer and his
land. His successors Of the modern English politi
co-economical school teach the reverse, and the
suit may be in the fact of the steadily dimin
shing productive power of Great Britain and her
colonies
Under the protective tariff of 1928, the REVENUE
FROM IMPORTS increased with such rapidity that it
was found necessary to estabsh free trade in coffee,
tea, and many other commodities Under the COM
promise tariff it rose at first, while we had credit
abroad, but afterwards fell 30 rapidly that the
ton was compelled to beg for loans. Under the
tariff OF 1912 it rose to higher point than had ever
before been reached, and we not only paid for
imports, but paid of large amount of back debt
and interest, besides paying current interest to the
extent of almost twelve millions yearly. The net
receipts OF the current year estimated at $43-
SOC, 900; and, if they should amount to that sum,
they will involve the creation Of foreign debt of
not less than sixty millions of dollars the duties on
which would be at least fifteen millions; thus re-
duclQp the real derived from an lea OfO
products, and from earnings OF our shipping, to
about the point at which it stood in lS445, six years
since, during which the population must have in
creased nearly one fourth. Excess Of revenue, de-
rived from foreign loans, under the compromise, led
to almost bankruptcy of the national treasury, and
such must again be the result. soon the power
to contract further debt shall have ceased.
With the loss of revenue, the necessity for reve-
nue. will not diminish. The system of 1886 looks
abroad. 1t seeks the dispersion of our people from
Nicaragua to the remotest parts of Canada. 1t
looks to seizing ON the commerce of Japan. 1t
needs armies. and fleets, and expensive and useless
embassies II involves us in discussions about
foreign territory 1t is warlike in all it's aspects
That Of 1912 looked to home, and was peaceful in
its character. The latter looked to cheap govern
ment, while the former looks to imitation of
| the wastefnl and ruinous system Of Europe. That
the following comparison of the ExpENDI-
TuRE under the system which seeks free trade by
aid OF a protective system that shall destroy the
monopoly system Of England, and that under a
ton into agriculture, that they may be compelled
to look abroad for market for their products, the
prices of which are to be fixed in England; and to
look abroad for market in which to buy their iron
and cloth, the prices of which are also to be fixed
in England, who ia thus to be maintained in the
enjoyment of her monopoly, by means Of which
she has already ruined every country dependent
upon her.
american Free trade Engli,h Monopoly
System. System.
Per Annum. Per Annun,.
1929 to 1884. 100000 1884 to 1871. 81 100 900
1913 to 1916. 30, 900 1916 TO 1S49. a. 500 600
1850 and 1851 al 500 900
It would seem to be incumbent upon those who
talk Of free trade and direct taxation, TO explain
why it s that every effort our part at initiating
the British system of policy, and every effort we
make at crushing our producers OF COAL cloth, and
iron. is attended with an increase of expenditure
and increase of Government patronage; whereas
every effert made towards the humiliation of the
British monopoly system, and the establishment of
an American policy, is attended with drninution
of expenditure and of Government patronage.
Prior to the passage Of the tariff OF 1928, NATION
AL CREDIT had no existence. The nation was
weak, and it had no power to enforce observance
of its rights. The period from 1880 to 1884 cxhib-
tied remarkable instance of the growth Of ma
tional wealth, credit, and power. With each step
in the progress Of the compromise all declined, and
in its closing years they came to utter annihi-
aton. With the tariff of 1912 all grew again, and
the year 1916 the nation arrive at height of
WEALTH, CREDIT. and rowsn beyond the Ahtcipa
sioho VI SNcA tuc hhOot eduk uIcn w udt Will
be their condition after the next revulsion, with
debt Of four hundred millions, requiring the pay
ment Of twenty four millions for interest, and an
expenditure Of fifty millions with revenue of
twenty five, and what viii be the attention then
given to their reInonstrances against British colo
nization, time will show.
The American freertr4de system LOOKS to the
concentration of man. and the increase of the power
Of men to associate for the improvement Of their
common condition, whether physical moral, intel
lectual, or political. II Looks 10 the maintenance
klishs tof
out the world
The British monopoly system looks to the disper-
sion Of man and the diminution of the power Of men
to associate for any purpose connected with tho i'm
provement Of their condition It looks to cheap
labor and the degradation of The laborer II locks
to the monopoly Of land the destruction Of cottages
the e hsls i1ssss and TIE establish
food. worse clothing, and still worse shelter. 1t
looks to the conversion of the free occupant of land
into the slave of the middiemAn who owns the cot
ton or the woolen mills. II has ruined and en-
shaved the people of Ireland and India and will do
the same by us whenever we shall determine to
abandon the doctrinea Of Adam Smith and adopt
thGse Of the modern Stree trade" school of Eng.
land. II looks to universal and the destruc.
ton Of freedom throughout the world The fret il
the system af lsta the latter that Of lSA6, and it
is fnt the people to choose between them.
| would now beg the reader to turn to the fret
par of this chapter. and see what were the obicc
lions to the tariff of 1912, that were to be remedied
BY that of 1876. II was asserted that the former
diverted labor and capital from profitable to uu-
profitable cmploymens, and that under the latter,
labor and capital would become more productive;
yet we find them everytchere less productive than
they were four years since. II was asserted that
the former imposed heavy taxes upon ne wany for
the benefit OF the fe,o and that the effect was that
OF diminishing the power to consume cloth, iron,
and fuel; yet the consumption ia less than it was
four years since. With twenty four millions Of
peaple, we produce less than were then produced
/ by twenty one--we consume less-and we trade
far less; except far enabled to trade on
tariff of 1912 Which is really the free-trado sys,
tenn, the advocates Of the tariff of lS4G may now de-
terminc. have always been disposed to believe
that one great object Of freedom Of trade was that
of increasing tradc but the modern system OF "free
trade" looks undoubtedly to its diminuton.
II we now compare these facts with those of 1896,
we shall find degree of resemblance 20 great as
to be almost, if not quite, atartlipg.
There was then no demand for capital for the