Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1851-08-07
EDGEFIELD.
ron TILE InrrnrIsER
FOR TIE ADVERTISER.
ARGUMENTS AGAINST SOLITARY STATE
ACTION ANSWERED.

Mr.. EDIToR:-YOu will permit me 10 call lhc
attention of your readers to the particular argu-
mcnt contained in the productions of most of the
advocates for delay--tllat the separate and soil
tarv secession of South Carolina would deprcciate
the value Of her slave property, by cireumscrib-
ing its limits.
Now l hold, that it would be utterly impossi-
Bile for such result to be effected, from the ar
rumcnts of the gentlemen themselves. They
urge upon us. the dissolution Of the Union, and the
formation of a Southern Confcderacy, as events,
that are inevitable, in a short time, from the
very nature Of our affairs and government. How
then, could there be so great depreciation OF
our property, by the peaccablc secession of this
State9 It would require at least, thirty or forty
years, of the very greatest prosperity, to cause
any scarcity Of land in South Carolina. The State
might maintain twice her present population with
out redundancy, and if Cotton Retained its value,
the laborcrs that cultivated it would retain theirs
also.
The gentlemen, presume, will not contend,
that the general separation, by the South, is far
ther off than hall century; they do, it is idle
to talk with them about such an event, and the
reason upon which they support their argument
for delay, no longer exists.
The truth is-Slavery would be no more cir
cumscribcd, confined, or localized i'll this State,
by the secession of South Carolina than it has
already been, by the acts Of Congress, through
out the whole South The probability is, that
the m. re Southern and South Western States.
with all their territory, will have surplus popu-
lation long before South Carolina. The tide Of
immigration sets in that direction, much moro
than in tls because the Northern Cities are the
great points at which the most of foreigners
direct their course, and thence, by the Lakes and
the Western waters, they make their way to the
great Mississippi, and settle in its valley, and
along its branches.
But South Carolina is to be foreign State, to
all the other United States, and our negroes are
to be freed, upon-thcir touching the soil of Geor-
gia and the surrounding States.
This argument wants even the appearance OF
plausibility to recommend it. If our slaves flee
into Georgia. and are there set free, forfeited to
the informer, what would be the condition Of
Georgia slaves on their escaping into our borders?
They, likewise, would be set at liberty, or would
become the property of the fortunate finder
For, as have already shown, we, with our re-
stricted limits, will be able prn6talY to employ
slave labor, as long as any other State in the
South, without an enlargement Of the area Of
slave territory, which will never be done, until
the establishment Of Southern Coniederacy
and our powerful ncighbors will surely not exact
from us line Of conduct which they themselves
are not willing to observe.
But, suppose that the demand for slaves in the
other Southern States should be greater than in
South Carolina. In that case, no man Of reason
doubts, that we would find from those States, a
purchaser for all the slaves We could spare from
our Cotton and Rice plantations, in spite Of all
the penalties and restrictions of government.
have considered the last two arguments, as
If they were really founded in truth, when they
are actually based upon the assumption, that tho
other Southern States are filled with unfccl;ng
savagcs-blnd to their own interest, without
spirit, and without honor. lfthe people Of those
States were not unnatural, their sympathics would
be forever with us, and they would sooner, by
far, make war upon the Federal Government,
than upon South Carolina
But the Act Of Congress, in reference to the
importation Of slaves from foreign countries,
eonld not be lcgitimatcly construed to apply to
the trade with South Carolina; because, she was
member Of the Union at its passage, and could
not have been contemplated in it. A question,
therefore, would soou arise rs to its construction,
between the slavcllolding States of the Union and
the majority in Congress, which might result in
a total disruption Of the Confedcracy. The
Southern States, unless they are perfectly in
fituated, will never consent to the surrender of
any other right in regard to slavery, however in
considcrable-and the right to purchase slaves
where they are cheapest, is of some importance,
at least to those who value that species of pro-
pcrty.
apprchcnd, that il final separation of this
State from the Union should take place, there
would be many matters relating to our inter-
course with the other States, which would re-
quirc to be adjusted by negotiation. All those
laws which have been passed exclusively to af-
feet foreign nations-the naturalization laws, and
those in regard to the slave trade, would Ger
tainly demand modification. a citizen of South
Carolina who was citizen of the United States
would not, by the secession of his State alone, be
altogether deprived Of his rights of citizenship in
the Federal Union, unless he chose to make
himself an alien. We would refer to the history
and laws of Great Britain for analogous cases,
and for certain rule Of conduct.
The other Southern States though, are to be
treated with SO much kindness and indulgence,
by the Government, on our Withdrawing from
the Confedcracy, as to lave all their rights re-
stored, and all their privileges guaranteed to them
for the future, and as to prevent any cause of
quarrel in all time to come. If through mere
spite to us, the General Government will perform
this great good, the most precious service we can
render to mankind, and to postcrity, will be 10
leave the Confcdcracy at the shortest practicable
period. If such course on our part, would re-