The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-05-21

time. Madness aud InfhtdattQa take thotP loURuj
with blind coufldsnce, and u IL ne9t 1ufen
of Congress shall look for some Of thslF ensnl
exhibitions
Before speak Of the probable and aoai.s-
tural action Of the federal governmonf u
reference to South Carolina, should she deter
mine to seceds, will notice some considerations
connected with secession ~ a remedy for our
wrongs
The right of secession in the abstract aud the
right Of resorting to it to effect a wise and
beneficial end in political and moral point OF
view, different things. The one may Le
conceded a. legal propositiou--whilst the
other, as it may effect other communities Us we'll
as the State itself, involves high considerations
and obligations Of duty which no statesman can
or ought to disregard.
South Carolina had the option to 90 in or re-
main out Of the federal Union; she entered AZ
sovereign, to enable herself and confsderates 10
protect their rights from foreign powers and to
prom te domestic tranquility. Ii these ends
should not be accomplshed--but in fact, II it
should turn out that the government il used ex-
clusiyely for one portion Of the partners, TO the
oppression and detriInent Of otbers--ihe suffer
ing parties should have the right of resumng
their original position. TO say otherwise would
be TO make free States they entered into the
confederacy not merely parties to despotic
government, but victims Of it against their con-
sent But whether secession be conceded az a
legal right, or us a measure of revolution, is n-
material if there be real occasion to resort to
it, and it can be used to effect great polti-
cal end worthy of its exercise. If it should end
in merely separating the State from her former
confederates, and placing her in condition that
would require her to invest herself with all tile
attributes and duties of a sovereign nation, both
abroad and at home, then it might bring South
Carolina into situation of isolation, at war with
her true interests and policy. II she should re-
sort to this measure, with view of bringing her
ncighbors into a political connection, 80 as to
enable them jointly to form confederacy for
themselves, that would be adequate for all the
purposes Of maintaining their rights at home
and relations with foreign powers, then it be-
comes a question of the greatest magnitude, full
of consequences that should be looked to with
all the care ami intelligence that can possibly
be employed. The State should take no course
that would make rivals and adversaries of her
Southern neighbors On the contrary, she should
endeavor by all possible means to act with them
as allies. If the State should look to nothing
beyond her own secession, she will enable the
federal government to make rivals of thUse who
in in terest are, and in feelings, should be her
friends.
a
public man in South Carolina sensible Of re-
sponsbe trust, and foreseeing the inevitable
consequences of separate secession, that would
put the State on the trial of that experiment,
IT the act were to operate exclusively. on the
State itself Such an act would not only cnt
off our commerce, but would place it in the
hands of our rivals. In assuming such an atti-
tnde, it wond be the duty of the State to make
arrangements for the management Of her rights
abroad. Her pride would revolt at sending forth
her flag without some navy to protect it, and
without ministers and consuls to represent her
rights, and protect her interests abroad. No
nation rely on the forbearance Of Others,
when there may be collision of interests, or a
temptation for violation. At any rate, would
not allow the Palmetto flag to float b suffer-
ance only. Whilst it would represent as proud,
as spirited people rs ever lived, it would be
regarded as the emblem of slaveholding COM
monweath. Many would be tempted to insult
it from wantonness. How would the proud
spirited people of the State feel, to hear that
their flag had been pulled down and torn to
pieces by Boston whaling party, or by ves-
sci from Liberia, or in any other way? How
could they avenge the insult? If the State as
sumes a national responsibility, it must provide
also the attributes and means of national power.
1t must have navy, and all the other appli-
ances of national dignity. 1t cannot rely with
safety on the comfy Of nations, or on code
founded in sublime Anthropopathy. It seems
to be thought by some with great confidence
that by opening her ports with low duties On
imports, South Carolina could, under the temp
tations Of free trade, invite the commerce of the
world ITO her shores WE'LL perhaps, if all
would be good, and do as South Carolina might
think they should do, something of this might
come to pass. But games are generally con-
Quoted by adversary hands; and sometimes a
play is made by one that may not be thought
by the other to be secundem arfem None of
us suppose that the federal government would
recognize the independence of South Carolina;
or would be disposed to mike commercial treat
les with her. On the contrary, having ample
means, that government would make war on our
commerce in every way it could It would be-
stow bountes in and give preference to, our
neigIrboring ports. 1t, so far as it could. would
make treaties with foreign nations TO isolate our
condition and cripple our resources 1t would
divert and obstruct all the channels of our trade
and might confne us TO our exports alone ns
the basis of our commercial resources. | un-
derstand that the articles of commerce that come
into our ports, coastwise and by foreign i'm
portations, amount in value to something over
S2,000,000. or this sum more than three
fourths finds its way into other States I; into
Georgia, North Carolina, Alabama, Tennessee;
leaving something under 100000 to be con-
sumed in this State.
1t is contended that under the operations of
free trade more would come in, and in some way
or other it would find its way out. Now, if
South Carolina was separate sovereignty with
free port, there is no doubt she might attract
greater commerce than comes to her ports,
provided it could find a market out Of her Dor
ders. But could it find its way out without vio-
la.ing the revenue laws of other nations II
is said "a rose bv any other name smells as
sweet" We might introduce as much com
merce as we please, and send it to Savannah
river under what some would call brisk free
trade, but what, in the estimation of others
whose rights would be involved, would be re-
garded as smuggling if carried across their Dor
ders in violation Of their laws. 1t would be an
acknowledged right of the federal government,
to regard South Carolina ms a stranger, and to
place her commerce going into the ports of