Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1851-09-23
RICHMOND ENQUERER.
MONDAY MORNING. SEPTEMBER aa,Is5I.
SECESSION IN RICHMOND"


Tho Times argues with great zeal, that the resolution
Judge Robertson adopted by the meeting, in this city
April 1885, does recognize the right of sece
son That resolution declares that "a violation of tho fur
damenta articles OF Union by other States by Congress
usties the people of any State whose injury oppre
sion the powers granted to the General Government may
perverted in resuming the poOers granted If this doe
not mean the acknowledgment Of the right of State upo
its own Judgment of aggression 10 resume separa
Stae the powers granted 10 the General Government,
means nothing at ALL Surely this time of day, it woul
be the height of absudity in Judge Robertson to offer
an Intelligent audience to sanction resolution simply de
clarlng the right Of revolution which, all schooboys adm
is inherent in every political body and which the sub
Jec,s of the absolute tyranny possess fully as an
others. We feel satisfied that Judge Robertson will
ton such construction Of his resolution The great
is in forgetting that system of government is entirely
different from every other. 1t is aggregation Of suvc
reign States entirely distinct in their jurisdiction and pow
ers and bound by compact With the exception OF ht
narrow powers given 10 the Federal head cash State is en-
trely from tho very constitution of our sys
tem have the discretion Judge OF niractons its
rights and adopt its mode and of redress
Otherwise the General Government would be dangerous
consolidation against which all Slnesrgts men have pro-
tested. The Times argument inevitably leads 10 The con-
cueon lha, The General Government, has the right
following extracts from the Madison Papers, authentic
record of proceedings the Convention which framed the
Constitution shew that the authors OF the Constitution never
contemplated the of force against State and that they
expressly refused confer that power upon the Government
The following was clause in of the resolutions submit
ted 10 the Convention by Mr. Randolph of Virginia:
Resoirsd That the National Legislature ought 10 be en-
powered call forth the force of the Union against any
Der OF the Union failing fulfil its duties under the articles
thereof"
When this clause came up for consideration
Mr Madison observed that the he reflected on the
use OF force The he doubted the prac;caby the JUS
llcc and the efficiency u when applied 10 the people col
iecvey and not individually. union OF the States con.
tanins such an Ingredient seemed 10 provide for its de-
strucion The use of force against State would look
like declaration Of war than nicon Of punishment
and would probably be considered by the party attacked
dissolution OF all previous compacts by which it might be
bound lie hoped such system would be framed might
render this resource and moved that clause be
ng'' 'S''N w ''' '"' 1''''D'-
The clause thus postponed and afterwards taken
up or at least it not inserted in the Consiitution-so
that the conclusion is irresistible that Mr. Madisons sugges
ton was adopted by The Convention and that such system
was framed Withheld from the Government the power 10
use force against State This conclusion gthencd
possible, by the action of the Convention upon Mr. Pa,cr-
sons plan of Constitution subsequently, submitted. II
contained the following provision
"Rcsoved That if any State should oppose the carrying
nio execution the acts of the United States the Federal
Executive shall be authorized ca forth the power of the
;untederaed States much thereof be
10 enforce and compel obedience 10 such acts"
Mr.. Pattersons plan rejected and it objected
debate, chiefly because it contained The above provision
Col Mason said He struck with horror the pros
'ec of recurring this expedient he of force against
State) Col. Hamilton in reference such provision,
Observed How force be e1er,ed the States colec
lively 1t is impossible. 1t between the
PARTIES"
Thus DID bdid,e the dea OF employing force against
State Can it, well asks the Rome, Georgia. Soulherner
,e given in the Constitution in spite of the express deern
nation of il. trainers not TO give M The Union was plainly
Intended by it's authors to be Union of voluntary consent
They left it 10 the States decide each for itself whether
they would the Union in the first instance and by re-
fusng grant the power TO compel them to remain IN IL
they In effect said 10 the States remain In the Union as
long you please but if you get tired Of II depart IN peace
But it is now discovered that is Union TO be held TO-
gelher not by Of interest," glory ana haPp-
ness but by the of the sword Let SUCH views pre-
vail let the doctrine State may be righuy coerced
by the Federal sword be carried into effect ana you
cree, the of the Union into absolute tyranny
vou degrade the States to condition OF abcct vassaage
YOU establish precedent that will invite aggessons upon
the rights of the States and in the end sweep away every
yes,:e of their sovereignty The South especially cannot
permit such precedent unless she is blind fatally oino 10
her own interest and safety.
The hostility of the Northern people 10 the institution OF
slavery connected with the fact that they have now the con-
trol of the General Government in all lis departments loud
procaius danger the South OF armlng tha' govern
ment with the power to coerco State Inc course o'
,ime and indeed grea, time, will give an immense pre-
nooderance 10 the Northern section already in the majority
and reduce the South despised minority while IN 'he
meantime The sentiment hostility slavery in the strong
r section will become more and violent and ungovern
able Under such circumstances the only possible security
to the institution of slavery would be the right and power OF
the Southern States separate from the Union But lake
away right and give power to hold them IN the ohoh
with chain OF iron, and to coerce obedience 10 "hee'e
the majority may dictate aud you at once seal the
doom of South you sign the death warrant OF slavery
We cannot believe the South will stand idly by and permit the
government power that or later Will be
turned 10 her destruction We cannot believe that the
South will herself put into the hands OF her enemies the
sword that is 10 stab her 10 the heart
In this connection repeat what we said short time
since that II is most unfortunate that al time when tie
Southern mind s chafed resve and excited almost beyond
be mint Of restraint political doctrines should be advanced
which deny them peaceful political remedy which
subject them 10 government, which they may hnd
unable TO any sautary CONTROL and which
regard them as evouonzcrs and rebels If they appeal to
the ultimate right of redress with which the law invests
them.
The right Of revolution and the right Of secession are
things totally distinct and different Revolution Ia inc eye
OF the law is wrongful in incpency-se wrongful tha' II
nina, he resisted with arms and blood II only becomes
rish,u in the eye law after has succeeded after nus
umphed over the focbe and sangunay measures used 10
suppress it, To say merely that secession is neSpeo
ent unwise and dangerous The majority in the SCUM no"
considers ,-but that unlawful in its ncpiency and IN lis
purposes say Mr. Webster has over and over again
coed in his recent speeches. that must DO resisted win all
the of the blood must DO shed ina
life mus, be sacrificed and civil must desOlae ht
land unit, tho seeding State is physically overpowered OF
until the resources of the National Government are eShau
ted and revolution and secession thereby
The idea that secession revolutionary right is bloody IL
all its scope and features falsies Mr. "ebssers own ooc
,rne bargain broken on one SIDE being broken on oo
sides md the compact being thereby dissolved ana renue
tho ,,vaues Of civil war and horrors Of atcde necessary
- ofac release from that broken bargain and dssoSeI