The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-05-30

their public men. He did not seek, therefore
TO commend himself to the South, OF to convince
the citizens of the North, by pretending to any
change of opinion as an excuse, or apology, or
explanation of his public course. He said boldly
such and such have been my opinions hitherto,
have never abandoned them, | now reaffirm
them; and, entertaining these opinions in all
their length and breadth, believe the measures
of adjustment were necessary to the preserva-
ton of the Union. to save the country from the
evils and horrors of civil war, and 50 if the fate
of John Rogers had been presented to me-if
| had seen the stake-if had heard the
horns cracking by the blessing of Almighty
God, | would have gone on and discharged the
duty which thought my country called upon
me to perform. would have become mar
tyr to save my country
One might imagine that such decla-
ration would be sufficient to entitle Mr..
WEBSTER to the confidence and kind con-
slderation of his countrymen, of all sections
and all parties, without regard to his ante
cedent opinions, or his reaffirmance of them,
with the view of giving the greater effect
TO his admonitions. Upon what other pre-
sentiment of the case could he hope to win
over the opinions and persuade the judgments
Of the people of Western New York to the sup
port of the measures of adjustment? How 9TH
erwise could he convince them Of the imminent
peril to which he considered our institutions ex-
posed, and of the still urgent necessity Of CO.
operation among all good and patriotic men to
| avert the possible catastrophe2 Does our con-
temporary think the danger so far passed away
that it is well and wise for mere party pur-
poses to attempt to weaken the confidence of the
South in the nationality and liberality of such
man as Mr.. WEBsrER2 Does he think it
judicious and patriotic, and consistent with
proper and necessary federation of adverse or
even erroneous opinion, to pull the cords so
strictly, and to draw the lines SO deeply. as he
seems disposed to do, with regard to states
man who has dared so much, and perilled so
much, personally, in the cause of the Union?
Must Mr.. WEBSTER hold his opinions on ques /.
tons that have passed away, or upon abstract
or merely possible questions, in subordination to
the peculiar views of party, to entitle him to
tho hLiu CUhoIocIdtiou Vi HIS COuntlymenf
We fear that our contemporary is infused
little with the spirit of the Nashville Conyen-
ton. Bad association engenders evil principles.
Sectional impulses, local prejudices, extreme
opinions, party objects, could alone induce his
attacks upon Mr.. WEBSTER for the crime of
repeating in Buffalo in May, 1851, the same
sentiments precisely which he uttered in the
-,
Senate of the United States in March, 1850.
We have always been in the habit of consider
ing Mr.. RITcHIE the most provincial of contro-
versialists; but even Mr.. Richie did not par
tcipate in the Nashville Convention, while he
applauded in warm terms the March speech of
Mr.. WEBSTER. If under its new direction the
Union continues to make the same rapid ad-
vance as hitherto towards extreme opinions,
and seeks to exclude from the circle of national
statesmen such men as DANIEL WEBSTER and
WILLARD FILLMORE, it may do something to-
wards seducing Mississippi and Alabama into
the ranks with South Carolina; it may serve as
useful auxiliary to Mr.. RHErr, and second to
some effect the seditious purposes of the South
ern Press; but to this very limited and doubtful
sphere of usefulness its political labors will be
of necessity confined.