North Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1850-1852, 1851-04-19

The following is Gov. Stewards letter 10 the ION
vention Of the opponents ofsthe Fugluve oa'e Lava
held at Boston on Tuesday.A
AUBURN, Saturday. April 5, 1851:
DEAR SIR Your letter inviting me 70 d1uehu
Convention of the People of Massachusetts opposed
to the Fugitive Slave Law, and 10 communicate IN
writing my opinion of that statute, II should be I'M
able to attend the Convention, has been received.
While offering the pressure OF duties here too long
deferred an apology for non-attendance, pray you
to assure the Committee in whose behalf you act' OF
nv profound sense of their courtesy and kindness.
1t would be an honor to be invited to address me
people of Massachusetts any subject but IL mlSht
we'll satisfy generous ambition to be called upon to
sneak that great and enlightened commonwealth
on question of Human Rights and civil Liberty
/ confess Sir, that have earnestly desired not to
ming in the popular discussions ot the measures OF
the last Congress. The issue necessarily involves
the claims of their advocates and adversarles IN the
public councils totheconfdence of the country. Some
of those advocates have entered the political arena
eliminating those from whom they had Differed while
others have endeavored by extraordinary MEANS eth
er to control discussion TO suppress it altogether,
and thus they have shown themselves disqualified by
prejudice interest," for practising that importantly
and candor which the occasion demanded.
| am unwilling even to seem to imply by reitera-
ting arguments already before the public, either any
dstrust Of the position of those with whom stood IN
Congress, or Impotence for that favorable popular
verdict which believe to be near, and kno" 10 oe
ultimately certain.
Nevertheless, there can be no imProprlety IN my
declaring, when thus questioned, the oplnons W.T.
will govern my vote upon any occds'o" WV" -
Fugitive Slave Law shall come up 1oi reseM, ~ "re
National Legislature. think the act sihgHIdIy u"-
wise because il is an attempt by purely FeoeratVe
Government to extend the economy OF slave Sta'es
throughout States which repudIate Slavery as oldi'
social and political evil Any desPotlc uoVernInen'
would awaken sedltion from us prolouhueS' siuoe'
by such an attempt.
The attempt by this Government has aroused con-
stitutona resistance, which Will not cease unu tne
effort shall be relinquished. He who teaches amour
er faith than this, whether self-deceved or not, mis-
leads think, also, that the attempt was unneces,
sary that political ends-merely political ends-anc
not real evils resulting from the escape OF Slaves
constituted the prevailing motives to the enactment
think, also, that the details OF the measure are
indefensible: that the denial to the alleged fugitive
of trial of his alleged obligation to labor, and OF
his escape from it, by Court, and nothing less than
a Court of JUSTICE constitutIonally organlzed' anc
proceeding according TO the course OF Inc common
law within the State where he is claimed, is paPa-
bIv in derogaon of the Constitution; that the rules
of evidence which the law prescrlbes are oppressive
of the weak and defenseess and that Chris tendon
might be searched in vain for parallel to the pro-
visions which make escape from bondage crime,
by law retroactive ia its effect, and without limi-
tatons of time to favor the presumption OF freedom
which, under rigorous penalties, compel treemen TO
aid in the capture of slaves, and which offer unmls-
taxable inducements to false claims and judgments.
Finally whatever changes of opinion others may
have undergone, retain my earliest convictions that
the Constitutional provision which the law pur-
ports to be founded is merely compact between the
States; and that the Congress of the United States
have no jurisdiction of the subject.
Nor is the law, which is so obnoxious In itself,
commended to my favor by its connection with what
are called the other measures of Compromise. Com
promise implies minging of truth and error, right
and wrong. One of those affiliated measures denied
the admission of New Mexico, because she had de-
termined 10 come in a Free State, and remanded
her, with permission TO come back in the habIments
of slavery Another distinctly minated to the Nor
the consent of Congress that they should, 1t
they could plant Slave State in the very recess Of
the continent. A third abolished public slavemart
in the City of Washington, without abating either
the extent the duration of slavery in the District
of Columbia. A fourth obtained peace on hunilat-
ing terms from of the Youngest and feeblest
members of the Confederacy in attitude of sedi
ton. While fifth only reluctantantly admitted
California Free State, when she had refused to
contaminate herself with slavery. Which one of
these has saperuous merit, to be received
in extenuaon of the Fugitive Slave law q! But we
told. that bad these measures were, they were
the best that could be obtained. On the contrary,
there always votes enough for the admission of
California. The Thirty-First Congress might have
admitted her, and left the other questions another
Congress, which, instructed by the people, might
have done better, and certainly could not have done
worse.
Nor do 1 find the Fugitive Slave Law growing in
my favor the ground of the already fals6ed prom
public, agitation which. whether benefcent 9TH
erwise, is nseparable from political organiza-
ton the winds and clouds from the atmosphere
that encircles the earth.
have weighed, moreover, the argument that
portion of the people in of the States have
made the PerPetuity of the fugtive-slave law con-
diIion of new declarations of loyalty TO the Union.
That loyalty is duty resulting from the constitution
and is equally DUE whether the measures of admin
lsration satisfactory unsatisfactory. regret
that anything should have happened to encourage
belief that loyalty could be accepted on conditions
and especially the condition OF forbearng to repeal
repealibe statute. But, since it is so can only
say that we, on whom the recent action of the gov
eminent bears, as 1t to US, unustlY, are in
the Union for richer for poorer for better for worse
whether In majority or in a minority, whether in
power powerless, without condition, reservation |
qualification, or limitation forever and ayes that we
are in the Union not because we are satisfied with
administration, but whether satisfied not-not at all
by means of compromises understandings but by |
virtue of the constitution and that all other parties
are In the Union the TERMS for the same ten
ure and byvlrtue OF the obi gatiOn and so thew
will find their case to be, when they offer to plead vi
Citations OF exra-constitutional conditions to Justify
secession. " hatever is irrepealahe in any of the
acts OF the late Congress, no one will be mad ENOUGH
to attempt to repeal. Whatever is repeaable in those
acts, and whatever Shall be repealable in future acts
OF Congress-whether 1t shall favor freedom or slave
~ mo matter under what circumstances nor with what
auspices nor with what solemnites it NAV have been
adopted-must abide the trial of experience of rea-
son, and of rnth. 1t is only in this way that the
constitution can be maintained and the Union can be
saved. It's security consists in the adaptation to the
physical and moral necessities of the broad and ever
extending empire which il protects and defends and
In the facility with which, without violence or sudden
change errors OF administration be corrected and
ne" exigences can be met, that the State free or
siaveholding which may at any time be least favored
R2t Ter nOdo