Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1851-11-01
Letter from Mr.. Clay.

A letter from Mr. CLAY, dated Ashland, Oct.
! Sd, to some gentleman in New York, dwelling
principally upon the Compromise measures,
has been published. 1t is long, filing several
| columns Of the Eastern papers. lie r,ioiccS in
the general acquicsccnco manifested in the com
promise measures of the last Congress, and ut
the law-abiding spirit of the people. lie thinks
that the necessity of maintaining, and enforcing
the Fugitive Slave Law, unrepcalcd, and with
out any modification that would seriously inn
pair its oihcicuoy, must be admitted by the inn
partial judgment of all candid men. lie admits
that the right exists Of amendment and discus
sion, of that and all other laws, but that there
arc occasions when spirit Of moderation should
prompt iorbcaranco TO exercise that right, and
such, he thinks, is the case ut present.
The most of lis lct;tr is taken up with a dis
cussion OF tic right of pcaccablc secession,
which he rronounccs wholly indcicnsiblc.
Mr. Clay holds out no hope to the Secession
is,s that 'hoy would be permitted TO scccdc
without resistance. lie would use the whole
power of the Union to compel submissions
On this subject hc uses the following emphatic
language: (TdtsJDgh Ga=.
"Considcrirg tho vast extent of our territory,
our numerous population, the heated conflicts
of passion, of opinion Of interests and of Sec
tions, pcrvading tic entire Union, we have
great reason to be thankful to Providence for
the degree of calmncss, of tranquility, and sat
isfaction which prevails. II there arc local OK
,o,tinpg att l,o North a,I ~ South off,
and misguided men who would madly Icsist the
constitution and laws Of the United States, let
us not despair of their return, in scGsonnble
time, to reason and to duty. But suppose We
should be disappointed, and that the standard
should be raised Of open resistance to the Union,
the constitution, and the laws wha. is TO be
done; There can be but one possible answer.
The power, the authority and dignity Of the
| government ought to be maintained, and rcsis-
tancc put down at every hazard. Government,
in tho fallen and dcprnvcd state of man, would
lose all respect, and fail into disgrace and con-
tempt, if il did not possess potentially, md wo'd
not in cx'rcme cases, practically exercise the
right Of cmployming force.
The theory OF the constitution of the United
States assumes tho necessity of tic existence
and the application Of force, both in our foreign
and domestic relations. Congress is expressly
authorized "to raise and support armies" ITO
provide and maintain navy. and ''to provide
for calling forth the militia to execute the laws
oi the Union, suppress Instructions aad rcpcl
invasions." The duty of executing the laws
and suppress Instructions is without Limitation
or qualification it is co extensive with the iu
risdiction of the United States, snd it comprc-
hends every species of resistance to TIC cx,cu-
ton Of the laws, and every form of instruction,
no matter under what auspieies or sanction it is
! made.
individuals, public meetings, States, may re-
solve, rs often as their tastes or passions NAV
prompt them To resolve, that they will forcibly
oppose the execution Of the laws, and soccde
from 'hc Union. Whilst these resolutions re-
main on paper, they are harmless but the mo +.
mcnt daring hand is raiscd to resist by force,
the execution Of tho laws, the duty of enforcing
them arises, and If the conflict which may en-.
sue should lead to civil war, the resisting party,
haYing begun It, will be responsible for all con,
sequences"