Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1851-01-23
MASSACHUSETTS,
A QUARREL IN THE HONEYMOON.

A QU ARREL IN IIiE HONEY MOON.
The Free-soilers and Locofocos are anything
than blessed in their late contracted union ~
Boutwell, lloco) has been elected Governor ac-
cording to contract, but in his message he has
taken decided grounds in favor of sustaining the
Compromise measures of the last session To
say the very least, had wing Governor uttered
the sar C words, the ffeo-sol organs would
have ut red one universal howl Of discontcnt.-
This message then was brck-bat, aimed dl-
recily at the heads Of the frco-solers-thoy are
hi, too aud feel sore enough This perhaps is
only an nconguiiy in sentiment which both par
ties ought contrve 20 smother, were There moth
ing else to disturb the harmony of the hapless
pair. But our readers remember that there was
another irticle in the contract 70 wit :-Charlcs
Sumner (ffce-soilerl was 10 have the Senator
ship for six years. The election was had the
ballots counted and 10 Charley Sumner was
not elected sundry locofocos bolted again, and
again, and still again, on successive days, the
ballots we're taken and Charley Sumner gets
no nearer an election, simply because the bolt
ing locofocos would not vote for him. So here
is fix the free-soilcrs accuse the ccofocos OF
cheating. and the boiling locos as good as say
that the iree-soilers Gc-under a very great mis-
take. They-great and good locoiocos as they
are--n'yer could do 50 strange n thing as agree
to hug ree-soil in the great sanhedrim of Wash
ington they could concede such marks Of con
jugil Election only in decent vay-in private
at home = IN Massachusetts,. And so there is
a nice family quarrel. The election of Senator
he's be n postponed to this day, Thursday
we add the remarks of Gov Boutwell, upon
the slave question fair, for q slavocratic loco:
In ordinary times, | should omit the discussion
Of topics which are national in their character
but the excitement which has sprung from the |
institution Of slavery, and the examination of
questions connected with 1t, seem to Justify some
dcviai on from the general policy.
The institution OF slavery Is older than our
government, and is one of the most important
subjects which the American moralist or states
man IN contemplate Il exists in nearly one
hllf Of the states Of this Union, and is recognize
Cd By the Constitution, which has been adopted
by all. Where 1t exists it is regarded as a ben
cit; where 1t does not exist 1t Is regarded as an
evil.
One portion Of the community has pccunary
iuterc 81 IN its existence, equal 10 many hundred /
millions of dollars the other regards il as p
moral, political, social, and industrial evil, which
dlshouors labor and degr dcs the aboror within /
the sphere of It's influence. The actual conflict I
OF thc 7e opposite interests and opinions, unless 1
regul ted by the Constitution, would end in the /
destruction OF the American Union.
II may not, then, be inappropriate to consider
how lar the Institution Of slavery is a general
subject OF legislation, and therefore Of general
political interest, and how lar it's existence and
responsibility are local, and the subjects OF local
legislation only.
BY the peace Of l7S3 each ofthe thirteen for
Iner colonies rose at once 20 the rank of a free
and lvereign State having the right. of course,
as-sueh to abolish any Of lis old institutions, or
% est sbllsh new ones. The constitution OF 7sY
neither added TO or materially diminished these
powers. II did not recognize any Of the existing
institutions OF the States, except so far as II IS
necessary TO render the general government a
perfect and harmonious system.
II vas absolutely necessary 10 determine the
basis OF representation and taxation among the
States. The provision for the delivery of ingi.
tiyes from service or labor was in the nature of a
eaty between sovereign States, and for It's fulfil
mesi he general government was clothed with
snlile ent authority. Ii It appear from the Ian
gnage Of the constitution that the manner of de-
htery should be left to the States. the Supreme
Court appears to have decided otherwise 1t
must then be considered us settled, that the man.
ner az delivery Is 10 be determined bv Compress
As this body represents all the States and All
the people, ITS acts are binding upon every State
ana each citizen, unless the Judicial tribunals
shall declare them 10 be unconstitutional
law thus passed may be- in the opinion OF a state
or an individual. unjust, inexpedienl or uncon
stituiional; yet this opinion furnishes no excuse
Tor Illegally multiplying its power or resisting It's
execution.
A remedy c.r ;.s ;r;,.,..a - .
must be sought in the legislative and for It's IN
cons uniformity in the Judicial departments OF
the government Until there can be a successful
appeal IN one or the other Of these forms no
trae citizen can interfere with the execution of
the law.
1aere IS no security for person and p-opertv.
Tor ie and liberty, in any other doctrine than
il4s- lfa State have a right 10 nulify, or a cit
lzen 10 resist an act Of Congress, our government
eeises TO be government Of laws, and becomes
one Of men,
nave not made these observations because
thlnx that II IS IN Massachusetts only or chiefly
that the doctrine Of obedience 10 the law should
be inculcated Her people are a law abiding
PsoNe. "haieHer she has Of renown in the
past o' prosperity IN the present, or hope IN the
future, Is intimately connected with this primer
PIE. BW Z Is too true that some sections of The
tnion a. pegr ready To threaten It's existence up-
on occasAOs comparatively unimpoftant And
when stste seriously contemplates a dissolu.
ton Of ms eonfedeacy il is solemn political
event whether such State has or has not iust
ca sc Tor The positiol il takes. IT, however, il
sn u pursue ITS suicidal course 10 extremlties il
Is important 10 every other State that the whole
responsibility should be upon her. ID Is for ms
reason that cannot advise the passage OF ann
n.sssaTe calculated 10 increase tue esc.,ement