The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1851-05-27

Monarchy and Rspahlle.
OPINION or NJ. PAoEor, LATE FRENCH MINISTER TO
THE UNITED STATES.
Translated from the Paris .assembke NdfionaIe1
We have received numerous adhesions to the
policy Of fusion sustained by the Assemble Ma
t,on0ls. We think II proper to cite the following
letter, which borrows its Importance from the high
functions that the signer has for long time, occu-
pied with honor in the diplomatic corps:-
PARIS, April 30, 1851
SiR-Ia the times Of revolution, the voice which
comes from the crowd has sometimes the good for
tune to be heard. You will accept, hope the
adhesion which come to give to the policy already
so manfully sustained by the assemble Natloncls
and which was recently placed under the auspices
of distinguished men, the greater part Of whom, at
the head of the conservative party have, for eigh
teen years, been trying with the skilful sovereign
they served, to prop monarchy born in the storms
of revolution, and considered then the sole bar
rier to oppose the waves which threatened to drown
all new storm has fallen on France, and the
wall, which had no foundation in the SOIL has dsa p-
peared in the torrent which has nearly swept every
thing away. The storm was Gained for an instant,
and these same invite to make the best Of the
respite which leaves to u.s. in order to undertake
with them the raising of work able to resist the
new innovations which we have yet to fear.
Let W all answer, we men of order, to this pa
triotic appeal. Let us proclaim with them that
the re-establshment Of the hereditary monarchy,
=
branches, Is the aim which we look to. The oon-
juncture in which we find ourselves stands alone in
history. The constitution which rules invites
all Of ~ to the free discussion of the institutions
which the country will give to itself, when the term
assigned to its invioabity will arrive. Let say
to France that she will only attain the stability
which she desires by connecting herself with the
principle of heirship This principle is as iudispen-
sable 70 the perpetuty of societies to that of ia
miles. 1t is not inherent in monarches it is
equally essential to republics The most prosper
Gus Of al, in modern times, acknowledges that in
the preamble Of its constitution. "The people Of
for itself and for its posterty the benefits OF liberty
decree and establish the present constitution !"
and farther, in its fourth article, it says;-" The
United States guarantees to each State ofthe Union
. republican form Of government"
What becomes, in presence OF these declarations,
which indefinitely engage the future Of a great
confederation, Of the dogma Of the sovereignty of
the people, as the biologists Of the European de-
msgogry understand it The American people,
with the political instinct which Distinguishes them
have understood that every society, which wants to
live and perpetuate itself, must impose upon itself
obligations, and the first Of all is to respect the in
situations which are the work Of the time, Of the
manners, and Of the genius of the people Is it not
thus that General Cavaignac understood it when he
said, at the tribune Of the National Assembly, that
he placed the republic before the sovereignty Of the
people In fact, the republic, no more than the
monarchy, cannot possibly exist without the true
In the one as wen as in the other, the institutions
are transmitted from generation to generation, and
the stability which is the condition Of the existence
of society il the consequences Of it, Let US oppose,
then-if We will rest with the conditions Of alb
solute truth-the salutary, fertile, and vivifying
principle Of heirship, to the false, absurd, and i'm
practicable doctrine Of the sovereignty OF number,
which is nothing eLe than the power teyery instant
to overthrow the laws and to establish anarchy,
not acknowledging more to societies than to
individuals the right Of self destruction 1t is well
enough that the one, as well as the other, has that
power. Let us, then, oppose the monarchy to the
republics for we will be- this time, in the conditions
of historical truth that is to say, in the intelligence
Of the masses of the wants of the genius Of our
nation.
And permit me to declare, here, that | am not in
Auenced by any prejudice against this last form Of
government. j have lived, for many years, in the
middle Of American democracy. | have been in
spired with the most profound respect for its con-
stitution-a work, not of metaphysical dreamers,
but of distinguished statesmen-of virtuous men, Of
devoted citizens, who sought in the traditions Of
their country, and in the realities of the situation
in which they found themselves, the solutions that
their citizens asked from their knowledge and ex-
perience
They did not coofound the part Of legislators with
that OF innovators. They had to substitute for the
authority that Of central power which
could bind the various States Of which the Union
was to be composed, and they strictly fulfilled their
task They respected all that was not necessary for
its accomplishment. The political municipal, and
civil institutions, Of every particular State, were
sttution given by Charles the First to the State Of
Rhode Island andits colonsts continued up till those
last few years. The edifce of the American rcpub-
lie is the work Of several generations. 1t is neces
to dig deep into the soil in order to find the first
foundation. There is the secret Of its strength and
Of its duration. There is also new evidence Of
this truth, much overlooked in days, that the
institutions of people, in order to be strong, indie
peRdent and respected must have their roots IN the
Tha Arne naapls flat tha1e whn All.
them for what they not be not displeased) are
traditional people-that is to say, they recognise
their ancestors, and relgiously respect their works.
have BEEN also, able to attest their singul apt
,ude for the republican institutions: but have, ia
the same time, remarked thai what rendered them
so ct for the practice Of these institutions, showed
their inappcsbility to the people placed ours, in
conditions dramatically opposed.
belong, in the first place, and above all, TO the
quality Of the race, the aptitudes of which do not
want to judge here; they are as much incommuni-
cable as the properties of the earth and those OF the
climates, and which defy imitation. They are also
political. The United States form a federation,
not artificial but traditional, Of States, similar to
each other, and which cannot preserve their distinct
existence, but by the condition OF giving to the cen
trail power, which il their tie, just what 1t wants Of
authority. in order to fulfil the supreme part Of com
mon interests.
The republican form could alone adapt itself to
this stuation that which permits to say th At the
not permit 70 be established elsewhere, is the small
number Gifts prerogatives, and its non-interyenton
IN the interior business Of any State which forms it.
IL ia, moreover, the opinion OF one OF ts present
Statement Mr. Buchan an, Secretary of state Of the
Mon, nj the time when the revolution Of February
took place, wrote 10 his minister In Paris" VIII
you say 20 the present deposiSaries OF power In
France, that If they want to found at home a dur
able policy. they must look for it IL the federal
form, for II is doubtful If should have succeeded
TO confirm ours without those condtio +" | cite
the thought II not the words.
There are, sir, some ether numerous and impor-
portant causes by which to explain the existence Of
the American republic. But perceive that al
dress 10 you dissertation, in place Of letter and
/ hasten g. finish. will say, IN term mating Let
Us lea 10 America her republic, which assures TO
her, in its exceptional position, repose security,
power; and let US return, in France, TO the mo-
Darchy which gave her, during fourteen centuries,
stability greatness, glory under the shade Of which
she has twice, despite the revolutionary storm
which, for sixty years ploughed her sod attained
degree Of peritywhich other form Of govern