The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-12-03

| been spared, and none will be spared TO procure
i the release of such citlzens of the United States
ngaged In this unlawful enterprise, are now IN
confinement in Spain but it is to be hoped that
such interposlton with the government of that
country may not be considered atfording any
ground of expectation that the government OF
the United States will, hereafter, feel itself under
any obligation OF duty to intercsde for the liberia
ton or pardon of such persons fragrant Of
tenders against the law of nations and the laws 81
the United States. These laws must be executed.
| IL we desire TO maintain our responsibility
among the nations of the earth, IL behoves us 10
enforce steadily and siernly the neutrality acts
passed by Congress-, and TO follow, as far may
be, the violation of those acts with condign pun
ishment.
| But " hat gives peculiar crim 'aliy TO this
| invasion of Cuba is, that under the lead of Span
lsh subjects, and with the aid of citizens of the
United States, it had its origin, with many, in
motives OF cupldity. Money advanced by
| to purchase Cuban bonds, as they ave been
called, issued by Lopez, sold, doubtless, at a
very large discount, and for the payment ofwhch
the public lands and public property of Cuba, OF
whatever kind, and the fiscal resources of the
people and government of that island, from what
ever source to be derived, were pledged, well
as the good faith of the government expected to
be established All these means of payment, it
| is evident, were only to be obtained by process
of bloodshed, war, and revolution. None will
deny that those who set on foot military expedi-
tons against foreign States by means like these,
are far more culpable than the ignorant and the
necesstous whom they induce to go forth as the
ostensible parties in the proceeding. These ORR
| ginators OF the invasion of Cuba seem to have
determined with GOODNESS and system, upon an
undertaking which should disgrace their coun-
try, violate its laws and put to hazard the lives
of uniformed and deluded men,. You will con-
| slider whether further legislation be necessary to
| yanff he rnafro fion IF off ~,
future.
No individuals have right to hazard the peace
Of the country or to violate its laws upon vague
notions of altering or reforming governments in
other States. This principle is not only reasonable
in ITSELF and in accordance with public law, but is
engrafted into the codes of other nations as well
as our own But while such are the sentiments of
this government, it may be added that every in
dependent nation must be presumed to be able to
defend its possessions against unauthorized indi-
viduas banded together to attack them. The
government Of the United States, at all times since
its establishment has abstained and has sought to
restrain the citizens of the country, from entering
into controversies between other powers, and to
observe all the uties Of neutrality. AT an early
period OF the government, In the administration of
Washington, several laws were passed for this
purpose. The main provisions of these laws were
re-enacted by the act of April, 1918, by which,
amongst other things, it was declared that if any
the United States, begin, set foot, or pro-
vide, or prepare the means for any military expe-
ditiOn enterprise to be carried on from thence
against the territory or dominion of any foreign
prince or State, or Of any colony, district, or peo-
pie with whom the United States are at peace,
every person so offending shall be deemed guilty
of high msdemeanor, and shall be fined, not
exceeding three thousand dollars, and impris-
oned not more than three years; and this law
has been executed and enforced to the full extent
of the power of the government, from that day
| to this.
| In proclaiming and adherng to the doctrine of
neutrality and non-ntervention, the United States
| have not followed the lead Of other civilized ma
tons; they have taken the lead themselves, and
have been followed by others. This was admitted
| by of the most eminent Of modern British
statesmen, who said in Parliament, while min
lister of the crown, that, if he wished for guide
in system Of neutrality, he should take that laid
down by America in the days of Washington and
the secretaryship of Jetferson;" and we see, in
fact, that the of Congress of lSlSwa followed
the succeeding year, by act of the Parliament of
England, substantially the in its general
provisions. Up to that time there had been no
similar law in England, except certain highly
penal statutes passed in the reign of George ii.
| prohibiting English subjects from enlisting in
foreign service, the avowed object of which
statutes was, that foreign armies, raised for the
purpose of restoring the house of Stuart to the
throne, should not be strengthened by recruits
| from England herself
All must see that difficulties may arise in car
rying the laws referred to into execution in a
country now having three or four thousand miles
| of sea-coast, with an Infinite number of ports and
harbors and small inlets, from some Of which un-
lawful expeditions may suddenly set forth, with
out the knowledge of government, against the
possessions Of foreign States.
Friendly relations with all, but entanglng alli-
ances with none, has long been a maxim with us.
Our true mission is not to propagate opinions,
| or impose upon other countries our form of gov
eminent, by artifce force (; but to teach by ex-
ample, and show by our success, moderation and
| justice, the blessings Of sef-government, and the
advantages of free institutions. Let every people
choose for ITSELF and make and alter its political
| institutions to suit Its own condition and conve-
| nience. But while we avow and maintain this
| neutral policy ourselves, we anxious to see
the same forbearance on the part OF other nations,
whose forms of government are different from our
own. The deep interest which we feel in the
spread of liberal principles and the establishment
Of free governments, and the sympathy with
which we witness every struggle against oppres-
son forbid that we should be Indifferent to case
in which the strong arm Of foreign power is in
voked to stifle public sentiment and repress the
spirit of freedom in any country.
The governments Of Great Britain and France
have issued orders TO their naval commanders on
the West India station to prevent by force, If me-
cessary, the landing Of adventures from any ma
ton the Island of Cuba with hostile intent.
The copy of memorandum of a compensation on
this subject between the charge affairs of her
Britannia Majesty and the Acting Secretary of
State, and of subsequent note of the former to
the Department of State are herewith submitted,
together with copy of a note Of the Acting Sc
cretary of State to the Minister of the French re-
public, and ofthe reply of the latter, the same
subject. These papers will acquaint you with the
grounds of this interposition of the two leading
comm ercial powers Of Europe, and with the appre-
tensions, which this government could not fail to
entertain, that such inerposition, if carried into
effect, might lead to abuses in derogation of the
maritime rights of the United States. The mari
time rights of the United States are founded on
firm, secure, and well-defned basis they stand upon
the ground of national independence and public
law, and will be maintained in all their full and
Just extent.
The principle which this government has here
tofore soemnly announced it still adheres to, and
will maintain under all circumstances and at all
hazards. That principle is, that in every regular
ly documented merchant vessey, the crew who
navigate it, and those on board of it, will find
their protection in the flag which is over them