The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-12-31

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| (though gentlemen may SMILEY the hearts OF the
people. Let their judgments cool, and those who
do right will receive the popular support In the
| end. He might be overthrown, and meet with re-
sistance from those who advocate interference In
the affairs of oil the earth bat he would make the
sacrifice. II he had not intended to vote for the
resolution ne should not have made this translation;
and when kossuth reads these remarks, should he
condescend to do so, he will that however we
| open our hearts il is only in sympathy, and com
| plimeHt, and encouragement, that our own bright
and peaceful example may be initiated, and nothing
more.
MIR. GIDDINGS said that no business of import
ance could be introduced without bringing up
other subjects. Heartily did he accord with the
sentiments Of the gentleman who preceded him IN
relation 10 kossuth, and trusted that most cheer
fully the tribute of respect would be extended 10
that distinguished stranger But why did the gem
tleman make the attempt TO arraign him MIR. G. }
before the House and the country? Had he occu-
pied the attention of the House for one moment?
Had he not remained silent? And now that he had
risen to address the committee, he wished to say
that the last thing in his mind was TO connect the
subject with slavery or war, of which the gentle
man accused him. II far from his thoughts.
The gentleman judged falsely of his motives. The
gentleman spoke Of the popular impulse Ii will
do justice, and no more than justice He may al
lect TO scorn that "higher power; he may ridicule
that law; but the law is now operating, and the
gentleman will descend to the charnel house of po.
htical aposiates. When the subjects shall be be-
fore the House, he would take occasion to give his
disguised his sentiments Why the gentleman de-
signed to involve him in war; he could answer TO
his conscience and own judgment. He (Mr. G.)
had never given reason 10 the gentleman to charge
him with inconsistency
He desired this resolution to come TO vote, He
was DESTROYS of paying to Kossuth the compliment
of his admiration and respect; and he desired that
the House should do it, He repeated, he had no
idea Of involving this country in war, none in the
least and should be careful to preserve peace
any other gentleman,
Mr.. RICHARDSON did not sec any difference
between the resolution and the pending amend
ment. Neither of them pledges this House to any
thing; for that reason he was willing TO vote for
either of them But he was unwilling to go any
further
He concurred in the sentiment that we should
not commit this country in any war except in case
OF necessity for our own people. He had read
some of the speeches of Kossuth with pleasure. If
the struggle Ia for the freedom of the people, they
have his sympahes, and he hoped that they ould
be successful If the struggle is between depot
isms, he perfectly indifferent. He repeated
II the country is to be involved in war, he desired
II 10 be on our own account, sanctioned only by
our own Legislation, and beneath our own flag.
lie willing for one, to extend inequalities to
kossuth, but not 10 endorse his policy.
MIR. BAYLY, of Virginia, did not regard the re-
solution as committing this Government to the
doctrine which Kossuth has been engaged in pro-
pagatng since he arrived in country. If he
so regarded it, il would receive his feeble oppos
ton, and II would be his duty to resist ii with every
energy with which God had endowed him. His
opposition, however, was not of that character; 1t
should not pass this House long opposition
could be made. If this Government should connect
itself with the principles proposed, il would com
mt US to policy under which our liberties could
not long survive. IL would commit us to policy
which this Government has no constitutional power
to carry out. He should not elaborate our duty
now, but should at some future time demonstrate
this proposition.
He desired to say that he did not regard our
Government as entirely blameless in its conduct
with regard to Kossuth. There is evidently mis-
understanding between him and u.s. lie regards
the Government as already committed to his doc
trine. We ought not to allow this delusion 10
continue. If we do, we may involve humanity in
Europe to an extent of suffering such as has not
been witnessed there before. Suppose this delu-
zion continues, and the Government docs not in
some emphatic manner repudiate his doctrine,
and hungary should again rise and again be trod-
den down by the iron heel Of despotism, and this
Government should fail TO interfere, (as we all
know with absolute certainty il muo, } we would
be more responsible for the suffering of these peo
pie should we permit them TO continue under the
delusion with Kossuth If his (Mr B.'s) counsels
should prevail Kossuth will not leave this country
until there Ia distinct understanding between him
and this Government-that this Government can
not assure him of succor from There ought,
he repeated, to be distinct understanding. He
did not, as he before said understand this
resolution as committing the Government at all.
His position was based this. lie thought that
we were offering too much adulation to this man.
He had feeling with respect to the aduaton
which he has received, growing out of the nature
OF circumstances. He is not the first distinguished
foreigner who has fallen in fight for liberty in Eu
rope, and who has visited our shores. About the
year 1913, he thought 1t was, when the fires OF lib
crty were stl burning in this land--wth bright
ness with which they do not burn now-when
your patriots were still living, and your Washing
ton was still amongst US, Kosciusko- whom he
would not undertake to compare with Kossuth,
because he would do injustice to the dead
who fell defence a liberty Poland A
voice, "Kosciusko."l He meant that of
course-kosoiusko came among us. His merits
were far greater than those of this man; but his
claims did not stop with being friend of freedom
in Europe; he was the friend of Washington, and
aided in achieving the liberties which VIC now
JOY. But he received no ovaions, which are SO
lavishly poured out on Kossuth. Could he contrast
Kosciusko with kossuth He looked upon il not
entirely without feelings of modification and
shame.
But he wished openly to assert that, from in
tnate association with members of the two Houses
of Congress who have made il subject Of CONVEX
saton, he did not believe that twenty men Of the
two Houses are prepared to sanction the doctrine
which kossuth propRgates. II so, those who are
carried away by the enthusiasm running through
the land, either from motives of policy any
other; if there are but twenty men in Congress
disposed TO give way TO their feelings, there are
about ninetccn-twentieths of the American people
the other way. From where he now stood to
the Rio Grnnde, there not one thousand men
substantial men-ofhigh standing and intelligence,
to be found ready to commit Themselves TO poll
cy which involves strife with European powers.
1t would bring national debts, such those
which are now depressing European nations, the
greater part Of which were incurred in wars waged
TO carry out these doctrines Of intervention nom
Intervention,
If this Government shall become committed TO
this policy, our own liberties would not survive
twenty years; and this is the belief of the great
mass of the people. Ii he could have his way there
would be distinct understanding, that Ksssuth
should be told, in language which he can under
stand, that this Government has no idea of involv
ing our country in the policy which he propa-
gates.
Mr.. MARSHALL, Of Kentucky said that he
should initiate the gentleman from New York, but,
unlike him, be meant that his vote and reasons
should go together.
The resolution Of the gentleman from Ohio
marked that il was simply matter of courtesy,
and said that II did not intend TO commit this Gov
ernment; but we cannot act in Constitutional
body without committing the Government as far
as 1t Is in our power. We propose to introduce
L l.