The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-04-03


of mistake into which you have fallen in regard
to the motives Of the controversy into which have
been forced by Mr.. Richie.
The Republic errs in supposing that conflict OF
feeling, having ts origin in the division OF the De-
mocratic party created during Mr.. Polk's admin
istraton, has the renotest connexion with the con
troversy into which have been drawn by MIR.
Richie Every member of Congress knows that
have never entered into any Of tho feelings which
have produced alionation-that have pursued the
even tenor of my way, supporting, as heretofore,
the regular nominees of my party, and preserving,
without shade Of difference, all the intimacy
and kind feelings with which have been honored
by members Of both sections with whom my bust
ness for many years has brought me in contact.
must do Mr.. Richie the justice to say that he is
not animated in his war upon me by any wish to
increase the differences in the party He has found
that the share he has had in producing the breach
has, by no means, tended to recommend him to
either branch. and he has seen, with regret, and
complained of it in his press, that was sustained
by all sides in both Houses while all his entreatios
could not carry any Of his propositions through
Congress, though backed by influences which must
have prevailed if it had been possible to bear up
and carry along such load Of iniquity. No, there
s nothing of party conflict in the issues which Mr.
Richie has brought up in his warfare with me.
The sole motive of his attacks on mc-first, Sc
cretly and insidiously; and, at last, openly, in
broadside of the Union-was the disappointment Of
a pecuniary speculation, which tn. mere existence
Of my press in Washington, without movement
on my part, most innoccntly occasoned. Mr..
Rchie's scheme in bidding the contract at a pre-
yious session and throwing it up at the next, with
out notice Of his intention, to leave Congress
alternative but to employ him on his own terms.
This was to break up the contract system. When
the committee proposed to permit Inc to offer terms
to be considered with new ones proposed by Mr..
Richie for himself he perceived that his well-laid
plan was blown up. He therefore refused to surren-
der what he calls his " starred" contract, if was
allowed to bid for the new 70 acquiescein MIR.
Ritche's exclusion of all competition was, on the
part of Congress, surrender Of its law; and to this
the committee would not consent. MIR. Richie
could not attack Congress for maintaining its own
authority and the public interests; but he told Mr.
Hamin, a member of the committee, who informed
him was invited to bid, that he would not resign
his contract, i'll was allowed to become his COM
petitor. TO justify his refusal to make the surren-
der he had himself proposed such ground,
rendered it necessary that he should make me obi
Gus, and this he attempted. First, secretly and
insidiously, by insinuating to members of Con-
gress; then by Productions spread abroad by
porter employed by him, who wrote letters for pub
LEGATION in a Philadelphia newspaper; and, finally,
by open denunciation in the Union. That he was
not prompted by party animosity is manifest from
his assigning as motive personal ILL will, growing
out of an injury which he said had done him,
which he did not specify The source of this feeling
ing the interest he owed on the deferred payments
for the Globe office, and the money he received from
the subscribers, who were supplied at his request
with the Congressional Globe instead of his Regis
ter of Debates which, after being paid for he failed
to print. 1t is clear that party feeling had nothing
to do with it. 1t is obvious, from his readiness to
agree with the antagonist party press ofths city to
fix the price and divide the printing, that he can
merge all party feeling in private interest. His
motives are merely mercenary, which will make
evident on some future occasion.
While my hand is in, let me overreach little
on your courtesy to expose garbling of documents
which the Union has resorted to in the series of
numbers with which it is spinning out the
remnant of it's term of limited existence. The gar
bled extracts il makes from some testimony given
at the request Of committees Of Congress in 1910
and in 1916, presenting suchinformation my
perencc in printing enabled me to afford in regard
to the prices, the manner. and the best system OF
executing the Congressional work. The questions
before the committees were, whether the election of
printers, the contract system the establishment
ola national printing Office should be recommended;
and, ifthe first should be adopted what prices should
be fixed In the papers submitted by mo all these
topics were discussed, and my opinions frankly
given. In ono of these say:
cit is my opinion that the prices fixed by the
joint resolution of Congress Of 1919 do not afford
moro than fair compensation for the printing OF
Congress-I mean when II il executed according
to what consider to be the letter and spirit Of the
the printing of Congress should be sent to the
printer legby written, with any thing like regu-
larity, and he were to work on it the regular
working hours only, think the prices of 1919
would give him profit Of from 20 to s7t per cent.
on such work as is required for the legislation OF
Congress-"
This is extracted from my testimony delivered
to the Committee on Printing in lS40, which is
filed in the Clerks Office Of the House of Repre-
sentativcs, and published and to be found in the
printed volumes of the documents Of that day in the
Libraries of Congress, in every Executive Depart
ment, and wherever such documents, bound and
unbound, preserved; and yet this is the mares
nest which the editor of the Union pretends to have
discovered when he nsinuates had concealed it af
ter had purloined it, This, says the Union is the
"recently discovered documentwhichs so much pains
have been taken to suppress" Isha recur to this
some other occasion, and show up this dramatic
piece OF imposure; now confine myself to an ex :
PLANTATION of the point which the garbled extract is
introduced to establish against me by keeping back
another portion of the context, which makes its
meaning and truth apparent.
The purpose for which this garbled extract is cut
from the context is to make the impression that
considered the prices of 1919 as not more than ad
equate for all the printing of Congress, including
passage as given say what the profit would be on
the number of copies requirtd for the legislation Of
Congress," and this shows that my testimony was
then confined to the regular numbers ordered for
dence suppressed by the Union, make this clear
by saying: "The printing Of extra copies is great
ofprot to the printer, because it brings into
use extra presses, which ne is obliged 70 purchase
purpose of printing such copies with despatch when
ordered" And in my testimony of 1916, in which
refer to that of 1910, and make it part OF that
then given, (making altogether thirty print
ed pages,) 1sum up the whole thus: "All my
testimony may be compressed in few words which
will write. II the printers to Congress shall
be required and compelled to execute the printing
in good time, and ON good paper, then on the ne
cessary amount of printing he cannot, in my opn-
ion, make an unreasonable profit, ION the prices of
1919, 20 per cent off, But il Congress shall or
der unusual and unnecessary quantity Of print
ing, and most of it in extra copies of documents,
and shall permit the printers to take their own time
to do il in, and do it thin, fimsy, cotton paper,
then the printers will make exorbtant profits"
Now II, as the Union intimates, tho passage 1t
quotes makes of flat perjury against Inc, |
think the explanation now give would make the
garbling Of the Union, in Dogberry's phrase, case
Of "as fiat burglary as was ever committed
What would not man do who would garble the
testimony Of another to make it appear that he had
sworn falsely'
The fact is, the prices of 1919. when the docu-
menta ire printed "A I then aaid in m testimony