The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1851-12-20

adverse There has been oc-
cate The OF the North liked determination TO push
la my opinion there is bur one thing tho
promise OF saving both ourselves and tho Union and that Is
cannot II ought TO have been held this fall ought not
% be delayed beyond aS0h s yss All our
State ought 10 he organized with central committee,
and in each county onls a. already IL Is indispensa
tme firm and reolue resolutions ought be- adopted by
s%bIas Of the legislatures in he fall They when .hey
meet ought to take up the subecl in the most solemn and
impressive manner.
The great object Of southern convention should be
put forth, IN solemn the causes of gev-
them, in solemn TO the consequences which
follow If they should be rcdessed and 10 take
The oa should be addressed all those Who are desons
TO the un9n and OR Institutions and who in the al
solving The partnership i, would prefer the later
,ays han yours Il is destined 10 s hs
OF sufferers Il tho abouonsts should succeed and
or at arhes your legislature, tho time will have
With great . Re Jos,NI am G' '6 AZ
Is there any thing said this letter about change of
the organic law Is anything said there about dual
Executive Is nything said about the necessity of Sc
cedng from the Union, unless such an alternative should
be forced upon the States of the South by long continued
injustice and oppression Is there aught in this letter
which was calculated to put guard against any
Interior design that might be entertained such as has
been since 80 plainly disclosed appeal again to my
coanlIymen everywhere to say we Of Mississippi
csed towards us by those under whose monitions we
had so confdingly moved forward and in fraterna CO.
operation with whom we had so zeaously acted
The honorable senator said that murdered Mr. Cal
houn--
Mr. RHETT. | did not say SO.
Mr. FOOTE The gentleman said, at any rate, that
hurried him to his grave. and he gave pathetic de-
scripton OF this gentleman's being driven TO his sick
chamber by agony OF mind caused by cruel and unjust
structures upon his public course and delivered what he
said upon tins delicate point IN such an affected and semi
dramatic manner 10 show to all who heard him that
he was merely eciting lesson which he had gotten by
heart before he came into this Hail. and expected in re-
peating il before so large audience to acquire
!Is character 4,s. as sort Of senatorial Roseius
Mr. FOOTE. Does the gentleman know that when an
attempt made in this chamber by person longer
member Of this body TO dshonor the character of Mr.
Calhoun, only lew days subsequent to his decease
rose in my place. and in few remarks not wholly de-
fcient in spirit undertook to defend the iustrious de-
ceased from what deemed most unjust and iIIberal
attack Does he know that my inieiposition in this
very affair involved me In most serious personal diff
Gully Win the true friends Of Mr. Calhoun unite
friend OF his would say it. | tread the unworthy i'm
puation scomiay and contemptuously under my feet
,nS before this M branch Fl the subject
ton, lei me urge my friend from South Carolina, Mr.
BurLERl il he has not yet read his work government
10 lose time in making himself acquainted with its
contents assure him, with all sincerity, that admire
il exceedingly II is marked with all that vigor and pro-
fundity Of thought by which its author dstn-
that the present age has produced cannot say that
entirely concur in all The heoretc notions strkngy
set forth in il, but should certainly feel unwilling say
anything in decided disprase Of its general merits upon
cursory examination as have had it in my power
to besow upon IT, The first portion OF the work have
been particularly struck with and though the second
part, which sort Of indirect defence Of his
particular course public man than scientific
dsquistion on government. is in my judgment repeie
yet so much disposed TO admire the portions of il
for which have already avowed preference that
shall venture TO lay before the Senate several extracts
therefrom, which Trust will prove not little instruct
i've to those Of who elernally railing out against
legislative compromises | am inclined TO hope that
after while shall be recognised as far more friendly
TO this great mans character, and decidedly less hostile
TO his memory, than some of those who known 10
have been babitnally envous OF him whilst living, and
eagerly ambitious las says) OF mounting into his
in this body before he had grown altogether tired OF
occupying il himself One thing is certain the honora-
Bile senator who has osenatiousy taken upon him
sell to defend this great man against assault that have
meditaed not understood, whilst Mr. Calhoun
was upon the public Stage to be quite much disposed
to sympathze with him, and 10 give him manly support
many others who deem u unbecomng to make spe-
cal parade OF their admiration and friendship for him
and ii generally understood that the gentleman to
whom am present responding altogether willing
when occasion served, his self esteem prompted
call in question the intellectual powers OF The great
Caronian and to suggest that he had been quite long
enough The occupancy OF high political station, and
ought to be more than willing TO give way TO younger
men OF capacity for action, and OF opinions better
suited 10 the noble age OF progress in which we 1--we and
act.
But for the extracts promised turn the early por
TONS of the volume where Mr. Calhoun has undertaken
TO draw distinction between what be calls absolute and
constitutional governments. Let us what he says OF
constitutional governments in connexion with eompro
miRs
constitutional COVE Inmcnis, OF whatever form, in
decd much similar each other in their structure
and character than they respectively TO the absolute
governments even Of their own class. All constitutional
governments OF whatever class they be- take the sense
OF the community by Its parts each through its appropriate
organ and regard the Of all its the sense OF
the whole They all the right Of suffrage and the
responsibility OF rulers, directly indirectly On the con
power in uncontrolled and irresponsible ndvld
ua body, whose will is regarded the oil the com
munty Aud hence the great aud broad distinction be-
tween that OF The one the lew, or the
many, but Of the constitutional and The absolute.
From this there results another Distinction whsb, al
though secondary IN its character strongly marks the
difference between these forms OF government refer TO
their respective conservative principle that Is the pm
cpe by which they upheld and preserved THIS pin
cipe constitutional governments comProHtH,
absolute governments - force will be planned
"t has been already shown that the constitution Of
which leads those who govern to Cypress the gov
efned, If prevented, will, with equal loce and
ainy lead the latter resist oppression when possessed
oil the OF doing peaceaby and successfully But
absolute OF all forms exclude all other
of esisapcs their authority than that OF orce and OF
leave other alternative TO the governed but TO
guiesce In OPPRESSION however great may be, TO
force dow the But the dread Of
such necessarily cad tho government pre-
10 meet force in order itself and hence OF
necessity force becomes the conservative principle oil all
such governments.
on the contrary the government of the concurrent
1orly, where the perfect, excludes
or order when there established classes oil
Proecng iue 10y It's negative, against all cacp-