The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-06-11

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ous vanity BY ~ lsvish expenditure II -
but pointless elequenee; II We only ka49n1
maintain our equality and dstsnd oss yeAts 81
The Permissible battery Of rounded p6ti6ds and
sounding resolutions, lst u at otoes without
advancing Apothsf step pronlaim 1hh h1Riiiatin9
fact In my epiai0n, enc dnGia ~ In Aueh
farce 10 quite enough. II u too costly N enter
tainmsnt for change Of scenes, or the int.oduc
ton Of intenudss. Let tbs drop curtain close
ut once over Us and our proceedings. Increased
taxation, to b. justified BY . remote eanaipgeney
we are afraid u tace, j., assure you, music to
which the people will not LONG Milnne3y dance.
The truth IL, tarn and twist Il ~ rs { ~. we
have reached that point 10 this cont5oyeIny when
we must choose one Of two alternstives; we
must either advance step forward, or take y
step backward. There il no posaibae middle
ground on which to stand. To doubt, 70 hest
tate to wayer at this stage Of The game, will in
evitably lead to disgrace and diaastes. For one.
] infinitely prefer that we give In our adhesion
now, than at some future period. Mortifyny
as it will be-, it will be far less ridiculous and
disgraceful than to keep up game Of gsscon.
AIDE and bluff, under the desperate idea that we
shall finally be rescued by the Interpolation of
some political lcgcsdswain, which may shield
our bodies, but which will leave us degraded in
our own eyes, and contemplate IN the eyes of
the world. ia1
Will declaration that in our opinion. past
aggression not only just lies, but demands, our
secession, defeat or postpone the formation ofa
Southern confederacy, which we all deaire. and
which our friends, i'll advisedly, "a think, make
condition precedent to any action whsteyer
on the part OF South Carolina! The idea {! at
we are to obtain a Southern confederacy bv
the deliberate, preconcerted, prearranQed CO.
operation OF any number of Southern States, is
TO my mind, most fatal dslusiop. Under ex-
listing circumstances, It il folly to expect it
madness TO hope it. care not what the ma
ture of the grievance, what the Outrage perpe-
trated, what the danger impending, it 10 contrary
to the nature of things, contrary to reason and
all experience, to calculate that the Southern
people, separated by State lines and distracted
by internal party divisions, will ever, voluntarily,
meet together, gravely discuss the question,
quietly arrange the terms, and unite on any
such scheme. No government ever was, or
ever will be, called into existence by any such
cooperation. Sir, if we are to have Southern
confederacy, and | have no doubt of it, it must.
it can only, be brought about by separate State
action. If secession is revolution, then the re-
volution mrst begin somewhere Eome one
must strike, the first blow Some one State
must throw the tea overheard. This done and
the rest must inevitably follow care to
look beyond field Of Lexington. Common
wrongs and common dangers must unite COM
mon sufferers, and lead to common sacrifices
and common efforts. And why shall not South
Carolina strike the blow? Is there any thing
in her past history to render her unworthy to
lead the forlorn hope in this or any cause in
which her honor and her rights are at stake
Does any one of her sisters doubt but that her
sons will prove themselves worthy descendants
of men who have enriched her soil with their
blood, and have illustrated every page Of her his
tory with undying examples of courage and
patriotism! Sir, it will not do to talk any
longer about prevailing prejndices, deep seated
Jealousy against South Carolina; and that any
attempt on her part to move, will drive others
off. Men who can be driven from duty, who
3 will desert their own cause, from any such
paltry considerations have not the spirit, and
never intend, to defend their rights. Ii our
cause Is to rest on co operation with such
materials, then the day of our delyerance will
never dawn. To hope for such cooperation is
submission, to lean on it is degradation. his
hue and cry about South Carolina, raised by
bought up political demagogues, can ony be
senced by direct appeal to practical issue.
My life OH it, when this issue is fairly made, Il Q
great mass Of the Southern people will be found
Mr.. President, do not feel called upon to di
cuss the question whether secession be mea-
sure of peace or of blood. It ia a matter about
which it is idle to speculate. Time alone can
solve the problem. AS measure of peace, our
Senator regards as its most alarming aspect
This to me is passing strange. He has said with
great confidence that he believes no man will be
found bold enough to advocate separate seces-
sion, if it leads only to separate national ex-
istence. For one, unhesitatingly declare, that
Infinitely prefer separate State existence to
a continuation in Union governed by heartess
fanatics and political scoundrels What, sir, is
to hinder our separate national existencel Has
not South Carolina within herself, ample re-
sources to maintain such an existence Have
we not intelligence enough to devise our own
form of government and virtue enough to sus-
tain and preserve it. South Carolina, pencea-
bly, out of the Union, left free to establish her
own commercial relations, and it is clear to my
/ mInd that she possesses within herself the
MEANS and can provide for herself the cheapest,
the mildest and the purest government that ever
encouraged the hopes or blessed the labor of
man. With me government is not matter of
geography. It's value does not depend on ex-
tent Of spree or amount Of population. To
command my respect and challenge my obedi-
cnce it must inspire confidence instead Of dis
trust it must bring repose, not agitation, it must
stimulate hope, not fear; above all, it must
afford security, that security which enables me
to feel that what have is my own, and that |
may quietly sit beneath my own vine and fig
tree, with none TO modest or disturb me.
Next it is conjectured that the government
will probably resort to quasi blockade, and that
under it's operation the commerce of Charleston
is to be destroyed. Well,the answer to this u that
blockade of any kind is coercion, forcibie de-
NAL OF the right Of State to wi hdraw from the
Union, and as such we must meet it. Now
admit that secession may ard will probably in
volve serious sacrifices, and that these will fall
most heavily on our cherished city. But shall
this deter us! Our fathers took counsel neither
of their fears nor their weakness. If we shrink
from the sacrifice now, will the future find ~
willing to incur it! regret that my friend has
reduced this great question Of liberty and right
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