The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-02-06

OF the Olher. Inc act OF Congress, then, LETT the
obligations Of the ancient treaties so far as France
was concerned, and so far as the United States
politically were concerned, just as 1t found them.
Seventhly. As last resort, the opponents Of
these claims assert than The release of the ancient
treaties mas calleSS because they had been abrogated
by mar bstyresa the trro nations
| waive the objection that these treaties were Of
such nature that they could not be abrogated
by war, and simply deny that any such war oc-
Cured.
If war did take place it must have begun in
some way and at some time, and have ended in
some other way and at some other time
Ii is quite certain that France never declared
war against the United States, and equally so
that the United States never declared war against
France. There were hostilties between them,
but hostilities are not always war. The statute
book of the United States shows the nature and
extent of these hostilities
We were not at war with France on the I4th
Of January, 1897 for on that day Congress de-
clared it misdemeanor for an American to en-
gage in prvateering against nations with whom
the United States were at peace, and we know
that France was then regarded as in that rela-
ton, because the United States afterwards au-
thorized prvateering against her in certain
We were not at war with France on the 2sth
Of May, 1893; for on that day Congress directed
that provisional army should be raised in the
event Of a declaration of war against the United
States or Of actual invasion Of their territory by
n foreign Power, or Of imminent danger Of such
invasion.
Nor were we at war with France on the 18th of
June, 1898; for on that day Congress suspended
commercial relations with France measure
quite unnecessary, if war had already broken up
that intercourse
Nor were we at war on the 25th of June, 1898;
f.. thot al Ann
vessels to oppose and resist searches restraints,
and seizures, by armed vessels of France. Such
opposition and resistance would have needed no
sanction if committed in open
We were not at war with France on the 2d day
of March, 1893; for on that day Congress su-
thorized the President to levy and organize addi.
tonsl regiments in case should break out be-
tween the United States and a foreign European
Power
We were not yet at war on the Goth Of Febru-
airy, 1900 for on that day Congress directed that
all further enlistments should be suspended, I'M
less during the recess of Congress and during
the erising differences (which existing differences
the sequel will show were not war; between the
United States and France, or imminent danger Of
invasion Of the territory of the United States by
that Republic, should in the opinion of the Prssi-
dent, be deemed to have arisen.
Finally, we were not at war on the 30th Of
September, 1900; for on that day the then exist
ing differences between France and the United
Ststes<ere sSyAstsS Ss u o3uyentis >s,neiudej
on the basis that although, in the opinion Of the
United States, the aggressions of France would
well have justified al immediate declaration of
war yet that they had nevertheless been DESTROYS Of
maintaining peace, and of leaving open the door Of
reconciliation with France, and had therefore
contented themselves with preparations for de-
fence and measures calculated to protect their
ommerce.n--IadructjonS TO American Ministers al
Paris, October %, 1893
Thus sir, it is shown that if war existed,
neither its beginning, its end, nor the way of
either, can ever be ascertained, and tbst tha
United States xssss Qsasandly ignorant of its ex
istence. II any man in France more than an
other, would have known the existence Of such a
war, that man was Napoleon Bonaparte Yet we
have seen that the music Of this {" soft and silken
war; never reached the ear Of the Great Captain
of France For, in speaking of the spoliations,
be described them 40 having been committed
4" in time Of peace" Ii was not thus with the
other enemies of France, while he was at liberty
within her borders, nor has it been so that the
countrymen 'of Washington, Of Taylor, and Of
Scott have conducted their campaigns in other
conflicts
Ii appears from this review that the treaties in
question had been recognised always by both par
cumstances of excuse and pallaton; and that they
were therefore in force when the United States
and France mutually agreed to extinguish them,
on the condition of release of the claims for in
IDENTITIES. or the value of that agreement it is
unnecessary to say more, than that without it the
United States might have been held by the an
cient treaty of alliance to have followed to some
extent the varying fortunes of France through
her wars during the Consulate and the Empire,
until she found repose, from complete exhaustion,
on the field Of Waterloo.
No reason for rejecting these claims remains
except that they have not been paid heretofore
But mere lapse Of time pays no debts, and dis.
charges no obligations There has been no re-
lease, no waiver, no neglect no delay, by the
creditors They have been here twenty-five
times in fifty years that is to say, they have
appeared in their successive generations, before
every Congress since their claims against the
United States accrued Against such claims and
such creditors there is no prescription.
Ii is said, indeed that the nation is unable to
pay these claims now. | put single question in
reply; When will the nation be more aflluent
than noY2
The Senator, Mr.. HUNTER says, again that,
if the debts are Just, we should pay the whole,
'and not a moiety; if the claims are unjust, then
the bill proposes a gratuity-that in the one case
the appropriation ia too small, and in the other too
great. This is the plea Of him who, think it
was in Ephcsus, dcspoied the statue of Jupiter of
its golden robe, saying Gold was too warm in
summer, and too cold in winter, for the shoulders
of the God
Sir, Commerce is one Of the great occupa-
tons of this nation 1t is the fountain of its rev.
enues rs it is the chief agent Of it's advancement
in civilization and enlargement Of Empire. IL is
exclusively the of the Federal authorities 10
is for the protection Of Commerce that they pass
laws make treaties, build Notifications, and main
tain navies upon all the seas But justice and
good faith are defences than treaties, forth
6cations or naval ornaments. Justice and good
faith constitute true national honor, which feels
stain more keenly than wound. The nation
that lives in wealth and in the enjoyment of pow
er, and yet under unpaid obligations, lives in dis
honor and in danger The nation that would be
truly great, or even merely safe, must practice
an austere aud sef-denying morality.
The faith of cinonized ancestors, whose fame
now belongs to mankind is pledged to the pay
ment Of these debts. LET the merchants send
hither authenticated evidence Of their claims,
and proper measures shall be taken for their re.
hefo This was the promise of Washington. The
evidence is here Let us redeem the sacred and
venerable engagement We have inherited with
it ample and abundant resources, through his sa-
gacity and virtue, and to them we ourselves have
added the newly discovered wealth of Southern
plains, and the hidden treasures Of the Western
coasts. With the opening of the half century,
we are entering upon new and profitable inter-
course with the ancient Oriental States and races,
while we are graphing more closely to us the
new States on our own Continent Let us signalze
an epoch so important in commerce and politics
by justly dscharsng ourselves forever from the
yet remaining obligations of the first and most
sacred Of our national engagements While we
are growing over all lands, let US be vigorously
just to other nations just to the several States,
and just TO every class and to every citizen in
short, just in all our administration, ard Just
towards all mankind. So shall Prosperity crown
all our enterprises nor shall any disturbance