Martinsburg gazette. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1833-1855, 1851-09-16
To the Ediior OF the Gazette.


dissolution Of this Union and ofquessions relating
to its power to perpetuate ITSELF must necessarily
under any circumstances be attended with I'M
happy consequences The enlightened lover Of
his country knows, that these are subjects Of the
most delicate charaeter-that the worth Of the
Union is diminished BY calculations OF its value
and its pcrmanency haxardcd by disputes as toits
powers of sclf-preservation. submit that the oc-
casion the Congressional canvass in this district
calls for no such estimates and no such enquiry.
That full exposition Of the subject would as
certain, that State cannot at will sever its con-
nexion with the Union--anl that the General Gov
ernment Of necessity possesses the power to pre-
vent such severance--are propositions which
not, doubtless, be successfully questioned-while,
at the same time, all will admit that in case Of
oppressive or unconstitutional action By The Gem
eral Government. working mischief that finds no
remedy under the national authority, there exists
in this. as in all Governments, the ultimats right
of Reyolution-whether peaceable or violent
whether in the shape of resistance or secession
in which case the State, alone, must be the judge
of the necessity for separation.
5cNCti. uontftFs Is tue NltNl importance pl tue
Union to all its parts, in peace or war--such the
conciliating spirit which the parental Government
would most probably manifest to appease rebel
lous State-such the effect upon il Of the consin
ued collection Of the Revenues which would be
derived from its Commensurate its dread Of the
National power to subdue its contumacy-that The
causes must be very serious and aggravated, that
a III
ration
Ifthere were jnstifable causes for secession
tueh would inevitably be the general public scnti-
mcnt of The whole Coun:ry-~such the moral force
Of the complaints of M outraged and oppressed
State--ihat il would be idle to hazard fears ofany
attempt on the part Of the General Government to
compel her TO submission IT. however, there
we're no grievances to justify State in assuming
70 secedeas, manifestly, there DO not exist at
the present time, in'thc case Of South Carolina
yet while all efforts, all Cancellation, falling. il
might be true policy to exercise the power Of the
Government TO prevent its separation from the
Union, it might, the other hand, be found best
to take no hostle actionagainst such State. With
out recognizing It's right to seeede, the Govern
toiiSSt wv t&cN0A1SAAth
the Commerce going into its ports--merely not
compelling it to main;ain in other respects is
Federal relations Ismigh he found expedient TO
take this lenent course--bceause Il resort to war
like measures might lead to an Involvement Of OH
er States whose sympathies--especialiy upon sub
jeets such as that Of slavery in which thsy have
common intercst--with people honest. though en-
ring and rash--might prompt them to an alliance
nresistance, which would be fatal to the general
safety, unity and harmony ofthc Country. Blood
once shed--the penalty Of Treason once inflicted
under such circumstances as surround u.s.
what would stay the desolating march OF discord
and war?
Is il not manifest, that. as to the expelency o.
the exercise Of &e power to prevent secession, the
exigeney ofthe occasion must determine itl White
it may not be said that force should not DO resort
cd to in any case is it not yet, equally unwsa 10
pronounce in advance of the OCCASION that il should
be employed if necessary as in The threatened
secession of South Carolina Would ID not be
equally hazardous TO tie perpetuity and general
security ofthe Unicn TO deny The power to employ
force or, admitting it, 10 determine upon its cxer-
else even in the last resort before the hour arri-
we'd The action of Virginia, for example, in the
last few years, exhibits the consequences Of basty
and incorporate resolves. BY the Resolutions Of
its Legislature in 4s-l9, the State was committed
10 resisanes- aspect of Seeession .grim-ssaged1
and whose wrinkled front would not be speedily
smoothed by the language of conciliation---to re-
sisance +at I'll hazards and 70 the last extremity
lin the event of no less than three contingencies
-,-thc adoption Of the Wilmot Proviso, the aboli-
tion of Slavery or the Slave trade in the District
ofColumbia. Neither Of these, BY the way, could
properly be said to be olpressipe tosouthern States,
and the better intelligence Of the country, South
as well North, did not deem them demonstrations
al. The doctrine of indepenpent State action was
here announced, not merely in the abstract, but
upon numerous contingencies, such as, with the
ease might be supposed TO justify it in other
cases---such cannot be said materially to fall
short of the absolute recognition Of the right of
State to determine when it may rightfuliy seccde
One of the contingencies actually occurred..-the
abolition of the slaye-trade in the District land
yet Virginia has not seeded. Such was not the
sentiment of her people She abaudonad her
purpose of rebellion and, by the subsequent ac-
ton of the same authority that passed that Reso-
luton, she condemned South Carolina for propo-
sing to do that which she hersefhad counsellsd in
the most positive and emphatic terms. Surely we
] may with this example before us, well allow to
those, who may have hastily committed themselves
to wrong opinion, to madify their sentiments if
need be- upon more mature reflection, when the
) time for action arrives
Is it necessary, therefore, to discuss now, cues
tions to the power to arrest secession or the
pedieney Of using that power---especially when
South Carolina has not yet seeded, and when the
public mind has not really become satisfied Of the
certainty or probability, even, that it will take
that course ultimately
What good comes Of this disputation2 Does it
not tend---this eternal denunciation of South Car
oinians indiscriminately--c citizens of the Uaion
, ~. r. a. -