The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-11-20
VOL. ".

Who is to take the lead and do ito Tho LII
of men is described in our last resoluton-
some dauntless, progressive and untripc
Democrat"
The resolutions Of the Tammany Hall meet.
ing, and these extracts, contain Kindred sent
ments. They all assume that the policy Of
neutrality, recommended by General Washing.
ton, and adhered to uniformly by our Govern.
ment since its organization, ought now to he
abandoned, and new policy be "inaucu-
rated, the principle of which may be STYLED
Republican Propogandism, by force of arms
We got through the first war of independ-
ence says Mr.. Cory, by foreign helm
alone" Since then, Ireland, France, and Ger.
many have been continually sending over emf
grants until we are now enabled. "by tho
strength of numbers from abroad, rallymg to
the republican standard, 10 commence the second
,car Of independence for ourselves and man.
kind This means that the United States are
to indugurdte the new policy, either by waiting
for the action of revolutionsts in Europe and
then entering into an armed alliance with
them or by declaration at once of war
against the crowned heads of Russia Prussia
Austria. and England sending an armament
into the Mediterranean, with view of mar
shalling and leading on the Masses of Europe
for the destruction of their tyrants. This is
the new policy proposed by Mr. Cory and the
Tammany Hall meeting.
The Southern Press copies Mr. Corry's
speech, pronounces it perfect" as an expo
sition of the views and opinions of true re-
publican" but insinuates disclaimer, in be-
half of the orator, of any intention to advocate
warlike policy. 1--WE would not" it says,
"nor would Mr.. Cory, involve the country
needlessly in war" No; Mr. Cory would not
counsel needless war the warlike policy he
does counsel, he holds to be high duty and a
stern necessity
Tho W@shi"ct"'> IT, et-e, -c7r,t'';1r-- ~
,speech. with Mandatory remarks and is no less
anxious 70 faf-1 \ tsttsy
which he really courts when he speaks"
says the Union, of being in favor of giving
the largest liberty to people of all colors it
would be as reasonable TO infer that he meant
to recognise the doctrine of the Abolitionists
as it would be to infer from the enthusiastic
terms in which Mr.. Cory anticipates the in
creased power of the United States in aiding
the cause of the oppressed in the Old World
that he meant to sanction such expeditions as
those of Lopez against the peace of Europe
Not at all. Such expeditions would be rather
an unimpressive Inauguration" of the new
policy. He would have the United States, as u
Confederation of many races send forth an ex-
petition which should strike terror to the
heart of European Despotism.
We have been at pains to exhibit in its true
light this new policy of Propagandism for
nothing is more true than that many of our
countrymen have embraced it without clearly
understanding its bearings or consequences and
that their number will probably increase rs
the Union shall grow in wealth and popula-
ton. In twenty years more we shall number
forty millions of souls and is it to be expect
ed that so vast a population, animated by the
spirit of republicanism secure against danger
conscious of their strength, will be as indfer
ent or inactive spectators of the struggles of
the millions Of the Old World for Liberty, as
the thran millions of people WERE who, after
the organization Of their Government, con-
tinued for many years weak disunted, muh-
ally dstrustful, without ample resources and
exposed constantly to the attacks of formda
BILE enemies!
armed Intervention an behalf of Republican
asm IN Europe. is the policy proposed by Mr.
Cory, and silently sanctioned by portion of
the American People. Need we say that it is
the exact opposite OF the policy recommended
by General Washington, and hitherto main
tanned by our Government?
"Ihe great rule of conduct for us" said
washington, gin regard to foreign nations is,
IN extending our commercial relations, to have
with them as little political connection as pos
slble. SO far rs we have already formed en-
gagements let them be fulfilled with perfect
good faith Here let us stop
Europe has a set of primary interests,
which to us have none very remote rea-
tons Hence she must be engaged in frequent
controversies the causes of which are essen
tally foreign to our concerns. Hence, there
fore, it must be unwise in US to implcate our
selves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissi-
tons and collisions of her friendships or enmi-
ties
"Our detached and distant situation invites
and enables us to pursue different course
If we remain one people, under an efficient
Government the period is not far off when
we may defy material injury from external
annoyance when we may take such an att-
tude rs will cause the neutrality we may at
any time resolve upon to be scrupulously re-
spccted; when bellgerent nations, under the
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us,
VIII not lightly hazard the giving US proyoca-
ton when we may choose peace or war, AS
our Interest, guided by justice, shall counsel
Why forcgo the advantages Of so peculiar
position Why quit our own, to stand upon
foreign ground Why by Intervening our
destiny with that of any part of Europe, en-
tangle our peace and prosperity in the tolls of
European ambition rivalshir, interest humor,
or caprice
We quote this, not to prove that the policy
recommended is right but to show its antago-
nism to that proposed by the Tammany Hall
The general grounds ON which Washington
recommended neutrality were, that Europe
had set of primary interests, which to MS
had "none or very remote relation, that
she must have frequent controversies the
causes of which were = essentially foreign to our
concerns" Why, then, he asked should we
" lmplicate ourselves by artificial ties in the or
binary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordi-
nary combinations and collisions of her friend
ships or enmities ~
This representation of European affairs,
correct when it was made, IL not applicable