Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1851-04-03

Colpmbia of the slave trade between domestic
norris. under the flag of the Union in the face
of t6e slave power still dominant over The Gov
eminent of the country, we are told that the
slavery question is settled. Yes: settled-set-
tled~Jhat is the word. Nothing. SIR, can be set
led mhict is not right. Sensation. Nothing
con he settled, which is adverse to freedom
Mailing can be settled, which is contrary to
tho nrecepts of christianity. God, nature, ind
ali the holy sentiments of the heart, repudiate
onv snch false seeming settlement.
Amidst the shifts and changes of party our
duties remain, pointing the way TO action. By
no snblle compromise Or adlustment can men
snsnend the commands of God. By no trick of
managers, no hocus pocus of politicians, no
{ mush of concession can we be released from
this obedience. 1t is, then, in the light of our
dnties. that we are to find true peace, at once
for our country, and ourselves. Nor can any
settlement promise peace, which is not in har-
monv with those divine principles from which
our duties spring.
IN unfolding these | shall be brief. Slavery
is wrong. 1t is the source of u|nnumbcred woes
mt the least of which is its influence on the
Shareholder himself, in rendering him lnsensible
TO its outrage II overiows with injustice and
inhimanity. Language tolls in vain to picture
the wretchedness and wickedness which it sane
tions and perpetuates. Reason revolts at the
impious assumption that man can hold property
in man. Applause. AS it is our perpetual
dutv TO oppose wrong, so must we oppose Slav-
ery: nor can we ever relax in this opposition so
lo1rr as the giant evil continues any where with
IN the sphere of our influence. Especially must
noe oppoSe ii aOhereUer zoe are responsible for its er-
tisiencs, or are IN any ,Oay parties to IN.
And now mark the distinction. The testimo-
ny%fdch we bear against Slavery, as against all
other wrongs, is in different ways, according TO
ourlposition. The Slavery which exists under
other governments-as in Russia or Turkey or
in other States of our Union-as in Virginia or
Carolna-we can oppose only through the in
Auence of morals and religion, without in any
way invoking the Political power. Nor do we
propose to act otherwise. But Slavery, wherev-
err we are responsible for it, wherever we are par
ties TO it, must be opposed, not only by all the
Influences of morals and religion, but directly
bv every instrument ofPolitical Power. Rounds
Of Appiause.l AS it is sustained by law, it can
onlv he oyerthrown; by law and the Legislature
in which he has lodged the jurisdiction over it,
must be moved to undertake the work. | am
sorry to confess that this can be done only
through the machinery of politics. The politi-
clan, then, must be summoned. The moralist,
the philanthropist, must become for this purpose
a politician not forgetting his morals or his
philanthropy, but seeking to apply them practi-
cally in the the laws of the land.
It is a mistake to say, as is often charged, that
we seek to interfere, through Congress, with
Slavery in the States, or in any way to direct
the legislation of Congress. upon subjects not
within its Jurisdiction. Our political aims, as
well as our political duties, are co-extensive
with our political responsibilities. And since we
at the North are responsible for Slavery, where
ever it exists under the jurisdiction Of Congress.
il is objectionable in us not to exert every pow
or we possess in order to enlist Congress against
it.
Looking at details:-
We demand, first and foremost, the instant
Repeal of the odious Fugitive Slave Bill.
CHEERS.
We demand the Abolition of Slavery in the
District of Columbia. [Cheers.
We demand the exercise by Congress, in al
Territories, of its time honored power to pro
hibit Slavery. CHEERS.
We demand of Congress to refuse to receive
into the Union, any new Slave State. tCheer;
repeated
We demand the Abolition of the domestic
slave-trade but particularly Oh the high seas
under the National Flag,
And, generally, VIC demand from the Fedora
Government the exercise Of its constitutions
power to relieve itself from responsibility tol
SSr&ery.
And yet one thing further must be done. The
Oh - H. o-n.E,,rnol 80 chat fhp
Federal Government may be put openly, active
ly, and perpetualIy on the side Of Freedom
Prolonged applause
In demanding the overthrow of the slave
power, We but seek TO exclude from the opera
tons of the Federal Government a political in.
~fuence-havlng its origin IN slavery-which has
been more potent, sinister, and mischievous
than any other in our history. This power
though unknown to the Constitution, and eX.
listing in defiance of its true spirit, now predomi.
mates over Congress, gives the tone to its pro-
c~eedings, seeks to control all our public affairs
and humbles both the great political parties tC
its will. 1t is that combination of slave-mas-
tiers, whose bond of union is a common interest
in slavery. Time would fail me in exposing the
extent 10 which its influence has been felt-thC
undue share of offices which it has enjoyed
and the succession of its evil deeds. Suffice it
to say, that, for a long period, the real principle
OF this Union was not observed by the free
States. In the game Of Office and legislation
the South has always won. 1t has played witt
loaded dice-loaded with slavery. Laughter.
Like the Automaton Chess-player, it has neveI
failed to be conqueror. Let the free States make
a move on the board, and the South has said
I" Check" Hear hear Let them strive fol
Free Trade, as they did once, and the cry has
been "Check." Let them jump towards Pro
lection, and it is again Check" Let then
move towards Internal Improvements, and the
cry is still "Check." Whether forwards Of
backwards, to the right Or left, wherever they
moved, the Free States have been pursued by ar
memorable "Check." But the secret is now
discovered. Amidst the well-arranged machin
cry, which seemed to give motion to the victo.
nous chess player there was concealed a motive
force, which has not been estimated-the Slave
Power. 1t is the Slave Power, which has beer
the perpetual victor, saying always Check" tt
the Free States. AS this influence is now dis
closed, it only remains that it should be openly
encountered in the field of politics. A voice
=" that Is the true way."]
Such is our cause. 1t is not sectional for i
simply aims to establish under the Federal Gov
eminent the great principles o %justice and hui
manity, which are as broad and as universe
as man. 1t is not aggressive, for it does no
seek III any way to interfere, through Congress
with slavery in the States. 1t is not contrary tC
the Constitution for it recognizes this instru
ment, inyokes the spirit Of its founders. 1t is
not hostile to the quiet of the country for i
proposes the only course by which agitation car
be aIIayed, and quiet be permanently establish
ed. And yet the attempt is made to suppress
this cause, and to stitle its discussion.
Vain and wretched attempt! The important
SUBJECT Ia band of music in the street here
interrupted the speaker am willing to stoE
tor one moment, if the audience will allow me
that they may enjoy that music; [Severa
voices-"Go on! 60 on " Another voice
ave have better music here" After a pause
the orator commenced, Fellow citizens, | was
saying that it is proposed to suppress this cause
and to stltle this disunion. But this can not be
done. That subject, which, more than all othel
subjects needs careful, conscientious and kline