Southern standard. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1851-1856, 1851-08-30
Report and Resolutions which we're unani-
mausly adopted By the Convention Of the
people CT aisSiSsipri, held at Jackson, the
first Monday In 0Gt0Ser, 1879.
REPORT.

We the delegates to convention, called BY the
people of the State of Mississippi, to deliberate on
the means to prevent the uniounded pretensions
that Congress has power to egisate on the sub
lcct OF domestic slavery, and to prohibit its intro
ducion and existence in the territories of the Uni
ted States, have duly considered the important
subject committed to charge, and make the
following report, expressive Of the voice of
Mississippi
II is boldly asserted, that Congress possesses
an unlimited power of legislation over all the ter
ritorieS belonging in common to the people of
these United States-that it, consequently, has
power to prohibit slavery in these erritoriesthat
the exercise of such power is expedent and neces-
sary, nasmuch slavery is an evil which must
be eradicated from the land With a few patriot
&c and honored exceptions, the people of the North
ern States seem determined to adopt the Wilmot
proviso, or the principle it contains. Every sue
ceeding year brings forth new expedents for the
accomplishment of this object. The press, the
pulpit, and the ballot box, have all become tribu
tary to this fanatica hostility to the South. 1t is
vain to hope for abandonment of this settled
design. Submission to our wrongs, provokes per-
severance the part of the aggressors; and 1T IS
wise in States, it individuals to resist en-
croachment. Unfortunately, we have been but
too passive under former encroachments. Our OPP
ponents exult in the passage of the Oregon Bill,
a full acknowledgements of the principle, ana
this unfortunate controversy there are but two al
ternatives-the one is submission, the other IS re-
sistance. To the one we cannot-we will not con
sent; the other, are reluctant to adopt -,
In the name of cur constituents, we Sofemnly
deny the existence of the power claimed, ana pro-
test against its exercise. We assert that II VIII
violate the Constitution and will lead to dlssolu-
ton of the Union. -
We have not met to discuss the question of pow
Tbavb ay
re-arcued. in and out of Congress, by our states
men and by our people. We have reasoned and
demonstrated in terms of Cancellation with our
Northern brethren, until forbearance has ceased to
be virtue We have warned them of the cOnse-
quences of perseverance. They have disregard
ed our demonstrates, and our warnings; they
have disregarded the most solemn compromises,
in which yielded too much. They have re-
fused to submit to judicial determination, prefer
ing to decide by the force of numbers There is
no common arblter; and we, too, must decide for
ourselves That decision is made. We take our
stand on the plain principles of the Constitution,
and intend to maintain it, or sink in the effort.
We assert that Congress has no power over the
subject of slavery, within the States or in the ter
ritories. That these States by the revolution; by
the declaration of independence and by the treaty
OF peace, became separate and independent soyer-
eighties, with all the political power of separate
and distinct nations; that they still so, except
so far as they may have expressly delegated part
OF their power to the general government; that
they have not delegated their sovereignty the fed
cTal government is not sovereignty but limit
cd fedcrative system, possessing only such pow
crs as have been expressly granted to it by the
constitution, with such implied powers as may be
indispensably necessary incidents to the express
grant 1t follows that it can egisate only on the
subjects confded to it; and, on them, only in strict
To IF no
ton. As power is constantly tending to the legs-
latlve department it is inexpedient that Congress
should encroach on the liberties of the people and
the sovereignty of the States by exercising doubt
full powers
We maintain that the system of slavery was re-
cognzed by the eonstitution-slaves were recog-
nizcd as property, the full enjoyment of which
was guarded and protected; guaranteed by thai
compact; that Congress has no power over sucf
property; the right Of property preceded the con
stitution-it is co-eval with the history of man, i
exists by paramount law of nature; it is the sub
ject of control by State Sovereignty only. Th
Union never would have been formed, without thu
fall and entire recognition OF slavery and proper
ty in slaves, and the guaranty to the owner which
is contained in the constitution.
We assert that the territories acquired by thc
late war with Mexico, are the common property o
the United States; that the people of the State
with them their property, their religion and thei
liberty. Congress did not create property il
slaves, nor CAN'T say they shall cease be proper
II. To abolish slavery in the territories, it is t.
diminish their value, and limit their usefulness Il
the States. 1t is appropriating the whole of tn
territory to the use of one portion of the people
the United States, to the exclusion of another
The power of Congress to legislate for the terri
tories is power to protect the citizen and his prop
erty, not to declare what is property: Therefore
LIST. ReSotged, That we continue to entertain
devoted and cherished attachment the Union
buteye desire to have it as it was formed, and nc
as an engine of oppression.
q. That the institution of slavery in the south
ern States is left, by the constitution, exclusyel
under the control of the States in which it exist,
part Of their domestic policy, whiehthey an
they only. have the right to regulate, abolish q
perpetuate, as they may seyerally Judge exped
cnt: and that all attempts, the part of Congress
others, TO interfere with this subject either d
rectly or indirectly are in violation of the Cor
stitution, dangerous TO the rights and safety of til
South. and oughtto be promptly resisted.
3. That Congress has 10 power to pass any La
abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia G
to prohibit the slave trade between the sever;
States, or to prohibit the Introduction of SLAYER
into the territories of the United States; and thu
the passage by Congress of any such law, worl
not only be dangerous violation of the constitu
ton, but would afford evidence of fixed and de
liberate design, the part of that body to inter
fere with the institution of slavery in-the States
4. That we would regard the passage, by Con
gress, of the ssWimot Proviso, II (which would
in effect deprive the citizens of the slave holdin
States of an equal participation in the territorie