The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-12-19

4
expected. did denounce persons who as |
am prepared TO prove by their speeches, at
tempted, without any aggression on the part Of
the general government, TO incite the people of
South Carolina 20 AN immediate attack upon the
government. These are the men that | de-
/ nounced, and ! am responsible here and else
where, for the strongest language in decria of
them, | shall always deory them.
! Mr. BUTLER. Ii had not been interrupted
! should have gone on and stated perhaps, what
the gentleman could not have taken exception
to, so far as | am concerned. | have not said
anything In personal point Of view, but | must
do my duty to others.
MIR. FOOTE. If the gentlemen chooses to
defend such men, he can do IT,.
Mr.. BUTLER. South Carolina, in her FIRST
resolutions OF lS4S, proposed nothing bat co.
operation with the other States. In l849, in
the midest terms, she proposed the same thing
In 1900 say il upon my responsibility in this
cham er--she called he convention in refer
ence TO course projected and minated by the
State Of Mississippi ! cannot be mistaken in
that. Is ii just that any reproacb should attach
to her from representative of Mississippi!
! There are many things well ca culated to ag
gravate the popular excitement aud Indignation
at the course OF the general government
Whilst the people were celebrating on their
condition, and the course the State should pur
sue, the administration showed both want of
wisdom and decency For what purpose some
troops were sent to the fort in Charleston is not
distinctly understood. The effect was to arm
all parties with determi nation to resent the
insulting demonstration and il was difficult
for the public men 10 restrain excitement and
control consequences. That movement has
left an abiding impression on the public mind
There was not the slightest occasion for troops,
and If one drop of blood had been shed, there
would have been civil war that would have
put the questions now in debate under the arbi.
tratment of the sword. The gentleman might
have found it difficult task to have found
enough constables to hang the traitors He
would have been consumed in his own State it
he had made a demonstration against South
Carolina The issue would have been far above
party strife or rhetorical display.
cannot go further into this subject, except
to express my opinion that injustice has been
done to those of South Carolina who have at
tempted to conform to the suggestions of Mis-
slssippi; not altogether under the counsels of
the honorable senator, but yielding very much
to influence which his counsels and those of
others had. Therefore think such an allusion
as he made was entirely unnecessary
Mr.. FOOFE, Of Mississippi. will not now
ask the gentleman to allow me to explain, be.
cause have interrupted him so often Yet, If
it would make no difference to him, would 90
on now to explain the attitude of the State of
! Mississippi
Mr.. BUTLER The gentleman is at liberty
to proceed
Mr.. FOOTE will explain more fully here
after. wish now simply to protest against
what the gentleman has said in regard to the
| n and att Ind Of ba az M;,a;.
II is true | signed the Southern Address; and
now appro Q every word contained therein 1t
Is true did forward letter from Mr.. Calhoun
to my own State which prop osed the holding of
the Nashville convention, and which marked out
to some extent the then expected modas operandi
OF that body. 1t is true, also, as have hereto
fore asserted, that not single word is contained
| IN that Southern Address, or in Mr.. Cahoun's
! letter, which recommends secession or intimates
! that there should be any amendment to the Con-
! stitution. The State of Mississippi was willing
to meet In proper manner and a truly patriotic
spirit the citizens of the rest Of the slaveholding
States of the Union in the Nashville convention,
| for the purpose Of frdterDal consultation, in re.
| gard to the means most proper To- be adopted for
| guarding against certain dangers with which we
were then menaced--one Of which was the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia |;
another of which was the attempt to impose the
Wilmot Provso | will not re,era,e all the
measures with which we had been then msnaced
for some years, and to which the Southern Ad-
dress, in the most solemn manner, called the at.
tention of the South; to guard against which
the Stale of Mississippi, under advice received
from South Carolina through me, in the manner
have described, was willing to send delegates
to a Southern convention. will add, though,
that it was doubtless one Of our objects in this
movement, to secure our long withheld right to
an efficient congressional enactment providing
for the recapture and restoration Of fugtives
from service. But T terate, that we did not
commit ourselves TO secession, nor did we insist
on amending the federal Constitution.
] will say further to the honorable gentleman,
that the State or Mississippi, as she was justi
fed in doing, came to the conclusion, gravely
and deliberatey-and believe all dispassionate
men will admit that she acted wisely in coming
to that conclusion--that the plan of compromise
eiiectually guarded against every single danger
with which the South had been nntecedenly
menaced, and secured TO her the fugitive slave
law, to which she was entitled by the Constitu-
ton, in addition, together with certain other in
cdental advantages some of which endeavored
to point ont the other day. Now If, in the opin-
ion of the State of Mississippi, the compromise
lhs Optfhieu III manner so compensatory
! beneficial, how can it be contended that the
State Of South Carolina, when sht undertook,
without ust reason TO manifest dissatisfaction
with the acts of adjustment, and proposed
Southern Congress for the purpc Sc Of arraying
the Southern States against them, was let into
that attitude by the State of Mississippi?
have heard that said before, and have denied it,
Had the wise monitons the parent convention
of Mississippi been adopted by the Nashville con-
vention, the South would have had no further
trouble. believe this advice would have been
adopted and acted upon, but for certain intrigu
ing politicians, who attempted, in my opinion
in bad faith-of which shall give the proofs
hereafter--to WELD the machinery of the ma.
tional convention, gotten up for very different
purposes, for the overthrow Of the Union;
very ingenious plan having been ado, ted, under
the advice of certain persons who have openly
avowed themselves subsequently to have been
secret disunionists in heart and design at that
time, in demanding terms Of settlement 40 ex
travagant and unreasonable as to make all hope
ofther ultimate adoption utterly absurd