The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-05-31
TeIegraphic.


|
young men, TO the platform which had been
erected in the courtyard of Congress Hall,
and, having seated himself, cheers long and
loud were given by the assembled multitude.
The Hon. j. c. Saepcer, standing on the pi-
azza Of the hotel bdiately behind the stag
ing erected for tho Speaker, announced that,
at the request of the inhabitants Of this city, the
Hon. Daniel Webster had consented to address
us on the present condition of the country and
public affairs. He knew he would receive
patient and cheerful attention. This announce
ment was received with renewed cheering.
Mr.. Webster then rose and said
FELLOW Citizens: ] owe the honor of this occa-
sion, and esteem it an uncommon and extraordi-
nary honor to the young men Of city OF Albany,
and it is my first duty TO express TO these young
men of the city Of Albany my grateful thanks for
the respect they have manifested towards me; new
ertheless. young men of Albany. do not mistake
you. or your object, or your purpose. am proud
to take TO myself whatever may properly belong to
me token Of personal and political regard from
you to me. But know, young men OF Albany, it
is not !, but tho cause II ia not ], but your own
generous attachments to your country. II is notI
but the Constitution OF the Union, which has bound
your ancestors and mine, and all Of us, for more
than half century.
II is this cause that has brought you here to-day
to testify your regard towards who. to the best
OF his humble ability, has sustained that cause be-
fore the country. [Cheers.l
Go on, young men OF Albany. Go on, young
men Of the United States. Early mind ia the chief
prop and support, the reliance and hope for the
preservation Of public liberty and the institutions
Of the country. Early mind il ingenious, gene
rous, just; il looks forward to long life of honor
dishonor; and it mears, by the blessings Of God,
that il shall be life of honor, Of usefulness, and
success in all the professions and pursuits Of life,
and that it shall close when closed it must be- with
some claim to the gratitude of the country Go
on, then; uphold the institutions to which you
were born.
You are manly, fearless, bold; you fear nothing
but to do wrong-dread nothing but TO be found
recreant to patriotism and to your country.
Gentlemen, certainly had no expectation Of APP
pearing in such an as,emblage as this to day 1t
is not probable for much time to come-a long
time to csme-I may again address any large as
| semblage of my fellow citizens. If should not,
and if this were the last or to be among the last
of all the occasions in which am to appear before
any large number of the people of the country,
shall not regret that that appearance was here.
find myself in the political capital-in the
greatest, most commercial, most powerful State OF
the Union.
find myself invited here by persons of the high
est respectablity, without distinction of party.
consider the occasion as somewhat august know
that among those that now listen to me there are
such are of tho wisest, the best, the most pa
triotic, and the most experienced public and pri-
vate men in the State Of New York. Here are gov
ernors ind ex-governors; here judges and ex-
Judges, OF high character and high station; and
here present from all the walks of professional
and private life, distinguished for talent. and vr-
tue, and cminencc. Fellow citizens, before such
an assemblage, and on such an invitation, feel
bound to guard every sentiment and every express
sion-to speak with precision such sentiments as
advance, and to he CAREFUL in all hatI say, that
may not be misapprehended nor misrepresented.
am requested, fellow ctizens, by those who in
vted me hither, without distinction of party, to
signify my sentiments the state of public affairs
in this country, and the interests in question which
are before US. This proves, gentlemen, that, in
a., nf oA harn
are questions sometimes arising which range
above all party, and all the Influences, and
considerations, and interests of party. 1t proves
more 1t proves that in their judgment. at
whose request now stand before you, this Ia
time in which public affairs do rise in import
ance above the range of party, and draw to
them an interest paramount to all the other party
considerations If that be not 80, am here with
out object, and you listening to me for no pur
pose whatever. Then, gentlemen, what is the
condition Of public affairs which makes it neees-
Isary--propcr for men 70 meet and confer together
on the state of the country? What are the ques-
tons which overriding, subduing, and over
whelming party-unite honest, well meaning per-
to lay party asidc, to meet and confer for the
general public veal? l shall of course, fellow
citizens, not enter at length into many OF such
questions nor into any heightened discussion OF the
state Of public affairs, but shall endeavor to state
what that condition is, what those questions are
and to pronounce conscientious judgmentof my
own upon the whole. The last Congress, fellow
citizens, passed laws called adjustment measures,
or settlement mcasures-laws intended to put
end to certain internal and domestic controversies
which existed in the country. The laws were
passed by the constitutional majority of both
houses Of Congress-. They received the constitu-
tional appreciation of the President. They the
lawsof the land. To some, or all of them indeed,
to all of themat that time, there existed warm and
Violent opposition; none Of them passed without
opposition.
ritores of New Mexico and Utah, but not without
Il Il M. LII
to be settled by compromise by that State, but not
without determined and violent opposition These
laws all passed, and as they have now become,
from the nature Of the case, irrepealabe, it ia not
necessary that should detain you with discussing
the merits and demerits. Nevertheless, gentle
men, desire on this and on all public occasions, in
the most emphatic and clear manner, to declare
that hold some of those laws, and especially that
which provided for the adjustment of the contro-
versy Of Texas to have been essentially to the pre-
servation of the public peace. will not now ar
que that point, nor lay before you the circum
stances which existed at that time at any length
the peculiar situation of things in 80 many OF the
southern States-or the fact that many of those
States had adopted measures for separation OF the
Union-the fact that Texas was preparing to assert
her rights to territory which New Mexico thought
was hers of right, and that hundreds and thou
sands of men, tired of the ordinary pursuits
of private life, ready to rise and unite
in any enterprise that might open to them,
at the risk of direct conflict with the autho-
~
going into the argument with any details, that in
March, of 1850, when foundi it my duty to address
Congress on these important topics, 1t was my con-
scieDtious belef-still unshaken, even since con
frmed-that ifthe controversy with Texas had not
been amicably adjusted there must have been civil
war and civil bloodshcd; and in the contemplation
of such prospect it not farthing's conse-
qucnce to me which standard victory should
perch.
In such contest We took it for granted that no
opposition could arise to the authority Of the United
States that would not DO suppressed. But what of
that did not care for the military consequences
of things; looked to the civil and political state
Of things, and inquired what would be the cond-
ton of the country if, in this agitatcd state Of
| things-if in this vastly extended but not gen,
break out aud bloodshed should ensue in that
extreme Of the Union; that was enough for
me. And If the chances had been but one in
| thousand that such would have been tho re-
suit, should still have felt TINT that one-thou-
| sandth chance should be guarded against by any
| reasonable sacrifice; because, gentlemen, SAN
guine as am for the future prosperity of the