The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-09-25

guard against evasion or abuse. Thatopinion 80
far as krow remains entirely unchanged, and
'will be acted upon steadily and decisively The
peace ofthecountry requires this; the security OF
'the Constitution requiresthis; and everyconslde
ration of the public good demands this. If the
Administration cannot stand upon theprinciples
ofthe message it does not expect tostand at all +"
IDANIEL WEBsrER's Letter TO the Union Meeting
at JPestchester.
Ii is not easy to imagine more unfortunate
dilemma than that of our contemporary of the
Union, and therefore we are not at all sur
prised that he sometimes loses his good nature,
and occasionally his good manners. From an
ex ambassador and courtier-a minister in
deed of two courts and double outfits in the
same twelvemonth-we look very naturally for
more than ordinary regard to the prophecies,
and are disposed to hold him to a standard Of
more than ordinary elevation. Hence it is
that we lament when he suffers himself to in
dulgein calling names-though, lament it as we
may, we cannot in charity deny that, if he is
cut off from this mode of assaling the Admin
istration, there is nothing left for him.
When men are engaged in mercenary po-
litical warfare-when their opposition to
Chief Magistrate is merely and miserably fac
tious-when they compelled to approve and
sustain his policy at the same time that they
are seeking to subvert his Administration
what in the world can they do if they are cut
off from denunciatory language? Our contempt
rary, for instance, processes to believe that the
salvation of the country depends on the honest
and faithful observance of the Compromise mea
sures. Time and again-a thousand times
he has expressed his conviction that this was
the question, the only question, of any pressing
importance before the country A thousand
times Gin vain) he has appealed to the
DEMOCRATIC party to orally upon and main
tain that ground.' President FILLMORE
did the same thing twelvemonth since,
He first joined issue on the inality of
the Compromise. He first counseled and ex-
horted his countrymen to adhere to that Com
promise as the only means of maintaining in
violate the integrity of the Union" From
that day to this he has stood firmly on that
platform, refusing to recede hairs breadth,
but inviting his fellow citizens to join him and
carry out his policy. He desires that they
should all think with him. Many who at first
violently denounced him are now acquiescing
by and bye they will approve and applaud.
Every day public sentiment North and South
is strongly manifesting itself in favor Of this
policy and, whatever else may be doubtful,
there is no doubt whatever that an Immense
majority Of the American People now stand
precisely where President FILLMORE stands
not merely on the spirit, but on the very letter
of his annual message.
One would imagine, if the Union is sincere
in believing these Compromise questions Of
such paramount importance, that it would treat
President FILLMORE with decency, as man
bent upon the same patriotic objects with ITSELF
One would suppose that it would seek to lay
before the country the true state Of the case,
and to direct its own course in judicial rather
than in partisan spirit. The Union has
taken up the issue rendered by the PRESIDENT,
in the PRESIDENTS behalf. 1t has come up to
the ground on which the PRESIDENT exhorted
his countrymen to rally. When we recoect
that our contemporary was member of the
Nashville Convention-that he was one
of the volunteers Of whom Mr.. RHETT
boosted as wheeling Tennessee into line
in five days-we must admit that he has
manifested great magnanimity and patriot
ism in so far abandoning his prejudices as
to respond to the summons of the PRESIDENT
with such c1editable alacrity. We know
that he has taken this position against the re-
monstrances, and in spite Of the denunciations,
of the DEMOCRATIC press, and the DEMOCRATIC
party of the South---a press and party which
are much more faithfully represented by the
organ of the Disunionists in this city than by
the selfstyled metropolitan organ of the De
mocracy. We understand all this, and we
sympathize in the premises with the Union.
But we submit that it can find no excuse OF
apology in its anomalous and unfortunate position
for the language which it applies yesterday to
PRESIDENT, whose policy on the only ques-
ton which it alleges to be of vital interest,
it approves and endorses. When it styles
Mr.. FILLMORE an "Abolition and Federal
Wing" it knows perfectly well that two-t thirds
Of its designation are entirely false. 1t well
aware that Mr.. FILLMORE was neper an Abo-
ltionist or a Federalist. The Union knows
this as well as it knows that its friend, Mr..
BUCHANAN, was bitter opponent Of the last
war with England, and friend of the ''Wi-
mot proviso" as far back as the date of the
Missouri compromise II it had employed these
epithets then with regard to Mr.. BUCHANAN,
who is now believed to be the favorite candi-
date Of the Southern Democracy for the Presi-
Dental Office the Union would have had some
reason for their application. But when it uses
them in reference to Mr.. FILLMORE, it merely
INDUCES malice at the expense of veracity, and
sacrifices its decorum to its spleen.