The southern press., 1851-07-07

auch form ~ will fall 10 produce united 3ooi9t-
xnCe On thS part Of the H0d1h. fhdhe ~ ny
reasons fos this opinion. Whilst beteve that
t9e antl-slavery OF abolition party is increasing
both ia Congress and oat Of il, yet do not be-
lieve that they will have strength enough to ac-
complain this measure ut this time.
Politicians manage these things in Congress.
They hevo the power TO do 70 at present. and
understand THAR business thoroughly Thsy
will permit nothing to be done at this time which
will unite the South. They cannot stop agita-
ton, it is true either in or out of Congress. Men
will talk, snd rant, and write, but when it comes
to voting, the inventions are numerous for "ar-
resting that evil" The authors Of the compro-
mise are still upon the stage. That measure is
to be made test question. All others are to
yield to II for the present The Presidential ques-
ton il near ut hand, and all that is wanted now,
is to keep the South quiet. A peace must
patched up with her. She must be let alone
for while, until her back becomes fitted to the
burthen which has just been placed upon it, She
must be hattered and courted and sjoIed. L.
beral offers will be made to induce her to Join
in the canvass. High places will be promised
her; in short, she is wanted and must be won
This is the course things will take, and only let
South Carolina give up her purpose OF secession
let her say that she will not leave the Union
until she obtains cooperation through future ag-
gression, and resistance in any f.om is at an end
Bnt have intimatcd that this measure might be
adopted in from which will fail to produce
the result which our friends predict. Let me
explain what l mean
If slavery is abolished in the District of CO.
lumbia at the present day, it will be done with
the consent of the slaveholdes there. That
species Of property is becoming daily more in
secure, and Of course less valuable. The facili-
ties for abduction, the spread of Abolition doc
trines, and the presence Of some or 5000 free
negroes, against 3 or 1000 slaves, out of total
population Of so ,000 all combine to render slave
property there of very little value. When the
alternative is presented to the people of the Dis
trict of losing their slaves altogether, or selling
out even at reduced price, it is plain which
course they will adopt. The consent of the
stakeholder to sell will thus be easily obtained,
and then ihe right of Congress to purchase will
be the only remaining difficulty to be overcome
Now, it must be remembered that the general
power Of Congress to abolish slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia is still an open question Mr.
Clay, and his school Of politicians, if under
stand them, admit the power, but say that its ex-
crcise would be breach of faith to Virginia
and Maryland whilst they remained slayeholding
States; and now, since the retrocession OF
Alexandra to Virginia this objection would be
narrowed down, presume, to breach of faith
to Maryland alone. II slavery, therefore, should
be abolished in the District of Columbia with the
consent of the shareholders, the question then
comes up:-Will the South unite in dissolving
the Union because Congress has done. what, in
the judgment OF the greatest party leader of the
day, and his numerous followers, is only breach
of faith to Maryland? Will Maryland herself,
with $1,000 free negroes to $4,000 slaves within
her borders (for such is the astounding fact
disclosed by the last ccnsus) be the first to raise
the banner Of Disunion Will Georgia do so
Before her convention met ] would have an
swered this question without an instant's hesita-
ton in the affirmative. But the action of that
has afforded ground for very grave
and painful doubts on this question.
Previously 10 the meeting of that body it had
become the uniform, invariable mode of express
sion on this bject by all the Southern States
to say if Congress should abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia, then &c. This was the
stereotyped formula of words-plain, distinct
and unequivocal, which had entered into the
vocabulary of the whole South in laying down
their platform of resistance. But the Georgia
deliberately, and upon consideration,
abandoned the use of these plain terms, which
could give rise to no dispute as 10 their true in
tent and meaning, and adopted this mode Of
expression: "That the State of Georgia in the
Judgment of this convention will and ought to
resist even Gas last resort) to disruption of
every tie which binds her to the Union any action
of Congress upon the subject of slavery in the
Distict of Columbia, or in places subject to the
jurisdiction OF Congress, incompatible with the
safety, the domestic tranquility, the rights, and
ho r,ff 4 fba oil hr,l1
Now, | ask, what does this change of phrase
3logy mean? 1t must mean something, or why
adopt it in preference to the other, which had
become as familiar as household words to the
whole South. Was it intended to leave door
open for a new issue on this question ?"To abol-
sh slavery" is a simple idea easily understood
ANY action of Congress on that subject incom.
patbe with the safety, the domestic tranquility,
The rights, and the honor of the slaveholding
States" is very complex proposition, and gives
rise at once to doubt and construction. This
action on the part of Georgia justiies, / repeat,
very grave doubts as to the course she would
pursue if slavery should be abolished in the
District of Columbia with the consent of the
shareholders, or in any other way which it might
be argued was not incompatible with the rights,
honor, safety and tranquility Of the South"
Let it never be forgotten that Virginia, in
lS47 and 4s, made the abolition of the slave
trade in the District of Columbia n measure
which she would resist at "every hazard and
10 the last extremity" But il l849, she abau-
loncd this ground, and fell back upon the abo-
ition Of the slave-trade between the States as
ler casus belli" When asking how this
,hange of position was justified, the only reply
have received was this +" We found we had
aiken too high ground, and we abandoned it and
.ook another position" So fear it will be
'ound that in ten years from this time the eman-
,ipation by, Congress Of some two or three
thousand slaves in the District of Columbia,
with the consent of their owners, involving as
many think, no breach of the Constitution, but !
,nly a breach of faith to a single State, which
State may be the first to excuse it, is too high
ground to justify the secession of any member
IF this confederacy.
repeat, therefore, my deliberate opinion, that
slavery will not be abolished in the District of
Columbia in our day and generation, or, if it is |
it will be done in some way which
will prevent united resistance on the part of