The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-03-07

The 6tats that adopted it, No such provision, |
appTehepd. has ever been incorporated among the
fundamental laws Of any political community or
sovereignty on earth ,--and for the obvious reason
that no sovereignty will, for = moment, contem-
plate its own distractions or the suspension OF its
vitality, at the will Of another. There is, of
course. no such provision ia the constitution Of
Mississippi-no clause providing against the con-
tngency Of capture and f0rcible abduction of its
executive department. Such concession to any
power sxtrane0us to the State, would be gro
tesque and ridiculous anomaly in the constitution
Of State, such az the widest devotes to federal
supremacy never dresmt of. See, then, the re-
suit, in Mississippi, Of the proceedings in ques-
ton. The constitution Of the State making no
provision for filling an official vacancy thus ocea-
stoned, il Governor Quitman had not resigned
and had been taken from the State by force, il
would have been completely disorganized dur
ing his absence, (Which the trial or conviction
might prolong for months or years,) as if the en-
tire government had been subverted by violence
In the mean time, the lays Of Mississippi would
have been without the III cans of enforcement-the
government ITSELF (or sather the part of it that re-
manned in the Stnte,) without the very first ele-
ment that enters into the being of government,
viz, the means of self preservation. Without its
executive power, State organized ours is,
and all other free States in modern times are,
is without the means of maintaining either its or
ganic municipal law against insurrectionary
violence from within, or armed force from with
out. This power Of seff-preservaton forms the
essential idea and basis of State, and without it
the most subtle and profound organization would,
of course, be unavailng and deusive, to place the
community beyond the condition Of primitive and
unorganzed force.
The question may be asked, has one, who hap
pens to be the governor Of State, any right to
claim exemption from punishment for the viola
ton OF the laws of the Union, simply because he
is governor' Unquestionaby it would be better
that he should be thus exempt altogether, than
punish him at the hazard Of SO great calamity as
the destruction of the government of the State and
OF making concession that prostrates every State
government in the Union, at the feet of central
despotism. The presence of the governor in his
State is essential to its existence as SUCH and the
lesser evil must yield to the greater. Destroy the
organization Of the State, and no crime can be ef-
fectually punished. But there is really nothing
in this suggestion, because the exemption is merely
pending the office, and does not involve his exemp.
ton altogether. lfpunishable at all, while his Of
fetal character continues, it could only be by the
voluntary consent of the State--a consent which
no sovereignty would probably ask another to
give.
Can the President orthe United States be indicted
in State for offence committed there, be a,reseu
and brought thence by Stale Officer aud be tried ana
imprisoned, or capitally punished in the State ,phost
lac he has offended, pending his official character
What confusion Of ideas grow out of such arbi
trary assertions of power in this country Into
what absurd inquiries are we necessarily launched
when we abandon the idea Of the sovereignty OF
the States, and contemplate the Union as a con
solldated community;
But must close this tempting subject here, and
leave this rough and hasty sketch to be filed by
others. implore you and other friends Of State
rights, precious to our down-trodden section
to give 10 this subject the attention it deserves.
PIONEER