Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1851-07-24

porations were brought under the jurisdiction
of the old Star Chamber Court, but sover
cign States were never brought there. No
there is no umpire. The sovereign States
themselves are the judges in the last resort
and from the nature of things there can be III
other judges compatible with sovereignty
The power to interfere and check in extrem'
g. vital cases s,inyolving the liberty Of the state
is inherent in the nature of the compact itself
Without this we have made no advance in thu
system of regulated liberty. 1t is the grea
distinctive feature Of American freedom.-1
is the great fundamental law of the Ameri
can compact, without which we are under
consolidated despotism. one, from which
we will have to march sword i'll hand anc
through the perils of revolution. Under tho
recognition Of this great fundamental right
belonging TO the States, there can be peace
and no revolution. A fair adjustment ant
new understanding of the compact may yet
give life to the confederacy. But without il
our doom is fxed-.the hand wiring is upor
the wall, and we have no alternative, but ar
appeal to arms and the God Ct battles.
But the right of State to secede or inter
pose was not questioned by the republican
party of old. The Virginia and Kentucky
resolutions of 1898, drawn by Jefferson and
Madison, expressly laid down the doctrine
boldly and ably, and it was universally re.
cognized by the republican party from that
day until now. Virginia did actually inter.
pose and declare the alien and scdition laws
of no force, null and void within her terrific
ries-and empowered the Legislature to car:
ry it out The Government was checked and
controlled, and civil revolution was brought
about. If those who enacted these laws had
held power and preserved in enforcing them,
the Union would then have been dissolved.
But State intcrposition made the issue palpa-
bic and they werc overthrown.
The right to withdraw or seccdc is not left
to inference, although clear from the very
nature of the compact and of sovereignty in
the States. But New York, in the conditions
upon which she ratified, expressly declared
that the powers of Government may be
reassumed by the people whensocvcr it shall
become necessary for their happiness. Virginia
did the same except using the words, "whcn-
soerer the same shall be perverted to their
injury or oppression" Rhode Island did the
same. Those were the conditions these
States expressly annexed, and if it was q
right they expressly reserved: if it avails any
thing, it arcrues equally to all; for it was rati-
fled by equals and no one could retain n
power which each and all did not have alike.
But it does not require that the RI ght should
be secured in totidem rerbis. 1t belongs to
the existence and independence Of Il State
and cannot be limited or eircumsrfibed by
atty parchment bn earth.
But it is said this would make the Union
u rope of sand. So it was said in old
time s thlt trial by jury would be seri-
Gus clog to IN efficient government. To as
sert that It was necessary to obtain the yer
dict Of twelve men, before you cotd convict
State criminal, would enbarrass Govern
mcnt and ministers Of state could not get
along with powers. All free Governments
nrc full of checks. 1t is the checks that make
liberty. Despotism has no checks. So far
from the interpositon of States on vital local
interests making the Union too weak, it is
the only thing that can save the Union. With
out this, in so extensive Il country with such
variety of interests, its dissolution is rs il,-
cvitablc rs destiny. Heretofore the difference
in our social and domestic institutions and
our almost distinct orders of civilization,
have not been so deeply felt, because VIC
have had sparse population. But as ropu-
lation increases and becomes pressed down
into its different classifications, and grows
dense-then these differences will be deeply
felt and the conflict will grow rtiore deadly.
Nothing can save US but the recognized
power of the States. What has aided in
keeping this Union together heretofore has
been the fear of European Interference if
we should separate. Fragments Of the con-
fedcracy might be subsidized or conquered
by European powers with monarchical insti-
tntions and thus monarchy might be rein
stated here. This was the great fear in the
early days of our Republic. But the last
few years have dispcllcd all such fears. 1t is
now apparent that European monarchics can
scarcely maintain themselves at home. The
commissions of the last few years came near
ovefthrowing their own Governments, and
the day is now past when there is any danger
from European interference in American
Governments. WAsuIyGToN's farewell adj
dress, which has been so often quoted by dcm-
agogues, was drawn in reference TO thu state
of the world at that time We were then, COM
paratively speaking, but handful of people.
We had but recently come out ola bloody
struggle with Great Britain There was deep
prejudice to our institutions in Europe. And
the great dread with us was, that we might
be rc-conQucred or portions might become
subsidized. United vie could defend ourselves
and divided we would be ruined. To keep
us together so as to defend ourselves from
Europe, was the great object Of WASHING
Toy's address. 1t was suited to the day in
which it was delivered. We have now passed
from weak to powerful people. The ad-
dress was to rally us against Foreign power,
but never contemplated one powerful section
of the Republic combining so as to insult
and degrade nearly one half of the States Of
the Republic. II is totally inapplicablc to tho
present state of the world and TO our country.
We are now alive to other dangers than dis
union, and the dormant powers fthe States
may be called ont to their fullest dcvclopc-
ment according to the genius Of our system,
without at all running into the dangers that
WASHINGTON dreaded from European inter-
ference. We arc now strong enough to
dcvelopc the true nature of our Government
fully, and as it might have been too weak Mt
first 10 encounter the power of Europe true
patriotism then required 4 cordial Union to
support it. But, ifin its progress, it becomes
too powerful at the centre for the indepen-
dcnce of the parts, then true patriotism would
require checking power, and that the States