The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-08-18


are not in comfortable condition. They are
the bone and sinew OF nation and where im-
poverisbed and demoralized, no longer maintain
themselves with other classes honorably, nor
defend their hearths vigorously when attacked
Prosperity does not depend 80 much on the
moral condition of the rich, as on the material,
and therefore moral, condition of the working
classes. When these are right and well-to-do,
their natural simplicity of manners, and natural
morality, tend to check the follies of the rich,
and keep society in a healthy tone. But where,
AS we have already observed, in the course of
time. the Impotence of fortune-making, the en-
croachments of laws upon freedom, the accu-
mutation of Innovations, the monopolizing of
rights and privileges, the increase of protection,
narrow the sphere of action, and cripple the ac-
tivty of the mere producers of property, CON-
petition for labor arises, and misery and pow
erty gradually, but surely, creep into the land.
At the same time, other influences are at
work, impovershing and demoralizing The
first and most distinct is aristocracy, or the ex-
elusive possession Of property under fixed and
Interchangeable laws, with rights and privileges
descending to heirs who have never done any
action worthy of such reward. The property
so possessed is used for mere enjoyment and
luxury, and is hardly reproductive II has, be-
sides, the disadvantage of impoverishing the
country to the increase of the capital until these
accumuations from all sides become Qike money
on gambling table, 80 much trash, to be
banded about from one knave to another, in a
variety of forms; very little of it ever being ap-
piled in wholesome way to the increase of
the mOnied circulation among the industrious
On the contrary, the greater the increase of these
accumulatons, and the larger the amounts
scrambled for, the less experience teaches, there
is for the working man.
He is at length obliged to raise money to
meet his wants. or accept goods of an inferior
quality, or which are useless to him. If he
raises money, he pays, not 5 per cent, like the
rich man, but very frequently 500, or even 1000
per cent-a fact which would appear incredible,
were it not established on good authority.
Unfortunately the poorer man gets, the less
the law protects him--or rather to speak after
experience, the more the law aids in his complete
destruction. For the rules by which he is un-
done, from the instant he is out of work, or in
want of money, are clear, and distinct, and
crushing. There is no pity in them-no con-
sideration for circumstances-no opening by
which TO escape. His little effects are seized,
and sold for the tenth or the ftieth part of their
value to spectators on his misery. And with
them disappear both his moral energy and his
physical strength.
The second greatest drain upon the poor is that
which was designed for their salvation fIom extor
ton and law the church, State church. as it exist.
in Europe. Originally church property was poo
property-that is to say, all such property was
applied to the relief Of the poor and unfortunate
The feudal condition however, Of Europe could
not reconcile itself to this democratic principle
Sc. in vogue by the Christians, and by degrees
this property, and almost all subsequent acqui-
sitions, were applied TO support the State
church--that is the State churchmen. The poor
had to be contented with the crumbs which fell
from the great State church table, and had to be
supported by additional impositions, weighing
chiefly on the industrious classes
This system has been Of almost all religions
and has existed in every country. The accu-
mutations of this class of property have not been
applied to increase reproduction and wealth
more than the accumulated revenues of the arts.
tocracy. Both squandered enormous sums in
building pyramids, and temples, and palaces
and edifces Of similar character, not actually
useful to the people, who could not even inhabit
them. Nor did the money spent thereon crcu-
late, MS it ought to have done, among the people;
the greatest portion of it being caught up by
spectators long before it could reach the work.
man in sufficient quantities to benefit him, and
be spent abundantly in buying the produce and
manufactures of other workmen.
Other classes of impoverishers, are those who
speculate on the competition for labor, and fol-
low to the EXTREMIST point that most atrocious
fallacy of finding the lowest amount of wages
for which great amount of work can be done,
while selling at the highest rate in the best
markets.
This art ofplaying the poor against the poor
of specializing upon their distresses--of cal
culatirg the profits of their want and starva-
ton, has at all times been brought to great per-
fiction; but at no time has been impudently
put forward as point of political economy un-
til of late years. This art, aided by the law
which ever favors the Spectator on misery, is
much more rapid in its effect upon the working
class than the aristocratic, or the State church
system. And hence we find that, in all those
towns and districts famous for manufacturing
industry there is invariably the greatest amount
of suffering, and the most rapid decentralization.
They are at the same time the focus Of riot and
revolution, the great marts wherein charlatan.
and agitators play their parts most effectually,
az man naturally revolts from injustice, tyranny,
and misery.
1t results from this ever-increasing dispropor-