The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-04-24

ceved or not, misleads. think, also, that the
attempt was unnecessary that political ends
merely political ends-and not real evils, result
ing from the escape Of slaves constituted the pre-
vailng motives to the enactment.
think, also, that the details Of the measure
are indefensible that the denial to the alleged
fugitive Of trial Of his alleged obligation to Ia,
Dor, and of his escape from it, by Court, and
nothing less than Court of Justice, constitution
ally organized, and proceeding according to the
course Of the common law within the State where
he is claimed, is palpably in derogation OF the
Constitutions that the rules Of evidence when
the law prescribes are oppressive Of the weak
and defenceless and that Christendom might De
searched in vain for a parallel in the provisions
which make escape from bondage crime, by
law retroactive in its effect, and without limlta-
tions of time TO favor the presumption OF free
dom, which, under rigorous penalties, compel
freemen TO aid in the capture of slaves and which
offer unmistaken inducements to false claims and
false judgments Finally whatever changes opin-
ions others may have undergone, | retain my ear
lest convictions that the constitutional provision
on which the law purports to be founded is
merely compact between the States, and that
the Congress of the United States have no juris-
dicton Of the subject
Nor is the law which is so obnoxious in itself,
commended to my favor by its connection with
what are called the other measures OF compromise
Compromise implies a mingling Of truth and er-
ror right and wrong. One Of those animated
measures denied the admission Of New Mexico,
because she had determined to come in as Free
State, and remanded her, with permission to come
back in the habiliments of slavery. Another
distinctly intimated to the Mormons the consent
Of Congress that they should if they could, plant
~ a. q hn imam
third abolished public slave mart in the City
of Washington, without abating either the extent
or the duration of Slavery in the District Of Co
lumbia A fourth obtained peace on humiliating
terms, from one Of the youngest and feebest
members Of the Confederacy in an attitude OF
sedtion While fifth only reluctantly admit
ted California as a Free State, when she had re-
fused 10 contamnate herself with Slavery. Which
one of these measures has superhuous merit, 10
be received in excavation of the Fugitive Slave
Lawl But we are told, that bad as these meas
ures were they were the best that could be OBJ
tanned On the contrary, there were always
votes enough for the admission Of California The
Thirty.frst Congress might have admitted her,
and left the other questions TO another Congress,
which. instructed by the People, might have
done better, and certainly could not have done
worse
Nor do find the Fugitive Slave Law growing
in my favor on the ground of the already falsifed
promise of an end of the agitation of Slavery in
the Republican agitation which, whether benef-
cent or otherwise, is as inseparable from our po-
litical organization as the winds and clouds are
from the atmosphere that encircles the earth.
| have weighed, moreover the argument that
some portion of the People in some of the States
have made the perpetuity Of the Fugitive Slave
Law condition of new declarations of loyalty to
the Union. That loyalty is duty resulting from
the Constitution, and is equally due, whether the
measures Of Administration are satisfactory or
unsatisfactory. regret that anything should
have happened to encourage belief that loyalty
could be accepted on conditions, and especially on
the condition of forbearing to repeal repealsble
statute. But since it is so, can only say that We
on whom the recent action of the Government
bears, as it seems 10 IA, 80 uni Justly, are in the
Union, for richer for poorer, for better for worse,
whether in a majority or in a minority, whether
in power or powerless without condition, reser-
walton, qualification, or limitation, for ever and
aye; that we are in the Union, not because we
are satisfied with Administration, but whether
satisfied or not, not all by means of compromises
or understandings, but by virtue of the Constitu-
ton, and that all other parties are in the Union
on the same terms, for the same tenure, and by
virtue of the same obligation, and so they will
find their case to be when they offer to plead vio-
lations of extra-cOnstitutional conditions to JUS
tify secession. Whatever is irrcpealable in any
of the acts of Congress, one will be mad enough
to attempt to repeal Whatever is repealed in
these acts and whatever shall be repealable in fu-
ture acts of Congress, whether it shall favor
Freedom or Slavery, no matter under what cir
cumstances, nor with what auspices, with what
soemnities, it may have been adopted, must abide
the trial of experience, of reason, and Of truth.
Ii is only in this way that the Constitution can be
maintained, and that the U MON can be saved. Its
security consists in the adaptation to the physical
and moral necessities Of the broad and ever-ex-
tending empire which it protects and defends,
and in the facility with which, without violence
or sudden change, errors Of administration can
be corrected, and new exigeDcies can be met, so
that the State free or slaveholding, which may
at any time be least favored, will at all times be
safer under this Government when worst admin
istered, than it would be under any other how
ever wisely administered or favorably conducted
think, my dear sir, that all this is virtually
confessed now by those who, while they see that
their complicated schemes, that suppression of
free debate, which they thought essential to the
safety of the Union, have failed, nevertheless ad-
nit that the Union is no longer in danger and
therefore think that We may at last congratu-
late ourselves on the discovery that not only are
extra-constitutional compromises unnecessary, but
that the Union has strength and stability enough
to endure, Notwithstanding that such compromises,
under the influence of an unwise legislative dis
trust, are sometimes unnecessarily and unavail-
ingly made
am, sir, with great respect, your humble SER
want, WILLIAM III. SEWARD.
John II. Andrer, Esq Secrddry Of The
Committee TO call Convention of The
People Of Massachusetts on the subject
Of the EgUire Slaue Lam, Boston.