The southern press., 1851-07-07

rave OF newafa Paess ~ 1naAs Aetk nefesee ~
|hs may.
Although have mest pestsst eonvistiop
that this Law yill Set ~ sapealed, have Il ths
same time Rery stxon1 conyiction that 1t may
~ modified n suit Northern prejudices. Dc
not mean to ~ that this IL certain. desire to
atate ny poelicns with exactness and without
the lesat exaggeration.
The advocates Of the compromise declared
from the day of it's adoption that they would
oppose the "repeal" or sany essential modifica-
ton" Of the Fugitive slave law. Mark you,
any essential modification Now there are
several features OF that law which its support
ers are ready to modify, for the purpose Of in
creasing their strength nt the North, if they
could venture to do so; and they would say
they were not essential notifications. For in
stance, they would ba willing to modify that
provision which allows the record made up at
home Of the facts OF escape and that the fugitive
was the slave of the claimant, to be used in
evidence without further proof, except as to
identify, &C. This would be a sop to Ger
berus As to the trial by jury, presume Dir,
Webster himself would be willing to engraft
that provision on the law. for 1t was a provision
in the bill which he himself introduced before
leaving the Senate.
Repeal, therefore, regard as out Of the
question. Modification, or amendment, may be
attempted but very cautiously.
The abolition Of slavery in the District OF
Columbia, and the repeal of the Fugitive slave
law, then, are the only overt acts Of aggression
which, in my judgment, can be committed by
Congress- against the South at this time. feel
the most abiding confidence that neither will be
done in our day. Our adversaries will take care
that the measure Of aggression shall be just 80
much as will stop short of uniting the South.
Your patience shall be their gauge. The ad-
vocates of cooperation then must adjourn the
question of disunion to another day. If the
past, or any issue which may be made upon the
past, cannot unite the South, then the future
of our day will afford no measure for resistance.
NV solemn belief therefore, is that co-ope-
ration" is submission to the compromise. Sub.
mission to the past with no hope for the future.
Now, in using the term " "spbmission," | do not
mean to apply it in any offensive sense whatever,
to our friends who differ from US on this occa
sion. Far from it. know they are men who
would spurn the ea Of voluntary submission,
with all the scorn and Indignation of unsulied
patriotism. speak to them as would have
them speak to me, with sincerity and respect
I must BIZ allowed, therefore, to say to them
your position drifts you with the inevitable GER
will take your place by the side of those whose
course YOU so much condemn. You will ratify
the compromise. The voice Of South Carolina
will be hushed. She cannot 60 back to feed
upon the husks of high sounding resolutions,
protests, and remonstrances. In two years she
will sink down into the attitude of utter non-re-
sstance: TO human power can avert this result.
What in others might be tolerated, in her would
be derided. She has gone 40 far that she must
now "be n law unto herself" But it may be
said, we will be in no worse condition than our
friends who are minority in the other Southern
States. This is capital error. Our positions
are widely different. They are struggling for
power-we possess it. They are in minority
and therefore are without responsibility. We
are in majority and have all responsibility rest
ing upon us. The government of their States
is in the hands Of their adversaries. Our govern
ment is in our hands. There is nothing to re-
strain US, but the danger of striking they are
powerless 1t is vain then to attempt to derive
comfort for our voluntary submission from their
involuntary acquiescencc. We have promised
much and much is expected Of us.
Such, Mr. President are the outlines of my
views in relation to corporation. lregret that
have not time to 90 more into detail. | have
cndeayored to be candid and explicit, because
am free TO confess that feel bound to consider
maturely measure which has such distinguished
supporters before Ireject it. have done so,
and must declare in all sincerity thatsif South
Carolina abandons all purpose of acting alone,
and determins patiently and passively to wait,
(as she mustif she waits at alp the developments
of the future in tie expectation of such hostile
legislation on the part of the general govern
ment as will unite the South in the overthrow
of this Union, she will sacrifice the great cause
which all her sons, with but few exceptions, pro.
fess to be nearest to their hearts, and give death
blow to disunion. Yes, repcat-Let South
Carolina lay down her arms, let her say she will
not secede, and shout of triumph (shall say
of derision) will 90 up over all the land, for we
have enemies every where and the advocates of
the compromise will underwrte the Union for
the next generation These may be unpaatable
truths, but they must be told.
come now to the consideration of the second
which have supposed will be SUBJ
mitted to our convention when it assemblies
Having failed up to this time to obtain any
pledge of cooperation from the government of
any other State, shall South Carolina secede
alone? Iapproach the discussion ofthis question
with a profound sense Of its magnitude and i'm
portance. never expected to be called upon to
give my counsel on any question under sense
ofhigher responsibility. Ihavc never entertained
or expressed but one opinion on the character of
this measure, as my constituents, with whom |
have frequently and publicly conferred, can tes-
tify. | have told them that secession was n
which would demand the exercise of all
their wisdom ard all their frmness. The over
throw of any government, and the establishment
of another, is no holiday affair. 1t is no card
house we desire to construct, which can be reared
by the hand and destroyed by the breath of an
infant. No. 1t is a stern work which lies before
us, and if we seek for new guards for our future
security, we must expect to obtain them at the
hazard Of many sacrifices.
The questions in regard to secession, which
appears to me will demand the careful consid
Grafton of the convention, arc
First Has the State right to secede?
Second Is she justified in the exercise of this
right at this timeg
The first question is one which presume the
will have very little difficulty in de-
Gliding, ma it may be considered a settled ques-
ton in the judgment of the Southern States at