The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-12-18
UNITED STATES AND EUROPE FOREIGN
POLICY,

For some time past the state of Europe has
attracted the attention of thinking men in this
country and the possibility that the United
States might be called upon to assume u new
attitude in relation to its concerns has awaken
ed their profound anxiety. Participating in this
feeling, we began several weeks since an in
-quiry into the subject of our Foreign Policy,
taking as the text of our first article the speech
of William M. Cory and the proceedings of
Tammany Hall meeting in connection
with it.
We showed that the policy proposed by the
orator and his supporters was, Armed Inter
vention in behalf of Republicanism in Europe
and that this was the exact opposite of the
policy recommended by Washington and hith.
erto pursued by our Government armed
Intervention, ABSOLUTE Non Intervention, were
the two extremes We opposed both and pro-
claimed the policy of Intervention in the affairs
of the civilized world, by all peaceful measures
where encouragement aud aid could be rem
dered TO the. cause of Popular Rights-Intor-
vention by our People and by their Govern
ment We held that the policy of Absolute
Non-lnteryention was adapted only to the con-
dition of our infancy when all our energies
were required for selfpreservation and self
development; that what suited three millions
Of People oppressed with debt with a Union
scarcely yet cemented, with an untried Consti-
tuition, without resources, might be unsuted to
a matured nation, of twenty-four millions, or of
forty millions, as we should number twenty
years hence, with Union and Constitution es-
tablished, and with unparalleled resources ::
That the grounds on which Absolute Non
Intervention was placed by Washington, exist
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not exist nov, inaanucn az Che conflicts OF hu-
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pie, not between Kings or Nations but between
the People and their Governments, between
Right and Might That the Policy originally
adopted for good reasons could not be justified
now in state of things totally different but
was irreconclable with our position as power
ful nation, our character as Christian nation,
our institutions as a Republican nation--that
it was selfish, anti Christian, anti-republican,
and degrading Looking at the present condi-
ton of the United States and the wants of Eu-
rope, Armed Intervention we opposed, as seri-
ously endangering our Government without
promising to confer compensating benefits on
the Old World. The question arose. what
kind of peaceful Intervention do you propose?
As preliminary to an answer in second ar
ticle, We pointed out what seemed to us the de-
linquencies of our People and Government
in what respects both had failed in fidelity to
the cause of Republcanism. Foreigners had
received their most unfavorable impressions of
Republican Institutions from Americans at
home, accustomed to exaggerate the defects of
their own political system, or Americans
abroad, ashamed Of the simplicity of Democ-
racy, or carried away by the seductions Of
aristocratcal or royalsplendor. Conservatives
among us, through the Press and other chan
nels, had inculcated the notion that the People
Of Europe were not fitted for Republican Insti
tutions, had sought to dsparage revolutionary
their nature, to exaggerate their evils, to ruin
the character Of their leaders, to apologize co
verify for the existing Governments. We mex
exposed the disloyalty of the Government, il
neglecting action for Liberty abroad, through
proper diplomatic appointments and instruc
tons, the result of which was, that the repre-
sentatives of this Republic in foreign court.
generally were either Indifferent or conserving
to the wrongs inflicted upon the People
How should our example and the action OF
our people, be made to aid the cause of repub-
licanism in other countries? was the next sub
ject of inquiry. After having shown how
greatly the force of our example WAS impaired
by the existence of slavery in one-half of this
country, and the encouragement given to it by
the whole we held that our first duty was, to
seek by all constitutional means the extinc-
ton of this evil, and the establishment of free
dom as the universal law of the United States,
so that we might present to the world cohe-
rent, complete, all-prevailng example of the
truth and benefcence of the Democratic prin-
ciple that as individuals we were bound to
manifest sympathy with the oppressed People
of other lands, adherence of their tyrants, Joy
at well-drected revolutionary movements; to
do homage to the principle Of republicanism
by granting signal honors to those who had
distinguished themselves by their sacrifices or
services in its behalf; to give money literally
to aid the cause Of revolution abroad, and,
when the hour should seem to demand, to give
life ITSELF if we believed in the rightfulness of
war against oppression. In this connection
we showed how the condition Of the People of
Europe-with the whole machinery of Govern
ment, and all established orders against them,
a tremendous police eternally watching their
movements, ready to incarcerate the suspected
enormous standing armies, prompt to crush
the first rising Of free spirt-demanded such
organizations and such supplies of money as
were not needed by our forefathers, who them
selves possessed the machinery of Government,
and were far removed from the Sovereign
against whom they rebelled; and yet who
found foreign loans absolutely necessary even
in their more favorable condition.
We present this brief recapitulation that
our readers may have before them at one
glance the course of our inquiry and the range
of topics touched upon. The views thus
gradually developed, are not the offspring of a
temporary excitement; they are not submitted
because we are anxious TO fall in with the pop
ular current; they are an essential part Of our
religion and political creed, the central idea Of
which ia the brotherhood Of man. We have
long cherished them, often presented them in
cidentally in other connexions, and their con-
secutive presentation in application to our