The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-01-09
FREEDOM AND SLAVERY = THE TRUE Ma
TIONAL INTEREST = THE UNION PARTY.
THE CONSTITUTION AND COMMON SENSE.

fhE AND SENSE.
While slave labor shall exist in one part of the
Union, and free labor in another, there will be
conflict of interests, difference of opinions, and
an antagonism Of prejudices producing more or
less discussion and agitation. There will be an
unavoidable strife for the mastery, wherever the
two interests shall come in contact The true
policy, therefore, of all those who seek to avoid
irritation and disquiet is to prevent this contact
whenever possible and this can be best accom-.
plished by the recognition of the Nationality OF
one Interest, and the Locality of the other The
attempt to natonalize both must engender bitter
strife and dangerous excitement
The question is--which Interest is recognised
as National, by the Federal Constitution, and
which ought to be SO recognised, on the ground
Of Reasonl Can even candid Southern man
doubt on these points Was the Declaration of
ndependence-the groundwork of our present
Union-a declaration in favor Of Human Bond
age or of Human Liberty of the rights of the
Master, or Of the rights of the MANI Was not
the Constitution formed to establish the rights
asserted in that Declaration-iu other words to
secure the blessings of Lberty7 Was not this
its primary object and do not all its main pro-
visions contemplate Personal Freedom, and Sc
curity for Personal Freedom, as the great end of
Society, and the great end to be effected by the
Union DO not the debates of the Federal Con-
vention of 1887, does not fair Interpretation of
the Constitution demonstrate that in the more
perfect Union to be established by it, Slavery
was to be regarded as exceptional, local, transit
tory, while Liberty was recognised as the Lam
which was to prevail "more and more unto the per-
feet day2' So read that grand document, which
is the charter Of our Federal Rights and Duties
to unless. where it is absolutely necessary to ex-
empt it from violent disturbance by the Govern
ment Of the Union and then the provision is
couched in such language, that q stranger to our
institutions could not understand its meaning,
and is framed in such way as to require no al
teration, should the thing to which il refers
cease to be. On the other hand, the great prin-
cipes Of Personal Civil, and Political Liberty
pervade every article Of the Constitution, living
and breathing through all its leading provisions.
Under the Constitution, then, Liberty is the
National Interest, Slavery Local Interest And
in this respect the Constitution is in harmony with
Reason. No advocate of slavery will be shame
less enough TO assume that the true end Of IIu-
man Government ia to establish and perpetuate
Human Bondage All Americans, of aassections,
agree that Governments are instituted to secure
the rights Of life, liberty and the pursuit Of hap
piness This is the end contemplated by the
Government of the Union. The chief Interest of
the People of the Free States, comprising two
thirds of the white population Of the country, and
also of the non-savehodng citizens Of the Slave
States, constituting the great majority Of that
section, is Liberty This, too, is the greater In
terest of even the Shareholders the right to them
selves being of infinitely more value to them than
the right TO their slaves While all classes Of the
Free Population, North and South, are vitality
concerned in the Preservation and Extension of
Liberty, as their chief Interest Slavery lisa curse
TO the slaves q curse 10 the Shareholders, an in
jury TO his .saveholdipg felow-citirens, an
element of Generalization, weakness, embarrass-
ment and peril to the State, and source Of un-
fraternal discord TO the Union. To establish,
secure, and extend Liberty, can harm no legiti-
mate interest, and cannot fail to promote the
well-bcing and happiness of all sections; but to
establish and extend slavery, while it may in
crease the pecuniary gain Of few holders of
slaves, must as IT always has done, result in the
extension of low, stagnant, almost unimprova-
BILE form Of Civilization.
Which Interest, then, ought TO be National,
which Local-Freedom or Slavery
When we insist that Freedom, as the great
National Interest, ought to control and actuste
the Government of the Union, and that Slavery
should be recognised and treated as Local In
stitution-that no Administration Is in harmony
with the Constitution and Reason, which does not
throw Its legitimate influence on the side Of Free