Jeffersonian Republican. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1840-1853, 1851-09-04

| But fellow-cltiZens, another argument en-
ployed to prove my hostility TO the National
Union and Constitution is founded upon a
certain feature or certain features of the Com
promise measures which have not chosen to
endorse. The Compromise measures, proper
| ly speaking, have passed from the control of
the people. California. has been admitted.
and is member of the Confederacy, the
boundaries of New Orleans have been fixed.
and the Slave Trade in the District of Co
lumbia has been abolished, and nobody can,
as | suppose nobody is desirous to, disturb
these several acts of>national legislation
But the Fugitive Slave Law, passed in con-
nectlon with these measures, does not occu-
| py precisely the same relation to the popular
! judgment. AS law of the land it is enti-
tied to respect and obedience so long as it is
law. 1t was adopted, professedly, with a
view of fulfilling that provision of the Nation
al Constitution which recognizes the right of
shareholders to recover fugitives from labor
escaping into other States; and having agreed
/ to that National Constitution, it is of course
our duty to carry the same into effect But
the question here arises, has the Fugitive
Slave Law been so framed that this Consttu-
/ tional provision can be carried fairly into ef
| feet. | think not; and had hadsthe honor
of a seat in Congress should have voted a.
gainst it, because it does not sufficiently
guard the rights of the colored population
have no false sympathy with that class; but
they are human beings, possessing capacities
! like ourselves, and as such are entitled tc
just protection. For proof that the law may
and does not operate properly and equitably
| refer you to- the case of the alledged fugi.
tive slave who was some months since brought
before Commissioner Ingraham of Philadel.
phia, and upon very slight testimony reman.
ded to the residence of his assumed owner in
the adjoining State of Maryland On being
taken there, however, he proved not to be the
person sought for and aoaS set at liberty
Cases like this are constantly liable to arise
under the law. So regarding it, conceived
it duty in my last Annual Message to the
Legislature to speak of it as requiring modi
fcation or amendment, so as to afford secur
ty against such hasty judgments. Iyet thinl
it might be so changed as to protect bette
the rights of both master and slave. But We
are told that if we dare to modify the law, Of
even talk about it, the Government, is at al
end. To say nothing about the ridiculous
ness of such an assumption, deny the people
the right to discuss any and every measure o
public policy, and you introduce the most odi
Gus form of human tyranny. 1t has been saiC
that an Austrian Emperor, goaded on by some
real or fancied insult, once undertook to de
stroy the liberties of Bohemia After vainly
resortIng to numerous ezpedients, he deter
mined TO teach them to forget their mother
tongue. Let us, my friends and fellow-citi
zens, be admonlshed by the example. lie
us carefully guard against every attempt Il
take from us liberty of thought and speech
Let US speak out boldly and fearlessly upor
every public question-defend the cause o
RIGHT-denounce all forms of ERRoR-and a!
legitimate adjunct of the National Union
and the Constitution upon which it is based
labor to spread far aud wide the blessings o
Human Freedom!
The Union, my fellow-citizens, is safe, what
ever designing politicians may allege to the
contrary 4; and | have adverted to the topics
last discussed not because they are relevan
to the present contest, or in any way threat
en- the general peace and security, but because
they have been made issues by distinguished
gentleman Of Lancaster already alluded to
! who, through some means, would make him
self President. The Union, again say, ant
say emphatica!ly, WILL sTAND-wILL STAN
FOR AGES TO COME--AYE, WILL REMAIN FOR
EVER, MONUMENT OF MANS CAPACITY Fol
sELF-GOyERNMENT