The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-02-25

declared be to deliver up the fugitive, il would
have been done. With those States they could
have done done with Great Britain, who,
during two wars, enticed u number OF negroes to
run off. By treaty it was stipulated that the ne
groes should be returned, or Great Britain should
pay their value. Great Britain paid for them.
They had agreed with the free States that these flu
gitives should be delivered up, and ifthey were not
delivered up, they would demand their value lie
read the acs of 1893, relative to the delivery OF
fugitives from justice and from labor, and main
ercss had nothing whatever to do with the subject
He read from the decisions OF the supreme Court
deciding that the act OF 1893 was constituency ana
replied the arguments and reasoning Of the court
He commended that the argument OF the Court was
pure consolidation doctrine. He had no fear OF any
imputations that might be thrown upon him. lie
had upon entering public life satisfied himself that
apublic man must bear such things with ca.mness
with the aboitoniss; this charge he would also dis
regard.
He thought the abotionists would rejoice if the
army and navy and the militia should be sent to
Boston to enforce law upon the people and to
crush sovereignty. He regarded the present state
of affairs the result Of the growing consolidation
measures. He adverted to the acts OF the last
session, by which the South had been ANONYMOUSLY
strp of all share in the vast acquisitions whchwere
obtained by common means She had been ex-
cluded from all participation in those rich lands.
She had been excluded, while they were thrown
open to foreigners of every tongue and even to the
convicts from Botany Bay; while the southern
MIR. r. pursued the subject at some length, ar
guing that the result OF the legislation Of the last
session. the Fugitive Slave law and the proposition
to cothe the President with the powers suggested,
were all acts tending to consolidation OF the powers
of the Government. -,
taken place in the Democratic party, and regretted
its departure from the old republican platform
Mr. CLAY said that when the message Of the
| President was received, and when he rose to ex-
| 4 g. s1,o fha tam a.
sage--a qualification which would be shared in by
the whole country, with the exception OF the utras
at the North and South-he had no anticipation the
debate would take the wide range It had. Inc Sen.
ator from South Carolina had told the Senate that
Congress had no powers, except those granted by
the Constitution. During the trial OF case before
the Supreme Court on enc occasion a counsel com
menced his argument by addpclng, from the time
of the flood some fundamental principles, when
the amiable and bland chief justice interrupted
him by saying, sMr Counsel. the Court, it must be
| presumed, know something" SO with the Senatei
the Senator should presume that the Senate know
something. But the question was, what are the
| granted powers? The school of the Senator lay
| down what they conceiveto be those ntedpowers
and all who do not concur with them In sneii
opinion they dcnounce consolidationists, az Fed
| eralists, as Whigs-who are rushing the country
on to ruin. In the present case, the Senator, with
/ the exception of the Senator from Ohio, stands
| alone His colleague, and the Senator from Vlr
GINA differ from him. The issue is to be made up
1 the Senator from South Carolina, and the Senator
| from Ohio, (Mr. CHAsE,) versus the Supreme
| Court, the Congress of 1893, and every member o
the present Congress, upon the powers OF Congress
| over this subject.
They were constantly told that to do certain act
was to stretch the CONSTITUTIONS but what
| ing it? What mortal, weak erring man, would
dare stand up and declare that the Constitution
meaps this or that. and that every one who enter
tains a different opinion ia wrong? The Senator
from South Carolina spoke Of being States right
man. Whenever he heard these gentlemen say
this he felt as Junus did whenever he saw q
Scotchman smile. daughter.
Mr.. CLAY then, for more than an hour, argued
to show the constitutonality Of Fugitive Slave acs
and in reply to Senators who had preceded him in
debate.
Mr.. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, replied to the
Senator from Georgia, (Mr. BERRIEN,) and the
Senator from North Carolina, (Mr. BApaER,) upon
the nature of the mob in Boston.
MIR. DAVIS, of Mississippi, followed, denying
that this law likely to be fully and fairly exc
cuted; and denying that the Compromise acts had
restored peace and harmony TO the country.
MIR. DOWNS replied.
Mr.. DAVIS rejoined.
And the question was then taken on the motion
to refer the message, and it was agreed toyeas "a,
nays none-as follows
YEAS.-Messrs. Baldwin, Bell, Borland, Brad
bury, Clarke, Clay, Davis of Massachusetts, Davis
of Mississippi, Dawson, Dickinson, Dodge Of Iowa,
Douglas, Downs, Felch. Greene, Gwin, Hunter,
tout, Rusk, Seward, Shields. Smith, Spruance, Tur-
| ney, Underwood, wales, Walker, and Whit
| comb-34.
| NAYS.-None.
The Senate then adjourned.