Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1851-05-24
NATIONAL lNTELLIGENCER
LETTER FROM A SOUTHERN GENTLEMAN.

La
Nv Dr.n FR,rNp: You ask what may be my
,n;n;ons an the subject of Notification and Seces-
sinr Are thew constitutional doctrines, command
inc the ascent Of every impartial mind! You know
ta, bv some they are said 10 be questions no long,
er drbatable that they have become hxed iac's
that they are no longer open to discussion. 40 no,
however recognise the authority OF any Individual
or of any community to place restrlcaons upon 'he
exercise of ones intellect, in whatever neid may
choose to stray. You may examine these ques-
tons but not those. Somehow or other, there IS an
inyncible tendency in the human mind to examine
into oil questions, and especially those which pear
" no admittance /" upon their front. How frequent
lv do we find children doing that which they are
prohibited to do? By the mere fact OF prohioihon
their curiosity becomes excited. must say,
have not entirely got over that propensity. You
seem to hold my opinions IN some resPect. WIZ,
therefore make frank ayowal Of them to you. !
lead life. as you know, of almost entire Sc
clusion from the world, apparently taking very
little concern in what passes around me. Inougn
quite remote from the arena of political discus
sion, with no other Aprospect before me han
that of green pines and live oaks, yet am not
Indifferent to the solution OF questions wnlcn
NAV affect mans welfare in all time to come.
profess 10 be one Of the people-sprung from them'
the causes which have promoted or retarded their
advancement in every cline. In their soft and
tender moments, when favors are to be granted,
they are told that Vor Popui is poT Dea. Some
times they are converted into mere abstraction,
and called by the name for instance) OF South "a
rol;na, and receive incense as God. Now, am
opposed to this alteration Of the People, whether in
the abstract or the concrete. The People are MADE
up Of falble individuals and how, from an aggre-
cation of fallibiities, infalby can be eliminated,
must confess cannot see. Being one OF them,
I would tell them in private, if there was any way
of reaching their private ear, Poor people you
are split up into pares excited the one against Inc
other induced to believe that your interests are an
tagonistcal, and finally driven to shed each other
blood on an extensive scale Of murder; and when IN
moments of misery and privation, reflection comes,
YOU find one Of your great fatterers has risen nso
bower and station aad shakes the reins Of .,rr.rny
over your tagging necks!'' PEy il Is that the
mistake is only found out when no remedy can DC
applied. do really sympathze with the People.
They love genius and talent, and are ever willing
dazzled by their influence to surrender their entire
confidence to their sway; and yet that genus ana
that talent are but too often employed IN Leading the
masses, sheep-ike, to their own destruction. Mr..
MADISON most truly observes, {" that it is mlsor-
tune inseparable from human affairs that public
of moderation which is essential to just estimate
Of their real tendency to advance or obstruct the
.public good and that this spirit is more apt to
be diminished than promoted by those occasions
which REQUIRE an usual exercise of it." We see
the truth of these remarks verified at the present
hour. The doctrines of Modification and Seces-
sion are enounced with heat and arrogance on one
side, and repelled on the other with the same intol
Grant spirit These are questions which concern
the very origin and philosophy of our govern
ment and require the utmost GOODNESS OF intel
lect to understand, and much more to discuss.
Every man, no matter how humble or retiring
he may be, is naturally interested in the Govern
ment under which he lives, and in the changes 1t
may receive He must suffer or grow prosperous
with it, and therefore is entitled to free expression
Of his opinions in relation to it. Without desiring
to excite the enmty Of one party or to secure the
appreciation of the other, propose, in accordance
with your request, to furnish you with an exposl-
ton Of my opinions. l ask from you nothing more
than belief in their sincerity.
The Government of the United States is the re-
suit of compact between the States which formed
it. After the Government was established, did the
States ratfying the Constitution retain their sover-
eighty! And, in the event of controversy between
State and the General Government, does that
controversy partake of the nature Of contest be-
tween sovereign Powers! Now, some have gone
so far as I'd say that the State is sovereign, while
the General Government is but an agency. All
Governments, however, are but agencies, invested
with powers more or less in trust for the benefit of
their respective people, whether these people form
members Of separate communities, or are agglo-
merated into one empire. The word agency
throws no light on the question. There can
be no doubt that the States have parted with
the most essential elements of sovereignty. They
cannot coin money; they cannot declare war
or make peace, or enter into any treaty with
termined to adhere 10 all amendments Of the Con-
sttution agreed upon by three-ourhs Of the States
assembled in Conventions or Legislatures. Who
ever heard OF people retaining their gnt,
and yet consenting to be bound in all matters relative
to their Government by certain number of other
States They are clearly then not sovereign
States, in the light in which we regard England.
France, and the rest Of the European Powers. The
Constitution is said by the State-rghts party to be-
compact between the States, and consequently
each one of the parties has perfect right to con.
strue that instrument for ITSELF When, on the other
hand, it is conended that the Supreme Court is in
vested with that power the reply is, that the ultimate
decision Of the National Judiciary upon points in
dispute between the States and General Govern
ment constitutes the very question at issue more
over that it is absurdity for the Judiciary, being
part Of the Government to possess power which
would make i. a judge in its own case. Now, |
deny, in the first instance, that il necessarily follows
that every party to compact has perfect right to
expound it according to their whim and caprice,
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