Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1851-12-20
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
THE MONROE DECLARATION AND NJ. KossUrH.
PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER ID, 1851.

If eyer respect for past example; if ever mo-
5erate knowledge of the political history Of the last
sixty, or fifty or twenty years (for Lam content 10
ask but litte) were needed it is now, when foreign
er comes amongst US to set to rights our notions
and traditional opinions to tell US, after study of
week, what Washngton's Farewell Address really
meant and to reverse the elementary principles of
our foreign policy. M. KossuTH's New York ban
ouet speech is bold one 1t is from Its plausible
sophisty, dangerous 1t is dangerous, too,
in this that whilst its doctrines may find echo in
the minds of politicians reckless in their aspirations
of the dangers of the instant future, they become
impressive on the popular mind by the bold assump
ton of facts which they contain do not care to
pause to vindicate the Washington policy from the
new Hungarian gloss, but | do desire to say few
words on two, strictly speaking, for they may be
considered together one more recent matter of his
tory which NJ. Kossuth, relying no doubt on some
not very accurate purveyor has strangely misstated
1 mean the Monroe Declaration of 1923, and the
Panama Mission; both, submit, very unlucky pre-
cedents to be cited for active intervention just now
Rather more than quarter of century has
passed since the more recent of these incidents
of story and yet it SO happens that three of the
distinguished men of those days are prominent ac-
tors yet ready to bear their testimony to the actual
truth of history, whether it makes for against
this new expounder of our duties. In 1926 (the
time of the Panama mission) Mr.. CLAY was Secre-
tary of State, Mr.. WERsTER, then ovor, lvua-
ing member of the House of Representatives, and
Mr.. BERRIEN, whom the New York Times SCOTS at,
an influential leader of the jackson party in the
Senate They are yet with us, ready to say man
ly word for the good ld-fashioned homely doctrine
Of rigid abstinence from foreign politics-the doc
trine which Mr. VAN buren,, another survivor of
that day. said In the Senate he believed was firmly
fixed as the Republic itself'* Nay, more, the dis
tinguished negotiator, who knows more than any
one else of the real origin of the Monroe declaration
is still living in this neighborhood and he too could
say with emphasis how strangely perverted super
fetal must be M. KossUTH's knowledge on the sub
ject to which refer, and how absurdly overstrain-
ed this declaration is, when thus invoked as autho-
rity for European crusade I, an humble student
of our history, appeal from M. KossUTH and his
New York friends to these living practical statesmen
of our land.
Now, what is it NJ KossuTH says? After a
summary demolition of the WASHINGTON doctrine
after rejecting it authority because too ancient
he down to the fresher precedents of 1923 or
1926 In the following extract we desire to note
that the italics not ours but those Of the original
report. After stating rather shortly the Monroe
declaration /" as pledge to take up arms" NJ.
KossUTH says:
beg leave to desire you to remember that this decla
ration Of President Monroe only approved and
6rmed by the people of the United States but that Grea
Britain itself Joined the United States in the declaration Of
this decision and this policy"
Now, the words in italics mean either that the
declaration, whatever it was, was the contempora-
neous and Joint act of the two Governments whom
Messrs. KOssUTH and WALKER are so anxious to
affiliate, or that Great Britain followed the example
of the United States in its enunciaton of prospec-
tive Intervention. 1t so happens neither is the
fact 1t was not the joint act of the two Govern
ments 5and if there be any question Of precedence,
England was, as Major Downing said Of himself
and General jackson, !" if any thing leste ahead .
Let US see how soon history blows away the froth
and varicolored bubbles Of NJ Kossuth really beau.
tiful rhetoric.
The Monroe declaration is contained in the Mes
sage of the I'd December, 1928. 1t was two-fold
l. A bold assertion language rather stronger and
broader than its meaning, that no European Power
would be thereafter permitted to colonize on any
part of the American continents and, 2. A guarded
but distinct intimation that any interference by alb
solute Europe with republican Spanish Americ.
would be considered (mark the cautious words y a
dangerous to our peace and safety, and the mani
festation of an unfrendly disposition to the Untet
States" Now, this is all With the first part 0
the declaration neither M. Kossuth nor we, jus
now, have any concern, more especially as it un
luckily and unpicturesquey happens to be in direc
conjunction with fervent and sincere assuranc
budt tuc OHiOcu DIsatcS ls ucSlTOus VI mdmIcSuu
the great value which they have invariably attaches
to the friendship Of the Emperor of Ratssia, an,
their solicitude to cultiyate the best understandin
with his Government. - Message of 1921
is the second section of this declaration on whic
NJ Kossuth has been induced to rely, and whic
30 entirely misleads him. Of its meaning / ma
have word to say presently Its history, strangel
misunderstood, in the newborn zeal for fraternit
with Great Britain, is more material 1t is or ough
to be familiar to every student
Let NJ. Kossuth, or any one else who desires Of
short notice to cram" on this topic, procure Mr.
RUsH's "reminiscences of his Residence in London
and there he will learn the slow CESSATION and doubt
full throes which preceded this cautious manifesto
The story is soon told. Mr.. CANNING was jus
maturing his great scheme of polity, by which no
only Great Britain was extricated from the Holy
Alliance, but saved from being embroled in cru
SADIE quite attractive and far feasible thar
that which NJ. Kossuth proposes for US. He, the
disciple of Pitt, war minister, with the fresh me
mories Of thirty years of war of opinions, was in
1922 and 1928 the European man of peace and
strict real non-intervention. Nor is there to my
mind a brighter page Of British hstory-for Peace
has it's victories as well as War-from the resigna
tion Of Sir Robert Wapole downward, than that
which records Mr.. Cannng's heroic struggle at the
end OF Lord LiyerpooPs ministry, to keep England
neutral and at peace and to repress the discomfort
OF the Tory ultraists and the Wing opposition ar
rayed against him nor do the records of Parlia.
ment contain more brilliant speech than he made