Jeffersonian Republican. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1840-1853, 1851-10-02

England, our competitor in trade and
manufactures. The occupation of the
1laboring man there, is simply to toll. He
has no part nor lot in the Government.
i He is barely paid enough to pcrchase his
food. Not only is he compelled to toll,
but the wife of his bosom, the children of
his lcins must toll with him-must toll
onward and toll forever. The laboring
classes, then never change their condi-
tion, because their government determine
that their condition shall not be changed.
[ ask you if that system of laws meets
. the appreciation of the people of Penn
sylvahsa, which brings into direct compe-
titioa with their own industry the oppress-
ed labor, such as l have described. (No!
uo9 Then if such be the fact, why do
not we demand with united voice the restor-
alton of that policy from the National Legis-
lature, which would give us protection from
this competition. Why is it that there is
found within our borders a party, or men be-
longing 10 a party, so regardless of the best
interest of the entire community as to be
willing 10 adopt, cherish and protect that
system which robs the laboring man of the
constant employment and Just wages which he
ought 10 enjoy
know it has been said that there exists
snd always has existed, an antagonism be-
tween labor and capital. That may be true
in England. but it is untrue, in my judgment,
here In those countries where, by law,
property is vested in a particular class, and
kept in the possession of that class statutory
I,,f fba Of hair n0V
;here may be, an antagonism between capital
f. and labor. But in this country we have no
such laws Here capital depends for its ex-
istence, upon labor, and law. Here, the rich
man of to day may, by negligence and idle
ness, be the poor man of tomorrow; and the
poor man of to day may, by industry, be the
rich man of tomorrow. (Applause.) Our
laws make no such distinctions as to prevent
either. In this it is labor that creates capital.
1t is labor that retains capital after it is crea-
ted 1t is enables this capital to be trans
mitted. Do you protect property! | con-
tend that you do. You can scarcely open a
law book in which you do not find statutory
provisions for the protection of property
And am to be told that in government be-
longing to a nation of workingmen, constitu-
ted, as have said, for their happiness and
their convenience, where you protect proper
w which is the creature of labor, you shall
not protect labor! Am to be told that it is
unconstitutional, unjust, and improper to
protect the industry of the country when you
protect by law the property of the country,
which it has created (Applause.) Why,
then, should not the people ask for protection
TO industry!
Is there any other portion Of the earth, OF
the same extent, which presents more induce
ments for the investment of labor and of fcapi-
tai than are to be found within the borders OF
this noble Commonwealth We have min
eral resources, we have coal, we have iron,
we have limestone, we have water power,
4 unequalled in extent in any other State OF
4 this Union; we have constructed railroads
J and canals by public and private capital, to
reach these various resources, which have
cost over SI50,000,000. We have, in addi-
ton to these, healthy climate, and every
thing that nature can bestow to make pco-
pie happy With all these natural advanta-
ges-with all this power to make us wholly
independent, am to be told that it is the poll
cy or the wish of this people TO go to Eng land
Or to any other foreign country, for the fab
RIGS which compose the very clothing which
they wearl CCries of" No =" No!O AN
brings from the workshops of England and
days over the coal and iron beds of Pennsyl
vania the manufactured railroad (Cries o
MOI" " No - Reflect for moment II
reference to this latter branch of industry
If a ton of railroad iron costs $40, and yoU
send that $40 out of the country, $50 or S3t
out OF that $40 is made up of labor. Recol
lect, then, that you are paying S35 or sS3t
g glo Ia h,r fIOr
of England, and taking it from the laborins
population of your own land. Yet this policy
i, advocated by party in Pennsylvania, anC
that party comes before the working people
of the State, and asks them to believe that
Is composed of their exclusive friends.
Why, then. should we not respect labor
Man labors in obedience to the first lazy tha
God gave him for his guidance, which he cal
no more violate with impunity than he cal
anv other rule laid down for his govermen
by the Supreme Creator Man labors in ODE
dience TO the law of his physical existence, 70
without labor it would be impossible for hin
to enjoy health or the sweets and comforts o
fepose. Man labors because it assures to hin
present happiness, and brings 10 him comforta
bic old age. Man labors because it drive
from his homestead idleness and dissipation
and saves his offspring from premature dis
case and decay. He who fails to respect la
bor, when in his power, is alike regardless o
the welfare of the institutions under which
we live, and the well being of the society il
which be is placed. Applause.)
The results of the next election will settl
this question. 1t will not do to say in som
districts of the State that we are in favor c
a protective tariff, and in other districts t
say that we have no opinions upon the subject
and in others again to say that we are in ia
vor of the tariff of 1916 1t will not do {
send a portion Of delegation to Congress i
favor of a tariff, unless you send that delega
tion to Congress backed by a strong express
sion of public opinion in such form that pol
iticians will understand it. Let that opiuio
be expressed through the balot-box, and b
such majoritles that those in our own State