The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-03-29
From the Nsw Orleans Picoyuns.
Va1arfes OF Ultrnisnm.

4
ciafy Committee. MIR. Butler, Of South Carolina,
is, we believe chairman of that committee and he
has declared opinions the subject which make
ii not likely that report will be supplied by him
sustaining the action of the President, although
majority Of the committee, having decided already
against any modification of the Fugitive Slave law,
will. do not doubt, be ready to defend and sus-
tain all constitutional efforts to have it perfectly
executed against any form Of opposition.
| But new aspect was given 10 the whole subject
during the debate by the speeches of several south
| ern Senators. The whole line Of southern argu-
mcnt this subject broken up. Hitherto
| it has been good southern doctrine TO maintain
| it to be the duty of the Federal Government to
carry into effect, by proper legislation, the consi
tuoDal clause for the surrender Of fugitive slaves.
The failure to do eectually has been the ground
Of heavy complaint against tho General Govern
| ment. The law Of 1850 held to be the first
effective step to the execution Of this clause,
and the whole South accepted il sufficient for the
object, and a good compensation for the passage
of less approved bills, if it could be faithfully ad-
| ministered. The chief topic Of complaint and
distrust has been that it could not be enforced.
| The Executive severely blamed for remissness
| in not removing the marshal Of Massachusetts for
neglect of his part of the duty, in the Of Crafts;
and but the other day. in this very of the
cued fugitive, the President accused by some
of indifference to his duty in not removing at
the officer who permitted the slave in custody un-
der the TO be taken from his hands. The right
of the General Government to execute this law.
and its obligation to do it at all hazards was al
irmed as unquestionuble truths. upon tho acknow-
ledgment of which by the people of the North, un-
| reservedly, the safety of southern rights, within
the Union, held to depend. The extreme
South and Southwest. whose pccuniary interest in
| the Fugitive Slave law is extremely email, were
invoked to make the faithful enforcement of this
| law test OF Union-the only satisfactory proof
| that the Compromise is to be respected-the one
pledge. which must be exacted, Of the faithfulness
of tho Union to the rights Of tho southern States.
But in the Senate, on the oath, to the SURPRISE we
doubt not. of the whole country, this position
| abandoned by part Of the South. Several of
| the southern Senators became extremely scnsi-
| tive the subject of the enforcement of the law.
| They were alarmed at the consequences of any
effort the part of the federal authorities to
| poy coercive measures to support it's processes
even against mobs. They saw terrible dangers in
the simple process Of using force to aid the officers
Of the Union in executing the laws of the Union.
They have suddenly discovered that it is alien to
! the genius Of Government TO depend upon
any thing but the voluntary consent of the sub
ects, upon whom the law is intended to operate, to
carry it into effect. Laws must be obeycd from
free will and affection; from fear Of consequent
ccs or dread of coercion. So, the Boston mob
spirit must not be met by a determined front of
federal power, indicating it's authority. That
will lead to exalaton of federal authority will
| be dangerous precedent for the use Of the fedc-
raj army against State rights-a terrible stride
towards consolidation! Hence, the conscience Of
| those gentlemen, who have in their thoughts to
arm the States against the authority of the Gene
| raj Government hereafter, in crisis they think
| they see determined to make, is shocked
| at allowing even 80 much vigor to the Execu-
| tive arm as will enable it to enforce perfectly
| the law which, of all the recent Legislation of
| Congress, it most concerns the South to have
maintained.
To these men do from the case of a
lawlcss riot, to that of an organized State revou-
ton. making analogy between the repression
of negro mob, and the arming of forces to CO.
cree seeding State. shows foregone conclusion
in their minds, and raises the strongest presump
ton that they look upon the crisis Of conflict with
| the General Government to be at hand, and would
strip the Union Of the ordinary functions of author
y in the simplest form of self preservation they
would, in time of anticipated warfare, endeavor to
cripple the power with whom they expect to war;
| We can understand no better motives for the dis
couragement thrown in the way of the faithful OK
ecuton Of the slave law by those who dcclaim
against the danger of employing force. Laws are
| only made because something more is required
than voluntary assent, to keep men and communi
| ties just towards each other; and no law would
ever be observed if it not for the force by
which it is sustained. We do not mean that every
law requires the manifestation of physical power
| to make it observed; but law could be main
tanned at all against individual caprice interest
but for the knowledge that society is organized and
tribunals are established, and vast array of ply
sical force is ready at hand to enforce obedience
! Force is the vital principle which makes any law
| Of any value. The laws Of Congress, within their
constitutional sphere derive their vitality from the
same principle any other law; and to discourage
| assertion of force, in such case as the Boston
| mob, is simply to renouncc the power of legisla
ton, and to reduce the whole Federal Government
| TO state of pitiable weakness, prepared for and
inviting dissolution by the first shock.
| We hope no such counsels will have any effect
| upon the Executive power, or the course of the
| General Government. They have the constitu-
tional duty to perform in the maintenance of the
power Of the law, and ought to do it thoroughly
and fully, in the putting down of mobs, and the as
serton OF their rightful authority. 1t will be sup
ported therein by the great body of intelligent and
patriotic men throughout the Union, and espcci-
ally in the South where the lawful exercise of an
objectionable power, in n cause which deeply in
terests ourselves, will not be thwared or discour.
aged, even by those who deny the right to coercc
State. from the fear of less justi6ablc exercise in
another state Of affairs.
The Senators who take this ground Of dissent
with the Of the Executive, forsake the strong
ground upon which the South has entrcnched itself
within the Constitution and for imaginary or
simulated danger, appear ready to throw off, at once
every substantial defence attainablc within The
Union.
Mr. Rhett, Of South Carolina, goes farther than
this in weakening the securities given by the Fugi
tive Slave law and discarding tho Federal author.
ity over the subject altogether lie boldly declares
with Chase, of Ohio, the fanatic the other ex-
trcme, that the Fugitive Slave law il unconstitu-
tional. These two, the South Carolina scces-
sionst, and the other Ohio Abolitionst, main