The southern press., 1851-09-02

rial acquisition wa, the one for the adnission
OF California State into the Union. This
measure was Obi ctionahle to Southern men,
though i finally received the support OF nearly
one third OF the representatives OF the South
la common with majority OF the South, en-
4 tertained objections 10 this bill; preferred
that territorial government should have been
provided for California, as was done for Utah
and New Mexico. 1t would have been a more
regular aud appropriate mode of disposing of
that portion of the territory; bat the failure TO
do SO do not regard violation Of the Con
stitution or the rights of the South. In the
admission of California, Congress exercised a
power expressly conferred upon IL by the Con-
stitution, "to admit new States into the
Unions" and though our judgments do not
wholly approve the exercise Of that dscre-
tonary power in this instance, it constitutes no
such cause of complaint against the govern
ment as would Justify the resistance which has
been indicated by the enemies of the compro-
mise and the advocates of disunon
The principle upon which California was ad-
mitted into the Union, with her constitution
prohibiting slavery, has ever received the sane
ton of Southern statesmen The principle
denies to Congress the right to look into the
constitution of a State asking for admission
publican in its t, rm of government. Whether
slavery shall exist there is a question not for
the consideration of Congress- bat to be deter
mined by the people when they frame their
State constitute n.
This doctrine was clearly expressed in the
following resolution introduced by Mr. Calhoun
into the Senate Of the United States in l847.
it was the annuncilton of sound co 1stitu-
lional principle, and am prepared to maintain
its correctness:
"Resoloed, That, as flu damental principle
in our political creed, people, in forming a
constitution, have the unconditional right to
form and adopt the government which they may
think best calculated to secure liberty, prosper
ty, and happiness; and that, in conformity
thereto, no other condition is imposed by the
federal constitution on State, in order to her
admission into this Union, except that its
constitution be republican and that the imposi-
ton of any other by Congress would not only
be in violation of the Constitution but in dlrect
conflict with the principle on which our political
system rests"
The bill for the suppression of the slave trade
in the District of Columbia was objected to by
Southern men principally on the ground Of the
penalty which it provides. That feature is taken
from the laws of Maryland, and it will be re-
membered that all that now remains of the Dis
trict was originally part of the State of Mary.
land. In 1885, the State of Georgia prohibited
the introduction of slaves within this State for
sale, under penalty of a fine of five hundred
dollars, and Imprisonment in the penitentary
for four years, for each slave brought into the
State for SALE ! his law was repealed in 1912,
and re-enacted in l843, and again repealed al the
session of l849 The penalty for the violation
of the District law is the liberation of the slave,
which is, as have said, the same penalty pro-
vided by the Maryland law for violation of
their act upon the same subject There was, as
far as | could learn, but one voice among the
people of the District on this subject They all
desired it,
The Fugitive slave bill is the only remaining
measure of the compromise to be considered |
wish it was practicable without extending this
communication to too great length to incor-
porate into it the leading provisions of the bill
1t must suffice, however, to state that it was pre-
pared by one of the most extreme advocates of
Southern rights in Congress- 1t contains every
provision that was demanded by the South
and have yet to meet with the first man who
claims more at the hands of Congress on this
subject than this bill grants. Congress, in the
adoption of this bill, has, in my Judgment, ex-
hbted willingness and determination fully to
discharge the obligation which the Constitution
imposes for the delivery of our fugitive slaves
| have now rapidly referred to each of the
compromise measures, and you will see that
whilst, in the language Of the Georgia conven-
ton, do not wholly approve of all these
measures, vet see in them no violation of our
constitutional rights nor is there, in my opin-
ior, anything which forbids on the part of our
people an honorable acquiescence in these
measures. Such was the decision of the people
Of the State last fall, as recorded by their dele
gates in the convention of last November If
did not regard the settlement as fair and honor
able, would not be found among the advo-
Gates of the Georgia platform 1t is not simply
because Georgia has decided the question that
| maintain her decision, but because she has
made wise, Just, and patriotic decision. If
thought that Georgia had made decision which
subjected her citizens to terms of inequality and
degradation, wonld as a loyal citizen, submit
to her will, until could induce her, If in my
pove err, to abandon so humiliating position
and such, presume, is the position of every
honorable man within her limits it is therefore
right and proper that the people should know
not only who will submit to the decision of the
State, but also who approves and will sustain
that decision.
! our flrst lnterrogatory directs my attention
to the question Of secession, and you have put
the issue upon the right ofa State to secede from
the Union without just cause AS this right Is
claimed by many as constitutional right, and
by all of those who advocate It in its modern ac-
cepta,ion as consistent with the constitutional
obligations, shall consider Il at some length in
reference to its constitutional bearings.
When asked to concede the right of State TO
secede at pleasure from the Unior, with or with
out Just cause, we are called upon to admit that
the trainers of the Constitution did that which
was never done by any other people possessed
of their good sense and intelligence--that is, to
provide in the very organization of the govern
ment for ts own dissolution. 1t seems to me
that such a course would not only have been an
anomalous proceeding, but wholly inconsistent
with the wisdom and sound judgment which
marked the deliberations Of those wise and good
men VIII framed our federal government Whilst
freely admit that such an opinion is entertained
by many for whose judgment ! entertain the
highest respect, have no hesitation in declaring
that the convictions OF my own Judgment are
well settled, that no such principle was contem-
plated in the adoption of our Constitution. Iii,
was the purpose of the trainers of the Constitu-