Eastern times. [volume] (Bath, Me.) 1846-1857, 1851-03-13
EASTERN TIMES.
Bath, Thursday, Mar. IL, 1851.
Natural and Political Freedom,

Z" The diyersiIies ut national character can
not fail TO produce very different Interpreters
tons of the word "FreeJom,'' Win our
own Anrlo-Saxon race il means individual
ndependehce--llIa, stale of things in which
the night not only OF tnoriiies but of units,
are Jealously guar led There is, 9th u.s.
nioreorer, no practical faith an the demagosUe
nonsense Of ecery bang born. free, but a
,cidely difused kno,cledge that freedom is the
creation Of l1,o, and can only come Of eniight-
ened obedience. In France, getting The nation
galvanized into state OF widespread i'm
pulse, and facilitating the rise of gifted men
TO carry it into effect, is called Freedom:
and it was very well realized under Napole.
OH, whose naue still has vitality enough to
keep his feeble nephew in the presidential
chair. In Germany. Freedom has chiefly
had an University Specification, and has
meant unfeuered speculation and yearuing
towards National Unity. In Hungary il
meant the preservation of language and To-
cal customs, and was identical with the
pride OF race. Propositions which tended
10 merge all minor uationalities into one
great Hungarian nationality met with little
support except from The Magyar or domi-
naut race, who would have given the least
and received the most. In Italy was the
same yearuing for oneness, ihat is found in
Germany, but coupled with local jealousies
OF all kinds aud lille aptitude for simultane-
Gus action
The ideas advanced by this English writer
are remarkably liberal, and so replcie with
suggestive thought, that we transfer them 10
our columns as subject matter for comment
We have entitled our article 'notural and
political freedom''-thus intimating the dis
tinctive conditions, which it will be readily
perceived that they possess. Natural freedom
is that unrestrained liberty common 10 a state
of nature, restricted only by the operation of
natural laws-while political freedom depends
upon the state Of society and the government
under which we live. There is no such thing
as absolute freedom, for in the most unrestrair-
ed state of existence that can be conceived Of
the law Of physical force prevails, and imposes
restraints upon the weak and helpless. Hence
the necessity for human enactments through
the means ofcivil governments
In the early and rude states of society, it
could hardly be expected that mankind should
entertain any rational ideas of government
consequently power was arbitrarily exercised,
aud confined TO the few With the advance
ment of society, however, in civilization,
corresponding progress has been made in con
s,ltutional and governmental reform. Yet in
all these changes degree of political freedom
has been enjoyed. Predictions in favor of
long established systems have not been easily
overcome, and we find now the Englishmen
protesting that the magma charta" embodies
the very perfection of governmental utility and
philosophy, while the Turk servilely kisses
that very sceptre which demands his head
So '',he diversities of national character pro-
dnce different interpretations of the word
Freedom
The italcised sentence in our text, that
'there is no practical faith in the demagogue
nonsense of every man being born free, but a
widely diffnsed knowledge that freedom is the
creation of law, and can only come of euligh;-
ened Obedience we fully endorse. The idea
in our declaration Of Independence that ''al
men are created equal has been unwarranta-
bly, misconstrued and perverted. The freedom
of men is determined by the government under
which they are born, or under which they
may live. We are apt 10 forget this great
fact, and imagine that our rights are above the
law and the constitution, instead ef being sub
ject to and dependent upon them.
Enlightened obedience TO the law is ncccs-
sary 10 ensure the highest degree Of freedom.
| nj In I,t.h IL
rives its whole power from the people-the
happiness Of the community being the great
object 10 be attained The law. which accord
ing to Roman statesman, is ''ihe perfection
of reason" defines our rights and liberties.
and prescribes the rule of conduct 10 be fol-
lowed. SO long, then, as a law remains upon
the statute book, 1t must be respected and en-
forced. The conscientious scruples of no one
man or set of men should be interposed TO pre-
vent the enforcement, or 10 question the mag
istracy of any law. For under the law only
do they derive the commonest rights which
they ENJOY, and without law their freedom
would be subject TO their physical strength.
We would not be understood as arguing
that our laws should be insurmountable. We
only contend for their supremacy, while they
remain upon The statute book The power 10
modify or repeal lies in the power that created
or caused to be enacted-the pcople-and there
is but one proper way 10 effect the repeal Of an
odious enactment this is, to do it lcgaily.
While commenting upon the law, we will
take occasion 10 notice the doctrine advanced
in these latter drys, that the laws Of our land
may be jusufably eyaded or disrcgardcd, upon
the suffering or payment Of the penalties there
Tor. The fallaciOusness Of this theory mast
be apparen, TO every reflective mind. Laws
are either oommaHdafory or ProhiJitory. Pen
aiues are not affixed TO laws in the nature of
hoenoes, by any mcans-and the Infringement
OF law is no less a crime because certain
sum OF money is paid over BY the offender, or
Confinement submitted To. We must believe
that our laws are enacted TOR the GOOD Of socie-
~, and the moral obligation to support human
enactmenis Is as binding as tina, 10 support any
command of The decalogue. The du,v of owe
ry member of the community is. to ..subm;t IN
the powers that be, and suffer WRONGS r,,bor
than commit them. Our laws would H. ,,.,u;
hGs, and our whole system of judcature a farce
were the doctrine that crimes could be exn;,,-
aJ hv nonaIries generally concoded