The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1851-11-25

rtfs, ettSckeo hossusn IN defence OF Austria but
~hsn London sends . Jsw to Parliament, what can
We expect from the TINES?
[from the London Journal Of Commerce, Nov.
IL may be thought . curious question to ask at
the present time, how long the peace of the world
is likely TO remain undisturbed Itis by no means
an agreeable task to predict future calamity, and
OF all other calamities-war; neither would we
now say that such disastrous event Is unavoida-
BILE; but this We say, that there Is too m9on IN tne
present aspect Of European affairs to make u eA
tremely probable. We suppose we are not singular
in considering the state OF France to be pregnant
with danger to the peace Of Europe. The month
Of May next must see that country coovulsed oy q
fierce contest for the Presidencynot for the Pres-
dency only but in fact, for . constitution. NO enc
viii pretend to say that France has constitution;
thing is still unsettled and in disorder and the
elements Of strife are abroad throughout every
province of the country. 1t Is in this that We ap-
more to be done in France than to choose an indi
vidual out of the candidates who may offer them-
selves to place at the head OF the government, the
election gh pass over without any serious conse-
quences; but, unfortunately there Is in France and
throughout o great part Of Europe, numerous
body who are watching the opportunity, and who
will gladly avail themselves Of 1t, to disseminate
dangerous principles, and If possible establish dis
order and anarchy, which must be opposed to the
existence of every social engagement and the safety
of every established government The election OF
President of the French republic will give them
that opportunity. Ii must net be supposed that,
States is an orderly constitutional right, which
usually passes off without distur bsnce, the same
may occur in France. In America the election of
President has be,ome an ordinary periodical rou-
tine to which the people are accustomed by usage
Of more sixty years; but in France the choice,
by universal suffrage, OF chief magistrate for the
State lie new experiment; and, as we have already
said, that country has no consttution-it is still in
search Of one.
II is barely possible but not at all probable, that
the other countries OF Europe will regard with in
difference the commotions which may arise in
France as a consequence OF the election; IN fact,
they vii not be permitted to remain quie they
will be forced by the extreme revolutionary party
and the extre me revolutionary feelings which pre-
val-net only in France but in their respective do
minions-to ar themselves in the defence of order
and the main tenance Of their thrones. No doubt
there are many who think that England can have
nothing to do with comma lions which are external
to her own dominons her insular position is her
protection, while the freedom of her constitution
and her thriving industry, are sure guarantees
against domestic disturbance We wish we could
indulge in such pleasing prospects. Such, we ad.
NIT, ought to be, and might be, the happy condi-
ten Of the country but 1t is our misfortune to have
SO unnecessarily entapged ourselseyes IN the contl-
mental revolutions, that We fear England cannot but
be mixed up with any untoward event that may
arise through the French election. Throughout
Germany and throughout Italy, the recent revolu.
items, if they have not had the actual support OF
England, have b ad the warRest sympathy OF the
government, and something more than sympathy.
The Sicilian revolution was not merely encouraged
by England, but the revolutionists were supplied
with arms from the Tower Of London; and it is no
torous that her Majestys steamers were, as far as
il was possible for a Neutral power to act, aiding
and assisting in the same cause, even beyond what
could be considered strict neutrality. Austria is
another power against which England has shown
every species Of animosity that could be shown
short OF actual declaration of war; and it Is GER
tain that, had il not been for the difficulties in
which that country was plunged, and the weakness
OF the Neapolitan government, both those Kingdoms
would with whatever allies they could have OBJ
tanned, have engaged in hostilities with England.
What we apprehend, then, is that-as the feeling
still exists, the sense Of injuries still remains
and as our foreign Secretary, up to the present
% ays' Sos st sve and
may be in store for England which may come
upon her when she least expects them
This brings US to a recent event-the visit to Eng
land of M. Kossuth We say nothing Of the man
ner in which he has been received in this country;
We can only consider il IS an ebultion OF popular
feeling. But what does that feeling express
sympathy for the cause OF those revolutions which
have been so disastrous to the peace OF 50 many
them future difficulties. M. kossuth, in his own
person. seems to embody the cause OF universal
revolution, TO be on missionary tour TO propagate
his opinions, and to WIN over disciples to them. To
us this appears to have been the object Of all the
addresses he has delivered in this country. lie dis
tincily and une quvocally calls upon England to
assst him IN securing the independence of Hunga'
ry, TO overthrow the House Of Hapsburg. and to
lay the Austrian monarchy in the dust. The
government cannot, of course, be held responsible
for what M Kossuth said to the English people,
nor yet for the applause and appreciation with
which the people received his sentiments; but this
IL an English opinion on English feeling, Cont
mental poentates will judge very differently Of the
matter, but the Emperors OF Russia and Austria
viii not PUT quite so charitable construction on
the privileges which gathering OF Engiishmen
Ari hey
brought M kossuth to England; II was not in his
route from the Mediterranean to New York; In
deed We are half inclined TO ask the same question
ourselves; We certainly think II weuld have been
as well for the country II it had been spared the visit
M. Kossuth will probably leave this country i'm.
pressed with the belief that the people Of England
are ready at any moment to wage war with
Austria and Russia to restore the rights Of hungary
he knows not, or perhaps does not consider hov
much England has already paid for wars which
were not her own, and what useful lesson II ha
been to her people The people Of England MAJ
sympathire WITH the Hungarian cause, but If he ex
poets they will 70 to for it he is sadly mistaken
at least we hope so. What we apprehend Is, tina
as this country has incurred the hatred and rouset
the suspicions Of so many European king doms, th
question Of peace or war may not be LEFT TO Us Is
matter OF choice.
M. Kossuth leaves England for the United State
OF America In a few days lie has already published
in that country en- address to the people, much o
the same tenor as the speeches be delivered here
but in the published document he more openly dc
neunces the Austrian monarchy-and, indeed, al
monarchiee-than, We suppose, b. thought pruden
to do in England; although, from some expressions
be ssed, and the manner they we're receives
BY his audience, he may have thought that
il this country was not altogether republic
like the country he is going to, II IL quasi republ'
can. M. Kossuth Is TO be received In the Unitet
States public Official character; orders 10 thi
effect have been issued By the President; be ID to b
saluted and treated with oil the honors that, II
American estimation, are due to one who anatne
matEes monarchy as public nuisance, which eugh
TO be universally laid prostrate. But the sound o
those salutes will reach st. Petersburg and Vienna
and they may send forth spark that will serve u
ignite the train of combustible materials which, b,
llsuppressed revolution, has been laid throughsu