The daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1848-1851, 1851-11-10
New Temperance Movement.

rendered 10 moral reform, TO set you and your
readers right on The subject Of your article Of this
morning, headed New Temperance Movemenl."
All that can he expected of you, as public journal
lists, an impartial course of action towards those
for against any movement of whatever nature.
You aude to some movement on foot, but you do 1
not give your readers the means of forming any |
clear conception Of what it is, but leave them to /
infer that it is in serious contemplation to violate
great principles, and by their ultraism endanger L
personal liberty and the harmony Of society"
Now, as the movers of this moral reform are /
merely seeking for voluntary abstinence from in |
toxicnting drinks and for voluntary expression of
public sentiment 10 that end, by an elevation of |
public opinion and virtue, they firmly believe that |
they most warmly devoted 10 and intent on the |
deyerance of their fellow men from the very worst
and most bitter form bondage ever took or can take
and are thereby only desirous Of promoting real |
personal liberty and the surest kind Of harmony in
society. In endeavoring, however, to attain con-
summation so devouly 10 be wished, that Of men
tai and moral freedom from vice and good agree
ment among men, they are determined to pursue
thsirobjsct in the only legitimate, but at the same
time, most efficient manner which it is possible to
devise, or in which man can ever arrive at, extend
and perpetuate the one the Other They, there
fore, beg of you, an act of common justice, to
lay before the world this, the head and front of
their offending" and then inform it to come on
Macduf."
Temperance men being composed of all parties,
party bias and party lines remain, therefore, un.
changed; as among their ranks at any time and
place may be seen, as if the Divine Providence
had in reality taken possession of their souls, men,
forgetting all their differences in politics and reli
-, IL l,,-. Co. II
principle fraught with the greatest and bes, of bes
sings TO their species. This country, therefore,
need not be frightened from its propriety on that
score, as no party in politics or religion advocates
intemperance. Nor do temperance men design to
enact prohibtory laws; neither do they design
reforming men in the matter Of drinking, by clos
ing up all coffee houses, for one very good reason,
which is simply because they cannot do either in
this the country of which they boast being free,
and in which they glory as the only land where
the majority rule. But they, as freemen, throw
themselves on the intellect, the moral sympathies
of Americans, and, by all that is near, dear, loved
and sacred in The name of an American citizen,
merely call on them as brethren of all parties, as
American sovereigns, on whose head are no dia-
dems which have caught their hue and brilliancy
from the lfe.streams of down.trodden, starving
millions, to come forward, en- masse, and simply
say aye nay TO the question: whether or not they,
like European sovereigns, need the price of the
blood of the inebriate TO carry on and out the des
tiny Of American liberty, the destiny of the world
Some difference of opinion, however, seems to
exist among the avowed friends of this moral re-
form in reference to what end this reform ought to
begin at; whether at the source of the evil, al
the gallows, and in respect to the proper province
duty of the Legislature in regard to it.
You deprecate the right and the policy of the
constituted authorities to legislate on the habits
tastes and moral convictions Of men," as you are
aware that no "members of any other organiza
ton" can do Now among those sources O
human action there exists great differences, al
must allow. There habits etc, with which
the Legislature of no free country, or its citizens
ought to interfere; and in those countries
where this kind of interference is prscticed the
results are much to be deplored Of this kline
may be noticed the action Of the Legislature the
moral convictions in matters Of religion, as il
England or where the habits and every thing else
however innocent, the subject of Legislation, a
in China. But there are habits, etc., that do re
quire legislative enactments among every civiize
people, and which is that very civilization itsel
Those, however, who form the social compact mus
necessarily decide the nature and extent of tn
legal limitation.
The habit of industry by dscountenancing an
infringing on the personal liberty of vagran'
of testifying to the truth by not giving any legs
weight to the oath of who is given to teln
lies-of regard to private character by givin
damages for injury done to reputation-of respe
for the honest and virtuous convictions, feeling
and professions in politics, morals and religion
others by protecting them in the undisturbed e,
ercise of their rights, but who do not thereby il
fringe, modest, impair, damage endanger those
others and of seeking the means Of lvelihot
by no improper, vicious or vtating course Of a
ton, whereby the peace, the innocence the WRIT
and good government Of the community shall
destroyed, are all admitted to be the just provin
and bounden duty of the legislator.
There are, also, certain tastes that very re
rehensibe, and have to be brought under the vol
OF the Legislature among every aw-abiding pop
lation; such as the rabd taste for cowhdin
manning, challenging to fight duel, stabbng al
shooting another who may not come up to CT
tain standard Of breeding or etiquette; for dis
gard of all decorum, or for public disturbance.
The moral convictions of men have also mt
decidedly to be made the subject matter of legis
ton! Some mems moral convictions do not col
up to the standard of fulfilling contracts, payi
just debts, shaping their course of conduct agre'
bly, to the laws of the land, or of a due regard
life, the constitutional rights Of property, or to pl
lie and private virtue. Hence the Legislatu
with justice and propriety, has to step in and sht
the line of action of each for the good of the whc
Take away this platform Of civilized man, and Il
moment he sinks into barbarism. The fair a
just inference from all this is clear, and placed
yond The possibility of doubt, that should {
species of action or line of operation increase
public burdens, at least, or at the very lowest
culation, five hundred per cent. jsopardizs
even prove itself continually destructive TO orr
virtue, life and property, there seems to be al
native but to appeal to the constituted authority
II, therefore, cannot, in an enlightened, free
moral community, be deemed very dangerous
advise their Legislature of an evil that stalks
and night, Sunday and Saturday, throughout
land, bidding defiance to every barrier, with G
strides, whose every footstep is marked with
graduation, wretchedness, and crimes of the dee
dye.
But to hasten to the grand point that seem
divide those sincerely anxious to bring abo,
moral reform by peaceful, voluntary and cons
tional means, that European despots and phi
thropists, whose bosom are yearning over ims
ary evils, cannot, dare not touch, nor follow
cause destructive to their revenues You say
1t seems to us wiser, better and safer to