The Sumter banner. [volume] (Sumterville, S.C.) 1846-1855, 1851-09-16

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The Northwestern States, from their
local position, will have, in the event
ofthe disruption Of tho Union, moro
affinity for their ncighbors Of tho
South, than for tho Eastern States.
| see no reason, therefore, why We
should fear to postpone the issue be-
tween the two sections. The other
Southern States have no fear of the
North in the futurc-but this State
has, and this occasions, in a great dc.
gree, their difference from us in the
present policy. In this State we are
under a panic which is urging us to
separate nationality, regardless Of
consequences The Southern States
have the courage of power, wo tho
courage Of despair. Let us recover
from this unworthy alarm; let our ac-
ton be dictated by policy, and not by
:repidation.
repeat, the pressure from the
North can alone unite the South
this pressure is at work; let it 20 on.
When the fruit is ripe we will gather
it; let us not commit the folly of try.
ing to gather it too soon. If we do
We shall be necessarily disappointed.
will briefly consider the argumcn.
for secession.
l. That it will produce Southern
Union.
2: That, failing in that, it is
good measure in itself.
Let US soc how this is.
Secession will be followed by peace
or by war.
Suppose it is followed by peace
Then take it for granted it could
not produce Southern Union, for
reasons SO obvious that it is not ncccs.
sary to mention them.
Suppose secession is followed by
war, or rather by quasi war, a
blockade, the only war which would
take place. Would this unto the
South! | cannot see on what ground.
We take step, secession, against
their wishes and contrary to their and
our interests, as they SUPPOSE will
they not be willin. to sec US foilcd in
this movement ? Will they not en-
durc, with philosophy, the spectacle
Of our pccunlary losses, the only way
i'll which blockade would operate
upon us 1t certainly seems so to
mc. The Southern States arc more
interested in our continuing in the
Union than the Northern States are,
and under the feelings of aversion to
our policy, which they have, it is not
unnatural that they should be willing
to sec commercial restraint cxcrcis.
cd upon us, to prevent us from doing
an act injurious to them.
I think, then, in view of all the
circumstances, coercion by CONNER
cial restrictions, the only kind nf co.
ercion which would be, and would not
bring about a Southern Union.
Secession, then, whether attended
with peace or war, not causing a
Union Of the South, is not in further.
ance of our great policy Of bringing
about Southern Union, and there
fore should not be adopted.
AS to the second purpose of scccs-
sion-that it is good measure in it.
self, the nationality Of South Carroll.
nal hardly know what to say, i,
seems to me to be 50 diametrimctric-
ally antaSonistic to every principle Of
our policy.
The first great fundamental unan-
swcrablc objection to it is, that it Is
the aisunion Qt the South. Words
Of such fearful import that l will not
weaken them by claborotion.
Second. South,Carolina cannot be.
come nation. God makes nations,
not man. You cannot cxtcmporisc
nation out Of South Carolina. 1t is
simply impossible, VIC have not the
resources. We would exist by toier-
ance, and what that tolerance would
be, when we consider the present
hostile spirit of the age to the institu-
ton Of slavery, Of which we would be
looked upon as the peculiar exponent,
all may readily imagine. trust we
may never have to look upon the
painful and humiEa,ing spectacle.
Third. From the weakness of our
national government, o feeling Of in
rccurity would arise, and capital
would take the alarm and leave us.
But it may be said, let capital 20.
TO this | reply, that capital is the
lifc-blood Of u modern community,
and in losing it you lose the vitality
Of the State.
Fourth. This national government
would DC very, rc'y costly
machine. The cost Of a government
is in inverse proportion to its numbers.
y small national government is
necessarily far more expensive than
large ono. Look at the small
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