North Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1850-1852, 1851-03-22
The FIST sentence in our Constitution conveys


and who have essaved to rule empires and king
dons by unjust and arbitrary power, have profess
ed the name of Republican, while their deeds did
not comport with their professions. The mere
profession of the name, without the trnets ana
principles which formthe creed Of republican, Is
a generality that would embrace Caesara Crom,
well, and Bonaparte Alter two hundred years oil
monarchy, Rome banished the Tarqu'ns' ana lot
five centuries was Republic of patricIlns, Cypress
inc and Numbering piebian race of fellow citizens
who had no other rights than to pay taxes, Till the
soil for their superors, make war on the saVages
and enlarge the borders of the Republic. Venice
Genoa. ENGLAND and Holland, in their turn, were
renublics after this same Roman fashion, Bnt
il was the representation and not the substance OF
freedom. The great body of the people of those
m;sooverned empires and Kingdoms were depriv-
Cd IF the free exercise ard enjoyment of the bless
ings of civil and religious liberty; and they were
forced TO submit to the oppressive tyranny and des
potism of their rulers.
In an absolute despotism, where the people are
compelled to submit to the arbitrary power OF I'M
fec ling tyrants, the name of liberty produces but
little effect.
Ifa man must own n certain kind and quantity
of property to entitle him the right of suffrage
the inference might be drawn from this PROPOSE
lion that the larger amount of kind Of proper
ry n man owns the more sway he is entitled TO ex-
ercise in the direction of public affairs. This is
the doctrine upon which arstocracy rests. II IS
too nearly identified with the creed OF princely
and regal government to receive any favor in this
country. 1t is the primary rule of aristocracy.
that property is the test of merit"
This at once establishes a wide moral dist:nc
ton between the fortunate and the unfortunate and
if carried into political practice, will create two
distinct and separate orders in opposition to each
other. This would produce the most disastrous
consequences fatal to the peace ard happiness Of
the country 1t would lead to intestine dissensons
and anarchy.
If we examine the various modes in which pro-
perry is acquired, the allacv of the princpl that
it is the test of merit, will appear sufficiently
evident.
In nearly every kingdom of Europe. property
is not only hereditary but limited in its descent by
thu right of primogeniture. which gives to the ed
est born son the whole real estate which his father
inherited Apply the ma kim of property quail
ication for the exercise of the ght of suffrage,
to this right of descent and primogeniture, and it
follows, first, that the mere possession of what a
man had no agency whatever in acquiring is a
test of his merit; and. secondly. that the first born
son monopolizrs all the merit of the family. The
Younger are, of course. according tn the pro-
perry qualification, set of contemplate fellows,
and should not be permitted to keep company with
their meritorious elder brother.
As, however the right Of the first born was one of
the first roots of arstocracv that plucked forth
from the soil of liberty in this country; it may be
urged tina: the test of property qualification for
the rig ht of voting, cannot be applied to propert',
inherited from our. ancestors, to the monopoly
of the first born son.
Although it may be Justly assorted that the
maxim of property qualification for the exercise
of the right of suffrage is a sweeping one, with
out exception or reservation, vet | am perfectly
. hi ,lior
institutions. On that, or any other ground, am
willing to meet the question and setting aside
hereditary property of every kind and degree to
consider it exclusively in its application TO proper
ty acquired by the individual holder.
property is a test of merit and qualification
for voting, then it follows as a direct necessary
conclusion, that the more property a man acquires,
the greater his meri, and political privilege. Eve
ry dollar added to his store increases his merit
and privilege, and every dollar he loses or spends,
is so much distracted from his height and worth
his influence and power-as a member of the
community. lfthis proposition be taken as cor
rect. in its practical bearings on our system of
government and civil poliry, in order to estimate
the value and political strength OF a man. his dol
lars acres mus, be counted, and thus the only
standard of virtue, integrity intelligence. will
be that of Wall street Broker, in the city of New
York, where n man is called '' good in propor-
tIOO I'D lne amount OF his money. Sucn SelI-eVl-
dent absurditPs would be totally beneath notice or
argument were it not for the purpose of making
some exposition of the fallaciousness of the doc
trine of property qualification for the right of
suffrage. II is entirely too absurd to merit Sc
sious refutation. 1t is the creed Of royalty, the
spirit and essence Of arstocracy, and the bane Of
republican liberty. But TO go the end of the
string of absurd conclusions; growing out of this
anti-social and ant-republican question; who are
the men that, generally speaking, amass the Iarg-
est fortunes IN the worId2 Are they more wise
and virtnons than the rest of mankind Are they
statesmen or philosophers2 Are they patriots or
phiIanthropisls2 Have they ever spledther blood
in defence ofther country's rights2 Or have they
ever displayed their heroisln on the perilous field
of baite2
l know nothing of Rotbschild, of England but
according 10 the property qualification doctrine, be
must be the most meritorous and exercise greater
political influence than almost any other man in
the world having the disposal of the greatest cap
ital l cannot indeed, find any very brilliant ac-
lions, any singularly good deeds, to the credit of
RolhschId; but according TO the proposition upon
which am commenting, he would be entitled 10
take the place of all the apostles and saints in the
calendar for he is probably hundred times richer
than any of them. John Jacob Astor, who died
a few years ago, in New York, was richer man
than he who was first in peace, first in war, and
first in the hearts ofhis illustrious
GEORGE WASHINGTON. And Stephen Girard,
was worth more money than all the Frankins and
Shermans of the heroic age of America. am
not speaking in any spirit of dislike or unkind-
ness of those who have the good fortune to enjoy
the ownership of extensive nossessions and