The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-11-29


rendered him powerless, by denying to him the
necessary assistance.
Here, then, was no call for troops, but an in
timation by the Government that, if wanted,
they would be furnished and declination on
the part of the marshal to ask for them.
1t cannot be forgotten that on another coca
sion the PRESIDENT actually had an application
to give orders TO the United States forces to aid
in the execution Of this law, and at once COM
piled We refer to the case in which re-
sistance to the law was threatened in the
neghborhood of Philadelphia, when Commodore
READ, commanding at that navy yard, being
called on TO ascertain whether he would direct
the marines to assist the civil officers, applied
for instructions as TO his duty; and, in reply,
received the order, which we also publish here
with This order directed the marine force to
be promptly furnished whenever the marshal
should report that it was required, from inabil
ity to raise civil posse. A copy of it was
also sent to the Judges of the United States
court In Pennsylvania. Now, we beg mo-
ment's attention 10 dates.
The Fugitive Slave law was approved Sep
TENDER, 1885, the letter to the marshal Of
Massachusetts bears date the 2Sth of October
ensuing; the order to Commodore READ was
written on the Doth Of October. Thus, within
forty days Of the date of the passage of the
law, in the only two cases brought TO his notice,
the PRESIDENT gave sufficient assurance of his
determination to execute this law; and we are
authorized to say that Mr.. RENcHER, about
the LIST of November, within two or three
DAYS of the dates when these letters were
written, was fully informed of their con-
tents and made no complaint Of the remlssness
of the PRESIDENT in the execution of the law.
Why was it, then, that when Mr.. RENCHER
came to testify for the information of the Lee
qislature Of North Carolina-which body, no
doubt, felt deep interest in knowing the whole
truth respecting the action of the Government,
and the good faith and energy of the PREsI-
DENT, or the contrary, in the enforcement Of
this law-that he failed to utter word about
the orders to Commodore READ and the letter
to the marshal of Massachusetts, above re-
pose, did he allow himself to assert that the
last-named officer had asked for the aid
of troops, and that the PRESIDENT refused
them2 When he stated that the use of
the navy yard and public ship was dlsal-
lowed, why not in fairness state the reason,
that its sufficency might be judged of2 And
especially, we ask, why did he not state that
the letter containing the refusal was emphatic in
enjoining upon the marshal his duty to execute
the law2 What prompted the insinuation madeby
Mr.. RENcHER, that the PRESIDENT would not
deign himself to answer the letter of southern
gentleman who had written to him respecting
the opposition he had encountered in an effort
to recover a fugitive slave, but caused it to be
replied to by clerk in one Of the departments?
Certainly we cannot suppose that Mr.. RENcHER
did not know that the correspondence of the
PRESIDENT on all public affairs is conducted
through the departments Of Government. and
that in the absence Of the Secretary Of State, in
the instance alluded to, it was signed by his
chief clerk, as Acting Secretary" not from
personal disrespect, but in the ordinary
course of official business. We ask, then,
why was all this2 Was it to destroy the con-
fidence of the good people of North Carolina In
the Government of their country-to which no
people have been more loyal and true-and to
induce their Representatives, by means like
these, to embrace the fatal scheme of seces-
sion, which has since been so signally over
thrown? Or was it supposed chat the cause
of party would be aided by representing,
somewhat by assertion, and still more by in
situation, that the great interests of the southern
people were in danger from the unfaithfulness
or Indifference of the PRESIDENT to his sworn
MISUNDERSTANDING those measures of Com
promise on which he had already staked the
success and character of his Administration?
But it seems from Mr. RENcHER's recent let
ter that he persists in these charges, in effect
though in form he now merely says that the
Administration was tardy and inefficient. This
is considerable abatement from a charge Of
refusal to order troops to aid in executing the
law. But let that pass, and let US ask Mr..
RENcHER whether an expressed determination
to enforce the law, within forty days of its pas
sage, and on the very first occasion that troops
were ever asked, even contingently, can justly
expose the PRESIDENT to, charge of being
late in bringing the military to the aid of the
civil power? And we would gladly learn from
this disciple of the school of State Rights and
Modification how the soldiers Of the United
States can be brought to act in such case, eX-
cept in aid of the civil officer, and on require
ment from him2
Mr. R. seems to be strangely oblivious of
every thing favorable to the PRESIDENT in the
matter in question, and imaginative as TO what
might be against him. He seems also to have
quite overlooked subsequent events.
Since Mr.. RENcHER's araignment in his
last winters letter, the PRESIDENT sconduct on
this whole subject has undergone the scrutiny
of tribunal endowed with all the qualities ne
cessary to form righteous judgment; and it has
passed not only without censure, but with the
| highest encomium.
When mob in Boston, in February last,
| succeeded in rescuing slave named Shad-
| rach the PRESIDENT transmitted a mes
ni..J 81