The southern press., 1851-08-30
PssltIsn ef France,


in Alabama and Mississippi
Fesitisn sf France.
There is much apprehension ia Europe, gener-
ally, lest revolution should break out again ia
France at The period Of the elections, in May
1852 BY an unwiso arrangement, the powers
of the President terminate at the same time with
that Of The Assembly, so that the country may
be left, should any difficulties arise out of the
electioneering contest without government.
Such is the appearance Of things.
There is no reason, however, why the mini .
try should not continue TO hold office, let the
excitement be what it may and 80 long as they
hold it, authority will be exercised to keep
order, ard keep reaction going. We have little
faith in revolutions of every day. Some people
talk of them with all the confidence Of foresight
Yet, talk and talk, and predict as they will,
like birds of i'll omen as they are, revolution il
not so easy to bring about as they anticipate.
We do not believe either that the mere plan
ming of constitution, good or bad, has much
to do with the matter This article might be
better--that one might have been left out--the
other may be superhuous; but nations are not
governed by articles, nor DEMONSTRATIONS. They
are governed by laws which have become
usages, and which, good or bad just or unjust,
equal or unequal, in their action, are the endur-
ing monuments, and influencing agents of pub
lie morals and public actions. The general pro-
positions contained in this or that system of
government or constitution, are as nothing in the
scale; and though the cause Of the superb
wranglings of politicians, and the intrignes of
diplomatsts, and royal councils, they are not the
predisposing causes Of revolutions.
We will venture to say that, whether the pro-
posal to prolong the Presidents power fully to
four years, and thus put off that election to a
less exciting season, be adopted, or whether the
double election take place in May, they " ould
be conducted with all order and decorum.
The danger lies not in the articles Of the con-
sttution-not in the double election at one and
the same moment-but in the violation of the
natural right which every man had to vote.
This violation was fraud, because it did not
even, as THEIRS pretended, exclude the vile
multitude" 1t excluded the great part of the
best educated and intelligent men of France.
1t did not exclude the ignorant peasant, who
will vote as his seigneur or his Cure direct, and
who lives and dies in the hovel in which he was
born; but it excludes men of various profess
sions, who are compelled, by the very nature and
Importance Of their occupations, to be constant
ly changing their domicile."
In this trick lies the sole danger And yet
we may pretty well rest assured of the tranquil
toution or at any rate, of procrastination of the
question, owing to the aversion, universally ex-
listing in France, TO violent changes.
The movements under the surface, whit h
preceded the revolutions Of 1880 and lS48,
were OF nature not to be misunderstood by
observant politicians The encroachments of the
royal governments had been regular and con.
stant; and though, agtating the population
really, they were outwardly tolerated and easily
enforced, if resisted. But in reality those meas
ures had no stronger opponents than the agent
and officers Of government. They were tn
measures of clique of blind aristocrats am
sycophants, who had crept into power to pei
petuate antiquated- ideas, or to sustain then
selves in that dizzy position by fawning to tn
puppet Of the day.
When, therefore, the discomfort was full
the brim, men Of every class, pressed by the n,
cessity of the case and the urgency of accum,
lated wrongs and encroachments, kept close an
unmoved, and few ragamuffins marching dow
the Boulevards, formed the van of those gre,
movements which ovsrthrew thrones. Ever
where there were orders and counter-orders-
here would be fight, there would be
retreat. la town remarkable for its order
among officials noted for their activity an
alacrity-among military men unsurpassed 70
skill and courage in war-there is a sudden an,
unaccountable confusion, marching and counter
marching, blundering and misunderstanding
no one in his place--no one well comprehend
ing his duties
There was revolution--because, in fact tn
government itself was disorgaHzed by the sci
imposed and almost universal resolution of il
own officials and agents to take no part bt
rather give every facility to the movement.
France is not again arrived at this point. Yet
would be wrong TO say that the governmer
officials actually approve of the reaction
They do not. They cling with affection {
their democratic laws and institutions-and
is certain, from the experience of two revoIr
tions, hat, though willing to act with all homo
towards those in authority, they will not cor
sent to see the rights, acquired at so much sa'
ri6ce, swept AWAY to please the whim of a kin
or the prejudices of class, now without muS
power, wealth or importance.
1t is almost impossible TO make any kind
comparison between the English and the Fren'
revolutions. Among the former, the react
more completely triumphed than It has e'
been able to do, or can ever triumph now
France The latter country is ten times m'