Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1851-06-21

Congress in the called the adjustment measures civil
war would have snsued blood American blood, would have
been shed and who tell what else would have been The
consequence Gentlemen, in an honorable war; if foreign
foe invade If rights threatened if il were
say to defend them BY arms afraid Of blood. And,
am too old myself hope there those connected with
me who are young, and willing defend their country the
last drop Of their own blood Sensationl But cannot
express the horror feel the shedding of blood in cono
between of these States the Government Of the
United States, because in IL in the sight of Heaven
total and entire disruption OF all those make us great
and a hsppy people,
Gentlemen that the great question: the leading
ton, at the commencement of the year 1850 Then there
the other and that the matter Of the Fu0ye Slave
Law Let say word about that Under the provisions
Of the Constitution in General Washingons
in the year 1893, there passed law for the restoration
OF fugitive slaves BY general Hardly any one OBJ
posed at that period 1t thought to be necessary in
order to carry the Constitution into effect the great men
New England and New York all concurred in it. Il passed
and answered all the purposes expected from il till about the
year 1871 ls42 when the States nteered 10 make en-
actmens in opposition The law Of Congress said tina,
State magistrates might execute the provisions of the law
Some OF the States passed enacmen imposing penalty on
any who exercised authority under the law assisted in its
execution others denied the Of their as carry the law
into effect and, generally the Of the wear
1880 II absolutely, say absolutely indispensable
that Congress should pass law for the execution Of this
provision Of the Constitution, else give up that provision
entirely That was the question was in Congress when
the subject was proposed was for proper law had
indeed, proposed different law Of opinion that sum-
mary trial by jury might be had, which would satisfy the
preudces of the people, and produce harm to those who
claimed the service Of usives but left the Senate and
another station before the law was passed The law
Of 1850 passed. Now undertake, lawyer and on my
professional character to you ALL the law of
1850 decidedly favorable the fugitive than General
WashiDgons law Of 1898; and tell yon why In the first
place, the present law places the power in much higher
hands in the hands of independent judges Of the Supreme
and Circuit Cours, and District Courts and Commissioners
who appointed to Office for their law learning. Every
fugitive is brought before tribunal Of high character of emf
nent ability, Of respectable station. Well them in the Sc
cond place. when claimant comes from Virginia to New
York, to say that has away, flu
gve from service labor he brings with him record Of
the county from which he comes, and that record be
sworn TO before magistrate, and certified by the county
clerk and bear an official seal The affidavit must state that
Gas the may beg had departed under such and
such circumstances and had gone another State and that
record under seal is by the Constitution Of the United States
entitled to full credit in every State Well the claimant or
courts OF Virginia. that had escaped from service.
He must prove that he is here He brings witness, and
asks if this the and he proves or, in ten
OF eleven, the answer would be- Yes, massa, your
slave !; / did escape from your service"
Such is the present law and much opposed and ma
gned it is it is more favorable law to the fugitive slave
than the law enacted in Washngtons time, in l793 which
sanctioned by the North we'll by the South. The
existing, violent and unceasng opposition has sprung in
modern times From whom does this camor come, Why,
look the proceedings Of the anSavery Conventions look
at their resolutions Do you find among all those persons
who oppose this Fugitive Slave law any admission what
that any law ought be passed carry into effect the
solemn spuations Of the Constitution Tell any such
tell if any resolution passed by the Convention
at Syracuse, favoring the carrying out Of the Constitution
Not one The fact it, gentlemen, they oppose the whole
they oppose the whole Not Of them admits that there
ought be any law the subject They deny altogether
that the provisions Of the Constitution ought to be carried
effect Well what do they say Look at the proceedings
OF the antSavey Conventions in Ohio Massachusetts, and
a n he Of NewY do
" That, help them God, coored shall be from
the State Of New York. back to his in Virginia " Do
not they say that and, for the fufment Of that they
pledge their lives their fortunes and their sacred HONOR
daughter Their sacred honor [Laughter.l They
pledge their sacred honor violate the laws of the United
States they pledge their sacred honor resist their
ton they pledge their sacred honor to commit treason against
their country ." a.a.'.."' .'.#- .s.. i.
have already stated gentlemen what your observation Of
these things must have taught you. will only the
subject for moment for the purpose of persuadng you
public men and private men, good and patriotic men,
that ought to the extent Of your ability and influence,
to it that such laws established and maintained shall
keep you, and the South and the West and all the country
together far as it is just and right and far the Con
stuton demands say, that what is demanded Of u.s. to
be up constitutional Duties and to do for the South
what the South have right to demand
Gentlemen have been time before the public. My
character is known my life is before the county profess
to love liberty much any living but profess
love American liberty tina. liberty which is secured to the
country by the Constitution under which we live and
have no great opinion Of that other and higher liberty which
goes the restraints of law and of the Constitution.
hold the Constitution Of the United States to be the buwak
the only buwak Of liberties and of national union
do not that you should become slaves under the Con-
situton. That is not American liberty. That is not the
liberty of the Union for which fathers fought that liberty
which has given right to be known and respected all
the world only say, that for constu-
tions liberty. tbs enough for to be free the Cons-
tuition of the country makes me.
Now gentlemen, let say, that, much respect
the Of the people Of Western New York. much
wish retain your good opinion you should place
me, hereafter, in any connexon with public le let tell
you that you must not expect from the slightest
ration, of hairs BREADTH from the Constitution of the
United States [Cries of "Good, good good."l l am
Northern man. was born the North, educated at the
North, have lived all my days at the North know five
hundred Northern men Southern man. My sympa-
thes all my sympathes my love Of liberty for all mankind
of every color the yours My affections and
hopes in that respect exactly like your wish
all men free, all happy have few personal asso
cations Of the Northern States My people your peo
ple And yet am told sometimes that am liberty
man, because am not Freesoil man. [Laughterl What
am What was ever What shall be hereafter, if
could sacrifice for any considerations that love of American
liberty which has gowed my breast since my infancy and
which hope will never leave me till EXPIRE Zap
plsuse.
Gentlemen regret that slavery exists in the Southern
States but it is clear and certain that Congress has power
it. 1t may be, however, that in the dispensaiions Of
Providence remedy for this evil may occur may be
hoped for hereafter But in the time, hold to the
Constitution Of the United States and you need
pec from me, under any circumstances, that shall falter
from il that shall be otherwise than frank and decisive
would not part with my character Of rmness and
decson and honor and principle for all that the world pos
nd ofrno IN he Novth nv