The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-01-13

Spain
MR.. BARRIseEa's RESOLUTIONS.
WHEREAS, the Southern States Of the Union
have long acquesceI in revenue system on
the part of the Federal Government which it was
believed would promote the prosperity and nde-
pendence Of the country at large but which was
understood all the while, AS peculiarly favoring
the mining and manufacturing interests of the
North. And, whereas, the advantages accruing
TO that section, by this system, have seemed only
to increase the disposition and ability of the non
slaveholding States to persevere in their unconstl
tutional, unjust, and fanatica aggressions upon
the domestic institutions of the South.
lst Be il therefore Resolved, That it is the true
policy ofthe saveholdng States henceforth to OPP
pose any and all increase in the present rates of
duty on foreign imports, beyond what may be alb
solutely necessary for an economical administra-
ton Of the General Government
%. BE IL further Resolved, That Il copy Of the
foregoing preamble and resolution be transmitted
to each of our senators and representatives in
Congress, with the request, that they their
best efforts to carry out the principle herein set
forth.
In submitting these resolutions, Mr. Barringer
enforced their propriety, substantially follows:
lie commenced by begging the pardon of the
Senate for troubling them with thee resolutions.
II was not his original intention TO have said any
thing ON the slavery question:. Bat he feared the
Legislature had been Iulled into false security by
the apparent calm NJ the North. That calm is de-
| signed, deusive, deceptive. He felt that the agi-
| tation would go The South would ultimately
have to repel aggression by action lie was for
| doing II nop. lie was for the Union and the
| Compromise. He appauded the efforts Of Mr..
Webster, Gen. Cass, Mr.. Dickinson, and others
| IN the late crisis; but they had scarcely been
able to stem the swelling tide. What mus. we
expect, when that class Of statesmen shall have
passed from the scene of life We have no hopes
IN the rising generation in the free States of either
| people or politicians. The great masses there
would have to be ultimately driren into sense of
| returning justice. The South would have 10 do
this by retaliatory measures--a system which
would strike at the prosperity Of all their lending
interests.
This could be done in part by Congressional
legislation the tariff, and such is the object of
his resolutions; by this policy there could be no
serious objection. But Mr.. B. himself went
further, and was for non-intercourse by this
Legislature, recommended by the committee
slavery. 1t had been said that non-intercourse
would be unpopular at home. Suppose it were
so, he solemnly believed that the impending dan
ger was such as to require all TO make sacrifices
| to avert 1t, to do duty and risk consequences.
But he entertained different opinion He thought
small tax would be so equally divided between
the Northern jobber, the home merchant, and the
purchaser, that in pecuniary point If view, it
would never be felt among the mass Of our people;
and yet II would be the most sure and efficient
means of bringing the North to It's senses. Every
merchant and trader who went there with copy
of the law in his hand, would do more practical
good than host OF Union orators or Il cargo of
Congressional speeches. Such law could be as
eifecually enforced as the act of the last legsla
ture taxing money at interest. He had no doubt
as to its constitutionaIity. This will appear by
various decisions Of the Supreme Court of the
United States, some Of them referred to and APP
proved of in in our own court, (Wynne Us.
Wright LIST Dew & Bats. law)
II therefore we wish to perpetuate the Union,
we should act. IL on the other hand we believe
half of what we hear and see in regard to disunon
IT is high time we were preparing for the dreadful
alternative. Non-intarcourse would stop aggres
sion. Ii it faded in this, it would prepare US for
the worst contingency, by orousing our people
and building up our interests at home
In regard to the various resolutions before the
Senate, he had but little to say. He thought that
at least an idle mode of warfare this nomen-
tous question. The huge Humber now before the
legislature (some seventy odd) made the subject in
his eye almost ridiculous. When member of
the other house, two years since, he predicted
that the resolutions then passed land for which
he voted would produce no effect on the free
States. He IN hopes North Carolina would
pass no more such resolutions. II she moved at
all, let her aef But he would defer TO the better
judgment Of senator's, and concur in The passage OF
such resolves might be thought just and proper
He would produce no division in this body.
As to secession, he thought it unconstitutional.
And if there was distinction between that doe
trine and the right of revolution or rebellion
(Which he did not care to argue,) for his life he
could not see the practical difference in their con-
sequences. His idea was, that even if the doc
trine of secession be declared so attached were
the people Of North Carolina, that they would
give II up except as last alternative (; and
when that dread day comes, it will make no diff
ference to them. whether their remedy be called
secession, revolution, or rebellion.
These resolutions (said Mr.. b. are so framed
to involve party feelings; if they did not &C
cord with the views of the Senate, he had no dis
position to press them,
His object was to exprtss his own sentiments
on this alarming and momentous question.