The republic., 1851-12-17


ifornia was passed The debate on the resolu-
ton of Mr.. FoorE declaring the Compromise
measures definitive settlement of the slavery
question was continued by Mr.. RHErT.
In the House of Representatives, the States
were called for petitions and the standing COM
mittees for reports and various bills were in
troduced and appropriately referred.
The Proposed Application OF the Non-ln-
tervention Principle.
A few days ago, we made some observations
upon the obvious impracticability of KossUrH's
proposed alliance between this country and
England for the enforcement of the non-inter-
yention principle. We maintained that not
withstanding all the ties of consanguinity and
commerce, no two nations exist with larger
proportion of recprocally antagonistic forces,
with greater jealousy of each others policy, or
with stronger probabilities of being involved, at
least in formidable diplomatic difficulties. We
pointed TO the insidlous and ceaseless aggres-
sions of the British government, and to the i'll
will of influential portions of the British aris
tocracy and press; and, on the other hand, TO
the decided antipathies to British policy and
institutions that are known to exist in the hearts
of large sections of our own population.
We might cite columns from exchanges from
Ill parts of the Union in support of the latter
view. Historical events are appealed to as in
surmountable obstacles to any close alliance with
England, and the impossibility of reconciling
the policy Of republcanism with that of mon
archy is enlarged upon with an earnestness
amounting almost to vehemence. The papers
most distinguished for the advocacy Of an op-
posite view are the avowed Abolitionsts; and
yet we find one of this class--the Buffalo Esr-
press--using such language as this:
"Tho dinner table cant about 'the language of
Milton and Snasspeare,' 'MagnA Charta,'
common lineage and our altogether uncommon
afines with the English, will not deceive We
know in our own persons tho history of the injus-
tice and the sefishness of that hard and grasping
race. We do not lovs that people, nor
10 they Iovs us. There is no sympathy between us
he dinner table orators to the contrary notwith-
sianding-and the claim the hope that we will
stand by her in European war is impudent, and
will utterly fail. The dinner table orators may
swear to do over very deep wine; but the men of
the Wabash, those that rifles in Ohio, in Ken
lucky. in Pennsylvania, and in Maine, wouldn't
ram bullet to keep the Cossack's horse out of
Westminster Hall. And why should they? British
policy is not the policy of the American democra.
cy-its success is not democratic good-its failure
is not democratic loss. If men
wait for the spectacle of tumultuous muster OF
the Americans at the beat of British drums they
will wait till Bunker Hill and Lexington are for
gotten, and till the Revolution has ceased to be
part of the history of our country
Coming from quarter which has so fire.
quently eulogized the British abolitionists, and
which, if we mistake not, extended patronizing
help to GEORGE THoMPsoN's "intervention,"
this language strikes us as conclusive proof of
the failure that must attend KossuTH's labors in
behalf of the contemplated alliance.
The difficulty is felt in its full force by the
most Independent and impartial of the English
journals. The London Spectator, which de-
servedly occupies high position as an honest
and discriminating advocate Of liberal princi-
pies, has the subjoined observations, bearing
directly upon this point:
"An alliance is projected between the three great
constitutional nations of France, England and the
United States, to form counterpose TO the COM
pact existing between Russia, Austria, and Prus-,
sia, for the suppression of popular liberties. Ora
tors talk Of such an alliance az if nothing were
needed for it but sheet of parchment and ready
writer. But. TO say nothing of the material force,
without which alliance for such purpose
would be mcckery, and the parchment of which
It was d1A-s- aprs-eap for those who trusted
to it, there are conditions necessary, in conpari
son with which the recruiting Of armies and the
equipment Of ships would be trihe. No three
nations in the world could be mentioned which
more profoundly admire are senstivey
jealous of each other; and while the admiration ia
sure TO predominant where their interests do not
clash and their rivalry is not called out, the jeal-
ousy would be equally sure 70 display itself the
moment active military or political CO operation
replaced the cordial but dietant courtesy of the
present relations. As il s, we have been nearer
going to war with both America and France,
within the last ten years, than with any other
nation; and il is to be feared that, in spite Of in
teligence and good feeling, and all that times
are in the habit OF boasting, such war would have
boen popular in both countries but for the expense
of it. But supposing the alliance TO be formed,
and all merely general causes OF disruption out of
the way, what would be its chances of unanimty
and permanence? The project has especial refer
enco to Hungary, country in which neither of the
contracting parties has any direct interest," and
towards which their political sympathies coin
cidont; but its practicability must be tested by
application TO other cases that may arise. Savoy
may take fancy to separate from Sardinia and
unite herself to France; Belgium may choose to
split into a French and Flemish faction; tho
Rhine provinces may look back, especially If the
vsgarics Of the King Of Prussia be not checked,
with regret to imperial recollections. What would a
rational man, who knows the temper Of tho French
people, and thoir special views with respect to
these territories, calculate as their probable nt
tude during the civil contests these movements
would provoke' What would he give for tho
paper en- which the non Intervention alliance was
drawn up' Or, to go to the other hemisphere, and