New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1851-10-25


the employed becomes imminen, and cannot be
adjourned any longer; that the working class
can no longer be pm, of with delusiye hopes and
promises never 10 be realized, that the great
problem of the nineteenth century, the abolition
of the proletariat, at last straightforward fairly
and in its proper light Now, IN Germany, the
mass of the working class were employed, not
By those modern manufacturing lords OF which
Great Britain furnishes such splendid specimens,
but by small tradesmen whose entire manufac-
turing system is mere relic of the middle
ages And as there IS an enormous difference
between the great cotton lord and the petty cob-
Ter or master tailor, 30 there is q corresponding
distance from the wide.awake factory-operatiye
OF modern manufacturing Ba5ylons 70 the bash
fu oumeyman tailor or cablnet-maker of small
country town, who lives in circumstances and
works after planvery little tfrom those of
the like sort OF men some five hundred years ago.
This general absence of modern conditions OF
life, Of modern modes of industrial production, OF
course was accompanied by pretty equally gene
raj absence Of modern ideas, and 1t Is therefore
MOTTO be wondered at If, al the outbreak OF the rev
oution, large part of the working classes should
CRY out for the immediate reesabllshment Of
guilds and medieval privileged trades corpora
tons Yet, from the manufacturing districts,
where the modern system OF production predoml-
mated. and in consequence of the facilities Of In
accommodation and mental development az
.orded bv the migratory life of a large number of
The worklngmen, strong nucleus formed itself
whose ideas about the emancipation OF their class
were far clearer and more In accordance with eI-
is-nc facts and historical necessities, bu; they
were a mere minority II the active movement
Of the middle classes may be dated from 1910,
that Of the working class commences Its advent
by the instructions OF the >ilesian and Bohe-
man factory operatives in ls4l, and we shall soon
have occasion to pass in review the different
stages through which this movement passed.
Lastly, there was the great class OF the small
1mers, the peasantry, which, with rs appendix
OF farm-laborers, constitutes a considerable ma
or.ty Of the entire nation. But this class again
subdiyded itself into different fractions. There
were, firstly. the more wealthy farmers, what Is
called in Germany Gross and MUei B1uvn, pro-
pretorS Of more or less extensive farms, and
each Of them commanding the services of several
agricultural laborcrs. This class. placed be-
tween the large uutaxod eudal landowners and
the smaller peasantry and farm-laborers, for OBJ
yious reasons found IN an alliance with the anti
feudal middle class of the towns It's most natu-
sa political course Then there were, secondly,
the small iTetholders predominatng m the
Rhine country, where ieudallsm mad succumbed
before the mighty strokes of the great French
Revolution Similar independent small free
holders also existed here and there in other
provinces, where they had succeeded in buying
of the fcudai charges formerly due upon their
lands This class, however, was a class free.
holders 10y name only, their property being gen.
orally morcaced to such an extent, and under
such onerous conditions, that not the peasant,
but the usuror who had advanced the money,
was the real landowner. Thirdly, the feudal ten
ants, who could not be easily turned out of their
holdings, but who had to pay perpetual rent,
or to perform IN perpetuity certain amount OF
labor In favor OF the ,ord of the manor. Lastly,
the agricultural laborers, whose condition, in
many large farming concerns, was exactly that
Of the same class in England, and who, IN all
cases lived and died poor, lllied, and the slaves
of tier employers. These three latter classes OF
the agricultural population, the small freehold
ers the fcudal tenants, and the agricultural
laborers. never troubled their heads much about
politics before the revolution, but II is Nldent
that this event must have opened to them a new
career. full Of brilliant prospects. To every one
of them the revolution offered advantages, and
reinforcement cnce fairly engaged H. 1t was tobe
expected that, each III their turn, they would
loln IT, But at the same time II Is quite as evil
dent, and equally borne out by the history OF all
modern countries that the agricultural popula-
ton. in consequence OF It's dispersion over
great >lsce. and OF the difficulty OF bringing
about an agreement among any considerable
portion OF II, never can attempt successful IN
dependent movement they require the initiate
~ impulse Of the more concentrated, more en-
hghtened, more easily moved people Of the towns.
The preceding short sketch Of the most i'm.
portant of the classes, which IN their aggregate
formed the German nation al the outbreak OF the
recent movements, VIII already be sufficient to
exrtain great part OF the lncoherence, neon
gruence and apparent contradiction which pre-.
vailed IN that movement When interests so
varied, so conflicting, so strangely crossing
each other are brought into violent collision;
when these contehding interests in every dis
trict, every province are mixed in different pro-
portions: when, above all, there is no great cen
ter IN the country no London, no Paris, the de-
clsions OF which by their weight may supersede
the necessity Of fighting out the same quarrel
over and over again IN every single locality;
what else is to be expected but tina, the con-
test Will dissolve itself into mass OF uncon-
nected struggles, IN which an enormous quantity
OF blood energy and capital is spent, but which
for all that remain without any decisive results
The political dismemberment Of Germany into
three dozen of more or less important principal.
a. ennaIIx ernlalned hN tbs cnn., slor, and