The New York herald., 1851-12-10

Affairs; but by assuming this position, he holds
that there would be no danger of our being in
volved IN war. Let II be once understood that
England and America ag 90 in maintaining this
doctrine, and Russia would certainly respect it.
There is an unanswerable consistency in this plan
of non Intervention. It only introducing into the
law Of nations the old familiar maxim Of "sauce
for the goose should be sauce for the gander." If
liberal governments are bound by the laws of non
Intervention in reference to the domestic affairs of
other people, the powers of otism should be held
to obedience to the came fundamental doctrine. 1t
is the good old doctrine Of fair play The time, in
deed, Is at hand, when the single alternative be-
tween this principle and "a charter to the Gear"
to dispose Of the nstonalites of the continent at
his pleasure, will have to be adopted by the liberal
powers of the world They must elect between sur
rendering Europe to the Cossacka, or maintain
ing the balance of power the continent.
Great Britain owes her present national debt
to her coalitions with Austria, Prussia, and
Russia, against Napoleon. She owes it to her
twenty years of a,tive Intervention against Ii
beral principles, and in support Of the hollow pre-
tensions of legitimacy and the right to govern by
"the grace Of 3D." Experience is useful teacher
The reckless intrepidty of Pitt has taught Palmer
ston the saving necessity of caution. With show
of boldness he maintains a vast degree prudence
But the swelling power of Russia, and her manifest
designs upon the continent and in the East, would
seem to suggest to the British cabinet the nonnter
veution of Kossuth as q measure of actual neces-
sity for self defence
The United States are in position of absolute
independence. No considerations of direct danger
admonsh them to any alliance against the dessots Of
Europe. But our intimate commercial relations
with England and France, our social and political
afinities, will enforce foreign policy of mutual
harmony and cooperation, in the event of revolu-
tionary bosleve senesn the continent tartamount
to this identical doctrine Of non-intervention Nor
will the plea Of ofcious intermeddlng in European
affairs avail against alliance with En- gland and
France, in behalf of this active and positive nom
Intervention.
Upon this point we have precious example of
only few months old. 1t is in the alliance be-
tween England and France for the protection of the
sovereignty Of Spain in the island of Cuba, a
movement which was entered into at the imminent
hazard of war with the United States. What did
the British and French government propose in refer
ence to Cuba! Interyen of the most active kind
Mr. Champion, the British Minister ai interim
addressing Mr.. Webster, says that " her Majesty's
government deem it due to the frankness which
ought to characterize the Intercourse between the
two governments, to state to that of the United
States that her Majestys ships of war on the West
India station will have orders to prevent, by force,
any adventurers of any na.:ol from landing with
hostile intent upon the Island of Cuba" Unques-
tionably this thing contemplated bad faith on
the part Of the United States, the inability of
n;ck apA tha ifu nf inta
fering to prevent the island of Cuba from becoming
q case of annexation. M. de Sartiges, the
French Minister, is equally explicit la answer to
Mr.. Crittenden's declaration, That this gov
ernment could not see, with Indifference, the Island
of Cuba pass from the hands of Spain into those Of
another European State" he says, that, " the
French government is likewise Of opinion that in
case it should comport with the interests Of Spain,
At some future day, to part with Cuba, the pos
session of that island o. the protectorship of the
same, ought not to fall upon any of the great mari
time powers of the world" Of course not. The
intervention of rance and England in this affair."
was to enforce the non-intervention of the United
States, and to prevent the island Of Cuba from fall
ing into our possession. Lord Palmerston and
Louis Napolel n, who is but the instrument of the
British government, were seized with panic; and
their interference was dictated by jealous alarm.
But it was intervention to enforce non inter-
ventiop, and to maintain the sovereignty Of Queen
Isabel over the island Of Cuba.
The diplomatic correspondence on this subject
fully endorses the principle Of the sacred rights Of
nations to dispose Of their own affairs, and Of the
right to intervene to preserve those rights from un-
authorized invasion by "outside barbarians." II
establishes the doctrine Of non-intervsnton Of Kos.
suth. What, then, is there to prevent an alliance
between the United States, England and France,
for enforcing this dostrine upon Russia What
is there to prevent government from taking the
initiative in the movement Nothing. The pre-
sent administration may be unequal to the task.
Feebleness and timd dity are forever conservative.
But the signs Of the times are significant Of for
ward step in our foreign policy. The question will
enter into our Presidential elections and upon the
doctrine of Russian nonintervention, the visit
of Ksss th may be decisive ofth policy Of the 60
vernmsnt. The hour approaches for the Rcpub.
licans or the Cossacks.