The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-12-11
THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPE - FOREIGN
RELATIONS.

THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPE FOREIGN
RELATIONS.
How shall cur example and the action OF
our People and Government be made to aid
powerfully, though peacefully, the cause OF
freedom throughout the world!
Were an Aristocracy enjoying exclusive
privileges, established in several of the States
of this Union, and tolerated by the Federal
Constitution, our example would certainly not
be one of pure Republicanism, nor could it be
appealed to by the nations of Europe as con
elusive argument in favor of the Democratic
Principle The People might refer to the De
mocracy of those States excluding arstocracy
but their Oppressors could point triumphant,
to the States recognising it, Especially, SHOULD
it be known that the aristocracy of these State
controlled the national politics and councils o
the country, and that no measure of public
policy could be adopted without Ms consent
would the influence of our free institutions gen.
orally, in behalf of Freedom abroad, be seri-
ously impaired--for the advocates of Despott
ism in Europe would point to this fact as proc
that the peace, order, and prosperity of our
country depended in fact upon the conservative
restraints of the Aristocratic Principle
Nov, what is the slayeh9lding class of the
S~r.n ~ - =, -...sas'. g. :. e y. =
the worst klnae For, 1t Tm::n6Spanacs *, ohSly
land and capital, but labor To its possession
of exclusive political privileges it adds the alb
solute ownership of three millions of laboring
people. What privileged order in the world
is invested with such power, such mastery as
this The nobility of England possesses land
and titles, but, as it respects natural rights
occupies the same level as the masses that wear
out their lives in the mines and factories.
With such privileged order in this Repub-
lie, how can its example of Democracy be 9TH
err than an imperfect one? How greatly must
its influence be counteracted by its want Of
completeness! And, this privileged order ex-
ercises despotic power over our parties ex-
acts homage from our distinguished statesmen;
stamps itself upon our whole system of Nation
al Polity; and its prominent representatives
claim for it that it is the grand conservative
element of the Republic With what regret
must the enlightened friends of Freedom in
Europe regard this gross anomaly in our insti-
tutions How it diminshes the force of the
argument attempted to be drawn by them from
our example in behalf of Popular Rights
The elementary principle of European Des-
potism and American Slavery is the same
The denial of the natural rights Of mankind.
Not an argument can be adduced in favor of
the one, which is not applicable to the other.
American Shareholders pronounce the afhrma-
ton of the equality of rights among men, con-
tanned in our Declaration of Independence,
rhetorical flourish. "Amen " says Nicholas
"Worse than rhetorical flourish it is dam
nable heresy," says Pope Plus Slavery
is imbedded in our social system. "Just
the same with our Absolute Monarchy" says
Nicholas The slaves are unfit for freedom.
$50 are the ignorant masses of Europe"
says Plus. Slavery is the conservative of lib
erty and order Exactly So" says Nicholas,
" is Absolute Monarchy-it is the guardian of
the liberties of the subject and the pillar of
order" The emancipation of the slaves must
lead to anarchy and civil war. "Alas the same
dread consequences will result from the eman-
cipation of the masses, says Metternich. 1t is
in the order of Nature and Providence that
there should be superior class for govern
ment and an inferior class for labor--and that
the laborer is not qualified to take part in the
legislation necessary for his interests, says
Chancellor Harper. Beautifully expressed, ,
responds Mctternich--"o our American brethren
furnish the most cogent arguments for the des.
potism against which the brutal masses of Eu.
rope are forever clamoring"
In fact American slavery is powerful ally
of European dcspotism; all the arguments
adduced to Justify its perpetuation or excuse
its liberation, are arguments in support or pal
lation of European dcspotism and so long as
this system shall continue to be tolerated
among us to exert controlling influence over
the Government, and to find advocates and
apologists, the effect Of our example on free in.
situations must be deplorably weakened in Flu.
rope.
The first duty then, incumbent on every
American Republican, anxious to aid the cause
of popular freedom in Europe, is to seek ear.
ncstly, by all constitutional means, the aboli
ton of slavery, the establishment in his own
country Of the law of universal freedom. sc
that it may present a coherent complete, all
prevailing example of the truth ~ | benef
cence Of the Democratic principle.
Our next duty is to manifest sympath,
with the wrongs of the People of Europe
hatred of Absolutism, opposition to mondy
chicai and aristocrdiicdl institutions, approba
ton of reformatory movements, and of revo
luton when necessary to reform to recognise
with gratitude the services of foreigners win
have distinguished themselves by their devotion
to the rights of mankind and to grant sub
stantial aid, when required for the support o
the cause Of popular freedom. We speak nov
of the People, acting in their individual no
national capacity
Americans at home should be careful, il
their intercourse with foreign tourists, not t,
indulge in disparagng remarks upon their owl
institutions, and abroad, should carry thei
country with them, remembering that the,
will be taken as representatives Of its princi
Piles and character. They should be livin,
apostles of Democracy, bearing testimony in al
lands against Tyranny, in favor Of Republican
ism, and upholding the great truths of tn,
Declaration Of Independence.
Revolutionary movements abroad, founde,
on right principles should be hailed with ne
clamation by popular assembagcs in this coun