The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-05-26
Mr.. Webstsr's Speech at BunAlo-Concluded.
by Telegraph to the Journal ar cOmmree.I

But, gentlemen, continued MIR. Webster, there
other things about this State of yours You are
here at the bottom of Lake Erie. You look out on
the far expanse OF the West. Who came here? OF
whom you composed? You already peo-
pie of fifty thousand, larger population than that
of any New England city, except Boston. and yet
you are but of yesterday. What is your popula-
ton? great many of them are my country men,
and sec them with pleasure; but these are not ALL
there are also Irish and Germans. l suppose, on
the whole and in the main, they are safe citizens
at any rate they we'll informed, and they con-
stitute large portion Of your population. That
leads to consider generally what s the par
ticuar position OF our country, and Of your city,
as one of the great outlets to the West in
regard to this foreign immigration. The emf
grafton to this country 10 enormous-it comes
from Ireland, Germany, Switzerland, &c. re-
member it used to be simle, when any thing Of .
sudden or energetic nature took place, to say that
it "broke out like an Irish rebellion Forty thou
sand strong does not begin to compare with the
emigration to the United States. Emigration comes
here with perfect rush from every part of Ireland;
from Liverpool and the Shannon, from Dublin and
from Cork; emigrants come from the northern
ports, from Belfast; and here they are. Into the
interior they come, and will continue to Gomez il is
in the order of things, and there is possibility Of
revoking it. Gentlemen, it is not three centuries
and half since Columbus discovered America, and
he came here by authority of the Spanish govern
ment. He gathered up some gold, and went back
with great name. 1t is much shorter time since
the Irish discovered America, and they come in
much greater numbers; but they don't come here
with the idea of carrying back name, but mean
to live here forever. They come to remain among
as, and to be of US, and to take their chances
among US. Let them come.
Nh II ~ k.lI
has a worry large number of thrifty. industrious
German people. Let them also come. If his
jesty Of Austria and the Austrian government will
allow them to come, let them come. [Great ap-
plause] All we desire, whosoever come, is, that
they will Amercanize themselves; that, forgetting
the things that behind, they will look forward
and if they look far as Iowa and Minnesota they
will not look rod too far l know that many
from Europe come here who have been brought up
to different pursuits, to different forms Of applica-
ton, and even to different systems of agriculture;
but, a. general thing, believe it is true that
when they removed from the temptations ofthe
cities Of the Atlantic coast, and when they get into
regions where trees are to be felled, and land
cleared, they prove themselves worthy and respect.
able citizens; and perhaps, gentlemen, you will
excuse me II, without too long speech, say
little relative to American system this sub
ject of foreign emigration. In the Declaration Of
independence, ucClhToOS ub yOu ali 6HOWS Oh tic
4th Of July, l776, solemn and formal complaint
is made against the British King that he sought to
prevent emigration from Europe to the colonies,
by refusing his assent TO reasonable laws OF natu-
ralzation, by reason of which, it stated, the
country did not fill up, and the public lands
not purchased. 1t is worthy the attention of any
gentleman, whs wishes to acquaint himself with
the early history Of the country in this respect, to
refer back to the naturalization laws passed in the
time of Washington, Every one can see what
| was the prevailing idea at that period The idea
Of encouraging emigration from Europe was uni
versal, and 1t was desired that those who wished
to become nnturalized should become acquaint-
cd with system Of Government before they
voted--that they should have an interest in the
country, that they might not be led away by
every designing demagoguc. At that day nobody
| foresaw such developments andsuch enlightenment
| in tho commerce Of the country see
and, therefore, at all periods Of Washingtons ad-
ministration they were lookng to see how they
should pay the debt Of the Revolution. Whatever
we may think of it now, their great resource TO
| pay their debts was their public domain. They
had obtained, before the Constitution was formed,
grant Of tho Northwest Territory, which was
known to be populated by Irish exiles capable of
furnishing great products by agricultural labor.
The Congress Of that day looked to this. They had
no idea how sudden would be the great increase Of
our commerce. or how plentiful would be the
cnue from that source, and therefore, their whole
resource was to see how far they could encourage
foreign emigration, (Which it was expected would
bring capital into the country,) with an idea of
such conformity with our American system and
| to American institutions as would render emgra-
| ton safe, and not dangerous to the common veal.
| Gentlemen, we not arbiters of own fate.
| Human foresight falters and fails. Who could
| foresee conjecture at that day what eyes now
see or behold! We see this for good for evil.
| Nor could we stay this emigration il we would.
| we see there is rush of people from Europe to
| America, that exceeds, in single month, and at
the single port of New York, the population of
many single cities on the Atlantic coast This is
the case and it is to be met and to be considered.
1t would be foolish to attempt to obstruct it, if OBJ
structon were safe. The thing cannot be done.
| You may remember, gentlemen, although | am
| too modest to suppose that you remember any
thing about it, that, in my correspondence with
| Lord Ashburton, who came out here to negotiate
the treaty of 1912, we examined the subject of the
| impressment of American citizens. Upto that day
England had insisted on the right to visit every
American ship in time of war and if she found any
| Englishmen, Irishmen. Welshmcn, board
| of her, to press them into her service, the
| ground that they could not transfer their ale
| glance. need not say, gentlemen, that this sub
| ject was matter of negotiation. 1t was at one
| time suggested by the British minister that
| this right should be exercised in certain lati-
| tudes. At another time it was suggested that this
right should not be extended to the deprivation Of
any American vessel Of her crew. am afraid, or
| ashamed, gentlemen, indeed don't know that
ought to say it, but with your permission II will say
it, that that occasion it decided that every
| man on board of an American vessel, either mer
camille or naval was protected by the flag of Amer
lea. Tremendous aPplause.1 No matter if his
| speech OlQ DctTay nIL-nO mdttcr WHAT DrOguc
| was on his tongue--if the stars and stripes were
over him, he was for that purpose an American CT
| tizen. [Cheers.1 Well, gentlemen, are in
| dulging in sort of saturnalia, and talk
ing of ourselves little, [cries Of "who' ego on,
let me say that from that day to this we have
heard of prctcnsions the part of the British
government, that it could send an officer on board
| of any American ship and take from her any hu
| nan being whatever, and never shall. IGreat ap-
plause1 Lord Ashburton, with whom negotiated
and corrcspondcd on that subject, was judicious
and wise man. He was good deal in this country.
ne was married mar IN TINS country ne Knew some.
between this country and England in far more
phlanhropical point Of view than most others; and
he stated in speech, which is record some
| where, 81 must admit that when British subject,
Irish, Engsh, or Welsh, becomes American,
and claims longer the protection of his own
country, his own country has no right to call him
subject, and to put him in position to make war