The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-03-21

fprcvent the discovery and arrest of such person,
after notice or knowledge Of the fact that such per-
son was q fugitive from service labor afore-
said, shall for either Of said offences be subject to-
fine and imprisonment
Ihave thus, "a proposed, called your attention
to certain acts Of Congress and provisions of the
Constitution. They are the law OF the land, and IT
10 our most solemn duty faithfully to execute them.
In the words Of the oath which you have lust taken,
you to do this "wthou fear favor, Infection,
hope of reward" presenting "things truly as they
| come to your knowledge, according to the best oil
Here might close; but great efforts have been
made to convince the public that the recent law
cannot be enforced with good conscience, but
may be conscientiously resisted; and an impression
may have been made on some OF your number,
thus presenting obstacle to the discharge OF a
plain legal duty, deem it proper to advert briefly
TO the moral aspects of the subject.
In this part Of the country the convictions OF our
understanding, our moral sentiments, and our re-
ligious opinions adverse to the institution OF
slavery. Hence some are ready 10 conclude, in the
first place, that the provision Of the Constitution
for delivering up fugitive slaves must be morally
wrong; and, in the next place, that laws made to
carry it into effect be disobcycd and resisted
Neither of these propositions legitimately follow
from the premises.
As to the first. The States without the Constitu-
ton, would be to each other foreign nations. The
first duty Of every nation is the preservation and
protection OF its own citizens. Ii Is for this, pra
rily. that political societies are formed and their
restraints submitted to- If, then, any nation finds
that hospitality to foreign fugitvcs ia inconsistent
with its own peace and safety, il has right to
fuse such hospitality, and TO say to all such foreign
ers, we cannot receive you amongst US, and If you
come, we must deliver you up to the dominion of
your own government; and it may rightfully make
compact with such government for such deliye-
~. Whether the peace and safety Of the nation
do in fact require authorize such compact, it is
for the nation itself to decide and its decision is to
be submitted 70. and its engagements faithfully
performed.
Those therefore, who have the strongest convic-
tons of the immortality the institution Of slavery
arc not thereby authorized to conclude that the
provision for delivering up fugitive slaves is NOR
ally wrong, or that our fathers in Massachusetts
did not act wisely, justly, humanely, in acceding
to the compacts Of the Constitution.
But, secondly, even those who go to the extreme
of condemnipg the Constitution, and tho laws
made under it, as unjust and immoral, cannot,
even upon such an assumption, justify resistance.
In their views such laws inconsistent with the
justice and bcnevolencc and against the will OF the
Supreme Lawgiver, and they emphatically ask,
which shall we obey, the law Of man or the will of
Godl answer, obey both. The incompatibility
which the question assumes does not exist. Unjust
and oppressive laws may indeed be passed by hu-
man governments. But if infinite and inscrutablc
wisdom permits political society having the power
of human legislation TO establish such laws may
not the came infinite and inscrutablc wisdom per-
NIT and require the individual, who has no such
power, to obey them.
Can you say that it is His will that we shall rise
up in forcibc resistance, overthrow the power of
the Government, and, instead Of the peace and Sc
curity Of organized society, introduce the do
mini0n of anarchy and violence? Are such the ap-
pointed means for their abrogation? Unjust laws
have always existed. Until recent period, poor
and honest debtors were even here oppressively
imprisoned; and in England, stealing, to the value
of more than shilling, was punishable with death;
and their code numbered more than one hundred
and Fifty capital offences. The wise and tho good
saw that these laws were cruel and unnecessary.
They did not rush to arms, counsel disobcdence.
But by the diffusion of knowledge, by reason and
persuasion they changed the public mind, and the
laws were peaccably ameliorated. The fruits of
justice and beneyolcnce, like those of the natural
world, arc to be matured by mild and genial in
flucnces. The punishment of death is still ihilict-
ed by our laws. Many good men firmly believe
that society has right to take tho life of of
its members. With them capital punishment is
the highest injustice and the greatest wrong that
can be inflicted. But they do not counsel resist
ance, to convulse society and overthrow the Gov
ernmcnt, but quietly and conscientiously submit
to the peaceful execution of the law.
But we are told by some that the law being NOR
ally wrong, conscience tells them to resist it. Con-
science indeed is to be revercnced and obeyed; but
still must remember that tits falble, especially
where the rights Of others concerned, and may
lead US to do great injustice. Some have an i'm
erring and infallible guide. Hence they cannot
believe conceive that opposition to their views
be conscientious. 1t Is this lurking falacy, this
tact assumption fpersonal nfalibiity, that makes
them intolerant toward ohers, and inaccessible to
argument. speak not of those who believe that
they have special inspiration from above that
miracle has been wrought for their guidance.
Such are beyond the scope of human reason, and
fit subjects either of conservation or madhousc,
according as their belief is founded reality
dcusion. But with those who under the do
minion of the established laws of the moral and in
tellectual world, conscience is fallible. The an
H..
by narrow and darkcncd conscience. man
may incur great moral guilt, not indeed by follow.
ing his conscience, but by neglcctng the means Of
rectifying and enlightcning it. LIS dictates are
varied, not only according to the moral constitution,
but the intellectual power and extent of informa-
ton of the individual The purer tho motive, the
more extensive the knowledge, and the greater the
mental ability, the more enlightened will be the
conscience, and the more correct it's decisions.
Again, certain strangers seek an asylum amongst
us. One class of our citizens sec in them only fu.
gitivcs from oppression, whom we can easily and
securely receive and protect Another class believe
contagion, that their presence will endanger the
public peace and individul safety, that 1t may EN-
broil us with other States, and bring upon US the
suGcrings and horrors of external and internal
cations of hospitality and boncvolence; the other
the obligations OF self preservation and the sacred
duty of preserving those whom nature and society
have committed TO their protection.
Both arc equally sincere, CONSCIENTIOUS, ana rcso-
Lutte. Which shall yield Is there no appeal but
to force? Yes. And the arbiter must be society,
organized society, pronouncing its decision through
its regularly constituted agents This is the moral
judgment, the embodied conscience, OF the political
community. 10 this not only is each individual
bound to submit, but it is new and controlling
element in forming his own moral judgment An
act which before may havJ been innocent is now
criminal and it's commission not only opposed to
the will but subvcrsive Of the order, peace exist
cnce Of the political society.
Obedience is a moral duty. This is as certain as
that the Creator made man a social being, and de-
signed that he should live, not in perpetual anar-
chy, but in peace and security; for human govern
ment is the only means which infinite goodness
has provided for preserving us from unceasng
conflict and violence. To obey the law Of the
land is, then, to obey the will of God
The moral faculty moral judgment being thus
falliblc, there may be conflict of conscicnces.
Let me present all illustration ship arrives with
sick passengers. One class of men insist that the
disease is contagious and that they shall not be per-