Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1851-02-18
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Mr.. HOGE. dislike very much to interrupt gen.
tenan while he is speaking but must correct the gen
tlenans misrepresentation. Ny proposition ths,-and
here beg leave, if the gentleman will pardon me-but
for moment to say, that while engaged in speaking
this subject yeserday-the first time have spoken in
deberative body-perhaps did not make myselfvery
clear, owing to the embarrassment natural under the
circumstances The position attempted to maintain ls
this: that disfranchsed individual was citizen
My friend knows that the writers the subject from the
earliest period down to the present time define citizen
to mean one who has the right to exercise political pow
er Ny position then was not stated in the papers
this morning. that ladies and minors were inhabitants
for 50 long they DISTINGUISHED they could not be
citizens IN the technical meaning of the word because
none could be- according to that meaning except
possessing political rights and power
MIR. HILL. very well understood the gentleman,
but does he not the extent to which this doctrine
re-eligiby would carry him-provided that the diff.
Guilty of citizenship was out of the way; Citizenship
IS itself restriction, and this is the time and place to
remove 1t II necessary, and according to the gentle
mans view, the first clause ought to be SO amended
that 1t should read governor goyerness That would
meet, exactly the idea Of the gentleman if his theo-
~ IS TO be fully carried out can understand what
gentlemen mean when they argue this question as a
matter of expedency; but when they place it on the
ground OF the gentleman from Pulaski, the gentle
man astup, as broad principle, which, ifapplied in
case It Is bound TO be applied all cases. without sngl
exception, confess | do not so clearly understand
hope and trust that these gentlemen will that doc
trne by striking ont all restrictions, Let us have their
argument stripped OF all doubtful positions; let us al
ow the foreigner not to only eject but to be elected
governor; and suppose then, instead of the gentle
man from Richmond city addressing the Dutch We
shall have an address from he Dutch That is a re-
sricon, and when you take the broad ground, prin
cpc, in opposition ~ all restriction, then the cnormty
OF the doctrine is manifest. Will you, the nice
question on which my colleague and myself will have
tn in aIn
gospel, strike il OUT believe the committee have re-
ported this restriction, that Class of men, thus
cluding not an individual governor but whole class
of men unsurpassed for intelligence, usefulness, and
virtue That whole class according 10 this report and
by the present constitution are restricted And has
there been any complaint from the people, that this
stricton was an unwholesome one: And, yet, gentle
men, if they carry out their doctrine, must do away
with that restriction, and every other restriction The
amendment Of the gentleman from Henrico itself con-
iains restriction for while it goes to make govern
re-cligblc during his whole life il adds, provided,
rer,heess, that he shall accept any other office
during his term Of service" That is certainly another
restriction OH the executive power and restriction on
he people contend, properly maintained by
the gentleman from Spottsylyania, (Mr. CONWAY that
this is not principle but matter Of expediency
that may be applied 20 officer according to his DUTY
and may he withheld from another as necessity may
require, and that will decide the course shall take in
relation to all the that may come up before this
Convention. Gentlemen seem to have derived their
arguments from Alexander Hamilton himself, and this
extreme Of democracy and that extreme Of federalism
to have come together this occasion by some
strange process You may take that principle Of fedc-
ralism IN which the reelgbty of the President Of the
United States is maintained by Mr.. Hamilton, who
makes the very argument which has been adduced
before this committee in favor Of the rceligiby of
the governor. lie was in favor OF strong govern
mcnt, and of giving the executive that stability of
power the gentleman Mr. NEEsos) Just now spoke Of
That was the idea of Alexander Hamilton in relation TO
the Office of President Of the United States and his
argument was precisely the same a. that Of gentlemen
who desire To make the executive stable and strong
Summing up, a very brief manner shall, therefore.
Tor do not propose 10 occupy much time in the commit
tee refer to the great body of arguments which have
adduccd here in favor Of the rc-cligbty Of the
governor of the State. DO recollect the names OF
the speakers, but think the arguments may be classified
something follows:
tine OF the objections that the Governor NAV be
the head of tae army when his time expires that his
ambition may induce him To cnt his way 10 a second
terra by Of revolution; tina; he will be able
complete and carry out his measures; and that he
will have stimulus TO discharge hi, duties unless
second term is held out TO him. This constitutes the
substance Of all the arguments that have been aduced
before this committee. Did il never occur to gentle
men that all those extreme and improbable cases could
never be provided for in a fundamental law; Did it
never 10 gentlemen that in framing the funda-
mental law II should have reference 10 the ordinary m
lies ef the Executive. and that human wisdom
competent 10 the framing Of government that in its
application will guard against all these extreme and
improbable All that do in the formation
vi our constitution Is to lay down certain general prn-
cplcs and these extreme cases must take of them
selves. One leading argument that has been adduced
here and that adrerted TO by the gentleman last up
Is, that you do not give the Governor second term
sou will not give him length Of time sufficient 10 carry
out hs measure. aud pans-what plans has Governor
10 mature III this commonwealth; Can he make
canal. or railroad, or any other public work ask
If the Governor, conccdng that be is propose great
plans and measures. Will not have ample time within
the term proposed by the committee TO carry them out:
What the difficulty in the Presidents carving out
hs pu!ioy during his first term VI Office; So soon IS
man is known 10 be candidate FOR reelection the
whole power Of the party opposed 20 aim and tho party
press will be arrayed agalns, every Of his measures
aud what is ;he effect; They destroy the measures of
the administration Certainly the most violent opposi-
ton made to the measures Of the President is dur
ing his first term of service. Such will be the case also
with the Governor should he be re-egible But sup
pose he should be allowed 10 hold for a single only
what would be the result: Why the measures to which
nv colleague referred might BIZ proposed and carried
ont, and would meet with organized opposition from
any man or set of men. They would say shat he was
about to depart from office without the right OF being
again candidate, and they would have motive mol
TO give his measures fair and candid consideration.
Bit if lie should be allowed 10 be candidate for the
second term, his opponents IN the Legislature would be
continually engaged in efforts to hwart his measures
of defeating HIM in the election. Therefore, say that
the Executive would have far greater chance Of fair
" carving on, any aysem of measures which he might
. y;c we're he rendered ineligible than he would if he
were re-eligible
There was another argument upon another branch of
this subject from my colleague from Powhatan think
that % place such restriction inelegibility an
ambitious man might be to induce him, influenced BY
this passion OF ambition. when he found his was
about TO expire To seek that restriction with
the sword Well this comes within class Of eases
which, as before remarked of very occur
renee and cannot be provided for in the organic laws
and which cannot, in my opinion, be guarded against
either By this principle Of re-egipii!ty But suppose
YOU have pat an ambitious of this character in
Office will he be less likely after his appetite for Office
has been whetted by enjoyment Of the rcasur, pap
for eight years. be less likely TO draw his sword and at
tempt 10 cut his way third term if the people should
refuse TO give it to him. When It thai the lust for
ever satated fastened by possession The
experience Of the world teaches hatn proportion
the length Of time; man Teains power Just in that
proportion does his love and desire for it increose Ac
ccrjns to the theory OF the gentleman to prevent the
occurrence of case of this kind you must permit the
Executive to remain in Office for lilo That, on his
ground must be the only remedy the people have
against such On evil ~.., --. e.
But, say gentlemen, the people ought to have the
right of selecting in all cases well Of clecting