New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1851-08-25
CHANCES AT EUROPE. No. XIII.
PROSPECTS OF IRELAND.
Editorial Correspondence Of The Trieuhe
DUBLIN. Tuesday, Aug. 5th. looi'

OF irish stagnatlOn. lrlSn unthIiiI, hi'
desti,ution, Irish misery, the world has heaiD
enough ! could not wholly avoid them WITHOUT
giving an essentially false and deceptive ao'oN'i
of what must be painfully oOVlons 10 '''''
traveller in Ireland; yet have CHOSEN - pas
them over lightly and hunieciy' ana sha'' no
,ecur 70 them. They are N The nam sulncleh'
To- vol known 10 the civilized world, and, apart
from suggestions Of amendmeh'' 'hen ooh'7""
,l.,;o, can neither be pleasant nor profitable
will, only add here that though, IN spite OF roof
Iaws and Union Poor Houses there Is SIN
,nrcb actual want, suffering and beggary IN
I,e,and ve, the beggars here are by no means 80
nr,oerous.nor so impCrtunate rs IN ltaIy, thOush
The excuses for mendicity are far greater W nat
Ioronose now 20 bring under hasty reVie" are
The principal plans for the removal OF ireiahu
,voes and the conversion Of her myriads OF pau
,e,s INTO independent and comfortable laborers
shall speak Of these In succession, beginning
with the Oldest and closing with the newest 'ha'
has come under my observation. Ana hrs''
then, Of
The hope of obtaining from the Brush crown
and Parliament the concession OF separate
Legislature Of their own seems nearly 10 nave
died on, Of the hearts Of the lrlsh Millions Inc
death Of O'Connell deprived the measure OF us
miyb,iest advocate Famine and other disasters
followed; and fresher projects OF ameloia'iol
have since to great extent supplan'eu II III lle
,onnlar mind Yet It is to-day most paipaoie
that such Legislature Is Of the highest moment
IN the National well being, and that It's conces-
zion would work the greatest good to Ireland
without injury TO England. Nay; ! see iresh
reasons for nv hope that such concession Is lar
nearer than is generally imagined.
On all hands it is perceived and conceded
tina, the amount of legislation required by the
vast widely scattered and dversely constituted
portions Of the Bntlsh Empire IS too great 10 De
properly effected by any dellberatlve BODY. faf-
lament is Just closing long session. yet leaving
very much of It's proper business untouched Tor
want Of time, and that pertaining to Scotland IS
especially neglected Then 1t has Just passed
a most unwise and irritating act with regard 10
the titles of the Catholic Prelates, when, be-
cause every act OF Parliament must extend 10
Ireland unless that country IS expressly eA-
cluded is allowed to operate there, though the
bad reasons given for It's enactment at all nave
no applcaton to that country, while the mis-
chiefs II will do there are ten times greater than
all il can effect in Great Britain. Had Ireland a
separate Parliament, no British Minister would
have been mad enough to propose the extension
of this act over that country, where 1t is certain
to excite dsaffectlon and disloyalty, arouse SUM
bering hatreds and impede the march OF Ma
tiona and Social improvement. An lrlsh farna-
ment, with specified powers and duties AKIN 10
those OF an American State Legislature, would
be great relief to British Parliament ana
Ministry, a great support TO lrsh loyalty and
Irish Improvement, and no harm to any body.
These truths seem to me so palpable that thinK
they canno, long be disregarded, but that some
one of the Political changes frequently occurring
in Great Britain will secure TO Ireland restora-
ton of her domestic Legislature. Neither Can
ada, Jamaica nor any other British colony can
show half so good reasons for d"m"s'i" 'e''
laiure noun
The agitation for Tenant RICH, IN Ireland is
destined to fail-in fact, has virtually tailed al
ready. The Imperial Parliament Will never con
cede that night, nor will any Legislature slmi'
larly constituted. Aud yet the demand has the
cleares, and strongest basis of natural and eier
nal Justice, as any fair mind must confess "ha'
rs that demand Simply that the creator OF
new value shall be legally entitled TO that value
or. IN case he is required 70 surrender II to an
ether, shall Toe paid fair and Just equivalent
therefor Here is farm. for instance, whereof
one man is recognized 10y law as the owner, anc
he lets i, for three lives or specific term O
wears to a tenant. cultyator for ten, fifteen OF
twenty shillngs per acre The tenant occupies
IT, cultlvaies II, pays the rent and improves II
At the close of his term he is found 90 have bul
a good house on II instead of the old rookery nc
found there. while by fencing, draining, manurng
and subsoihne he has doubled It's productive ca
pacity, and consequently ITS annual value lie
wishes to cultivate 1t still, and offers to rene"
the lease for any number OF years, aud pay the
rent punctually. But no. says the landlord
.you must pay twice as much rent as hitherto.
sWhy soi' Because the land Is more valuabl,
than il was when YOU took it. Certainly II Is
hut that value is wholly the fruit of my labor-i
has cos; YOU nothing Can't help that, Sir
You improved for your own benefit, and with d
full knowledge that the additional value woulC
revert to me on the expiration OF your lease 81
pay my price or clear out is this nigh, The
law says Yes but Justice says No; Public Goo
saws even more impcratively No The laws o
the land should encourage every occuPier to I'M
prove the land he holds, to expend capital and
employ labor upon It, SO as 10 increase Its value
and productive capacity from year to year but
the law of the British Empire dlscourages IN
provement and rmpedes the employment OF labor
by taking the produc, from the producer and Civ
ing it arbitrarily to the Landlord. Yet the land
lord influence in Parliament Is so predominant,
so overwhelming, that no repeal, no mitigation
even, OF this great wrong is probable and every