The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-01-14
From the Boston Advertiser.
DIR. Dewey's Address.
The PittsieId Union Meeting and the Flu
0ttive Slave Law.

We published a few days since several extracts
from speeches made at the above meeting, tor the
purpose of showing what was the tone Of senti-
ment which met the approval of that assembly.
We now subjoin, from the speech made on the same
occasion by the Rev. Dr. Dewey, his powerful argu-
ment on the obligation of citizens Of this Common
wealth 10 yield obedience 10 the Fugitive Slave
law. We copy the argument nearly entire
''He discussed the Fugitive Slave law, and asked
what was the duty of the friends of the. Union2
MIR. Choate had pointed out the true course-ac-
cept the whole body of compromise measures
leaving any Objectionable details to be amended
hereafter and discountenance all further political
agitation at least of this whole subject; for what
practical good had ever come of it, ever
likely to come of it, Had il loosed the chains Of
one slave, or fastened by one hour the day OF
emancipation
''What to do with il? What, espe-
cially in the present crisis, we to do! say in
the present crisis, but wish il TO be that the
present crisis is only the exponent of great diff
Guilty that lies in the very nature Of the case. The
danger Of national convulson has perhaps, for the
present, passed by, but il is only postponed. The
difficulty lies in the principe-hes, In fact, In the
situation in which waare placed as people. II is
not this particular bill that is the great trouble
This bill may perhaps be neutrality-suspicious. it
ought to be modified; but any bill that secured the
delivering up Of the fugitive would be about dis
tasteful to The difficulty lies in the absolute
cssssty of some such bill 1t is not question of
southern passion northern provocation. If pro-
vocation and passion all laid to sleepif South
and North were met together in the most disn-
terested and brotherly spirit, to consult together
upon this SUBJECTIVE same painful and perilous
question would press upon what, in the name
Of humanity and in Heavens name, are to do?
which we brought, not by the action Of this
generation, but by the course OF events. We have
now Union; we are one people, under one Gov
ernment-long may we be so-and as one of the
articles of this Union, without which it could not
have been formed, we have agreed-we of Massa-
chusetts, a State sovereignty, Of which every
of US is a partaker-that we will not harbor fu-
gitives from service fleeing from South Carolina;
that we will not recognise any right in them
citizenship protection among U.s. that we will
give them up to their masters proper application,
properly supported by just and legal proof say
cation; and no man can, strictly speaking, escape
from it by saying that he will have nothing to do
about It. II is as If every body in Massachusetts
were dead but one man, and that man were you or
l. And while touching upon this point of State
sovereignty, let me ask, in passing, if every SOW
ereign State has not right to decide who shall be
admitted into its territory and who shall not?*
Suppose that all Europe should cast the tenants of
its poor houses and penitentiares upon shores:
should we not have right to send them back?
Suppose that captives III the Barbary States had
been accustomed to escape into Spain, and that
Spain chose rather than to harbor them and TO
have her commerce ruined by Barbary corsairs, to
exclude restore the fugtives; would she not
have right to do so! Or make II a question, not
of right, but of humanity, ought humanity to do
great injury to its own people and kindred for the
sake OF a less good to strangers! May not human
ity choose where it shall interpose?
"But to return We have now a Union. Sup
pose we had not Suppose the bond were broken
this day. and that these States stood side by side
again, as independent sovereignties! Then the
question comes again-what is to be done? We are
in this situation; can't help it, did not
choose il; what is to be done? One Of two things
either to reunite or to for northern and south
ern confederacy Suppose the latter done-draw
line of division from the mouth of Chesapeake
bay, due west to the Pacific ocean-what foows?
That line will be dotted with forts and measured all
through its length by the cohorts OF standing ar
mics. The border on each side will be debatabe
and a bloody land. Can any one doubt it? Ii it
possible that slaves can be constantly running
will be made for their recapure And is it possible
that such state of things can exist without pro-
ducing endless war, devastation, and boodshed?
all that alternative is intoerable. then must
reunite. But upon what principles? Without any
convention, any agreement respecting the recovery
of fugitive slaves? The thing is impossible. II is
not prejudice or passion merely that makes it so,
but the very nature of things; for then shall we not
only have war, but civil Nor is this all that
is to be considered. Once proclaim that we will
not restore the fugitive-that we will not aid nor
permit his restoration-thatt the moment he touches
the free soil he is free and northumberland in
five years the slave population would be upon us
en- masse-in five years there would be such inter
necine hostility and bitterness among was
never before seen or magned-in five years there
would be an end to the Government and the
ton. deem this result so certain at any rate,
that would not undertake to reason with man
who denied at least the strong and almost over
whelming probability Of it.
" 1t may possibly be thought by some that there
is one escape still from this dilemma. Let the
South at once emancipate its slaves they may
say, 'and there will be end of the trouble. do
not think for myself, that that would be end of
the trouble But suppose that it would, it is GER
tain that the southern States will not to do
it. They think it no more their duty than their
interest TO do it. Upon this ground, at any rate,
right wrong, they firmly stand. They will
make no convention, have no union with US, but
upon the condition Of our surrendering fugitive
slaves.
''This state of things presses home upon at the
North the one great question with which set out,
and upon which now wish to say something fur
Their. Is such a compact with the South-is that
part of our Constitution essentially immoral and
iniquitous-such as cannot be reconciled with obe-
dience to God and to an enlightened conscience,
and ought not on any account to be kept or COM
piled with? This is the question which has sunk
deeply into the heart of people; it is question
which must be answered.; and hope and believe
that party stand and vindicate itself before
the country that does not meet this question.
"Now, admit, as have already said, and
maintain that there is such thing as law OF
conscience, which is above any constitution, any
compact, any advantage whatever If were
quired to blasphemc God-if were required to tell
lieto avouch here in the presence OF God that to
be true which knew to be fase-I firmly say
would not do ii; would not do it to save my Lille,
or your lives, the life of whole nation. Or, if
the southern people we're dolators, and would make
compact with us but on condition that we would
worship their gods, say that we could not do it,
and ought not to do it. Or, if they worship
pers of Moloch, and demanded, as the condition of
union with them, that we should send to them a
hundred of our children every year to go through
the fire. to their idol, ] say we could not do it.
''Docs the proper sense of justice or of humanity
demand that, in defiance Of the law Of the land,
and at every hazard, shall open door of re-
fugc TO the fugitive slaves protect, defend him. and
if need be, deliver him with the strong hand?
believe not. hold myself bound to do all that
for such fellow man in consistency with my
other obligations, but not in disregard of them.
hold myself bound to do all that can for my fell
low Imam, but not TO do this. If persecuted man,
however innocent, should ask for refuge in my
house from pursuing troop, if had reason to be-
licve that they would violate the sanctuary, would
burn my house and destroy my family before my
eyes, should feel bound 10 shut my door; the fugi
tive would have no right TO demand what had no
right TO give; myself might eacrifice, but should
have no right to sacrifice my people for him Let
it not be said that this is suppostion it tests