Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1851-04-12
Selections.
Horace Mann on Free Speech.

Here is an extract from the exordium of
Horace Mann's Speech ON the Fugitive law
the ablest aud most thorough speech, by
the way, that has yet been made on the sub
ject]
Mr.. Chairman, feel none the less inclin-
ed to discuss this question, hecuuse an order
has gone forth that j, shall not be discussed.
Discussion has been denounced as agitation,
md then it has been dictatorially proclaimed
that "agtaiion must be put down." Sir,
humble as am, submit to no such dicta-
iion, come from what quarter or from what
numbers it may. II such prohibition is in
tended to he laid upon me personally, | re-
pei il. II intended to silence me ns the rep
resentative of the convictions and feelings of
my constituents, repcl it all the more ve-
heniently. In this Government it is not toll
erabe for any man, however high, or for any
body of men, however large, to prescribe
what subjects may be ngitated, and
what may not be agituted. Such pre-
scription is ut best but species of
Lynch law against free speech. 1t is rs
hateful as any other form of that execrnble
code and | do but express the common
sentiment of all generous minds, when say
that for one, | am all the more disposed to
use my privilege of speech, when imperous
men attempt to ban or constTain me. In
Italy, the Pope decides what books may be
read; in Austria, the Emperor decides what
books may be written but we are more de-
graded than the subjects of Pontiff or Cw-
snr, il we are to he told what topics we may
discuss. If the subjects of despotic govern
Inent are bound to be Jealous even OF the
poor privileges which they possess, how sen
siIive, how tremblingy alive all o'er,' ought
we to be at these threatened encroachments
upon freedom of speech and freedom of
thought. Il think that those lsllo say so much
about recalling us TO a seuse of our Consti-
tutional obligations, would do well TO re-
member, that the very first article of the
amendments TO the Constitution secures the
freedom of speech and of the press. by the
common consent Of this country, manifested
in all forms for more than half century,
the old alien and sedition law has been con-
demned. Has that law been condemned
for fifty years in order TO make our
shame more conspicuous by its revival under
circumstances of intOlerable aggravation p
Sir, hold treason against this Government
to be an enormous crime but great as il is,
i hold treason against free speech aud free
thought to be crime incomparably greater.
If il be just aud heroic to rebel against all
arbitrary invasious of free thought and free
expression, then is it not prOportionahly base
and dastardly to utter menaces, or threaten
social or political disabilities for the uncon-
strained exercise of these birthrights of free
men On the face of it, it must be bud
cause which will not bear discussion. Truth
seeks light instead of stunning il. lie con-
vcts himself OF wrong who refuses TO hear
the arguments of his opponent 1t was well
said by Montesqueu, that the enjoyment
OF liberty, aud even its support and preser-
vation, consists in every mans being allow
ed TO speak has thoughts and lay open his senti-
nienfS" Wherefore, then, in country hith-
erto reputed TO be free, are we told that dis
cussion must be stopped, and agitation must
be put down? 1t seems us it, when n free
man debases his soul by lending himself to
the defence of slavery, God Furnishes him
on the spot by corrupIng his own nature
with that spirit of tyranny which belongs to
slavery. Wherein consists the advantage of
a republican government over despolism, if
the freedom of speech aud of the press,
which can be stralgled in the one by arbi-
trary command, can be stifled in the other
by obloquy and denunciation?
1t is remarkable, too, that of all the "agi-
tators" IN the country, there are none more
violent than those who are agitating against
agitation. Throughout the North, that por-
tion of the public press which volunteers its
influence TO extend the domain of slavery,
and TO maintain il by extra-conslitutional
laws, is constantly provoking the agitation it
denounces. Whit are these so-caled Union
meetings in Northern cities but an extensive
apparatus of agitaliOn,-a piece of machine
ny to manufacture and send abroad the very
articles which its managers declare TO be
contruband? Through public assemblies,
through the public press, and by correspon-
dence designed for the public eye, they are
shaking the common air 10 keep it calm
they are agonizing and in convulsons for re-
pose they are yociierating to maintain ST.
lence. in the most clamorous days of anti
slavery, there never was half so much said
and written against the institution as is now
said and written for it. Sir, is the right of
agitation 10 be monOpolized by those who
denounce itf Is free speech to be only on
one side and is it one of the offices of
free speech to silence the sentiments il dis
likes7 think this is the SECOND time, in the
history of this country, when an attempt has
been boldly and unblushingly made, TO stifle
free discussion; and do not believe the fate
of those who are now aboring to accomplish
so nefarious purpose will be historically
more enyiahle than that Of their prototypes