Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1851-08-18
senator Clemens 81 she Csmpro-

senator Clemens on the Compro-
When the Slavery question was first agi-
tased in the last session Of Congress. noman
took higher or holder ground, against the
Wilmot Proviso and other meditated ag-
gressions of the North, than the gallant De
mocratic Senator ftom Alabama, Mr.. Glenn
ems. When. however. the North had been
forced to abandon all offs unjust Preten-
sions, and to make more distinct and sub
stantial concessions in favor Of slavery,than
il had ever done before, like reasonable
and patriotic man. heaccepted theproaer of
conclusion and has done much since,in his
state, to correct the distempered stone Of
public feeling, whichthe agitators had sue
ceeded in producing. We have seen
speech delivered oy him in Huntsville last
Fall, in which hesPeaks Of some of the
measures of Compromise as follows:
1--WE are told generally. that part of
Texas has been given up; that it is inmate
rial what may be its extent or its value;
that we ought to demand what is right and
take nothing else. To this l answer. that
in every controversy there must be two
sides. What one party thinks clearly right
the other may, and does very often, think
clearly wrong. Now. according to the rea-
soning Of those gentlemen who have seen
fit to censure me, there can be no settlement.
Both parties believe themselves right, and
neither is allowed to give up anything to
the other. War follows, Of course, and af-
ter they are exhausted and impoverished
they are finally compelled to settle on terms
that the exercise of little common sense
might have secured for either in the begin
ming. This is the legitimate result of the
new doctrine which has become SO fash
ionable of late. You may carry it much
further, and demonstrate its aburdity more
clearly by applying it to the ordinary trans
actions Of private life. Neither is this all:
those who urge it are guilty of an ncon-
sistency so glaring as almost to excite the
pity Of their opponents. They repudiate
the Texas boundary bill. and condemn its
supporters. because, as they allege, it does
not give US all our rights. In the very
next breath they will tell you they are for
the line of Sc deg. 80 min. Ask them if
SO deg. 80 min. gives us all our rights2 Oh,
no. Has Congress the constitutional pow
er to prohibit slavery north of that linel
Certainly not, but we will take it as an ex-
IRENE concession. What becomes of the
principle herel They give up absolutely
millions of acres, to which their title is just
as clear as to any portion Of the public do
main, and then talk of going to war on prin-
cipze for narrow strip Of ten miles on the
Rio Grande. Beautiful consistency Wise
and sagacious instructors Of the people!
There IS no principle involved in surrender
ing four-6fths of the territory acquired from
Mexico, and conserving to an unconstitu-
tional prohibition of slavery therein, but
Congress must not touch one foot o. the val
ley Of the Rio Grande, even with the con-
sent Of Texas. Now, must confess do
not understand what kind Of honor that is,
which at one moment counsels the ADAM
donment of an upauestionable right, and
the next forbijs the friendly settlement of
doubtful claim; which teaches us to sub
init to the loss of vast domain, and then
urges US to engage in civil war for a mere
trihe. There is no honor in such course,
and, what is quite as much to the purpose,
there is no sense in it either.
1t seems, however. there is some magic
in the addition of the words "as an extreme
concession" which takes away the iDiquity
of giving up to free-soilers the whole terri
tory north Of 36 deg. 80 min. Well, we
will add, "as an extreme concession" to
the Texas boundary bill, if it satisfy the
fastidious taste Of our opponents. l suppose
the words will be as potent in the one case
as in the other. But, seriously, l agree
with them that SO deg. 80 min. would have
been an extreme concession. 1t involved
the necessity of voting for a measure ad-
mitted to be plain violation of the Consti-
tuition. Think we have done better.
We have obtained territorial govern
ment for Utah, the whole of which lies
north of Sc degrees 80 minutes-not only
without the proviso, but under circum-
stances which give the strongest grounds
for hope that her State government, when
formed, will be afterthe model most agree
able to US. The religion of the Mormons
tolerates slavery. When they formed
constitution, some ten months since, they
left the question Of slavery precisely as it
stands in Georgia and most of the other
Southern States. The judiciary act for
the Territory recognizes the existence of
slavery by necessary implication. Let me
read you an extract from the address of
the Hon. 7. H. Baily, of Virginia, to his
1.-THE territorial bills and the fugitive
slave bill each recognizes the legality of
slavery in the territories. In the former
tits enacted that 'writs of error and ap.
peals from the final decision of said Su-
preme Court shall be allowed and may be
taken to the Supreme Court of the United
States, in the same manner, underline same
regulations as from the Circuit Court of the
United States. where the value of proper
ty or the amount in controversy, to be as
certained by the oath or affirmation of
either party, or other competent witness,
shall exceed one thousand dollars, except
only that in all cases involving titles to
slaves, the said writs of error or appeals
shall be allowed and decided by the said
Supreme Court, without regard to the val
ue OF matter, property, or title in contro.
versy; and except, also, that a writ of err
ror or appeal shall also be allowed to the
Supreme Court Of the United States from
the decision of the said Supreme Court
created by this act, or any judge thereof,
upon any writ Of habeas corpus involving
the question ofpersonal freedom"
ut will beperceived that there are two
classes of cases here provided for-the
last between the negro and his master, in
volving the question of his personal free.
dom; the first between other parties, in
volving title to slaves. This last clearly