Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1851-12-24

ton of the species. in the feathers, the form,
the wattles, and the psychological traits 4
habits"
THE GREAT KOssUTH BANQUET IN N. Y.
The grand banquet given in honor of Kos
suth by the municipal authorities CT the city
of New York, took place at the Irving House
on Thursday evening, and was attended by
large and distinguished company, and was,
in all its incidents, an occasion of great inter-
est. The room was splendidly and appro-
priately decorated with flags. banners, mot
toes. &c. In addition to the number OF dis
tinguished persons who were present, let
tiers of apology were read from Daniel Web
ster Henry Clay, Lewis Cass, William H.
Seward, General Shields, Governor Hunt,
Mr. Secretary Morgan, and the Hon. r. c.
Winthrop.
Mayor Kingsland presided at the table,
and after the cloth was removed, gave the
following toast:
Hungary-Betrayed, but not subdued.-
Her call for help is but the echo Of our ap-
peal against the tread of the oppressor.
In reply to this sentiment, Kossuth re-
sponded in a speech of great length, and Tar
exceeding in eloquence and spirit and force
of argument any of his previous efforts, ell
ther here or in England. He commenced
by- expressing his thanks for the honor the
sentiment conveyed, and the manner in
which his name had been coupled with the
great cause which was the sacred aim OF his
life, and expressing his inability to find
words to declare the overwhelming emotions
under which he labored.
He then went into all exposition OF his
views, first alluding to the sympathy man
ifested by the people Of this country for the
cause of Hungary, and also to the doctrine
of fnon.intervention in foreign affairs, which
he understood was one of the ruling princl-
bles of our government. He respected the
source of that doctrine. Itsprung from our
religious attachment to the principles OF
those great men who bequeathed to US the
immortal work Of the constitution. 1t was
natural we should feel an instructive fear to
touch, even with improving hands, that
matchless legacy. But whilst he acknowl-
edged the wisdom of our attachment to the
fundamental doctrines ofthe founders OF our
republic, he doubted the policy of following
to the letter the doctrine OF non-interven-
ton.
What would have been very convenient
TO our infancy would not be SO very con-
yenient to our manhood. We were pow
er on earth-a great power, and must un-
hesitatinely accept the consequences ol oul
situation; and we could not allow any ma
ton to dispose of the fate Of that great FAM
ily of which we are so prominent member.
without resigning our proud position, and
our still prouder destiny. A nation living
the secluded life like the mummy existence
of Japan or Paraguay, might well say, 81
do not care about the fate of other nations
am | nv brothers. keeper ~ But no citl'
zen of the United States could wish to see
his country so degraded as to give utterance
to such sentiments. The very existence Of
our country, its principles, its geographical
nosition. its state of civilization, all its NOR
al and material interests, force it to main
tain wide intercourse with the world; and,
by being thus linked to the world at large,
we could not remain indiferen! to its fate.
We must put our weight into the balance
IN which the fate and condition OF the world
is WEIGHED. He denied that the doctrine OF
non-interyention was bequeathed to us by
washington as a constitutional principle
WASHINGTON never recommended il, but only
neutrality, and neutrahtyis matter OF con-
venience, not of principle. 1t has refer
ence only to'a state of war. Non-lnterie-
renee ON the contrary, has reference to the
sovereign right of nations to dispose OF their
own domestic concerns. This sovereign
right is public law of nations, common to
ali. underline common guaranty OF all. This
rioht we must recognize, because the very
existence of our Republic rests upon it. Ii
This idea were not the common public law
Of mankind, our independent existence
would not be matter OF right, but only a
matter of fact, subject to the chances OF
power and violence. Where is the cltizen
of the United States who would not revolt
At the idea that this great republic is not a
righteous one and lawful. If the faculty to
d;snose of itself be the lawful right OF every
nation. then all interference by armed forces
with this common law, is violation OF that
basis upon which our very existence de-
pends and upon this point we cannot as a
nation, remain Indifferent. We canno! re-
main Indifferent to the common law OF hl-
manity. This is something which Wash,
;noton never taught lis. He recommended
neutrality in foreign wars, but never an in
difference to the violation of the common
laws of Humanity. ~ .o
Kossuth then proceeded at length to state
his ideas on the subject, quoting from W asil-
;ngton's Farewell Address to sustain his po,,
s;tion. He said, stand before you to plead
the cause of my country, the cause OF your
unfortunate brethren, the cause OF himanl-
tv M | may succeed, or l may fail; but |
will 90 on pleading with the faith OF the y
martyrs mar by which mountains were moved:
And And I NAV, perhaps, displease you; butll
will saw with Luther, "My God, help me
can do no otherwiseW In continuation. ne
ouoted the words of Washington to Lafay-
cite. s'Let us only have twenty years, OF
peace, and our country will cone to such a