Eastern times. [volume] (Bath, Me.) 1846-1857, 1851-06-12

a province, she cannot be madea state IN the
union- She cannot be forced to elect Repre-
sehtatives. But in case Of war, other states
VIII JON her in the battle for state rights, and
Southern confederacy will soon be fsrmed
Not more than two Southera Senators will Be
In favor of coercion. To attempt it would be
defeat, and the dehverance Of South Carolina.
1t VIII be easier to 60 OUT ef the Union than
to keep ont Of ia The-Speople win be ap-
peaieu TO by inducements for their return
Agitation in Congress will he suppressed, aud
tariff and internal improvements abandoned, TO
Keep other states from leaving the Union =
But South Carolina should never return with
out new guarantees of equal rights-now hers
under the Constitution of the United States
Tier people will have heavy burdens and taxes
They must live in military boots with KNAPP
sacks on their backs, with costly embassies
and standing army and navy to support
And still he says they will only be occasional
iy needed. And though he argues the ques-
ton as final separation, he suPposes that in
a few years ii must lead to a Southern confed-
eracy, or the South will have enforced those
guarantees for her institutions TO which she is
entitled.
Aud In conclusion, he says, "Secede. At
every hazard, and To the last extremity, Sc
cede." AS the Convention just held in
Charleston have adopted resolutions for seces-
sion, as a matter of opinion it looks as though
MIR. Rhett's doctrine is popular in the state
So much for a sketch of one extreme.
On the other hand and in another quarter,
the language used in the anti-slavcry papers is
most extraordinary. The Massachusetts Anti
Slavery Society, in an annual report represent
the nation as stridng most rapidly to its desti-
ny or 10 It's doom. And if there is any escape
from perdliion, they say, 1t must be in press
ing forward in the footsteps of the an,i-slavery
movement. They complain of the influences
Of the past year TO effect compromise as so
much dirty work done in praise of the Unior
The hope of the abolitionisis consists in agita-
ton, and that, too, in opposition to both the
church and the state. They would turn Con-
eress into grea, anii-slavery debating society
They say that the disturbance is not so bad as
the conflagration, aud they will sound the
alarm-bell that the American Union must come
TO an end, if the element of slavery be not
That the Union, as now consti-
luted, is delusinn and a snare and the move
ment of the abohtionists is truly revolution
They rejoice at the return to this country of
George Thompson, as coming 10 the scene Of
his labors. The abolition of American slavery
they admit, will be a revolution, for it will
radically alter the foundations of governments.
And they intend TO reform what they call the
nations institutions.
One of the speakers of the Syracuse Con-
'ention said they were in the midst of revo-
uiion, revolution of more consequence than
hat of their fathers lie thought it the duty
If abolitionists to dash the government of this |
country TO pieces, for it was not fit TO occupy
he lowest place 10 hell. .....
And this is the language, and the above
'rief sketch of the other extreme. When we |
'ehold such opposite forces striking at the |
Union, we are reminded of the words of JEFF |
erson, who said that Terror of opinion may
De tolerated, whose reason is left free to COM
,at it," In these instances, however, the ui- !
rGism Of the parties refnies their own state
pepis