Southern standard. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1851-1856, 1851-07-19

MIND, most fatal deluslon. Under existing cir
eumstances, it is folly to expect it-madness to
hope it. care not what the nature of the griev-
ance, what the outrage perpetrated, what the dan
ger impending, it IL contrary to reason and all ex-
perience, to calculste that the Southern people,
separated by State lines and distracted by inter
nal party divisions, will ever, voluntarily, meet
together, gravely discuss the question, quietly ar
range the terms, and unite on any such scheme
No government ever was, or will be, called
INTO existence by any such cooperation Sir, ii
we are to have Southern confederacy, and |
nave no doubt of it, it must it only, be brought
about by separate State action. If secession is
revolution, then the revolution must begin some
where. Some one must strike the first blow
Some one State must throw the tea overheard.
This done and the rest must inevitably follow.
care not to look beyond field of Lexington Com
mon wrongs and common dangers must unite COM
mon sufferers, and lead to common sacrifices and
common efforts. And why shall not South Caro-
Ina strike the blow 10 there any thing in her
past history to render her unworthy to lead the
forlorn hope in this any in which her hon
or and her rights are at stake ? Does any one of
her sisters doubt but that her will prove them
selves worthy descendants of men who have en-
rlched their soil with her blood and have illustrat
ed every page of her history with undying exam
pies of courage and patriotism ? Sir, it will not
do to talk any longer about prevailing preiudices
deep seated jealousy against South Carolina and
that any attempt on her part to move, will drive
others Oft. Men who can be driven from duty
who will desert his own cause from any such pal
try considerations have not the spirit, and never
intend, to defend their rights Ifher cause is to
rest on cooperation with such materials then the
day of our deliverance will never dawn. To hope
for such cooperation is submission, to lean on it
is degradation. This hue and cry about South
Carolina, raised by bought up political dema-
gogues, can only be sienced by direct appeal to
a practical issue. My life on it, when this issue
is fairly made, the great of the Southern peo-
pie will be found true to and true to themselves
Mr.. President, l do not feel called upon to dis
cuss the question whether secession be measure
ofpeace or of blood. 1t is matter about which
it is idle to speculate. Time alone can solve the
problem. As measure of peace, our Senator
CARDS as its most alarming aspect. This to me is
passing strange He has said with great conf
dence that he believes no man will be found bold
enough to advocate separate secession, If 1t leads
only to our own national existence. For one,
unhesitatingly declare, that l infinitely prefer
separate State existence to a continuation in I'M
ion governed by heartless fanatics and political
scoundrels. What sir, is to hinder our separate
national existence Has not South Carolina with
in herself, ample resources to maintain such an eX
istence Have we not intelligence enough to de-
wise our Own IOIHl Vi SCNCIuLuCuG, anu virtue
enough to sustain and preserve it. South Caro-
lina peaceably out of the Union, left free to es-
tablish her own commercial relations, and its clear
to my mind, that she possesses within herself
means, and can provide for herself the cheapest,
the mildest and the purest government that ever
the hopes or blessed the labor of man.
With me government is not matter of geography
Its value does not depend on extent of space or
mount of population. To command my respect
and challenge my obedience, it must inspire conf
dence instead of distrust it must bring repose not
agitation it must stimulate hope, not fear, above
all it must afford security that security which en-
ables me to feel that what have is my own, and
that | may quietly sit beneath my own vine and
fig tree, with none to molest or disturb me.
Next it is coniectured that the government will
probably resort to quasi blockade, and that un
der its operation the commerce of Charleston is to
Well, the answer to this is that block
ade of any kind is coercion, forcble denial of the
right of State to withdraw from the Union, and
as such we must meet it. Now admit that Sc
cession may and will probably involve serious sa-
crifces, and that these will fall most heavily on
our cherished city. But shall this deter us p
Our father took counsel neither of their fears nor
their weakness. If we shrink from the sacrifice
now, will the future find us willing to incur it ?
/ regret that my friend has reduced this great
question of liberty and right to the standard ofdol-
lars and cents. No people who measure their
by the money standard can long pre-
serve their liberties Ifcommerce can only -four
ish at the expense of those stern and manly viz
tues which alone qualify people for self-govern-
ment, then let it perish In the day of Moul-
trie and Rutledge, appeals to the commercial fears
of the city found no response, although the issue
then as compared with the present, mere alb
straction. The honorable senator says that he has
too much respect for us to suppose that secession
commends itself to u.s. because of the facilities it
may afford for successful smuggling. In this he
is right But if, as he intimates, the federal gov
ernment shall resort to petty commercial restric-
tions for the purpose of annoying and breaking
the spirit ofou people, then, sir, would meet
it with smuggling. There is as much dignity in
the defence as in the attack.
know Mr. President, that those in power deny
the right of State to secede and the employ
ment of force has been held forth to deter us. If
this be so if it be true that secession is merely the
right of revolution, then | ask what becomes of
the great fundamental truth of our revolution,
that government derives its authority from the
consent of the governed, and that the people have
the right to amend, alter and abolish it at will
The general government is creature, not mas
ter. Force, a means of perpetuating its exis-
tence over It's own members, is not an element in
the Constitution, and the heaviest trial to which
it will ever be exposed, will be its employment
Webster, Clay and fillmore, may preach it, but
they will find no followers to enforce on the map
of North America the government of the sword.
The people ofthis country who are to do the fight
ing, cannot unlearn themselves if they would.
The sword will fall powerless, the musket viii
never be leveled, when told that it is against a
naonle who onlv .sE the riebt of self government