The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-07-04

sures OF last session. That opinion is, that those
measures should be regarded in principle as
final settlement of the dangerous and exciting
subjects which they embrace; that though they
were not free from imperfections, yet, in their
mutual dependence and connection, they formed
a system of compromise the most conciliatory
and best for the entire country that could be OBJ
tanned from conflicting sectional interest and
opinions, and that therefore they should be ad-
hered to, until time and experience should de-
monstrate the necessity Of further Legislation to
guard against evasion or abuse. Thatopinon, 80
far as know, remains entirely unchanged, and
will be acted upon steadily and decisiyely. The
peace of the country requires this; the security OF
the Constitution requires this; and everyconside-
nation of the public good demands this If the
Administration cannot stand upon the principles
ofthe message, it does not expect to stand at all :"
IDANIEL WEBsTER's Letter to the Union Meeting
at Vestchester.
Three-fourths of century have elapsed
since the representatives of the United States
Of America in General Congress assembled
solemnly declared and published the declara-
ton which absolved the United Colonies from
their allegiance to the British crown, and pro
claimed them free and independent States
Into the brief interval of years which stand be-
tween the present generations and that memo
rable day, events have been crowded of signi-
fcance and with rapidlty to which the histo-
ry Of the world furnishes no parallel. Thir-
teen feeble colonies, lying chiefly to the east of
the Alleghanies, have expanded into mighty
nation, crossing the Mississippi, traversing the
Rocky mountains, till they have occupied
continent, and look out from the west and the
eastupon the two great oceans ofthe globe. Three
millions ofpeople have become four and twenty
millions, enjoying under the shadow offree insti-
tutions degree ofprosperity, peace, and happi
ness never before vouchsafed to man. Well then
may we, as Americans, hail with emotions of
Joy and pride the return of this glorious ami
versary. And how emphatically, on this our ma
toms birthday, do the memory of the past and
the prospect around us rebuke that accursed spirit
of sectional jealousy and prejudice which would
destroy or endanger the institutions that have
been the source of all our greatness, and that
are marvel and an example to all the nations
of the earthl
And how far have this sectional prejudice
and jealousy carried us2 Simply to the verge
of civil war. They have excited mobs, and
brought together meetings of unarmed traitors
at the North; they have manifested themselves
in military organization and menaces of armed
revolution at the South. Two presses, claim
ing to enjoy large circulation, are printed at
the seat of the Federal Government, the one the
organ of the party which avows its purpose to
seek the abolition of slavery over s'the ruins OF
the American Church and the American State;''
the other established and supported by men
who boast that they have been for twenty years
plotting and combining for the purpose Of dis
solving the Union. We know not which OF
the parties thus represented is the most mis-
chevous; we know only that they are both
wrong, and both devoting themselves with
factous and reasonable intentions to fan the
excitements of the day, to stimulate the mu-
tual animosities of sections, and to subvert the
Constitution of their country. We believe
that the Abolition organ here, the National
Era, family denies that it contemplates or de-
sires the result to which its doctrines and its Ian
guage inevitably lead; but the Southern Press
lie opinion or to the laws. That journal wears
its treason on its front 1t assumes no disguise.
1t is an audacous advocate of revolution 1t
advertises daily, by the matter with which its
columns are filled, deliberate and systematic
design to stimulate the conspiracy now seeking
a violent disruption of the Union. Its conduc
tors seemingly aspire 10 the fate which Mr..
RHETT foreshadowed in his speech, at Sulli-
vans Island, of the 28th June. The Senator
expressed the opinion on that occasion that,
''should he come to the gallows, he would Gdorn
cit in this cause as well as any other man"
Though we think, with Mr.. WILKES, that
hanging is the worst use you can put man TO-,
we cannot but believe that there are some indi-
viduals who might play an useful, as well as
an ornamental, .part on the theatre referred to
by Mr.. RHETT.
1t is painful to disturb the associations of a
gested by the circumstances to which we have
alluded. 1t has been hitherto and still is day
of national rejoicing. The sentiments, Ethe
principles, the achievements of the Revolution,
mingled with the memory of the immortal De
caration, mark it as a sacred day in our an
mails; to be celebrated through all time with
bonfires and Examinations, with the thun-
der of cannon, with festival and praise and
thanksgiving. lis appropriate celebration is a
duty which the people owe to their institu-
tions 1t is duty which they owe to the IL
lustrious men who won what we enjoy. 1t is
duty which they owe to the great cause Of
Human Liberty, that its advocates and cham
pons may be ever held ingrateful remembrance!
For the Declaration which stamps this as
our national jubilee was the Great Charter Of a
peoples liberties; not wrested from the reluc-
tant grasp of monarch, nor based upon the
unwilling concessions Of Power, but resting
upon the broad and deep foundation Of natural
sovereignty and national independence twas
the charter of brave, an honest, and jealous
People; People whom no Establishments could
seduce and no array of power intImidate; q