Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1851-09-18

chooses finally, while the term Of choice still con-
tinucs. The expcdient which may seem wise t
to-day. may soon become very inert from the I
prorrcss of events. Our strength is not SO SUI
perabundant, as to justify us in any advantage
that may arise from the chapter of accidents.
We think, and Justly as believe, that the past
arnressons Of the government justify immediate
resistance, but Georgia has determined TO wait
for further grievances. 1t may well happen, that
the occasion for which Georgia waits may arrive
during the term Of our convention. The abol-
toniss are now held by tl,cir leading politicians,
straining in the leash, and perhaps the thongs
may even hold until tic next Presidential clcc-
ton il over, but soon tic dogs must be let slip,
with the cry of havoc. The body Of fanatics is
too strong and too rapidly increasing, to be long
restrained from further aggressions by any con-
sidcration Of prudence or honor, Of law OF the
constitution. If Georgia, the empire State Of the
South, were ready to 60 with us, think we
should now make the venture.
The arguments mainly employed for prompt
secession, are, that the State is pledged to this
course, and that this is the most efficient mode
of producing cooperation.
The careful inquirer for the truth, will discover,
that the past action Of the State has imposed no
obligation upon her to resist at any particular
time or in any particular mode. 1t may well be
disputed, whether the rules of Fictitious code Of
honor apply to State, and whether members OF
the Legislature in passing resolutions concerning
our federal relations act otherwise than popu-
lar assembly; but granting that the Legislature
can commit the faith of the State in this matter,
the pledges Of the Legislature do not go beyond
resistance in corporation with ether States, nor
define the measure of resistance. The resolu-
tons of lS4S and lS49 expressly refer TO concert
Stofo and dicocD1r tItp
wish or intention of South Carolina to take the
lead. The Act of last session calling a convcn-
ton proceeded from comity to Mississippi, which
had previously adopted the same measure, and
from our engagement to net in concert. The
appropriation for arms was made in preparation
for contest which might soon como on, or which
might be long delayed, or entirely prevented by
making ourselves ready for any issue. South
Carolina is in no respect more strongly pledged
, than Virginia, Georgia and Mississippi, and if
their retrogrcssion delays her in proceeding in
, common and concerted measure. her honor is not
tarnishcd. grant, that with or without pledges,
the ilea of submission is not to be tolerated.
When our case becomes desperate, VIC may adopt
G desperate remedy. 1t may be sometimes a
duty, to sacrifice the existing inhabitants Of q
State in the martyrdom Of liberty, for the benefit
: OF the cvcrduring cause of freedom but let us
Y not raslily conclude that such martyrdom is ne
h cessary Suicide Of individuals or of States, is
rarely to DO justified. Where delay may bring
accession OF allies and ultimate success, We should
e avoid the chances of our defeat, and of the tri.
C umph of dcspotism.
If The argument, that the separate secession q
/, South Carolina will compel the corporation o
" other Southern States, does not strike my mint
: with much force. We are first told, that ther'
10 s no hope Of such corporation to drive US upol
j. secession precipitately, and we are then told
that secession must drive other States to the san
remedy. IF wc adopt particular measure a
N ganst their wishes and rcmonstranccs. we cal
e. hardly expect their active support to fellow as
q consequence. To say things offensive 10 thei
State pride and self love, is an odd mode Of con
20 ciation. Secession on our part, not preconccrt
" cd with them, in effect rebukcs them for gnor
h ance of their rights, or tim1ity in mainainin;
~ them. Such course is adapted to inhbit for
ever their junction with us, or to wound tl,ci
~ affections il they did join. In my opinion, i
III would greatly rctard the establishment of stable
rrt tGi,-----.A c.--.LA- -Snl,th-It cannot hc. dis
10 rulers ut Washington, South Carolina has bee,
ISOLATED and that the lead Of no other Soutber,
'c State Is less likely to be followed. The stcreo
e type argument Of the Union politicians of III,
n S"uth against resistance TO tyranny has been
tliat 1t s South Carolina movement: and it is tf
oe aPPrehended that the prominence given of late
N tiiis osate to secession has added STRENGTH tc
y this argument from prejudice. In case Of on,
secession, ths Jealousy Of our neighburs towards
US would be stimulated BY the boons and boun,ies
: OF the Federal Government.
If war should follow our secession hc,-o,d
e doubt many men, bold and true, from the nciob.
boring States would rush to our aid but nm arm,
Of auxiliaries, (who would be mostly officers,
would soon eat out our substance and IN no ~
sP:ct contribute to the establishment of = Con-
iederacy. 1t is States. and not individuals th,.
we need as allies 1t is unnecessary TO nnrsuc .
tins topic, as reasoning is useless with those of
such truculent dispositions as prefer 10 effsct
revolution by civil war, which may be pcacenblv
achieved by waiting few months or even vcars
Inc separate nationality of South Carolina is
undesirable as permanent arrangement. evcn if
1t could be pcaccaby effected. Disunit,d from
our Southern sisters, We should not be abl,. n
MAINTAIN the institution of slavery. aroipst tbc
'anatleai opinions of the world. Enormous toxes
would be necessary to sustain our covcrnmcn,
ana our commerce and foreign relationa Tho
exhibition of strength in men and resources conN
alone command the respect of other nations. nm
less, Ike San Marino. We chose TO exist br tLe
eohtetnptuous g tolerance Of powerful neirIbors.
throw ourselves under the pupillaec and pro.
lection OF Great Britain, would degrade ne from,
the rank of a respectable State, and lend to ,ho
abolition of slavery. ~ '''s
It is not likely, however, that separate scccs.
son would be peaceful. However firm NAV bc
our convictions Of the right of secession This
right IS not recognized byour rulers Mt Wnsbine.
ton, nor even by the Union party at tho S,r,I
Our Independence would not be acknowlcJnnd o,"i
BY the Federal Government; and would he ,ar
a,,!, II at all, recognized by foreign nations ms
which have hitherto known us only throunb |r, omr
federal rulers. So isolated would be our condi. v.
ton, that the Government might venture rrn pnon
'lirect coercion by the army and navy. Init + l.
more probable, that it would continue to trent
as an integral portion of the Union. and % nnr,us
inc eoeciIon Of its revenue from imposts here
perhaps changing the location of tho Custo,M
iiouses to Fort Sumter and other posts co,,n..,s
cd BY military or naval force. Obyious n"I;o,
would induce the Administration to ofT;.r rs ~
renee practically consistent with denial Of ,L.
rlght OF secession; and in case of or,u,l ooreo,
S1 70 .,f0w the blame of assault upon us. annre,
ne'ld therc would be little difficulty in prorohinr
some Oh our people to take the offensive ot.;,nde
GPo. 'ne cecntncrease of forces in the forts in
the harbor OF Charleston, the people were cravcix
taIor.e1 .e TO anticipate the action of the Convcn.