The southern press., 1851-08-09

the law were faithfully executed. were these
slaves the property Of Mississippi plantorsg lie
replied "no." These fugitives belonged to border
States, and If recovered, the only means oi
keeping them as slaves would be by selling them
to the interior planting States; and how would
they be crcumstanced with TO- l5, or 10000
negroes amongst them, imported from abolition
States? Such stock would be curse to the
land for with the knowledge they had gained,
they would ruin the rest of the slaves, and, very
prob bly,, give rise to most dreadful conse-
quences. He would not have, in his quarters,
a negro brought from the North on any account
whatever. Thus the fugitive slave law was a
policy only for those slave States bordering
upon the free States, and so, instead OF being
anxious to get the Abolitionists to give up the
fugitives, the people of Mississippi might afford
to turn over few more slaves TO their philan-
thropic Northern friends, who would, doubtless,
continue to frighten the poor creatures onward
to Canada. 1t would be much more creditable
to the North, to endeaver to improve the condi-
ton of the negroes already amongst them, than
to interfere with matters that We're none oftheir
concern, by agitatng the question of slavery
and disturbing Soathern institutions. The border
States, instead of supporting the Southern in
terests, abandoned the issue on the territorial
questions, and the result to the planting States
of having their slavepopulation confined, might
be make by the simple calculation of school
boy. In Mississippi, when the slaves reach in
numbers point beyond interest or usefulness,
there was no place to send them. But the border
States might yet be taught alesson, and be led
to join with the interests of other Southern
States by making them keep their own slave
population. If the border States were to con-
tinuc to sell out their slaves, in u few years
hence, they might emancipate the small number
remaining amongst them, and then GO over to
the free States, as others had done before. Un-
less the interior States ceased to import their
negroes, they would have but little cooperation
with the border States in the maintenance of
their propes position; and unless they acted
they might find that future issues
would have to be made between the minority
the planting section; and the great majority
the rest of the State combined.
Never. on any previous occasion, had there
been so many anti-slavery conventions as during
the present year; never had there been so many
of an abolition character. AL
most in all parts of the North abolition was ad-
vocated; never before had its advocates assumed
so determined position; and never had there
been so many abolition members in the United
States Senate. Everywhere abolition was
gaining ground The grand scheme of the
Wilmot Proviso resulted from abolition, and
though the bill was not passed, the compromise
gave that whi;h the proviso sought. And now
another step was taken which proposed an entire
change in the Constitution, viz to make sla-
very sectional, and freedom the principle of the
United States. 1t was proposed to make ex-
tinct the very doctrines that were Incorporated
with the Constitution; to change the form Of
the government: and to introduce measures
that should tend to the extinction of slavery,
and entirely ruin Southern interests. Yet in
the face of all this it was asserted that slavery
in the States would not be interfered with. Had
they not seen the press of the North avow its
hostility to slavery? Had they not seen slavery
restricted? Had they not seen the present tone
Of the Northern press by which it was asserted
that slavery should be destroyed? Had they
not seen with what determined force the Abo-
litionists were marching upon them for their
destruction, and to sap them of their most cher
shed rights? And would they close their eyes
10 future designs upon them, wrapping them
selves in temporary security to transmit to their
children heritage clogged and divested of its
value! Would they quietly submit to contin-
ued wrongs, and leave their children to rec Jver
that freedom and equality to which the original
Constitution entitled them, but which their pa.
rents might unworthily surrender!
II was but recently that foreign Abolition
ist came to the United States TO denounce the
Constitution, to pour upon them torrents OF
abuse, aud 10 brand them with opprobrious cpl
thets: he came not merely to be listened to,
but to be paid for lecturing, in order that he
might retrive his broken fortune. Such an an
nouncement had been publicly made in relation
to George Thompson, whose abolition and in
cendiary speeches they had all heard Of The
North paid foreigner TO vilify the South and
perhaps that was another evidence of the " re-
turning sense of justice" spoken of There
was time when such things would not have
been tolerated. The warnings Of that great
and good man, that able statesman and senator.
who, when he last went to the Senate with his
bending form, was so feeble and weak as to be
to have his speech read for him, had
been disregarded. Fanaticism had held its
sway and was still making its strides onward.
perhaps TO produce the most disastrous conclu.
sions.
Against all the proofs TO the contrary, with
the fanaticism Of the North before them, they
found in Mississippi those who were grossly
or eVaolnB the real state OF affairs
not hesitating TO falsify and gloss over most
prominent features, and endeavorng to change
the true issue by the cry of Uuion and Disu.
ion." He looked to the South and said, the
South only could preserve the Union. The
Union could only be preserved by timely resist
ance TO oppression by proper administration
Of the laws Of the Constitution. If they nc.
luiesced in aggression, aggressions would con.
tinue, and might 90 on till rebellion, or revolu
lion ensued-and the country be precpat. ID
INTO all the horrors of civil war. He believed il
The South was united and manfully asserted her
rights, the North would give way and meet the
South, and the rights under the Constitution
would still be preserved. But If they were dis.
united, because they were quarrelllng and war;
ing among themselves, then aggressions would
go on more rapidly. Bot whatever the ultimate
result might be under any circumstances, he
would still stand by the cause of the South, and
II in the last hour they should have TO war for
their freedom and to maintain the existence of
Southern rights and equality, he would still be
with them in 80 sacred n cause but before one
blow was struck, he would say TO them ave
stand on common ground, for a common issue,
we have feelings Of the same holy nature, / am