The southern press., 1851-10-31
British Views on Slavery.

gulshed a popularity are no more; lheir lmila-
tors alone remain; and though providing now
and then articles of some talent, they are as
much indebted to the name of Blackioood for
public attention, as to any intrinsic merit in
themselves.
This country reads and chiefly supports the
old Edinburg periodical In Britain, its old rep
utation has passed away Of late years. 1t is
still looked upon there as highly respectable
but it is neither so we'll handled, nor its poll
tics 80 popular as under the old Tory rule.
To the latter cause, perhaps, may in some
measure be attributed its decline across the
ocean. Toryism, which it still strives to main
tain in pristine purity, is no longer the same
among Tories. The reform measures of the
last twenty years have modified the opinions
and pretensons of their party; and thus all ul-
ira organs have gradually become more and
more unpalatable as they are at variance with
the views and sentiments of the times.
To Southern readers, the first article of this
month is most attractive, within it we have the
views of two parties subject which most
interests them.
BLackWood reviews the essays of a writer
whom it supposes to be named HELPS. These
essays are five in number and the last treats of
the "Conquerers of the New World and their
Bondsmen" We come at once to that
1t is almost needless to say, Mr.. HELPS and his
reviewer, on coming TO the point of slavery,
concur in calling it "cruel and unjust" The
latter considers it contrary to the fundamental
laws of morality. But he is obliged to come
down from his high pedestal, and admit .ha
"human societies in the course of progress,
cannot be altogether governed by such rules"
We won't call this an admission in favor of
slavery, because the question as to the relative
happiness of the negro and the white slave OF
England, is one about which there can be no
doubt. 1t is at best confession extorted from
the Tory, who feels that he is really an oppres-
to call free, and would find palliative by
sociating another system of servitude with his
cause
He then says Touching the very subject
of slavery, we see taat in early and patrarchal
times it was the necessary form which the Tea-
ton took between the owner Of land or flocks
and his laborer 1t is here the natural predeces-
sor Of our present system of payment by wages
Money payment of wages, it is plain, could have
no place till money was in general use-ti mar
kets had been formed-till something of trade
and commerce had been established In earliest
times the landlord must pay his laborer by
supplying him with food and clothing But the
laborer could not up his food for the
period Of old age or the days of sickness. Pre-
suming, therefore, that the owner of land Of
hocks was TO keep possession of his property
that arrangement which we denominate slavery
was the only equitable one which could be made
III the wealthy patriarch were to say to his Ia
borer, | will feed and clothe you so long as you
are willing to serve me, and do serve me, The
result would be that in sickness and old age,
the aborer would be utterly destitute The onlg
fair bargain that could be made nas jua This
10 buy The labor Of the man for his ,ohoe l3e, by
sustaining him for his ohole life. The laborer
must become his bondsman."
Now in this latter paragraph, we have a fla.
grant contradiction with other sentiments ut
tered by the romancers of aboliton-and at the
same time, in the statement itself, an attempt to
exonerate their own really oppressive system
from the obliquy which its mockery of freedom
80 we'll deserves. Tue contrast is striking. The
philanthrophist has proclaimed the laborer
free-in order that the moral contract Of sup
porting him, when sick or aged, may not fal
upon him. lie is freeman-therefore, can per
ish, exhausted and worn out, unpitied by his EN-
ployers. He is free-therefore, does not deserve
the care due to an old horse. lie is free-anC
therefore, can perform miracles to support him
self and family; or, deserves to starve. Dom
let us talk of " the fundamental laws of NOR
slity," Mr.. Reviewer
Again, revertug to the greater simplicity and
ignorance of the black man, he adds:
"There, also, the best forms of the bargain
for both parties would be to buy the labor OF
the man for his whole life, by taking care of him
for his whole life"
But he does not acquiesce in this reasoning o
this ncapacity
AT the same time we are ready to admit tina
it requires a more intimate knowledge of th,
negro population, than we can possibly possi SIS
to determine how far it ought to carry convic
ton"
Admitting the defence of incapacity to b.
good, he still urges that it is desirable to cult
vate provident and reflective character in the
negro, so far this can be done during the con-
tinuance of slavery"
To this we reply, that the negro is better
man, in every respect, compared to his original
condition in Africa and although untitled for
the boasted, but treacherous liberty of the white
laborer he is happy and contented as he is
Master and man have n common interest in doing
well together. The reviewer continues
We do not like, and do not call for sudden
changes we have always sought to allay, rather
than to excite the popular agitation Of this pic
IL the existing system is the only one at present
practicable, we must, of course, accept il. w,
shall not tell the planter, in the high vein Of Ger
tain moralists--if you and your white brethrer
cannot cultivate this soil without slave labor, q,
TO some other soil and TO some other climate
Such high heroic maxims of morality, which W
have not to practise ourselves, it is of very it'll
use to preach TO others"