Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1851-07-10

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be classed under that head. / cannot see how
our commerce can be ellectually restricted, ex-
cept by such measures as must ultimately result
in blockade of our ports, and l refer to what l
have already said on that head. But something
less than this is meant; if sort Of peaceable CO.
ercon is ntcnded-then | ask if its hazards or
cXtrcmlies are too great to be encountered in
defence Of q cause which is worthy of resistance
sat every hazard and to the last extremity"
| But think that with ten or fifteen millions of
the richest products of the earthfor sale, it would
be difficult to destroy our commerce by any
measure of practical coercion. If we will be con-
tent to realize moderate profits and to offer a
cheap market to the world, venture to assert
that it cannot be closed by war Of custom
houses. But these are but spcculations at best
and five wait to ascertain the exact cost Of every
hazard in dollars and cents, We will never resist
either separately or conjontly.
Supposing, however, that coercion in no form
whatever is attempted, and that South Carolina
is permitted peaccably to secede, still our friends
contend that she cannot maintain separate cx-
istence. Now this objection seems to me to
amount to nothing more or less than this That
if South Carolina should resume those powers
which she has delegated to the General Govern
ment and become, what VIC have always con-
tended she was, when she came into this Union,
a free, sovereign, and Independent State, then
that moment she perishes. must be permitted
to say, with due respect to those who urge this
argument, that it proves too much, and gives up
everything in dispute. 1t is a fatal concession to
| the Consolidationists, and will be regarded by
them us complete surrender. They have al
ways contenled that the sovereignty OF tile States
is an abstraction" nero thing Of words; /;
that it has no practical value, and cannot protect
the citizen, who. therefore, owes it no allegiance
| They say that this is not Confederacy of sove-
reign States, but Government Of one people,
unit, of which the States are the fractions, and
that, therefore, the majority must govern, for
there is no legal remedy against acts. From all
this, it follows that our only remedy is that which
belongs to us in common with our slavcs-revo-
luton, and no more.
cannot but think, therefore, that if South
Carolina declines to secede for reason like this,
she will give dcatl-blow to the great cause of
State Rights, for which she has hitherto peried
so muGll, and with which her name is so proudly
associated.
Let us glance however at some Of the difficult
ties which it is urged lie in our way as a free,
sovereign and Independent State. tits said We
will have to resort to smuggling for n livelihood.
That our negro population will become redun-
dant, and that if they escape we cannot reclaim
them. The objection in regard to smuggling is
sufficiently answered by showing that if goods
are carried from our territory into the other
States, it must be done by tho citizens of those
States themselves, and they must settle the mat
ter with their own government. AS to redun-
dant population, have no fears whatever on that
subject. five eyer have more slaves than VIC
at reduced price. and have no doubt that the
surrounding slavcholaing States will soon be able
to obtain the sanction of their government for
their purchase. twill be a very different thing
from the African slave trade. and as our slave
holding neighbtrs to be the pets of their gov
ernlncnt for fear of the contaglon of secession,
have no doubt they will be able to make satisiac-
tory arrangements on this subject, even if it
should involve an amendment of the constitution.
Long before the day could come, when we would
voluntary give up cur territory to our slaves, and
runaway from them, or they could conquer it
from us, our neighbors would find means to re-
leye us as well as themselves from such dire
calamties, by giving them much better employ
mcnt in their rice and cotton fields. South Caro-
lima will not be permitted to become a st. Do
mngo in the bosom of the South. History pre-
sents no instance Of a nation perishing from re-
dundant population-a peaceful exodus has al
ways been found.
As to the difficulty in relation to the rccapturc
of our fugitive slaves, it is obvious that as the
slavcholding States would be exposed to the same
evil by their slaves escaping into our territory,
remedy would soon be found by our mutual nc
cessities Interest will regulate these subjects as
it has always done. Should our slaves escape
into the free States, we will have to do just what
we arc doing now--submit to their loss.
Mr.. President, admit that it is very easy TO
say many hard things against secession, so ap-
prehcnd it is Just as easy to say many hard things
against disunon. Our friends must allow me to
say to them: Push not your arguments against
secession too far, or you may find your batteries
turned against your fivOritc schcmc-disnnion by
cooperation. Do you know that you can accom-
plish dsunion and the establishment of a South
crn Confcdcracy, without many Of those very
sacrifices you now urge against secession? II
your Confcderacy consists Of the Cotton States,
do you know whether you will be permitted TO
scccdc without coercion? May you not cncoun-
ter blockades and Il w;r of custom houscsl Will
not slavery become hemlncd in, and localized
within the borders of your Confcdcracy. VIII
your power Of rccapturc be perfect anG complete!
May not the commerce of Charleston, and your
OtncF pOftS, Uc IltTTdSSCN uTl'ciI w i.O
shall have the mouth Of the Mississippi? | have
heard many brave words uttered by Western
men on this subject on the floor of Congress, and
high claims put in to this right.
Speak kindly, therefore, pray you, oi scces-
sion, for it is the first born-thc lawful offspring
of dismon doctrines. Such, be assured, will be
the Judgment of candid world, the record of
impartial history
admit, however, that our friends have one
advantage over us Their scheme lies in the fu-
turc; ours is ut hand. They have the chapter
of accidents on their side; VIC have only the chap
ter OF history.
I am aware it may be said, that il, according to
my argument. there is no danger of any overt
acts of aggression against the South on the part
of the Government in our day, then there is no
danger to us if we remain in the Union that III
this respect my argument is contradictory. But
the reply is obvious. The argument OIL the other
side is, that our destruction is inevitable if We re-
main in the Union that it is the Government OF
our enemies. who will annilate us, but that fur
thcr aggressions will soon be committed which
will unite the South in conjoint secession. Tho
first branch Of the proposition admit, but the
latter deny. How, then, you ask, VIII our DC
structon come? answer, by the gradual, Dut
certain advance of abolition by the process OF
sapping and mining; by imnligraton,i by the
spread of anti-slavcry opinions; by degrading
State Rights and exalting Federalism; by com.
bning measures of justice with measercs OF
wrong-a fugitive slave bill with an antl-saVe