Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1851-02-08
Some Results Worth Consideration.

record of many facts that can seldom re-
ceive such illustration as they are now re-
ceiving. :,
1. There has never been such careful and
universal pains taken to prevent the discus
sion of any subject as that of slavery. Eve
ry organization of society has dreaded aqua
ton. Presses have been muZzled, lectnrers
mohhrd, ministers unsettled, stores attacked,
aud the business prosperity threatened ol aii
who sympaihized with the slave. Tue gov
ernmcnt OF the country, of the States, the
political parties for the most part, the eccie-
sinsticnl government, and the business OF the
country. have stood determined to smother
the discussion of slavery, aud keep it out OF
society.
What has been the result?
No subject has ever been discussed SO
much. The nation is saturated with the ogi-
tation; and as il God were nocklng at thcn'
lac has made those who most dreaded dis
cussion to be the most eager disputonts of
the day. We are indulged every day with
excitement from the very men and papers
which have lived only to suppress IT,
There is nothing so SAFE IN free country as
free DISCUSSION; nolhing so dangerous as the
suppression Of IL.
PEACE AID LirERTY OF Speech, VIo-
LExcE AND INTOLERANCE, respectively go to-
gelhcr.
Those nrc the Revolutionary Pulpits and
Presses which check the free discussion OF
all topics among free people.
2. While the community nre taking sides
for or against the Fugitive Slave Law, the
reasons for their choice do not lie in that law,
bit in themselves.
In general, those whose business interests
connect them with the South agree TO the
Compromise measures. Those not interest
ed commercially incline TO the other side.
The division to this or that side of another
large portion, depends upon their political
syinpathies. They will adhere TO which side
promises best for iher party.
OILERS determine the question as one oi
Lar as Il is. They are good and honest
men, but narrow. LAW is venerable, and
obedience to law citizens first duty. But
Just as firmly do others hold TO obedience
aud yeneration of law, who nevertheless take
the opposite side. For they take law aud
Justice, enactment and right, 10 be synony-
nous. The one revcres the law bllndly
the other for reasons. The one obeys law,
simply because il is law; the other, because
in law they perceive the highest good, the
purest rectiiudc. 1t is the justice, the truth,
the right, which they love. Without these,
law is a shell, hnsk; or worse, an engine
of malice under guise of bcnehcence. Hence,
when law expresses the common sentiments,
no difference can he seen among its udher-
ents. But when it expresses wrong, the one
side will worship Wrong because it is law;
and the other side, true 10 the love of good
ness, will not obey iniquiiy, even if it be
framed TO law.
II is to be observed, also, that men who re-
gard this subject from the standpoint of hon
or and conscience, are rendered more incrcd-
ulous and suspicious of argument, for fear
of being deceived by Commerce or entrap-
ped by Politics. To yield our scruples TO
the influence of reasoning, and atterward to
find ourselves the dupes OF party or an m
tercst, wounds the seusibiliy almost past for
giyenesS A dread of deception, a want of
confidence IN the fairness OF public and COM
merciul men, upon moral topics, makes null
titudes of Christians incredulous aud suspi-
cious of their reasonings.
3. Ii is not to be disguised that men have
brought largely into this discussion their pri-
vate feelings, their sectarian prejudices, and
their party Interests.
The conservative man who has stood aoof
from the reforms of the day, aud, unwilling
TO embroil himself in u conflict with popular
movements, has been prudent and silent,
now, under cover OF sustaining law, may
put a lance in rest against the whole class OF
restless reformers, who piow and hoe the
community as if il were field of corn. DO
not think that we owe the elaborate sermons
OF many octogenerian Dyines TO their SYM
pathy for the law, as much as 10 their dis
sympathy with those who attack il. But this
is to be Il cause rather suggested and sus-
pected of classes Of men than charged upon
individuals.
Not so doubtful are the influencing mo-
tiyes OF Diyines who take occasion to avenge
private animosites, or TO thwack rival de-
nominations; aud thus, under cover of dis.
cussing question of public policy, make q
settlement of private grievances.
4. The progress of this excitement has
developed and is developing the usual unfor
tunale concomlants of controversy, bitter
ness, railing, untairness, aud exaggerated
prejudices.
We have not the least objection TO the
most unbounded ardor of expression, TO the
most enthusiastic convictions, expressed II
the most positive manner, SO long as they re
late to truths or principles. But when The
propugandist comes 10 regard those who dc
not receive his views as devoid of all prin
ciple and necessarily dishonest, and becomes
Extensively personal, then controversy is NOR
bid and mischieyous. Aud as nothing givei
such vigor TO like or dislike as conscience, Sc
they who profess TO be conscientious are OF
ten conscientiously bitter. There is no re
vulsion against men or measures so violen
as that of pure aud honorable men. maj
consciously right should watch against sc
we're judgments of others. 1t is sad and Gu
rious TO observe the progress of exaggerte'
impressions of personal character. Thos
who do not follow our conscience on the sla
very question, are often, nevertheless, OH th
whole, more conscientious men than we.-
Those whose reasonings we pronounce coll
and inhuman, are not cold or inhuman men
Those whose commercial interests reduc
lhem, ps It seems to US, to policy, on thi