Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1851-07-31

others, to the convention of the 22d, both to ac-
count for the writer's nor-attendance, and to give
an expression of sentiment at this important cr-
sis, will, as defining the position of one of our
candidates, be read with interest:
| find that my expectations and strong desire
to attend the Convention must be frustrated, in
consequence of ill health. My hearty approval
of the platform Of the party to be convened, my
inclination to be identified and cooperate with
party that finds, in hostility TO slavery, its band
of union, and motive to action, renders the dis.
appointment painful one.
While the other parties in this State are fall
ing back upon former, obsolete issues, or feign-
ing new one, by the senseess cry of Union, at
the same time trampling in the dust the doc"
trines which were meant to be sustained by the
formation of " more perfect union," am hap
Ply to know that party exists based upon the
true, great issue now before the American people.
The recent legislation of our government, in
providing for the re-capture of men who have
nobly attained their birthright according to the
Declaration places the citizens of this country
in position where they should inquire with Sc
robustness, to know the delegated power of the
magistrate, and the duty of the citizens, now
when humanity is shocked and outraged by this
iniqutous, unconstitutional, unrghteous provls-
ion, whose execution is the commission of the
blacklist of crimes, itbecomes the great question
to inquire what are the legitimate objects for the
accomplishment of which civil government was
established. The great object, it is generally
conceded, was to protect every man In the enjoy
ment of those rights which were conferred upon
him by his Creator. "To secure those rights,
governments were instituted among men," The
prerogatives of a civil government, then, are
given for certain end and have their limitation,
If its powers be perverted to another end, or
if it transcend its limits, its claim to obedience
ceases. When government instead of secur-
ing an inalienable right, prohibits it, it forfets
all claim to obedience so far. In SO far as the
agent, or officer of the government labors to dis
charge faithfully the duties to which he has been
appointed, honor and venerate him but when
he prostitutes his official influence to pander to
the wishes of party, then he stands before me
like Sampson right from the lap of Deliah,-
his dignity, his honor, his strength, gone forever
He has become to me the most odious and des-
picable of all men.
There is another view. The government may
not only do wrong, but it may command me to
do wrong. How shall regard that? ItOiH not
obey II! In that particular l owe it no allegi-
ance. Shall transfer the allegiance owe to
God to the Cabinet? My moral nature with
loathing forbids it. Every virtuous man must
shrink back with trembling from that glazing i'm
piety which treats with Indifference the "high-
or !" and he must look with adherence up
on cause that requires such infdelity to sus-
tain it. Though we may be accused of exhibit
ing the spirit of notification and secession, the
old parties, in my judgment, by their reckless
adherence to the fugitive bill, are virtually at
tempting to nullify the statutes of high Heaven,
and are seceeding from Christianity. Many-of
the expressions and interpretations of the Con-
stitution so Aippanty iterated at the present day
are to me all epicac- extremely nauseating and
loathsome. We of the free States have long
enough made ourselves partners in the sin Of
shareholders, by acquiescing in such interpret
tions as to countenance and uphold them in their
outrages upon the rights of man.
The case was once very similar in England :;
for nearly fifty years the opinion prevailed, sus-
tained as in our country, by high legal 'expound-
ers that slaves were not made free by coming to
England. But Granville Sharp called this opin.
ion in question, he examined with great care the
British Constitution and laws, and after seven
years of arduous struggle, he succeed in con-
vinclng the highest court and procuring from
Lord Mansfield, in 1772, the memorable decis-
ion, that so soon as slave set his foot on the
soil of Great Britain, he is free. In my iudg-
ment our Constitution, properly administered, is
a warranty deed liberty, to every man, and the
death warrant of slavery.
Let us adhere to the motto of our forefathers.
: Liberty and Union" and not adopt the misera-
able perverson of the present time, Slavery first,
and then Union to protect it.
With my best wishes for the harmony of the
Convention and the prosperity of the cause of
right and truth,
| am yours sincerely,
RYLAND FLETCHER,