The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1851-11-11

this country from the east OF Europe, is itself
the ssia adaptstion Of its tone and topics to the
constitutional principles Of Englishmen, instead of
the revolutionary rant wit which its author favored
the democrats Of Marseilles Bukit is most curious
Of all for the dexterious suppression Of all the
sential facts in the question which weaken M. Kos
suth's case. We can only afford space to touch
rapidly upon some Of these omissions, which have
led US to form different conclusion.
1t is afavorite figure of speech with the Magyar
party to talk of their constitution Of 800 years
standing, and of their country as the bulwark of
ChIistendom. They would have us forget that for
about $50 years, from the middle Of the fifteenth
century to- the end Of the seventeenth, Hungary
did not belong to Christendom at all; her finest
provinces had been conquered by the Turks; BudA
was Pashalik in the Turkish wars of that period,
serving with the Turks against the empire her
patriots, Zapolya and Rakoozy, vassals of the
Grand Seignior and from this state of MUSEUM an
bondage she was rescued by Austrian and German
armies, under Prince Eugene, about $50 years ago.
II the house of Austria had not had q valid claim
to the crown Of Hungary, and at last found strength
to enforce it, the kingdom might still be what Ser.
1t is an obvious absurdity to talk of constitutional
monarchy of 500 years standing, when the country
was practically governed for the greater part Of
state of things only terminated by the of
the imperial arms in the reign our King William
Ill. II is true that the two chief elements of her
constitution, the aristocracy and the municipal
local independence they retained exercised little
no control over the government OF the kingdom.
The Hungarian constitution, as it existed before
the revolution of lSiS, was strictly arstocratcal
1t was, indeed, replete with all the abuses and de-
fects adherent in that form of government, when it
is not tempered by the democratic element or con-
trolled by public opinion Even the taxes were
did not pay them, and exclusively paid by the
peasantry and the humber classes which did not
vote them. The nobility maintained its privileges
with absurd and arrogant intolerance, for it wal
only Of late years, and by small party of en-
ghtened men of that order, that the smallest con-
cessions were wrung even from the most indefen-
sibie privileges But in spite Of these indsputabe
evils it had the two great qualities, without which
no constitutional government can exist at ALT
had strength and it had duration In ages and
counties where the rights of the people opposed
to powerful and encroaching prerogative Of the
I The ssand
midway between the people and the sovereign, and
though it may Cypress the former, il controls the
latter 1t has traditional power, wealth, territorial
masses to resist the current of dcspotic authority.
Remove those barriers. and although some of the
abstract rights Of the people at large may appear to
gain, yet the collective strength of the nation in de-
fence OF its constitutional rights is diminished.
Hungary, under an aristocratic constitution, had
maintained her independence against most unto ward
circumstances, but Hungary represented by q re-
evolutionary assembly, was shorn of her effective
power, and had already lost the bulwarks she had
SO frequently opposed to the policy of the house Of
Hapsburg. Nothing could more rapidly have pro-
pared her to be merged in the Austrian monarchy
than the policy which M. Kossuth himself pursu ed
He now represents the Austrian constitution of the
18th of March, 1910, as the act which would have
justified him in proceeding to the deposition of the
Sovereign, because it was an attempt to abrogate
the Hungarian constitution But if so, whatever
may be thought of the recent abandonment of the
general constitution of the empire, that meas are
has at least the good effect of revivng the legal in
situations it had sought to abolish, and we are
happy to find that this is the view taken by the
conservative and constitutional party among the
Magyars, who now anticipate the eventual restora-
tion of the Parliament Of Hungary to its true
rights:
M. Kossuth boasts, with singular assurances of
modesty, that in March, 1913, he had all the
crowns of the house of Hapsburg in hi, hands, and
that it was he who generously made peace between
the Emperor and the mob of Vienna. The admis-
sion is so far valuable that it establishes the near
connection between the disturbances in Vienna and
the schemes of the Magyar party for the dismem-
berment OF the empire. But he omits to explain
that it was the very same spirit of nationality and
race then endeavoring to wrest Hung airy from its
connection with the Austrian empire, that pro-
ceeded to wrest Croatia and the Slovenian pro-
vinces from the kingdom of Hungary. The revol.
rs that OF the dot of pesth the mere principle
Of nationality, while 1t was distinguished from the
| Magyar rebellion by the important difference that
Jellachch and the Sclavonians rose in defence Of
their allegiance to tx Crown and that kossuth and
| the Magyars rose against it.
We can. however, barely expect our readers to
follow US into discussion Of past events which
belong to the domain of history, and of history still
distorted by the Misrepresentation of party feeling.
Our business is rather to examine the motives and
character of the species of agitation, which we OBJ
| serve to be springng up with reference to this
| Hungarian stranger, and to point out its real OBJ
jects. We take those objects to be twofold-the
one foreign, the other domestic. An opportunity
now presents itself for holding out TO the sympathy
al and nd itu
| favorable aspect the colors Of that European
revolution, which has hitherto concealed itself even
in the land where its leaders found a refuge, and
nation when the continent was overwhelmed ami
submerged by its excuses. 1t is hoped that when
ever fresh outbreak occurs, England may be in
duced to throw herself more actively and openly
into the revolutionary cause; and we observe with
sorrow that encourage ment has sometimes been af-
forded to this delusion by the department of the
English government which ought most carefully to
have avoided it.. We need hardly say that, whom
the hour trial arrives all real support from the
responsible Minister Of the Crown will be entirely
withheld, as IL was In the case Of Hungary and
Sicily. Mr.. Golden indeed has different panacea
Tor the sutierings Of Europe. He recommends US
to reduce the army and navy. to abure war, to
turn the bayonet into the shuttle, and then to say
to the great military monarchies of Europe, that
We will not tolerate their intervention and that the
krgs OF the earth are to learn wisdom and to obey
the pacific oracles Of Manchester. Probably M.
kossuth's experience gives him moro just and
practical view Of the mode by which the enamel.
patton OF his country can be alone effected. He
knsws it must be BY war, and he comes here
to preach war. There is no other remedy
there is no other in the case The fate of
nations decided by the strength of armies and no
struggle is so unequal as that between moral resis-
lance and physical oppression. But though he
come here ayalng himself Of the unrestricted liber
~ Of speech in this country to endeavor to excite
popolar feeling in favor Of hostilities against
two at least Of the principal European Powers,
there is touch Of comedy In his arriving with a
leading member Of the Peace Society In bis train.
The practical effect of all this in England will be
nothing; but We already learn frem Vienna that
the practical effect Of these demonstrations on
British subjects travelling in Austria is most incon-
venient, and that our luckless countrymen abroad
will be made, by the not unnatural irritation OF
foreign governments, to pay largely for the vio-
lence expressed at home. Lord Palmerstons pass
ports will soon fail to secure to his Cires Roman
any other attention than the prosecutions of the