The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-03-06

were taken before that court, and an investigation
| in regard to the right was proceeding, when the
woman herself avowed her desire to return with
her master, and Of course she went
shall not 90 further in the examination OF
these cases. They are not numerous enough 70
| found conclusions upon, either one way or the
other, as to the probability Of he effectusl exc
cution of the Fugitive act The only fact that is
perfectly apparent is, that every case Of seizure
will be strictly contested and, If the right Is es-
tablished a surrender will be made unless vio-
lence is interposed But | agree with Senators
near me- who have said that this right was not Of
any practical value because, in every case there
must be an expensive contest. Lawyers Will be
employed on both sides, and the expense OF the
contest must be betrayed, and In nine cases out
Of ten it will equal if not exceed the value OF the
fugitive recovered. do not therefore, consider
it right of great practical value IL IS not
right which can be- in the nature of things easily
enforced The Senator from Kentucky adverted
to that sympathy which must always be felt for
fugitive fleeing from slavery IL is not in the hu-
man heart to withhold that sympathy. You can
not lesslate it from the breast. Add to this SYM
PATTY the conviction very generally felt that this
law Is unconstitutional, either from defect OF
power in Congress TO enact il, or because the pro-
visions Of the law conflict with the terms OF the
Constitution to this conviction the public
itself, aud il becomes very obvious that the law
cannot be executed to any practical extent. do
not believe il will be. | agree so far with Sena-
tors who have spoken upon this subject. What
law can be executed in the presence OF an indig-
nant community, by whose conscience, by whose
sentiments, by whose deepest convictions, the law
is condemned | think it is quite as well to tell
the plain truth in plain language as use language
which can only mislead.
Aud now what is this late transaction-this
notns Dec vindee dgnuS? Why in the city of
Boston it so happened, the other day, that in
dvidual claimed as fugitive slave was arrested
and taken before commissioner. In the progress
of the investigation, a considerable number OF
coored persons were present The unfinished
investigation was adjourned over to future day.
The commissioner and the audience had left the
room. In consequence of that provision of the
laws Of Massachusetts which denies TO the U nited
States the use Of their ls for the purpose OF de-
tanning fugitive slaves it was necessary to use the
courtroom as prison. No person remained In
this room except the marshal and five or six of
his assistants, and one or two other persons.
Everybody had gone away from the courthouse
except some fifteen or twenty colored people, who
fingered about the door. OF sudden it seems TO
have occurred to these people that they could
rescue the alleged fugitive Ii was hardly thought
of before it was done. They pushed open the
door, and took the man out, and set him at liberty
Nor, is not this thing which may occur every |
day, and almost everywhere 1t is futile to think .
ST preventing such Occurrences by proclamation
If the idea is TO direct procamations and legisa-
tion against the public sentiment Of the country,
then | understand it. If it is proposed by the |
only practical legislation which can possibly be |
recommended by the committee, in case this ref |
erence shall take place-if it is proposed only to
provide places of confinement in Massachusetts,, |
no person can object to that Prisoners held by |
the authority Of the United States should be con.
fined in some place; and if the State do not pro-
vide plaoe-whioh it Is not bound to dot is
proper that the United States should do so them
selves. But if it is proposed to 60 further than
that, and authorize the President to call out the
militia, | ask Senators to consider where that
would end. What call out your militia p
bring your troops to Boston2 For what end
To make war upon the people Is that necessary
in such case as thisl Every man can see that
it is entirely useless. You cannot prevent occur
rences like this by all the military force in the |
world You cannot even catch the fugitive un-
less you mean to march your soldiers after him to
Canada You can effect nothing at all unless it |
be suppression of popular sentiment and that
will be very difficult task Why, sir, Gen.
eral Gage tried the experiment Of a proclamation
against this very people of Boston, more than
5tVcuty-nNo years dRo II uiu uOt pun uO"u tuc
people; but 1t led to q revolution. President
Fillmore's proclamation will do neither; it will
be merely Intellectual.
Sir, the ordinary authorities are quite adequate
to any such case a. this, and it is useless, and
much worse than useless, in my judgment, to
clothe the President with the extraordinary pow
ers which seem to be suggested by the advocates
of this reference | do not, howevcr, at oil object
to the reference. shall say nothing against it
Let it go TO the committee, and let the committee
act. If Senators see fit to waste any more of the
time Of this session upon questions Of this charac
tor, let thcm make report and let US have anoth-
er debate, and let how far 1t is proposed to
go, not in the execution Of law by its ordinary
means and processes, but in this strange attempt
to suppress discussion and prevent agitation--to
give peace tranquility, and harmony to the coun-
try by the employment Of military force
Tarf Nattap sI Pa