The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1851-07-26
Malfeas.nce In once.

We have perceived, not without feeling OF satisac-
ton, that the remarks made few days ago have not
been entirely UNDECIDED if there is to be any purity in
legislation, and if the public treasury is be used for
the public benefit for the public wants, and for the pub
lie protection, there are many abuses which be
rected, and many individuals who must be exposed
Il an unpleasant task 10 tear off mask and paint
the features beneath it. But position forces such
tasks upon duties which dare not negl ect 1t
may be weak in but truth forces to say that we
have not the courage-we have not the nerve-o enable
US to stand compaceny, with folded arms while corrup
ton is becoming rampant, and corrupt practices are on
every side of us. Within the last two years system has
grown up, and is now almost organized 1t is organized
sufficiently for most energetic and formidable action. 1t
prevents the allowance of honest claims and carries
through dishonest claims against the government The last
and the present cabinet wilfuly and premedta,ey,
from weak ignorance have given aid and comfort to the
scheme, and assisted its growth and strength II we had
a claim, we could mention half dozen men to whom
could afford 10 give an interest if they would buy
an interest We would sacrifice part rather than lose
the whole.
But the worst feature in Washington corruption is, that
men high in authority, and in positions which enable
them to control in the decision of claims in
trusted 10 them, have become claim agents The
public cannot have forgotten the developments relative
to the Virginia land warrants. and the public cannot have
forgotten the Galphin case. Such occurrences will be
repeated to the end of time if the people remain silent
They will be repeated to the end Of time unless poen-
tal voice is heard forbddng public from engaging
in claims and specuatons against the treasury When
soics the sufrages OF the people, he becomes the
servant OF the people II he is elected, he is entitled
nothing but the compensation which the law has fixed on
the office he has sought He cannot rghtfuy have any
thing to do with Mexican claims California land
,ites--no right than MIR. Meredith had TO pay Mr.
Crawfords Galphn claim. Unless this principle is ad.
mitted and acted on, the treasury will be bankrupt
and corruption will deem it unnecessary even to use dis
xuise.
Mr. Corwin disposed of his interest in the Mexican
claims before he went into the cabinet Whether another
prominent member Of the cabinet disposed OF his interest
before that board. do not know. But that makes
real difference II but little whether such claims
are sold out retained, far argument is con-
cerned for argument is directed against the accept
ance OF such claims by high unconaes OF the govern
ment We may be obiuse-our perceptions may wait edge
and keenness but must confess that do not see
the radical difference between accepting large fee
SENATOR when IT is plain and paten, that the only motive
TO offer such fee to command political influence,
and accepting the same fee a member of cabinet.
cabinet officer who sells his authority is no more
criminal than the legislator who sells his influence Why
would any employ Marshall, or Pinckney, or Writ,
or Webster, and pay the high prices which such men
would demand for their servcesi The answer is plain
Because OF their legal knowledge and forensic abli-
IT, But il the did not demand eminent legal ac.
quirementsf j, to be decided where there no
room for the advocate-why should Marshall or Pinck.
ney or Writ. Webster, be employed by fees equal
grea, fortune Can this question be weed but in one
way' Ia there more than one solution We have con-
sidered and but one; and that is, as said
before political influence is the thing bought-potitieol
infSence ia the thing sold