New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1851-04-10
Gov. seward ON che sSsisive Slave Law
The following is Gov. Stewards se''er se
the Convention of the opponents of the
Fugitive Slave Law, held at Boston on
Tuesday:

., 1i.
DEAR SIR-Your letter inviting me to atteni q
Convention Of the People OF Massachusetts op
posed to the Fugitive Slave Law, and to commu-
nicste in writing my opinion on that statute, il
should be unable to attend the Convention, has
| been received.
While offering the pressure OF duties here too
long deferred as an apology for nonsttendsnce,
| pray you to assure the Committee in whose be.
half you act, of my profound sense of their cour.
tesy and kindness. 1t would be an honor
to be invited 20 address the people OF Mas.
| sachusetts on any subject, but 1t might well
satisfy generous ambition TO be called upon to
speak to that great and enlightened Common.
wealth, on q question of Human Rights and Civil
Liberty.
confess, Sir, that have earnestly desired not
| to mipgle in the popular discussions of the mea-
sures Of the last Congress. The issue necessarily
| involves the claims of their advocates and adver
ssries In the public councils to the confidence OF
| thecoun.ry Some Of those advocates have entered
| the political arena criminating those from whom
they had differed, while others have endeavored,
by extraordinary means, either to control discus-
sionor to suppress it altogether and thus they have
| Ahown themselves disqualified by prejudice or In
terest, for practising that impartiaty and candor
which the occion az demanded.
1 am unwilling even TO seem to imply Dy reiter'
ating arguments already before the public, either
| any distrust of the position Of those with whom
| stood in Congress, impotence for that favor
| able popular verdict which believe TO be near,
and know 70 be ultimately certain.
Nevertheless, there can be no Improperly Ia
my declaring when thus questioned, the opinions
which will govern my vote upon any occasion
when the Fugitive Slave Law shall come up for
review, in the National Legislature. think the
act singularly unwise, because tits an astemPtoy
purely Federative Government to extend tne
economy of Slave States throughout States which
repudiate Slavery as q moral, social and pontlca
evil. Any despotic Government would awaken
sedition from its profoundest slumbers by such an
attempt
The attempt by this Government has aroused
constitutional resistance, which will not cease
until the effort shall be renquished. he who
teaches another faith than this, whether seltde.
ceived or not, misleads. think, also, that the
attempt was unnecessary; that political ends
merely political ends-and not real evils, result
ing from the escape Of slaves, constituted the pre-
vailing motives to the enactment
think, also, that the details OF the measure
are indefensible that the denial to the alleged
fugitive of trial Of his alleged obligation to Ia
Dor, and of his escape from it, by Court, and
nothing less than Court OF Justice, constitution
ally organized, and proceeding according to the
course of the common law within the state wnere
be is claimed, is palpably in derogation of the
Constitution that the rules OF evidence which
the law prescribes are oppressive OF the weak
and defenseless, and that Christendom might be
searched in vain for a parallel IN the provisions
"
law retro active in its effect and without limits-
tiops of time to favor the presumption OF free.
dom, which, under rigorous penalties, compel
freemen to aid in the capture OF slaves, and
which offer unmistaken inducements to false
claims and false judgments. Finally, whatever
changes opinions others may have undergone,
retain my earliest convictions that the Constitu-
tional provision on which the law purports to be
founded, 10 merely compact between the States
and that the Congress of the United States have
no jurisdiction of the subject.
Nor 10 the law, which is 30 obnoxious In ITSELF
commended to my favor by ls connection with
what are called the other means OF compromise.
Compromise implies a mingling OF truth and er-
ror, right and wrong. One OF those ainliated
measures denied the admission OF New Mexico,
because she had determined to come In as Free
State, and remanded her, with permission to
come back in the haolllments OF slavery. an
other distinctly intimated 20 the Aorm9nf the
consent of Congress that they should, If they
could. plant Slave State in the very recess oil
the continent. A third abolished public slave
mart in the City of Washington, without aoatlng
either the extent or the duration oil slavery In
the District OF Columbia. A fourth obtained
peace on humiliatiDg terms from one OF the
Youngest and feeblest members oil the Ooniede
racv in an attitude of seditiOn. While hIth
oply reluctantly admitted California as Free
State, when she had refused to contaminate ner-
self with slavery. Which one OF THESE lnee-
Il
teLuation of the Fugitive Slave law Bat we
| are told, that bad as these measures were, they
! were the best that could be obtained. On the
contrary, there were always Votes enough Tor the
admission of California. The Thirty FIRST Con-
sress might have admitted her, and lett the other
questions to another Congress, which instructed
by the people, might have done better, and GER
tsiny could not have done worse
Nor do | find the Fugitive Slave Law growing
in my favor on the ground of the already talslaed
promise of an end Of the agitation OF Slavery In
| the Republic an agitation which, whether beneh-
cent or otherwise, il as iaseparable from our
political organization, as the winds and clouds
are from the atmosphere that encircles the earth.
| have weighed, moreover, the argument that
some portion Of the people in some of the states
have made the perpetuity OF the Fugitive slave
Law a condition Of new declarations OF loyalty 70
the Union That loyalty 10 q duty resulting from
the Constitution and is equally DUE whether the
measures Of administration are satisfactory or IN
satisfactory. regret that anything should have
happened to encourage belief that 10y atty could
be accepted on conditions and especially on sne
condition of forbearng to repeal q repealable stat
ute. But since it 10 so, can only say that we
on whom the recent action of the Government
bears as it seems to us, so unjustly, are In the
Union for richer, for poorer for better for worse,
whether in majority, or in minority, whether
in power or powerless, without condition, reser.
walton, qualification or limitation, for ever and
ave; that we are in the Union, not because we
are satisfied with Administration, but whether
satisfied or not not all by means OF compromises
or Understandings, but by virtue of the Constitu-
ton, and that ali other parties are in the Union on
the same terms, for the same tenure, and by viz
tue of the same obligation and so they will find
their case to be when they offer TO plead vio-
latons of extra constitutional conditions to JUS
tify secession. Whatever is irrepeaable
in any of the acts of Congress, no one will be mad
enough to attempt to attempt to repeal. What
ever Is repealed in these acts and whatever shall
be repeslsble in future acts of Congress, whether
il shall favor Freedom or Slavery, no matter un-
der what circumstances, nor with what auspices,
with what solemnities it may have been adopted,
must abide the trial Of experience, Of reason, and