Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1851-07-18


seemed to be which of the two races should suffer
most ii, the approaching conflict 81 The. result is
known--and while we may shed a tear OF sorrow at
the suferirIgs of the Indian the ashes OF his
wigwan we may at the same time thank our God
that he has made us the instruments to forward MS
purposes towards our race
1t must be remembered that the history of the In
dian is not the only record of human suferings in
the cause of civil and religious liberty. Look back
on its pathway, it marked with national and IN
dividual suffering, and many costly sacrifces-see 1T
covered with blood mingled with lamentation and
VICE. But who will gainsay it 1t is the fat OF ON
nipotent power, goodness and truth--before whom
every knee must bow, and every tongue be SILENT
will not detain you by noticing any OF the O."
currences of the intermediate time, but will hasten
to that period when our fathers felt themselves
strong enough to assert their right to all those PRIV
leges of free and independent men, which by com
mon heritage they derived from their ancestors and
when they published to the world their declaration
of their principles which you have just heard read
That declaration contains these great principles -
lst That all civil government is of divine origin
I'd. That every nation or community which have
united for mutual protection and the pursuit OF hap
piness, have an inaenabe right to make laws for
their own government. Sd. That every nation has
right to alter or amend those laws whenever they
may see fit to do so. These appear to me be the
great principles of Declaration Of independence.
Now in violation of every rule of fair criticism there
persons who say that the practice of govern
ment is inconsistent with the principles of the Dec
laration, because while that instrument proclaims
that all men are born free and equal, keep in
bondage portion of the human family. 1t is an
to say that the general expression of sentiment
contained in instrument of that kind, is to con-
troll the of that instrument. 1t must be taken
whole, and any single or isolated passage must
be construed by the obvious interest and meaning of
the instrument itself 1t is quite obvious that the
general expression alluded to is applicable only to
men in their national and not in their individual
character. Because any other construction would
be opposed to all our knowledge of human affairs
as we'll as to the universal common sense of man
kind
In the formation of our government, the pre-eGis-
ting institution of domestic servitude recognised
as lawful When the constitution of the United
States was framed informed that the conven-
ton sitting in Philadelphia at the time
that the Congress of the confederation in
sion in New York. In the same person
was member of both bodies their proceedings
were known to each other and the same questions
were IN several instances simultaneously discussed
and the question of slavery then, as it is now,
an exciting and absorbing subject. During the sit
tings of these respective bodies, the ordinance ct
1881 interdicting slavery in the Northwest Terrific
was passed and with the full knowledge of the Con-
stitutional Convention. With these historical facts,
it is inconceivahe that the trainers of the Constu
ton should not have we'll considered the ordinance
referred to; that its provisions could have been
omitted from the Constitution by nadvertences. But
| i
the Constitution refused to insert it, preferring TO
leave all the consequences of slavery, whether for
good for evil, exclusively with the States who
tit to tolerate the institution. 1t known of course,
not only by the Convention which formed the Con-
stituton, but by the people who adopted it, that
when it went into operation it became the supreme
law of the land--not to be controlled by the feel
ngs OF individuals. any act OF the Congress of the
Confederation. The ordinance of 81 so far it
spects slavery, virtually abrogated by the adOp
0f titIItiO anth
ty conferred by that instrument Congress, to
enact it. | need hardly add that am, therefore OPP
posed to the Wimot Proviso and all kindred meas
ures. in letter written by me last fall declining
to enter the of competition with others a
candidate for the post of Senator expressed very
naturally hope that. whoever mis- ht be selected
he would be pledged to the Union and to the
execution of the laws. The expression of that SEN
timent has provoked the most angry bitter and un-
relenting denuciation. have not been convinced
however, by anything which has been said on the
subject that the sentiment then avOwed was impro
per, not justified by the existing state of things
will here repeat, that go for the Union, the whole
Union, and nothing but the UniOn-and the compro
misses of the constitution at all hazards, at all sacr
fees, and in the defiance of all consequences.
lam not, fellow citizens, in the habit of using equiv
ocal language ambiguous nuendoes. | say now
. that not on ~ considered the Union in leopard,
then, but that of opinion, that it continues t.
be menaced by dangers imminent and formidable
gresslons of the Northern and Eastern agitators b.
arrested by the controlling power of public opinion
and authority dissolution of the Union is still pro
bable to say the least How can it be otherwise i
the country continues to be infected by intestin
factions whose ordinations and recrimnations shall
drive its people to a mutual hatred only to be up
peased by blood.
Fellow citizens, dislike much to speak OF HE dis
solution of the Union. Iloathe the term But it ma
despite of all efforts to avert it. Therefor
it may be proper for me to say word or two in an
ticipaton of such a resultant for the purpose
4 turning the attention of my fellow-citzens to tn
course which New Jersey should take under sue
u circumstances For one if such calamity shout
occur, hope that New Jersey, following the dictate
of duty well interest will unite for better
for with those who are willing to abide by
respect the compacts of the Constitution. You ma
depend upon it, that reliance is to be placed W
on the faith of those who refuse to acknowledge til
obligation Of the common compact of the preser
: Union. If dissolution of the Union is inevitabl
e then I would prefer that the lines of. separatio
u should be drawn along the Hudson and the lake
. rather than the Potomac and the Ohio. | have I
doubt that in such event the Northwestern STATE
: would unite with New Jersey, Pennsylvania, ar
" the South. The South is their common customer
a there is their market The republic so constitute
would have no natural repugnance to the spread
\ civilization and reformed religion over that porto
- of the continent which seems now to be but impc
- fectly subjected to their influence. Great Britai
" while were yet colonies, attempted to limit OF
settlements to the Alleghanies: vain and fruite
is attempt, and any similar policy would be equa
D. " vain Already has the Anglo Saxon avalancl
descended the western slope of the Rocky Mountain
O. to the Pacific shores Hitherto the impulse has be-
De westward-and westward chiefly has been the mare
Id of the empire until last it has resistance in