The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-11-13

themselv y for the Democratic papers of thi
State ON ning il to be Democratic doctrine men
ton it only in sef-deience. We propose (,
look moment at the subject, and whenc
sprung the idea and doctrine OF secession, an,
who were the 0riginators and sustainers of III,
doctrine
Not that we would intrude our own opinion
upon the public whether there is or is not suci
right inherent in the States, and insepsrabls
from their acknowledged right Of sovereignty
but we propose to give the opinions Of eminen
statesmen from the first formation OF our gov
eminent and compact. 1t is admitted by ever
the Union papers, that the States are independ
ent soyereignties,-- they deny the right o
secession, and advocate the doctrine of coercion
If State attempts secession. Strange princi
| ples Now, if the States are sovereign it i,
established that the highest power is is them
selves, and it is only left for us to show that no,
only the doctrine of State sovereignty but the
right of secession is Democratic doctrine. But
! first, we wish it, as it must be admitted that il
the general government has mol the right of co.
ercion, the States haDe the right of secession
| and we think no one will deny this position--it
is too palpable. If the government has no power
to restrain secession, it is conclusive, that the
Stale can secede, and that, too, peaceably, un
molested. We think the Unionites are compelled
to ad nit this point.
The proceedings of the convention, that framed
our Cons tuition, will be found correctly given
in the Madison papers and in every document
found there, the idea of the government passing
the right Of coercing a State, if she attempt sc
ccssion, is rudely thrown aside as subversive of
republican principle, and tending directly o con-
solidaton.
Mr. Randolph. of Virginia, placed before the
convention the following
"Resolred, That the national Legislature ought
TO be empowered to call forth the force Of the
Union, against any member Of the Union fail
ing to fulfil its duties under the articles thereof"
When this clause came up for consideration,
"Mr. Madison observed that the more he reflect
ed on the use of force the more ha doubted the
practcability the Justice, and the efficiency of it,
when applied to the people collectively, and not
Individually A union of the States, containing
such an ingredient, seemed to provide for its
own destruction. The use of force against
State would look more like declaration of war
than an infection Of punishment, and probably
be considered by the party attacked, as disso-
tlution of all previous compacts by which it
might be bound He hoped such system
would be framed as might render this resource
unnecessary, and moved that the clause be post
poned. This motion was agreed to no one
dissenting"
This suggestion of Mr.. Madison, the great
teacher of democracy, was not only listened to
by the convention, but adopted, as is plainly ad-
duced from there being no such force clause in
our Constitution.
Mr. Patterson submitted to thu convention
plan of constitutions The following is portion
of one resolution:
"Resolued, That if any. State should oppose
the carrying into execution the acts of the
United States, the federal executive shall be
authorized to call forth the pow Z. of the con-
federate States, or as much thereof, as may be
necessary to enforce and com, ell obedience TO
such acts"
The plan was thrown aside The idea of
using force to compel obedience was to those
veteran patriots horrible but to the lesser fry
of later days 1t seems right and proper. Col
Mason, the Republican exclaimed, when they
were considering the resolution concerning the
employment of force, 81 am struck with h rror
at the prospects of recurring to this expe-
dient;" and even the noble Fede-alist Hamil.
ton, whom we doubt not would scorn the
strange principles of his later day party, were
he now below, arose and exclaimed. "How
can force be eyerted in the States collectively
Is IL possible? 1t amounts to war between
the parties"
Here tn n are things not to be contrsdicted,
with even the semblance of truth by every village
politician who may hold himself forth as the sir
Oracle of the community. The republicans who
framed our Constitution, thrust aside the doc.
trine of force, and formed us q Union by con
sent, and not, as these above mentioned politi.
clans would make US believe, Union by force
This doctrine of force destroys the doctrine
(Which they pretend TO hold,) of State sover-
eignty-and their position is truly laughable
if they cling to for ,, sovereignty is gone,
if they hold on TO sovereignty, force is d.
moshed, and the right Of secession is indirect
y admitted. To continue
The party opposed to secession rely consid
erably upon the preamble which commences
We the people, &c" Now, those persons
are or seem ignorant of the fact, that the pream
BILE originally commenced, I'VE the people of
the United States of New Hampshire, Rhode
Island, New York, &c !" and that the change
was made by a committee appointed to "revise
the style and arrange the articles" after the
convention had adopted the Constitution; and
this committee was not empowered TO change
the meaning, nor did they; and the meaning
correctly interpreted, surely points to the States
individually and TO their Sovereignty.
We have then established, and we think
clearly, from the proceedings OF the convention
that formed this government, that The right 10
coerce State does not erisi, and the States are
each individual sorereignties, and were so con
sidered by the Republican Democrats who
originated the idea, and who formed us a Union
Of consent and nota Union of force
We will now see who has kept the doctrine
afoat In 1898, James Madison wrote the vir.
giuia resolutions; they sustain the doctrine ofl
State sovereignty and secession. At the same
time Thomas Jefferson wrote the Kentucky res
olu,ions, and they sustain the doctrine that the
States are the judges of the measures Of re-
dress"
James Madison, in 1900, made report to the
Virginia legislature, in defence of the resolu-
tons of '9S; the following is an extract:
IL appears to your committee to be plain |
principle, founded in coBipnn sense illustrated
by common practice, and essential 10 The nature
Of compacis that, ,ohere resort can be had 10 no
tribunal superior 10 The authority Of The parties,
the parties themselves musi be righguI Judges, in
The last resort, whether The bargain made has been
pursued or violated. The Constitution of the |
United States was formed by the sanction of
the States giren by each in is sovereign capacit