The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-12-09

with which all the hopes of his existence are
identified. We reverence, as all men must,
his deep-souled patriotism, his lofty aspirations,
his intense enthusiasm, and the power and
grandeur of his eloquence; and it is because we
do sympathize with his misfortunes, and rever-
ence his greatness, that we feel constrained to
warn him that the course indicated in the adj
dress before US is calculated TO damp the ardor
Of his best friends, and can hardly fail in the end
to add to his calamities, by increasing his
disappointments. They are not his truest
friends who abuse his confidence by exciting
expectations of military aid, which they know
the Government or the people of this Republic
will never consent TO render. They are I'M
worthy of friendship whose indiscreet-though
perhaps honest-zeal prompts them to tickle
the ears of the illustrious stranger with high
sounding but hollow, worthless words; who
talk of "Young America" rushing to the res
cue, and would have the Magyars at once be-
lieve that the anxieties and battles of their
lives are all but ended. Nor can they be ex-
onerated from blame who remain passive spec
tators of all these deceptive proceedings-wh
but yet sanction by their silence representations
which they well know to be false and unwar-
ranted.
KossUTH is emphatically ingenious. He
speaks frankly, without equivocation or dis
guise; and he ought TO be met in kindred
people, and the citizens of this Republic, there
need be, and there should be, no guile. He is
too sensible to choose to be pleased with words,
and words only and we ought to be too honest
to deal out to him phrases with full know
ledge that their meaning will never be sus-
tanned. Let us tell him freely, and at once,
that the idea of armed Intervention by this
country in the affairs of Europe is at direct
variance with the principles laid down by the
fathers of the Republic, and rigidly ad
hered to until this hour; and therefore
that it is one which neither the Govern
citizens, can ever seriously entertain. Let
us point out to him that the principle Of repub-
licanism, as embodied in the American Consti-
tuition, does not entail upon us the duty of en-
tering on general crusade against absolutism
anywhere and everywhere. For our own rights,
on this continent or elsewhere, we have strug-
gled with uniform spirit and success and the
same vigor and glory will be displayed to-mor-
row if an occasion should occur. But there is
nothing in the teachings of our statesmen or
lawgivers which can require us to become uni
versal propagandists of republicanism and
certainly there is nothing in the existing cir
cumstances of the world to justify departure
from the policy with which the American name
and flag have hitherto been identified.
The sympathies and moral opinion of free
people are not powerless; they exercise not
unimportant influence in the cabinets of des-
pots and constitutional monarchies-iA RUSSIA
and in ENGLAND; and these the UNITED
STATES will cheerfully accord to KossUTH in
any future struggle for the emancipation of his
country. Whatever good may accrue from
these, he will assuredly possess and we are
much mistaken if the possession of this sup
port, rendered in good faith, will not be found
more reliable and efficacious in the hour of dan
ger, than the promises of armed intervention,
Let him be content with the assurance that,
| fight when or where he WILL he will have the
good wishes and earnest sympathy of the
American people, and if, after all, his efforts
prove unsuccessful, he may be cheered by re-
membrance of American inequalities, and the
promise of their renewal, whenever an occasion
for it may arise.