The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-02-08


the bottom Of their hearts cried, Vivs RE
putlsqsasr Loud laughter on the lsft] The
executive power should naturally be pre-occu-
pied by those journeys, and th6 President Of
the republic had thought proper to put an end
to all doubts and apprehensions by sending to
tho assembly his message of the l2th Novem-
Der, that pledge of patriotic and signal recon-
ciiiation. He had accepted it AZ such, because
he perceived in it the beginning Of political
system more comfortable to the wants Of the
republic, and because the President renewed in
II, for the second time, the oath he had taken to
the constitution
M. Flandin then inquired the causes of the
dismissal of General Changarnier, who,he agreed
with NJ Baroche, had grown into third power
of the State. General Cavaignac was justified
to declare in the committee that ii any blame
was to be attached to the cabinet, it was for
not having adopted that measure two years ago
M. Flandin might differ in opinion with the
members Of the admins traton. but having had
the honor of knowing several for the last twen-
ty-five years, he could not but credit them when
they affirmed that the measure was commanded
by the gravest motives The general was
new mayor Of the palace, and Louis Napoleon
could not submit to be a President taineam--
lie applauded his resolution. The President
was right in Diminishing man whose successes
in the assembly were construed into as many
checks for his ministers.
M. Berger, who followed, said that he felt it
his duty to explain to the assembly the real mo-
tves that induced him to concur in the severest
blame Of the last act of the government. The
constitutional right was questioned by none, but
he would appeal to the recollections of the hon
orablc minister for foreign affairs, who, he was
sure, would bear testimony to the prodigious cf-
feet produced by similar dismissal under the
monarchy. He condemned that act because,
unless all eyes were closed to evidence, it de-
noted real tendency to change ofpolicy, dam
gerous for the internal peace and derogatory to
the dignity Of the country abroad The parties
were now in presence; they were on the eve OF
the RENDEZVOUS assigned to them by the consti-
tuition itself for its entire or partial revi-
sion ? Why then wonder at the agitation that
inself! Did not the message, so much
admired, speak of the instability Of the institu-
tons France was actually placed in precarious
and transitory situation. Why was Louis Ma
poleon proclaimed by six millions of citizens
1t was because the name of Bonaparte essay
Napoleon" cried NJ. Pierre Bonaparte) was con-
nected with the downfall Of the first Republic.
He had given him his vote on account Of his
respect for his personal character, which he had
long since Appreciated
After the revolution of February he had writ
ten to the electors of the department of the
Mouths of the Rhone, that he retained the po-
litical opinion he had professed during SO years
Of his life, but that if they returned him he
would prove himself the vigiant defender of the
of his country He then described the
he had made to unite all parties since.
that period As respected his journey to Wies-
baden, he would give the fullest explanations.
When men belonging to another party, whom
he esteemed and commended, repaired to Eng
land to assist at the dying moments Of a mon
arch who had reigned over France, he had pro-
,eeded with q number of his friends to Wies-
baden, to see another exile who had been n
stranger to all recent political events, and had
never forfeited his rights to the respect of the
nation. He was exiled because he could not lay
his foot on the French soil, which his ancestors
had conquered and constituted into a glorious
and powerful monarchy, without being the first
Of Frenchmen-theirk king. applause and muir
murs.)
He went thither in obedience to a feeling of
respect and sympathy, to accomplish political
act. He had developed before the prince that
policy of union which he had practiced in France
for the last three years. He had found all his
sentiments engraven in his heart. The prince
had expressed to him detestation of plots and
civil war, and protested against all idea of con-
spracy or attempt at a surreptitious restoration.
NJ. Berger knew not what Providence reserved
to his country. The present ministers might
continue in Office, orr for what he knew, they
might have no successors: the walls of that
hall might be left standing, but he feared they
would be occupied by the mutes, either of dem
agogy or of an absurd absolutsm.
Considerable agitation prevailed after M. Ber-
ryer descended from the tribune, and the sitting
was suspended during some moments. When
silence was restored.
q NJ. Lamartne rose and said, that when he
heard the eloquent voice of NJ. Berger he could
not help remembering the greet debates of the
coalition Of 1888. The same men, the same
principles, were arrayed against the government.
NJ Berryer had ably and, he admitted, constitu-
tonaly, raised the banner of monarchy. 1t be-
hooved the assembly not to raise, but to main
tain, the banner fthe Republic This last form
of government could alone have blessed the
country with that truce Of God, which permitted
all political opinions to unite. NJ Berryer had
claimed for his party the monopoly Of glory and
honor; but he appeared to forget that repre-
SSh"'eNS So'SiHihcut b'u anvil ouSH uttp toOt
in that country, that there was no reason to fear
that the tribune could ever become mute. When
the inheritor of the greatest name in modern
history came forward as candidate for the pre-
sidency, he had signed the temporary exile of
him, the prestige Of whose name might lead
astray the country. The moment, however,
universal suffrage had proclaimed him, consider
ing him citizen and well-wisher of his coun-
try, he resolved to stand by him while he kept
within the bounds ofthe constitution Not hav-
ing voted for him, he could not be suspected Of
Elysean prtyudices, and could examine his acts
with entire impartiality.
The present crisis was the most dangerous the
country had had to traverse since 1913. At
that last period the anarchists were in the field,
while now the cabinet had to combat the more
formidable combination of the passions of men,
reused to evaporation against the principle of
the existing government. When the perma-
neut committee circulated its more or less le-
gitimate suspicious. and allowed them to alight
on the first magistrate Of the republic himself,
the country, on its SIDE entertained suspicious,
and beheld behind that phantasmagory Of an EN-
pire and of impracticable restoration other ten
denotes of more dangerous nature. NJ. Lamar