New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1851-10-17

IcO, or SOifc O'ltti iOiCi5" N~iiANOAJ "N
hes temptiagly convenient TO Slavedom
The last hope of Secession has vaIIshei,
and the business Of saving the Union Is
virtually extinct. The fate of Gorsuch
and the rescue Of Jerry have been dinnei
irto the Jrowsy ears of the South % n
purpose Gov. Johnst1n's defeat ought,
for the credit Of Cottoa patriotism, to have
occurred some weeks sooner. As It Is, 1t
cannot well be made the cause Of events
which took place previously or sinultl-
reously with Itself. The Union viii en-
dure for some time set, because no indu-
entail party concerned in it HIS as much
70 rajp as 20 lose BY its disruption. Cas-
tie Garden may continue to resouud with
the notes Of Msretzcl rather than the hon
eyed tones OF persuasion which fall from
the lis of Litte Biuers' aud kindred
spokesmea Of the Union and Safety Com
mittee, for the peril of Disunion is no
more. 'Odello's occupation 5 gone
And now word on Secession in the
abstract, which has held 4 prominent place
in the discussions OF the late SumIser at
The South, and has enured largely to the
advantage Of the SecessiOnists, who, by
holding up their adyersaries as denying the
Right of Secession under any ciroum-
stances, have been able to represent them
a. cutting off the South from all chance OF
redress in case of the inhiction OF unbear-
able wrongs upon her by an omnlpotent
Northern majority
Whether a STATE has 4 Constitutional
right to secede from our Union, upon the
occurrence Of circumstances which IN her
own Judgment render such step neces-
sary, is a question which we will not now
discuss. That she has no right, and can
have none, to nullify law of the land yet
insist on remaining in the Union, was
abundantly established by Mr.. Webster IN
his great debate with Col Hayne. But if
we regard the several States as Sovereign
ties, and the Union as i COnfederacy, the
night to secede from that Union in case of
the perverSion Of It's powers to the vital IN
Jury of one or more of the high contracting
parties, would seem legitimate inference
from the premises.
But our view of the practical question
strips the abstraction OF much OF It's shadowy
magnitude and importance. Suppose State
to be earnestly convinced that the Union has
become curse TO her. and thereupOn to
have resolved to secede from it-what
shall be the course of the Federal Gov
eminent? Shall we call out the Militia,
reinforce our regular Army, east cannon,
and pour down upon the seeding State an
avalanche of bloodshed, devastation and
death Shall we retain sister State in
the Union by fire and sword, and compel
her to send Members to Congress and seem
to he our associate and equal when she is in
fact our vassal We think not. If State.
BY decided, unquestiOnable majority OF her
People, should resolve to quit the Union, we
should prefer to let her 90 rather than re-
tain her by Military force. This Union is
not slave-pen, though it unhappily con-
tairs slave-pens. ltwould be perfectly fair
to insist that a Seeding State should not
permit her territory to be abused to detraud
the Revenue laws of the Union by snug
Cling, or in any way to lnjure her neighbors
but 10 not have her retained as captive
and subject if she is unwilling to remain
As partner
We do not believe if the door of the
Union were held wide open, State could
be induced to walk out in the course of the
next half century. If any did, she would
be glad TO walk in again before she had
been out two years. Our Union is main
tanned by force stronger than fortress
walls and more impregnable than serried
yanks-that of enlightened self-interest and
general security. A dozen Rhetts and
jeff Davises could go but short way to-
ward It's dissolution.
JAMES L. NJ. BLEAKLEY The Election
lust az hand will be the twenty first State con-
test iu ~ Inch we have homo a mart IN tins CITY