The southern press., 1851-10-27
From the Riohmo,,d Erominsr.

of writing. Whatever it be, the contest is not
final. The question at issue is only half dis
cussed. If we victorious, the result will be
attributed by the enemies of State rights to the
personal popularity of our candidate, and to the
animosities which the conduct of his opponent
has excited against himself. The victory, if we
have triumphed, will be declared rathera victory
of Mr.. Caskie than of the great cause of Stale
Rights TIE defeat, if defeat we have unhappi-
ly sustained is, on the contrary, the defeat of
STATE Rights, Notwithstanding the high personal
attributes of our gallant candidate. However
the event may be, the battle of State Rights; OF
| '98 ana '99; Of the Constii uton; of Southern
honor and independence; of the safety, quiet
| and social existence of the South, is yet TO be
fought 1t ia to be fought not only in this dis
trict, but in all Virginia; and not only in Vir-
sinia, but 10 every Southern State; and if fought
successfully in these then in the Union.
| The question of State Rights or secession
traced up to its elemental principles, is simply
question whether the federal government is ab
sOlu.e or limited. 1t is precisely the question,
presented upon different subject and under
different circumstances which arose in l776 and
| in l640. The question. at the earlier of these
periods, between the King and the Commons,
was upon the prerogatives of the crown. Mag
ma Chartn had been violated in numberless in
stances. A stand was finally made by few
resolute men, upon question of taXation.-
Pym, Sydney and Hampden struck blow for
the great charter of English liberty, denying the
crowns prerogative to tax The subject without
the consent of the Commons. They fought the
battle like freemen. even to the cutting off of
the Kings head They trumphed, and saved
the British constitution. The monarch "who
could do no wrong was dragged down from
his throne by the free people whose chartered
rights he had violated. Thus resulted the con
test between subjects and King.
The question OF l776 was an issue between
subjects and Parliament Parliament violated
Magma Charta by taxing subjects unrepresented
in its sittings 1t required all the eoquence of
Patrick Henry to bring his couhtrymen to the
assertion and vindication of their constitutional
rights They did assert them, and maintain them
even to the severng of the British empire The
violation of the British constitution cost the
British monarch his head, and the British crown
the mightiest and richest domain on the globe.
The question now before the American peo-
pie, is precisely this came question of consttu-
tional inviolability. The violation threatened,
is not that Of a rash and obstinate monarch, but
that of an unscrupulous, tyrannical, and ire
sponsible Legislative mgority. 1t is not needy
parliament seeking merely TO raise money by
unconstitutional enactments, whose abuses of
the constitution are now the subjects Of discus
sion, but faDatica congressional mojority,
striking in the name of religion and philanthro-
| ply at the foundations of our social organza-
! lion.
! The Constitution by which was sought t. be
established a more perfect union" Of these
States, is threatened to be made the instrument
by which one half of them may assa and de
stroy the other half. The Constitution is sought
to be shamefuy violated to achieve objects and
| ika off of i.h
sought to be attained by It's enactment. At the
time when these violations stamp the deepest
| stain upon the honor of injured States, and
menace the deadliest blow ut their peace and in
dependence, at this very time, these violations
are declared to be without remedy
The question of 1851 is pre3sely the question
| of 1910 and l776-whether there is n remedy
for infractions of the organic law. Was Charles
!. above Magma Chartal Was the stamp ac
Parliament above the same Charter of Liberty
| Is Congress above the Constitution
! So say "higheg laW" Seward and bandit Bolts
and their Wing followers. They hold that, as
there was no remedy for the British people in
| 1910 but the musket and broad-sword no reme-
! dy for the American colonies in l776 but trea,
son and rebellion so there is no remedy for the
sovereign American States against constitutional
intractlons, but those same weapons of treason
and rebellion. They make Charles the Ist
Of the American Presdent-a British Parliament
of the American Congress They apply the
maxim of Blackstone-"the King can do no
wrong to the hired agent of the States They
clothe the federal government with the infallibili
J ty which belongs TO the Vatican, and raise the
creature and servant of the States above all legal
responsibility and impeachment The battle of
human freedom which was won by blood and
the sword in Gao the battle of municipal free
lo,, . IL, L 4
they require TO be fought again unto blood, as
il no principle had been settled By those san
culinary contests, and as if rights in this republic
were in the same condition with rights In Rus
sia and Austria, and as if Wrongs among us were
as hopelessIy remediless, except by blood and |
carnage, as wrongs in Hungary and Poland.
The question Of constitutional right these |
men maintain to be in the same condition in |
this republic, and at this day, rs it was two
hundred years ago in the kingdom and the reign |
of the Stuarts. They maintain that constitu.
tional right exists, but that it may be asserted |
only by an act of treason, and at the risk of the
halter. Mr.. Webster declares a compact bro. |
ken on one side, to be broken on both sides,
and the parties thereto released from its obi |
cations but denounoes the penalties of treason
upon the State which shall dare to claim her
release. The events now transpiring prove
tlle eubinleS VI HulHAH tHe oppoutUA' Oi
popular right 10 be ever consistent, and their
doginas under whatever varying emergencies,
ever the came.
II there is no peaceful remedy for violations Of
the federal Constitution, then the federal govern
nent is absolute lfthe States become traitors
and their ci liens rebels, by resisting unconsti.
tutional laws IN the whole Union, or by with
drawing from the confederacy that toIerates
them, then are we all bondsmen, and American
liberty is an 'gnis tatuus. To deny the people
or the State the peaceful exercise Of remedies
acknowledge 70 exist, is to erase two hundred
years from the history Of freedom, TO blot out
the Whole history Of our republic, and 10 revert
to the absolute doctrines of Attila and Ghengis
Khan. That men or States have rights, but
that these rights are naught, and may be treated
as naught until they are won by the sword or
until their claimants exhibit the physical power
to assert them successfully, is to attack the
foundations Unconstitutional government to an
nihiIate minorites, hnd make might the only
rule ofrgh in republics as in ponarchies
OF all the periods in which the absoluiism of