The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-10-15


changed It's essence, il requires change OF
name.
Revolution is the action Of individuals in U0L-
iiitiary combination combination not essen
tql TO their principle of action, but only TO It's
success Secession is the action OF an organized
combination; of a sovereign Stats, eXistant Of
and by itself Revolution is social secession
is merely International Revolution leaves the
conflicting parties socially one secession sep
arates them forever Revolution thus subjects
the yanquished to the government, imposed by
the victorious party secession leaves the former
to the eristent, bat for the latter creates ne,o
government
In revolution the conflict is between the in
diyidnal and the State 10 secession, between the
State and its agent or the State and IT'S CO.
contracting parties In revolution the citizen
bears his unprotected bosom 60 the storm that
RACES around him. in secession it is shielded 10y
the az gis of his State, impenetrabe to the as
sauts Of power upon his life, bis liberty, or his
property. In revolution the man himself, alone,
is the actor; in secession, the State. In rego-
luton, therefore, the citizen may be traitor or
rebel; In secession, never.
The voice Of the State, which alone bound
him originally, as have shown, can release the
bond. lie obeys the mandate Of the Union
now, because it speaks her behests he follows
her in her secession, because the Union ceases
to he her agent.
In foe, we call revolution by that name, ex-
eept when It is the action of a sovereign political
unit; the inherent source Of power. which by its
will determines, as it has created, and revokes
rs 1t has delegated, the powers Of its government
This attempt to confound two distinct prnci
ples originates in the desire to unto with the
idea of secession. that CT its successful main
te,iance as essential to the UaiiAty of The right
If secession could be peaceable, say our oppo
nents, we would be content to call it secession /,
but as it will bring on conflict it is only reUol-
ton Ms if the fact of force being employed sub
sequently and against the exercise of the right,
could give character to the right ITSELF 1t is but
the revival of the long buried dogma that might
gives right; the exploded notion that in the esti
mate Of moral righ', physical force can intrude
as an element. Nor cin we wonder, that to OPP
pose the right this day asserted and maintained
it should be found nece ssary to ga her weapons
from the armory Of barbarian age, and to de-
grade the dignity Of tie right by subjecting its
very existence to the test of mere brute violence
should feel more reluctance in maintaining
these principles, were it not that believe the
right of secession is the best assurance Of the
Union and its Constitution. Secession, as a
constitutional right, is omnipotent to destroy ;
but because it is SO, is omnpotent to pre-
serve. The existence of right, with ample and
sufficient means of mai1tanng il, in the hands
of one able and willing to do so. is the surest
guarantee gsinst its invasion, or any necessity
for Interior redress.
In the present order of things, it is the only
plank between US and the unfahomed abyss Of
dreadful centralism. Disguise it as we may,
the question in the country is one between the
rulers and the rulcd-the delegating and the
delegated aulhorty--between absolutism and
liberty. For what better definition can you
have of absolute and despotic power, than is
furnished every day by the assertion and main
tenance of the doctrine, that the government
may construe its own limitations and enforce its
construction against the deiegating authority at
the point of the bayonet? Here is indeed cen
traisn with its bristline legions, in dazzling
armor clad. But where is tie indvidualizing
element Of your system? Where is its mani
festation, essential to the existence Of liberty
as have shown! You can only see it in the
crouching, humble shades of departed sover.
eighty, to which you have reduced the States
solemnly believe that the manly assertion of
the right have maintained, would save the
Union and what is more valuable. though in
these days of sublimated patriotism not so re-
garded, our rights under the Constitution. Ii
would bring peace W ere there is hosti ity love
where there is hate it would plant sympathy in
the place of antipathy; and again. we would
have Union of States each able to protect it.
self, and secure, peaceful and happy.
In the discharge of the duty devolved upon
me in the discussion of this subject, | trust one
good result may have been attained; that it
shall have aroused in the minds of those whom
have the honor to address, sense of he crisis
in the fate of free institutions in America If
be right in the views have conscientiously ex-
pressed, there is much of danger to alarm, and
much of disaster to avert Consolidation moves
on with giant strides towerds complete ascend
ancy and not content with present attainments,
il even deties opposition, and announces its per
petuation by physical force. The existence of
political right is made to depend upon the
amount OF physical might it m command
and the former has no substantial existence in
this boosted practical age, because it may be
crushed beneath the tread of brutal violence.
And yet these monstrous doctrines are ad
vanced, tolerated and applauded, amid people
claiming TO be free and arrogating civilization !
And an open, bold denial of them, is prescribed
as breach of public taste, or branded with the
dreaded name of treason! May not, in . ain
tanning these great principles of civil liberty
tauutingly exclaim with former orator of Vir
ginia, If this be treason, make the most of it?"
retort the charge. For if if be treason to
assert the rights of the sovereign power against
the absolutism of lis government, by what other
and harsher name may not brand that crime,
which upho!ds the government in its par ugon
its Sopereign9 -".
He alone is the true friend Of the Union, who
cherishes and upholds the sovereignty Of the
States as the pillars upon which the eilfice must
rest, or topple to its ruin; rs the tribunician
power of our system, with all its sacred invio-
liability as the political units at whose voice il
sprang into being, and at whose will it must
cease to be; as the separate chords of that wond-
rous harp, which vibrate not in the sulleu mon.
otone Of entralized despotisn, hut, swept by
the winds, sound the bold and joyful anthem Of
a free, happy and prosperous confederacy
The times are full of solemn import. They
present no oec ision for fearful timidity for
dismay, or hopeless despair. If the
freighted hopes Of man can be saved f,om the
mselstrom of consolidation, it must be by the
earnest maintonaro e of truth-the bold and
manly defiance Of error, Despair brushes the
and paralyzes the arm of freedom
Hope raises liberty from the dust, and seats her
.,.b Int ko,r -. -