The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-02-22

= Nv htOuuo VI VIC tlcdouto0 LOGn enacted, SEEK
TO avoid discussion and deprecate agitation on
these topics Let them have their way, then,
"a far AZ attn concerned shall be ready, how
ever at any time, to meet in debate any friend
Of those measures, but am willing to wait
until the discussion is thus opened. II is sutli
Gent for nay present purpose to say, that with
reference To the Legislation the territory
quired from Mexico, the bills then passed were,
in my judgment. not as their friends claim for
them, measures OF compromise, but bills Of sur
render In their legal operation, they exclude
the shareholders of the South from the occupa-
ton Of every foot of that territory. This is
the settled opinion Of every Northern member
of either purity on this floor. 1t is also the
opinion of majority of Southern men, do
not mean to say sir, that it IS absolutely certain
that slavery may not get into portions OF that
territory The famous ordinance of 1887 was
not sufficient to prevent number Of slaves
| from going into the State of Indiana. This
same ordinance, and the free constitution of the
State of Illinois, did not prevent its Legislature
from attempting, and actual passing by two
thirds vote, proposition 80 to change it's con
stitution as to make it saveh0lding State.
Such is the force and energy Of our slavehold-
| ing population that it may penetrate into the
whole or portions Of this territory, in despite of
| the ODSlrucliOu VI hcAlCAn laws iliu OLHcI tcS
ulations. What mean to assert is, that ac-
cording to the legal effect of those measures,
and the intentions of n majority of those who
passed them, the South, Us u section, has been
entirely excluded from the occupation Of that
territory Even the friends Of the measures in
the portion of the Union from which | came, do
not pretend to Justify them. They only affirm
that they are not so Objectionable in their char
acter as to authorize revolutionary resistance.
The only issue they are willing to join is, that
they do not Justify disunon, and that the gov
eminent ought not to be overth own in consc-
quence Of their passage. They declare, too,
with the utmost earnestness, that they will join
us in resisting any further aggression, even Mt
the hazard Of n revolution. 1t is because the
cup of our wrongs is filled to the brim that one
single drop will cause it to run over. We all
feel that the action of the North upon this sub
ject has not been what we had right. to ex-
pect. There is also just ground for complaint
in relation to the surrender of fugitive slaves.
Many of the Northern States, instead of passing
laws to facilitate the execution Of this provision
of the Constitution, have actually placed on
their statute books enactments calculated and
intended to obstruct the exercise of our right
Looking, therefore, at the recent legislation on
the whole subject Of slavery, concur fully in
tho declaration of the North Carolina legisla-
ture, that we are under no obligation to extend
additional projection to the mining and manu-
featuring interests of the North. am willing
to do them Justice, but not favors. ! will not
consent, for their benefit, to impose greater bur-
thens on other classes.
Let us look now at the second of these rea-
sons 1t is well known that Great Britain,
whose commerce with us greatly exceeds that
of any other nation has, within n few years past,
essentially modified and greatly reduced her i'm.
positions on our productions. The rate Of her
duties seldom exceeds ten per cent where ours
are thirty. We are told, however, from time to
time that to prevent the consumpt on of tobacco
among her subjects, she imposes heavy duty
on that article, and therefore we ought to retail
late by imposing similar exhorbitant rate.
F" But one swallow does not make summer"
This is the exception, not the rule. According
to such logic, because she admits our cotton
free of duty, of more Importance even than to-
bacco to us, we ought to admit all her produc-
tons likewise free. Comparing her tariff with
ours as whole, it is vastly lower. 1t cannot be
pretended therefore, that additionalduti should
be imposed by us with view to retaliation.
Our existing rates already being greater than
those of most, of the nations with which we
trade As they are generally adopting our Free
them back to the restrictive systems Of former
times!
We are now brought to the consideration Of
the third Of these grounds, viz the policy of
protecting our manufactures during their infancy
The system Of high duties began with the war
of 1912, and has been continued by the success
sive tariff acts down to the present time. Dur
ing this entire period, with the exception of less
than two years Immediately proceeding the pas
sage Of the act of lS42, when the rates went
down to 30 per cent, the duties on most of the
protected articles have ranged from 80 to more
than 100 per cent In word, for period of
nearly forty years, our manufactures have en-
joyed the advantage Of a protection of 90 per
cent and upwards. Can they be now fairly re-
garded as infant establishments. Ought they
not now, with the aid of thirty per cent, duties,
and the additional advantage which they derive
from the cost of the importation of foreign ar
ticles be able to sustain themselves! If they
cannot, ought we to give additional bounties, in
the language of Mr.. Webster, in his speech in
1924, "to support business which will not sup
port itself"
I admit the soundness Of the doc rine Of pro-
lection this far. If by fostering any species of
industry for reasonable period, even Mt some
expense to other interests, you can enable it to
is allowable. BY thus diversfying the pursuits
Of our people, we advance the general interest.
No one will question that the existence of manu-
featuring establishments is advantageous to a
country but it is equ lily clear that any branch
ofbusiness which, after being nnrsed by bounties
for long while, is never able to st md comrs'i-
ton. ought to be abandoned. At any rate, am
not disposed to 90 beyond the existing high
rate Of duties. TO bolster up such establishments
Were we to do So it is obvions that we should
in1ct greater injury on other interes than we
should confer benefits on the favored.
A respects the fourth reason need hardly
say that the On ten ssta Ga has already made
such advances in every species Of industry ma to
make her independent Of all the world Were
we surrounded by wall, so as to have our in
tercourse with the rest of mankind interrupted,
we should suffer no serious Inconvenience. -
Every variety Of manufacturing industry is rapid
" diiRusng itself throughout the entire country.
Nor'h Carolina for example is not regarded as a
manufacturing State to any extent, yet they as
sure me that the locomotives for railroads made
there. are quite equal to any that can he oh.