The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-08-21
ABOLITION COMPENSATION THE PUBLIC
LANDS.

ABOLITION CONFORMATION THE PUBLIC
LANDS.
Henry Clsy's estimate makes the slaves Of the
Union worth twelve hundred millions of dollars,
at market price. 1t is generally stated that there
are about fourteen hundred millions Of acres in
the public domain Nf the Upxsd 60 y7askIRg
covered by water and otherwise incapable Of
cultivation. The values are nearly enough equal
to suggest the appropriation Of the public lands
to the extinguishment Of the slave property by
national purchase. The notion has been often
entertained, and has even been produced for
public consideration, with some show of force.
Slaves are property in the world Of trade; they
are convertible into money and other property,
and so answer its ends to the holder; and the le-
gal right and the pecunary interest of the owners
are therefore to be considered and respected for
whatever of intrinsic or accidental right or claim
there may be in de faatO ownership.
1t is usually said that the several members Of
the Union have virtually, if not explicitly guar
antied the property and mutually insured the
institutions existing and maintained among them.
The doctrine of "mutual concession" and it's
+" compromise legislation, so constantly urged by
"nationalD politicians, in effect, assumes such
pledged warranty and insurance These prem
Uses granted would bear the inference that the
Nation should compensate the Shareholders for
their property in men, if it became necessary or
expediept to abolish it,
do not now undertake the constitutional ar
gument, for content myself with the principle
that contract or convention cannot be construed
to impose an unreasonable, immoral, or impossible
duty. If such bargain were made between two
private individuals, the courts would pronounce
it void, after they found 1t impossible otherwise
to avoid construction contrary to public justice
When the dying day of slavery comes, the &C
count of the North with the South in the great
settlement is not necessarily governed by prices
current and commercial principles, merely and
simply for, in the nature Of things, the whole
people never did guaranty the property Of part
against the inevitable changes and revolutions in
the order and policy Of the world Nature, and
especially human nature, cannot stand still and
give up its proper destiny to some stupid, vested
right, which it was unluoky enough to burden
itself with some time before. Conventional duties
and contracted debts must be disposed of some
other way than at the cost Of general ruin; for
the worlds folies and crimes its blunders and
barbarisms, have not the rightful dominion of its
affairs. Revolutions are old-tiwe remedies for
intolerable obligations. REID Is are the better
method under authority of the&igher law, whose
Office it is not to observe CONF bets and maintain
by the authority of the. 4igh The English
language has no wOrds thse y&h bind men perpet-
ually to ruinous wrongs. Our fathers could
make no such bargain and If they attempted it
and intended it, their children are bound to break
it just as promptly and decidedly as they broke
their oaths Of allegiance to King George. But
there is of course no-such thing in the conditons
iof confederation because, the Federal Govern
ment has no power, and never will by direct legis-
lation, attempt to-abolish slavery in the States.
Why, then, should the Nation compensate the
shareholders for damages and loss which it does
NV ihhiOe VI heo kShoA"i PohNy ohu tuo
general interests are to be thereby subserved and
in good conscience, the whole people should bear
the burden which enures to the general benefit"
That is not 80 clear. Say that State Govern
ment grants charter to q turnpike road COM
pany, and so induces the investment Of money ON
the faith Of the naturally resulting profits Of the
privilege This is ten times stronger case Of
guaranty than the implied respect for existing
property in slaves at the time Of compact of
Government yet no Legislature is held restrained
from granting another charter for another turn
pike road, canal, or railroad, which may, by free
competition, utterly ruin the value Of the fret
Government insures property against theft and
foreign violence, but not against chemistry, con-
science, and social and economical progress.
There must be some otAsI,Xsy Of getting rid
of an intOlerable evil thar suostitu.ion of
an equally great or great
II the public lands belong i eAe whole people,
they cannot be taken away from the epor and
given to the rich for the reason that the rich are
obliged by the Providence Of God and the neces.
stiles Of the worldto surrender possession which
10 NV oniy uhWarrhuteu OUT onWarrantAole, In
every sense Of the words The monopoly of the
public lands by the feudal bsrons Of the South,
enabled to acquire little dukedom in territory,
as exchange for score or hundred slaves, can
not be allowed pretence Of compensation for
vested rights, nor even in benevolence to the
slaves whose emancipation is so to be effected
No mems rights are to be purchased from them,
and no mems rights are TO be purchased for them
at the price Of serfdom to the white laborers Of
the country-especia.ly, as such compensation is
not to be made until the progress Of events has
the effect Of disposng the shareholders to emanci
patton on these terms. That viii happen about
the time or little before the time when the in
crcase-that is, the compstition-Of free laborers
shall have reduced wages below the expense Of
slave labor to tho capitalist. Mr.. Clay under
stands slavery to be maintained only to secure
the necessary supply Of labor, until free labor at
pauper prices, shall supplant IL and, Of course
abolition, with compensation, would BE- adopted at
that safe distance from ell dangers, where the
cheaper free labor stood in clear, Gloss prospect
Then, the principles Of human liberty and equal
ity and oil that could be made serviceable In the
l..