The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-11-10

from Ntc NEHCllIt0At t~~etts-
European Propagandism-shalI we inter-
fere I'm the Affairs Of Europes

From the Cincinnati Gazette.
European PrOpagandism -shan we Inter
fere I'm the Affairs Of E"ropef
We are informed that distinguished Ger
man has arrived in this city with the proiessed
purpose OF raising a fund in aid Of European
revolutions That he should appeal to The
sympathies of his countrymen, wherever they
may be, FOR assistance in movements IN when
they are familiar and in which they have pc
cuiar interest, is natural and proper. But
when an open effort is made to raise iund
from Americans TO overturn governments
with which Americans are at peace, 1t raises
more serious neutrality-suspicious. which, de-
cided one way or the other, may affect the
welfare and stability of this nation for gen
erations to come. We cannot lightly pass
| them by. Three times has the PRESIDENT
| of the United States recently issued his pro
clamation warning the good citizens of this Re
public against interference against the govern
ments of other countries. These proclamatlons
were issued in pursuance of laws enacted express
| ly to prevent this very thing. In one Gaze hun
dreds of gallant and generous young men disre'
garded this warning and their bones lie bleaching
on foreign strand, in sad remembrance that
| their herosm far greater than that "patriot-
| istn' they came to save. What security have we
that this may not be eenacted in any coun-
try should attempt to aide But il Is said that
the Revolutionary fund.- is not for Americans to
| invade other countries but TO aid foreigners In
overt urning their own governments. Ii would be
| fair to ask if other nations cannot do that them
selves? But we pass that by, and all questions oil
prudence and propriety, to touch the main point
whether shall change what has been the settled
| policy of this Government, uniformly assented to
| by all parties at all periods? II s not to be
| hal hio no al
ton. 1t is not to be doubted that, if we once COM
mencc the least interference in the affairs of Eu-
rope, it will be followed by other acts, till our
peaceful relations with other nations are broken,
! and till we are involved in interminable war
| against all governments which pronounce arb
trary despotic.
| 1t is certainly possible that time may arrive,
when for the sake of humanity, for the sake of re-
ligious freedom, and for the sake of our American
supremacy we may be compelled to arm and fight.
But when that time arrives il will be on the prn-
ciple of war. and not of peace The object will be
| palpable and there will be concealments. We
shall not be found subscribing funds and furnish
ing arms, and the contraband OF war to insurrec-
tionary movements, while we are holding out a
peaceful hand, claiming commercial privileges,
and shouting for free trade with all mankind! We
shall not be mean enough to embark in surrepti-
!
banner in open field against the armed despotsm
of the world. We shall not be making small sub
scriptions to itinerant missionaries when we have
made up our minds to float navy on the Adri-
ATTIC and encamp armies on the Danube.
This, then, ID the real point: Shall we interfere
in the affairs OF Europe, noR Shall we change
the settled policy of our own Government, or not?
We take it there are no political principles 80
well settled in our country as these two, viz:
l. That every nation has right to institute its
own form of government; that is, the people have a
right to govern. This is the primary idea of the
American Government.
2. That, in regard to foreign policy, we shall
not interfere among foreign nations Every adj
ministration, every Congress, and every party in
our country, has acted upon this principle 1--we
come now to interfere in any of the political move
nents of Europe, we should violate both these
| principles. How can know that any party we
may assist in Germany is the majority-that it is
the nation? How can we know that we should not
act against the will Of the nation9 There 10 not
Legislative assembly, nor convention in Europe,
which calls upon for assistance How was it in
our Revolution? Every Colonial Assembly in Amer
lea was against Britain, made its formal announce
ment, and sent its ambassadors to the courts OF
Europe II was the nation which asked assistance,
and the nation only which was assisted.
But to the point: Shall we interfere, against the
settled theory and practice of non-interierence,
heretofore adopted? This is the point. For ,chon
shall we interfere? For aohdR Shall we Interfere
to put in power the burghers of Berlin3 Or shall
we put in power the peasants or the university
students? Shall we determine the contest between
the Socialists, the Republicans, and the Monarch
| ists? Shall we vote for Ledru Ron, for Lamar
tine for Prince Joinve, or for Louis Napoleon?
When Europe docs not understand itself, how
can we understand it? We assume that certain
people in Europe on the popular side, and thai
if there opportunity their nations would
side with them. How do VIC knoto that? Was no
the revolution in France accomplished by party
of whom Ledru Rollin and Lamartine were chiefs
And who did the people by their own votes put IL
power? Those who exiled Ron, despsed Lamar
tine and marched army against the patriots o
Italyi great conflict is going on in the world
of which Europe at present is the chief theatre; blu
from that conflict the clouds have not yet lifteC
themselves enough for us to see distinctly thu
array of different forces. And, if they had, thu
question returns, Shall VIC change established
policy, and embark on the tempestuous of Eu
ropean politics? If do, is such an act conss
tent with those principles of peace, of justice ant
of equity, which have heretofore laid down 10
our political guidance?
THE Romance of Understanding.