Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1851-06-19
Speech of Senator Chase,

on the Both of May, from which we make the
following extract:
But, fellow citizens, if this covenant against
agitation were fulfilled with auy strictness, |
know of none who would be more obnoxious to
it's penalties than the covenanterst themselves for
since the day it was signed and sealed, who
have been so busy in agitation as these de
noucers of agitation. 1t is but a few days since
the head of the Wing Administration, with the
greater part of the Cabinet, travesed several
States, everywhere proclailning themselves and
the supporters of the compromise measures as
the exclusive friends of the Union, and denounc-
ing all who dared to oppose them us dIsorganiz-
ers aud reVolutionists. A stranger to our lnstl-
wtutions would be apt to infer, from the tenor of
their speeches. that slavery was indeed the cor
ner stone Of the REPUBLIC and that the main sub
iect of the public carEWas to maintain and up
hold it. No agitatationseems too violCnt-nO
denunciation too loud, if directed against the op-
ponents of slavery. The supporters of The Flu
gitive Slave law, and its kindred measures, are
not so much opponents as m0nopohStS OF aglIa'
ton. Now | am opposed TO all monOpOllcs. II
there is to be continued agitation upon this sub
iect, | desire to have some hand in il. II there
is agitation in support of the Fugitive Slave
Bill and the Texan compromise, desire TO
agitate a little against these measures, which
nv Judgment and conscience alike condemn.
And | mean to speak against them, and to warn
the people against them, on all suitable occa-
sions, however high the quarter from which de-
nunciations ofAsuch a course may proceed.
1t is claimed that these compromise measures
were a settlement Of the slavery question.
This is mere mockery. Every man who has an
ear 10 hear, knows that the question is not set
lied. 1t is more Unsettled than ever. The Flu
pitiye Slave Bill has thrown into the Chaldron
of controversy new elements, and applied to it
fiercer flames. 1t degrades the State sovereign
ties, it makes every mans personal freedom in
secure it sends its marsahaIs and deputy mar
shals among us TO seize any man who may
be claimed as a fugitive from service. 1t
cloths its responsible Commissioners with powers
to enforce that claim without afiording any ade-
Quate opportunity of defence to its victim.
How idle, and worse than idle it is TO tell us
that the question is settled, when those who tell
us so only mean it will be settled if a free peo-
pie will acquiesce 10 the provisions Of laws like
this
But doubtless, fellow citizens, this question Of
slavery must be settled.
But to make any settlement, final und perna-
nent, it must be formed on principles just in
themselve, and derived from the nature Of Gov
ernments and States not upon the imaginary
equivalents of a bargain between slavery and
freedom. II must be effected, not by legislO-
tive amendments or additions to the @constitu-
ton, but by adherence to Its principles. In the
view Of the constitution, slavery is a mere State
, concern. 1t depends wholly upon State laws
for its existence and continuance. By the con-
%stitution the General Government is forbidden
to deprive any @ person of life, liberty or proper
ty without the process of law" All power 10
authorize or sustain slavery, is thus carefully
withheld from the National Government. These
facts indicate the principles upon a which final
and permanent settlement can be effected.
There rlust be no slavery without State limits
and Within the exclusive national jurisdiction,
and no legislation by Congress for the extradi-
ton of ~fugitiyes from service. Within State
limits slavery must be left to the, dispotism of
State legislation. When these simple and obvi-
Gus principles will be recognized and applied,
the slavery question will be settled. The whole
subject of slavery and the extradition of fugi-
tives, will he left where the Constitution left
it--with the States. The General Government
will maintain the natural rights of every person
within the exclusive jurisdiction, and take
charge only Of those matters OF general concern
that the constitution has confded to its care.
This, | repeat, is, in my Judgment, the only
practicable settlement of the slavery question
in conformity with the principles Of the consti-
tuition
There is, indeed, another mode of settlement
which would also be final. | mean emancipa-
ton by the authority of the General Govern
ment, coupled with compensation to masters,
and perhaps eXpatriatlon and colonization of
the slaves. This would involve the assumption
of undelegated power by Congress-the crea-
ton of an enormous national debt-perpetua'
ton ofoppressive tariffs and credit systems and
can, therefore, meet the appreciation of no man
to whom the principles of Democracy are
dear.
The constitutional settlemnt to which have
adverted, would not, of course, secure any per-
manent continuance of slavery. On the contra
ry its final extinction would be effected through
State legislation as speedily as upon the other
plan through its national legislation. The plan
of emancipation, compensation and colonization
will doubtless be the plan of capital and con-
servatisn. The plan OF restriction within State
limits, and leaving the whole subject to the
State disposition is the plan which our fathers
intended that the final extinction of slavery
should be accomplished, lis the plan of the
constitution and of Democracy. Upon the for
mer plan the extinction of slavary will be indeed
effected but the labor OF the country will be
burdened with an enormous debt, and suffer
all the evils which the tariffs systems and bank.
ing systems-the offspring of debt-bring in
their tram. Upon the latter plan the same,great
object will be accomplished peacefully, consti-
tutionally, by the voluntary action Of the sew.
eral States, without the imposition of any extra
burden upon labor.
1t is vain to think of surpressing agitation until
a final settlement shall be effected upon one or
the other Of these plans. 1t is Gods will that all
men shall be free. Mans will must conform
to Gods will. You may as well attempt to ar
rest Niagra as it thunders in its fall, as 10 ar
rest the current of opinion. You may as well
attempt to arrest the sun as be assends from the
horizon to the zenith, as to arrest human pro.
gress to Its destined consumation IN equality
and happiness incompatible with slavery.
The departure of the government from the
principles Of the constitution, in its action
upon slavery, has given rise to great diversity
of opinion in relation to the merits of slavery
itself. There are those who once condemned
the institution who now Justify It on principle
These assert that States in which slavery OK.
lists enjoy the best form of society that slavery
is the happlest relation of labor to capital, and
the most stable foundation of free institutions.
| lately read an article IN the Southern Press,
the organ of the Southern Rights Party in
Washington, which stated that Jefferson and
other statesmen of this day, did indeed indulge
the expection of the advent of a period when
equality and justice, virtue and truth, should pre-
vail among men, But this bright dream, said
the writer, is no more. Is this indeed so? Is
this the final result to which the political philo.
sophy of slavery conducts us /? Were our ia.
theirs visionary dreamers when they pledged
their lives, their liberty and their sacred honor
to the vlndication of equal rights and of the
doctrine that governments are instituted among
men to maintain and defend them? Did Wash.