The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-02-27

St04 ~ p&94 Ao9rQaexo1~1qU9 ~te5oR
some respects they have acquired the bsl.
ance 81 <tswef, and many al them pspise ~
the kgh6 hoaors Of the coantsy, and sttain
tben. ~ ! 10 be told, IN tho face Of III
this fbat 4ar institutions ass sale do no'
behave 4 word Of it (; and l shosN not hsvs
bsA1 trus 10 my position here II had mol
proclaimed my convictions in this subject.
As regards this matter Of recovering fugi-
tives, | would say, in justice to Pennsylvs-
MIA, that believe she is the soundest Of all
the on-slaveholding States .on this subject,
except the Northwestern States. ] believe
80. This law has never been tested in the
interior Of New York, and there was reason
for that. The city had more intimate inter-
course with the South, and It was their IN
terest to preserve friendly and commercial
relations with it. As l have sail, il is not
this mere case, but you are sowing the seeds
Of dissatisfaction and Of danger among the
blacks. ] do not say that it will become
very formidable, or that the dangers are likely
to acquire any great influence /; but it is pro-
verbal among our overSeers, that every day
and every year the management OF these
poor creatures is becoming more and more
difficult It is notorious in my own State.
We say the federal government is bound
to protect US, and we say incendary pam
.phets ought not to be disseminated. Why,
the speech Of the senator from New Hamp-
shire is an inceniiary pamphlet, and we pub
lIsh il at our own expen'e, and it goes all
over the country, and it will be read by your
authority. You may go through the North
ern States, and you will fad thousands who
applaud his sentiments, while there will be
scarcely one in hundred who will sustain
the honorable senator from Kentucky in de-
nouncing him. do not say that that is the
case in all communities. wish to be quail
fed in my remarks. But overheard a re-
mark the other day by senator, that the
universal sentiment at the North was in OPP
position to this law do not undertake to
arraign any mans motives for being opposed
to slavery in the abstract; but say he is the
very worst man, il he had the courage to
look at the consequences, who could make it
one Of the elements Of his ambition. While
he may sport with it-whle he may play
with It as part Of the political game-t is
one Of those things that have brought this
confederacy, once devised by wisdom and
preserved by good faith, to the peril from
which the patriots Of the country have in vain
attempted to rescue it. The debates 90 on
at the North all on one side, with no one to
combat them. The late law, think, in
some measure has given rise to freer scope
OF discussion, and to some extent it may pro-
duce pause but a, have before said, it
is only the pause Of day 1t is only the
suspension of the machine that is coming
down upon US; and look upon my part Of
the country, unless there is some mode to ar
rest it now, as doomed and destined por-
ton; and that, too, not originating from an
enlightened policy, or from the principles oil
true philanthropy, but from hypocrtes and
demagogues, who choose to sport, with safety
to themselves, with the elements Of an agita-
ton which is likely to involve this country
in ruin. q.
Mr. DAVIS, Of Massachusetts, Mr..
| President, have iorborne to enter into this
discussion while there were points evidently
of personal controversy going on between
gentlemen; butI should hardly discharge my
duty to the constituency which rcpresent,
| If | should not express some views which
entertain upon this subject. am not dis
posed to qres ion the motives upon which
this inquiry was set on foot. 1t will remain
to be seen, and history will tell US, whether
this is one of the fit and appropriate occa-
slons for the exercise of power that be-
lieve has been very sparingly exercised dur,
ing the existence of this government. The
issuing of a proclamation by the executive
department Of the government, which, in and
of Itself necessarily implies that there is ex-
isting in public feeling a sentiment which is
dangerous, or which requires in some way
to be controlled by the power and authority
of the government, is the first step taken to
stronger measures 1t is nitatory to those
measures which the message indicates. Ii
indicates that it is to be followed, if in the
Judgment of the government such further
step is deemed necessary, by the military
power Of the government to subdue an in
surrectionary spirit, if may SO express N.Y.
self, in that portion OF the community.
Now, It may be true that this is fitting
and proper occasion for the exercise Of that
power II may be true that this is fitting
and suitable occasion for the denunciatory
language which has been employed in debate
-denouncing the legislature Of Massachu-
sets, the whole people of Massachusetts, the
citizens Of Boston, and the people of that
city, as wanting in duty, and as crimnally
negligent in their federal obligations. But,
before we reach that conclusion, it really
seems to be but just that we should UNDER
stand the facts which exist, and that we
should Inquire whether or Not there is exist
ing, or has existed, any general or wide
spread opposition to the laws or measures of
the government which authorizes such a step.
The message itself begins by stating that
the executive department Of the government
is not in possession Of any official information
which enables it to speak with decision upon
this subject. 1t has certain newspaper COM
munications; il is in possession of certain tel
egraphic communications; and upon these ii
has founded the communication which has
been made to the Senate.