The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1851-02-26


ecuted, and that they determined proper
10 insure It's execution rescue by a mob mig ha We
occurred anywhere, and although must always leave a
stain on the community in which il occurs is by no
means conclusive proof that the community sanctions
such proceedings. | recollect that a mob in the
vicinity OF Boston burnt convent 10 the ground play
actor produced a mob in New York that flooded the
streets with blood In Philadelphia, church church
burnt down. and other acs OF violence committed.
In Baltimore, within forty miles OF this place the dwell
ing of eminent private citizens entered and the urni
ure destroyed for political causes In the Southwest a
band OF murderers than instance have set the
laws openly al defiance for weeks al time mob may
triumph anywhere and would be exceedingly unjust TO
charge upon the community either of the cases have
mentioned anything like sympathy with the wrong
No one ever thought OF doing great sectional IN
teres al take No jealous fears existed to magnify
an outrage into nsurecon. and elevate riot TO the
degree what has been done IN Boston, There Is Ian
gaae too strong 10 be apped 10 isfo ternf Of condr-
nation il does not merit. only mean to show that II is
possible for mob to triumph the public sentiment
of any community for time and that every violation Of
law does not nece sary imply corruption IN the citizens
among whom 1t Is committed. .r. r .M.. .@#. L@.
have no personal knowledge OF what may be the pub
lie sentiment of Massachusetts do not know whether
that sentiment will aid or oppose the proper officers in
the execution OF the law; and do not greatly
They may have many abstract theories about the sin
OF slavery they please but they attempt TO reduce
those theories practice contrary law, they will find
that this government has the il assuredy has the
WILL 10 enforce the execution OF any act OF Congress, IN
any State Of this conederacy, while it remains men,
Der OF the Union and no matter what may be public
opinion IN Boston, or anywhere ese must bend 10 the
public opinion ofthe republic The from Massa
chus6s nmaed yesterday that the President had act
ed somewhat hastily in this matter. Sir, The senator would
be right if this Of the rescue OF per-
son charged vita murder--w,h any other felony-wth
anything, being runaway slave. But It must be
IecolecGd that this a subject upon which the people
OF half OF The States OF this Union feel deep and
absorbing interest 1t must be recoected that every
OF fugitive is watched with intense jealousy, and
the whole proceedings scanned by those who but
willing create dscontents against the government
w q H.
rc has by subsided the clouds have not yet
dispersed; the muterlngs OF the thunder have not yet
died away the forked ghEings still play upon the hor
izon and the fece howlings OF the wind which bore
along the wild cry of dsunlon still distinctly audi
BILE. Under these circumstances, the President would
have been false the high trust conded to him. false to
his country, false 10 his fame, if he had hesated
zone moment to give public assurance OF his determination
to vndca'e the violated majesty OF the law, and carry
out by loTce ii need be- the mandates OF the constitution
Nay, more, sr-the very men who now make light OF
his proclamation would have been the first to denounce
and upbaid him il he had exhibited the least hesitation
to the line of his duty. Sir, honor him for his
course and if the appreciation OF political opponent, who
has in times past done him some wrong be at all grateful
him, let him be assured that not only, but thousands
OF others of my political friends heartily thank him for
what he has done, and fervently thank God that we
have in this crisis patriot and a statesman at the
head of affairs who knows his duty and daes 10 perform
The senator from South Carolina [Mr. BuTLER1 in
dulged yesterday in something like complaint of the pas
sage OF laws in Indiana, Illinois, and other States
clude negroes from their borders. Are such laws
TO The senator If my memory is not al FAULT there are
similar acts upon the statute books OF hrs own State II
was once part OF the constitution of Mississippi Ii is
now the law in Alabama, and an owner who desires TO
emancpae a slave must send him beyond the limits OF
the State.
Mr. BUTLER I hope the senator will allow me 10
make explanation as do not wish 10 be mlsrepre-
sented and the senator does not design TO mis-
represent me expressly said that 50 far as regards
the policy of hose Sa,es-lndana, Illinois, and perhaps
Oho-l should not undertake TO question IT. sure
that said So because generally qualify my remarks.
But at the time, did undertake TO that, so far
regards the condition OF these people, 1t had been
made BY the very system of legislation they
about pursue that they entced there, seduced
10 escape from their masters with the promise OF pro-
lection. / then denounced the harshness of this treat,
men in driving them out OF their borders under such
circumstances.
MIR. CLEMENS. That is a proposition which do
not intend a, all 10 controver agree entirely with the
senator from South Carolina in that respect But that
has nothing TO do with this The point OF in
which should regard the treatment of the negroes by
the people of illinois is foreign to the present subject
The question is, whether the laws alluded 10 by the
afford any evidence OF hostility to southern insl
iutons and whether in their operation they beneficial
hurtfu 10 the South "a question which there is
difficulty in answering. imagine there is one among
us who would rather have law in every free State
that slave should enter It's borders than TO have law
however stringent providing for their recapure In the
his escape entirely prevented, IN the other
you must take the chances Of his recovery. The north
States them have done precisely what wanted
done-bey have struck at the root OF the evil They
only tell us that may recapuTe our slaves but they 20
beyond the fugitive law and say that iugtives shall
come among them Does this afford Just OF CON-
paint Ought II not be the subject OF congr ation
rather Ought ii not 10 be regarded another and the
highest evidence the part OF the great Northwest OF
their determination 10 preserve unbroken the bonds OF
broherly love, and maintain Hnimpared the social and
political ties which link desnies together! III their
featy TO the constitution matter OF any doubt be-
FORE it has ceased to be so, and the South, even
to censure which Is not the case would look IN
vain for any OF reproach. The people OF the Mis-
ssspp valley whether upon It's northern or ITS southern
hel -
flows through the channes the same blood courses
in their veins and matter what may be attempted
the Atlantic coast, there is mighty power beyond the
mountains at whose bidding the waves OF faction must
roll back and the lawess preachers OF sedon be awed
into silence
have thought IL right TO say this much consequence
OF the range which this debate has taken do not feel
remark that the President has done his duty faithfully
and promptly, have any doubt but that he will be
found equal to any future emergency.
Mr. BORLAND. No one, Mr. President, can regret
more than do that this subject has been introduced into
the Senate No one would enter into its discussion with
greater reluctance nor indeed shall say more than
very few words upon or two points But snce IT IS
here, and occupies, IT never Tails to do when INTRO
duced, an oversh hadowng prominence among our pro.
ceedngs avail myself OF the occasion II presents to do
what regard ac, OF justice to myseif-io say here
what I have already said at home My constituents
know and desire II TO be known here that had been
here when the fugitive slave law passed al the last
should have voted for II Severe and pfotracted
domestic affection occupied and detained beyond the
But sir while should have voted for e bill
proposed to secure The observance of constitutional OBJ
oa,ion il s due truth TO say that should have voted
in view OF the promises II made and its advocates made