North Carolina standard., 1851-03-01


it utterly impossible to execute the law while there
were clubs and organizations in every free State
formed to defeat its enforcement.
Mr.. Chase was one of these who had opposed the
soAcalled Compromise acts, and had voted for only
one of them viz the act abolishing the slave trade
in this District He considered that those had
totally failed in producing that establishment of ques
tions which they represented being capable Of
Both sides of the Compromise declared this law had
not been executed. He had voted against this law.
In his opinion the duty of enforcing the provision of
the Constitution was the duty of the States and
of the General Government. He considered it COM
pact between the States and Congress had nothing |
to do with the subject. Previous TO the decision of
the Supreme Court in the of Prigg Us. the Com
monweath of Pennsylvania. such had been the gen.
eral opinion and the States had made regulations to
execute this clause of the Consultation. The Supreme
Court, however, by that decision, had denied the
States had any such power, and declared it was the
duty of Congress. He regarded the Supreme Court
as practically eXPunglng the provision for the rendi
tion of fugitive slaves from the Constitution, for it
relieved the States from all obligations do the duty,
and no act of Congress could be efectualy carried
out He then pointed out the various means by which
claimants would be deferred from claiming their
slaves, account of the immense costs, the time
lost, the trouble and difficulty Of overcoming legal
obstacles, &C., and said he but little practical
good resulting from this law the Southern claimant.
He then alluded to the several in which the law
had been enforced.
He detailed the circumstances attending the late
proceedings in Boston, and considered it as no such
occurrence calling for the extraordinary proceedings
contemplated. He said the question of the execution
of this law was with the people. If they wiled it,
it would be executed if they did design it should,
no proclamation would effect it. He referred to the
proclamation OF Gen. Gage, in Boston seventy-fve
years ago, which was intended to coerce the people
into submission to laws they did approve of; that
proclamation led to revolution. He considered the
proclamation of the President entirely unnecessary.
Mr.. Dodge, of Iowa, defended his State from the
charge OF having ever done anything to obstruct the
execution OF this any other law for the recovery of
fugitive slaves, of any interference with the rights
of Southern States. He had the usual allowance of
human sympathy but whenever the should arise
to present the question between the whites and the
blacks, he would never be found warning against his
own complexion and race in behalf of the negroes
He considered the of the President since he
had been in office as eminently patriotic and proper
he thong hit that had been beneficial to the
try and :hat it had completely spiked the cannon of
the Senator from New York and his party.
He had long remarked. the singular fact that the
sympathy OF those who clamored so loud In behalf
of the poor negro always ceased when the be-
came free. and when he required their sympathy and
aid. The Senator from Ohio had alluded to Cages
proclamation, and had told them that that had been
followed by blood if the Senator say that
the proclamation of the President requiring obedience
to the laws, was to be followed by conflict and blood
shed, he would say to the Senator let that contest
come on just as soon as the party who intended it
thought proper. lie did not regard the late mob in
Boston as any true indication of the feeling of the
people of Massachusetts he preferred SUPP the
demonstration at Springfield occasioned by the con-
duct of the English miscreant Thompson better re-
Heced their sentiments. He promised that if Thomp-
SON would visit Iowa to carry any of his sedtous
designs, he would be most summarily dealt with.
Mr.. Douglas explained the legislation of Illinois
with regard TO free blacks coming to reside therein
There had always been law furnishing with severity
the harboring concealment of runaway slave.
The people of that State now, by constitutional pro-
vision, prohibited negroes coming to reside there,
whether free or slave. They had determined that
/ ho Of
the Union, and for the worthless, and broken-down
and runaway servants from the adjoining slave States
They were white people, and were determined to
preserve white population. Let the other States
take care of their free negroes, and let the slave be
sent back his owner where the Constitution placed
him.
The Senator from Ohio expressed as his opinion
that this law could never be executed that the deci-
sion OF the Supreme Court in Prigg's had vir
tually expunged the constitutional provision. He
regarded this declaration gross caulnny upon
the people Of the free States.
The Senator was of the opinion that it the du-
ty of the States to this provision, and that
the Federal Government had nothing to do with it.
10 suppose in such case that the law was dead
letter, to imply charge that every officer,
sable sheriff. Judge, and every legislator, would dis
regard his obligations to the Constitution he had
sworn to support and would be false to his country
and his God.
Mr.. Chase explained that he had always been of
the opinion that it was obligation upon the States
10 execute provision; out the supreme COurt mad
decided that the States had power to egisate for
the execution of this clause of the Constitution.
Mr. Douglas said that the Supreme Court, in the
decision in the anded had positively declared
that the constitutional provision Imperative the
slaves shall be delivered up. 1t was the duty of
every man, whether officer private CITIZEN to obey
and carry out the Constitution, and say that this
duty would not be performed by the people of the
free States, to assert gross calumny upon them.
No man could disregard his duty to the Constitution
by refusing to this law, without being false
to his country and his God.
He considered that there in the designs of many
fixed purpose of resisting this law. He did not re-
gard the in Boston one of those acci-
long determined and preconcerted measures, having
in view the resistance of this law.
1t was the result of conspiracy not, perhaps,
with view to this isolated case, but conspiracy 10
defeat the law whenever it Was attempted to be en-
forced He did not regard the negroes half so re-
sponsibe their white aders. abetters, advisers and
counselors. The law of conspiracy applied to them,
and each conspirator responsible for the of
the whole and he held the white men, who by their
advice and counsel had urged the negroes to COM
NIT these excesses equally responsible, although they
took no part in the actual violence. The negroes
would never have committed this violence, were it
not for the promptngs and indictments of white men.
He held white men who were then in his sight re-
sponsibe for this mob for by their speeches, their
addresses, and the principles avowed by them the
last session. they had driven these negroes this
outrage. They had told the negroes that this law
was unjust, that there law higher than t-that it
might be disregarded, and that it ought to be
forced. These sentiments, uttered by men occupying
high places and positions, had had effect upon the
simple-minded negroes and they had been induced