Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1851-05-01

the same opportunity and the same means 10 re-
cover him, that citizen in one State woulu
have to recover horse which might stray into
another State. If legal process was resorted
to IN either case, it mist Of course be according
to the laws of the State.
But Congress, in assuming the obligation OF
Selling and returning fugitives, has rendered
slavery US much an interest Of the Union, as IS
commerce with foreign nations or between the
States. This renders the whole people OF the
Free States parties to slavery, bound to aid IN
upholdlng it, and as much responsible for its
guilt as those of the Slave States. Slavery be-
comes national interest as we'll as State IN
terest
With those who deny the constutonaIlty OF
this law, its passage raises question scarcely
less important than that of its bearing on the re-
lations of the Free States to slavery. This Is
the old question of Federal power and State
rights. In my judgement, there has been no eX-
ample in our whole history, of so bold and
alarming Invasion of the reserved rights Of the
States, as this enactment affords. 1t Is a much
more paIpabe and dangerous invasion Of the
rights of the States. than the Alien or SedIion
Acts as it aims blow at the vital principle of
State sovereignty, the right and duty of protect
ing the lives and liberty Of all persons within
their jurisdiction, except SO far as this right has
been expressly surrendered up to the Union, by
the Constitution. The States have not surren-
dered up their right to protect their colored pop
ulation, or even lugltives. Tie latter they have
agreed to surrender ups but have not given up
the right to protect them whilst they are in the
State The obligation to surrender up fugi.
tive is very different thing from permitting a
| f,roifrn ,uriu5ictiCO fo inVo1A Statp md tax
them by force out Of its protection.
Ours is a government of delegated and limit
ed powers. The extent and the limitation Of
these powers are determined by the Constitution.
To acQnesce, under temporary eXcltements, in
the exercise of undelegated powers, even if the
object aimed at were a good one, would be- eX-
tromey dangerous. One encroachmont becomes
an example for another and soon the limitations
in the Constitution would be wholly disregardGd
and the only valid or practicable restriction
would be its discretion, And is there not cas-
on to fear that we are fast approaching that Pc
Rod? There has been no time before in our
history, when every tendency was so directly
towards centraism and consolidation. The
patronage, influence and power of the Federal
government increase in a ratio Of the augnen-
tatlon OF the population, wealth and resources OF
all INC CLdlCS OONlpInCu WllloI ulC pONCl vi lll6
several States increases only in the ratio OF their
own increase of population and resources. The
J multiplication Of States in the contederacy aug
/ ments the power Of the Union, whilst it adds
nothing to the power Of the several States L
{ the Alien and Sedition laws in the early stage
of the contederacy, when its revenue was only
: six or eight millions, accustomed such protount
; alarm, us to the danger of consolidation, in wha
} light should the friends of State rights, who re
, gard the States as the only safe guaranty Of per
sonal liberty, view the Fugitive Slave Acl, which
withdraws from the protection of the State, it
entire co!ored popuaton3 If measure likt
} this is acqulcsced in, under the deception tina
it is necessary TO preserve the Union, what fur
ther sacrifices of State rights may not be expect
ed to follow under the same pretence?
But have extended my observations too ia
to enlarge on this important question, and hav
t only alluded to it, as in itself sufficient reason
! why the Fugitive Slave Act should be repealed
as palpabc and dangerous invasion Of tn
d rights of the States.
Regrettng that | cannot be present. on an oc
t casion SO important to the interests OF freedom
J. am respectfully and truly,
a Yours,
= john NJ. NILES.