Southern standard. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1851-1856, 1851-05-10

to slayery aCithout tie Union. And this sentiment
IS ;ust ripening IN all tie Southern States 'Cih
three or four erceptions. "
RsrWe clip the following from the Aberdeen
independent, a paper that pretends to keep its
readers well and truthfully informed of passing
events
ssThe Ohio State Journal, paper politically
friendly to Judge Wade, the newly elected L. 5.
Senator from Ohio, states positively that the new
Senator, who has been considered an ultra free
soiler admits the constitutionaty of the fugitive
slave law-defends the President for having sign
ed it. and declares that it must be executed IN full
while it exists.
We happen to have Senator Wade's opinion be
fore us, and we ask the independent to give it I'M
less it designs wilfully to mislead its readers;
JUDGE WADE ON THE FUGITIVE LAW.
Akron AprI 9th, 1851.
see that the whig papers hardly know what to
do with our new Senator; they are evidently IN
trouble If they really wish to know what his
views are in relation to the present Administration,
they can have no difficulty in ascertaining. Let
them drop him line, he will tell them; or if they
do not like that direct way, let them enquire of
their whg friends that know, say Judge Hum
phrey of Hudson.
In the State Journal of March 31st, l find the
following:
mark that Judge Wade iustifes the President in
signing this bill, and says there other
course as whig left to him but to sign it, or
sign, and that having signed it, his duty TO see it
executed was clear and imperative.
After reading the above to wing who knows
the Judge, he remarked that g that the cool
est thing he had seen. -
Will the Journal tell its readers where and to
whom Judge Wade made these remarks? He new
md h.
rably has expressed his disapproval of Fillmore
signing the bill.
1t is really amusing to us who have heard Judge
Wade talk and kHoW what his views are to see
now gravely editors have set themselves to work
to manufacture opinions for him. But let the
Judge speak for himself When holding court
here last December, he addressed large audience
at Tappan Hall, a summary of his speech was
published at the time, which l will here send to
you for publication. l should probably send it to
the Herald, but am not acquainted with the ed
tors. They, however, canopy it from you
Here it is. Yours, &c, s
60 He commenced by saying that he was Wing
always had been Wing, and always should be
That his father Wing before him-not a
Wing of the modern platform, who would traffic
human flesh for cotton-but of the old Wing
school of England, which resisted tyranny, and
brought Charles to the black. That he belonged
to the same Wing party with Hampden and sgd
ney, whose principles, planted bv the Pilgrims in
this country, descended to the Wings of the Revo-
luton to the school of which Washington, Ad-
ans and Hancock were members, whose motto
was-'resistance to tyrants is obedience to God
That he belonged to the same Wing party that
Thomas Jefferson did, who, in the Declaration Of
Independence declared that GALL men are crea-
ted free; and have certain inalienabe rights a.
mong which is LIBERTY
Such was the doctrines of the Wings of the Rev
olution If any, protesting to be Wings, abandon
this PLATFORM let us cut off their heads-they are
not wings When such men as Webster, Cass
and Co. attempt to establish another platform |
will not be transferred to it; no man nor party
shall compel me to adopt it.
hold to the old Wing doctrine proclaimed by
Hampden, Sydney, Washington, Hancock and
Jefferson, which was opposition to tyrants and
equality of the people-but that ALL are equal in
the sight of the law, without regard to color
That this provision in the Declaration of indie
pendence was introduced for the benefit of the weak
and poor: the powerful and the rich could take
care OF themselves, while law was necessary for
the protection of the feeble. But our modern
politicians had reversed the order, and made the
Declaration of independence read-all uhie men
are created free and equal. Since the passage of
the fugitive slave law, many had become great
slcklers for law and order. "The majesty of the
law was continually in their mouths as though it
was VI uutN 10 OOey a legislative enact
ment, whether constitutional or not Our fathers
OF the Revolution, said he, did not think so when
they resisted the Stamp Act, and made tea pct
OF Boston harbor. They resisted trifling tax on
tea, because submission to it involved the surren-
der OF constitutional right. There were tories
then as there are now, who were continually cry
ing you must not resist the law-it will lead to
dlsunlon with mother England %
The Judge remarked that it did not become his
station to advise resistance to law-but this was
no law. To make it a law it must be in accordance
with the Constitution
This was contrary to the Constitution as it gave
judicial power to Commissioners, equal TO. and
concurrent with those possessed by the Judges of
the United States Courts. That the Constitution
provided for no such judicial commissioners
That provided for the nomination, by the Presi-
dent, of persons for Judges, and the confirmation
or rejection of them, by the Senate. But this en-
actment gave the appointment of Commissioners,
having concurrent power with those Judges to the
circuit courts of the United States who might and
Proably would appoint the vilest scoundrels in
christendom, and no respectable person would take
the appointment
IL is also unconstitutional, said he in suspending
the writ of Habeas Corpus, the great bulwark Of
English and American liberty. 1t was true At