Jeffersonian Republican. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1840-1853, 1851-07-17


speech does not belong to the American
character. 1t is not indigenous to our soil.
1t is of foreign birth. If | had been in Con-
gress would have voted against several of
the adjustment measures. | would have yo-
ted against the fugitive slave law, as almost
all Northern Wings did, because l believe
the constitutional provisions on the subject
might have been more efectually carried out,
by law more equitably and justly construc-
ted. To ask changes in these points-chan-
ges which will make the law more consonant
with the wishes of the people, more accepta-
Bile to them and more conformabe to truth,
justice, and the requirements of the Constitu-
tion, cannot be considered otherwise than the
exercise of an undoubted constitutional priv
ilege. And this, for the sake of right, and
not for the purposes of agitation.
But we are told not to discuss the question,
as dissolution of the Union would be the con-
sequence. This is weak and puerile. The
love of the Union is deep seated among the
people. They are not contemplating even
the probability of dissolution The determin-
alton to transmit unimpaired to posterity the
Institutions we received from our Fathers,
prevents them from even harboring the thought
for an instant. Public opinion is healthy on
the subject. The fate of the Union does not
depend upon so slight circumstance as the
modification of law of Congress- 1t is an
insult to the intelligence, virtue, and integri-
ty of the people, to intimate so reasonable an
idea. These are my views freely and frank
ly given. Whatever representations may be
made, to these and none other | adhere.
There are other important questions to
which invite your attention.
When before the people in 1913, pledged
myself to advocate modification of the Ia
riff of 1916. | did SO. | recommend mod
iicaton in each of my messages, but the
counsels of the opposition prevailed and the
law has not been changed. 1t still remains
doing its work of harm to our State and coun-
try. Our manufactures are depressed; our
coal interests are languishing; the main prop
of the farmer-the home markets. becom-
ing less and less valuable; the prices of grain
and other products of the earth are gradually
sinking; in parts of the State, property has
much deprecated in value; the trade on the
public works is not so active as if all were
prosperlng; the revenues of the State are con-
sequently less in amount and every tar pay
er an the Commonwealth is the loser These
are the necessary results of the Tariff of 1916
which favors the British instead of the
American manufacturer, and which is slowly
but surely depriving the American farmer of
a good market for his productions. have
used my efforts to avert these evils. | have
not been seconded by the other party who
had majority in Congress, and hence these
difficulties. | have discharged my duty. 1t
remains for the people to discharge theirs
to express at the ballot-box their approval or
disa pproval of the conduct of those men who
enacted and kept in force the Tariff of 1916.
And now a few words about the bill repeal
ing the sixth section of the anti-kidnapping
law Of 1917. 1t is represented that upon my
signing this bill Immediately the Union de-
pends. The facility with which the argu-
ment of the dissolution of the Union is used
is remarkable.
Permit me 20 call your attention to the facts
of the case, and see how far they sustain me
in my course. This law was passed in 1S47
was signed by my predecessor in office,
Francis +. Shunk then Governor Of the State.
1t has continued on the statute book four
years. If what is said of the importance of
the bill repeating the sixth section be true, is
it not singular that the Union exists at this
day! Not only this The section upon
which it is alleged so much rests, was re-
pealcd, when! At the beginning of the last
session! At the earliest practicable moment
after the organization! No. At the middle
of the session No. When did they, who
had the power, pass this bill upon which it is
asserted the Union hangs! About one hour
before the final adjournment Of the LegiSlG-
ture. Could any thing more clearly show
the folly and inconsistency of those who are
pursuing me for not having acted upon the
bill If they could postpone action upon 1t
until all other business was transacted, why
may not be excused from being hasty!
The Pamphlet Laws of the last session will
cover about 500 pages. An examination Will
show, that the laws which cover about 400
of these pages, were passed on the last two
days of the session. These bills were pre-
sented to me for action, and it was after the
most laborious application, | was enabled to
read, examine and dispose of even part OF this
mass of enactments. The bill 70 repeal the
sixth section was presented to me after almost
all others, about one hour before the final ad-
iournment, after committees had been APP
pointed to inform me that the two Houses
were ready to ad journ, and while large mass
of business, including the appropriation bills
/ necessary to carry on the government, stili
remained undisposed of. Under these cir
cumstances, have held the bill over in the
exercise of privilege guaranteed to the Ex-
ecutive by the Constitution, to prevent inva-
sons upon his rights by the Legislative branch
/ of government. What man who venerates
that instrument as he should, will intimate
that the provision is wrong! And who can
1 Justly blame me for an unwillingness to allow
a tardy Legislature to deprive me ofthe right
of considering an important public bill, and
of communicating my action thereon to the
peoples representatives
had often pressed upon the Legislature
the necessity of acting upon public bills at a
period of the session sufficiently early to give
the Executive time to examine and deliberate.
The Legislature saw fit to disregard this re-
commendation. Having received nothing
FROM, THAR oourtoca1r I insist nO0n the con-