The southern press., 1851-07-31

Ia yv0nE y N& Eevialcn, It vii uQt be txp&4o(
that saeSa s6ur>e shall be proceeded 10 s3al
that wtltkbe eiFseted is to weaken the MORA
pover efthe Constitution and to render it
violelion moressasy.
~The constituton, said Others. 10 certainly
not without defects, but the moment is ill.,
chosen for correcting them. In The present d.
vision OF parties, and amidst the confusion oI
mems minds resulting therefrom, what common
idea can be Represented by constituent The
countrywill not see that the evil is still more in
itself than in the laws; let it first of all ascer
tain what It wants, and then an attempt may be
made to lead to something else than what now
exists; but as long AS it is divided as we now
behold it, to collect together constituent is to
agitate 1t without profit, to disturb the patient
without curing hm-is to increase the chaos
and not create light In the sterile excitement
thus called for, the conservative majority, which
has saved US, runs great danger Of being bro
ken up; it may present itself united before the
electors, as long as the question only relates to
the mode Of conducting affairs under the exist
ing government but the moment the form OF
that government is called in question, that same
majority must be divided before the colleges,
and so open passage to its common adversa-
ries. Also, many Of those who call out so
loudly for revision have other aims; in reality,
1t is not the rivision which is desired many OF
those who ask for it, with most apparent earnest
ness would be greatly grieved to obtain it, and
they would have taken right good care not to
moot the question, had they not felt assured that
it would not be solved. What is desired in re-
ality is to agitate the nation, is to compromise
and group in advance the electors in the inter-
est of an unconstitutional candidateship, for the
success of whichtbe administration has been la
h,r ySft g.
what has been ever seen in any other case.
What also is desired ia, to prepa. for each per-
son, or for bis friends, good chance at the COM
ing elections, by entering at once on the griev-
ances and passions of the people, and in fatter-
| ing it with the chimercal hope that constitu-
ent will remedy the misery which it endures.
"The majority Of the committee, gentlemel, D.,
has not given way to this reasoning. 1t does
not deny that the revision may be dangerous,
but it considers it exceedingly necessary.
cit is wrong, no doubt, to yield too easily to
the current Of public opinion, but it is not al
ways prudent or patriotic to resist it. The
rules Of conduct Of statesmen in such matter
vary according TO the spirit of the times and the
form OF the institutions. N free countries, ard,
above all, in democratical ones, where good or
evil can only be accomplished by the aid of the
masses, above all, their affection and confidence
must be preserved. When they are uneasy,
troubled, and suffering, and ask for remedy,
to refuse it to them be- .use it is believed to be
less elficacions than they suppose it to be, is to
drive them to despar---is to force them to adopt,
under other conductors, different conduct, and
other political maxims. Besides, what they af-
firm here by vague instinct it is our duty to
desire by profound examination of the situa-
ton
Let US not forget, gentlemen, the situation
in which we are paced-a situation both strange
and novel; If the election of the President of
the republic had taken place at the natural Pc
riod pointed out by the constitution, that is, on
May IL, l849, the presidential powers would
fave survived those of this assembly by one
year; and it is only in 1861, after twelve
years trial, that the fact of the head of the ex-
ecutive power and the legislative assembly ceas.
ing at the same time their functions, would have
been witnessed. But bv the accidental effect of
the law of October, lS48, a law called for by
art. ll6 of the constitution. the President was
elected on December 10, lS48 and will have ar
rived at the end of his magistrscy in the course
of May next. Thus, in the same month, and
within a few days. distance of each other, the
executive power and the legislative power will
change hands. Assuredly, never will great
people, as yet il-prepared for the use of reput-
lican liberty, who have been cast all at once by
tie law itself into such hazard-never will
youthful constitution have been subjected to
so rude trial. And in what country of the
globe, gentlemen, is this total eclipse of the gov.
ernment to take place? Amongst that people,
which, although it has more frequently over
turned its government than perhaps any other,
feels more than any other the want of being
governed.
"The nations which have afederative existence,
those even which, without having divided the
sovereignty, possess an aristocracy, or which
enjoy provincial liberties deeply rooted in the
habits OF the people-such nations may exist
for length Of time with feeble government.
and even support for a certain period the CON-
plete absence of a government Each portion
OF the people has an existence of its own which
allows society 70 remain still outstanding for
certain time after the general life-current is i'm
peded or stopped. But are we one of those ne
tons! Have we not centralized all kinds of af
fairs, and by that course created the government
which ofall Others is the most easy to overturn,
but which at the same time it is the most diff.
cult to do without for single moment
Sand in what time must such trial be sup
ported! Immediately after great revolution,
IN the midst OF the passions and irregular ap.
pettes which every r voluton leaves after it, |
and which are always curbed in by young institu.
tons. Is that an imaginary danger-is that one
of those ordinary accidents which are met with
in the history of all free nations, and is it not
rather one Of those rare perils which no country
ought to be allowed to incur if it is possible to |
prevent it The only regular and legal means
which we possess to succeed in that point, the
only mode which remains to us, perhaps, to
y event all the powers from falling into un-
constitutional hands, or becoming of no author. |
y, is to had them over of time to con-
stituent assembly, possessing the authority of
the nation itself, and the strength inherent in its
recent nomination.
at may certainly be asserted that the peril
which we have just pointed out is more apparent
than real, more formidable in appearance than
truly worthy of apprehension In reality, the |
governmental power will never be vacant since |
at the moment that one of the governments ex-
pires, the other will, on the instant be in exis-
tence. In theory, all that is true; but in practice,
the transmission of the right to command from
one to the other will not the less be, whatever,
is done, great crisis; for there must of all
necessity, pass n pretty LONG time durino which |