The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-12-18

under any circumstances fit had been pressed,
and should have endeavored to cooperate with
the honorable mover Of il in avoiding any
amendments which might embarrass It's pas
sage. But that has passed by and upon look
ing round upon what might be substituted
now for it, it has seemed to me that if there is
one sentiment more plainly and unquestonaby
expressed by the American people than any
other in regard to the Hungarian revolution,
and in regard to the hero and champion oil
Hungary. it is that of WELCOME TO THE SHORES
OF THE UNITED STATES. Taking that idea as
nv guide have merely submitted JOINT res
olution in which Congress declare that they
give 10 Louis KOssuth whom they have invited
Ritber a cordial welooms Less than this, Mr.
President, no man can propose who thinks 1t
proper that we should in our action here take
any notice whatever of his arrival; and more
than this we may well be content to waive,
knowing that something like this, or nothing
must pass, and that this is better than nothing.
| would have the passage of this resolution
communicated to KOssuth by the President the
Executive organ of the Republic. Although my
own feelings desire further expression, con-
sent to waive it, under the consideration that
the simplicity of the act will give it peculiar
power | know not in the history OF this nation
! a more sublime spectacle know not IN the
history of modern times more sublime spec
tacle-than would be afforded by hearing the
American Congress, in the name and behalf of
the American People, give to the representative
of the cause of popular government in Europe
| a cordial welcome on his escape from the perlls
Of his position and his arrival in this land
where that system of government is established
and in full and successful operation There is
a simplicity about it which is worthy the dig
nifty Of the American Government and the
American People. There is a simplicity in 1t
worthy the character of the illustrlOus citizen
whom it proposes to honor. As have said,
have no tenacity in regard TO this measure IN
preference to any other which would make me
averse to accepting any other II seems to me
| to be preferable to that of the honorable Sena-
tor from Illinois, Mr. SHIELDs,l upon the
ground that, having been adopted here, it will
| undoubtedly be adopted in the House of Repre-
sentatives. and will thus be a national act and
confess am DESTROYS as the Congress of the
United States did bring or cause Kossuth TO be
brought here under their authority, that his
t~s<ll - = ~,SAi~-- - ~t sd A. 49,
two Houses of Congress should not be divided,
u, SAsy,...-. - y A.. y ~ < ! a. 1
ing This form, Also seems to commend itself
to adoption by the Senate, because it stops short
of committing Congress to any action beyond
the words-beyOnd the simple national action
of giving Kossuth a cordial welcome. What
desire is not the utterance of words what
want to have Congress do is to act-to extend
the welcome to KOssuth which the world ex-
poets him to receive.
Objections have been made, to which | will
advert very briefly 1t has been said, or init
mated, that we are not well aware of the merits
of Kossuth-not well acquainted with the char
acter of KOssuth-that we do not know, GER
tainly, that he is entitled to this attention from
the American People.
Mr. President, in the course of human events
we see the nations of Europe struggling to
throw off the despotic systems of government,
and attempting to establish o Government
based upon the principles of republicansm or
of constitutional monarchy. Whenever such
efforts are made, it invariably happens that the
existing despotsms of Europe endeavor to sup
press the high and holy endeayor, and to subdue
the people by whom it is made. The conse-
quence is that despotsm has one common
cause and it results that the cause of civil and
constitutional liberty has, in all countries, be-
come one common cause.-the common cause of
mankind against despotism Now whatever
nation leads the way at any tme-at any
cfisis--in this contest for civil liberty, it be-
comes as we perceive the representative of all
the nations of the earth. We once occupied
that noble and interesting position, and we en-
gagged the sympathies of civilized men through
out the world. No one can deny that now, or
recently, Hungary took that position. We had
messenger on the spot ready to acknowledge
her Independence; and thus our own proceed
| ings show that we, in common with the friends
| of civil liberty elsewhere hailed Hungary as
such representative of the nations of the earth.
MIR. President it happens in the providence
of God, whenever u nation thus assumes to open
this controversy for liberty in behalf of the ma
tons of the earth, some one man more than
another becomes identified with the struggling
people by his virtues, his wisdom his yalor, or
his sufierings until he eclipses all others who
may be associated with him. and comes to be
regarded by the country itself in whose behalf
he labors or struggles, or suffers, and is re-
garded by mankind as the representative of that
nation and of that great cause
| The deliverance of Switzerland brings up the
association at once of the name of William
Tell the struggle of Scotland for national in
dependence calls up the name of Wallace and.
all over the world no man ever hears the Ameri-
can Revolution spoken Of but it calls up before
him the ajestic form of Washington so, Mr.
President it has happened that the name of
Hungary calls up at once the one great and
towering fame of the author, the hero, and the
sufferer Of the Hungarian revolution. How.
then, shall we say that we do not know that
kossuth is worthy to be regarded as the friend
and advocate of liberty in his own country!
Shall we say that he does not merit the homage
paid to him rs the leader of the Hungarian
revolutions Hungary herself has set the seal
upon his merits, and has concluded that ques-
ton and it would be rs unreasonable and alb
surd to listen to those who should disparage
the fame and character Of Washington, us to
those who stand doubling and hesitating
whether in honoring Kossuth we are really
honoring the cause of liberty and the cause of
his unfortunate country
But it is asked why should the American
people engage IN paying these honors to Kos
suth for granting all his merits still he has
| done nothing for America That is true, sir;
he never did anything for America-for we
have reached that time when no man living out
OF America can confer upon us benefit We
are beyond the reach Of benefcence other than
that which We may receive at the hands of the
Creator and Preserver of all nations But do
we reward only those who confer benefits on
us! Certainly not We honor ell those who
serve the glorious cause Of civil liberty through
out the earth. That is our cause and we honor
those who advance and promote it. But
although Kossuth has done nothing for this
country, Europe has 1t has sent US a Lafay-
cite, Kosciusko, n De Kalb, and Steuben !;
! and they have created debt against us, which,
while we cannot pay it to the illustrous dead,
still we can find fit recipients for the payment
in the persons of the llustrious living.
win notice a single other objection, and then
will leave this resolution to its fate. 1t is the
apprehension that by the adoption of this or a
similar measure, the Congress Of the United
States would commit itself to some act of inter