The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-12-24

OF the lnlGn Statc65 and even II they made q
reservation OF that right, South Carolina did not
and she cannot take advantage Of what Virginia
did The Constitution OF the United States was
submitted 10 the States whole, and, if they
adopted II, they adopted it az whole. lie read
from the articles of confederation, and from the
Constitution, to show that the object of the trainers
OF the Constitution was to establish perpetual
Union
He did not consider that such thing as a sover-
cgn State existed in the United States. They
Were by the Constitution, Invested of some Of the
most important attributes of sovereignty; they
could neither coin money, emit bills Of credit,
punish treason against the State, go to war;
the Constitution and laws of the United States were
the supreme law of the land, any thing in the State
constitutions laws TO the contrary notwithstand-
ing. Who could call that a sovereign State whose
constitption and laws were subject to the laws of
another government
IL was remarkable that the right of secession was
claimed as peaceable measure; that the chivalry
desired peaceadle secession only His secession
would be revolution; when no felt the heel of the
oppressor on his neck he would not stop to ask
whether he had the right to throw it off, would
he GO upon his knees and ask permission TO do
50 peaceably.
Ii was said the doctrine of secession was to be
found in the resolutions of '9S. Mr.. Calhoun and
MIR McDufiie could not find it there. They found
nullihcaton there, but not secession. Secession be-
gan not in the resolutions Of 96, but in that band
of traitors who assembled in convention at Hart
ford during the last war, and who sought to sepa-
rate New England from the Union. The same doc
late convention of abotionists at Syracuse, where
the course of South Carolina secessionists found q
hearty approval.
MIR. c. then instanced the practical consequences
of secession by supposing that Louisiana were to
secede. having the command Of the mouth of the
Mississippi; or Pennsylvania, whose territory ex-
tended across the Union-woud not the other States
have reason to complain? All rights relative,
and could not be exercised to the prejudice in
jury OF others.
He read several extracts from the Fsderalist to
show that the Constitution was intended TO estab-
lish government strong enough to preserve the
Union. Its ratification did not require unani-
NOUS approval because it's trainers avoided placing
the adoption of that instrument upon the caprice
Of one member. If this care was taken to prevent
the caprice of one State defeating a government
for all, could it be supposed they intended that
the whole government should be overturned by the
caprice or folly ofany State which might think
proper to secede9
He saw nothing in the present state of affairs to
justify secession. He drew an eloquent picture OF
the blessings a the Union, and of the horrors OF
dissolution.
1t was not expected that agitation would be uni
versally quoted at once. But he believed that agi-
tation would die away, and that the land of Wash
ington would again be united, and then could he
exclaim, 10 trium,phet 10 triumphep' The Repub-
lie is saved, and the banner of the free more
floats beneath unclouded sky.
Mr.. DOUGLAS explained the of his alb
sence from the Senate on the occasion of the vote
upon the passage of the Fugitive Slave law. He
had a pecunlary obligation OF ABOUT ~ ,OUO Tor
some property, purchased by him, to meet in New
York. He could not well leave the Senate, and had
called upon Mr.. Maury, the president of the Bank
of the Metropolis, in this city, and made arrange
nlents with him to have the matter temporarily
settled. He thought il SO; and on the very
day the obligation fell due he received note from
Mr.. Maury stating that, owing to the absence OF
several of the board of directors, he could not
make the arrangements. He mentioned to several
Senators the matter, and they expected and said
the debate would last several days longer. He left
that night for New York, and reached there next
morning. During the three days grace allowed
him he arranged the business While dining that
day at the Astor House he was shown statement
in the paper that the Fugitive Slave law had been
ordered to third reading He expressed his desire
to vote for the bill, and bidding his friends fare
well, left by the afternoon train for Washingt in
the hope of reaching here in time to vote on the
final passage of the bill. The bill, however, had
been voted on finally the day preceding. He men
league.
MIR. d. explained his whole course on this bill.
lie would have voted for it, and had 80 expressed
himself repeatedly. He explained his course in
defence OF that law in Chicago, &c. After having
reviewed his course on the several Compromise
acs, he said he regretted the introduction of this
resolution. He thought the friends Of the Compro-
mise ought have lett ii for the abolitionists to
have moved in the matter. Let them redeem their
pledge to introduce measure for the repeal of the
Fugitive Slave law, and he would move to lay il on
the table; and he was sure that the motion would
be carried by four to of the northern Senator's
Mr.. DOWNS obtained the floor, and, on his mo y.
ton, the subject postponed till the first Mon
day in January.
And then, after brief Executive session.
The Senate adjourned till Friday.