The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-02-14
4ls,oa9 1862 492, 66l so.s5

worcester. l2,40l SOP l5,4l3 3,434
4ls.os9 1902 4s2,66I co. 1856
1t is with sincere qualification that we publish
the address of Bishop CApERs to his fellow-citi-
zens Of South Carolina, which we copy from the
Charleston Mercury of Friday last The au-
thor is distinguished divine of the Methodist
Episcopal church South; and his testimony to
the prevalent feeling in the southern States,
on the subject of secession, is, in all respects,
satisfactory. He believes that three-fourths of
the southern people are opposed to it; and that
any movement to this end by South Carolina
would be unsupported by any southern State.
We cannot but hope that his admonitons may
produce beneficial effect on the people to
whom they are addressed
TO my FELLOW CITIZENS OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
take the liberty of addressing you, through the
newspapers, on a subject of different character
from what has hitherto employed me; and do so
the more readily as my life guarantees my snceri-
ty, and, on your part, personal good will II is the
first time that have felt it my duty to express
publicly an opinion any matter Of State policy.
Once, indeed during the extreme excitement which
prevailed in Charleston, the subject Of multiplying
law of Congress, met with the clergy Of the city
apart, at the instance of venerable citizens,
to consider whether there was any thing which we
might possibly do, in our sacred character to pro-
mote peace. But it resulted in nothing. We found
nothing in our power but our prayers for the pco-
pie. Ministers of religion have little to do ut any
time, with matters of the State moro than to pray
for Gods guidance and blessing on the people
Nevertheless, ministers men--arc citizens; and
it may be expedent once in a life time of three
score years and more, for minister to appear in
his character a citizen, and not as a minister.
Suffer me, then, for this one time, to INSERT my
citizenship, and commune with you freely on the
state of public affairs. am citzen--a son Of a
citizen-born on the coil of South Carolina, not
long after it had been won, in part, by the sword
of my father.
After an absence of about five months, on my ga
crcd duties, in Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana,
Alabama, and Georgia, cannot express how pain
fully it has shocked me to be told, on my return
home, that the great State measures now on foot
look solely to secession from the United States by
this State alone that the convention shortly to be
held is in order to this; and that the only question
to be open there is of time whether seccde at
once, or await the issue Of the southern congress-
and then secede.
To secede at once, or at a future time, alone,
less than from the northern. II must DO putting
Of tho other southern States in fault--a sort Of
branding them as deficient in knowledge, or cour-
age, patriotism, or all these together They are
involved in all respects, we are, touching the
injustice of the late acts Of Congress. We may
hold ourselves wiser nor better than they arc, but
as equals only; and they are many, while we arc,
comparatively, few. And what, in such circum-
stances, will be the probable judgment of mankind
respecting our action, should we secede'
If I may place any reliance on what has come
under my observation, during my long journey
through five of the principal southern States, it is
not probable that southern congress, represent
ing the southern people, can be had at all; nor
could be had, that il would do much, if any thing,
more than the Georgia convention did. As TO Sc
cession, have doubt that three fourths of the
people would oppose it at the present time. The
reason of this opposition, have understood to be,
that they do not consider the acts Of Congress to be
violation of the Constitution, and, in their opin.
ion, nothing less should justify secession.
understand II to be the opinion of our people of
South Carolina, that Congress has violated the Con-
stitution. At most, then, il is mooted point and
not a settled fact; entertaining one view of 1t,
while majority of the wise and virtuous Of other
States, greatly outnumberng US, hold the opposite.
Do we owe them nothing? Is il not even due to our
own self.rcspect to review the matter? Surely we
should know that we are right, beyond dispute be-
fore we should proceed to final act of the most
fearful import.
And ought we not 10 consider consequences, Pa
triotism demands not of us TO run madly on to our
country's ruin; and secession, by our State alone,
must prove ruinous. What though no hostile army
might invade our soil, the United States must and
will oppose us. Charleston will be shut out from
the rest of the world, her commerce perish, her
merchants leave her in despair, while from her
very suburbs rice and cotton shall be carried to
Savannah and Augusta for a market. Even now
the rivalry of Savannah ia not to be condemned, but
let our State secsde from the Union, and Charles
ton must become dcsolation.
Nor will the blight fall on Charleston only, but
on all the State; while our taxes increased seven
fold, and the heat of the present agitation cooling
of, our very leaders, if they should prove too proud
TO be found knocking at the door Of the Union for
admission, shall join the many thous ands Of our
poverty stricken people in their fight from their
ruined homes to more favored parts. Can patriot
ism demand the sacrifice? Patriotism demand the
sacrifice Of the State No, never
Let ms, then, fellow citizens, review our ground.
II convention wo must have, let il not be a con-
vention Of boys and half made men, but of the wise
and sober minded. There il no battle to be fought
for glory by secession, but fearful struggle with
poverty and high taxes, hard times, without hope
OF Improvement, and great and sore humiliation.
And may G cd grant us dcvcrance.
WILLIAM CAPERs,
CHARLESTON, Feb. 6, 1851,