The republic., 1851-03-15
From th< New Orleans Picayuns.
The Prcsident's Message.
SEQUEL TO THE rosror ISsunnrcrro


Tho Presidents message upon the Boston out
rage, bis proclamation, the orders of the War and
Navy Departments, the afidavits Of the United
States marshal and such details Of the transac ton
~ have appeared in the Boston papers, are before
our readers. They furnish data upon which sub
stantial opinions may be formed of the origin pro-
gress and success Of the combination to resist the
execution Of the law; whilst they exhibit the purpose
OF the President to maintain the authority Of the
Constitution and Of Congress, and the means at his
command to give effect TO this determination.
We shall not be far from the true state of the
facts five adopt the language of the message in re-
lation to them. The President says:
81 regard this iagitious proceeding as being
surprise not unattended by some degree Of neg-
lencc had been apprehended, thousands of the good
citizens OF Boston would have presented themselves
voluntarily and promptly, TO prevent il; but the
danger does not seem to have been timely made
known. or duly appreciated by those who were con-
ccrned In the execution Of the process."
1t would seem that the principal fault is with the
United Statos marshal, his deputies, who either
did not appreciate the danger of rescue, or, ap-
preciating it, did not give timely warning to the
citizens, or make duo preparation to meet it. It
matters little whether the mob triu,nphsd through
the want of nerve or loyalty to his
official obligations the part of the marshal, the
result proclaims him unfit for his post, and the
Government will be responsible for any future dis
grace which his failure to execute the law may
bring upon the country. The magnitude of the
issues which tho Compromise measures were do
signed to settle forever, exacts of the Admnstra-
ton the sternest action in enforcing them, and the
grnvest caution in selecting proper officers for that
purpose. The exigency which commands the ex-
tremsst means of the Government admits of no
lukewarmness. negligence, or indiscretion in its
subordinates.
That the rescue was a surprise upon the people
of Boston is not only inferable from the compost
ton of the mob, but the contradictory afdavits of
the United States and municipal officers show that
public sentiment in that city has been outraged by
this disgracefu proceeding. Were it not SO, these
officers would not be anxious to shift from their
own shoulders the weight Of indignation which
the transaction has excited. The people of Boston
seem to regard themselves having been impli
Gated in an insurrectionary outbreak through the
remissness of public officers; and it is due to them
as we'll to the violated law, that they be long,
or exposed to this kind ofvicarious disgrace.
We have endeavored to ascertain the feeling
which this lawless transaction gave rise to where
it transpired. We are not of those who regard
public disturbances the fulfilment of prophe ic
inspirations. We look to the Union of these
fore indisposed to seize upon an instance of sue
cessful combination against the law, however
fagitious, as proof conclusive Of corrupt pub
lie opinion. It has been said that the Fugi-
tive Slave law could not be executed in the
North that popular prejudice would defeat its
operation there in view Of these predictions, the
effect produced upon the people, by = successful
combination against the law, is almost of equal
importance with the law itself. Without admit.
ting that the infatuation Of any State can re-
sist law Of Congress, yet if this 80, we can
nothing in the action of the people of Boston,
of their representatives, to support the gloomy
Vaccinations which accompanied the passage of
the Compromise bills. So far as we can Judge
from the tenor Of the press, the resolutions Of the
municipal council, and the conduct of citizens in
volunteering aid to the authorities the people of
Boston regard the rescue rs disgrace, which
blackens and begrimes the escucheon of their city
We have heretofore published the sections of the
act of 1875, and the act of 1907, which authorize
the President to employ the militia, the army and
the navy, in reprcssing insurrections and insuring
the execution of tho law These laws, and the pro-
visions Of the Constitution requiring the President
to them faithfully executed, and making him
commander-in- chief Of the army and navy, are
deemed sufficient for the crisis, the provso where
BY it 10 made his duty to issue proclamation be-
fore calling on the militia il repealed. In this
connexion it is gratifying to observe that the
President regards the law of Massachusetts, re-
fusing the use Of her jails in confning fugitive
slaves, and prohibiting the officers of the Common
wealth from assisting in recapturing such fugitives
merely in the light of an embarrassment and tend
ing to render the execution of the law expen-
sive. They by no means impair tho obligations
on the authority Of Congress to carry out the plain
and imperative constitutional provision for the de-
livery of persons bound TO labor in one State, and
escaping into another, to the party to whom such
labor may be DUE" This is the true doctrine.
The sovereignty of Massachusetts,, and the laws OF
that State are dust and ashes in far they af-
feet the power and supremacy of Congress over
this subject. They may embarrass the action of
the Governments for time, and add to the expenses
of administration, but the Federal sovereignty has
means of its own apart from, and in opposition, if
need be, to the State government, to carry the law
into cffect-means embracing the moral and ply
sica forces of the nation the patriotic instincts Of
the people and the coercion Of the bayonet. We
take tho word of President when we say these
means, N far as required, will be used.
We would warn our readers against the
which will be made Of this dsgraccful business, in
rekindling sectional animosities. The debate which
occurred in the Senate of the United States, upon
the transmission Of the Presidents message. rem
ders this admonition the more necessary. Neither
the promptitude of the Administration in bringing
tho military power to the assistance Of the civil
gistrate, the solemn of the President
that in 30 far as it depends upon him, the laws
will be enforced, pacify convince the ultras
upon either side Of Mason and Dixon q line They
will give no time for the salutary influences of
law, or the wholesome instruction of experience.
They omit no opportunity Of tanning the flames of
civil discord, which at time threatened to con-
sumo the fabric Of civil liberty. They are the off
spring Of convulsion. Agitation is the breath of
their nostrils. They thrive upon the disorders of
which societies perish. They will permit neither
peace, nor rest, confidence to revisit this land
whilst they find an echo to their disorganizng de-
In the harmonics of communities, uni
ted by tics Of kindred and rejoicing in common
purpose, they would hear the requiem of their am