The southern press., 1851-03-31

templxted the recognition u California ~ .
State, and some provided for similar arrange
ment for New Mexico. In none was there q
recognition Of the equality OF the citizens Of the
Htates in the territories Of the Union, nor were
the doubts and embarrassments solved which
encoan passed the claims Of the Southern people.
The certain subjecton Of the territories acquired
from Mexico. to the command Of free-sou intu-
ence, was the result Of the adoption OF any OF
these Some of the principles for which Mr.
Calhoun had struggled most earnestly were oy-
erturned by the recognition of California. These
had been expounded many years ago in the de-
bate on the admission Of Michigan, and had
formed the ground on which the cabinet Of MIR.
Tyler acted, during the difficulties in Rhode
Island. Mr. Calhoun considered the acts Of the
inhabitants Of California in establishing State
government, and Of the Executive Department
of this government, in abetting and sanctioning
their, to have been illegal and revolutionary.
On the 4th of March Inst, the speech of Mr..
Calhoun on the policy which the government
should pursue, was read in the Senate. II con-
tains plain, distinct, and vivid portrait of the
perils that environ tho country from the over
bearing and intoerant policy Of the Northern to-
wards the Southern States, upon the subject of
slavery: The rise and progress Of this danger
both sections of the confederacy, and the weight
of the obligations which rest upon those who
now exercise an influence upon public opinion,
to interpose for its removal were made manifest
The following extract will exhibit the conclu-
sions to which he came
Having now shown" he says" what cannot
save the Union, return to the question with
which commenccd-How can the Union be
saved? There is but one way by which it can
with any certainty, and that is by full and final
settlement on this principle Of justice Of all The
questions at issue between the two sections
The South asks for justice, simple justice, and
less she ought not to take. She has no COM
promise to offer but the Constitution; and no
concession or surrender to make. She has al-
ready surrendered SO much, that she has little
left to surrender Such settlement would 90
to the root Of the evil, and remove all cause Of
discomfort BY satisfying the South, she would
remain honorably and safely in the Union, and
thereby restore the harmony and fraternal feel
ings between the sections, which existed anterior
to the Missouri agitation. Nothing else can
with any certainty, finally and forever settle the
question at issue, terminate agitation, and save
the Union. But can this be done? Yes,
easily,--not by the weaker party, for it can of
itself do nothing, not even protect itsclf--but
by the stronger. The North has only to will it
to accomplishit. TO do justice by conceding to
the South an equal right in the acquired terrific
ry, and to do her duty by causing the stpula
tions relative to fugitive slaves to be faithfully
fuliled--to cease the agitation of the slave
question, and to provide for the insertion Of a
provision in the Constitution--an amendment,
which will restore in substance the power she
possessed of protecting herself, before the equi-
librium between the sections was destroyed by
the action of this government. There will be no
difficulty in devising such a provision-one that
will protect the South, and which at the same
time will improve and strengthen the govern
ment, instead of impairng and weakening it.
But will the North agree to this 1t is for her
to answer this question. But will say, she
cannot refuse, ii she has half the love for the
Union which she processes to have, or without
Justly exposing herself to the charge, that her
love of power and ACKNOWLEDGEMENT is far greater
than her love Of the Union"
1t is quite apparent that Mr.. Calhoun designed
to explain at length the grounds of his conclu-
sion, that new arrangement of the powers of
this confederacy was called for by the new con
ditions of its organization and structure. He
did not live to communicate the terms of the
amendment to the Constitution he thought ne
writings can easily CLEAN from them the prnci
pies on which it would have been formed In
his letter to the governor of South Carolina in
1881, he says 1T is acknowledged on all
Sides that the duration and stability of our sys-
tenn depend on maintaining the equilibrium be-
tween the States and the general government
the reserved and delegated powers. We know
that the convention which framed the Constitu-
ton, and the various State conventions which
adopted it, as far as we are informed of their
proceedings, felt the deepest solictude on this
point. They saw and felt there would be an in
cessant conflict between them, which would
menace the existence of the system itself unless
properly guarded. The contests between the
States and the federal government-the re-
served and delegated rights. will in truth be n
conflict between the great predominant interests
of the Union; on one side, directing and con-
trolling the movements of government, Nd
seeking to enlarge the delegated powers, and
thereby advance their power and prosperity
and on the other, the minor interests, rallying
on the reserved powers, as the only means Of
protecting themselves against the encroachment
and oppression of the other"
He then Analyses the mode by which this
equilibrium was TO be maintained: 1t consist
ed in the power Of the States to interpose and
arrest tae enforcement Of an unconstitutional
proceeding or act of the federal government, and
thus to compel it to appeal to a convention of
the States for an additional grant of power to
justify the continuance Of such measures
He expresses the same thought with charac-
teristic felicity and power, in his speech in de-
fence of the Constitution in 1871, upon the bill
to destroy the veto power of the Executive.
He asks, after analyzing the ordinary action of
the government, if there is anywhere in the sys-
TEN, more full and perfect expression of the
voice of the people of the States, calculated to
counteract this tendency to the concentration Of
all the powers of government in the numerical
majority, resulting from the partial and imper-
feet expression Of their voice through its or
gans? Yes, fortunately, doubly fortunately,
there is not only full and perfect expression,
but more full and perfect expression, to be
found in the Constitution, acknowledged by all
to- be the fundamental and supreme law of the
land. 1t is full and perfect, because it is the ex-
preston Of the voice Of each State, adopted
by the seperate assent Of each, by ITSELF and for
itself; and is now the voice Of ALL by benghhnt
of each component part, united and blended