Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1851-01-17
From the Raleigh Standard.
4. Letter from Hon. Abram Rencher.

cent visit to Boston with view TO Feealh MS es-
caped slaves This letter was read by Gen. Saun-
ders in the Commons, on Thursday last in the
of his remarks the Slavery question and is here
published for general information 1t speaks for it
self
Mr. Rencher is we'll known to the people of the
State as gentleman of sound Judgment and eminent
ability and what he may say upon eny subject is en-
titled to attention and respect. Tins letters the re-
suit of Mr. Rencher's personal observations and
experience and it contains facts which must address
themselves, in the strongest manner, to the Judg-
ment and feelings of every Southern man.
PIrTsBoRoUGH, December 5th, 1850.
My DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 25th ultimo
making certain inquiries to the result OF my re-
cent visit to Boston, in quest of slaves who escaped
from my service during my absence in Europe, has
been received and regret that have not been able
to make to it an earlier reply.
AS member of the House of Commons. and of a
Select Committee on the subject of Negro Slavery,
you desire to know, 1st, whether succeeded in eec
ting recovery of my slaves; and secondly what
was my opinion from the result of my observations
as to the probable execution in good faith, of the
Fugitive Slave Bill in the non-slavehoding States.
To your first question, whether I was able to eff
feet recovery of the slaves sought, have to re-
ply in the negative. | ascertained that they had
been in Boston from the period of their escape in
1916, until within short time before my arrival,
when they either sought another retreat were SO
concealed that could not find them with the limi-
ted means which was able to bring to my assis-
lance From the commencement | was not very
sanguine of success. l had good reason to believe
that public sentiment In most of the nonsaveholding
States, and especially in Massachusetts,, opposed
to the execution of that provision of the Constitution
which was intended to secure to the rendition Of
our fugitive slaves We had seen the State laws on
this subject either repealed or totally disregarded in
most of those States; and even the Fugitive Slave
Bill which nothing but fair execution of the
Constitution, and which therefore, had right to
demand but which we were driven to the humilia-
ting condition of purchasing at so high price, re-
ceived the support of only thirty members from the
free State and of that number only three from what
may be termed the dominant party of the North and
upon which mainly depended for the present at least
the execution of the law. These things too clearly
indicated the prevailing sentiment OF the Northern
people upon this subject and forbid that any
dertaking the re-capture of fugitive slaves in the
North, should be very sanguine OF success.
But the law had been passed under the most SOL
emn circumstances, and such as ought TO address
themselves most powerfully to the friends of the
Constitution and of the Union for its faithful
ton. The power too with which the President is
clothed, to that the laws be faithfully executed
would, if properly employed, do much to correct the
errors of popular sentiment, and put down fanatica
agitation | was, therefore, not without hope of sue
cess and felt it due to myself as we'll to the pub
lie that should make the effort 1t is important to
the South that should know at once, whether the
tenure by which we hold our property and rights is
under the Constitution, by "a poarer higher than
me COnS{UUtO1n.' regret. therefore. tnaG cOulu
not test 1t in my but in the absence of such
test, have for believing, if had found
my slaves in Boston, that should have been more
successful than the unfortunate Georgians,
whose only crime that of seeking their cOnsti
tutional rights in constitutional and lawful way in
the midst of a community who wish to be consider
ed, par excellence the friends of law and the Const
tuition.
Judging therefore from the result ofmy own obser-
vations while at the North as we'll as from popular
OLE md hOth md
religious cannot doubt as to what is public opn-
ion in the North relative to the Fugitive Slave Bill.
Public opinion is against it, There is everywhere a
large and respectable party who insist upon its
standing are for its repeal for seeh naodiioo-
tion shall deprive it of all efficiency, and render it
useless to thus far the fugitive slave law has
been failure. 1t has rather increased than allay-
ed agitation. Whether it shall hereafter command
more respect and consideration from the people of
the North, and be executed by them in good faith,
must depend upon the operation of two more eau
ses To some extent it will depend upon the action
and influence OF the powers exercised by the Presl-
dent of the United States. Thus far the people of
the South have cause to complain of him. His du-
ty to them under the Constitution, required of
frankness and energy in the execution of law vi
tally important to them Upon my arrival in Bos-
ton, and before it ascertained that my slaves
not there the Marshall stated the difficulty and
danger of making arrest He anticipated mob.
He expected no aid from the Police-none from the
State authorities They had been forbidden by law
from giving any aid whatever in the re-capture or
retention of fugitive slaves. The keepers of their
prisons not allowed, under heavy penalties. to
receive them. Under these circumstances he wrote
to the Executive at Washington, asking authority to
employ the ships the harbor of Boston for the safe
keeping of fugiues, if it should be necessary: and to
employ the United States military force stationed at
Boston to resist any forcible combination that might
be offered to the execution of the law Such an auth
orty under the circumstances appeared both neces-
sary and proper. Public meetings had been held in
Boston and other places in which the law had been
denounced, resistance to It's execution threatened,
and the negroes exhorted to arm themselves and
make their owners and the officers the first victims.
Yet the President thought proper to withhold this
necessary authority. He wished to defer the employ
ment of military force until after rescue had been
made, in which both the owner and Marshal might
have lost their lives at the hands of mob No won
der therefore, the Marshall could not be induced to
execute process upon Crafts and wife, although they
were in open defence of his authority for more than
three weeks. Yet the President processes to have
confidence in the local authorities and to rely upon
them for the execution of the law although he must
know that the local authorities both in Boston and
other places, are in combination with the Abolition
list to defeat the law either by forcbe resistance to
its execution by the Fabian policy of defeating
by delay It is manifest that if the execution of the
law is made to depend upon the local authorities
aided by the power and influence of the Federal Ex-
ecutive it must fail and yet the President merely
gives it kind and encouraging word in repor-
ted private conversation, or in letter from Clerk
in the State Department, written as by authority
He cannot see the urgent necessity for the emf
ployment of military force appeared to hin,
cessary and proper in the of weak and defence
less though sovereign State of the Union.
| But though the power and influence of the Execu
tive could do much to arrest the current of fanatca