The southern press., 1851-05-28

other II has been abolishe, having never been
prevalent 1t is most evident, from this great
historical fact, that theContinental Congress in
tended to equalize the territorial or geographi-
cal extent of the two institutions, within the
then existing limits of the United States. And
if the convention that formed the Constitution
so soon afterwards, intended otherwise, if they
intended that one class of slaves should be in
creased, and not the other why did they not
say so?
We know there were men in the convention
Northern and Southern, opposed to slavery. We
rely on that fact as decisive. For if it had been
practicable to procure the adoption of an anti
slavery clause in the Constitution it would have
been done: If there had been any chance for
such clause, the attempt in its favor would
have been made. Thatthe attempt even was not
made, is conclusive evidence that the object of
such an attempt was not the object of the Con-
stitution
Mr.. WEBSTER recites passage from his
speech against the annexation of Texas declar-
ing that when new States propose to come into
the Union, it is the right of the existing mem
bers to prescribe conditionfhis asserting the
right of the North to reject On account Of slave
ry. And he applies this doctrine to territory
already in the Union. But he excuses himself
for not imposing the Wilmot Proviso, or anti
slavery restriction, on Utah and New Mexico,
because slavery had no chance of going there
because, therefore, such a clause would have
been needless insult and irritation to the South
and because the passage of the Texas bound
airy bill was necessary to prevent civil war. In
all this Mr.. WEBSTER asserts the rightfulness
and constitutionality of the Wilmot Proviso-
and justifes its application yet to those terrific
res, or a refusal to admit them with slavery, as
States. Such is the Cabinet construction of the
compromise measures. Well, Northern faith is
destined to become as historically famous as
Punic faith: and the very name of Compromise
we are afraid will hereafter become synony.
nous with fraud, hypocrisy and outrage.
Both Mr.. WEBsTERs reprobation of slavery
in the States, as a moral and political evil, and
his lament that Congress has no power over il
there, deserve moments attention. The
power over slavery without the States, which
Mr.. WEBSTER asserts, is power over slavery
in the States. If slavery can be confined i'm
prisoned, surrounded, taxed, lamented, and de.
nounced, it may and must be destroyed. The
natural increase of slaves, without any increase
of area, is fatal If such is the policy of g thi:
glorious Union'-if such be the design of it,
champions and expounders-of that class of the
ruling section most liberal, and tolerant, anG
natioual-then it is for the victim to decide
whether she will conseut TO be thus pinioned
that the fires of fanaticism and bigotry may en-
circle her. As for the affectation or the deu
sion, that slavery in our system is moral or
political evil, it has no excuse, except in thu
dream Of universal equality which kindled the
French revolution, and was extinguished by it.
except inthe newspaper statistics and specula
tons concerning Southern numerical, financial
and moral decline, which the returns of the Cen
sus have annihilated.
The only evidence Of Southern decline is tn,
apathy and infatuation in which the South re
poses, when her safety, rights, power, and homo
are compromised.