The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-11-11

that the Law OF the 3lst OF May Will be repealed ana
perhaps by as large majority that by which IL
was originally passed, 10 the apparent impossibihty
of its execution. suppoSing it to remain upon the
statute book IL excludes three million citizens.
and to prevent these from voting, in ihe face
of the law, the concurrence of the President and
the army is necessary. Will the President, who
would be called upon to sign the Assembly orders
10 the army to use ball and bayonet against any
such attempt, consent TO signS His present stand
seems to render veto inevitable. But suppose he
did, would the army obeys What is the army, in
the fret placer Though hhe all European armies,
it prone to follow ts leaders blindly, and to hight,
without knowing why or wherefore, against a for
eign enemy, l cannot believe it can be relied on
TO enforce the law of the 3lst of May. The army
belongs to the nation, and to the law that conn
mands in the name of the nation This particular
law commands in no ones name, and the army
lie as divided in opinion in regard to il as the peo
| pie at large. II ordered to execute this law, ID
would split into as many parties and factions as
| now separate the citizens And these factions
would be more dangerous than any other, they
| are armed, trained, and equipped. The Assembly
will not dare TO leave the law in force. The first
attempt TO execute it. in case the President main
tains his ground against it, will be followed by dis
nstrous results That the law will be repealed is
the almost universal belief.
Inc Journals OF ordeT, ana, moro SohSP'NoouSiy
than ALL the ConstituGonnei, continues to find mat
ter for burlesque in the proceedings and sNceches
of Kossuth. The most salient point in his progress
has been remarked by those inclined to look
upon him with favor; that lie, the different tone of
his Marsees letter and his first address at South
ampton. quote passage from the DebGts, which
is the mildest specimen out of many that might be
extracted from the journals OF day:
"Our lucky neighbors across the channel al
ways in want of ID lion; they have got possession
for the moment of the great Magyar chief after
which, they will return to some Chinese junk or
other equally instructive rarity.
awe bear not the slightest il-wil towards Mr..
Kossuth. We congratulate him and his sincerely
upon being free, and it is for him especially that
we regret the extravagances that he made to
commit at Marseilles We were that he
would be the first to be embarrassed by it, and the
\ language he held at Southampton already proves
H. From yesterdays discourse to the Marseillaise,
of fortnight ago. the distance is great MIR. Kos
suih has already laid aside the apocalyptic styles
with which he commenced with the universal de
mocracy; he is no longer 'like nature before a
| storm;' it that meant for Marseillcs
| only. He has disembarked in the midst of COM
Portable citizens, who think highly of property and
ofhe family tie, in the country of people who have
great respect for The crown and the two chambers,
and in city where patriotic banquets cost forty
| francs a head. Mr.. Kossuth, therefore, judged
| prudent to descend from his stills to drink the
! health of her ma esy the Queen Of Great Britain,
and to make grand speech upon the excellence of
municipal institutions.
| Chow will THE democrats Of Europe harmonize
the Marseilles letter and The southampton addresse
The fact is, Kossuth and the universal democrats
arc playing at this moment game in which both
gulIed. II requires real effort OF the inaginn-
| ticn to make OF the Magyar chief represent
| alive of the democratic principle He ia much
more u constitutional aristocrat after the English
manner, than equaliziDg, fraternizing democrat,
after the French; and, in making him write his
absurd epstle to the Marseillaise, the European
olutionists have been quilting him; just as, in try
ing to make the feudal war of Hungary pass for
democratic and social war, they are quilting the
public"
Another journal asks what the Americans will
think of his address, in which he ascribes his dev
erance to the sole intervention Of England; and in
which he declares the fast anchored island to be
the most glorious spot on the face of the globe,
without word upon the country whose ship had
been sent to bring him from captivity, and to which
he was soon to emigrate with his family and fell
low exiles am astonshed to find the general ten
dcncy of public opinion to be unfavorable to Koa-
suth. The Americans are, perhaps, the most in
clined to Judge him harehly, but always express
regret that on a nearer view the hero seems to-
dwindle What regretable illusion it would be
should the great Hungarian prove to be unworthy
of the sympathy and respect with which he is
t~-dsd, which MS msiortuncs really entitIe
him.
At the time of the famous race between the Anne
RIGA and the vessels of the yacht club at Cowes
of the influential French journals made the
most remote alluson to it; they neither announced
the match as pending, nor did they chronicle the
result when known. 1t is rather singular now,
therefore, to the Debafs translating full col
umn from the speeches of Messrs. Stevens and
Hamilton at the Aston House dinner. That journal
has been defending the English jurics from the
charge ofpustice and Partially in their awards of
medals at the Crystal Palace, preferred by the
Constitutional and other Paris papers. 1t quotes
the language of the two gentlemen referred to as
evincing honorable and praiseworthy feeling, and
proposes it model for imitation here when
speaking writing of the distribution Of the
prizes.
The Arenement has spicy article on the minis
terial crisis, which is perhaps better worth trans
lating than the thousand and one rumors upon the
subject. 1t is needless to premise that the
journal in question is republican, and thoroughly
anti Bonapartst:
'.What is it that delays the apparition of the
new ministry? II Ia not the difficulty of finding
eminent for it is precisely those that the Pre-
sident avoids.
an. Louis Bonaparte has never been anxious to
compose illuarious cabinet On the contrary
his constant desire is TO surround himself with
doubtful capacities and obscure names, from whom
his own individuality may stand out in bold
lief The policy of M Bonaparte may be stated
in one word he wants to be seen.
"He has the pride, perhaps, of not wishing TO di-
vide with any one the merit of his acts; but ne has
at the same time considerable courage, for tho
merit of an act is always debatabe matter, as,
though some may glorify the act, others may con-
denim it,
Gle Pays seemed to believe for moment that
the President might apply to Nj. Lamartne. Gre
duous Pays! M. dc Lamartine entering upon
bis duties with the repeal of the law of the 3lst of
May, whom would the people have had to thank
for the restitution of universal suffrage? Would
M Bonaparte have the modesty to hide himself
behind great name, in order to effect the only
popular measure realized during his Presidency
No; neither M. de Lamartinc, any man of &C
MUS, nor any man Of talent, will be of the fu
ture minister's especially ut this moment, when
there is something to be done, and some honor TO
be gained. We predict, without fearing that the
result will belle us, that the cabinet viii be com
posed of clerks, OF nullites, of appearances, of
semblances. M Bonaparte will realize his ideal of
having eight ministers, end of being all alone.
"Threc or four Boujeaus, thanked by as many
Magues, and headed by some Pareu or other-such
will be the cabinet that the Monfem will announce
some fine morning to expectant France and Europe.