Southern standard. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1851-1856, 1851-07-26
Speech of Senator Chase.

The following extract should be read and pom
dered over by Southern men.
1t is claimed that these compromise measures
were settlement of the Slavery question. This
is mere mockery. Every man who has an eye to
see or an ear to hear, knows that the question is
not settled 1t is more unsettled than ever. The
fugitive slave bill has thrown into the eaudron of
controversy new elements, and applied to it ferc-
er flames. 1t degrades the State soyereigntles; 1t
makes every mans personal freedom insecure; 1t
sends its marshals and deputy marshals among us
to seize any man who may be claimed as fugitive
from service 1t clothes It's irresponsible commis-
sioners with powers to enforce that claim without
affording any adequate opportunity OF defence to
its victim. How idle, and worse than IDLE IT. 10
tell us that the question Is settled, When those
who tell US so only mean it will be settled, II
free people will acquesce III the provisions oil laws
like this.
Doubtless, fellow citizens, doubtless, this cues
ton of slavery must be settled. Butte make any
settlement, final and permanent, it must be found
ed on principles Just in themselves, and derived
from the nature of governments and States; not
upon the imaginary equivalents OF bargain be-
tween slavery and freedom 1t must be effected
not only by legislative amendments or additions to
the constitution, but by adherence to its primo
PIES In view of the constitution, slavery Is a
mere State concern. It depends wholly dpon
State laws for its existence and continuance BY
the Constitution the geaeral government is forbid
den to deprive ANY ''person of life, liberty or prop
erty, w1tnout duo process of law Al power to
authorize or sustain slavery, is thus carefully with
held from the national government. These SIM
pie facts indicate the principles upnn which final
and permanent settlement can beettected. There
must be no slavery without STATE limits and within
exclusive national Jurisdiction and no legislation
by Congress for the extradihon of fugitiyes from
service. Within State lirpts, slavery must be left
to the disposition of STATE legislation. When
these simple and obvious princ pies shall be recog
missed and applied, the slavery question will be set
tied. The whole subject of slavery and the extra
dition of fugitives, will be left where the constitu-
ton left it-with the States. The general govern
ment will maintain the natural rights of every per-
son within its exclusive jurisdiction, and take
charge only of matters of General concern that
the constitution has confded to its care This, 1
repeat is, IN my judgment, the only practicable
settlement of the slavery question in conformity
with the principles of the constitution.
There is, indeed, another mode of settlement,
which would also be final. | mean emancipation
by the authority of the general government, cou-
pied with compensation to masters and perhaps
expatrlatlon and colonization. This would involve
the assumption of undelegated power by Congress
the creation of an enormous national debt-the
perpetuatlon ofoppressve tariff and credit svstens
and can therefore, meet the appreciation of no
manto whom the principles of Democracy are
dear.
The constitutional settlements to which l have
adverted, would not of course, secure the perma-
nent continuance of slavery On the contrary
its final extinction would be effected through
State legislation as speedily upon the other plan
through national legislation. The plan ofemanci
patton and colonization will doubtless be the plar
of capital and conservatism. The plan of res
friction within State limits and leaving the whole
subject to State disposition, is the plan upon which
our fathers intended that the final extinction of
should be accomplished 1t is the plan of the con
stitution and democracy. Upon the former plan
the extinction of slavery will be burdened with
enormous debt, suffer all the evils which tariff
systems and banking systems-the offspring O
debt-brlng in their train. Upon the latter plar
the same great bject will be accomplished, peace
fully, constitutonally, by the voluntary action o
several States without the imposition of any extra
burdens upon labor
1t is vain to think of suppressing agitation un
til final settlement shall be effected upon one o.
the other of these plans, 1t is Gods will that al
men shall be free. Mans will, must conform tt
Gods will. You may as well attempt to arres
Niagara as it thunders in its fall, to attempt t.
arrest the current of opinion. You may as vel
attempt to arrest the sun, he descends from the
horizon to the zenith as to arrest human progress
to its destined contamination in equality and hap.
piness incompatible with slavery.
Inc departure OF the government from the
principles of the constitution, in it's action upon
slavery has given rise to great diversity opinion
in relation to the merits of slavery itself There
are those who once condemned the institution, who
now justify it on principle These assert that
States in which slavery exists enjoy the best form
of society; that slavery is the happest relation Of
labor to capital, and the most stable foundation to
free institutions. lately read an article in the
Southern Press, the organ of the Southern Rights
Party IN Washington, which stated that Jefferson
and other statesmen of this day, did, indeed, in.
dulge the expectation of the advent of period
when equality and justice, virtue and truth should
prevail among men. But this bright dream said
the writer, ''is more" Is this indeed so Is
this the final result to which the political philoso
ply slavery conducts us Were our fathers Wis
ionary dreamers when they pledged their lives
their liberty, and their sacred honor to the vindi
cation of equal rights, and of the doctrine that
governments are instituted among men to main
tain and defend them? Did Washington indulge
dream-a bright dream which would vanish up
on awaking-when he led our fathers to the battles
of the revolution and fortified SO many fields with
the blood of the martyrs of liberty? Were they
bleeding, fighting, dying for independence the
victims OF haliueinatioR, illusion: dream? Up
on you, men of North western Ohio it rests to vim
dictate their memory from this reproach
There are others who recognise slavery as an
evil, but regard it necessary eyil-as part of
what they call the great system of serVitude to be
mitigated as far as may be, without disturbance
of any existing interests; but to be endured and
tolerated, rather than such disturbance Such is
the idea of capital, of money, of conservatism. -
1t Will never grapple with the great evil with any
resolute purpose of oyercomngi it.
Thero 9TH all