The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-03-27
For the National Era.
TIE TWO WOVEN ENTS.

The beginning of strife is as when one letteth
out water-therefore leave off contention before
il be meddled with. " hen our revolutionary
struggle had happily terminated, and the founda-
lions of our Federal Government were being laid,
the existence fsavery in some of the States pre-
scented a difficulty and produced some aterca-
ton. To have settled the question then and for
ever would have been comparatively easy, by
permitting such States M would not come into
the Union on the basis Of freedom to do for them
selves rs best they could The number with
drawing in such an alternative would doubtless
have been small. The time was propitious. The
fire of 'sevcnty-six yet burned in many hearts
But to dismember the family by whose united
effort the British yoke had been broken seemed
to many unwse and hazardous, if not suicidal
and hence II was deemed necessary, in founding
this free Government, to quiet the agitation by
making some concession to slavery. This they
did, first, by granting that three ffths Of the
slaves should be taken into the account in making
out the ratio Of Federal representation and, Sec
ond, by inserting in the Constitution the famous
clause which defines the duty ofthe several States
respecting fugitives from service or labor. BY
making these concessions they meddled with
contention when they should have left il off, by
wisely letting go its cause. They dropped into
the Federal soil seed which has taken root
dOwnwards and is bearing fruit upwards They
u
now greatly troubles us These concessions, it is
true, allayed the tempest for time, and the
friends of freedom in their simplicity imagined
that the barriers thrown around slavery would
prevent its spreading and thus render it compar-
atively harmless. But they left crevice in the
dam, which has been gradually widening and the
waters of slavery, issuing thence like Ezekieps
river, have become waters TO swim in, a river
that cannot be forded-nay, the whole country is
md ,a,I al; a.
in every timber, is like to 20 to pieces in the
MaelstrOm Of contention
BY the enactments of last session of which the
Fugitive Slave law-hcetiously styled, here, the
vermifuge bills the masterpiece slavery has
broken through all the barriers which our wise
and liberty-lovng fathers of the Revolution
placed in it's way, and where its proud rage shall
be stayed God only knows In the mean time,
let every lover of freedom, every well-wisher Of
his country, buckle on his armor for the combat
and play the man for liberty. Two parties are
already in the field, TO one or other Of which
every citizen must sooner or later attach himself
The Slavery party is seeking to gain popular IA
Vor and advance its cause by assuming the name
of Unionist as though the safety, prosperity, and
perpetuity Of the Union, were the object Of the
Confederacy whilst to the party OF Freedom
they give the name of Disuniouist for the pur-
pose Of exciting against it public odum, as though
the Acknowledgement Of this Commonwealth was
the object Of its desire and at least secretly aimed
at. Yet nothing is more false.
The object OF the one party is the extension and
perpetuation Of slavery that Of the other, 10 re-
strict and limit it by all righteous and consitu-
uons means To the former therefore thu name
OF Slavery, and to the latter that Of Liberty party
appropriately belongs
This scheme Of the Slavery party to gain for
themselves public favor and cast odium on their
opponents betrays in its leading members sense
both OF the weakness and wickedness Of their
cause Truth is mighty and seeks no subterfuee,
but the prince of darkness must assume the attire
Of an angel OF light To form n correct estimate
Of these two movements, we must note well their
origin.
The party of Freedom had its rise among the
people, stimulated by the convictions of conscience
and the better principles Of the human heart
the spontaneous product Of mans natural love Of
liberty, famed into glowing heat by the Gospel
of Christ The Slavery party had It's origin
among the upper ten thousand, rich merchants and
manufacturers, members of Congress, & &c, prompt
ed by mercenary and selfish considerations. With
the former, II is religious principle-with the
latter, il is carnal policy. In calculating the
probabilities Of success, we must take into view
both the more immediate and the ultimate result
The struggle is not likely to end with one cam
psign, nor yet two or three we are engaged In q
PuHe mar protracted and desperate contest
The signs OF the times are at present In favor Of