The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-02-01

1898 for the pEotection Of Tie free black, an
the decision Of the Supreme Court, ovsrturnin
the State laws providing the trial by jury, an
then lays down this Peinciple
The grand principle to be laid down IL, tina
It u in6nitely more important to preserve fire
citiz' n from being made slave, than TO SEN
back fugitive slave to his ctnn This idea
to rule over aud determine all the Legislation
on the subject Let the fugitive be Delivers
up, but by such processes as will prevent a free
man from being delivered up also. For thi
end, full provision must be made. On this point
the Consultation, and a still higher law, that 0
nature and God, speak the same language, ant
we must insist that these high authorities shal
be reyered."
After discussing the Constitution and tn,
higher law, he concludes:
"A trial by jury ought to be granted to thu
suspected fugitive, us being the most effectua
provision for inn0cencs = known TO our laws"
I He proceeds to consider
"Ihe strict construction which should be giver
to those parts Of the Constitution under which
the General Government has been led to take
slav ry into its protection, in its intercourse
with foreign nations. This agency is believed
to be wholly without warrant; and II threatens
so to extend itself, and to disturb so much oul
relations with foreign States, that we are bounC
not only by considerations of morality but Of
our essential interests, TO reduce il within thu
precise limits of the Constitution To insist OF
groundless, unreasonable claims, is an unwar
rantable abuse of power; and to put in peril oul
national peace, by assertion of these is to VIC
late at once the national charter, and the higher
law Of universal justice and good will. The
grand principle to be adopted by the North il
this, that because certain States of this Unior
see fit to pronounce certain human beings within
their territory to be property, foreign nations
are not bound to treat these persons AS property
when brought within their jurisdiction or con
sequence the national Government has no claim
on foreign governments, in regard to slaves car
ried beyond the limits of the South, in other
countries Nt0its 4 n
The sum Of these remarks is, that slavery is
not to be spoken Of as recognized, in any sense
whatever, by nations which disclaim it; that to
them it does not exist az right anywhere; that
in their own jurisdiction it csnnot exist as fact
and from these views it follows, that no nation
allowing or ordaining slavery within its limits
has right to demand any recognition Of it, in
any shape or degree beyond its own borders
To attempt to protect it, or to require protection
for it, in the ports of another country, is to set
w wv AHc'ey s'ouI"ic"o, Wv III HsquAlour
claim"
He enforces these rules, and then proceeds to
declare
"That the free States are bound to insist on
the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in
the District of Columbia The right to do so is
clear Slavery, in the District of Columbia, is
not Southern slavery. 1t has no local law 1t
is the slavery of the United States 1t belongs
equally to the free and the saveholding portion
Of the country. 1t is our institution, as truly
as if it were in the midst of US. We do not think
of the South. We see, within spot under our
jurisdiction, great wrong sustained by law
For this law we are responsible For all its
fruits, we must give account. We owe, then,
to God, to conscience, to recttude, our best
efforts for its abolition"
Arguments of similar character are address
| sed against the slave trade He then states the
changes needful in the Constitution:
"The free States should say, calmly but
| firmly, to the South: We cannot participate in
slavery. 1t is yours, wholly and exclusively Or
you, alone, the responsibility rests. You mus
maintain and defend it by your own arms. As
respects slavery, we are distinct communities
as truly as in respect to institutions for the sup
port of the poor, or for the education Of oul
| children. Your slavery is no national concern
/ The nation must know nothing of it, must dc
nothi g in reference to it. We will not touch
your slaves to free or restore them. Our pow
ers, in the State or National Governments, shall
not be used, to destroy or to uphold your pecu.
liar institutions. We only ask such modifica.
lions of the national charter as shall set us free
| from all obligations to uphold what We con.
! DENIM"
! Here is found the doctrine Of non-interven
ion,which some of the shallow and short-sightcc
| politicians, who hold seats in Congress from
the South, have discovered to be so useful il
covering their surrender Of the rights of thei
constituents As this is the conclusion to which
the Northern mind, in its highest development
has come, and which, alone, can reconcile it tt
the Union, and as this is the platform, which, W.
every one, we shall not do amss by presenting
distinctly the general grounds for it.
"The necessity for it," Dr. Claiming says
'arses from the fact Of the unwillngness of thu
North to participate in slavery. The love o
the Union has suppressed, as yet, the free utter
ance of this feeling but the restraints of pru
dence are continually giving way. Slavery vii
not, much longer have the floor of the Senate
| to itself, or rule the House with IN iron hand
The open advocates of human rights, AS yet
small, heroic band, will spring up as host Is il
not the part of wisdom to put an end to these
deadly feuds! Is the Union to become name
Is its Oh eff good, concord, to be given up il
despair! And must not concord be despairet
of, so long slavery shall enter into the discus
sions Of Congress"
He then proceeds to furnish arguments tC
the Southern States to give its consen:
"The Constitution, if not so modified, car
render little service to slavery. In this country
no law, no Constitution, can prevail against the
moral convictions of the people. There is q
feeling, in regard to slavery, spreading rapidly
which cannot be withstood. These are stronger
than parchments, statutes, or tribunals. 1t is
not fanatcism, fever but a calm, mora
religious persuasion-and whatever, in our in
situations, opposes this, will be dead letter.
| No violence is needed TO annul law, which the
moral feelings of free community condemn
The South, then, in admitting such changes of
the Constitution as are proposed, will make no
great sacrifice. Slavery must, at any rate, cease
| to look Northward for aid. Let it, then, consent
to retire within its own bounds. Let it not