The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-05-10

horse" used to invade the Constitution. Now,
the right of trial by jury" is the sentiment by
which anti-slaVery action is to be moulded and
directed. 1t matters not that neither right Is
found in the Constitution in connexion with, or
relating to, slavery or fugitiyes from service
The rights of conventional liberty may be per-
verted, as they have been, and used to strike al
the very palladium in which it is pretended they
are lodged. Religion itself sometimes serves
| to cloak the most nefarious purposes CRoM-
WELL fought the King in the name of the King.
The Union is being fought in the name OF the
Union. 1t has become "a masked battery
destructive of the rights it was established TO
protect And when the guardians OF popular
liberty pervert and misuse its watchwords to
attack the rights of others, under the plea OF be-
! slowing abstract liberty on a race too degraded
ever TO have achieved or maintained it, it POUNDS
their own destruction.
Our readers are aware that, in view OF the
greater outrages which the South has suffered
from the North, we do not attach the same i'm
portance to the notification of this law that
many do. We predicted it would be inopera-
tve--not from any inherent defect in itself, but
from want of loyalty in the people who were
to observe it, AS, however, many feel deeper
interest in its results, we shall continue to ex-
emplify the soundness of the North on this point,
as occasions shall occur. The efforts of the
ablest anti-savery leaders now seem directed to
restrain the "madness" of their adherents to such
methodical system as will best ensure their
| ends and aims.
Hon. Charles F. Adams Letter.
J. p. Blanchard, esq, on behalf Of The Committee.
BosToN, April 7, 1851.
Dear Sir For reasons unnecessary to be
detailed, deem it inexpedient to avail myself
of the kind AMI flattering invitation extended to
me by the committee for which YOU act, to at
tend and address the convention tomorrow.
| My opinion of the Fugitive slave law has been
already publicly expressed and what little share
| of influence | could exert against it, has been
exhausted | live in the hope that there are
among us many who are awakening to sense
of the necessity of declaring themselves, and in
their favor |, for one, will most cheerfully con-
sent to stand back.
J.
write word have little to add, however, to
the sentiments already expressed upon former
OCCASION; unless it be upon the line of policy
which the enemies of the law may determine to
adopt On this subject know there is some
difference of opinion among them, and that
many counsel course of violent resistance,
which will infallibly bring them into conflict
with the power of the national government.
With great Difference to the generous impulses
which prompt them, ] must nevertheless ven
ture so far to disagree with them as to say that
in my poor Judgment such action would be not
less impolitic than indefensible. The strong
sympathy with our cause now making itself
visible on every side, and needing but the repe-
tition of such a scene as we have just witnessed
here, to break over every remaining restraint, is
vet checked by prevailing want of confidence
in the judicions character of action,-a want Of
confidence, be it observed, which our active op-
ponets do every thing in their power to confirm
| from such evidence as we furnish. 1t thus hap
pens that many honest CONSCIENTIOUS people,
who agree with US in sentiment, are yet deter
red from saying so by the fear of being associ-
ated with persons they regard fanatics, vision
ary. and disposed to overturn all authority.
state the case frankly, and as firmly believe it
to be, without any desire to hurt the feelings Of
any one, but from a single sense Of duty to the
cause we all have at heart. The only way to
dispel these decisions is, in my Judgment 10
show by our steady and consistent action, that
they are such and to present such policy,
lcithin The recognized limits of the lalcS and Con
Sitution, as may furnish position for general
union of all our fellow-citizens who value the
great principles of liberty for which our fathers
contented
am not unaware of the objections that are
made among us to the adoption of what some
consider as a cold and timd system. Regular
opposition in legitimate channels seems 10 present
so distant prospect of success as 10 diShearten
jealous spirits naturally and u'yualy impatient
under this fyrdnnical curb. Whilst ! cannot
wonder at the feeling, of which confess en-
terrain a good share myself, my calmer judg-
ment convinces me that any indulgence of it at
this moment is but playing directly into the
hands of the opposite side. 1t rarely happens
in this world, that wrong, when conquered at all
is overcome in day, by mere momentary ply
steal force We need for our guidance qrite as
much of the wisdom of Ulysses as Of the fiery
valor of his impetuOus ally. Our aim under q
popular government should be TO secure the
hearty cooperation Of all honest and conscien.
tious men in purpose which they cordially ap-
prove as legitimate, and sustain as practicable.
Without them our labor is lost ] pray that We
may never lose sight Of the proper means 10 gain
their confidence.
j In rejecting upon the precise shape in which
we should present our case against the Fugitive
slave law, but single objection has occurred TO
the demand Of unconditional repeal, yet that is
a serious one | understand that repeal would
be construed as reviving the provisions of the
law of 1893, law quite as subversve Of the
principles of liberty as this, and only less
odious because il is less indignantly effective in
its details Yet, as choice between evils,
would gladly embrace that proposition, If Il were
, not that il would be regarded as settlement OF
the question, and that the free States wonld still
be subject to demands. upon them for the execu-
ton of the constitutional stipulatious II strikes
me that it is expedient to meet these, once for
ALL by proposition 10 place claims Of this kind
upon precisely the same footing with all other
legal demands; that is, TO subject them to the
examination Of legal tribunal, to the ordinary
laws Of evidence, and 10 the verdict Of twelve
good men and true. This seems to my judg.
{ ment the only mpregnabe position upon that