Richmond daily times. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1853, 1851-06-06
spEEcH OF THE HON. DANIEL WEBSTER


| CONCLUDED.
Now, let me say that this fugitive slave law has been
discussed considered and adjudoed in great many OF
the tribunals OF the country 1t has been The subject of
discussion before Judges OF the Supreme Court of the
United Statestfe subject of discussion before courts
the most respectable in The states. Everywhere-on
all occasions-and by al judges, it has been holden
| be, and pronounced to be, constitutional law So
| say Judges Mclean, Nelson, Woodbury. and all the
rest OF the judges, as far know on the bench ofhe
Supreme Court OF the United States. So says the
unanimous opinion of Massachusetts herself expressed
by as good court as ever sat in Massachuses-s
present Supreme Court-unantnously and without hes
itaon And so says every body eminent for learning,
| and constitutional law and good Judgment without on
position, without ntemxture OF dissent or difference
| ofludlcial opinion any where. And hope NAV be
INDUCED on this occasion, gentlemen, partly on &C
count OF high personal regard and partly for the ex-
cellence and ability of the production 10 refer YOU all
to recent very short opinion of Mr.. Prentice the Dis
tnet Judge OF Vermont tAppause9 True, the case
consutionality othis law as the unconstiutionalitv
and illegality and utter nadmissbility of the notion
OF private men and political bodies setting up their
own whlms or their opinions above ton the idea
oil The higher law that exists somewhere between us
and the third heaven, | never knew exactly where,-
Cries OF good" and aughter)
All judicial opinions in favor of this law You
| cannot find man in the profession in New York
whose income reaches thirty pounds year. who will
stake his professional reputation an opinion against
H. III he does his reputation is worth the thirty
pounds. Renewed laughter And yet this law is on.
posed-vIoenty opposed-not by bringing this question
INTO court; these lovers OF human liberty these friends
OF The slave the fugitive saves-do not put their hands
in their pockets and draw funds to conduct law suits
ana try The qpeston-thev are not in that habit much
Laughter That not the way they show their de-
votlon to liberty OF any kind. But they meet and pass
resolutons-hey resolve that the law is oppressive un
just and should not be executed any rate or under
any c.Icumstances 1t has been said in the States of
New YORK, Massachusetts and Ohio over and over
again, that the law shall not be executed That was
me language OF convention in Worcester, in Massa-
canusseftts; IN Syracuse, New York, and elsewhere
lpIU thairliv fbar 1
their sacred honor. Laughter Now, gentlemen,
these proceedngs-I sayi upon my professional rem,
in Ohio certain resolutions in New York, and in the
conventions held in Boston, are distinctly treasonable
And The act OF taking away Shadrach from the public
authorities in Boston, and sending him off, was an act
OF clear treason. speak this in the hearing of men
who are lawyer-l speak it to the country-I say it
Where on my proessionalepua 1t trea-
son, and nothing elsetha say men get together
and combine together and resolve thar they will oppose
alaw OF the government not in any case but in all
say they resolve to resist the law, whoever
may be attempted TO be made the and carry
that purpose into effect by resisting the application Of the
law 10 any one case either by force of force OF
numbers, mat, sir, is treason Turning 10 Mr.. Spen
Ger, and stamping with empbasis] You know it well.
!Contlnung to address Mr. Spencer.] The resolution
ITSELF Enacted on, is not easonit only manfests
sonabe purpose. When this purpose is Proclaimed
and ii is proclaimed that it will be carried out in all
cases--and is carried into effect by force of arms or
numbers, IN any that constitutes case of levy
ing war against the Union, and if it necessary
|
ed IN Waselngton's time, for being concerned in the
whiskey instruction in Pennsylvania. Now various
are the arguments and various the efforts to denounce
ths laW--to oppose Its execution-O keep it up as
question OF agltaon-and they diverse as The va
RED ingenuity OF man. and the aspect Of such questions
when they come before the public: And common
thing it is to say that the law is edous-that it cannot
be executed, and will not be executed. That has al
ways been said by those who do not mean shall be
exeeuted-not BY any body else They assume the fact
that 1t cannot be executed 10 make that true which they
wish shall turn out to be true They wish that it shall
not be executed, and therefore, announce to all man
kind that it cannot tie executed
When public men, and the conductors of newspapers
OF influence and authority thus deal with the subject
they deal unfairly with it, Those who have types at
command, have perfect right express their opinions
put doubt their right TO express opinions facts.
doubt whether they have right 10 say-not as mat
terot opinion, but OF factha this particular law is 80
cdious here and elsewhere that it cannot be executed
That only proves that they of opinion that it ought
not-that they hope it may not be executed. They do
not say, See any wrong is inflicted anybody byi
hope TO hnd In its operation wrong or injury to
anybody. Let US give it fair experiment" Do any
OF them hold hat language? Not one 1.-THE wish is
father to the thought They wish that it may not be
executed, and therefore they say it can not and will not
be executed This is of the modes of presenting
the case 10 the people and in my opinion, it is not
quite fair mode of doing it. There other forms
and nlodes-and might omit 10 notice the clustering
abolition societies of Boston and elsewhere as unwor-
thy OF regard-but there other forms more nsidous
and equally efcacious there who say when you
talk OF amending that law that they hope it will he
touched You talk of attempting it, and they dissuade
you They say, "Let it remain as obnoxious as it can
oe ana so much the sooner it will disgust, and be de-
tested by the whole community
am ashamed to say that such sentiments have been
avowed by those in Massachusetts, who ought to be
utterly ashamed-utter y ashamed-to utter such opin-
IONS For what do they mean? They mean to make
the law obnoxlous-so obnoxious that it shall not be
executed, But still they suggest other law-they
o eI al msndmen-eppose doing anything that
snail make less distasteul. What do they 3
lheY mean and they know it, that there shall exist no
law whatever Tor carrying into effect this provision of
the constitution OF the country if they can prevent it,
They wish to strike it QUITO annu it. They oppose
it in every possible form short of personal resistance or
mourning personal danger and to do this they say the
worse The law is the better. They say we have now
topc and tor mercys sake don't amend the horrible
law OF 1850 Uaueher.) Then, again, they say,
we are tor an eternal agitation and discussion of this
questlon-the people cannot be bound by it. Every
member OF Congress has the light to the repeal
OF This as we'll as any other law" Who does not know
this! member must act according 10 his own dis
cretIon No doubt he has right Tomorrow if Con-
gress were in session. to repeal OF the fugitive
slave law; but this takes with it another.
lie has Just as much right 10 to tear down the
capitol, until one stone shall not be left on another
lust as much right to move 10 disband the army
and to throw the ordnance and arms into the He
has Just as much ght to move that al the ships of war
of the United States shall be collected and burned-an
illumination like that which lit up the walls of ancient
Troy; He may do any Of these things, The question
is he prudsnt wise-a real friend of the country,
adverse to it2 That's all. And greater question
lies behind-"ill the caury support him in it? Isit the
result OF the good sense of the Northern people |
that Inc question shall have neither rest nor quiet
but shall be constantly kept up as topic of ag-
ta'ionl cannot decide this question for the peo
pie, but leave them to do And now, gentlemen, |
this is serious Observation-Disclosures the constitution can
be maintained in part and in whole?-w whether those
interested in the preservation Of one part of it, finding
their interests in that particular abandoned, are like
y enough according to all the experience of human |
feeling to discard that portion which introduced
not Tor their benefit, but for the benefit OF ohers?-
That is the question. For one, confess, do
any reasonable prospect of maintaining the consu.
ton of the United States, unless maintain it as |
whole-impartaly houoraby, periodically. Gentle.
men, am OBTAINING you too long, but allow me few
words n another subject