North Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1850-1852, 1851-12-20

we will nor we will not interfere Let us lay down
what the laws of nations are. Let us declare all
that we have right to do under these laws, ana
then determine for ourselves when the time comes
what we will and what we will not do. think
that is the most imposing and dignifed attitude
that Americans can occupy. When we say we
will not do such thing, and proclaim 1t IN adj
vance to the world, we give them encouragement /;
and when we say we will do such thing in
regard to certain NATTER we issue threat to them,
and deprive ourselves of half that moral power
which we would have if we were to preserve to
ourselves the privilege of doing whatever we thought
our honor and interest to do when the case should
arise to call for our decision ga Is
hold that a welcome to Gov. Kossuth, pub
lie reception here, and national welcome by the
two houses of Congress extended to him, and to
him expressly, as the representation OF great
principle would be no of offence to any pow
er ON the face of the earth. Whether we should
give that expression of welcome not, is matter
of discretion with ourselves. 1t Is objected that
there is no precedent for it. l care little whether
there is precedent or not. Provided it is consls-
tent with our own honor, the dignity OF the nation,
and our own attitude before the world to perform
such an act, what harm is there in performing
mere act of courtesy if there be no precedent for
us to follows l can see none, but rather much
good that may result from it. l could then see
America fixed in the eyes of the world as the
friend of all nations struggling for free and repub
Gcan institutions. On the other hand, see that If
we repulse Kossuth from our Shores If we treat him
with cold and careless Indifference, we will create
an impression throughout the world that we have
no sympathy with those who wish to ~---6lsh for
themselves the free institutions we enjoy.
would, therefore, wish to have the moral effect
of cordial reception of Kossuth for the purpose
of giving encouragement to the advocates of free
institutions throughout the globe l confess that
would be my object, and that object could be ac-
compshed without the slightest committal, direct
lv or indirectly as to what we would do in the
future We would commit ourselves to nothing
except the act we here perform. When another
occasion arises, we can determine then for our
selves the course we will pursue, and that course
will depend greatly upon the circumstances by
which we may be surrounded at the time. And
therefore | would not allow myself to be affected
at all bv the apprehension that foreign nations
might take exceptions to our course. We lower
our character abroad by admitting the fear that
that act may be displeasing to them. We should
act in the fear of Cod doing what we feel IS right,
and then let foreign nations like it not as they
may see proper. The question with lis should
be, whether it is consistent with our rights, our
honor, and our dignity-not whether it will be
consistent with the liking of Austria, Russia or any
other European power.
Something has been said of an alliance with
England to restrain the march of Russia over the
European continent. Now, am free to say that
desire no alliance with England or any other crown
ed head. am not willing to acknowledge that
America needs England as an ally to maintain the
principles of her government Nor am l willing
to come to the rescue of England to save her from
the march of the Autocrat, until she asslmilates
her institutions to ours. She is the halfway house
between despotism and repubicanism, and, as long
IS she chooses to maintain her present position she
must fight her own battles. England is respon-
ble any other power in Europe for putting down
he revolutionary movements that have occurred
here within the last three four years. 1t was
English diplomacy, English intrigue, and English
N Sicily and in Italy, and she was the greatest bar
Ter to the success of it in Hungary. And so long
IS England shall attempt by her diplomacy, to put
Town liberal institutions in Europe, so long am l
verse to an alliance with her to help her maintain
Ter condition She must maintain herself, preserve
Ter own dominion, so long as she sympathizes
With the crowned heads of Europe-and sympa-
hize with them she most certainly does and will.
No revolutionary or republican movement will
,ver succeed so long as people put their faith in
princes. The great error committed in Sicily, in
italy, in Austria, and in France, and wherever else
he attempt was made, was, that they allowed a
prince to be at the head of the revolutionary move
nent. The government of England is in the
hands of prince, and it is a natural sympathy for
I'll princes to sustain each other. So long, there
ore, as the power of the English government is in
he hands of princes, so long must she fight her
own battles in the contest of repubcanism against
lespotism, and not look for assistance from repub
lean America until she assimilates her institutions
% ours.
If have succeeded in making myself under
stood as [ desired, have been understood to lay
Town this principle: that in regard to Kossuth we
nay pass resolution-perhaps the one introduced
~ the senator from Mississippi, Mr.. Foote with
,ut any Just cause of offence to any power earth
And if there is no just cause Of offence, not
whether Europe is pleased with it or not. [ think
hat we, the American people, should do whatever
We think it is our duty to do under the circumstan
,es of the case, and according to the laws of ma
ions and we should control our own conduct from
lay to day, month to month, and year to year, as
we think we ought-to do, the case may arise for
Is to consider and decide upon. 1 would not COM
nit myself to intervention or to non-interventon.
would not say that we would allow holy ALI |
.nce in Europe against repubicanism, or that we
would not allow it. l would say that we will pro-
aim and demonstrate to the world our active SYM
oathy with every freedom-movement in Europe,
md we will be governed by our sense of duty and
honor when the case may arise as to what further
teps, if any, we will take.
Entertaining these views, therefore, and being
Utterly opposed to any European alliance-to any
liance with any crowned head whatever-I shall
'ote for the resolution of welcome to Kossuth.
egret that it cannot have the entire, unanimous
concurrence of this body, because then it would
lave carried great power with it. But as it is, be-
ng but divided opinion, we lose two-thirds of