The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-08-20
MARIETTA, Sd July, 1851.

ceedlDgs of a meeting OF respectable pofuoh
of the Democratic purity OF Lumpkin county
with your note, asking answers to the questions
therein propounded. With request 80 respect
fully made, by gentlemen entitled, for reasons
assigned to the information solicited, | most
cheerfuly comply must beg you TO lay my
answers before them.
There are many and grave objections to the
principles of Mr. Fillmore, which would prevent
my voting for him, were he to be candidate for
President of the United States. His favoring
the agitation in Congress of the subject OF
slavery, an agitation which consumes the time
and wastes the treasure of our country in dis
cussions, not only Improbable, but destructive
to the best interests of the people; his opinion
that Congress ought to abolish the internal
slave trade between the States,* and slavery it.
self in the District of Columbia ought to be OBJ
jections to continuing him in his present posi-
ton, insuperabe to all true friends of the Con-
stitution and the Union in the North as we'll as
the South His declared opposition to the ex-
ercise of the power of veto, vested by the
Constitution in the President except in cases of
unconstitutional or hasty legislation by Con-
gress makes him fit instrument in the hands
of wicked or corrupt majority in Congress to
sanction any measure, however unwise, unjust,
or oppressive it may be, provided it be design
eddy and deliberately done, and not subject, in
his opinion, to constitutional objection. The
power of veto was conferred on the Chief Mag
istrate of the nation, by our patriotic ancestors,
to otect popular rights, from abuses arising
not only from the usurpation OF power by Con
gross, and from errors growing out OF hurried
and precipitate action, but from their unjust and
inexpedient legislation, however cautious and
circumspect they might be in the proceedings by
snt< tt,. 10 iab yr ar
The broad powers claimed by Mr.. Fillmore for
Congress, powers not delegated by just con-
structon of the Constitution, and dangerous in
the extreme as tending directly to consolidation,
| if habituay exercised by Congress- must soon
annihilate the sovereignty of the States, and
with it the liberty of the people. For these
reasons, could not support MIR. Fillmore for
President.
| | would not vote for any man for Office,
either under the government of the State or the
| United States, who is member Of an Abolition
society. To promote such man to office,
would be to add to his power for mischief 1t
would place in his hands, by the increase of his
influence the means Of disturbing the peace of
society Such organizations in the non-save-
holding States are intended to attack rights of
property which the government is bound to
protect, and to assai an in titution in which
their members are not Interested, and for the
continuance Of which, where it now exists, they
are not responsible.
/ know of no adjustment by Congress Of the
slavery and territorial questions. The measures
so called, contain not single element of an ad
justment. The South has received no equiva
liant for the enormous injustice which has beer
done her by their enactment. The act for tn,
delivery of fugitives from service or labor
| e 10, ba LIANT NJ laaat a
consideration moving to The South for the
wrongs inflicted on her. is but the performance
of constitutional obligation and it is insisted
by Mr.. Webster, a distinguished member of the
Constitutional Union party, not to be so favora-
BILE to the South as the act of 1898. It's again
insisted that the organization OF territorial
governments in Utah and New Mexico, omit
ting all restrictions upon slavery there, is O
boon to the South, and therefore, an equiva-
lent for the wrongs to the South. 1t must be
rem ,mbered that Southern compromisers con.
tend that the Mexican laws, prohibiting slavery
in those territories, are o. force there Overt ride
our laws. and "a effectually exclude slavery
therefrom, rs the Wimot Proviso could have
done, had II been enacted With these views
of some of the friends of the compromise, thai
measure is worse than vaueess to the South
The man who looks to the future at all, cannot
fail to see, that the tendency of these measures
, is to general emancipation of the blacks. The
public are already In possession Of my views or
this subject. It's disastrous effects it has been
generally supposed, will be confined to the
stakeholder who will be robbed of his property
This is superficial view of the matter. Its eff
fects will reach every class of society and will
fall with ten-fold harshuess on those who are
less able to bear hem.
| I,or tbro, tbo o,ff ar "a
thousands of pauper negroes, without the means
of subsistence, must reduce the value of the
labor of the white man, for they will be forced
from the exigencies of their situation, to work
for mere pttance. But this is not all Those
who, acting under the control of soft con-
sciences had abrogated the condition of slavery,
might feel constrained by powerful morality,
TO provide by la y for the support of those who
had been reduced by their humane policy to a
state threatening starvation. Again, their no.
tons Of the equality of the African with the
white man, might prompt them 20 the enactment
Of laws to confer on them the rights of citizen
ship, the rights of suffrage, and power to hold
office. deadly rivalry between two distinct
races the one claiming superiority from nature,
for political supremacy, would spring up. The
consequences may be easily foreseen. Well
may you enquire what equivalent the South has
received for the rights and interests of which
she has been deprived
In my letter of the 9th ult, addressed to the
committee, informing me Of my nomination,
made known my views Of the right of State tc
secede from the Union.
would remark, in addition to what ! ther
said that the federal Constitution was framed By
delegates sent from twelve of the old thirteen
States, and that though, in the preamble It i
stated, that for the reasons set forth, they or
: dered and established that Constitution for tn
{ United States of America, yet, IT did not, b,
their act, become the Constitution of the Unite'
4 States of America. Before it could become
n Constitution, according to its last provision,
had to receive the ratification Of nine States
and after such ratification il became Constitu
is ton befoeen the States ratifying the same,
e none other. majority of the people of tn
y United States could not have ratified il, so as q
N have given 1t the force of Constitution cfea,
It ing government for all the States. II that ha
If been the case, n minority Of the States, 9TH
# most populous States combining for the pur
O pose,) might ordain a government for all. an