The southern press., 1851-06-26

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we anticipate such dire c6lAmitiesa
have very briefly, Mr. Prssideak sdxsrtsd 70
some OF the difficulties and objections TO separ-
ate State action. assuua 6t we will be al
lowed to "go in peace Congress and the
President should act wtSSjy, with references 70
the interests OF the Union, and with view Of
parayzing our efforts TO build up a new gov
ernment, then they would allow US to depart in
peace; but power is impatient Of contradiction,
and the passions Of men, not unfrequenfly, gov
ern the conduct ofnations more than reason II
is probable that We would not be allowed TO &C.
cede peaceably and consummate the act with
out opposition from the federal Executive. and
we should anticipate our condition, assuming
that force would be used Suppose that the
Custom-house will be removed 10 Fort Moul-
trie, or Fort Sumter, or that Charleston be
abolished as port of entry, or that a blockade
OF our coast would be resorted to, to subjngate
our people. We have no navy Of our own to
meet the United States in either of these sun-
posed contingencies. Ny own impression is,
that n blockade of our entire coast would be re-
solved upon by the federal government. fao,
not bale of cotton or tierce Of rice could
find its way into the markets of the world, nor
could box or bale of merchandise make their
ngress through our ports. How long could
our citizens bear up under these restrictions
Could any people be expected TO remain firm
in their purpose, when their entire industrial
pursuits were thus efectually destroyed and a
bounteous prosperity converted into abaoute
penury. want, and despair
But ! am told that blockade is war. and Il is
true, but it is making war upon us at the weakest
of all points. and what is worse under such cir.
cumstances as will not excite that sympathy.
from our sister States which il 80 much relied
on to extricate us when peril oyertakes W. We
have no navy, nor have we the wealth to build
a navy which could cope successfully with the
navy of the United States ii we were to expeDd
our whole substance in the undertaking, but
more, sir, to raise that blackade, It would dcyolye
upon us the necessity Of shedding the first blood
and lose US thereby all that sympathy that might
their own affairs, around their own firesides for
liberty against the invasion of ruthless tvrants
In making war upon the navy of the United
States, we would be making war as much upon
Georgia or Virginia as upon Massachusetts,, and
the pride of the peo pie Of the two former States
would be as much aroused by our assailinc their
navy, as the pride of the latter State, and thew
would as fiercely repel it as the old Bay State
This blockade might be kept up until we were
brought to terms, and not soldier or officer of
the United States put his foot on our SOIL How
can we meet such an assault? Will we invade
the enemies country, Georgia and North Caro-
lina, and commence butchering their citixens?
That would be protecting our institutions with
vengeance. Where else could we strike. could
we march to Massachusetts or New York but
we are told Great Britain and other maratime
powers will interfere. The State declares her
self an independent Republic. The general
government denies it. The State invites the
commerce of the world to her limits, with scarce.
ly craft enough belonging to her to accommodate
pilot, in bringing vessel up the channel, and
into the harbor, and the general government an
nounces that our entire coast is blockaded, and
those disregarding the blockade must take the
consequences of its violation.
Now, what is there in the commerce of South
Carolina, which would induce Great Britain to
hazard war with the United States, to secure
we could furnish her with all the raw cotton
she consumes, and would purchase her goods
to pay for that cotton, giving her commercial
advantages over all other nations then she
might hazard war. But what, sir, are the
facts! we could furnish her only one-third of
the cotton she consumes, and the consumers of
her manufactured products free and slave, in
South Carolina would only reach some 6OOOO0
Can it be presumed for an instant, that a nation.
so enlightened as Great Britain, would hazard
all the consequences of a war, with formida-
Bile power-lose the whole OF the raw material,
which is food and raiment to 80 many thousands
of her peasantry and operatives for years per-
haps-pay the heavy debts which war would
necessarily incur, and endanger the stability of
the empire itself, by throwing out of employ
ment all the manufacturing and commercial
subjects Of the kingdom-all this for the poor
privilege of selling to 100000 white persons
the goods they consume, duty free, when they
are now taxed only 26 per cent. That man
must be credulous indeed, and hopeful beyond
precedent, who could for an instant suppose.
that we would receive aid from Great Britain or
any other European power, in raising the block
ade. With the products Of our own industry.
locked up in our midst, and the merchandise of
the world shut out from us, what specimen of
national progress we would furnish and how
ambitious would our sister Solthcrn States tc-
come to join us in our privations and want!
fear that our experience, 80 far from encourag-
ing the cause of Southern rights, would ami
hilatc its last vestige, and nothing would then
be heard all over the land, but the praises of the
glorious Union
Nor would the result be very different, If the
ports in South Carolina were abolished or the
custom house removed to Fort Moutrie In
either case, sufhcient naval power would be
stationed to enforce the revenue laws of the
United States. Having no navy ourselves, we
could not disperse the power, and foreign vessels
would conform to the laws of the United States
rither than to embark in war to secure our trade
duty free. Many ofthe views, as to the internal
operations of secession under the assumption,
that our exit would be peaceable, are equally
applicable if it should be warke.
have said nothing Of taxes, standing armies,
foreign ministers, consuls, postal arrangements,
all Of which topics, when discussed, would dis
suade us from sepcrate State action. II is al
ways disagreabc to speak to unwilling listeners,
and whilst have but little hope that my views
viii produce any effect, in the midst of the en-
thusiasm which exists in the convention in ia
vor of immediate State action, yet, i trust, when
you shall have returned to your homes, and
cool deliberation takes the place of passion and
impulse, that you will give to the views have
presented, whatever consideration theymay merit.
But, sir, may be asked how | propose to
meet the crisis. My advice is patience, stand
upon your arms, until you can give blow that