The southern press., 1851-07-01


these sovereign powers 10 the federal depart
ment of their government they are no longer
sovereign as to them, then they are no longer
sovereign as TO the powers delegated to the State
authorities, and as these two comprehend all the
customary powers of sovereignty, it follows that
the people are in no respect sovereign at all
But the most amusingly weak part of the
proclamation argument, is assumed in that paper
to be the most conclusive Thus:
What shows conclusively that the States can
not be said to have reserved an undivided SOW
erignty is, that they expressly ceded the right to
punish treason, not treason against their separ-
ate power, but treason against the United States.
Treason is an offence against sovereignty, and
sovereignty must reside with the power to pun
ish it. But the reserved rights of the States
are not less sacred because they have, for their
common interest, made the general government
the depository of these powers.
Now we suppose that power delegated to
punish offences against sovereignty, is no more
a remuneration of sovereignty itself, than author
ity delegated TO exercise sovereign powers
themselves. The truth is, no sovereign power
whatever can be exercised in any case without
agents; but this paper contends that the en-
ployment of agents is an abdication of sover-
eighty.
The proclamation says:
The unity of our political character Gas has
been shown for another purpose) commenced
with its very existence. Under the royal
government we had no separate character; our
opposition to its expressions began as UFITED
COLONIES. We were the UNITED STATES under
the confederation, and the name was prepetuated
and the Union rendered more perfect by the
federal Constitution. In none of these stages
did we consider ourselves in any other light than
as forming one nation. Treaties and alliances
were made in the name of all. Troops were
raised for the joint defence.
It's seldom that more historical bunders are
found in so small a space-blunders that every
well taught school-boy can detect. If, under the
royal government, we had no separate character,
then we were one people with those of Canada,
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, Jamaica and
the East Indies. But when we separated and re-
sisted, we resisted as United Colonies-did we
as one people Then why was the separate as
sent of each colony required! Why was the as
sent of the representatives of each colony Deces-
sary to bind that colony by the Declaration of
independence And why was the ratification
of each State required to the present Consttu
ton in order to form the present Union?
The proclamation says
Because the Union was formed by compact, it
is said the parties to that compact may, when
they feel themselves aggrieved, depart from it ;
bnt it is precisely because it is a compact that
they cannot A compact is an agreement or
binding obligation. 1t may, by its terms, have
a sanction or penalty for its breach, or il may
not If it contains no sanctionit may be broken
with no other consequence than moral guilt if
il have sanction then the breach insures the de-
signated or implied penalty A league between
independent nations generally has no sanction
other than moral one or, if it should contain
a penalty, as there is no common superior, it can
not be enforced
And wtl any body please to inform us what
is the penalty prescribed for State that vio-
lates the compact? Is it treasonl That can
only be committed by levying war against the
United States If a State secedes, that is not
levyng war. And if it were, it is not war against
The United States. They no longer exist.
But as for the position that State cannot
secede, because the Constitution is compact,
that is contradicted fatty by Mr.. MADIsos's ad-
dress He says that it results from our CON-
pact, and from all compacts, that the parties to
them have each the right of deciding, in the last
HI III nd tba OF
And he expressly denies the right of the Su-
preme Court to decide in such case, because
the rights of the States are reserved as much
against the judicial, as the legislative and execu-
tive departments of the government
The proclamation says;
So obvious are the reasons which forbid this
secession, that il is necessary only to allude 10
them. The Union was formed for the benefit
of ALL 1t was produced by mutual sacrifices
of interests and opinions. Can those sacrifices
be recalled Can the States, who magnani.
mously surrendered their titles to the territories
of the West, recall the grantl Will the in.
habtants Of the inland States agree to pay the
duties that may be imposed without their assent,
by those on the Atlantic or the Gulf, for their
own benefit Shall there be free port in one
State, and onerous duties in anotherl No one
believes that any right exists in single State
to involve all the Others in these and countless
other evils contrary TO the engagements solemn.
ly made. Every one must see that the other
States, in selfdefence, must oppose it at all
hazards.
Well, these consid erations Of convenience
had better be addressed to the majority when
planning schemes of spoliation. They don't af-
feet the right of State to secede, for they are
equally applicable to the dissolution Of a league,
and the proclamation admits that single men,
Der may withdraw from that at pleasure. Nay,
considerations Of convenience are as good for
the conquest Of neighboring States, as for the
compulsion Of united States.
We have repeatedly shown that Virginia and
New York reserved in their acts Of ratification,
the right Of re-assuming the powers granted in
the Constitution. The State Of Georgia has
recently asserted, in solemn convention, the same
principle. for she declared that she would resist