Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1851-05-01

as the stockholders shall allow.
A QUESTION FOR THE WINGS OF
MISSOURI.
Gen. Clark, in his address 10 his constiu.
enis, dwells at considerable length upon
the danger to the South, which would result
from the recognition Of the power in Con-
gress TO legslato upon the subject Of slavery
in the Territories; and hence he argues that
the only hope Of the south is the distinct de.
NAL OF the power. He alleges that he has
always regarded this as Wing doctrine. and
whether it be or not, he esleems it Of more
importance than any mere party obligations.
Hence he has made, and will make. the
opinions OF candidates for office, on this
subject, a test OF orthodoxy. In General
CIark's opinion, the controlling and allah
sorbing question with the slaveholding states
is now, and ought TO be, whether Congress
has the constitutional right 10 legisIate on
this subject. He now apparently regrets
having voted Tor Mr.. Geyer, because Mr..
Geyer is unwilling 10 make that question
test OF Wing orthodoxy, Notwithstanding he
concurs with Gen. Clark, in the opinion
that Congress has not the power. But, in
Gen. Clark's opinion, this is no, going far
enough, lie must not only deny the power.
but he must read out Of the wing camp. all
those who concede the power, however much
they may be opposed 10 its exercise. Ac.
cording 10 Gen. Clark's theory, this consli>
lutional question over rides all others, and
no man ought 10 be supported for any impor.
tant Office, who comedies the power, how
ever unexceplionable he may be in all other
respects.
Now, against this doctrine we again enter
our protest. as we have often done before
We deny that it is or ever was recognized
as part Of the Wing creed; and if it were,
i, would inevitably break down and destroy
the party. This can be demonstrated as
plainly as that two and Two are four. As
Mr.. Geyer states, in his letter 10 Mr.. Allen,
rot only is The Wing party Of Missouri d.
vided in opinion on this question, but the
same diversity OF views exists throughout
the Union. amongst both parties. II, there
fore, this is 10 be the controlling question, it
requires no great forecaste 10 perceive that
the Wing party would be split in twain and
would be as powerless as Il sick infant
Indeed, the party would no longer exis! al
all. New parties would arise. each OF them
made up partly Of wings and partly OF Dem
ocrats, and would be pi,ted against each
other upon the single issue, as TO whether
Congress does or does not possess the power
10 legislale upon the subject Of slavery in
The territories. These new parties might be
designated as "Stalss' Rights" or Free soil
parties, or by whatever other name you
choose 10 call lhem But the Wing and
Democratic parties. as such, would no lon
ger exist. Can any one doubt tina! such
would be the inevitable result? 1t would
follow. jus, as naturally and as certainly,
as that The effect in any other given case
would follow the cause. To US, it appears
so plain that such doctrine would be fatal
to the Wing party, that it is difficult for US
to comprehend that those who advocate il
do no, expect and desire precisely this result
We wish now TO ask The wings. whether
they ale prepared, for single moment, to
tolerate or coun,enance a doctrine fraught
with such danger to the party? Are they
prepared 10 give up all the cherished memo.
res that cluster around that party, and 10
abandon tho importsnt conservative prnci.
pies on which il is based, that they may en-.
list under a new banner? Do they desire 10
break down that party, and 10 Join new
one, gotten up on the one isolated issue. IS
to whether Congress has, or has not. the
constitutional power to legislale on the sub
ect Of slavery in the territories? l(they do,
let them adopt the test proposed by General
Clark, and they will most certainly accom-
plish their object.
But we wish 10 ask further, why should
the question Of the power OF Congress over
the subject. be sgilaled at all this time
We had supposed that the whole matter was
pu! at rest by the compromise. We had
thought that il was our true policy 10 insist
upon and maintain the compromise, as final
fair and full settlement OF this vexed and
perplexing question. We had INDUCED The
hope tina. there was an end TO this sgltation;
and that whether The abolitioniats OF the
North or the nullifers Of the South might
seek 10 renew the excitement which lately
prevailed, the friends Of the Union every
where would point 10 The compromise, and
say 10 them, There is the platform on
which we stand; we mean 10 observe it
ourselves and we intend that you shall res
pect it,"
But OF what value is the compromise il
we are now going behind it. and again TO
agitats over sgain the very questions which
it was designed TO settle. II Gen. Clark s
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