The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-10-29
The ResuIt IN South CaroIIna.

oiecuoh III coutn NarOlna. we Ilnu that tney
generally regard it as the end of Southern re-
sistance to the compromise, and, in fact, as
final overthrow Of the right of secession, and OF
all practical resistance to federal usurPaton. All
this is mistake
We never supposed that the separate seces-
sion of South Carolina was n very probable
event--nor were we ever satisfied that it was
wise policy. Indeed, we have at no time ex-
pected dissolution Of the Union to result from
the compromise, although we think that measure
would have justified it. We supposed that if
two more Southern States had declared their
determination TO secede unless the compromise
was abandoned, and the territorial rights OF the
South respected, that the federal government
would have receded. And we think the South
has committed an irretrievable blunder in not
making that issue. AS for South Carolina, her
position remains widely different from that of
the other Southern States She is still pledged
to secession whilst the compromise endures, but
reserves TO herself the determination Of the time
and mode in future, but is ready 10 act whenever
the cooperation of another State is obtained.
Thus, one State of the Union has been thor.
oughly alienated, and very powerful minorties
in several others. And many of the Southern
States profess to be ready for a disruption on
the occurrence of further aggressions, which
probably will occur. 1t is needless to repeat
what we have often said, particularly now, after
what has transpired.) that we have very little
confidence in these descriptive pledges. Ger
tainly, if the compromise can be not only en-
dured, but accepted gracefully" honorabIy,
cheerfully, loyalty, there is little reason to expect
resistance in half dozen supposable cases of
far inferior enormity.
But the most important result Of the late dis
cussions is, the development of large and pow
erful body of men who have the sagacity and
independence to calculate the value of the Union
not only financially, but politically, socally, and
morally-and who are ready to act according to
their convictions This partly not predominant
in any State but South Carolina. BUTT is much
more powerful Il an any Of the parties was orgi-
nally that asserted what are now the settled doc
trines of the country on its most important in
terests. The present systems of currency and
taxation were at the beginning (and that only
about eighteen or twenty years ago. much less
supported by numbers or talent. And it is re-
markable that they originated in The very region,
and among the very sort of men who now as
sert the rights of the South. And it is equally
remarkable that they were then denounced by
the very same men that are now foremost in de-
nouncing the present assertion of Southern
rights, and denounced in almost the same words.
Why, when the removal Of the deposits was
made from the United States Bank, and also
when the government was finally divorced from
all banks, there were denunciations and predic-
tons Of ruin and desolation quite equal to what
We are now told would be sure 10 happen if the
Union were dissolved Nay, those measures
were distinctly pronounced 10 be revolutionary.
Mr.. CLAY said we were in the midst Of revolu
tion-bloodess as yet. So that it is no new
thing for Mr.. Clay TO use violent language, and
to indulge in extravagant predictions Of the con-
sequences Of disregsrding his plans; but il would
be rather new for his prophecies TO be fulfilled.
Mr.. WEBsrER told US also on that occasion, as
an excuse for making speech in Baltimore on
Sunday, that there were no sabbaths in revolu-
.ionary times And he evidently thinks that
there would be no sabbsths If the Union were
dissolved. II, therefore. we judge the fu.
ture from the past, and consider the many
analogiss that present themselves, We have
TO room for encouragement The sentiment
of the State Rights party is neither transient
nor trivial On the contrary, recent and coming
events will develope its necessity.
After the preparation of such deed as the
compromise, the STANDARD Of public morality
must fall so low as TO Unite other attempts Of 4
similar character. To atquesce in the compro
mise, is TO acquiesce in principle and precedent
pregnant with every enGmity, and threatening
every interest II will vhet the appetite for
spoils to such a voracitYI chat the robbers them.
selves will fall out 49, ,ru upon one another.
Already is this teac>-.y distinctly visible. We
observe that late Democratic meeting at
Tammany III Pronounced for a distribution of
the public LAMBS 10 actual settlers and ths policy
has been sanctioned by Mr.. WEBSTER. This
will destroy the value Of the public domain; and
although its worst effects will be visited on the
South, il is also an act Of spoliation on the sea-
board States Of the North.
But whatever may concentration tie decline
and fall Of the Union can be averted or whether
hProcecd with SLOW or rapid progress-it is
the duty and interest Of all who have principle
and property, to resist and retard It's abuses. The
pursuit Of an honest policy, and its vindication
by such abilities as the Southern party possesses,
will always exert potential effect on public at.
fairs The change Of a few thousand votes 10
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, will bring them
all 10 the side Of South Carolina, together with
Florida, Texas, and Arkansas. And when these
States make an honest demand Of the federal
government, that demand will be respected. As
for the labor and time which the struggle will
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