The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-01-18

Richmond Will not each and all oftbem resoood
TO the invocatlon Of this great and renowned
Commonwealth, mother Of so many States \
Deneye' as l believe IN my ONO existepcs.
that ~ virginia moves, she will e4ve--vnos dis
solve the Union believe it will lead % con-
yenlon OF all the States, andjf possible, q to a
iresh understanding Of the bargai1;'' and that we
may Obtain fresh guarantees for the protection of
our slave institutions, by an Inhibition OF the
slavery discussion IN Congress-; and also secure
amendments to the Constitution restricting the
taxing and appropratng power within due bounds
II all this be denied, then with arms in our
hands, the Union must be dissolved, not by a fee
BILE secession Qfseparxte States, but by the united
action OF all, claiming rightfu division of the
public property Of the Union, it's public treasure,
army, navy, with the, correlatiye burden Of our
far share OF the public debt. Yes, we would
claim The ashes OF the once slayeholding GEoRGE
WARRINGTON, ne our just inheritance; and swear
within our own limits before his urn, new fealty
to his preceps and his principles. For the crime
OF disunion would belong to our adversares, but
not 10 ourselves. ttrag1,iai 80 ae 4tag4 ~
But, the catastrophe would not proceed to this
extremity believe the vast majority Of the
people IN the non-slaveholding States, when
thoroughly aroused to sense of the danger,
would not give up this Union; not only for the
lives OF all the fugitive slaves in the Northern
States but not even for those Of their fanatic abet-
tors TO boot-no, not for the ransom and civilian
ton Of all our negroes Of Ethiopia That is to
say, IT the issue is calmly and deliberately put,
not precipitated al once by disruption which
might lead Instantly to civil war. The moment
blood is shed, there is an end ofthe whole matter
In this extremity, we are fully capable Of defend
ing and taking care of ourselves. i will not ask
with you, if the Government of the United States
"were to take Savannah or Charleston, what
would they do with it;' | say they can take
neither. Our railroads, with three days warn
ing, would give us the power of concentrating in
either city, fifty thousand men, who could aboI-
ish, in less time, any invading force that might
land on our shores
You have Justly treated, with the retuke it de-
serves, the belief entertained at the North, that
we are exposed to any internal peril from our
slaves. There are no countries more safe in time
Of war, than those in which The institution of do
nestle slavery exists. II results from the fact
that every white man, excepting those who super
wise the labor of the slaves, is soldier armed to
the teeth. The country is in fact stronger than
in time Of peace and supposed safety, when vigil
lance is relaxed. The free States have vastly
more to fear from their commonest and agrarian
mobs, than we have from our negroes, as you
have abundantly demonstrated.
But may the trial Of these resources and these
| truths never be put to the test! May Virginia, in
her wisdom, in all the dignity and gravity which
| belong TO that august commonwealth, summon all
the slnve-holding States to meet at Richmond, for
the purpose of saving, if possible, the Union, by
question to a convention of all the States If they
decide they can give security for our do
mestc institutions, that they cannot live in the
same Union with those who have the blight and
plague spot of slavery their hands, let us part
IN peace and endeayor to live IN the cultivation of
It's charities, however hopeless, from the interven-
ton OF human passion, may be the effort. If
such state of things would bring some evils with
It, like all those which God inhicts on man, they
would bring come compensations We should
have higher national spirit, perhaps more con-
centrated patriotism. 1t would lead to the cuiti-
walton of the lofty and the more rnpusive virtues,
| and to a rebuke of the sordid vices tf ~
II is time, my dear sir, that should conclude
this long letter thought when sat down to
write you that | would controvert, in a tone the
most Respectfully some Of your positions which
you lay down IN the confidence which belongs,
and justly belongs, to your acknowledged ability
But, In the language OF of the most philo-
sophlcal writers of the present age, ''rhe occa-
sion Is one that will not tolerate much, that ad-
mils greatly of dispute. 1t is which requires
all the Cancellation which truth can SANCTION"
will, therefore, not review infinitely either
your argument or your facts, that the admission
| of California was violation of the Constitution
altho' think mig ht be able to show you that
she had population as large as Texas when she
was annexed, and not less intelligent, respectable
| and well informed, and that her debates in the
| convention which formed her constitution, if sub
rnittu 10 tne TEST, WOulu not SuHor Dy compare
son with contemporary craftsmanship; and that
Congress, in admitting her, gross as was the out
rage on the South, yielded rather TO falsely as
sumed public necessity than to a pronigaie in
trgue. ] might moreover show that California
was just as well entitled to two members of Con-
gress as was Texas on her annexation
might likewise show that Georgia sold terrific
ry to make two slave States, without mourning
u e reproach which Texas has encountered for
selling enough to make one, if New Mexico wills
TO be save-holding State. ! might show YOU
who are a man who INDUCES in idle absirac
tons, but goes for practical results. that, so far
from ACKNOWLEDGMENT of Texas, little like that
of Poland, the eXcision of her territory above the
E. Passo is highly salutary amputation ola dis
eased limb. IL the Mexicans, the mongrel race of
| Indians and Adventures from Europe, had occu-
pied that territory as part ofTexas, heard no
man of sense III that State express any other opn-
| ion but that, in n few years, Texas would be d.
vIded and two free States, from the augmented
force Of this new territory created the Western
| limits. The people of Texas would not take the
| territory back from the United States, il ii was
offered to them for hundred thousand dollars, or
even for nothing; so much do they regard il
source ofdanger from its internal organization
and ofeXpense in the requirements neces ary for
its internal defence. II therefore. this territory is
reconquered and redeemed from free-soilism by
new Southern confederacy, be assured that its
conquerers will have to look for another donee
than Texas she twill have none of it,"
But will not in a spirit Of controversy enlarge
on these topics. Ii is enough that agree on the
great practical questions of remedy. That we re-
pudate the isolated action separate secession Of
a single State. And am sure, you agree with
me, that, totally irrespective Of the Texan and
California question, the events which have trans
pred in Vermont, and Massachusetts, make up
an issue worthy OF invoking the serious consider
alton of Virginia and other Southern States. ,...
You believe that the evils of the Union consti-
tute an immedioobile ruinus. hope they
BILE, essentially durable, in their character. Mine
may be the decisions Of an immature experience
yours the convictions OF a profound wisdom. But
let us hope that, IN the fundamentally OF the old
Dominion, the experiment may be made to amend
the Constitution and save the Union.
The federative system may crumble into ruin
from vioence fraud, or corruption; but we mus,
remember that the new one will be but the work
of the same fraiI and erring man.
i" Numdan, who dd'st say to hated Rome!
There is no buyer yet TO purchase thee
Come from the damn d of old. Jugartha, come
4 n, a. y. 4 IL. H.. -.ux