The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-11-13
WASHINGTON, ID. c.
Reported for the National Era.
SPEECH
OF
CASSIUSM CLAY, AT LEXINGTON, KY.
Delivered August !, 1851

come not As my rivals, Messrs Dixon and
Powell backed by great political parties |
stand against the ruling class in the State and
Nation the wealth the social ban-the
press-and the pulpit These are great odds.
Vet standing here ON the basis Of Truth, JUS
flee and Liberty. rs humble in popularity and
ability as the least appreciative OF my friends
or enemies would have me do not shrink from
the duties which every citizen OF Republic
owes to his country.
Ne man knows better than | the deep-rooted
preiudces which have been studiousy planted
in the minds Of this people, from the begin
ming. against me personally, and the cause
which advocate. Of this do not complain.
He who would change the organic laws OF u
State ought to be prepared to meet hatred,
calumuy and violenco-for such has been the
fate of Patriots in all times and in all cOun-
tries. pass all personal misrepresentation IN
silence; if | cannot live them down, VAN Is
the attempt to speak them down.
Objections which have been made against
the party with whom have the honor to act
deem worthy of notice.
1t is urged that the question Of Slavery and
Emancipation has been once considered, and
decided against US, by the people of Kentucky
and therefore it is "iactious again TO re
open it.
Now. this objection if true, has but little
weight coming from the Democrats, who have
been defeated for twenty years or more in this
State: vet now we find them arraycd once
more under their banners SO does it come
with equally bad grace from the Wings who
have been in the nation relatively about in the
same position rs the Democrats have been in
the State
The objection when stripped of its casuistry,
means simply that we are in a minority. Now,
when so many men. even of first distinction,
are ready to float with the popular tide into
Office regard it As a subject Of pride that we
stand firm in the advocacy of what we con-
ecre N,-' a, o. Us ~ -: fas::yy - 1
s. 81 t.,bo Ntota .......
8uy me allegation S bnSu4~ ,,t,-r t.,.y',,,,
of emancipation never has been fairly discussed
before or decided upon by the people of this
State The forty men-whO met in Frankfort
in 1913 all Shareholders but still protesting to
represent all parties in the State, interested in
the Convention moycmcnt-declared that, so
far a. they were concerned the then relations
Of OaUcry should not be disturbed And again,
when the Legislature met in the winter of that
year resolution was passed that siavery ought
not 10 be discussed.
The same position was taken by nearly the
whole Wing and Democratic press. By such
weight of authority against us, the Emancipa-
tiOn Convention which met ut Frankfort in
1919, was induced to defer making the battle
upon the merits Of their cause, and only con-
tended for what is called the open clause in
the Constitution SO that the question of Eman-
cipation mighk be, as suggested by our OppO-
nents decided Separately from all other influen-
ceS upon its merits And such was the position
taken by the orators upon the stump, and urg-
ed everywhere in private conversation.
Now, when the Constitution is formed and
carried into execution-when parties are mar
rowed down to the same platform so nearly |
that the matter Of contest between Wing and |
Democrat seems to be whether there is really |
any difference in rinciples-when the public |
mind is calm and ready for sound conclusions. |
and we at last come forward and urge Enamel |
patton upon just aud constitutional grounds
these same men, who all along were saying
the time had not yet come, now clamor that
the time has passed-it is too late-the ques-
ton has been decided against us
No with the Shareholders, the time has not
and never will come for the consideration of
Emancipation If left TO them they would.
like Sheridan with his creditors, put it off till
the day after judgment
We then friends of Emancipation and vital
repubcanism must judge for ourselves of the
time and means Of throwing off this nstitu-
ton, which wrongs the slave and threatens
our own liberty We are all equals-we were
born lree--and while we allow to our opponents
all the privileges which we claim for ourselves.
we ayow our purpose to yield to others none
which we will not learlessIy demand
care nothing for party names, so that they
designate principles. The Wings are called
Bank Fcderalists the Democrats, Loco
focos I've call ourselves Emancipationists.r
Liberty and Union men Oar enemies call
us "Abolitionistsn All we ask is the under
standing of our views upon them we are will
ing to stand or to fall
There arc in the State of Kentucky in round
numbers ten hundred thousand people. Of
these two hundred thousand are African slaves.
You all know what slaves are BY the laws
OF all the slave States, they can neither acquire
nor hold property in their own right "by the
sweat Of the face or by gift, or devise, or
inheritance. To them is denied the family re-
latlon. They know not the name of parent or
child husband or wife--sister or brother
they are not secured in life, liberty or prop
erty, or the pursuit of happiness In word
they are subject in all these to the will of their
masters in mind and in person. being a. goods
and chattels or beasts of the field
In this nineteenth century, amidst n civilized
and Christian people, shall not discuss the
moral relation of such an institution as this
appeal to reason, which is monstrous iargon if
this be just to every unsullied conscience,
which Is quick as flash of light in revusion
when self is thus threatened to the works of
nature, where by sea and shore each mute and
living thing ct miuutcst insignifcance has al
lotted 1t by Providence an independent sphere
oi acton and happness-that not alone, of all
animated eXistences is the poor African merged
IN the will and happiness of others
Above all, upon that northumberland
and glorious saying, Do unto others as YOU
would have others do unto YOU | rest the
question OF the moral relation of savery-tC
reason, to conscience, to nature, to God I will
not add the weight of my ideas of the right
] am not here rs moralist but politician. OF
If ! may aspire to the higher title, n statesman
and as IA statesman have discussed and still
propose to discuss this subject
Next i'm order are the owners of these tw
hundred thousand slaves. In 1915, they wer
from the Auditors books aScertaincd to be abou
thirty-one thousand-say, since then increase
TO thirty-three and third thousand The act
ual owners of slaves then, in this State are onl
one in every twenty -four, including men, womeI
and children, of the white race. But allow
which is liberal, two persons more to each actut
stakeholder for those interested in these slave
as heirs or expectants by gift or devise, and W
have only one hundred thousand persons TAX
the two hundred thousand slaves and the on
hundred thousand masters from the ten hundre
Thousand, and you have remaining seven hun
dred thousand persons-scven ont OF eight {
every man, woman, and child of the white race
IN the Commonwealth the people in tn
language of politicians who have no interet
in the ownership of these slaves
On the contrary, their every interest socia