The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1851-03-27

France. And, what is still more serious, Germany
would be delivered up to the fury Of revolutionary
and demagogeal passions for Prussia and the other
German States are completely undermined by revo- |
lutionary and antsocial doctrines, against which it
would be impossible to Struggle but with the CO.
bally, but it is faithfully reported, and NJ de La
cour viii not contradict it. The Prince ut the
same time expressed his sentiments of esteem for
NJ. de Laeour, and his respect for the treaties of
Vienna, well his desire TO do everything in his
power TO be agreeable to the French republic and
TO its President. But these declarations, made in a
tone OF the greatest cordalty, do not in any way
change the character and real bearing of the reply
MANIFESTO OF rIIE KING OF wuRrEMBERa.
The following Is the text OF letter ofthe King OF
Wurtemberg to Prince Schwarzenberg. on the con
ferences at Dresden, to which many illusions have
recently been made in the German journalist
"IorR liIGHNESs-From the report u my Pleni-
potentary in Dresden, perceive that you decidedly
reject the idea OF calling into existence representa-
ton of the collective nation by the side of the chief
executive power of the Bund, which is proposed to
be newly established. That | sincerely regret this
intelligence, even in this open declaration, your
highness will think quite natural from my we'll
known freedom of expression. For my own part,
have always, before as well as since the amentabe
events Of 1873 believed that reform of the act of
confederation and especially revision of the TIM
teenth article, was unavoidable The last, in par
tcular, regard the true palladium and the only
real test of the value of all We may negotiate and
resolve collectively in Dresden. But if that article
| Is to be revised III manner not in arrear OF the
age and the moral necessities OF the nation then we
must extend the hitherto existing representation OF
the States of the federal compact as whole, and
| bring together the divided, barren, and confused
| powers OF the different chambers into one united
| upper national Parliament. Only with such
| united Parliament, according TO my conviction,
will il be possible to esa bsh general y-respected
| and lasting central power, the activity, force,
| and influence of which will be in vain sought
| in its external form and numerical compost
| ton alone. In these times mere physical power
| will not suffice to sustain general form Of
| government. Rcpressve laws and measures Of
police alone have hitherto neither guaranteed
political institutions, averted political con-
| WILSON'S If | do not err, the old confederation
has proved this to VI IN manner that sutices to
make il fearful example. federation OF States
| is much difficult TO guide and hold together
| than u single State. The first requires much more
than the last, common moral bond of connection
which may preserve (which may preserve it from
dissolution from within, and destruction from with
out. Such moral bond for the whole Of Germany
can now only be found in general Parliament
In vain shall we seek substitute for it IN general
| commercial union. Material interests promote So
| cal revolutions much more than they pder them;
these interests do not fight: they retire III the hour
of danger, and submit themselves easily and with
out conditions, they are "a variable n property IT.
| self, which they depend; their exclusive demands
in France prevented neither the fall of the re-
stored monarchy, nor the revolution Of ISIS. my
opinion confederative government. supported by n
| general representation of the nation, l. alone able
| 10 master the destructive elements beneath and
effectwlly to prevent divisions between the liberal
States Of the Bund from above. If We deprive the
nation of it, proper share in it chief collective po
litcal government, we cannot hope to reconcile il
with the constitution of the Btnd, and little can
| we hope To arrest the revolution i'll Germany. In
the course of time the old conflict will be renewed,
with all the powers of anarchy in and without the
| several chambers arraycd against the central gov
ernment, and believe do not deceive myself when
| assume that in the end this conflict will not be
decided to the advantage of cur new political crea-
| ton.
In the above lines have given your Highness a
sincere declaration Of my political belief a To the
political reorganization oil G'ermany. Either we can
govern in the several States without chambers and
popular representation, or cannot. five cannot
neither can We dispense with similar representa-
tion the centre Of the fedcrative SYSTEM ii wish
not 10 produce conflict, sooner or later, between
the newly established central power and the disor-
| ganiZcd elements Of the several state diets which
would divide Inc conf, deratio internally, and more
| and more weaken il without. To maintain that n
| general Parliamentary connection Is inpracticable
n. according Ia my view Of the question, equivalent
| 70 admitting that the Bund itself can neither be
adapted Ia the age, nor long upheld. Your High
ness knows ! am friend OF improvsed charters,
and modern political experiments but, in political
Affair." like Just little the introduction of,
return 10, that which comes too late or has out
| lived t-clf ~ "a Prince Of the Confederation
| shall a. conscicntiou-ly discharge my duties to the
| new Bund ~ to the old one; but, German, and
ruler Of my land. cannot recognise satisfactory,
adapted TO the age or deiinitiye revision Of the
| Bund. which doe not sufficiently admit the just
| claims OF the nation to participation in its own
great political dcstinies. Luckily, am old enough
not to expect to live to the unavoidable conse
quences of all doing aud neglectng to do, at
| this moment, in Dresden. With assurances, &c,
stuff gardt. Jan. II. WILHELM.