Richmond daily times. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1853, 1851-12-19
ANSWER TO KossUTHs POSITION.

I ANSWER TO KOSSUTHS POSITION.
The New York Journal of Commerce, in reply
to certain positions in Kossuth's speech, says:
I"When we embark in war on aquestion that con-
Icerns the interest and the honor of this country,
our power will be felt by whatever nation is OPP
posed to us in the conflict We shall then snite
with both hands, If, however, we engage in it, in
matter in which we have no interest, and in
which our honor is not concsrned we shall bo
I%]ivded and weak, and become necessarily dis
graced in the attempt, unless the power with which
we engage is beneath us in means and strength.
What does he ask 2
First That the United States shall decide that
it is principle Of international law, binding
equally all nations, that each has right to dis"
pose Of its own domestic concerns, and it another
interferes it is, our duty to interpose and prevent
it; and further that the United States are resolved
| to respect and make respected these laws"
Second, That in case Of blockade, we will in
sist on pursuing trade with the blockaded port
in defiance of those who enforce it.
Third, That we recognize the independence OF
Hungary.
others will of course not only be no objection
to recognizing the independence of Hungary
when it is an established fact, but there will be
| the highest pleasure in doing so. 1t has been
our policy heretofore to take governments as we
find them, and recognise the actual condition,
whether despotic or free. This isnot what kossuth
wants. 1t is his wish that we decide against the
government de facto, and determine that another
| ought to exist of right. We begin with this
step. 1t either precedes or Immediately follows a
strife between the Government in authority and
those who attempt to overthrow it. Ports are
blockaded In defiance of all former laws Of
nations we violate the blockade. Suppose this
state of things between Austria and Hungary,
and an appeal to Russia, what will she probably
do? The present governments OF Russia and
Austria act from deep interest in opposing the
spread of liberal opinions.
ssThe despots of Europe will of course resist
| what necessarily ends in their overthrow and
| final destruction. Such nations do not wait I'M
til the invasion reaches their own boundaries,
and Kossuth therefore truly remarks that Russia
will strike at Hungary before she can make
Roadway in the then expected Revolution. How
then shall we stand? We shall have recognized
| the independence of Hungary violated a bloc
kade and "resolved to respect, and to make re-
spected" the law that Russia shall not Interfere.
| Do we not necessarily make an issue to be deci-
ded by arms, if we make good our position? The
answer cannot be doubted. What then Is the ne
cessary inference?
"Kossuth has admitted that the local disputes
of Europe furnish no justification for war; and
none for those steps which inevitably lead to it.
He decides, therefore, his own case. But 1T is
said that Russia will respect our protest.
We cannot conceive Of any effort in that direc-
| ton against Russia in arms that wonld have the
| slightest effect, when undertaken with the avow
| al that it would not be followed up with acts.-
| Russia will learn through her emssarles in this
country or those of Austria, if there be any SUCH
| the precise phase of this question among US, and
| will know whether we intend to enforce our po-
siton with arms or only with argument. From
her deep interest in the question, and our slight
interest as compared with hers. she will know
that the admission of Kossuth is sound one, that
| the circumstances do not require that we should
| enter into war. She will not be embarrassed
| even, by Our unmeaning protest.
| ''Our weight now among the nations is due to
| the fact, that we are known to follow up our de-
mands and protests with proper and sufficient
means to enforce them. This course alone will
| give efficiency to our declarations. We must
continue to act upon it, 50 long at least re-
cognized mode of arbitrament exists in the ma
ture of Congress of nations to decide such
| questions. Russia and Austria will take no part
| in such Congress if it assemble with a view to
carry outlib,ral opinions. 1t may be impractica-
| BILE under any circumstances, but until it exists,
we must pursue the old beaten track of taking
our ground wisely, and maintaining it at all ha-
yards. The objections to inactive intervention,
then, are that it would bs Intellectual and hurtful
|
active intervention is, what Kossuth admits, that
it is net required of country, as it would
amount to or produce actual war;,
| THE ADVICE OF WASHINGTON.
| In bis farewell address, Washington thus speaks
| on this subject:
Europe has set OF primary interests which TO us
have very remote relation. Hence, she must
be engaged in freq1e controversies the causes OF
which are essentially foreign to Hence
theraf hcu In
by artificial ties in the ordinary vcisstudes OF her poll
tics the ordinary combinations and collision OF her
friendships or enmitles.
"Our detached and distant situation invites and
| enamblss US to pursue different course. II we re-
| main people, under an efficient government, the
period is not far off when we may DEFY material injury
from external annoyance; when we may take such an
attitude will caus the neutrality we may at any
time resolve upon to be scrupulousy respected when
beligerent nations, under the lmposolllty OF making
acquisitions upon US, will not lightly hazard the giving
us provocation; when we may choose peace or war,
as interest, guided by justice. shall counsel.
"Why forego the advantage OF so peculiar sltuaon2
Why quit to stand on foreign ground! Why |
| by Intervening destiny with that OF any other
part OF Europe, entange our peace and prosperity in
the tolls OF European ambition. ryashp, interest, hui
NOR, or caprce2
1t our true policy clear OF permanent al
ances with any portion Of the forsien world far,
mean, at liberty to do it, for let me
not be understood capsule OF patronlZing infidety
to existing engagements l hold the maxim no less
applicable to public than to private affairs. that honesty
ia always the best policy. | repeat, therefore, let
these engagements be observed in their genuine
Butt my opinion, ia unnecessary and would be an
wise to extend them
| THOMAS JEFFERSON'S ADVICE.
equal AND EXACT JUSTICE TO ALL MEN, OF wHAT-
EVER STATE OR PERSUASION, RELTGtoUs Or POLITICAL
PEACE, COMMERCE HONEST FRIENDSHIP WITH ALL Ma
TloNs-ENrANsLINa ALLIANCE WITH KoNE."-IAem.
| as Jefferson.
These words are often attributed to George Wash
ingon, the Father OF his country, but in reality they
"Aposte of Democracy"
Now we are simple to believe that "Pease,
Commerce and Friendship with ALL Nations" does