Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1851-07-24

this, it should never be preserved. Mr.. Chair
man the separate sovereignty and Indepen
dence of those States Is the fundamental law
of American liberty.
In the declaration of Independence it is ex
pressly laid down that these "coionies" (not
these people) "are, and of right ought 10 be
free and Independent States." In the old arti.
clcs of confederation, the very I'd article, ex.
pressly declares that, "carh State retains is
sorcrci igmy freedom and independeace'
In the present constitution it is laid down
that "the powers not delegated to the United
States by the constitution, nor prohibited by
1t to the States, are reserced to The States re.
spcctively or TO the people," This compact
did not make an alnalgamnted peoplc---it only
united States together for certain specified
objects. The mode and manner in which ii
was adopted proves this. 1t was accedcd to
by the States separately in their State Con.
vcntions, and until each State adopted 1t for
itself it had no binding effect upon such State
North Carolina and Rhode Island actually
refused to adopt it for sometime, and they
could have remained out of it to this day if
they had thought proper. The debate in this
State took place in the Legislature upon the
proposition to call convention to ratify the
constitution, and the call of the convention
was carried by only one vote. Ninty six dis
trict, of which this district was portion,
voted against It except one vote, and the
great majority in the middle g. upper districts
were against its adoption. 1t was carried by
Charleston and the low.country. The con-
vention, sitting in the capacity Of a sovereign
State, imposed the Obligations of the federal
compact upon us rs citizens, and the same
sovereign power can be again called into ac-
tion to release US from those obligations. As
The State acceded to the compact so. it can
scccde in like manner Without this right
and power the reserved sovereignty and in
dependence of the States is all rabid declam-
alton and swelling assumption.
The right and the power of the separate
States to check, in an extreme case and as
the last resort, by secession, is essential to
preserve their independence. If this were
known and acknowledged as dormant power
belonging TO our system, there would be no
cause for dissolution, for the Government
would abstain from usurping power over To-
cal and .ital interests, and the States them
selves would feel easy as they had the ulti-
mate power to protect themselves, and would
not become excited on any temporary usur-
patton or exercise of obnoxious power. Blu:
without this, there must ever be in The pub
lie mind q restless uneasincss and impatiencc,
for fear that the ultimate liberty of the parts
cannot be preserved. And the Government
which was created as mere agent to execute
the compact between the States, will in the
course Of time, make its own interests the
measure of Its power, and substitute that
power as the law for the States that created
it, instead Of the compact itself. This COM
pact is not compact with the Federal Gov
ermcnt, but it is compact between co-Statcs
Of the confederacy. And when State, in
its sovereign capacity, makes IN issue upon
the organic law by which it is connected
with the other States, it is an issue not with
the Federal Government, but IN issue with
the co-States And if the Government in
terfercs to decide the issue then rendered, it
is usurpation-a if it tenders force to put
down the State, thus making the issue upon
the original powers of the compact, it is des-
potism, and we arc towards and slaves if we
do not meet it like brave men, although the
land should be Grenched in blood or wrapt in
flames.
But Mr.. WEBSTER says, that the Govern
ment after it was created has original and in
hcrent powers Of its own, which it is bound
to execute and protect. Original and inherent
powersl He has never condcSccnded to
point out what these are, but was obliged to
take that ground, after first denying that the
constitution was 4 compact, and when his
Boston Review was forced to give that point
up, he fell back upon the doctrine Of original
and inhcrent* powers in the Government after
its creation.
This is great question fellow citizens; and
bear with me while examine it freely, for
we are at the commencement of mighty
struggle. The issue whether VIC are under
the Government of independent States or
under the Government OF an absolute majori-
ty feeling for themselves only, is to lie &C..
cidcd, and if it is to be decided by force we
must not only be right, but We must under
stand the grounds upon which we move.
| have said that the States acceded to the
compact as separate States, and to deny this
is to deny history. But 60 further and say
that 1t was not only made by the States as
States, but that they only can unmakc it
and / say that the Federal Government at
this day is hut the creature of the States.
How is the instrument to be amended or al
tered! Is 1t by the people Of the Union!
No! Article 5th, declares that amendments
MAY be proposed and if ratified or adopted by
"thc Legislatures ofihree-t tonrths Of the SEV-
ERAL STATES, or By CONVENTIONS in
three .foarths thereof" shlll become part of
the constitution. 1t is the States that made
the constitution and it is the States alone
that can alterit. Thrce-fourlhs of the States
can make n new constitution and new Gov
crnmcnt under it. Suppose thrcc-fourths of
the States, by amcndmentto to the constitution,
declare there shall be 10 Navy and no Army,
or that there shall beno President and moth
ing but 4 Congress of States. Can they not
do so! and where then is the power Of this
Government! where are the original and in
hcrcnt powers that belong TO il, independent
of the States? TO talk about the Govern
mcnt having substantive powers independent
of the States is nothing but naked assertion.
Suppose a simple majority Of the states should
refuse to elect or send Senators to Congress
where would your Government of Inherent
powers be? | admit, us long rs we are in
The Union, it is constitutional duty in the
States to elect Senators; but suppose they
should think it n duty not to clcct-where IS
the power to compel them? If under force
they are compelled to send Senators, it is not
*Scc TIC Review of the rrcat debate hctrco,