The southern press., 1851-07-01
WASHINGTON CITY.
TUESDAY. JULY /. 1851.
The seushorp Canvass.

The position assumed by South Carolina in
favor of secession, presents the most important
question which has arisen since the Union was
formed Shall there be an attempt made by the
other States to compel her to remain member
of the confederacyg The very statement of the
question is almost an answer to it. To compel
one State, by the others, to remain in political
connection with them, and as their equal, is so
clearly impossible, that the proposition cannot
be expressed, except in contradictory terms A
union of equal States can no more exist where
the membership Of some is voluntary, and Of
others compulsory, than consent and compulsion
can be terms of the same meaning. The most
important and essential element of equality is
gone. And, consequently, if the policy were
adopted of compelling State TO remain in the
Union, the nature and character Of the Union
itself would be changed more effectually and
fundamentally than by the actual separation of
State from it, Instead of being a union of
equals, it would be combination of ruling and
subject States. The consequence of such an
attempt-cvil war-would be as disastrous in
practice, as the conception is absurd in theory
We are not aware that history contains sin
gle example of an attempt to compel one State
to become or remain an equal member of
confederacy. We are certain that no such at
tempt has ever been successful
Yet, although these views are so clear and
certain, that they must command the assent Of
every mind which has the faculty of reasoning
there are multitudes in this country so incapable
of exercising it when under the influence of
party, passion, prejudice, pelf, and power, that
they deny and denounce them as heresy and
treason. And there are also, of course, multi
tudes of men who have neither the capacity to
understand, nor the disposition to conform to the
dictates of reason and Of truth.
1t is, however, the condition Of our moral be-
ing that occasions frequently occur to exercise,
to test, and to develope our higher powers and
to visit, with heavy penalties of disaster the
mistakes that we make from the abuse or me-
glect of them. And it is wise and benificent
tenure which is thus provided for our prosperity
and progress If it were otherwise, if we could
live without moral or intellectual labor, we
would sink to the level of the beasts that perish
One Of the prevalent mental in6rmities of
man is to give to established maxims an au-
thority and extent beyond their original mean
ing, and to act upon them in cases for which they
were never designed. We have, for instance in
this country at length contracteda reverence for
the majority, for its power aud its wisdom,
which is both slavish aud superstitious. The
idea has been carried so far IS to be adverse to
progress, and the bulwark of abuse. Yet
truth has to make her greatest struggles against
majority. For, when that is obtained, the vic
tory is won. But in government of the ma
jority, the possession of power dispenses with
the necessity for argument That becomes the
weapon of the minority. Hence The great minds
Of the world, and the great truths have all had
to make battle with the majority power, and yet
we have an established maxim that the majority
can do no wrong. Thus, for instance, this gov
ernment of ours had not been in existence ten
years, before dispute arose as to its funda-
mental principles, as to the rights respec lively
Of itself and the States and it was at first but
few men, and among the States themselves
there were but two that had the sagacity, the
courage, and the constancy, to asser. those great
principles which have since governed the profes-
sions, at least, Of parties in this country.
A great principle asserted by JEFFERSON and
MADIsos,and by Virginia and Kentucky, in 1898,
and finally ratified by the majority, was that the
Constitution is compact between the States,
and that each State, as party TO it, has a right
to Judge of its provisions in the last resort This
doctrine is declared in the resolutions of those
two States, and is distinctly and clearly set forth
in the address prepared by Mr.. MADISON the
year afterwards. This principle carried great
party into power, and kept II in power for long
period. But power repudiates restraint. And
in the course of thirty years, when one genera
ton had passed away, the federal government
proceeded TO Most monstrous abuse of the
taxing power and aggressons on the States, and
ngain denied their right TO Judge in the last re-
sort An issue was at length made with the
federal government by South Carolina. And at
first, as before, the rights OF the States found bat
few friends. General JAcKsoN's great personal
popularity and the immense pecuniary interests.
consolidated and enlisted on the side of the fed.
eral government, acquired at first the control of
public opinion.
As the controversy of that day is frequently
referred to by the partizaus Of the federal gov.
ernment now, we shall take this occasion to ex-
anime the positions then assumed. We have
inserted in another column that part ofthe Pres
denfs proclamation relative to the right of seces
sion. That document IT is generally under
stood, was penned by Mr. LIVINGSTON, the Sec
retary of State, upon consultation with Mr.
WEBSTER. II illustrates the extent TO which
powerful minds can be betrayed by the pos
session and love Of power, into assertions and
arguments of the most groundless and fallacious
character.