The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-07-31

nned hospitality expected al tnis least "a VA
tions. There seems to have been an organized
determination to make every visitor from a
Southern State odious and uncomfortable. We
grieye to learn that American fanatics, lost to
every sentiment Of patriotism, have joined in
infamous conference with the enemies of their
country TO pander TO foreign prejudice, to SUI
persede the peculiar staples of America, and
contribute to the social disparagement of South
ern visitors. The commissioner from South
em State was so much Disguised with the treat
ment shown him that he withdrew from the
Exhibition.
AS specific evidence, however, of the in
suits offered TO the Southern visitor, we published
yesterday an account of visit made by certain
abolitionists to the Exhibition for the avowed
purpose of provoking discussion upon the sub
ject of slavery; s'the gauntlet was Enthusiastically
thrown down by the party, and the Americans
were too wary to take it up" The party spoke
of ''the wrongs Of the slave"-upon the ''ini-
putty of a prcfessedly Christian Republic hold
ing three millions of its population in cruel
and degrading bondage" Mr.. WILLIAM w.
BRowN valorously placed newspaper libel
upon American slavery within the enclosure Of
the Greek Slave, "without word of reply or
remonstrance from Yankee or Southener.0
The fugitive party had not, however, proceed
ed many steps from the place before the paper
was removed. They returned TO the statue
and stood near the American by whom it had
been taken up to give him an opportunity of
{ making any remarks he chose upon the mat
{ ter Whatever were his feelings, his policy
9 was to keep his lips closed" All this takes
place in the presence of ''the Queen, Prince
Albert and the royal children, the anti-slavery
duchess of St. Adams, (by whom the fugitives
were evidently most favorably regarded the
Duke of Wellington, the Bishops of Winches-
ter and St. Asaph, a large number of peers,
peeresses, members of Parliament, merchants,
and bankers, distinguished men from all parts
of the world"
The scene and the occasion was purposely
chosen, and not word of remonstrance for the
indignty to strangers, or of reproach for the dis
grace to English hospitality uttered by the au-
thorities whose duty it was to protect every
visitor from insult. The narrator of this out
rage upon the rights of foreigners and stran-
gers mentions with triumph that the English
peers and peeresses were not shocked at the
"niggers" promenading arm and arm with the
narrator. Of course they were not. According
to English ideas of social rank, the untitled
narrator belonged to the same class with the
''niggers." There was nothing shocking to
\ ,,J in oh oiobt N
see their own flesh, blood, and color stepped
in daily degradation and misery without being
shocked" There is little danger of their SEN
sibilities being disturbed by any disregard of
conventional usages by the CLOVER classes" to
which the party of the narrator belonged. To
them the ''nigger" was the equal of the mar
rator. Such are English opinions but Amer
lean sentiment differs, and the first duty Of hos
| pitality is to protect the stranger from insult
and discourtesy.
Suppose the Austrians had been RECALLED with
the butcheries of HAYNAU; the Mussulman
reproached with the despotism and sensuality
of his rulers; the Russian reminded of the
mines of Siberia and the erasure Of Poland from
the map Of the world. In a word, every nation
made responsible in the person of its representa-
tive for the alleged defects of its polity or its
practice--there would have been in this at
least the impartial rudeness of TMoN, ofwhich
no guest could have complained. The insult and
discourtesy seem, however, to have been ex-
! clusively levelled at the Americans. We
think it evident that there is as little love for
the yankee" as for the Southerner. 1t is an
equal hostility against the spindle and the sta
| pie. If the abolitionist is encouraged to insult
the STAKEHOLDER, it is to foment sectional
| prejudice. IL the disunionst is encouraged
to throw off his connexion with the Northern
States and to rely upon the "broadsdes" of
England for protection, and her "capital' for
aid, we see but one purpose in it all-that is,
to interpose every obstacle to cordial reunion,
and thus to accomplish the great purpose of all
despotic governments-the ACKNOWLEDGMENT of
the American Union.
1t is well known that English ministers, from
the days of Lord North to the present, have
been annoyed that the simple directness of
American policy should have commended itself
to the approval of the world. They have been
taught that neutrality is better than "entang
ling alliances or the balance of power" that
an army of volunteers is better than mercenary
millions of regular troops; that it is better for
all nations to limit their naval preparations
against each other than to burden themselves
with an expensive system to guard against the
accidental superiority of some national rival.
The cordial relations of America with foreign
ers; the confidence which other nations give
to the declarations of our political and CONNER
cial representatives; the knowledge that Amer
lea will neither do wrong herself nor submit to
it-this system has given her moral ascend
ency, and success which naturally excites the
envy of a British ministry.
The manufacturing interests of England are
naturally prejudced against people whose in
genuity has supplanted the products of man
ual labor by the devices of mechanism.
The hierarchy Of England is of course indig-
nant that we should have established universal