The southern press., 1851-08-06

cOtOUy OF M d5sdcuu7etts, duu nOt iIOm tHe
United Statcs. The regiment hs commanded
was not called Out by the Unised States, but by
authority Of the colony Of Massachusetts, The
conflict was thus begun by'a single colony
without cooperation How did she obtain il |!
The sound of the guns of Bunker Hill had
scarcely passed away, before South Carolina
rushed to arms TO eo-operate with Massachu-
sets in common cause which Involved the fats
of both; and the FIRST victory Of the revolution
was wen upon Suilivan's island, against pow
ful British fleet, by a regiment OF Sonth Caro-
lima militia, under the command Of militia col
onel, under the sole authority OF the colony Of
South Carolina. When these events occurred,
there was no Union--the blood that was shed
at Bunker Hill and Fort Monilrie, brought about,
and that speedily, union OF all The colonies.
And Washington was not commander chief
when the Union was formed The Union Of
which we now hear 80 much W IS the legitimate
result of separate State action, and Washington
placed at the head Of an army raised after the
war began. Tiis is lesson which history
teaches us---let US not lack the resolution to
profit by it,
It is the part of wisdom, when State is called
upon to consider the great question of change
of her fundamental Institutions to ask the Ques-
ton, what she is to gain on the one hand and
loose on the other by the step she is about to
take. II becomes us, then, to enquire noc, what
are the benefits We derive from the federal gov
ernment? Onegreat object for which the Union
was formed, was to protect each State from for
eign invasion and domes ic violence. Admitting
the fact that we are protected BY the general
government from foreign invasion, what price;
do we pay for il? Whilst we pay into the pub
tic treasury millions annually ips Ahe shape Of
tribute, to protect us from foreign invasion, are
we not threatened by the protecting power itself
with the sword Of domestic violence! Are we
not told now that if we dare to take such steps
as we deem essential to our preservation, that
our country will be devastated by the domestic
violence of the sword, placed in the hands of the
general government to protect US from all such
aggressions! And by the taxes of which wa are
plundered, we furnish the means of our own
snbjugation. These are the benefits Of the
Union-before the idol Of which we are re-
qured to fall down and worship. Agovernment
like this could enkindle in his bosom no senti-
ment but the most inveterate hatred, and peo-
pie who still pay their fealty to it, and bow be.
fore it in obsequious obedience, deserves to be
slaves. That part Of the compact, therefore,
which guarantees each State from domestic vio-
lence, is abrogated, and the sword which was to
protect us is the instrument by which our coun-
try is to be deluged in blood
There il but single item left--that of pro-
lection againsta foreign power; for in the act
of inflicting upon us the devastation threatened,
every personal right and every right of property
must be destroyed. Protection against foreign
enemy alone remains. If we be subjugated-
we must crnge under the rod Of master, what
boots it to us whether the rod be held over US
by the King of Britain or the abolition govern
nent of the North? Even if the protection
againsta foreign power be observed in good faith,
it is a right without any value, and we should
scorn it under such circumstances.
In the present state of the world, whatever
fears we may entertain Of foreign invasion, are
little more than imaginary. Commerce consti-
tutes the bonds into which the world has entered
to keep the international peace. The cotton crop
of the South is q more potent element in pre-
serving the peace of the world than all the ma
yes and armies of Europe. The crown of
Engand's sovereign would not be safe if the
great staples of the South were Withdrawn from
the commerce of the world for twelve months.
What people on earth are more liable to oppres-
sion than we are, under these circumstances
Who SO defenceless and powerless to protect
themselyes! And with these. facts before us.
shall we longer deiude ourselves with the phan-
tom of Liberty, when all its attributes are denied
us?
We are on our backs-the tyrant stan6y over
us ready to inhict the last stab, and shall we
pause? If we resist not, will it not be said, and
with TOO much truth, that we fear the conse-
quences! BY timid, vacillating course of
policy, will we not in effect say to the tyrant.
"we know our wrongs-they have penetrated
deep into the public heart-we know we are dis
Acknowledgements that ere long our utter
ruin will be consummated. We know that a
power which seeks TO .dishonor people will not
stop short of conquering them, but we are aware
that we are too weak TO resist You ~ A people
who can thus reflect, cannot long retain vestige
Of the spirit of liberty.
On the other hand, let Us consider what we
are to gain by the proposed action Of the State
If we succeed, Gas he believed we would,) in
practically demonstrating the right of State to
secede, we shall have established upon sure
basis the only veto power that can ever hold the
tyranny of the government in check. We will
have laid the foundation for security, equality,
and Independence in the Union, or Of a better
government out of it-a government which ust
in the end result in Southern confederacy, upon
the esta blishment Of which depends the last hope
Of liberty on this continent. But suppose we
make the effort and fail and we in fact be subju.
gated, IAN event which he did not believe ever
will happenD even in that extremity our condi.
ton will be no worse than that which awaits us
in the Union. In every view Of the case, there
fore, secession seems to re the policy which
alone can secure our honor and our liberty.
Thisis briefly our position. Our wrongs must
be redressed, and we must have guarantees for
the future. We cannot be so false to ouryelves
or our children as to submit. II 1t matter of
surprise that we should have arrived at period
in our history, when we are called on by the
highest obligations Of patriotic duty to take our
rights Into our own hands, and to reform the
Statel Whoever supposed that our liberties
were placed upon such a sure basis that they
would last forever, wit hout an effort from rs TO
defend them? We have heretofore placed too
much confidence in the honesty Of our govern
ment. Beware! lest IL prove fatal delusion. !
We must apply the remedy Of civil war or Sc
ces-ion--for there can be no submission Be-
tween the two he could not hesitate He was in
favor Of secession with co operation, IL we can
obtain it; if not, then by the single action Of