The Middlebury register. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1850-1882, 1851-06-25


these declarations and pledges p?
That resistance 10 the law we are discuss
ing is beyond the pledged position of tn
hUoliionists themselves, we think has bee
made obvious, by what we have said, touch
ing the constitutionaity aud propriety Of tn
act, and the quotations just made from Ties
their principles, put forth by them as the re
suit of their most serious deliberations, when
If ever. they laid aside feelings to expires
the decisions OF their reason. II these dc
clarations and promises were made onll
when the crime they repudiated seemed be
yond their reach, knowing that they had M
possible power to operate against the nsti
tuition in the States, il would appear It'll
more odious, 10 take the first occasion wher
their ptinciRes could be tested, TO VIOLATE
them. Whatever Of respect their sincert,
Of purpose may have heretofore excited vii
surely be utterly destroyed by this bad faith
and palpab'e weakness. That the purpose
Of those who resist the law is downright, &C.
krowledgca treason, witness the following
from tho resolutions passed by the recent
Anti-Fugitive- Slave-Law Convention held
in Boston:
"Resolved, That every provision in any
constitution or statute, which commands the
commission Of crime, is both morally and
legally void and no judge, magistrate, oi>
Ger, or private person, Is under any legal OBJ
legation to obey such provision, but when
called on TO act under it, is bound to disobcy
it. and assist in Frustrating its operation.
" ReSJiced, That since liberty, in the
words OF the Declaration of independence,
10 an inalenabie right, and the right of ev.
= cry slave 10 his freedom is always and every.
where perfect, sllveholdng, which robs men
Of this inestimablc 5irthright, is The greatest
of crimcs
Resolred, That if the Constitution, in its
true meaning, required the surrender Of FL.
gitvcs from slavery. the provision for that
purpose would be utterly void in law, be-
cause requiring the commission of a crime
How utterly abomnable and dangerous
under the circumstances Of the case. are such
sentiments as these How entirely incon-
sisient with the possibility of government
There must he either organized society or
anarchy. Organized government must be
either of one man, of few, or a govern
ment of the majority. Neither of these are
infallible, however pure may be their intcn-
tions nor are they capable of carrying out
their best designs, from the existence Of
what really are, or are supposed 10 be, I'M
movable obstacles. All governments are en-
titled to these considerations how much
more that in which all participate, "a Re-
public Of universal suffrage: for the protcc.
ton Of all; established by a Constitution
furnishing such wise legislative and execu
tive machinery, for the prevention Of crime
in the individual, or to avoid the command
ing Of crime" by itself, as has never before
been seen among men. Should this COVE
erhment err, it has provided for its own fall
Iibility by legitimate modes Of correction
Should it command a crime, il asks no pass
i've obedience in any real sense, but allows Of
discussion. of agitation, and Of voting a.
ganst, without restriction. But that il may
not be mere shadow and delusion, it can
no, allow every wild theorist or even the
sagest and best men, in their individual ca
psc ity, to resist its mandates, on the plea
that their conscience will not allow them to
obey They have it is true, the sacred right
Of mdrtyrdom. and to that they must resort,
Il they would rot incur The guilt Of doing
an evil that good may come--an evil thar
may boa Thousand times grester than the
one they would correct. For the rest, ,heii
Gerry zeal and burning speech are but the
torch Of Erostratus," with which they
would destroy this moN beautiful fabric c.
rooted for the oppressed Of all the earth e,
that they may GUT their morbid appetite for
fame. They aspire not to the crown of mar
tyr'lom, but consider their fright TO LIFE,
liberty, and the pursuit OF happiness" and
prois., nalionabls under any circumstances.
Differences Of opinion a. to the character,
consequences &c, OF the institution Of slave
~ must be allowed TO cxist-always have
existed. and will exist probably for several
- ,n
a. one nation, much less as one party, snless
we can agree TO disagree on the abstract
points involved IN this subject yet, as We
have shown, there is a vital principle divid-
ing the two parties on which we have fought
the battle Of constitutional stability and
sure progress on other fields, and which ap
plies here with more than usual import. If.
among the principles that distinguish the
Wing party, we were called upon 10 select
that which might be considered its sopl-tbe
Immortal pari-that which will never permit
1t to die, even if broken into fragments
we should name its adhesion to the prescrb-
ed constitutional and legal forms Of estab.
fishing measures, and Of effecting or resist.
ing changes in existing ones Its whole his
tory is pervaded with this idea. We may
refer, as examples, TO the removal Of the de
posts from the Bank of the United States
question; the Rhode Island rebellion the
Dissemination movement in the State Of
Ohio; the disregard and resistance made in
come of the States TO the last electoral law
Of Congress; the Reputation question and
a. the present moment its battle in the State
OF New York, against the outrageous arrest
Of legislation by the minority of the Senate.
Here then we find a principle by which VIZ
can and must ties! the party allegiance of all
sections and all individuals. TO this each
must sacrifice their sectionalisms, their pre-
objections, and their private preferences for
men or measures; confident that this will
csrry rs safely through this. As it has every
other difficulty, and ultimately establish the
truth. whatever il may be, on fixed and i'm
movable foundations.
And Iha. We may avoid the natural imped-
iments to this consummaton. we may con-
clude, as warning TO all, with the words OF
the great Bacon -" FoR THE WISDOM OF
PLATFORM OF JUSTICE, But IN THE AP
PLlCATION THEREOF TAKING INTO CON
sIDERATIOE by WHAT MEANS LAWS MAY
BE MADE CERTAIN, AND WHAT ARE THE
CAUSES AND REMEDIES OF THE DOUBTFUL
rEss AND UNCERTAINTY OF Law; BY
WHAT MEANS LAWS MAY BE MADE APT
AND EASY TO ne EXECUTED. AND WHAT
ARE THE IMrEDIMENTs AND REMEDILs IN
THE EXECUTION OF LAws."