The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1851-07-15

merits Of government and the measure Of It's claims
upon The confidence OF the people. The statesman who
low. citizens-who raises revenue IN the faresi way
who keeps il safely, and applies il wisely 10 the public
wans-will deserve and lneiify the public confidence
But unjust revenue, raised al the expense OF private
rights and the public good. placed where the govern
rnent control IL Tor the public and mpovi.
IDENTIFY wasted dle projects and forbidden schemes
cannot iaA TO excite honest discomfort against such
folly and injustice.
tits only by the constant observance OF impartial jus
tice that any political party hope 10 gain and elan
the confidence OF the American people. This ruling
principle prompted our ancestors to destroy the whole
fabric OF arstocfacy and 10 set up its place proper
government 10 protect all classes and 10 iHlnre none
Aftenhe downfall Oh monacy among US, none but iru'
gal government, founded on equal rg hts, could nave
gotten the sanction oil The people and the States And
every attempt o. me government 10 deiaTt ron ms n
damena principle OF our political system has oeen marked
and Tsbuked by the peblc displeasure
No party in this country will resort 10 direct taxation
as long the county prosper without H. All par
ties now favor indirect taxes-dules imports-as The
wisest mode OF raising revenue for public wants Yet
statesmen continually differ about the legitimate object
OF the duties and the proper considerations which should
govern our tariff laws Each statute imposing duties Tor
public uses has crossed many interests and reused so
many inteecls to discuss IT. that the human mind can
scarcely shed another ray OF light upon the subject But
the leading question always IS, whether IN raising reve-
nue., the government should impose protective duties
benefit particular classes
The right TO favor special classes has been often as.
Hered, and statutes to protect them have been passed
and repealed, the federal republican party into
power Turns Inc measures oil government.
In the morning of republic, when public resources
were scanty and Slow private enterprise wanted assist
ance and the nation gained by the labor and capital
called into life. Then. in raising revenue for public
wants, some fabrics inn ements, and warke stores,
which aided the common cause against the common Toe,
were sometimes encouraged by moderate duties rlval
articles from abroad But even then the bounty OF gov
eminent very small, and early 1859 amounted
to only "a per cent average duty. That early
sstance TO necessary articles never weakened the obga
ton OF the government TO respect the general welfare
on the contrary placed both public and private inter-
ests In prosperous combination To promote that union
OF the body polite with the separate classes OF IT. the
consuming masses paid the duties with willing mind
But after investments became sae and yielded abundant
supplies TO the naon and profits 10 capital and labor,
the reason and policy OF further assistance from govern
ment ceased, and the masses were no longer willing to
be taxed for articles which, without protective duties,
could be gotten from abroad better than home
We do not mean to argue that taxes or expenditures
beyond the amount which prudent government usually
requires are always odlous, npoitic unjust, for the
rights and honor OF nation above all price, and
not be estimated by the money required 10 preserve them
Nor 40 we propose to examine the expenses OF govern
ment Tor any particular period of annals, We prefer
TO illustrate public principles and 10 inquire how FAR
abstract reasoning public policy requires enactmens
favor particular classes 10 cuIial the freedom OF trade
and to hinder the produce of country from going
another, to be fairly exchanged for mutual comfort and
advantage
All human expe fence should convince us that the
great body OF the people consult thsir welfare
when they buy from those who sell The cheapest and The
best, without reference TO the country which supplies
their wants Each one OF us in hs daily intercourse
pursues this course. No prudent citizen makes
ZONE what il would cost him TO make Than To buy
The miller does not make the which be grnds. hu
buys il of The planter. The farmer makes hour-no
even from the wheat which grows upon his own farm :
he gels II from the merchant who buys 10 sell aaain
The merchant may havein his the fabrics OF which
he chooses his clothes be made but lie does not
make his clothes hut gets them OF the tailor, VINO sup
plies the cheapest and the hest This practice general
perhaps universal And surely what is wise and useful
in the daily business Of body the irest nation may
adopt with safery and advantage and there ore ii other
nutiO ht Afl
than we ourselves can make, II is better 10 procure Them
from abroad than to make them al home. When any
article be gotten iron foreign parts cheaper and bet
ter than we make II, will take toprocuFe that ar'l-
Gle only part oil the proceeds OF what equal industry.
employed by equal capital. would procure at home
trade left to follow It's natural courses; and there
fore to prohibit the purchase of foreign goods is to d.
vert industry from protsbe pursuits, and TO lessen the
value OF labor and capital In the case stated It would
be wiser 10 purchase the foreign articles that the differ
between the price OF the foreign and domestic
tcles might be saved and used TO pay debts to augment
capital or TO crafty desires in any other way Without
reference 10 value and price, TO deal IN market merely
because il happens to be domestic would impair
finances saddle us with debt and conduct to ruin.
To buy from country that sells cheaper than
does not inae domestic industry IT only points out tina
quarter from whence that industry derives the greatest
advantage. i does inure our domesiic industry, how
ever, TO employ in the protection of anything which
costs more TO produce at home than to procure from
abroad For example, lemons oranges, and other trop
cal fruits used in the United States, can be gotten from
abroad both cheaper and better than we can produce
them; and to country with compost and hot
houses and legslae such costly exolcs into general
culture here, would squander capital and msappy labor
IN despite OF all the bounty and assistance which govern
ment could besiow.
To give the produce oil domestic industry such legal
protection would exclude from this country rival
t'cles made abroad in effect drec, citizens how
to employ their capital and 10 spend the earnings OF their
lawful industry But why should that be done II we
procure articles of domestic produce cheap and
good as those OF foreign Countries legal assistance 10
Obtain them is useless II we cannot every such assist
ance unIus, and oppressive as burdens the multitude
10 pamper few
Every effort to enrich country by forcing OBJ
sructng its pursuits is not merely idle, but mischevous
Also No efforts OF government increase the indus
try OF country beyond the amount which its proper
capital will support Lawglvers may force or ence a
portion oil active industry into channels which, without
legislative interference never would have taken But
whether forced artificial channels tend 10 pro
mote the general welfare tLan channels which that
industry would have taken OF It's accord is The more
TO be doubted the longer witness the bengDaD results
OF commercial freedom In free country The greatest
latitude should be given TO labor and capital; Tor each
member OF society exerts himself TO select the adj
vantageous investment for the labor and capital he
poys True in choosing such employments, he consults
his private interest But that very interest will discover
the pursuits most useful the body polite OF which he
a member, and on which his hopes and his Tears, hIs
pleasures and his PAINS his losses and his gains,
rally dependent Each person. in his proper sphere,
knows better than the awgivers who direct him how
conrovens this settled truth knows what little reliance
can be placed on his knowledge of mankind As the
body polite is formed Of the members who compose H.
eacn membc by using his labor and capital TO The great
es advantage, promotes the common good OF all. This
no clear IN theory that hardly needs the OF
perence 10 confirm II.
right to the profits OF our labor and capital is the
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