The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-01-30

xno 04Ghts Of the Slave 0tatos.s
Whatever may be the issue, none can mis-
understand the profound Impression upon the
public mind, made by the legislation OF the ex-
listing Congress, on the subject Of the terrific
ries, and slavery in the District Of Columbia.
At the time we write, discussions Of the most
excited and impsssioned character, disturb the
quiet Of Georgia, Carolina, Mississippi, and Ala
bama. The opinion prevails in these States,
that they have suffered denial of justice from
the Federal Government; and, in that denial,
principles have been declared, which strike at
the foundations of political equality in the Union
and social security at home. Before the tenn
pest Of excitement and passion shall have reached
us, We propose to take retrospect OF the past
relations OF the Federal Government with sla-
very, the positions which have been assumed
in reference to it, by the n0n-slaveholding
States, and the duties which rest upon US, who,
for weal or wo are associated with it,
Slavery was mentioned in the draught Of the
Declaration Of Independence "I'he clause rep
ROTATING the enslaying Of Inhabitants of Africa
was struck out" says Mr.. Jefferson, +" in COM
pliance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had
never attempted to restrain the Importation OF
slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to
continue it. Our Northern brethren, also, be-
lieve, felt little tender under these consumes
for though their people have very few slaves
themselves, yet they had been pretty considera-
BILE carriers of them to others"
On the 18th of July, 1916, some articles, to
regulate the confederacy between the ancient
colonies, were reported to Congress. One Of
these provided that the charges of war, and ex-
penses incurred for the common defence, should
be borne by the several colonies, in proportion
to population, of every description except Indiana
Mr.. Chase, of Maryland, moved to amend by in
serting "Dhits" before population Thus the re-
lation Of slaves to the Federal Government
formed question within the first month of the
connection "Negroes are property" said the
members of the South, "and should be dealt
with as property; they cannot be distinguished
from lands or personalities" "Negroes are
persons" replies Mr.. John Adams, g and it is of
no consequence whether you call them freemen
or slaves. In some, States the laborng poor is
called the one, and in others they bear the other
name; but the difference to the State is mag
mary. That the condition Of the laboring poor
in most countries-that Of fishermen particu-
larly in the Northern States is as abject as that
of slaves" This difference between the Sec.
tons was not composed until 1888, at which
time it became the subject Of a compromise
were rated as three freemen
In the formation of the Federal Constitution,
the same difference was manifest, The propo-
sition was m .de, to adopt the settlement Of l783
as fixing the ratio of taxation and representa-
ton. The reply of Mr. Gerry instantly was
/" that property ought not to enter into the rule
of representation. Why, then, should the
blacks, who were property in the South, DO, in
the rule Of representation, more than the cattle
and horses of the North" The North generally
maintained this opinion, inconsistent as it was
with the one formerly defended.
Something more then month after the Con-
vention met, Mr.. Madison delivered the follow
ing speech, Of concentrated wisdom, in which he
disclosed the principles which should constitute
the cornerstone of the Constitution, and the al
most insurmountable embarrassments that were
opposed to their attainment.
June 3Oh, 1887
Mr.. Madison admitted that every peculiar in
terest, whether in any class of citizens, or any
description Of States, ought to be secured as far
rs possible. Wherever there is danger OF at
tack, there ought to be constitute aal po,oer of
defence. But he commended that the States were
divided into different interests; not by their diff
ference Of size, but by other crcumstances-the
most material Of VIII CHI resulted partly from eli
mate, bla principally from the effects Of having,
or not haring slares. These two causes con-
CURED in forming the great division of interests
in the United States. 1t did not lie between
the large and the small States; il ian bet,ceen
The Northern and Southern Siates and II anu de-
fensiue poaoer icere necessary, ought 10 be mii-
tuaity giuen 10 these tpo interests He was so
strongly impressed with this important truth
that he had been casting about in his mind for
some expedent to answer the purpose. The
one which had occurred was, that, in stead of
proportioning the votes of the States in both
branches, to the irrespective numbers of inhabi-
tants, computing the slaves in the ratio of FIVE
to three, they should be represented in one
branch according to the number of free inhabi-
tants only; and in the other, according to the
whole number, counting the slaves as free BIZ
Mis arrangement, the Southern States ,oould haze
the advantage in one house and the Northern in
The other. He had been restrained from propos-
ing this expedient by two considerations: one
was his unwingness to urge any diversity of
interests, on an occasion when it was but too
apt to arise of itself; the other was The inequality
of powers that must be rested in The too branches
and phich ,oould destroy The equilibrium Of I'M
tereSs"
Mr.. Madison proposed nothing correspondent
to the great and noble conception embodied in
this speech The equality of the States in the
Senate was not a Southern measure, nor was it
designed to answer the purpose of their protec-
ton. For many years, the power of the North
was in the Senate. He opposed the measure
for the indiscriminate representation of all per-
sons in the House of Representatives. The de-
bates show that the opinion of Mr. Madison, as
to the point Of division, was not peculiar to him
IL hecame general