The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-05-26


Almost the entire body Of Southern people
who resolved to submit to the late compromise
adopted or endorsed the position assumed by the
Georgia convention. They determined, with a
discrimination somewhat amusing and self-con-
demning, that, although, they could gracefully
submit to the compromise measures, they would
not submit to further aggressions. An uncon-
ditiona submission to the compromise seemed
to be so much like unconditional submission 10
federal power, that the convention almost invol-
unfairly and unavoidably fell into the necessity
of defining the limits of its submission. That
conclusion is so important in itself, and in the
principles and consequences it indicates, that ii
deserves very serious consideration.
One of the resolutions of the convention is,
that the State of Georgia will resist, even to a
disruption of the ties that bind her to the Union,
arepeal OF the Fugitive slave law, or the refusal
10 admit new States, whose constitutions do not
prohibit slavery, or the passage Of laws, con-
corning slavery in the District of Columbia, ad-
verse to the peace, honor or safety of the SoutF
or the prohibition Of the interstate slave trade
&c. Here are four or five conditions which
Georgia prescribes as indispensable to her con.
tinuance in the Union
The Georgia Union convention then distinct
ly asserts the right of secession. For, if either
of these further aggressiOns is committed, she
repudiates the Union--a thing which she can do
only by secession. Now, it cannot be pretended
for a moment that the able and respectable
members of that body, in case the contingency
occurs on which they renounce the Union and
they will thereby become population of trail
tors of rebels, of criminals: that they will be
legally hunted and hanged as outlaws! No, they
believe on the contrary that they have the right
to secede, and that any body who opposed them
in doing right would be dong wrong.
Georgia, having then with the appreciation of
the most Union-loving people of the South as
secede, and to determine for herself the contin
gency on which she will secede, has asserted the
right of South Carolina, or Of any other State,
to secede and to determine the circumstances on
which for herself she will exercise this right
If, therefore, the case of South Carolina seces-
sion comes before the next Congress, Georgia
stands already pledged to oppose federal coer
cion--not because she may think South Caro-
lima has adequate. cause of secession but be-.
cause Georgia, by asserting for herself the right
of deciding this question for herself, has the ely
asserted the right of all the other States to do
the same thing. Georgia stands committed still
further than this. She must not only oppose
anv proposition to employ federal force in the
coercion of South Carolina, she cannot permit
her own money, much less her own men to bs
20 engaged. Nay, she cannot tolerate :he cm
ployment of the men or money of any State t.
make a forcibe attempt to crush right which
she asserts for herself For an attempt by fed
eral force to coerce South Carolina, since il
proceeds only on the assumption that Stlte has
no right to secede, would be an attack on the
Georgia platform itself, which asserts the right
Let us recollect that the Georgia convention
was no irregular or unauthorized body of men,
but a State convention, called by law, to decide
earnest discussion. The principles set forth in
the resolutions of that body have the same dig.
nifty, force and sanctity, as bill of rights in
State constitution. The occasion was great
were put forth with the most solemn assurances
that they would be maintained to the very letter
Hence, in the next Congress, not only Georgia
but all the South which adopted, endorsed and
such thing fragment of faith and honor re-
naming, repudiate and resist the application of
force employed in crushing the right of secession.
Even the last Virginia resolutions, in which both
parties concurred so unanimously and mysteri-
ously, assert by inevitable inference the same
doctrine They declare that they differ about
the justice, expediency, and constitutionality of
the compromise measure, but do not think they
justify the adoption of any measures tending to
a dissolution of the Union. We must infer then
that measures might be adopt that would jus
tify disunion, and in that event, the members Of
the gsIature would be in favor oft. Ofcourst
they did not imagine that in such ia contingency
they would have been Immediately converted
into body Of traitors, peuurers and felons Of
the darkest dye.
The only possible expedient of escape from
the argument that even the Virginia resolution.
assert, by inference the right of secession, (and
il is often stronger mode Of asserting princi
pie, than by direct terms,) is that they NEAR
what il called "the right Of revolution" Blu
we have already unanswerably exposed the fal
lacy and solecism of this phrase. The truth is
the fright, of revolution" means, when reduced t.
its painest terms, the right Of being hanged,
you are caught in the act Of resisting nggres
sion.
sFA constitutional convention has beef
recently held at Concord, N. H., and after mucl