The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-02-10

suspend the rules, and far Legislation is con-
ccrned, are pretty much dies Since then sew
enteen working days have elapsed, and excluding
the Mondays, fifteen; and excluding the two days
which were devoted to paying the last tribute OF
respects the memory ofan esteemed member, thir-
teen. But we have yet got through with the spe
cial order which before and the business OF
the District of Columbia has not yet been acted
upon. Supposing that we get through with the
bill now before US to-day, and greatly fear we VIII
not, we will have nineteen business days remaining
Of the session, of which four are Mondays, and Six
Fridays and Saturdays, that are set apart by the
rules Of the House for the consideration Of private
bills. Deduct these and the day appropriated to the
District of Columbia, and we have but eight days
left for the consideration OF the general aPPropra
ton bills and other business which it is indispensa-
bic to the public interest should be acted up
on. OF the general appropriation bills, but
one has been considered here, VIZ: the De-
ficiency bill Il is certain that bill will be
amended by very considerable additions in the
Senate, and must come back here Tor considera-
ton. We have nine other appropriation bills,
which it is imperative duty to consider and
lead to great embarrassment. These bills are the
Military Academy bill, the Revolutionary and
other Pensions bill, the Navy Pension bill, the In
dian bill, the Post Office bill. the Army bill the
Navy bill, and the Civil and Diplomatic bill. In
these bills appropriations are made amounting to
upwards Of $40, 900 900, and providing for every
department Of the public service Besides these
bills, there are several Senate bills on the Speakers
|
acted upon. I allude particularly toathe Senate
bill designed to provide against the effect Of late
decision of the Supreme Court concerning the APP
praisement of imported merchandise. II we give
Fridays and Saturdays TO the confederation of pri-
vnte bills, will not have one day for each OF the
general appropriation bills, TO say nothing of the
other business not to be postponed, except at the
expense OF great detriment to the country But II
we appropriate Fridays and Saturdays to public
| business, will have but sixteen days for the
of the of important bills to which
have referred In this statement have made no
allowance for unforeseen occurrences, melancholy
one Of which is fresh in memories; nor to the
fact that in the last ten days OF the session motions
to suspend the rules in order at any time, and
that much time will be consumed in efforts of that
Sort
Under these circumstances, feel it my duty
again to call upon the House in the most ear
nest manner to sustain me on Monday next in
making the general appropriation bills special or
ders, to protract Its sessions and TO abstain as far
possible from general debate. If it does not, it
ia certain that the appropriation bills will pass
without proper confederation, or that some of them
will fail altogether II, after this repeated state
ment, ! am not sustained, and the public in
terest shall suffer great embarrassment, as in the
event Of the failure of any of the general appro
priation bills the responsibility, which will be
very heavy one, must rest upon the House The
House will bear me witness that have done my
duty and if the Republic suffer detriment, the
Committee Of Ways and Means will be guiltless.
MIR. DANIEL then proceeded to address the
u
Board Of Accounts. He contended that it would
not remedy the evil of which gentlemen had COM
planned, and would only benefit claim agents and
| those who have unjust claims. Clerks in the De-
partments hunt up information to make successful
agents Themselves place il in the possession Of
others; and great many Of the claims, of which
large mass have been sent to the committees for
investigation, are such that agents know nothing
about them. He feared that agents, by keeping
bad claims before Congress prevented an cxan,ina.
ton OF meritorious cases The committees of the
House can ascertain the justrress of claims as
well as Board of Accounts. Washington was tho
worst place in which board OF this character
could be established because every claimant would
have to go before it, and submit 10 tariff OF fees,
which would pass into the hands of discretionary
agents. Therefore, among other reasons, he would
not crcatethe Board. Wine suppers had been spo-
ken ofas having influence on the action of mem
bers ofCongress. Ofthis he knew nothing; but was
it not likely, if this be 60, that similar appi-
ances could be brought to bear on the Board
through members who might be acquaintance of
claim agents. But such appliances could not be
brought to bear the courts of the United Staes.
Thank God! the judiciary has high character for
purity, and could not be corrupted and tempered
with by the influences which could be brought to
bear here. He repeated, there was no absolute ne
cessity for any of these plans submitted but if Con-
gress was determined to make the experiment, he
desired that they adopt the substitute which he had
proposed, (allowing claimants to the United
States by bill in equity.)
MIR. EWING spoke in favor of the bill, as every
the House, that it not able to give to private
claims the consideration which was desirable. He
spoke Of the waste of time whenever the private
calendar is taken up, and the thin attendance of
membe on such occasions and characterized the
evil as crying one, which ought to be remedied.
The time to which the debate was limited by re-
solution now arrived.
The pending question was stated, viz on fixing
the annual salaries OF three commissioners to COM
pose the Board of Accounts. Debate ensued, in
explanation Of and in opposition to amendments
involving the merits Of the bill
MIR. JOHNSON, of Tennessee, offered an amend
ment to vest the appointment of the commissioners
in the Supreme Court, instead of in the President,
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.
He said that when the Wing party out of power
they make war on Executive patronage; and the
Democratic party, when out of power, make war
on Executive patronage When either party are
out of power, they all say that Executive patron
age is too great. The bill proposed nothing more
than part Of the judiciary System. and II was
constitutional to confer the appointments on the
Supreme Court. The Supreme Court has been
above suspicion, and stands high, and should
prefer the Supreme Court, and thus strip the Exec
utive OF this portion OF patronage
The amendment was disagreed to-
Mr.. GORMAN moved to strike out the first Sec
sion of the BILL He did this to test the sense of the
committee, whether they desire its passage, and to
facilitate business. He against this whole pro-
ject and conceded with the view of the gentleman
from Ohio, (Mr. CAnTTER,) that this not to be
court e q s9Stys but a court Of beneyolence
u1t. oPposcQ the aInenOment. from
what he had seen of the delays of Congress to do
justice, he was willing to resort to almost any other
mode than that Of Congress, it being the worst of
all Judicial systems. He almost dehed the House
to put this bill in any shape that he would vote
for il.
The committee resumed the consideration of the
particular item of the salaries of the three commits
sioners, and, without dsposing ofit, rose. when
The House adjourned.
PETITIONS PRESENTED UNDER THE RULE.
BY Mr.. CALVIN: The petition of John Rogers,
Daniel q. Park esqrs., and 25 others, citizens of
Blair county, Pennsylvania, asking for medif-
cation of the tariff Of 1916.
Also, the petition of Joseph r. Stuart, ESQ.,, and
90 others, cizens Of the same county, for the
| purpose.
By Mr.. PlTMAN: The petition of Peter Filbert
and lO4 other citizens of Schuylkill county, Penn
syivania, asking Congress to modify the existing
tariff laws in such manner as to afford more ade-
quate protection to American industry.
Also, the petition of Samuel Heilncr and 90 other
citizens Of Schuylkil county, Pennsylvania, for
| similar purpose.
Also the petition of Gcorre Hill and 90 other