Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1851-12-20
with his reply to the Philadelphia committee The geo.

with his reply to the Philadelphia committee The
tsrnan says III Ha 3 %
luton introduced by the Senator from Mississippi been
withdrawn he proper to become highly offended and a
sumed to deliver lecture upon the conduct Of Congress-
Sir, have such lecture: 1 have seen no proof
OF Governor kossuths becoming often. e with the action
OF Congress at all: in my judgment did the printed
extract read from Governor Kossuths reported address to-
the Philadelphia committee at all warrant the description
now given OF by the honorable gentleman lie express
ed hrs regret simply in ecorous and respectful language
that Congress had hesaed about according him nation
nj reception, and added
Had known that in the place where was invited
to this country BY act Of Congress- the body would
now decline to bid me welcome would have thought
was not welcome guest"
Why sir surely If Congress should refuse 10 bid him
welcome he could not do otherwise than the con-
clnsion that he not welcome we refuse to well
come him, viii he be welcomed by us? And if thus re-
fused welcome will he have right still to regard him
sell as welcome2 He ventures to add that had he anti
cipated this refusal OF welcome he would not have wish
ed to ntrude" Certainly sir, this language is exceed
ngy proper and not at all dsrespeet in its character
What gentleman in the world would wish to intrude under
the circumstances stated?
Again: the gentleman insists that the intention of Kos
suth is to involve us in European hope not sir
and must confess that have seen not the least evidence
yet of his entertaining any such intention He has GER
tainy, on many occasions, most explicitly disavowed any
such design and hold in my hand New York newspa-
per, in which is published an authorized from
him which reads as follows:
The impression having gone through some of the pub
lie Journals that the purpose of Governor Kossuh aims at
orcibe intervention in foreign affairs we fake lon
authority that such is not the fact He simply that Eng
land and America shall unite in affirming the policy that eve
~ nation shall have the right 70 make political
institutions to suit its condition and
that the nations England America) shall not only
ee 6p to Be respected this doctrine, as to prevent
holds as sssa RaEhpk ss spss int Hnssy H
tude powerful enough TO prevent and the
to war to repuse an ntervention already commenced
Kouh has intended suggest that America should copy
the example of France during Revolution according the
hu
widely different and all that be hoped is that great and
free country like this should in behalf of freedom
ing to the time and the circumstances in which it placed
am not prepared at this moment express my views
in regard to the true policy of this country at the present
upon the delicate question herein referred to-
That question as has been repeatedly shown does
all arise upon this simple resolution of welcome, and
protest against this hasty and extempoaneous decision of
great question Of national policy which is entitled to
calm and extended examination at hands, in all its
and momentsus bearings and concerning which the
abest and most experienced statesmen of the republic
might well differ Certain it u.s. that there are very dis
nguished gentlemen in this country who have avowed
the opinion that discreet and enlightened regard to
own safety and honor Of the Independent nations
Of the earth requires that should, in some form or
other assert at this me the acknowledged principle Of
international law that every nation shall have the right
to make and alter its political institutions to suit its
condition and convenience This principle of the
utmost value in ITSELF and less important us than
to other civilized nations and it is undeniaby true that
movements have occurred within the last year two of
nature to call the validity of this principle into serious
question and which, not in way checked, must
eventually subyert it forever Sir the views forciby
presented by Governor Kossuth touching this point
declared for the first time in this country They
have been long ago declared by of abest and
most conservative statesmen in the two houses of Congress-
in language Of wonderful force and clearnes without
believe, calling forth disapproval in any quarter. In
proof of this beg leave to read in hearing of the Senate
the extracts from the speech of the present Secretary of
State, Mr. Webster upen the Greek question, in the
year 1929 to whic referred in the beginning of these
remarks. shall not, this occasion, declare my own
entire sanction Of the doctrines then asserted BY Mr.
Webster; still less will take it upon myselfto denounce
to censure them but venture to that Kossuh
has neither gone further is likely hereafter to 20
further than did Mr. Webster during the calm and peace
full administration Of Mr. Monroe, in asserting the policy
of this country touching the attempts Of the Allied Pow
Of Europe to intervene for the purpose Of putting
down republican Governments newly springng into exist
that continent It is thus that Mr.. Webster ex-
pressed himself more than twenty-five years ago:
might well Mr. Chairman avoid the responsibility or
this if had in judgment tendency 70
change the policy of the country With the general Of
peaceful and happy; and should very reluctantly put its
peace prosperity or risk appears to how
that this resolution is strictly c0rmabls to Our general
policy and only consistent with interests but de-
manded by large and liberal view Of those interests
Again, he says:
1t be denied that the great political question of this
that between absolute and regulated Governments The
any in its governments whether the form Of govern
shall be that of limited monarchy with less mix
Oh nereoEy power eiecuVe OF
perhaps be considered subordinate The main conro
yersy between that absolute rule which, while it promises
govern WELL nevertheless without control and
that regulated constitutional system which resains
reign discretion and that society claim matter
of right effective power the establishment Of the laws
which regulate it. The spirit Of the time with
most powerful current in favor Of these last mentioned opin
ions is opposed however, whenever and wherever it
ITSELF by Of great potenates Europe and
it opposed ON grounds applicable in civilized nation
another and which would justify such opposition in rela
ton the United Staes well in relation to any other
State Nation time and circumstance should render such
opposition expediert
What part becomes this country take question of
this far il called to take part cannot be
volon. Our history, situation, charac
ter necessarily decide position and course before
have time to ask whether have option Our place
is on the side of free institutonsn
Further or, he thus continues:
"I win now Mr. Chairman advert to those pretensions put
forth by the allied sovcregns Of continental Europe which
TO calculated unrested bring drepute
principles of Government, and wholly
compatible with any degree Of national independence do
introduce these considerations for the sake Of topics
not about to decaim against crowned heads to quarrel
with country for preerring form Of government different
from The choice that exercise for ourselves am
quite willing to leave also to others but appears that
the pretensions Of which have spoken wholly inconsistent
with the independence Of nations generally without regard 70
the question whether their absolute monarch
CAL md limited purely popular and representative have
most deep and thorough conviction that has risen
in the World that and dangerous combinations taking
wholly subversive their tendency Of tho public Law of
Of the general liberties Of mankind. Whether this
be tho question which propose examine
such grounds Of information the common and public