Port Tobacco times, and Charles County advertiser. (Port Tobacco, Md.) 1845-1898, 1851-09-10

the Southern States in regard to slavery, and the
recapture of fugitive slaves all the old party issues
which formerly divided the Wing and Democratic
parties, seem to have been laid aside for while
or to have run down to common point Indeed,
it is undoubtedly true, that in no state south Of
Mary land, the two parties arrayed against each
other, at this moment under their old names, of
Wing and Democrat The only issues in those
States have been between the Union men and the
Secessionsts, and these to be the princ pal is
sues which are likely to be agitated in the next Con-
gress 1t is needless for me to say, that am decid-
ed Union man, and will support the Compromise
measures of the last Congress: although am free
to confess, that there portions of them, which,
as an original question, never would have obtained
my acquiescence. ! do not believe that Congress
has any power to abolish slavery, the slave trade
in the District Of Columbia. The abolition Of the
traffic in slaves in the District of Columbia neces
sarily implies, in my judgment, the power to abol
ish slavery itself The one begets the other, as
the destruction of the power of alienation of prop
erty, will necessarily render the property itself Of
SO little value to be scarcely worth the owning.
find no such power, either expressed or implied,
in any of the provisions of the Constitution. The
power of erclusiue legislation over the ten miles
square, does not, by any means, imply the right of
absolute power over subjects not committed to its
jurisdiction. But apart from all this, can see no
reason why Congress, if it think proper cannot
with much show of reason, forbid the traffic in
tobacco, wheat or any other of our agricultural
productions, within the limits Of the District, and
forbid their importation therein for sale, they
may do so, in reference to our slaves. The one
species CT property is as much own as the 9TH
or, and we have the same free and unrestricted
right of sale, and ought to have the same CONNER
cial freedom, i'll reference to the to the
other. The evil Of this objection, however, ad-
nit, is much miigatcd by the reflection that the
Compromise act does not absolutely forbid all trat
tic in slaves in the District but only their impor
tation with view to be placed in slave pens, for
sale beyond the limits of the District was chiefly
designed to break up the public slave establish
mcnts which had been located there. 1t does not
affect the right of any citizen of the District to inn
port slave which he has purchased for his own
use, and therefore does not affect, to any extent
whatever, the rights of the citizens Of the ad Join
ing States to sell to any citizen of the District for
his own use, this description of property. Still,
it is an attack, to some extent, upon the right of
alienation, and although, original question,
should not have given this part of the Compro-
mise measures my sanction, yet will run the risk
of loosing all the good which has been secured to
the South by the passage of the Fugitive Slave Bill
by any attempt now to repeal this Objectionable
feature. | am willing to stand by the whole, as
measure of peace and reconciliation, and eminent
ly conducive to the perpetuation Of the Union of
these States.
While therefore, shall give my hearty support
to these measures, and shall advocate their tncon-
litional fuliIment by the free States, in carrying
out faithfully the provisions of the Fugitive Slave
Law, am free to declare, that shall go as far as
he who may go farthcst, i'll resisting all encroach-
ments upon the constitutional rights OF the South
ern States, and shall be prepared to meet any G.
mergcncy in which the Nation may be involved,
growing out Of any attempt TO impair the security
of their property, the failure of other States to
discharge their constitutional Obligations.
In reference to the Tariff question, which,
from the present indications, is likely also to be
brought up in the next Congress, have only to
say, that this has never been, and never can be,
in the nature of things, made mere party qucs-
ton. 1t is one so purely of sectional character
and addresses itself so thoroughly to the sefinter
est of individuals, and Of classes of individuals,
that no mere party division of men can ever be
brought to unite, as such, upon any well defined
principles of universal application. A Inform tar
nj Of duties, which might operate benefclally up
on one class ofdomestic operatives, might operate
injuriously upon another, and the difficulty of COM
ing to a common conclusion, would be greatly in
creased by the decree of protection which this or
that rate of duty might afford to or the other
of the different branches of domestic industry,
seeking the advantages of a Protective Tariff
The only true rule, looking to a state of uniform-
ty, it seems to me. would be, as strict an adher-
encc as possible to the revenue standard and yet
such determinations might be made, in levying
duties for revenue, as would bring protection to
those branches Of domestic industry, which faith
full representative, looking to the wants and inter
ests of his immediate constituents. might feel 1t to
be his duty as well as his inclination to promote.
As for myself | have never doubted the constitu-
tional power to lay duties with view to prOtec-
ton and the only consideration with me in refer
to this whole question of the taxing power of
the Government has been rather one of eXpeden-
cy that of constitutional power. 1t is very well
known that have always advocated the levying
by Congress of retaliatory duties, upon an amount
of importations from those countries which have
imposed such heavy duties on our great staple,
Tobacco equal to the amount excluded by their
unjust and onerous restrictions. Upon the prOduc-
tions of both France and England would lay high
retalatory duties, until they manifest willing
ness to do us justice, by lessening the burdens i'm
posed on our Tobacco trade. | am well aware
that such system Of Legislation would operate al
SO to the advantage OF many other branches of our
domestic industry at least so long as the retalia
tory duties were in existence and to none more
advantagcously perhaps, than to the Iron interest
of Maryland, as well as to certain other manufac-
turing interests of the State :; but in doing SO,
should have the qualification to know, that great
agricultural interests Of my constituents would at
the same time be promoted and should feel graft
fed at the success of a measure which afforded
such conoint relief to so many different interests
of the people of my State. shall continue to eX-
ert all my efforts to the promotion Of so desirable
a result and in the arrangement of the Tariff, |
shall advocate the levyng ofno duties with view
to the protection of any particular branch of do
nestle industry, unless at the same time they be
levied as to promote the agricultural interests OF
the State. confess feel deeper interest i'll
this department of human labor than in any other,
and shall strive to devote my main efforts to the fur
therance of its success and to the advancement
of its prosperity.
take pleasure in saying also that ] shall give
my hearty support to the present Administration
of the General Government The faithful and
energetic manner in which the present Executive
has discharged his duties, in executing the laws
Of The country, and the firm and decided purpose
he has exhibited. to carry out, IN good faith the
COMPROMISE measures ofthe last Congress. deserve,
in my Judgment, the appreciation of the whole
country.
In conclusion, fellow citizens, feel constrained
to say word or two in reference to my opponent
| am sure he will believe me to be sincere, when
declare, that have for him personally, the great
est respect. and the highest admiration OF his cha
racter and abilities have been, for many years,