The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-01-31

osioeo the convention was controlling in he
acuon. We select two extracts to show this
ana one from speech Of Mr.. Sergeant, for ths
constitutional opinion 1t contains.
Rufus King said, the extension Of slavery be
yond the old thirteen United States was a VIC
lation Of the compact 1t abridged the polti
cal power Of the nou-slaveholding States The
admission OF Louisiana, itself. made a new con
iederacy or compact and il the attempt to ex
tend slavery beyond the Mississippi succeeded
the people of the North ought not TO submit
for any interest whatever. No interest ought
to DO put in competition with political power
1t was as one of the original parties to the CON-
pact, he felt himself bound in honor not to sub.
nit.
Mr.. Taylor of New York, said, the majority
may be Ia your hands--you may have the power
to pass such laws but beware how you use it.
Remember by whom and for whom this Gov
eminent was established I'VE, the people Of
the United States" made it, to secure our lib
erty and promote our welfare. True, sir, it il
not every violation Of the Constitution that will
justify extreme measures Our Union may be
compared to commercial partnership. Some
omissions OF duty and acts Of unkindness may
be forgiyen-many errors Of judgment may be
overlooked and forgotten; buff there be a trans.
gression which, in its very nature, is beyond for
givsness, and requires resistance, it consists in
admitting into the concern new and unexpected
partners, in such manner as to change the prin-
ciples of the partnership ITSELF and destroy the
| rights of the original owners"
Dir Sergeant asks, whence can n State free
from slavery derive right to originate or re-
establish slavery? It cannot, by force, reduce
ffeemen to the condition of slaves This no one
will undertake to maintain. 1t cannot draw
them from abroad for Congress- have unques
| Iionable power to prohibits mportaton. Can it
receive them from other States of the Union?
The suppOsition imputes to the Constitution the
greatest weakness, and is wholly inconsistent
with the hope entertained BY the great men who
formed it, that this evil might one day be nbol
lshed. think this channel is stopped, as it
ought to be. by the power of Congress to pre-
vent importation and migration. Importation,
we all understand to include slaves brought in
from al ,ad from any foreign to- ritory, by land
or water; we all agree that it is sufficient to COM
prehend in its interdict every bringing in of
slaves from abroad The term migration is APP
piled to the same description Of persons, and,
upon the plainest principles of construction,
must be understood to be something different
from importation. What can it apply to but
| the passage or transfer of slaves from one State
or territory to another"
These discussions were followed by truce,
in the country for a series Of years. on this SUBJ
ject. There appeared, however, in the discus
sion OF public questions, strong tendency TO
division, having for lines the geographical Sec
tons Of the confcderacy. Tho command of the
commerce Of the country, by federal Legislation,
is, and has been from the beginning, a predom-
inant part of the Northern policy The legisla
ton in favor of the shipping interests has
| amounted to the grant Of monopoly. The To-
cation of bank fthe United States cencentra-
| ted commerce and revenue at the point of loca-
| ton the assumption of State debts enriched
Northern capitalists, and, at later period, taxes
levied upon imports, and duties imposed to pre-
vent or curtal importation, founded the manu-
featuring cities of the North. The people of that
section look habitually 10 federal Legislation for
a stimulus to their industrial pursuits. Federal
expenditures are applied fer, and obtained foI
their important enterprises The varying and
constantly increasing demands OF this nature
many years ago, awakened opposition Angry
collisions arose between the sections, and in the
discussions they originated slavery constantly
appears near the surface of the debates. A wide
gulf the relations Of the States, and the poll
cy suitable to them, appeared to divide the opn.
ions OF ID public men of the two sections. The
North attained great triumph for its opinions
in the discussions with South Carolina, in 1872
and 1888, by consolidating the Northern people
and politicians into party, maintaining the in
dvsible, indissolube, supreme power of the
Federal Government The contradiction between
these ideas of the North, and the federative no.
tons of the Southern States, is as decided as il
is on slavery itself, and probably has its root in
the different states OF society in the two sections
During these years, there were one or more
discussions on slavery, in which the broad dis
sent in the opinions of the state smen of the two
sections upon the relations of the Federal Gov
eminent to it, was manifested These discus
sions, while they are important links in the his
torcal chain, yet, of themselves, were marked by
no consequence. In l833 the first dawn of a
change was exhibited in the social and political
ideas of the country Before this time, slavery
WAS dealt with as legitimate institution, which,
though it did not command the appreciation, was
held to be entitled to the tolerance of the entire
American community. The objections expressed
to it were never directed to its overthrow. 1t
was complained OF as an element Of power
bond of political union-or, IA an unjust inSti-
u o,-but all held to the conclusion that It
could not be assailei, in Congress or elsewhere,
except by State authorities. AS a moral and
religious institutions to the responsibility OF
maintaining it, or the consequences Of doing so
-ueSc QueS'lhn8 Od not arse
The British government after the suppression
| of the slave tr.d by the Parliament, endeavored
to enlist al Christian nations in league for its
overthrow Ia this, it succeeded and, stimu
lated, thereby, farther anti-slnvery movements
The same classes who overturned this traffic,
followed their srcc - by an assault upon do
mestic slavery. Concessions were made by the
Tory government of Great Britain, in 1924, to
he principles of abolition. The revolution in
| France in 1880, led to the elevation of the lib
eral party, in England, to power, the adaptation
of the reform bill and the British emancipation
| act as applicable to the West Indies and Mau-
fitius. This success was powerfully felt through
the Northern States. These causes would have
ven an impulse to the agit ton but domestic
causes gave.to it n force almost irrepressiblc,
and broke down those barriers of reserve, which
comfy to States in the same confederacy, and
the absence of direct interest in the question,
had created among the Northern people.
| An insignificant disturbance among the slaves
in one of the counties Of Virginia led to the in
PRODUCTION of resolutions, in 1882, for emanci-
| =. al. Ga r.