The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1851-03-29

which are Wondering at Mount Vernon.
And he would appear to his country at
the head of their armies, or as he appear
ed to his country in the course of his
most glorious administration of the gov
eminent, and conjure, and adjure them,
by every consideration that ought to
have weight with men, "hold on fast by
that constitution which is the only Sc
curity for the liber ty which cost me and
my associates a seven years war of fire
and Blood Applause.
Gentlemen, forgive me. When |
think in these times that there are SO
many that are apparently disposed to
under. alue the maxims and the charac-
ter and exhortations of Washington,
confess, | find myself borne away, often
beyond the power of self-restralnt; | fear
sometimes beyond the limits of proprle-
ty. Our country consists in its liberty;
our country next consists in its instltu-
tons of constitutional law; and, blessed
be God, our country (AmericaD consists
next in the great example of those who
have gone before us, and have left that
example. We are not Americans if we
resist the examples of our predecessors
any more than if we trample upon the
constitution-he work of their hands.
If we have real American hearts in our
bosoms, everything they said, and eve
rything they did to honor and ennoble
their country, impress us with senti-
ments ofprofound respect and regard.
Gentlemen, will you allow me to in
terrupt the course of the few remarks
which had to make to you tonight, by
proposing to you, out of the tullness Of
my heart,
THE glorious and immortal memory of
George Washington
[This toast was drunk ctandng.l
Mr.. Webster resumed: Mr.. President and
gentlemen, III the lapse ofyears and IN the rising
OF one generation after another, 1t may very pos
sibly happen, and we are sure that II does hap
pen, and has happened, that the exact principles
Of the Union ofthese States are not always prop
erly conceived. 1t may not be amiss, therefore,
though do not purpose TO entertain ihis compa-
ny by discussing upon common places-lt may
not be ainlss to recur now TO what conceive to
be the original principle upon which these colo
united, and the limitation upon these objects.
These thirteen colonies, all of English origin,
were settled on this continent at different times
and under different circumstances. They had
differences OF religious opinions. lhry had eS-
tabliShed differences of local law and acmniStra-
ton. They were, SOME of them, quite remote
from one another, but they were all subject TO
the crown of England. And when, in the
course OF events they all thought, and thought
truly, they had Just cause of complaint against
the tyranny of England their object was to unite
in a common cause against a common enemy.
How unitei For what purposes unite? For
what ends unite? Why, II never entered into
their conceptions tlat they were to consolidate
themselves into one governments that they were
to cease to be Maryland. and Mass chuSetts,
and Carolina. Not at all. But they were to
nnl'e Tor those great purposes which should ena-
Bile them to make stand against the tyranny of
the English government. They were 10 come
to an agreement upon things necessary for that
purpose, and nothing else. The objects of COM
mon defence and general warfare, and after
wards the objects connected with commerce and
revenue, which were important TO all, were all
they adopted as principles and objects of union
and Notwithstanding beyond that. As
have said, they had differences ofrclieious opin-
ions. Maryland-your Maryland--was settled
as Il Catholic country; always tolcrant--always
nobody. Virginia was
rather inclined 10 the religious notions Of The
Episcopal Church of England. My country, at
the North, were not only Protestant, but DisScn-
tiers. They were of the school of Cromwell and
Sir Henry Nanc. But what of thati When all
these colonies came together for the general pur
pose of defence against a common enemy, what
did they do? Did they seek TO merge and COM
pound and consolidate all these States into one
urr it,yI N 'hpN+n
TO unite upon those objects which were necessary
for the common defence; and they meant to leave
every thing in the control Of the States, to do Just
as they thought proper That was day of lib
crafty and Justice. 1t was day in which reli-
gious opinions produced no effect upon the gene
raj sentiments of the country in regard 10 the as
ISOLATION of all the States for general defence.
Why, sir, did anybody at the North, did any Prot
esant descendant of Cromwell, or any descendant
of Henry Vane whoever he was, feel any less
confidence in the integrity, virtue, and patriot
ism of Charles Carroll, because he was Catho-
lie? Not at all. Nor did Maryland hesitate 10
accord the need of patriotism whenever il was
due, to the Adamses, TO Alexander Hamilton, TO
Mr.. King, or whoever else belonged to the North,
because they were of different sentiments in re-
lgion. Their association was political 1t was
founded upon general policy--a union, sort of
contederacy al that time, to resist the common
enemy, and do whatsoever was necessary for the
common good. Gentlemen, hope, for one,
never to see this original idea departed from.
Then we come to other propositions. There
nrc differences of laws. The Southern States,
without their own fault, by a course ofevents for
which they were not responsible, had slavery es
tablished among them. Did not all the States
know that7 Did they not deal with them upon
that basisl Did they not recognize that state of
things? Entirely, entirely. That was matter
Of local legislation, OF State right and State adj
with which the North at that time
had not the slightest inclination to interfere, in
any respect whatever; and they ought not to have
had, because ii was one otthoSe things that did
not enter into that general scope of political asso
citation which the colonies meant to form.
Gentlemen, l concur in the sentiments en-
pressed by you all, and flank God they were
EXPRESSED by YOU all-~in the resolutions PASSED