New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1851-04-16
NETWORK TRIBUNE
THE FUGITIVE LAW.
Latter fran Senator Seward.

DEAR Biz: Your letter inviting me to attend
n Convention Of the People Of Massachusetts 0p'
po,ed TO the Fugitive Slave Law, and to comnu'
nicate in writing my opinions on thar statute
,hould be uni able to attend the Convention, has
been received.
while Offering the pressure Of duties here TOO
long deferred as an apology for non-assendanoe'
pray you TO assure the Committee in whose be-
half you act, Of my profound sense OF their c0urte
nv and kindness. Ii would be an honor 70 % III
yited to address the people OF MASSACHUSETTS on
anv subject bat il might well satisfy generous
ambition TO be called upon TO speak to that great
and enlightened Commonwealth, on ques'ion Oi
Human Rights and Civil Liberty.
confess sir, that have earnestly desueo not
10 mingle in the popular discussions OF the meas
ares Of the last Congress The issue necessary
involves the claims Of their advocates and adver.
saries in the public councils, TO the confidence oil
the country. Some Of those advocates have en-
tered the popular arena, eliminating those IRON
whom they had differed, while others have en-
deavored, by extraordinary means, elthet 70 COn,
troll discussion, or 10 suppress 1t sltogetner auo
thus they have shown themselves dsquslned oy
prejudice or interest for practicing that impair
tiaity and candor which the occasion demanded
am unwilling even 10 seem 10 imply oy relte'
rating arguments already before the p9olc. Ilsu'
apv dstrust OF the position OF those WHO Whou
yorable popular verdict which L DeleVe " 20
near, and know to be ultimately certain.
Nevertheless there can be no Improperly In
INV declaring, when thus questioned, the opinions
which will govern my vote upon any occasion
when the Fugitive Slave Law shall come up Tor
review in the National Legislature think the
act sngularly unwise, because 1t Is an attempt
bya purely Federative Government to extend
The economy Of Slave States throughout states
which repudiate Slavery as moral, social ana
political evil. Any Despotic Government would
awaken sedition from it's protoundest slumoers oy
such an attempt
The attempt by this Government has aroused
resistance which will not cease until
the effort shall be relinquished. He who teaches
another faith than this, whether sell deceived or
not, misleads. think, also, that the attempt was
unnecessary that political ends-merely political
ends-and not real evils, resulting from the es-
cape Of slaves, constituted the prevailing motives
30 the enactment
think. also, that the details OF the measure are
indefensible that the denial to the supposed Flu
sitive Of trial of his alleged obligation to LABOR
and OF bis escape from it. bya Court and nothing
less than Court OF Justice, constitutlonally or.
gsnzed, and proceeding according to the course OF
the common law within the State where he Is
claimed, 10 palp4bly in derogation OF the Consti'
tuition; thai the rules OF evidence which the law
presorbes are oppressive OF the weak AID de,
fenseless; and that Christendom might be searched
In vain for parallel to the provisions which make
escape from bondage a crime, by law retroactive
in its effect and without limitations of time TO
favor the presumption of freedom which under
rigorous penalties, compel freemen 10 aid In the
capture of slaves and which offer unmistakaole
Inducements to false claims and false judgments.
Finally, whatever changes Of opinions others may
have undergone, l retain my earliest convictions
shat the Constitutional provision on which the law
puTports TO be founded, 10 merely a compact be-
tween the States and that the Congress OF the
United States have no Jurisdiction OF the subject.
Nor is the law, which is so obnoxious in ITSELF
commended 10 my favor by its connection with
what are called the other measures OF cOmpro-
mise. Compromise implies a mingling of truth
and error, right and wrong One of these aehl-
lated measures denied the admission OF New
Mexico because she had determined TO come IN
rs Free State, and remanded her, with per mis-
sion TO come back in the habillments OF Slavery.
Another distinctly minated 10 the MOrmOns, the
consent of Congress that they should, II they
could, plant Slave State in the very recesses OF
the continent. A third abolished public Slave
Mart in the City Of Washington, without abating
either the extent or the duration OF Slavery in
the District of Columbia. A fourth obtained
peace on humiliatmg terms from one of che young
est and feeblest members Of the Confederacy, in
IN attitude of sediton; while a fifth only re-
luctantly admitted California as a Free State,
when she had refused to contaminate herself
with Slavery. Which One OF these measures
has saperlluOus merit TO be received in extenuR-
t0n OF the Fugitive Slave law : But we are
told, that bad as these measures were they were
the best that could be obtained On the con.
trary, there were always votes enough for the ad-
mission Of California The Thirty first Congress
might have admitted her, and have left the other
questions for another Congress, which, instructed
by the People, might have done better, aud GER
tainly could not have done worse.
Nor do find the Fugitive Slave law growing
IN my favor on the ground OF the already fRlsihed
~ A,NN a. Alawva ia
the Republic an agitation which, whether benef
ioent or otherwise, is as insepsrable from our pc
htical organization, as the winds and clouds are
from the atmosphere that encircles the earth
have weighed, moreover, the argument that
some portions of the people in some OF the States
have made the perpetuty OF the Fugitive Slave
Law condition OF new declarations OF loyalty
70 the Union. That loyalty is a duty resulting
from the Constitution and equally due, whether
the measures OF the administration are satlstsc'
tory or unsatisfactory. l regret that anything
should have happened to encourage belief that
loyalty could be accepted on conditions, and es
pecislly on the condition of forbearing 10 repeal q
repealable statute But since 1t is So can only
say that We, GA whom the recent sctl0n OF the
Government bears, as il seems TO u.s. so anjustly,
are IN the Union for richer for poorer for better,
for worse, whether in ma ority or in minority,
whether in power or powerless, without condi
tiOn, reservation, qualification, or limitation, for
ever and aye; that We are in the Union, not be
cause We are satisfied with its administration,
but whether satisfied or not not at all by means
of compromises or understandings, but by virtue
Of the Constitution; and that all other parties are
In the Union on the same terms, for the sane ten
IRE, and by virtue Of the same obligation; aud
90 they will find their case TO be when they offer
TO plead violations Of extra constitutional cond
tons 70 justify secession. Whatever is repeal
able in those acts, and whatever shall be repeal.
able in future acts Of Congress. whether it shall
favor Freedom or Slavery, no matter under what
circumstances, nor with what auspices, nor with
what solemn,ies it may have been adopted, must
abide the trial of experience, of reason, and Of
truth. IL is only in this way that the Constitution
can be maintained, and the UnioR can be saved
Its security consists in its adaptation 20 the ply.