Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1851-07-12

they are brothers, and that we owe the same
duties TO our colored brother rs to our white
one. (Cheers.) have Iebuked, rs crime
little less than slavery, the distinction made
between men on account of their complexion
in this country. / have lost no opportunity
of assailing that hideous confederacy, called
the Colonization Society, which impiously
brands the colored man as inferior, and i'm
pudently points him from these shores TO
Africa, as the land to which he must be ex-
patriated. Sir, this prejudice is the creature
of slavery, of education, habit, custom, and
above all, of pride. Let us give practical
proof of our genuine conversion, by 'con-
quering this prejudice and treating our col
ored brethren and sisters with the respect
and kindness we show to all who are wor-
thy among those of our own complexion.
find that your fathers, in 1887, deliber-
ately sacrificed the rights of humanity, in
the persons of 100000 slaves of the South
il is of no use saying they did not. The
Constitution that they left behind them as
the result of their labors, and the words
that they uttered when that Constitution was
under discussion, compromise the rights of
humanity. You have no more right to be
free than the slaves have alright TO be free;
you have no better title TO your liberty than
the blackest slave ever born of mother
that was held in bondage. loud applause J
Your revolutionary fathers had no moreright
to compromise the liberties of 100000, or OF
one, than they had TO cut the throats of oil
who were darker than themselves. The
Constitution of the United States contains
the seminal principle of dsunion. 1t pledg-
es protection to slavery, and yourselves to be
partners in the guilt of that system. Your
revolutionary fathers made il 10 secure GER
tain present ends, and did not foresee the
purposes TO which their surrender of princi-
Piles would be turned. They meant il not
but see in this the fatal error that every man
commits who ever compromises grea; prin-
ciple.
That error was speedily incorporated into
your Government, and has governed your
policy all through. Your career has been
downw0rds from the Declaration of Inde-
pendence downwards, until l know not
that you can reach a lower depth than that
in which you now lie-scourged like meni-
ais and slaves, and made to drive the fugi
tive slave from your borders. Downwards
from the formation of the Government, il
| 1892, to the purchase of Louisiana, in 1903
to the Missouri compromise III 1870; to TIN
Seminole Indian war in 1887; to the nd
mission of Texas in 1913 TO the war witt
Mexico in l647 and then, the climax of al
infamy, which makes you the scorn of th
world, the Fugitive Slave Bill, in 1850
loud applause.)
| o, Americans! come back TO those truth:
which were deserted by your revolutionary
fathers Think not / am here to traduce
the men who achieved your independence.
The world could not have furnished more
illustrious band of men than they. They
loved their country so well that in an evil
hour they disobeyed their God, and tram
pied on the rights that pertain to his children
And you are all implicated in their fauts,
Tor every one Of them have been national
subjects.
i am told that do not make any excep-
uons and you see in your national records
only the evidences of restricting power
hon that day to this But what do see (?
rlrst, your Webster addressing you from the
revere House steps, calling your most pro-
iouhu una noble sentiments prejudices, and
entreating you TO abandon them and 10 con-
quer them. land, and find two filgitives
hluing from their pursuers, and every one of
your pulplts in league against them. No,
not every pulpit; thank God, there is more
than one pulpit in Boston that denounces
the Fugitive Slave Law. Tremendous
cheering.) But, find your clergy generally
consentlng TO the delivery of the Crafts
l find your statesmen generally in favor of
the surrender of these persons; and but for
the secrecy that they preserved, or but for
the bravery of that noble man, now safe ON
the other side of the Atlantic, they would
hnye been restored to their claimant. Then
came your Faneuil Hall meeting, with its
sound and fury, and its proclamation against
the pure and Christ-lke ant-savey agita-
ton.
l confess that think you are scandalized
by what is going on in your city. cannot
express the feelings with which looked up
on the persons in your court the other morn
ing. Those twelve men are dsgraced by sit
ting there. The judge upon the bench was
an official minister Of evil. (Long contn,l-
ee applause.l Trial by jury! How will the
world read the description of America put
ting man on trial before dozen men, to
answer for having aided in securing liberty
to a iellow-man The thing is ridiculous,
and is present no where else but in Americn.
In this country, you put twelve men into u
jury-box TO decide whether their brother is a
man or beast; and il depends on their hon
esty whether he shall be man or whether
he shall be beast. He may be written all
over with the signature of God that is not
the question-has he the signature of MIR.
Debree? On this depends the question
whether he is little lower than the angels,
or little less valuable than horse. And
thus, in the State of Massachusetts--in Bos-
ton, the city of the Pilgrams-ihe judgment
Of jury, the talent of legal and learned
men, are all brought into requistion to de-
eide whether being that speaks, wills,
hopes, feGrs, sorrows, rejeices, is amenable
and eligible TO heaven,- whether he is man
or beast And this in Massachusetts !
tell you, as an Englishman, thank God this
is not my State! (Cheers.) If were
in il, would try to make it better
You have greater work than all the world
has got to do besides. say, in this republi-
can country, there is yet to be a greater
struggle for the rights of man than the world