The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-01-09

I
lsion, the former should be regarded as the Prin-
ciple the latter, the Exception being entitled to
receive no favor but such as may be plainly writ
ten in the bond, we assume that our ground is
the only true ground Of peace and harmony. 10
convert the exception into the rule, to subordinate
the greater to the less to make the local control
the national to subject the claims of Freedom TO
the demands of Slavery, is to violate the ConSti-
tuition, TO violate Reason, to violate the Declara-
ton of independence to sacrifice the rights anu
interests, and insult the moral sentiments oil the
vast majority of the American People-in word,
to trample upon the principles of true Democracy,
and subject the destinies of the twenty-four MIL
lions of human beings in this country to the rule
of a Local Interest, animated by the single pur-
pose of its own aggrandizement.
While systematic attempts are made to bring
about or to perpetuate this anomalous, violent
condition there can be no harmony or peace; there
must be dscord, agitation, excitement, such as no
Union Meetings or Committees of Safety can al
Law 1t is not in the nature of things that the
| American People should scquiesce in the suprem-
acy of great wrong Liberty must be recognised
as the controlling spirit, principle, and end OF the
Government, and the Shareholders must consent
that slavery shall be treated as a Local lnstitu-
ton, existing by and within the limits OF State
authority, and for which the Federal Government
must be discharged from all responsibility, ere
they can expect exemption from political disquiet
Soorn, denunciation, prescription, threats OF Sc
cesson, will avail nothing Statesmen to whom
the country has been accustomed to look for guild
ance, may preach submission, but the People will
spurn their counses, and never desist from politi-
cal agitation SO long as they shall be coerced into
political responsibility for a system they abhor'
MEAsURE s OF THE LAST SESSION.
Had the members of Congress from the North
and South understood the philosophy of this con-
iict between Freedom and Slavery, they would
never have dreamed of securing domestic tran
quillity by what they styled "the adjustment of
the last session. On The contrary, shaping their
course simply with view to the quieting Of ex-
element and discussion, and the excluding Of the
question Of Slavery from national politics, they
would have at once fixed the condition of all the
Territory belonging to the Union, by applying to
it the ordinance of 1887; and SO far from impos-
ing upon the free States an extra constitutional
obligation in regard to slavery have released them
from the responsibility of unfolding slavery in
the District of Columbia. Had this been done,
the question would have ceased to be agitated in
Northern politics, or to attract attention in Ma
tional politics. 1t would have resolved itself
chiefly into Moral and Social Question, to be
decided by the States in which the institution ex-
ists But its supporters from the South and their
peculiar friends from the North judged differently
1t was determined that the will of the non-slave-
holding citizens, generally should be disregarded,
and the Territories of New Mexico and Utah
should be laid open, 50 far as Federal action was
concerned, to the inroads of slavery; and that
not only should their will be disregarded in this
respect, but their opinions set at defiance, and
their feelings outraged by an act attempting to
compel them to become the active guardians of
" slave property Instead of relieving them from
responsibility for slavery, their responsibility was
augmented
What else could be expected from policy, so
unprincpled and unwise, but deep and widespread
discomfort? People could not conquer their pre-
judices' in favor of liberty, their repugnance to
participation in the wrong of slavery, 30 easily as
some of their hoary headed leaders. All over the
free States beyond the immediate range Of infu-
cnce of the office holders, and politicians accus-
toned to consult slaveholdng oracles, there vas
spontaneous bathurst of indignation at the passage
of the so-caled Compromise Measures, especially
the Fugitive act. Men heretofore Indifferent have
been aroused by this last act to the necessity Of
wthstanding the demands OF the Slave Power, and
asserting the supremacy of Freedom in the Federal
councils The statesmen and politicians from the
North, active or consenting to the measures, were
denounced as false to their trust and it became evil
dent that to secure themselves from falling victims
to popular resentment, it was necessary to main
tain union among themselves and set on foot some
counteractng movement and policy.
THE ORIGIN AND SCOPE OF THE UNION
MOVEMENT.
In this way originated the present movement
for the formation of a Union party. That
such a movement is on foot, and that it re-
ceves countenance from many of our most promi-
nent public men, is notorious. The first demon
stration in favor of it was the Castle Garden
Meeting in New York at which a permanent
committee was appointed, styled "The Union
Safety Committee" whose first act was an attempt
to break down old party lines, by the nomination
Of State ticket composed Of Hunker candidates
of both parties and representing the principles Of
the late Compromise measures Of Congress. This
act was an indication of the policy Of the new
party II was to be a Union party, for the sake of
sustaining the Texan Boundary Bill, sanctioning
the exclusion of the Wilmot Proviso, UNFOLDING
slavery in the District of Columbia, the Fugitive
act of the last session. the authors and supporters
of that act and for the suppression of all discus
sion of the question of slavery.
The Union Safety Committee" though baflled
in its first effort to establish the domination of
Hunkerism, was not disheartened 1t went to work
to agtate for the purpose Of suppressing agitation
1t secured the influence of the more corrupt por-
ton of the press. 1t alarmed the mercantile
classes with the cry of danger to the Union. 1t
sent circulars to the clergy, calling upon them as
they loved their country, to uculcate devotion to
the Union and obedience to the laws, well know
ing that sermons fraught with such sentiments, at
this particular juncture, would be understood as
quasi endorsement of the so-Oalled Comprcmise.
1t sought by private appeals to obtain from the
distinguished men of the country recognition
of the wisdom Of that Compromise, and protest
against further agitation. 1t neglected no ooca-
sion of giving public receptions to members Of
Congress who had signalized themselves by its
advocacy and an active, widely-cxtended CORES
pondence has been maintained for the purpose of
getting up Union Meetings to respond to the senti-
ments and policy avoyed by the Castle Garden