The republic., 1851-01-31

solution. The last steamer brings US news Of
. change Of ministry, attended by circumstances
which disclose the deep workings Of tho ele-
ments likely to influence or control the future
fate Of the republic.
In the present state Of things it IL impossi-
bic to predict, with any degree Of certainty,
the course Of events. Some months since,
while many were apprehending immediate re-
volution, we expressed the opinion that the Re
public would be sustained. The main ground
Of this view was, that there was nothing but
monarchy to take It's place; and that mon
archy, being strong government, always
adversary to the. masses, demands the SUPP
ports Of State church, an imposing aristos-
racy, and dynasty hallowed by time, and
dear to the hearts Of the people, through the
fond associations of national glory; or an army
fresh from fields of triumph, in which it has
been led by the sovereign, and whose power
it is ready TO uphold and enforce. We
showed that no possible monarchy succeeding
to the French Republic could possess either of
lively perished on the scaffold in 1893 The
restoration Of LOUIS XVIII. was, and still is,
associated in the minds of the French people
with the disgrace of Waterloo; with the Cos
sacks bivouacking in the Champs Elysess I;
Blucher converting the Garden of Plants into
stables; and WELLINGroN's heel on the neck
of France. CHARLES X, his successor, is
remembered as an odious and besotted despot.
who was cast ont amid the refuse lava of revo-
luton.
The associations Of the French mind, with
the Bourbon dynasty, are those Of ancient de-
gradation and despotism with recent disgrace
and tyranny. There are few persons in France.
beside the impoverished wrecks of the ancient
nobility, still lowering around the Quarter ST.
Gernain, who have any heart to support the
Bourbon claimant to the throne-the Count de
Chambord - usually denominated Henry v.
We neither believe that he can be placed upon
the throne, nor that, if placed there, he can
as he must be, by soldiers
attached to his person, and all the other props
of monarchy-a State church, rich and
ancient peerage, and loyal people.
tits hardly worth while to discuss the chances
of restoration Of the Orleans line--in the per-
son Of the Count de Paris. Beyond THEIRS,
BARRor, and few others, this idea seems not
to be extensively entertained. If LOUIS Phi
popular at the outset, and
one of the most sagacious men of his time-fa-
vored withal by the whole current Of events,
local and general-was swept down by the pop
ular tide, what hope is there for child, who
has not bis strength, while he must inherit his
weakness, burdened also by his mistakes, his
cowardice, and his final failure2
It is no doubt true that the idea Of Bourbon
restoration, in the person Of HENRY ", has
been, and still is, one of the political schemes
of the enemies of the republic. M. GUIzor
lately said that France needed either WASH
INGToN or Monk to lead her out of the laby-
rinths in which she is involved; seeing no
chance of the former, there is little doubt that
he hoped CHANGARNrER might play the part of
the latter. The fundamental difference between
the affairs Of England in 1860, and those of
France in 1851, is, however. obvious, and the
failure of all calculations founded upon fancied
analogy, may be dissipated in day. No
sooner was the idea of the usurpation Of supreme
power on the part of CHANcARNrER developed
by the course of events, than the President re-
solved to abolish the office of general-in chief,
by which he commands both the troops of the
line and the National Guard. If this is con-
summated, and it doubtless will be, CHANGAR-
NIER is at once reduced to the level of a private
citizen.
What, then, is to be the course of events
1t is not our province to predict. The election
for LOUIS NAPoLEoN's successor returns, we
think, in May, 1852; yet, it is quite remarka-
BILE that no prominent opposition candidate is
in the field. 1t is generally believed that
LOUIS NAPoLEoN-excluded by the constitu-
ton from a second TERMS seeking an abroga-
tion of this ineligibility, and new election.
OF this there can be little doubt. But what
are his chances Of reaching his object2 On the
favorable side we may mention the success of
his government thus far, and the manifest
ability he has displayed, with a general desire
Of tranquility, while maelstrom Of agitation
and revolution seems to beset and threaten
every other course that has been suggested.
On the adverse side is the course of measures
hostile to liberty, and in violation Of all the
pledges and promises which paved his way to
the Presidency: the march of the army to
Italy, the stranging of the liberty of the press,
and, above all, the outrage upon the elective
franchise, by which four millions Of French
citizens have been deprived of a cherished priv
ilege and a constitutional right. What cohvul-
sons, what retributions may not be brooding in
the bosom Of those explosive masses, who are
likely to cherish sense Of individual wrong
added to feeling Of national outraged
In the minds of most readers, this subject is
farther complicated by an opinion of the inn
practical character of the French people. We
are, however, not without hope Of solution
with peace and finally favorable to
the cause Of liberty. We believe that the true
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