The southern press., 1851-08-08
FRIDAY, AUGUST 8, 1851.

over 81 The Truce in New York." and no one
can fail being struck with the propriety Of the
term employed to designate the true character
of that arrangement.
The Republic does not pretend to style it a
reconciliation or final reunion Of the two wings
of the party-it does not dare to attempt such
animposition on public credulity calls it a
truce, the definition Of which is suspension of
hostilities for limited time. The time to which
this truce" is limited, we presume, extends
only to the termination of the State elections,
after which the hostile attitude Of the two fac
tions will be resumed, unless Gas would appear
by the terms Of agreement) the feeble and for
lorn faction Of Silver Greys," baffied, beaten,
dispiritad, and deserted by the Administration,
have no longer heart or hope enough to protract
their struggle with the victorious legions of
SEWARD.
The metropolitan press understands full well
the importance of names, the power of words
and,
"If they cannot change the thing,
At least they'll change the name, sirs,
So that nice little Albany arrangement whic h
the free-spoken New York papers term sur
render to the SEwARDIrEs, the Republic desig-
mates as truce. Our neighbor has been dab
bling good deal in military matters of late, and
hence we suppose it's use of military terms; but
we would suggest the word capitulation as even
more appropriate on this occasion.
Like the two devils of LIZ SAGE, who en-
braced and privately swore eternal hatred, the
Silver Greys and the SEwARDIrEs will doubt
less keep up appearances as long as they can,
but that cardinal principle to the vctors belong
the spoils," will be enforced by the latter most
rigidly, as soon as they can dispense with the
aid Of the former, and the shadowy support of
the sanction of the Administration and then
they will find that they have not only commit.
ted crime, but-what the French diplomat de-
clared to be worse in political point of view
an egregious bunder also.
H An ingenious friend has favored us with
the following speculstions on the right to take
life" which we think will interest, if they do
not convince our readers. For our own part,
we agree with grim old THOMAS CARLYLE, in
deprecating that sympathy for scoundrels"
which is 30 prominent feature of modern phi
lanthropy, and entertain not the shadow of
doubt as to the right and duty of society to pro-
tect the lives and property of citizens by penal
enactments proportioning the punishment to the
offence:
The Tribune and the Right to take Life.
The Tribune seems nightly afraid of being
thought too amiable in denying the right of SO.
ciety to take away life-and in reply to the
Rochester American, calls upon it formally t
retract its false assertion. We give the para
graphs:
The Tribune has denied " the right of societ,
to take life, )" and would now, If its chief edito
were at home.-Rochester .7,nerican.
This is an entire mistake. The Tribune ha
never denied this right, either when Mr. Greele
was at home, or when he was absent We cal
upon the American formally to retract its falls,
assertion.-N Y. Tribune.
Now, there is no particular crime in advocating
clemency, that we are aware of. Some of the
very best of men doubt the right of their feI-
lows to put others to death in cold blood, and
call il murder"-and carrying their reflections
q little farther, ask the question, whether, when
4 murder has been committed out of insanity Of
some sort--cold- -blooded or passionate-socety
has right deliberately and coolly, without pas.
sion, impulse, interest, or temporary madness, tc
make a second murder out Of it?
Indeed, some very good men do not hesitate
to say the second murder is worse than the first
They can excuse the first, for there is q cause,
reason for it, perhaps; there are what the French
would call extenuating circumstances"- there
is, in short, on taking all things into consdera
tion, chain of events impelling weak -headet
man to state of insanity productive of crime.
This IL their argument; and whether W.
choose to agree with it or not, there is no posi-
BILE harm or crime in it.
We might 60 even farther, and say, if the
Tribune and the press generally made pojn
of denying the right to take life, the effect of The
constant assertion of such statement would
materially influence the moral opinion thereon
and diminish the number Of such crimes.
II is a we'll authenticated fact, that public
executions have most demoralizing effect; and
great step in the right direction has been al
ready taken, by diminishing the number of sucl
punishments, and by holding them Mt hours or a
places inconvenient for the general public
1t il well authenticated fact, that crimes O
violence have diminished with the diminution O
capital punishment. That tells something to
man of sense.
Only imagine such an amiabe announcement
appearing in our papers, as This morning
seventy men, women, boys and girls, will b
hung at such place and hour-so many guilt,
of murder--so many for vagrancy-so many fo
begging, horse or sheep stealing, pickpocketing
or laziness," &C., &c. Yet such were the ever,
day acts Of the good old times An order of
magistrate was enough. And many good and
true men and women, accidentally taken by thu
police, were strung up without ceremony, an,
before friends could interfere to save them.
This was one Of the many ways of keeping tn,
population down, and had It been persevered in
MALrHus would never have written his cele
brated work
Now II the Tribune means that when men ar
attacked, they have a right in self-defence t
take life, there ia no one but will concur in tn
sentiment Attacked by wild beast, or will
man, IL much about the same thing, sci
preservation urges to extremes. But it is ne
less true, that taking life unnecessarily, with
without judiciary forms, has been subject of d
cussion from the eakliest times And even anon