The southern press., 1851-04-03

ton. and thereby establish the principle. that we
shall be obliged 10 receive all such petiiions-if
we shall be determined 70 take permanent juris-
dicton over the subject OF abolition, whenever
and in whatever manner the Abolitionsts may
ask, either here or in the States, fear that the
consequences will be ultimately disastrous. Such
course would destroy the confidence OF the
slav aveholding States in their government We love
and cherish the Unions we remember with the
kindest feelings our common origin, with pride
our common achievements and fondiy anticipate
the common greatness and glory that seem to
await us; but origin, achievements and aDtlcipa-
tons of coming greatness are TO us as nothing
compared to this question" "
.If feel alarm, il is not for ourselves, but for
the Union and the institutions OF the country, to
which have ever been devotedly attached, how
ever calumniated and sandered. Few have made
greater sacrifices to maintain them, and none is
more anxious to perpeuate them to the latest gen.
Grafton; but they can and ought to be perpetuated
only on the condition that they fulfill the great
object for which they were crealed--the liberty
and protection of these States"
After rapid but striking declineation of the
power Of the South to protect her liberties, he
thus concluded:
"Wilh these impressions, ! ask neither sympa-
thy nor compassion for the slayeholding States.
We can take care OF ourselves. 1t is not we, but
the Union, which is in danger. 1t is that which
Uefndnu5 our CdFt-uctndlIu5 lndt TIE bSlthuOu OF
this question shall cease hsre-that you shall re-
fuse TO receive these petitions and decline all ju
rsdiction over the subject Of abolition in every
form and shape. 1t is only on these terms that
the Union can be safe"
I AS usual with Mr.. Calhoun, and perhaps his
habit in this particular was unfortunate for the
country, he had conferred with no one rs TO the
course he had marked out Determining in his
own mind on principles Of justice and Of the
Constitution, what was right, he pursued the
path pointed out, relying alope for support on
the intrinsic merit OF his course and his own
mighty and inexhaustbe mental resources
Though speaking against preconccrted course
action, so forcibe, clear, far reaching, were
his views and reasoning, that his motion not to
receive was carried: and from that day until the
the very week Of his death it has been the n-
variable practice of the Senate not to receive
these petitions. 1t seems MS if when the sun of
his intellect had set, that darkness at once COW
cred and brooded over the constitutional rights
of the South.
Upon this question, Mr.. Calhoun was uncom-
promising. When meeting it at the very thres-
hold, he warned the South Of the fatal effects
of compromising a question of such character.
Said he:
81 do not belong to the school which hold that
aggression Is 10 pe flltt Win COnCeSSlOll III tuiS
case, in particular, | hold concession or compro-
mise to be fatal. If we concede an inch, conces-
sion will follow concession, compromise would
follow compromise, until our ranks be 80 broken
that eilectua resistance would be impossible"
With an intellectual kcenness Of vision which
gave him almost the gift of prophecy, and which
neither personal nor party interests could cloud,
he watched every phase Of the question as it
arose-by his searching powers of analysis laid
bare its profoundest depths-traced the bearing
of the principle involved, and, with compre-
heusive view of all surrounding circumstances,
made up his opinions as to the future as well
AS the present, and acted with reference to both.
He has never ceased to urge union among our
selves for the sake Of the Union. He early an
nounced that the greatest danger was to the
Union
When the votares Of abolition were being
pelted in Indignation from the rostrums in the
cities of the North, and this fact was pointed to
as conclusive of our safety by men who cried
out to their felows-"al is WELL" his far-reach-
ing intellect, anayzing the subject to its pro-
foundest depths, taught him that they wonld
yet take possession of the pulpit the schools,
and the press of the North-that they would
yet have power to array the citizens of each sec
ton against each other in deadly feud When
gress, has proclaimed to the South
'sIt rests with ourselves to meet and repe them
If we do not defend ourselves, none will defend
us. If we yield, we will be more and more
pressed as we recede. If we submit, we will be
tramped under foot"
ga u we want is concerto lay aside all party
differences, and unite with zeal and energy in re-
pelling approaching dangers. Let there be con-
cert of action, and we shall find ample means of
security without resortng to secession or dis
union.P
Such was his language and advice in 1886,
uttered with that sententious energy-with that
moral and mental power, that seemed calculated
to drive the invaluable truth home to the heart
of the South. Such he continued to re-iterate
to his infatuated countrymen, upon every re-
newal of these attacks upon their liberties. His
approval of the proposition to hold the late
Southern Convention, was given in the same
lofty spirit of devotion to the Union and to the
Soutl--he approved of il as the only thing 'that
holds out the promise of saving both ourselves
and the Union" Mr.. Cahoun's prophetic warn
ings in 1886 were UNDECIDED We have con
ceded and compromised until now, in 1850, when
aroused in some degree to the imminency of the
crises, it is serious question, whether, in the
language of Mr.. Calhoun's prediction, our
ranks are not so broken that effectual resistance
will be impossible"
Ii may be a mounful truth that the South has
awakened in time only to acknowledge how
much truer than all her great sons John c. Cal
houn has been to her-only to embalm in the
amber of her adversely the wisdom Of his policy
the fearless and noble disnterestedness with
which he ever exhorted her to crush the golden
idol Of party which had been reared in her midst
and to rush to the rescue of her endangered
liberties. Reflection and observation taught him
that if the South would exercise proper de-
gree of restraining power and influence in the
government she should keep herself aloof from
all party connection. 1t must be so with every
minority. II joins party, it becomes absorbed
at once--loses its dvdualty--surrcnder its
right to act in its defence purely on its own
Judgment; and has to abide the degrees of its
party. That party having other aims will pur-
sue them, and will make its principles square
to the success of its organization. Hence alone
of all our great men, holding aloft-high above
every party rule and interest, the great interests
of the Soutb--seeng the fatal result of relying