Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1851-09-05

ton placed by the secessionist upon the action OF
those great and good men, to whose energy, wisdom
and patriotism, are indebted Tor our present no
! BILE and glorious Union
The policy of our government, during ats whole
exstence looks to the continuance and perpetuty of
the Union Its temporary and conditional existence
is nowhere suppressed either upon its domestic Or for
eign policy 1t has for than half a century
pursued the even tenor of its way growing in strength
and increasing in usefulness taking deeper and deep
er hold upon the hearts and affections of the people;
illustrating the great American prnc'pie OF Tree
governments, and rejecting upon its inspired foun-
ders the highest and brightest honor. Whilst do
not propose illustrate these views by detailed re-
view of the action of the government cannot for
bear to refer to portion OF our history which is
strongly corroboratve of the correctness OF the posi-
ton have assumed When the people of the Uni
ted States determined upon the purchase of the Lou
isana territory, and effected that desirable object at
the cost of considerable amount of money, and by
the exercise of questionable constitutional power,
it will not be said that thev did for the benefit of
those who then inhabited the country, nor indeed
for those VINO might subsequently remove there
They prompted to the acquisition of that vast
and valuable territory by considerations of public
policy, affecting their interests and welfare citi-
zens of the various States of the Union. The COM
mercal and military advantages to the United States
from the possession of that country were so great
and important that its acquisition considered
almost act of self protection. Will it be said
that the people of Louisiana possess the right to de-
prive the remaining States of the Union of all the
interests and advantages which they have bought
and paid for, out of their treasury, by withdraw
ing seeding from the Union at will 2
Louisiana is free, sovereign, and independent
any other State of the Union and if this rgh exist
in any State it exists in ALL without reference
to the mode by which the territory acquired out
of which the State is formed. apprehend that the
people of the United States did not for moment
terrain the idea that, in admitting Louisiana into
the Union they had thus periled all the advantages
of that important acquisition by placing it in the
power of single State to deprive the Union of COM
mercial and military advantages and resources, of
inestnabe value, purchased by the joint treasure of
all the States, and now held by them beyond the
reach of any price consideration that could be of
fered in exchange for them. These remarks apply
with equal force to all the territorial acquisitions
made by the United States, where States have been
or may hereafter be formed and admitted into the
Union, and the same principle might be forcibly IL
Illustrated by reference to the action of the govern
ment on subjects of kindred character, but it cam
not be necessary, and will not extend this view to
any greater length.
When the right of State to secede from the Union
at will is conceded, have put the existence of the
government at the disposal of each State in the
Union The withdrawal Of one is dissolution of the
compact which holds the States together; it is no
longer the Union that the constitution formed, and
the remaining States absolved from all moral OBJ
legation to abide longer by their compact. | say
moral obligation, because the argument of the
sionsts denies the existence of any binding legal OBJ
lists brought to the conclusion that Fede-
raj Government, the pride and boast of every Ameri
can patriot the wonder and admiration of the civil
zed world, is nothing than voluntary associa-
tion-temporary in its character, weak and imbecie
in the exercise of its powers, incapable of sefpre
servaon. claiming from its citizens allegiance and
demanding annual tribute from their treasure-and
yet destitute of the power of protecting their rights
i OF preserving their liberties. If this be the true
theory of government, what is the constitution
the United we
highly? Where is its binding force that we should
hold to its provisions with such unyieding tenacity
individuals cannot violate their compacts. set
aside at pleasure their mutual obligations, without
the assent of the other parties Nations cannot reck
lessly disregard their treaty stpulations, without
mourning the consequences of violated faith. Bnt
our constitution, the reyered monument of the revo-
lutonary patriotism and wisdom which we have
been taught to regard with reverential feeling. is
doomed to fall below the standard of national trea-
ties and individual contracts. 1t has formed Union
founded upon mutual sacrifices and concessions
made by the several component parts for the greater
benefits to be derived by EACH from the combined
cooperation of all-and now are told that there
is no OF litigation to observe that Union, beyond the
pleasure Of the parties to itand that the constitu-
ton be annuled by the act of any State in the
confederacy.
| do not SO understand our government: 7 feel
that owe my allegiance to government possessed
of more vitality and strength than that which is
drawn from voluntary obedience to its laws. hold
that no government is entitled to any allegiance that
does not pass wise and just laws and does not pos
sess the power to enforce and execute them.
am fully aware of the fact that the effort is now
being made to render the denial of the right of a
State to dissolve the Union, odious in the public es-
tmation. by presenting to the public mind in con-
neeton with it, frightfu picture of an armed sol
diery and military despotism have no fears of the
Judgment that enlig htened countrymen will pass
on this controversyand surely could not complain
of any consequence that should result from my ayow-
al of doctrines which have mbibed from the teach
ings of Mr.. Madison, Gen. jackson, Judge Crawford
and their republican associates. Tt does not follow,
however, as necessary consequence of the princi-
Piles which have laid down, that military coercion
is to be used against State that may attempt the
exercise of this revolutionary right
: Whilst deny the right Of State to secede, and
strong of military power to bring her citizens
back to their allegiance, unless compelled to do SO
in defence of the ghts and interests of the remain
ing States of the Union. We should not recognise
- her separate independence, nor could we allow our
own interests to be perled by sanctionng any for
elgn government. In desire to inf1ic no injury
l. upon wandering sister should not forget the
Il duty which the government owes to those who re-
main firm and true to their allegiance and whose
claims upon its protection and support should not be
IS lightly regarded The laws of sef-protection would
require at the hands of the government that due re-
gard should be had for the protection of the rights
and interests of the other States and to that demand
it would be bound to respond If one of the States
: in mad hour attempt to secede from the Union and
is the kind and indulgent policy which have ndica.
l. ted should be resorted to- have no doubt that in
very short time such State would feel it to be both