New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1851-01-25

the ergarements. The justlhcation mas DeeH Pia'
ced on several grounds, viz ,.,e,,
That France did not demand iuihliment-
Such an inference is warranted by some OF the
papers before u.s. but there are others which leave
the fact very doubtful
81 beg you 10 lay before the Presden. Of he Cll.s
States. soon as possible ne decree snq g go
as 10 The guarantee that have claimed The ahmenI o. i'r
our colonies Gc.r-E. c. GeHefs Lsiterg Nor H. I'5'.
But if France did not demand the performance
Of the guarantee in the war, she insisted on us
obligation The United States practically disa-
ro,-ed and renowned il. The proposition IS sell
evident. The treaty stipulated AHldnce when
France should demand it. The United states as
sumed Neutrality in every event
.. The non performance by the United states
has been justified on the ground that the caShS
frdeTis ofthe stipulated guarantee was defensive
war, and that the War of 1898 was not OF thar
character. r..
In reply to this argument observe in the first
place. that the terms Of the Treaty OF Alliance
stipulated for the execution OF the guarantee IN
the case of "war to break ont :; any war, omen
sive or defensive But the Senator from virginia
Mr. Hunter overpowers US with an argument
which with me is irresistible. He says that oRy
q deteRsire war must have been contemplated De-
cause stipulation for aid and alliance IN an az
eressive war would be immoral unjust, and there
fore void. Sir | acknowledge that higher law oil
universal and eternal justice. And admit that
all laws of States and all treaties and compacts
between States, which contravene It's sacred pro-
visions, are utterly void and OF no effect. accept,
therefore, the Senator's definition OF the cdSHS
fg2eriS-that il was q defensive war L contro-
vert and rest NV cause upon controverting, his
assumption that the War Of 1923, between the
Allied Powers and France, was on herpart an az
gressive and not defensive war.
The very proclamation OF neutrality implies
denial of that assumption. The war therein de-
scribed is a war between Austria, Prussia, Sar-
/ L.. prffoip or1 the United Netherlands,
on the one part, and France on the other" Why
was the aggressor the last party to be namedi
| But History has determined the character OF the
parties in that momento4s contest ,.-,,
"Tbe first war OF the French Revolution, says
Wheaton in his History of the Law of Nations,
"originated in the application, by the Allied
Powers Of the principle OF armed Intervention TO
the internal affairs of France, for the purpose oil
checking the progress Of her revolutionary primer
ples and the extension of her military power
! War was declard, indeed, by France, but only az
| a reply to the ultimatum OF Restoration OF
! Despotism rendered by the Armed League OF
| Enemies.
Thus, sir, we have arrived at the true ground Of
| defense Of the neutrality of 1913, to wit: that per-
! Torrance of the treaty was impossible.
Sir, in a practical sense, performance was lmpos
sible First on account of the condition oil France
Theparties in l77s of course expected that France
| would remain an organized State capable OF con-
ductingcOmbined operations underline treaty, upon
! method ana low Rfus an emu, itOu
herself to her ally. But it was not so with rance
| She became not merely revolutionary but dlsor-
ganized, having no certain and permanent head, no
stable and effective legislature. All the organs OF
| the State were shattered, broken, and scattered
" Nee color imperii, nee irons crdt ulld SeR0tls.
The King, after unavaliDg changes Of ministry,
convened the Assembly of the Notabes; after
holding the bed Of justice, and after attempting
TO establish the new penary courts, he called the
States General, which soon became Constituent
| Assembly absorbing all the functions OF Govern
| ment. Suddenly the People OF Paris rose, and
| brought the King, Queen and Assembly into cap
| tvity constitutional monarchy rose under the
| dictetion of the People; but the King was de-
| graded condemned, and executed, and Repub-
| lie appeared. The Republic went down before
| the power of cabas, which rapidly succeeded
| each other all sustaining their administrations,
throughout reign of terror by the tribunal OF
blood. These unnatural commissions could have
but one end-the restoration of the State by
| Dictator. That magistrate, in $500, appeared In
| the person of Napoleon. When and where, be-
fore that event. could the United states have been
required TO 60 TO the aid Of France twas well
that France had regained her liberty but her ally
had right before going into war with her against
! Europe to see that liberty combined with gov
| eminent and with public iOrce-wlth national
| morality with social order, and with civil man
! ners All this was wisely deemed by w ashlng-
ton necessary 10 secure the United States against
| absolute dangers and render their alliance at all
useful to France. For On what side were the
! United States to array themselves With the
| King while he yet held the relns OF State, or
| withtbe National Assembly, while abollshing the
! Monarchy With the ephemeral Directories
which governed France through the gullotlne,
or with the Counter RevoutiOnists, struggling
TO restore internsl'peac and repose Well did
| MIR Jefferson say, that If the United States had
| painted for war as much as ancient ROme-lf their
/ armies had been effective as those OF Prussia
if their Golfers had been fall and their debts OBJ
lterated-even then, peace was too precious 10
be put at hazard, in an enterprise with an ally
thus deranged and dsorganzed.
And what was the condition OF the United
States, that they should peril all in the domestic
rage Of France, and her foreign strife Dir. JET
/ ierson was no false interpreter, and he thus de
| scTibed it. An infant country deep IN debt, ne
cessitated to borrow in Europe-wlthout land or
| naval force-withOut competency OF arms and
! ammuntion-with a commerce connected beyond
the Atlantic-with the certainty Of enhancing the
| price OF foreign productions and OF diminishing
that OF our own-with a Constitution little more
than four years old, in a state OF probation, and
not exempt from foes" No greater calamity
! than war could then have fallen upon the United
/ States, nor could war, in any other case, ever
| come in form so fearful. IL was not q fault Of
! Washington, it was Of Cato, not to see that
| public affairs were incapable Of perfection, and
that States could not be governed without SUD-
mittiTg lesser interests to greater. On the con-
trary, the measure OF his duty was that of Cicero
in the Consuship-to take care that the Republic
should suffer no detriment. Well and wisely did
he perform that duty. He could not aid France,
but he saved his own country. Forever, then, let
the justice and the wisdom Of Washington, in
that memorable crisis, stand indicated and es.
! tablished.
But what does all this provel Just this and
no more That circumstances, affecting France
and the United States equally, unforeseen and
imperlous, prevented the United States from
I r,,darfokipy m their o.
France, in the way stipulated in a particular
emergency But the circumstances creating this
impossibility were not alone the fault or misfor.
tune Of France but arose in part out of their own