The Sumter banner. [volume] (Sumterville, S.C.) 1846-1855, 1851-09-23

secession associations appointed, new
erthclcss, it was said, four, five and
ten times as many as they were cnti-
tied to and although in many cases,
all these did not attend, yet some
were represented by twice, three
times, and four times as many as they
had right to.
This would not have been so repre-.
hensiblc if those delegates represent.
ed the people of the Districts, instead
of the members of the dissertations j;
which Associations were composed of
very lean minorities Of the people.
Nor would it have been so bad if the
number of secession delegates were
in proportion to the numbcr of seccs.
stontsts in their several DISTRICTS
But no rule Of that sort was observ-
cd. But their object appeared to
have been, and for long time it was
successful, and oven now is very po-
tcntial i'll this State, to produce a
false demonstration Of the strenytA
Of the separate secession party ia tie
State, with view TO have effect up
on the people and secure the waver-
ing.
In pursuance Of this scheme, heavy
bands of separate scccssionists we're
poured down into the Convention
from every Association in which they
happened to have an accidental ma
jorlty; whilst, to make the contrast
still stronger, several Districts which
were strongly anti.secession, sent no
delegates at all, and many others
were only partially represented. BY
this stratagcn the separate secession
party appeared in that Convention
under the imposing aspect, and was
so claimed and boastcd, of "an over.
whclming majority" which, as it was
supposed to represent some body, was
isnorantly supposed to represent a
like overwhelming majority in the
Districts whence they came. But
what does an analysis of the Conven-
,lion show 2
Organized according to The pr,nci.
pie Of dvub.c .::v number Of Senators
and representatives. w!:icii Gacn cleo.
ton district was entitled to, and sup.
posing that the strongly anti.srccs-
$40" Districts were fully represented,
that body ought not to have contained
more than three hundred and thirty.
eight delegates; and yet, it not only
contained four hundred and forty.
nine, but from limited number Of
separate secession Associations, there
were, as the published proceedings
show, actually one hundred and sew
cnty.iour delegates sent more than
those Districts were entitled to; and
who had no more right to seat IN
that Conrcntion than U1y equal num.
Der Of men tcho might be picked up
IN the streets or hiyhways as they
happened to be passing along.
Now ,chom did these one hundred
and seventy-tour supcrnumcrarics re-
present for the Associations from
which they came were already fully
represented. | say dissertations, for
it is important to bear in mind that
these delegates represented, after all
merely the members of the Associ;a.
tons, and not tie pcople of the Dis
trlcts; and the Importance of keeping
this in mind would appear more forci.
bic if it could be asccrtaincd how
measrc the proportion Of legal voters
III the Associations bears to the vo.
tcrs in their respective Districts.
Indeed, however much it may be
attempted to disguise the fact, it can
no longer be concealed, that there
are tVo parties in this State, widely
separated, and with principles broad
ly defined, and that upon the separate
seccssionists in the Convention rests
the responsibility Of having given vi
tality to those parties.
The object of one is to secedc in
the form of single State, and con
stitute themselves the "Little Nation
OF South Carolina" The object OF
the other is to scccdc in the form OF
a Southern Confederacy, and consti
tute ourselves afterwards into a
"Mighty Nation Of the Southern
United States" with abundant abil
ty and resources to protect ourselves
and place us beyond the mercy ol
other nations.
These are the two forms of political
existence which are now practically
before the people, and they must in
dicatc their preference for one or the
other form, since they are incompati
bic, and must be sought after by diff
!ercnt means. For as are the objects
so arc the measures different, which
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