The southern press., 1851-08-05

colony OF Maasscha setts, and not from the
United Stakss. The regiment hs commanded
WAS not called out BY the United States, but by
authority Of tIle colDay vi Massachusetts. The
conflict was taus begun by a single colony
without co-operation. How did she obtain it
The sound of the guns of Bunker Hill had
scarcely passed away, before South Caroline
rushed to arms to cooperate with Massachu-
setts ia common cause which involved the fate
of both; and tho first victory Of the revolution
was won upon Sullivan's island, against pow
ful British fleet, by regiment Of South Caro-
lima militia under the command OF mllitia COL
oneI, under the sole authority OF the colony OF
South Carolins. When these events occurred,
there was no Union---the blood that was shed
at Bunker Hill and Fort Moultrie, brought about,
and that speedily, union Of al! the colonies
And Washington was not commander-in chief
when the Union was formed. The Union OF
which we now hear 40 much was the legitimate
result of separate State action, and Washington
placed ut the head of an army raised after the
war began I'nis is a lesson which history
teaches us--let us not lack the resolution to
profit by it,
1t is the part of wisdom, when State is called
upon to consider the great question Of change
of hcr fundamental institutions to ask the ques-
ton, what she il to gain on the one hand and
loose on the other by the step she is about 10
take. 1t becomes Us, then, to enquire noao, what
are the benefits we derive from the federal gov
ernment! One great object for which the Union
WAS formed, was to protect each State from for
egn invasion and domestic violence. Admitting
the fact that we are protected by the general
government from foreign invasion, what price
do we pay for it! Whilst VIC pay into the pub
lie treasury millions annually in the shape of
tribute, to protect us from foreign invasion, are
we not threatened by the protecting power itself
with the sword Of domestic violence? Are we
not told now that if we dare to take such steps
as we deem essential to our preservation, that
our country will be devastated by the domestic
violence Of the sword, placed in the hands of the
general government to protect US from all such
aggressions! And by the taxes of which weare
plundered, we furnish the means of our own
snbjugation. These arc the benefits Of the
Uaion--before the idol of which we are re-
quired to fall down land worship Agoyernment
like this could enkindle in his bosom no senti-
ment but the most inveterate hatred, and peo-
pie who still pay their fealty to it, and bow be.
fore it in obsequious obedience, deserves to be
slaves. That part Of the compact, therefore,
which guarantees each State from domestic vio-
lence, is abrogated, and the sword which was to
try is to be deluged in blood.
There ia but single item left-that of pro-
lection against foreign power; for in the act
Of inficting upon US the devastation threatened,
every personal right and every right of property
must be destroyed. Protection against foreign
enemy alone remains. IF we be subjugated-
we must cringe under the rod of master, what
boots it to us whether the rod be held over us
by the King of Britain or the abolition govern
ment of the North! Even if the protection
against foreign power be observed in good faith,
it is right without any value, and we should
scorn it under such circumstances
In the present state of the world whatever
fears we may entertain of foreign invasion, are
little more than imaginary Commerce consti-
tutes the bonds into which the world has entered
to keep the international peace. The cotton crop
OF the South is more potent element in pre-
serving the peace of the world than all the ma
vies and armies of Europe. The crown of
Englands sovereign would not be safe if the
great staples of the South were Withdrawn from
the commerce of the world for twelve months
What people on earth are more liable TO oppres.
sion than We are, under these circumstances?
Who so defenceless and powerless to protect
themselves? And with these facts before us,
shall we longer delude ourselves with the phan
tom of liberty, when all its attributes are denied
us!
We are on our backs--the tyrant stands over
us ready to in1ct the last stab, and shall we
pau'e? If We resist not, will it not be said, and
with too much truth, that we fear the conse-
quences? BY timid, vaclating course of
policy, will we not in effect say to the tyrant
"we know our wrongs-they have penetrated
deep into the public heart--we know we are dis.
honored- -degraded-and that ere long our utter
ruin will be consummated. We know that
power which seeks 20 dishonor people will not
stop short of conquering them, but we are aware
that we are too weak to resist you!'' A people
who can thus reflect, cannot long retain vestige
of the spirit of liberty.
On the other hand, let us consider what we
are to gain by the proposed action of the State.
II we succeed Gas he believed we wonld,) in
practically demonstrating the right of State to
secede, we shall have established npon a sure
basis the only veto power that can ever hold the
tyranny of the government in check We will
have laid the foundation for security, equality.
and Independence in the Union, or of better
government out of it--a government which rp ust
in the end result in Southern confederacy, upon
the establishment of which depends the last hope
of liberty on this continent. But suppose we
make the effort and fail, and we in fact be subiu
gated, Gan event which he did not believe ever
will happen,) even in that extremity our condi-
ton will be no worse than that which awaits us
IN the Union. In every view of the case, there
fore, secession seems to he the policy which
alone can secure our honor and our liberty.
Thisis briefly our position, Our wrongs must
be redressed, and we must have guarantees for
the future. We cannot be so false to ourselves
or our children as to submit. Is il n matter of
surprise that we should have arrived at a period
in our history, when we are called on by the
highest obligations Of patriotic duty, to take our
rights into our own hands, and to reform the
State? Whoever supposed that our liberties
were placed upon such sure basis that they
would last forever, without an effort from us to
defend them! We have heretofore placed too
much confidence in the honesty of our govern
ment. Beware lest it prove fatal delusion.
We must apply the remedy of civil war or Sc
cession-for there can be no submission. Be-
tween the two he could not hesitate. He was in
favor of secession with co operation, if we can
obtain it; if not, then by the single action of
South Carolina He prpfarred on,tbinr In c,,b |