The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-06-12

|
men, out of which, if they come with life they
can hardly do SO without loss Of property and
an abridgment of the liberties they now enjoy.
| By our extracts from the South Carolina pa
pers our readers have been already put in pos
| session of the views of Mr.. Butler, Mr.. Burt, and
others who object only to the proposed form of
what they continue to consider az meritorious
resistance to alleged continued aggression by
| The general government, as well as Of the sent
ments OF Mr.. Poinsett and others who protest
against all unconstitutional means OF redressing
any wrongs of the State that have a real ex-
istence. Our purpose to-day, as it will be in
future papers under the same head, is to add to
what has been already published on this subject
such further extracts as we here subjoin from
South Carolina papers, as may serve to keep
our readers advised of the actual condition Of
things in that State in regard to what is there
termed its federal relations"
| icy A few months since the Union-under
its late editor dsparagingly alluded to our
course in reference to the vast interest in which
the welfare and prosperity of the South is so
indssolubly bound up as sheer devotion to
slavery" and as such, it assumed to apply the
same reproving denuneatons as it did to the
"sheer hatred of slavery" eyinced in the columns
of the National Era, in its warfare on that in
stitution.
This unjust and injurious parallel was imme-
4 diately made use of by the Northern compro-
misers, and the pretext Of a coalition between
the extremes" to defeat the moderate men Of
both parties" was made " the masked battery,
behind which the rights of the South were as
sailed
Had the Union, and those whose organ it was,
devotedly and uncompromsingly persisted in
demanding for the South an equal participation
and protection in the common territory OF the
States-simple justice IN Ter a common govern
ment-tbe late compromise of the Constitution
and of Southern rights, might never have
passed even through the forms of congressional
sanction.
This might have been the consequence of its
then displaying as sheer devotion" to this in
terest as the Southern Press, which, unhappily
it would not, and dared not do.
While we have 80 important an interest t6
protect in the confederacy against the destruc
tive aggrepaions of its adversaries, we shall be
very apt to exhibit, on all proper occasions, that
single-hearted devotion" in its defence that we
would to our own hearth stone. But when we
have superadded the rights of the States-nay
the very existence of the Union-resting and
depending on its safety and security, still
stronger is the motive for such " devotion"
We will save the superstructure if we can, in
its fair proportions, but if made to overshadow
its base, it must inevitably fall with the weight
with which its pretended friends have encum-
bered it,
1t is self.evident that the protection of the
rights and interests of any of our citizens in
negro. slavery, is eminently a " national duty
wherever the jurisdiction of the federal govern
ment is exclusive. As much so as to protect
the life, liberty, the property of its citizens Of
any other description. 1t is MS national" in al
its moral, social, political, or commercial aspects
as is cotton, RICE sugar, or tobacco planting, OIL
as are the interests Of navigation or manufac
lures And hence, outside of State jurisdiction
it requires the aid of federal law, properly anc
| necessarily as any OF tnem.
Nor will its progress, thus cherished, infring.
upon the rights and interests of that portion o
our race and people in the .saveholdinl
States. Their system of society may find in tn,
South competitor in human development bu
a not necessarily an antagonist. The hostility tina
7 has been engendered there against the Souti
rests upon mere sentiment, and not upon any
, substantial evidence Of evil That sentiment
has been famed into powerful blaze for po
itical purposes, hostile to the spirit of union
and destructive in its tendencies, of the interests
of all. 1t is n sentiment that, with mere show
of virtue is designed to perpetrate wickedness
that must lead, if not resisted, to the most lament
able results With most of its professors, how
ever, it is but " huge translation of hypocrisy,
used as a sentiment to cover purposes so vicious
and detrimental to the general welfare of man.
kind, that when we hear so much of aNorthern
sentiment" on this subject, we are tempted to
exclaim, with Sir PETER TEAzLE, d-n your
sentiment"
The il-disguised fears of some, and sneers OF
others, among people nurtured amidst the in.
. stitution, whatever may be the motive, is
t thousand fold more dangerous to it than the di
7 rect and open attacks of those imbued with thu
most embittered "hatred" of it. They mus
learn to evince more of " sheer devotion" to il
y il they would successfully defend it against hos
9 tile influences. They should quit borrowing
/. and adopting the opinions of nnti-slavery com
: munities, if they mean to preserve the institu
E ton, and hope for a just equality with State
: which repudiate it under the government. The
? must defend it per Sc, and never submit to hav'
!, il dealt with as an "evil," tolerated throug
:. mere sufferance or necessity, or cribbed, cab
e. ia oanGned until Il can finally be entrel