The republic., 1851-04-16


health.
o. The attention Of our readers 10 requested to
the advertisement of gentleman, in another col
umn, who proposes to take editorial charge Of
Newspaper or periodical in some of larger
cities. The advertiser il known TO be man Of
ability, and fluent and agreeable writer.
From. the NsS York Courier and Enquirer.
Governor Seward's Letter.
The pressure upon our columns for some days
has been such that it was not possible, until
this morning, to make room tor the following
letter from Senator Seward. We publish it az
part of the history of the times, and from
| sense of duty to our readers, but with sincere
regret that it ever was written. We regret
that any person whom we respect should write
letter SO entirely at war with our convictions
| of duty; and that regret is greatly increased
that it should have proceeded from one whom
we so sincerely esteem and respect as we do
our personal friend, the Senator from this
State Weobject in toto to all that the letter con-
tains in regard to the Fugitive Slave law; while
we approve of his sentiments upon the binding OBJ
| legation of UnicR under any circumstance. And
while we deeply regret that any person Of the
| ability and influence of Governor Seward
| should hold such opinions in relation to this
subject, we doubly regret that, as Senator in
Congress from this State, he should have felt
called upon to give them publicity, except in
the discharge Of his duty in his place in the
| Senate.
Knowing Governor Seward to be honest in
the opinions he entertains, and sincere in the
| advocacy of them, we can find an apology for
him, widely differing as we do, when he gives
utterance to those opinions in the Senate, and
in the discharge of his official constitutional du
ties; but we can find no such apology for his
circulating those opinions through the channel
by which this letter finds its way to the public.
| Opposed, therefore, as we assuredly are, to the
sentiments put forth in this letter, we not only
regret his entertaining them, but are disposed,
severely, to condemn his giving utterance to
them anywhere except in the Senate, where
only, while Senator, can he rightfully, in our
judgment, promulgate his peculiar constitu-
tional opinions upon this question. We respect
the talents, and admire the purity Of motive Of
Governor Seward and we like the man and
the friend but we condemn entirely his ultra-
ism upon this question Of slavery.
| Auburn, April s, 1851.
DEAR SIR: Your letter inviting me to attend a
convention of the people of Massachusetts, opposed
| to the Fugitive Slave law and to communicate in
writing my opinion on that statute, If should be
! unable to attend the convention, has been re-
| csived.
While offering the pressure of duties here too
long deferred a. apology for non- attendance,
pray you to the committee, in whose behalf
you act Of my profound sense Of their courtesy and
kindness. It would be an honor to bc invited to
address the people of Massachusetts on any Mbjeet
but it might well satisfy generous ambition 70 be
called upon to speak to that great and enlightened
Commonwealth on question of human rights and
| civil liberty.
confess, sir, that have earnestly desired not to
minge In the popular discussions Of the measures
of the last Congress. The issue necessarily involves
the claims of their advocates and adversares in the
public councils to the confidence Of the country.
Some Of those advocates have entered the popular
arena, eliminating those from whom they had diff
fered, while others have endeavored, by extrsordi-
nary means, either to control discussion, 10 sup
press it altogether, and thus they havo shown them
selves disqualified, by prejudice or interest, for
practising that impartality and candor which the
occasion demanded.
| am unwilling even to seem to imply by reit-
Grating arguments already before the public, either
any distrust Of the position of those with whom
stood in Congress, impatience for that favorable
| popular verdict which l believe to be near, and
! know to be ultimately certain.
| Nevertheless, there can be no impropriety in my
declaring, when thus questioned, tho opinions
| which will govern my vote upon any occasion
come
view in the National Legislature. Think the sg
nally unwse, becauseitis attempt by purely fed
erativc government to extend the economy ofslave
| States throughout States which repudiate slavery
q moral, social, and political evil. Any despotc
| government would awaken sedition from its pro-
foundest slumbers by such an attempt.
The attempt by this Government has aroused
constitutional resistance which will cease until
the effort shall be relinquished. He who teaches
another faith than this, whether self-deceved or
not, misleads. think, also, that the attempt was
unnecessary; that political ends- merely political
ends-and not real evils, resulting from the escape
of slaves, constituted the prevailing motives TO the
| enactment.
think, also, that the details of the measure are
indefensible; that the denial to the alleged fugi-
tive of trial of his alleged obligation to labor and
Of his escape from 1t, by court, and nothing less
than court of justice, constitutionay organized.
and proceeding according to the course Of the
mon law within the State where he 10 claimed, 10
palpably in derogation of tho Consultation that
the rules of evidence which the law prescribes are
| oppressive of the weak and defenceiess, and that
christendom might be searched In vain for paral-
lei to the provisions which make escape from bond
age crime, by law retroactive in its effect. and
without limitations of time to favor the presump-
ten Of freedom, which, under rigorous penalties,
compel freemen to aid in the capture Of slaves and
! which offer unmistaken inducements to false
claims and false judgments. Finally, whatever
changes Of opinions others may have undergone,
retain my earliest convictions that the consttu-
tional provision on which tho law purports to be
founded 10 merely a compact between the States
and that the Congress of the United States have no
jurisdiction Of the subject.
Nor is the law, which il so obnoxious in itself,
commended to my favor by its connexion with
what are called the other means of Compromise.
Compromise implies mingling of truth and error.
right and wrong. One of those affiliated measures
denied the admission of New Mexico, because she
had determined to come in free State. and re-
manded her, with permission to come back in the
habiliments Of slavery. Another distinctly init