The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-04-30


next to South Carolina, and hence these two
States hYe manifested very properly the highest
degree of resistance of any of the Southern
States. On the question of slavery Virginia is
not entitled to lead the South, as events have
shown, and as their condition shows.
When the federal government in 1898 assumed
powers fatal to State rights, Virginia, as the
largest Of the States, and having most at stake
was the proper leader Of the opposition. But
on tho question of slavery she is not and we
hope that the folly of conceding her the leader.
ship, will never be committed again.
- We find the following in the Republic
of yesterday:
: "TEAcH US TO FEEL FoR OTHERS WOES
II Is not little singular that the good people OF
South Carolina, who have seldom or never lost
a'save, should make the most noise over the al
legged non-exeeution of the Fugitive slave law.
They are resentng the wrongs of other people,
who are quite insensble to them. II has been
said that most men bear the misiortunes of 9th
ers with great unanimity; with proper self-dis,
cipline the Palmetto Commonwealth might ar
rive at this happy state of mind in regard to the
wrongs of Maryland and Delaware.
1t is n little odd, too, that the great central
champion of the Southern extremists should be
noE-slaveholder, and preach resistance in the
garb OF a non.combatant Such is the position
of the Southern Press. 1t goes into daily par
oxysms over the idea Of ignominious submis-
sion;" nothing will content it short of the d.
vision of California BY So. 80, and the satisfac.
tory redress thereby of Southern indigiity and
oppression. II even reads lessons TO car Demo-
cratic contemporary of the Eaion about slavery
and Southern rights and, in reply to one Of
them, we observe in the later journal quiet
paragraph, which says so much in few words
that we cannot omit to copy it:
ave are a STAKEHOLDER ourself, OF fifty years
experience, and we believe that the causes which
affect the value of this species Of property must be
understood by us much better than they can be
by the editor Of the Southern Press, who never
owned slave, and probably never will. But we
can entertain no hope that our experience can be
made useful to one who gravely asserts that the
Compromise places the South out of the Union"
Now, there is certainly something practical in
this mode Of argument: have been slave
holder for fifty years. was born a STAKEHOLDER,
and shall probably die one--and can see no.
thing to prevent me from acquescing in the
compromise. You, on the other hand, who
never owned slave in your lfe are exceedingly
distressed at the wrongs have suffered in 70.
gard to my negroes, and teach secession from
the Union on my account II is certainly a
somewhat strong argument TO the individual !;
perhaps rather too distinctly personal appeal.
But il is very much to the point.
We can inform the Republic, in the first place,
that South Carolina has never been distressed
at all about the Fugitive slave law, or fugitive
slaves. She has never been so stupid, so sell
FISH, or so abject, as to regard the issue between
the North and the South, as one of the value of
few, or of many, runaway negroes. She looks
upon the present controversy as decisive of the
honor, of the equality of the power, of the safe
ty of the South.
As for US, we don't 60 into paroxysms about
any thing 1t has been rather desperately as
serted and desired, but it is no s@ch thing We
have both q cause and a temper that preclude US
from the temptation of intemperance. 1t is
when we are the most cool and cogent that the
vigor 2. CUR conclusions and the desperation Of
our OIL sntn;s drive them to the necessity OF
imputing that want of temper to US they feel
themselves.
As for the submission of Shareholders to the
compromise, or of single STAKEHOLDER like the
editor of the Union "of fifty years experience"
which the Republic quotes and exults in, it is
not neal. so strong a case as might have been
cited. JAMES G. BIRSEY was a Shareholder OF
many years experience, and of a great number
Of slaves. CAssIUs N. CLAY is another. YET
they are both Aboltiolists HENRY Clay is a
STAKEHOLDER gilmore than fifty years experience.
All these men happen 10 haze project Of ambi-
ton of more importance IL their Imagination
than their property in slaves The editor Of
the Washington CaioH already has largely in.
vested in a metropolitan Democratic organ, MOI
largely perhaps than he ever has in slaves, and
has larger interest, therefore, in the unity and
success of the great national Democratic party
than 10 the future safety of lis Tennessee slave
property greater interest in the triumph Of
his party than in the equality or power of hi,
section.
As for US, il is well known that we have never
believed the Fugitive slave law could be exc.
cuted-nor have we ever attempted to identify
the continuance Of the Union with the execu
ton Of that law. We have neither been so silly
nor SO dsloyal. We knew il could not be exc
cuted generaly--we now know it cannot And
We have no hesitation in saying, that if the
South is willing tosuuender her territorial rights
her sectional equality, and her political power
by submitting to her territorial spoliation, we
shall care very little nbout the loss of property
she may sustain, in the matter Of runaway ne.
groes.
We support her cause because we think she
is right-because the fate of the Constitution
society, civilization, and property are involved r
her fate. If she proves faithless to her trust
10 her rights, TO her character, and her cause
the loss Of her fugitive negroes will sink into
contempt, in the calculation of her calamities
TELEG RAPHIC.