The southern press., 1851-06-28

doubled. Thus permanence and extent Cf
operation, not dreamed Of 1T the time. has bean
given to the fugitive slave clause Incorporated
into the Constitution
The Congress Of 1850 was required to Iegis-
late under this provision for the extradition OF
fugitive slaves Was such legislation warraGtod
by the Constitutions his ID grave questIog
not to be settled by tho mere assertion of any
man, however eminent.
Our government is one OF enumerated and spe-
ciiie powers. Among these, we find none to leg
isIate upon slavery or fugitives from slavery.
On the contrary, the whole matter of slavery
seems to haye been carefully excluded from ma
tonal legislation, and left TO the disposal Of the
State sovereiguties States alone, in the view
of the trainers of the Constitution, could au-
thorize, regulate or abolish slavery, or provide
for the extradition of fugitive slaves. This
view of the Constitution harmonzes entirely
with the settled doctrines Of the Democracy,
which deny to the gener government all power
not expressly conferred, and discountenance the
exercise of doubtful powers. BY none has this
doctrine of constitutional construction been
more strenuously insisted upon than by South
ern statesmen. In utter Disregard OF it, they
demanded from the Congress OF 1850 the enact
ment of the Fugitive slave law.
The provisions of this bill expose the impro-
prety of such legislation. The extraditon of
fugitive slaves cannot be effected by the general
government except through lis own officers. 1t
cannot engage the State authorities in the SER
vice. 1t mus provide, therefore, courts for the
adjudication of questions arising apon claims to
fugitive slaves. The Fugitive slave law has
done this by authorizing the federal circuit
courts to appoint commissioners within their
respective circuits in sufficient numbers to try
all cases of this description. The Constitution
expressly declares tha Judges shall be appointed
by the President of the United States, with the
advice Of the Senate, and hold their offices dur
ing good behavior These commissioners are
in every sense judges, yet they are appointed by
the courts and hold their offices during the
pleasure of the courts, in utter disregard of the
Constitution. Not only must there be judges
to decide these fugitive cases, but there must be
officers to carry their decisions into effect.
Accordingly, the law authorizes the appoint
ment of deputy marshals, without limit as to
number, and authorizes also each of these de-
puties to call to his assistance as many individ-
uals as he sees fit. Thus the country is filled
with swarms of federal officers acting upon the
most delicate questions of personal libeloS and
State sovereignty, in manifest violation of the
plain sense Of the Constitution.
against all who directly or indirectly transgress
its provisions. Aiding or abetting in any way
the escape of fugitive, is penal offence. If
Congress can do this, Congress may also declare
what acts shall constitute such aiding abettiDg
Speaking, writing, publishing against slavery,
may be said to tend to induce the escape of
slaves; and may, therefore, be made penal Of
fences by some new Fugitive slave act II the
act of 1850 is constitutional, such an act would
be constitutional. In comparison with such
legislation, how harmless and insignificant were
those alien and sedition laws which excited
such Indignation among the fathers of Democra-
cy in the days of Jefferson
Fellow-ctizens, / opposed The enactment of
this law. spoke against it; voted against IL.
shall never cease to demand its repeal. |
trust that you will vote for no man to represent
you in Congress who will not insist upon its
repeal.
] know very well to what perils expose my
self by this declaration. Dly name will be of
course enrolled on the list Of the prescribed
The authors and supporters of the compromise
measures, not content with carrying them
through Congress have entered into a solemn
league and covenant against all who shall dare
to question their wisdom, OF contest their per-
manence With an audacty and arrogance un-
paralleled in the Legislative history of this coun-
try, they issued against all the opponents of
these measures, their edict of exclusion from the
Offices and honors of the Republic "They de-
clare" they say, "that they will not support, for
the office of President or Vice-President, or of
Senator or Representative in Congress, or as
member of State legislature why not add for
constable, hog reeve or fence viewer ?-"any
man, of whatever party, who is not known to be
opposed to the disturbance of the settlement
aforesaid, and to the renewal, in any form of ag-
itaton upon the subject of slavery"
Feow-citizens, | am an Independent man.
Thus far in life have earned my own living by
my own labor. have had but little assistance
except from the head aud hands that God gave
me. / can live without office. | want no office
upon the terms dictated by this league and cove
nant of prescription. In the position which
occupy as one the senators of this great State,
shall act as my Judgment and conscience
prompt; never departing from the great land
marks Of the Democratic faith; whoever may
denounce, whoever may applaud.
But, felow-citizens, if this covenant against
agitation were fulfilled with any rctuess, !
know Of none who would be more obnoxious to
its penalties than the covenaDters themselves ;
for since the day it was signed and sealed, who
have been so busy in agitation as these de-
nouncers of agitation II lis but few days since
the head of the Whig administration, with the
greater part of his cabinet, traversed several
States, everywhere proclaiming themselves and
the supporters of the compromise measures as
the exclusive friends of the Union, and denounc-
ing all who dared to oppose them as disorgan-
izers and revolutionists. A stranger to our in
stitutions would be apt to infer, from the tenor
Of their speeches, that slavery was indeed the
cornerstone of the Republic, and that the main
object of public care was to maintain and uphold
it, No agitation seems too violent---no denun-
caton too loud, ifdirccted against the opponents
of slavery. The supporters of the Fugitive
slave law, and its kindred measures, are not so
much opponents as monopolists of agitation.--
Now am opposed to all monopoies. If there
ia to be continued agitation upon this subject,
desire to have some hand in it. If there is to be
agitation in support Of the Fugitive slave bill
and the Texan compromise, desire to agitate
little against these measures, which my judgment
and conscience alike condemn. And mean to
speak against them, and to warn the people
against them, on all suitable occasions, however