The republic., 1851-09-13

been the fortunate and benehcent policy of the
American Government for more than half
century. The Union, speaking for its party,
approves of these "patriot" movements all the
world over. At the next look of disafection
in the CANADAs it would stimulate the young
men of the border to carry fire and sword into
British provinces, in the assurance that they
will thereby become the ''soldiers of liberty" 1t
would excite forthwith another invasion of CUBA
on the ground that if the people of the island are
satisfied with their Institutions, they ought not
to be, and thus we can force them to adopt in
stitutions infinitely more suitable for freemen
TO live under. 1t would stimulate our young
men in CALIFORNIA to make descent upon the
provinces of MEXICO, not for the sake of Civ
ing them a republican form of government
which they have already, but to give them
a better kind of republcanism than they
now enjoy. IRELAND is generally supposed
to be almost as unhappy as CUBA, and, at the
next exhibition of Irish effervescence, we sup
pose the Union will be disposed to have expe-
ditlons fitted out to carry succor and armed as
sstance to the IRISH patriots. Why not
Where is this thing to end 2 If public opinion
becomes debauched by false views of these
| adventures; if men are taught that individuals,
without commissions from any government,
and acknowledging no flag, can nleritorio,lsy
commence and fit out expeditions in violation
of our statutes and our treaties, against powers
with which the people of the United States
are at peace, how are we to set any limits to
this spirit of lawless adventure?
Suppose that we had no treaty with SPAIN
suppose that we had no statute of lSlS-sup-
pose that individuals were perfectly free under
our own laws, and the laws of nations, to fit
out Just such expeditions as those of LOPEZ,
for the alleged purpose of bettering the inter
nal condition of the people of CUBA-we sub
nit that it would still be the duty Of good men
and wise men to discourage and repress all
such enterprises. 1t is our policy to condemn
and prevent all such interference. We uni
formly reprobate it, when foreigners medde
with our affairs, only by comment and censure-
by mere lip-war and pen-hostility. But
they have quite as much right to invade
the United States as our citizens have to
invade CUBA. All these questions have
two sides to them.
Now, to make this matter perfectly plain, sup
pose band of CREoLEs and SPANIARDs from
the Island of CUBA, either an original exped-
tion, or with the purpose of retaliating upon us
| for the affair of LOPEZ, should land at Savan-
nah or New Orleans, and proceed to ''subvert
the authority" of the United States, on the
ground that they were not pleased with the
prevailing religion, and believed that the only
hope for the future happiness of our people was
in their immediate forcible conversion to the
Roman Catholic faith. 1t is obvious enough
that peoples hereafter is as suitable topic of
foreign interference as their present happiness;
and religious fanaticism has been as fruitful
source of wars and conquests as the enthusiasm
of liberty. Now, with what dainty phrases
would the Union illustrate and embellish such
an expedition as this2 How would Ameri-
regard it2 Would they feel obliged, by
our treaty with SPAIN, to send out posse
of constables with warrants and slaves to
arrest these invaders, land bring them before
justice of the peace, after they had landed with
arms and ammunition, and with the declared in
tention ofimproving our religion by the edge of
the sword and the point of the bayonet? Would
our proclamations and public papers style this
/" holy war"-waged with the meritorious OBJ
ject of converting unbelevers or msbelievers to
the true faith; and allege that this invasion was,
therefore, to be treated with very high consid-
Grafton, and to be carefully distinguished from
other unlawful expeditions which may rightly
be regarded as adventures of robbery and plum
| der2
| These notions of extending the blessings Of
our institutions by the sword are all very fine,
provided we could exercise monopoly of them.
1t would be plain matter, to be sure, if there
were no law of retaliation, and we could inter-
fere with other people, and other people agree
to let us alone. Then we might go volunteer
ing or privateering all the world over, and if
people would not accept liberty at our hands,
our young men might shoot them, and burn
their houses, and overthrow their governments,
and our own affairs run on in their accustomed
channels. But the other governments of the
world will enter into no such one-sided com
pact. we are SIOuR now, anu leel lldt we may
defy the nations. Let us look to it that our strength
is not our ruin. We must respect the opinion
and the laws of civilization. We must pre-
serve the faith of treaties We must put down
the spirit of insubordination, which has mani
tested itself in the shocking executions on indi-
| Uidualauthority in CALIFoRNIA-in the outrages
and murders that have been committed by the
| antirenters in New York-in the harangues Of
decent and educated men in the non -slaveholding
States, exciting reasonable resistance to the
Fugitive Slave LAWN the late murder by the
mob Of negro who had been pardoned by the
Governor of GEoRGIA-and in the most strik-
ing manner in the language of portion of the
press and resolutions of excited public meetings
in regard to the fitting out by individuals Of
military expeditions against nation with
which their own is at peace. In short, we
must recognise the principles and pursue the
policy with regard to foreign nations, set forth
II