The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-12-24
The Debate in tho senate.

FoorE's resolution in reaffirmance of the
measures of Compromise. The resolution, as
amended at the suggestion of Mr.. BADGER,
adopts the language ofthe Presidents message
in relation TO the measures of justment hold
ing them in substance final settlement of the
exciting topics which they embraced.
Mr.. CLEMENS yielded the floor TO General
CAss. who made a brief speech, in which he re-
buked with calm and dignifed severity the dis
union sentiments of Mr.. RHETT-avowed his
determination to abide by the Compromise
bore testimony TO the great advantages which
had resulted to the American people from the
Federal Constitution, and expressed the hope
that they might be enjoyed by the generations
to come after us to the latest posterity. He
spoke like a statesman and patriot and, though
his remarks were brief, we think they were cal
culated to produce strong impression on the
public mind.
Mr.. CLEMENS followed in a speech Of con-
siderable length, and of no inconsiderable abil-
ity. He was pointed, to say the least, in his
animadversions on the Abolitonsts and Seces-
sonists, sometimes perhaps transcending the
rules of order. He reviewed the several mea-
sures composing the Compromise, and showed
very conclusvely, with regard to most of
them, that they were not Northern aggres-
sions upon the South, for the reason that most
of them had been passed by Southern votes.
His first point was that if any Southern State
were to secede, or attempt secession, on the
ground of any of these "aggressions," it
would find great difficulty in ascertaining from
what States it was to separate. TENNESSEE
and KENTUCKY had both given majority of
their suffrages in the House of Representatives
for the admission of California; and, if this were
a reason for secession, it would operate with
regard to those States as we'll as to any North
srn commonwealth that had voted for the same
measure. He showed that Mr.. RHETr had
voted for the very tariff Of 1916 which he had
recently denounced as one of those measures
of Northern aggression justifying dissolu
ton of the Union. He commented on the
remarkable interchange of kindly sentiment
and sympathy between Mr.SUMNER, Mr.. CHASE,
Mr. HALE, and the secession Senator from
South Carolna-which he attributed to a COM
mon indifference, not to say reasonable hos
tlily, to the Union. He expressed an inability
to understand the subtleties by which Mr..
RHETr reconciled his avowed designs against
the Union and Constitution with his oath as
Senator to support them-and discussed with
great ability the doctrine of ''peaceable seces-
sion," tracing its origin to the Hartford Con-
vention, and showing the concurrence of sent-
want in tbic raua ri hatwaan tho Syracuse
Abolitonists and the Fire eaters of South Caro-
lima. Mr.. CLEMENS examined all these ques-
tons at leugth, and in an animated strain of
eloquence. He spoke with terseness, spirit,
and point; and we candidly confess that from
such Democracy as that of Mr.. CLEMENS,
illustrated by his speech of yesterday, it is
somewhat difficult for good man and a pa
triot to dissent
The floor was next taken by Mr.. DOUGLAS,
who, in reply to an observation of General
HoUsToN, felt called upon 10 define his posi-
ton. The general had stated in his speech of
the day previous that he was the only Senator
who had voted for all the measures of Compro-
mise. Mr.. DOUGLAS considered this remark
as calculated to convey erroneous inn
preston in regard to his own position. He
had voted for all the measures of adjustment
excepting the Fugitive Slave law, and he pro-
ceeded to state at some length the circum-
stances which had prevented him from giving
his vote in favor of that law. The honorable
Senator suggested that he had been charged
with lodging this vote, by his political oppo-
nents, and that journal in this city friendly to
the Administration had given color to this ale
cation. We infer that the journal alluded to
was the Republic, and we desire to take this
occasion to do entire justice to the honorable
Senator from Illinois. The fact of the Sena-
tors omission to vote on this occasion might well
enough be reserved for topic of comment and
censure at some future time; but we have no
disposition to take an unfair advantage of an
opponent, and are incapable of pressing any
argument against our own conviction. 1t is
true that we have mentioned, in one or two in
stances, that Mr.. DOUGLAS did not vote on the
final passage of the Fugitive Slave bill, and
have left the public to draw their own infer
eace from the fact. Unexplained, it wore the
appearance of dodge; and it was for the
friends of Mr.. DOUGLAS, or for Mr.. DOUGLAS
himself, to explain this unfortunate appearance.
We think that Mr.. DOUGLAS succeeded, yes
terday, in making perfectly satisfactory ex-
PLANTATION. In view of his antecedents in this
regard, and of his speech at Chicago soon after
the passage of the act, we think that he has
demonstrated that he had no desire to conceal
his sentiments on the subject, but has always
pursued an open and manly policy. If we
have sometimes conveyed by the naked state
ment of the fact different impression, in the
absence Of any authoritative explanation, we
have done the honorable Senator no intentional
injustice, because we think it was his duty to
remove the unfavorable impression by posi-
tive and distinct statement of the circum-
stances. Now that the statement is made, and
made satisfactorily, we cannot be so unjust to
the honorable Senator or to ourself as to with
hold the admission that we believe Senator
DOUGLAS was i'm favor of the bill was aDxious