The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-10-08

ON ths London Times, September l9M.


venturers the Island Of Cuba, and the manlies-
tatlon ola strong popular intention to annex that
island % the United States, are events which call
for the direct attention of her majesty's govern
men, since the Of that unprinciPled scheme
would lead 10 consequences 10 which this country
could not, In our opinion, safely or consistently
submit. Ii is, ON the contrary, with regret July
equal 20 our apprchensions that we notice the ex-
isience Ia the American democracy OF spirit
which has already more than once rushed into war
on frivolous pretences, and which overlooks or
thrusts aside the most unqnestonable rules OF ter
rtoriAl right and political equity towards foreign
States. The States of Europe have certainly done
aOthing 10 provoke or excite such acts of hos
Utility or bad faith they have, on the contra
~, one and all, eyinced, ever since the Ameri-
can Union assumed its independent position
among the nations Of the earth, strong desire to
cultivate the most amicable relations with nation
already prosperous, powerful, and free, but hap
PLY divided by the ocean from the old political in
terests Of Europe Ia exchange for this amity and
good will all that has been required Of American
Statesmen "a the recognition Of those public laws
and universal obligations by which the intercourse
of civilized countries 10 regulated Nothing could
be more emphatic than the declarations Of the
iliastrious founders Of the American Union. that
their sole ambition 10 be left in full and free
enjoyment Of their now ample territories; and no
procept Of Washington was more impressively
Riyen than the necessity ofabstaining from armed
Intervention In the affairs Of foreign nations. Wars
OF aggregation. kindled by popular excitement, it
had entered into the mind Of the first President
90 anticipate; bat hc gave in 1874 memorable
example of what could be done, even in such a
commonwealth, 10 restrain popular excitement for
war.
On tho ground Of principle we arc entirely
agreed with all that 10 venerable or respectable In
the pact policy present administration of the
United Statcss yet We find with astonishment that
there are writers in this country who seem to think
that would be wiser sacrifice all such conside
rations Of principle and policy rather than incur
the rcmotest riSk OF difference with the United
States. Tho form Of government in that country
renders the Federal authority extremely feeble in
lbs attempts 20 resist a bareiaced outrage on the
obligations Of the Union 10 friendly power, and
the peace OF the world; therefore are told, by
a strange anomaly that countries having sufficient
interest In defending these principles and having
the power 10 defend them are 10 stand aloof when
they violated, and 10 submit to any cnormity
of aggression. The consequences oil such agrees
sions are 10 be thrown, not upon the true authors
OF them, but on those who resist them; and charge
of indifference Ia peace and friendship with the
United States 10 set up, against the adventures
who follow their bent, az If such things were of no
account, but against those who think the condem-
nation of the whole world Is not too strong pun
ishmcnt for such crimes.
II IL evident that the preparation Of such enter
prises this attack on Cuba the risk 10 be run is
weighed against the chance VI success, and the
main incentive 10 many Of those who embark in it
is the prospect vi inpunity. Hence the execution
ol the prisoners al the Havana was fearful blow
20 the promoters OF the expedition in the United
States; but much more important means OF re-
straint would consist in the knowledge that the
house marked out TO be the Hceno OF rapine and
plunder was etiectually guarded. War is the most
terrible chassement Of nations and to have caused
10 the heaviest responsibility oi statesmen; but
the dread Of war, especially when its chances are
adverse equally balanced, 10 still the most salu-
tary and potential check the acts OF violence
and injustice which would othqSwse be committed
In the world The fear Of a war with Spain is pro-
baby Too slight to check the eiiervcscence occa-
toned by thesc events in the United States ; for
that very reason, IL is by means improbable that
the American Government might be dragged into
n collison with that power for the express purpose
Of despoing the court Of Madrid Of its remaining
colonies, II no Interior consequences were likely
20 arise out of those hosties. But that 10 not the
form i'm which can wish, or even the American
Cabinet can wish. 10 have this momentous question
placed before the American people And we
speak here of the ultimate and permanent shape
this question must assume. whatever be the fate of
General Lopez's expedition. Attacks will con-
tinue to be directed against Cuba as long us the
chance Of success is thought 20 turn the acct
dents Of such warfare. The essential condition by
which alone can hope to see these criminal enter
prises restrained, and their consequences avoided,
is that of placing the Island OF Cuba under the pro-
lection Of a principle common 70 the maritime
States Of Europe and 10 the American Government
If such principle can be established by negotia-
tion il will stand in little need OF defence by nc
tua force for il would have the support OF an over
whelming superiority OF power; and Cuba would
no longer be exposed, il is, by the
pected disaflecto of one part OF its population and
by the comparative weakness OF the lnOtncT COun-
try. Whatever the evils OF n state of hostilites
might be to European powers arising out OF this
deplorable violation of established rights, those
evils would press with still greater effect on the
country which should have 70 defend such an abuse
of ito position against the civilized world; and if
we reason from those positive considerations
which usually determine the conduct of govern
ments in the last resort, we must conclude that the
people Of the United States will take the necessary
measures TO prevent the occurrence Of such a
laInity as n war in support OF an aggression which
they themselves have literally censured. Such
a demonstration would, therefore, be the most et-
ectual assistance IL 10 in our power to give 10 the
cause Of peace.
We have a common interest in maintaining the
6rst principles Of territorial sovereignty against
the prctensions Of band OF marauders who choose
to fomcni a spurious rebellion, to get up joint
stock war. We have common interest in insist
ing that every government should be held respon-
sible for the public actions OF its subjects, espc-
cially If those actions are Of such nature that
they have been dieayowed. though not prevented
for il is clear ,hata government which admits OF
organized depreciation from lite own ports and
frontiers. which pleads inability 10 prevent such
expeditions, lie, for the chief purpose Of every for
eign alliance, no government at all, and throws it's
ncighbors back ON the mere original right Of self
defence. But besides these general interests, which
cannot be abandoned with impunity, and may be
protected by the collective determination OF tho
interested parties Il descfycs 70 be well considered
whether this aggression on Cuba is not for all par
ties the point at which stand must be made. Its
the frat instance OF direct invasion from the United
stAtes Of the American territories OF a European
power. II prove successful, can any one suppose
that this invasion will not DC followed by other at
tao ks long there isa European dependency be-
You'd the Atlantcl The annexation Of Cuba 90 the
United States would be, strictly speaking, act 81
conquest-the conquest Of different people and a
distinct territory, wholly dissmilaT from the mere
incorporation Of such contiguous regions ms those
Of Texas and California, and introducing into the
Union an element entirely at variance with the
Anglo Saxon institutions that now pcrvnde n.
The occupation Of great maritime position, and
the internal as well as external defence 81 such
territory with such population, would require
naval and military establishments with their con
comitant expenses, Of whirh the Federal Govern
incnt has AZ yet ny experiences and " slavery
were thus 20 be indefinitely prolonged, u could
only be by tho intcrposilon Of military lofvcs,
supplied in part, AZ least, BY free soil States.
Questions of ths nature would give risc 10 che
most violent and irreconcilabe differences be
tween the Statca and political parties in e states,
followed, perhaps, by struggles scarcely lees DIS
astrous 20 their internal prosperity and their gen
eral trade than ~ foreign hOegilitics which are
20 much unprecedented. The probability a. that
we should suflcr IN the nest degree o. thr lnitcd
Stafea themselves from sttrh and