The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-10-15

nine States was required to pass law the
operation OF the government, Gas in case of rev.
enue and Of forces,) was dependent on the as
sent and will of each State; and the articles
were only amendable by the unanimous voice Of
the State legislatures gy5osss s vF
Turn for one moment your attention 10 the
conhrmatory effect Of this summary upon the
question already discussed. the relations of the
colonies previous to the confederation, and You
will perceive its completes accordance with the
view already taken of the latter. 9 n
For IL the powers which possessed under the
confederation were derived from and held de-
pendent upon the will and consent of the States;
it such its feeble conditions, after something az
permanence and extension Of powers had been
given to it by the compact or league: powers
which it had besought from the States, not be.
fore possessing them, ask, what must have
baen its pre-existent authority? Clearly not
that inherent power of nationality alledged to
have resided in the general Congress supreme
over the individual colonies. For IL this nv
pothesis be adopted, we must suppose that
Congress, the central power, voluntarily, and At
period which called for the exercise Of every
power it possessed for the common defence.
disrobed itself Of its inherent authority, and
shrunk to the feeble shadow of the old reyoIn-
tionary Congress. History informs of repeaied
solicitations by Congress for more enlarged
powers from the States, but fails to give us one
single instance in which any, vested in the cen.
trail government, Was ever relinquished by il Of
its own free villa fact conclusvely against
the hypothesis. Moreover, if C ongress were the
source, and the colonies the recipients the one
the supreme and the other the subordinate au-
thorlty; think you the articles Of confederation
would have I'd legated" powers to Congress.
while it reserved Others to the States? And if
this feeble fabric of the confederation was really
an acquisition to the central authority, what
could it have been originally, but what all his.
tory proves it was, absolutely nothing? And.
it nothing, what, in mathematical language, but
entirely It's complement, was that of the States.
Thus, in whateyer view we regard this question,
the political unity Of each State, prior to the
confederation, and its continued existence "A
such under it, is established beyond all con-
troversy. s 49,
Weak and feeble as were the powers of Con-
gress under the confederation, they constituted
the fulcrum upon which centralism placed its
lever, resulting at this day in its almost entire
ascendancy. Scarcely possessed of power, it
clamared for more; and the revolutionary period,
though glowing with splendors which no patriot
would obscure, exhibits instances of usurpation
which necessity alone could excuse or justify.
ment which gave rise to its encroachments upon
the reserved rights of the States Necessity
throws over usurpation the mantle of forgive
ness, and lends the glitterng glory of patriotism
to its most fiagrant aggressions upon right.
Power oft invades the paradise of peace the
sanctuary OF liberty, clothed as an angel of light,
and whispers its bright temptation into the ear
of its innocent and unsuspecting victim.
The fact of these usurpations is notorious.
and was so spoken Of by the ablest writers of
that day, among whom may be mentioned the
authors of the Federaist II is, indeed, stamped
upon the present condition Of the country for
no Virginian can ever forget, that, by the ordi-
nance of 1887, from the empire given by her to
the Union, her institutions have been forever ex-
cuded and still more sadly must he fear, that il
ever the Union Is dissolved, its ruin may be
traced to this unwise and papable usurpation---
this fatal precedent established by the old con-
federation.
AS striking fact evidencing the disposition
OF the confederation to increase its power. 1 may
mention a proposition suggested in 1881 in the
report Of a committee 10 Congress, 10 give to IL
tho powes TO enforce compliance By the States
with its determinations in pursuance OF the arti-
eles Of confederation, by the use Of the army and
navy Of the United States. IL never further
saw the light and persisted, as it subsequently,
did in the federal convention, as we shall here
after see.t
The treaty of pcace-rati6ed early in 1884,
and distinctly recognizing the sovereignty of
each Of the States by name-reeased them from
the evils Of war, and turned their attention TO
their internal concerns Thus far external
causes had driven the States to union; hereaf-
ter we find the influence of those which are
Internal
A partial convention Of States of their own
motion, only five being represented, met nj An
napolis in 1856. with view to some general
system TO be adopted by the States respecting
their external commerce.
They adjourned after brief session. recon-.
mending TO their respective Legislatures TO pro-
pose IN convention Of deputies from the several
States, 70 devise such further provisions as shall
appear TO them necessary 10 render the constitu-
ton OF the federal government adequate 10 the
exigencies Of the Union" $3.50.
The convention recommended assembled
In Philadelphia on the 25lh day of Nav. 1887.
and, as Is well known, after session OF four
months, adopted the present constitution, which,
with all its virtues, II must be I'D Ditted, gave
increased efficiency and influence TO the already
strongly centralizing tendencies Of the Union.
IL u subject Of proud satisfaction, however,
that the amendments engraftcd upon the oriei-
nal draft, and suggested first BY Virginia, are
most important 70 the clear and distinct mani
festation OF State sovereignty as an element In
the system established by IT,
The history Of TIE struggle between central
and State power, under the present consultation,
Is mournful, but soon told story.
IL may be said 10 have begun with that re-
markable mani whose admiration Of the Brit
ish constitution was honestly entertsin ID, but as
honestly expressed, when, IN the federal conven.
ton, he Indicated his opinion, that what was
called its corruption, (meaning the power Of pat
ronage0 was ian essential part OF, the weight
which maintained The equilibrium Of the consti-
stitution.H" In his Gen. Hamilton's) famous
report Of 1871, he declared that Il belonged ITO.
the discretion Of the national Legislature 70
pronounce upon The objects which concern the
general welfare, and for which, under that des-
cnption, an appropriation Of money Is requisite
and proper; add there seems 10 be no room for
doubt, that whatever concerns the general In
trrests OF learning, Of agriculture, If manufac-