Martinsburg gazette. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1833-1855, 1851-08-19


ed by spirit of liberal and enlightened policy on
this subject they could at all times have 50 far con
trolcd il TO conins the appropriations to great
stare works of character DO judicious and pro-
duc.sve.
AGAIN sir does not the gentleman from Lou
do1n know that this system of internal improve.
ment has sprung up almost wholly since $50 the
period Of the adoption of the present constitution
Before tn: time railroads were scarcely heard of
How then can he gravely argue, before an intelli-
gent body like this. that the introduction of this
pohcy Is IN any manner connected with the dimin-
ished majority Of the East resulting from the OPP
I GRAFTON OF the present constitution
To return then to the point OF real practical in.
/ ierest presented by this state OF things renew
the inquiry-what reliance is to be placed in the
East as guardian or protector against wasteful
iujodicious expenditure, and its consequence ex-
cossiye and oppressive taxationl The majority
has been with the East in all time past and what
IS the result under the auspices of that majority?
Our comparatively tfinng State debt has been
rolled mp to sum including liabilities of all kinds
not less thln twenty millions Of dollars and what
have we to show Tor il but number Of unproluc-
tive local turnpikes with here and there with one
exception The broken links Of various uncontrolled
! railroads an canals7 Weare justified therefore
IN proclsiming, as do here proclaim that the ex.
istence OF a governmental majority in the East so
far from being panacea for the evils referred to
has proven splendid failure. wretched abortion
which, 50 FAR from curing, has but aggravated the
evil complained Of
We say, then, away with this pretext. On the
| one hand do justice 10 the Western people by re-
cognising them as political equals in apportionng
| political powers; on the olher show 10 the East
that judicial system OF internal improvement will
not increase their burdens, or if at ALL but tenn
porarily. and the whole problem is ouce solved
Put into the constitution such restrictions or lmi-
tations upon the legislative power, as while they
will not defeat or seriously impair the policy of
legitimate internal OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES to de-
yelop the hidden resources and Astounding wealth
OF the Statewill, at the same time, not only pre-
vent the expenditure of public money for purely
local and hieghborhood works but put a stop 10
that which is infinitely worse the demoraIizing
effect and tendency Of the scenes which are wit
messed every winter in our halls of legislation and
IN this city--the one party bargaining with the
other to distribute and divide, us spois, the COM
mon contributions Of the whole Commonwealth
and that notupon high principles OF State policy
designed to improve and benefit he commonwea
at large but for he most part to subserve merely
local and neghborhoed interests, thus producing
the very result complained of SO bitterly by our
Eastern friends taking money, TO use homey
phrase, out OF one mans pocket and putting it into
another. Gentlemen have attempted to prove that
their mixed basis is he basis Of the present
sttution, Ii 81. beg leave again TO propound the
practical question Has your majority furnished
any security or prosectionl Will it furnish any
against the evils which we all join IN reprobltng :
viii ask, the mixed basis majority in the East
remedy those evils the existence OF which alone
gives color to your pretensions
The next point | propose to consider is the
ground upon which our Eastern friends claim pro.
lection to properly, BY giving 70 property share
of the representation They doEot contend for il
as being right in itself because it was distinctly
conceded by the distinguished gentleman from
Fauquier (llr Scott and By others that it our iu-
terests We're Homogeneous as it is termed, that is,
but for the heavy amopnt OF slave population East
ofthe blne ridge mountains numbers alone would
be the proper ratio representation in our egis-
lative halls II is solely fer the purpose OF PRO-
lection against oppressive legislation, that they
propose give to the people in the Eastern divis-
ion of the State, and TO the people cf my district,
flor understand that we lose fraction by the
Suffrage basis.) preponderance OF political power
by virtue of their superior wealth, aud consequent
iy greater amount OF contribute in the shape Of
taxes In other words. for this purpose only, they
propose as is conceded, to give to voter in East
ern Virginia greater weight and more potential
voice upon every subject of legislation than to a
freeman standing upon precisely the same footing
in the West
NY colleague (Mr Faulkner) has demonstrates
concnsivev that to whatever extent the princi-
pie may have been recognized in the deliberation
Of the last Convention or other occasions in
history of our past legislation, this mixed basis
scheme OF representation so far we trace it
bick, in the precise form in which it is now pre-
nted had its birth in the dark and bloody hours
OF the first French revolution But it is not so
mnch TO its historical pretensons that propose to
draw the attention of the committee. as 10 the
gross Inconsistency which the scheme contains
: within itself We have asked the question what
principle do you act on2 The gentleman from
Richmond tNlr. Meridithl puts it frankly aud di-
, rectly upon the ground that property needs pro.
lection against those who have no property
simply that community possessing large mass
of property needs protection against another com
munity having smaller, but he put il fairly and
broadly upon the ground that property, in the
hands of those who have it, needs protection
against those who have it not My colleague call
ed the attention of the committee TO the reasoning
furnished by Edmund Burke in relation to the APP
plication of this principle in framing the organic
law OF the newborn French republic OF 1888. lie
asks the question ms we ask il, why do you not
carry ont the doctrine to the point TO which il le
Ultimately leadsl Why do You not place the po
tical power Individually in the hands OF those
who have property, that they may protect il
against those who are without property Ny
friend from Richmond (ir Stanardl forgetting
that this spleudd production of MIR Burke's-his
reflections on the French Resolutions but a
piece OF cod-booded irony, and biting satire IRON
/ beginning TO end. in some sort relies upon il a:
{ supporting his position
Let us see then what says this profound polit
cal philosopher, and how he treats this identical
mixed basis principle now sought TO be introduced
He saps
"if the cohfivers Of this scheme meant any sort
O. favor TO the rich in consequences of their contr
buttons ttases,) they ought 10 have conferred tn,
privilege either ON the individual rich or on som,
class formed OF rich persons, because the contest
between the rich and the poor is not struggle
I between corporation and corporation but con
test between men and men--a contest not between
Districts, but between descriptions. II would an
swer its purpose better IL the scheme were nver
ted-that the votes of the masses were RENDERED
!, equal, and that the votes within each mass were
proportioned te property.
s'Let us suppose one man in district III is an
Q easy suppostion) TO contribute as much as an hun
dred Of his neighb RS, Against these he has bn'
one vote. lfthere were bu. one Representative for
! the mass his poor neighbors would outvote him by
hundred TO one for that single Representative. -
! Bad enough. But amends are to be made him.
How The district in virtue of his wealth, is 70
choose say ten members instead OF one--that is e
say, by paying a v,ry large contribution, he has
the happiness OF being outyoted u hundred to one
BY the poor for ten representatives instead OF be-
ing outvoted exactly in the same proportion for 4
single member. In truth, instead OF being bene-
fitted by his superior quantity of representation
the rich man is subjected to an additional hart
\ chi Tln. . nfaft will lin f1