The republic., 1851-03-13

and leave him In the quiet enjoyment Of his homo.
A few thousand dollars would redeem all who arc
likely ever TO be reclaimed in New England; and
probably not master at the South would hesitate
to accept the arrangement. But let the law first
have its course, without hindrance or obstruction
from any quarter; and when the fugitive shall have
been found and identified, he will soon learn wbc-
ther the real friends OF hs not to be found
among the strenuous supporters OF law. To this
course DO not see what possible objection can De
satsfactory il may be to the facsious and turbu-
lent.s
In what have said thus far, l have simply
dsavored to present to you the law Of christianity
in regard TO slavery, II appears to my own mind
have spoken to you christians, solicitous to
know your duty, or what may be your duty. at q
very delicate and important crisis; and trust that
every ground of reasonable doubt has been re-
But there are other considerations besides the
mere obligations of law, which wish to submit be-
fore leave the subject; and " shsse now ask your
attention.
II any amongst us have been taught 10 think
hardly of our brethren Of the South for retaining
the institution Of slavery, 1t proper to remind
such that Il note their procuring in The first an
stancs. ! cannot but remember that 1t was forced
upon them, in their then condition OF colonies,
by the mother country, in the days OF her moral
darkness, when neither she nor any one else sup
posed there was any thing wrong or even ques-
tionable in tho slave trade. II does not become
US 10 forget that the capital and the navigation
of New England" the ships OF Chittim," the
R~oRt~-WoA
pally engaged in transporting slaves from the
barracoons OF Western Africa to the shores OF
Virginia and the Carolinas; against the earnest
protest, too, of both colonies. And when re-
member all this, and consider how, in consc-
quence, this domestic servitude has become 30
incorporated with the whole texture Of southern
institutions and society; how they have 90 grown
up together, and are 20 intsrmingled, that by no
possibility can slavery be suddenly torn out with
out the most dsplorable consequences, both to
the master and the servant think ! see reason
recognise even stern demand of justice irrespec
tive Of all written laws, that we religiousy abstain
from every thing like contumely and reproach, as
we'll as from an oficious intsrmeddng with what
is altogether their concern, and none OF ours.
And GO still further, and say, in view OF the part
taken by the North in former times, in stocking the
sugar and cotton fields of the South with their sa
BILE culivators that Whoever are entitled 70 casi .ns
incredible that any amongst US should feel them
selves at liberty to indulge In the language OF VI
tuperation, 20 long a. we insist on praising our
puritanical forcfathers for every virtue under
Heaven, and continue to build the tombs OF the
prophets and garnsh the sepuchrss Of the righteous,
through whose active agency the slave. trade was
carried on and al the u OF
Slavery having thus been imposed on our breth-
at the South, not unwiilingly we are at liberty
to suppose, 20 far AZ portion OF them were con-
existence, they cannot suddenly abolish it II they
would. But whether they shall or shall not abolish
il at ALL is no business Of ours It was rightly said
on late occasion By one OF our most eloquent ora
tors, while commenting on remark OF the fore
most of our statesmen, that we had Tess to do with
the slavery of the southern States than with that OF
Cuba. The latter we may discuss - we please, and
former is guardedagainst our approach by the very
spirit and intent Of our political compact We can
not assail il without giving just ground Of offence
Many seem e forget this; and TAX ss we were
intslligble higher law-to wipe out this foul blot a.
they are pleased tocall it. from natonalcharac
ter. Why, since the day when our navigators dis
southern States has for one instant been un
der our control, in any manner or shape whatever.
And whether it be good or bad institution, bless
ingor acurse tothe land where prevails is notour
concern. It can no more become practical ques-
ton with tho people of New England, than is the
question of serfdom in Russia or Poland tits less
20, for the have just alluded to-; and good
and sufficient reason 1t ia why we should let
alone.
When the people Of the southern colonies, as they
then were or lately had been, were about to unite
with those at the North in mutual confederation
for commercial and other purposes, they were az
independent Of us ~ were Of them. They had
their local laws and institutions as we had; and
they had right to require, AZ they did, that one
of The conditions of the compact should be that
they should continue to manage their domestic af-
fairs in their own way, without any interference
from us, just as we were TO manage ours, without
any interference from them. y was one oi me
one State escaping into another should on requisi-
ton be given up. That was part OF the compact,
and a very important one to those States which
were cncumbercd with numerous population OF
this character; and they had right to say that un
less that condition were made part OF the compact
tho negotiation should not go on, They did not
ask the North sanction slavery nor TO pronounce
any opinion in regard to it; no such thing: All
that they demanded was, that slavery should be
recognised fact, an existence, thing that
was-subjoct to no control but their own; and,
49, 1sh abot,ld he
restored-a thing Of no sort Of consequences to
us, but of the greatest possible consequence to
them. To those conditions we assented, and very
properly; the federation could not have been con-
Illuminated on any other terms. And now, if We de-
libcrately Violate those conditions, or, tnrougn
culpablc negligence, permit them to be volated II
we allow noisy faction, whatever their motvss
NAV be, 20 far to prevail to set the laws at de-
fiance, and in any way to render the recovery Of
fugitive impossible, whether by connvance, or
sham legal proceedings, or by open resistance, or
Why, the compact ia broken BY us; refuse to full
fl its stipulationsj and the aggricved States may,
if they choose, ut any moment declare the Confcd-
eracy dissolved. When their rights in this matter,
as agreed upon and confirmed In the Constitution,
the great instrument of union, shall be denied
them, or cannot any longer be enforced, the bond
10 broken, and they cast loose from all obliga-
ton to observe it The act of separation in that
case s ours not theirs; the crime Of disunion lies
at our door, and not with them All this seems
plain enough.
Let me present the case In another point OF view
Wherever the two races subsist together in the
same community, in any thing like equal numbers,
experience has shown it to be best that the relation
of master and bondsman should prevail. What
ever may be the evils, moral and social, growing
out of such relation-and shall neither deny nor
extenuate thcm-it 10 certain that much more ag-
gravnted ones, though of different desc ription,
would follow the sundering of the tie; evils which
would fall more heavily on the cuancipated slave
than on his former master. speak now Of the ac-
tua relative position Of the two races in the south
ern States; and the supposition that they to
continue to inhabit the Same land But Il would
be foreign to my purpose to pursue this idea
further.
cannot regret tho discussion which is now 60
ing ON in these northern States. It has been forced
upon US by the recent outbreaks against law; and
Il il time that we should all understand duties
az christians, as citizens, members of this great
Confederacy. am glad that a crisis has been
reached, when we must determine whether we will
any longer invite or tolerate agitation utterly
clcsS nd ncrnicioua aa that which for Ycara