Mississippi palladium. [volume] (Holly Springs, Miss.) 1851-1852, 1851-09-12

Tie lHtcfeSS anu VIEWS Vi It's principals,
require it. But fifteen of the thirty
States of the Union still maintain the
institution of slavery. 1t is obvious,
therefore, that the government could
not, consistently with its powers as a
general agent. exclude the shareholders,
as a class, from all participation in the
enjoyment of the territory of the Uni
ted States. 1t is, on the contrary, un-
der solemn obligations to respect the
rights of all. 1t has always heretofore,
as | understand its action, showna sense
of this obligation. When the much
talked of ordinance was adopted, by
which the Territory North of the Ohio
river was made free, all that portion
of the country South of the river to
the Gulf of Mexico was left to be oc-
cupied BY shareholders. When slavery
was abolished in the Northern part of
the Louisiana Territory, the Southern
portion, regarded as the most suitable
for shareholders, was left to be SO oc-
cupied. On the annexation of Texas,
when provision against slavery North
of SO deg. 80 min. was incorporated,
much the larger and more valuable por-
ton was left still for the use of slave
holders.
But it is now proposed tc adopt the
policy of excluding shareholders, as
such, from all the territory of the Uni
ted States. This would be an entire
revolution in the action of the Govern
ment-a revolution which could not
occur without a total violation of the
spirit and essence of the Constitution.
Since those citizens who do not own
slaves are permitted to occupy every
part of the territory of the Union, it
has been doubted by many whether the
Government can righttully exclude
shareholders from any portion of the
common property. But, even if there
should be power to divide the public
territory for convenience between the
two classes, it is perfectly clear that
there can be no right to exclude one
class entirely. | have heretofore said
that should regard such an exclusion
as being as great q uiolation Of the Con-
stitution as the Government could possi-
Wy commit. But even if this action
should be viewed simply as an enor-
nous abuse of power, it would be not
the less Objectionable. The Govern
ment has unlimited powers in relation
TO the establishment of post Offices
throughout the Union. If, however,
it were to withdraw all the post offices
from the slaveholding States on the
ground that the citizens of those States
were not worthy of the countenance
and aid of the Government, we should
have as much reason to complain of
such action as if it involved clear in
fraction of the letter Of the Constitu-
ton.
In word, if the Government should
adopt the policy of excluding slave
holders, as such, from all the territory
of the United States, it would, in sub
stance and effect, cease to be the Gov
ernment of the United States. While
the form of the Constitution might re-
main the same, its character would be
essentially changed.
Ought the Southern States to acqui-
esce in this great organic change in
our political system! Ought they to
remain members of an association
which had, in utter disregard of plain
constitutional guarantees, degraded
them from their position of equality!
As history furnishes no record of any
people who have prospered after they
had forfeited their self-respect, by SUBJ
hitting to be degraded to state ofpo-
litical vassallage, hold tito be the duty
of the Southern States to resist this
change. That resistance, to be effec-
tual, should be commensurate with the
violence of the attack. This they owe
TO the cause of Unconstitutional liberty, to
justice, and to their own honor.
With reference to the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia, l
will simply say that, waiving all con-
troversy in relation to constitutional
right, and obligation to the adjoining
States, if such an event were to occur
at this time, it would not take place in
obedience to the wishes of the citizens
of the District, but would be brought
about at the instance of the inhabitants
of the States. But these persons have
no right to control the local affairs of
this District. Should Congress, there
fore, thus act at their instigation, it
would be guilty of an act of tyranny
SO insulting and so gross as 20 justify
withdrawal of confidence from such a
government.
You ask, in the second place, what
l believe likely to be the course of the
South should such contingency oc-
curl There was but one of the States
having any considerable number of
slaves in relation to which / had any
doubts. From her frontier position,
and the powerful influences brought to
bear on her, had some fears as to what
might be the action of Kentucky. But
| have been gratifed beyond expression
by the gallant stand which that noble
State has recently taken. She has
thereby shown that she will not abon-
don her sisters in the hour of danger,
but that she will, if necessary, take the
front rank in the struggle for the pre-
servation of the rights and liberties of
the white race of the South. The un-
ion of both parties in Mississippi is a
type of what will occur elsewhere.
The Southern States ought to have but