The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-06-30


his own neighborhood, warranted by his own coun-
ty. certified by his Congressional district. and en-
dorsed repeatedly by his State! What do the dem
| agogues care for these things?
i "Awed by no shame, by no respect CONTROLLED,
elm scandal busy, in reproaches bold,
"Spleen to mankind their envious hearts pos
sess'd,
"And much they hated all, but most the best"
From the Burlington (Ioca) Ha,ckeye.
The Union must be Preserved At all IIa-
/ yards.
The more reflect on this great theme which
has enlisted the pens and the intellects Of the
mightiest minds in our country, the moro we are
convinced of the propriey of the axiom ''the Union
must be preserved" The very discussion of the
subject hos not only evolved the fact that two par
tics exist, but it has also demonstrated another
more alarming one still, which is, that the Union
| is IN danger How far the disc psson itself has
trailed us to this precipice not prepared to
say. II is neither our province design to crimi-
nate any For long time remained I'M
convinced that there was any real danger. We
thought we loved the Union dearly as those who
loved it most. We professed. We think we
| can now see why asseyerations to this effect
were not credited. We did not believe there was
danger, and those who did counted our professions
| as nsincere and hollow. While there was no want
of sincerity on our part, actually, there seemed to
be-. While we make such an admission, we must
| DO allowed to say that the making acquiescence
in hostility to any or all of the Compromise mea-
| sures an issue for or against the Union, was no
creation of ours. Into that shape it has been wo
ven, and on its manufacturers must rest the re-
sponsibiIiy.
1t is anomaly in our free Government, in itself
somewhat alarming, that any question, however
a. l. T.. e. n
to involve in its discussion actual treason on
the one hand, and patriotism on the other. The
Compromise question has assumed, to large ex-
tent this character. Those who oppose are counted
enemies to the Union. Those who approve of the
measures involved in this question are set down as
its only friends. From such verdict there is no
appeal. Whether righteous or otherwise to it all
must submit. Opposition to it will be viewed as
proof positive of hostility to the Union No one
could have forescen that this any other question
could have been 30 stated to make those who
think they sincerely love the Union occupy posi-
| ton in opposition TO the Union. It can only be
explained by the fact that they seem to love some
| thing else better than the Union If they do, if
any other earthly object il paramount to the Union
in their view. it must be given up-the sacrifice
must be made. though it be dear to them az q
right hand or right eye.
we make tneee remarks because we see no 0tner
alternative, while the question is SO viewed. than
for all to "suffer il to DO 30 now. The false posi-
ton that many who are by no means abolitionists
forced to occupy cannot now be safely retained.
Persisting to remain in it will serve to keep up ag
.tation, and only agitation. The whole annihila-
ton of.slavcry could not, in the slightest degree,
| compensate for the dissolution of this glorious
] Union. The attempt to repeal the Fugitive Slave
law threatens such dissolution and gives occasion to
the real enemies of the Union heap reproach and
contumely upon il.
! We know that harsh words and keen cpithcts
will never win or convince men to act right Were
it not their employment is dstasteful to us; and
if we cannot be pointed and emphatic without their
use, we must be pointless and uncmphatic. For
the sake OF poace and quiet, we hope all who OPP
| pose any or all of the Compromise measures will
| lay aside their opposition. Let them lny it as u
sacrifice the altar of their country. This sacri-
fec is required, not the principle of recommend
| ing doing evil that good may come, as some may
| conscientiously view it, but as reinquishing the
shadow for the purpose of retaining the substance.
Our duty, conscience, the love we bear our
country and the we'll grounded impression that il
was raised up to be light and blessing to the
world, c0nstrain US to do all we can towards pre-
| serving the Union.
We at one time thought the question of repeal
ing the Fugitive Slave law legitimate and
even harmless subject of discussion. Under ordi-
nary circumstances it would assuredly be 90. AT
| that time acquesced in the maintenance of the
Fugitive Slave law reluctantly, because we thought
the South was encroaching upon the North and
asking too much but now we do it chcerfully,
believing that the South will do no material harm
only as she may feel encouraged to do 80 by GER
tain of action the part of the North, and
has :~r.
cy Of the repeal Of that law. We cannot, there
fore, consent to give the South any further occa-
sion to threaten the dissolution of the Union by
opposing the Fugitive Slave law. Neither shall
we be found in the ranks of those who ask for it,
repeal until they offer such reasonable substitute
which they have not yet done-as will sustain the
compromises of the Constitution, and harmonic
with the great idea of preserving the Union.
The true issue now be apprehended, and, be-
ing SO, there be few, We should hope, who
would put the repeal of tho Fugitive Slave law in
competition with the safety of the Union. The
universal apprehension Of this issue will modify
the public sentiment in a wonderful manner, where
they have hitherto been under the deluson of the
cry OF peace, peace, and no danger when there wal
no peace and nothing but danger all around them
and where they had looked simply on the mante
nance of their own rights, without looking at the
tendency Of such course in relation to the main,
tenance of the rights of others. We can already
see such modification going on in Influential
places. II is not absolutely necessary for ndivid
uals public bodies to make an open declaration o
change or modification of opinion. They may
evince such change in another way, and which
will serve truer index to show the platform on
which they stand, than tho other. We shall fur.
nish what we consider an illustration of this, by
quoting from editorial article in the New York