The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-05-27

men, that is the main story of the Constitution
of the United States on the question Of slavery.
Gentlemen, contend, and have always contend
ed, that after the adoption of the Constitution,
any measure of the government calculated TO
bring slave territory into the United States, was
beyond the power of the ConstitutioD,and against
its provision That is my opinion, and It al
ways has been my opinion. IL was very consis-
tent, or thought to be so, for the same purpose,
in Jeffersons time, 10 attach Louisiana To the
United States. A treaty with France was made
for that purpose. But Jefierson's opinion at
that moment was that an alteration of the Con-
stitution was necessary TO enable IT to be done.
Ia considering what will not now repeat, that
opinion was abandoned and Louisiana was ad
United by law, without any provision or altera-
ton in the Constitution. AT that time was too
young to hold any office or take any share in the
political affairs of the country. Louisiana was
admitted as a slave State, and became entitled
to her representation in Congress on the prin-
ciple Of mixed basis. Florida was afterwards
admitted Then, too, was out of Congress I; |
had been in it once; but had nothing to do
with the Florida treaty or the admission of Flori-
d.
My opinion remains unchanged, that il was
not in the original scope or design OF the Con.
stitution to admit new States out of the foreign
territory, and that for one, never would CON
sent, and no matter what may be said at the Sy-
racuse convention, or any other assemblnge of
insane persons, neuer f0ouM consent thai there
should be one foot Of staUe territory beyond chat
The old thirteen STATES had at thai Inns of The for
nation Of The Union. Nerer, necer. The man
can't sh, 10 his face 10 me and say he can prore
1f % from hat =,
sneak a,cay, and stink d,oay, or hire mercenarv
heep thai he might say aphat nercenary aposlaie
from liberty Daniel Webster has become Laugh
ter and cheers He knows himself 10 be hippo
crite and falsifer. But, gentlemen, ] was in
public life when the proposition to annex Texas
to the United States was brought forward. You
know the revolution in Texas, which divided
that country from Mexico was in the year 1885
or So | saw then--and don't know that it
required any particular foresght-that it would
be the very next thing to bring Texas, which
was designed to be a slayeholding State, into
this Union. did not wait. sought an occa-
sion to proclaim my utter aversion to any such
measure, and determined 10 resist IL with all my
strength to the last Now, gentlemen, it is not
for your edlfcation, am sure, that Inow revive
what have before spoken in the presence of
this assembly. | was in this city in the year
1897, and long before | left New York on that
excursion, in the course of which went to the
South and returned here, my friends in New
York were kind enough to offer me a public
dinner as testimony of their public regard for
me. Went Out Of my loay, ON that occasion, far
The purpose of shoping ,ohat Ianticipated in The
attempt 10 annex Ie.rds Stare territory and
said should be opposed By me to The last ertrem-
iy. And in Niblo's Garden, in March, 1897,
made a speech. WE'LL there was the press all
around me, the Wing press and the Democratic
press. Some spoke commendatory enough of
my speech, but all agreed that took pains 10
step ont of my ray 10 derounce in Advance The
annexation If Texas as a slaue territory to The
United States. said on that occasion: Seen
tIemen, we all see that by whomsoever posses
sed, Texas is likely to be slavebolding coun-
try; and frankly avow my entire unwilling
ness to do anything that shall extend the slave
ry of the African on this continent or add other
slaveholding States to the Union. When | said
that regarded slavery as great moral and po-
litcal evil, only used language that has been
adopted by distinguished men, themselves citi
zens of slaveholdng States. shall do nothing
THEREFORE to extend or encourage its further ex-
tension.
We have slavery already among us. The
Constitution found it among US. 1t recognized
it, and gave it solemn guarantees To the full
extent of these guarantees we are all bound in
honor in justice and by the Constitution. All
the stipuations contained in the Constitution,
in favor of the slaveholding States which are al
ready in the Union, ought to be fulfilled, and, so
far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the
fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of
their letter Slavery, as it exists in the States,
is beyond the reach of Congress. 1t is the con-
Germ of the States themselves. They have never
submitted it to Congress, and Congress has no
right or power over it. | shall concur, therefore,
in no act, no measure, no menace, no indication
of purpose, which shall interfere, or threaten to
interfere, with the exclusive authority of the
several States over the subject of slavery, as it
exists within their respective limits. All this
appears to be a matter Of plain and imperative
duty. But when we come 10 speak Of admitting
new States, the subject assumes a new and en-
rely different aspect. Our rights and our du-
ties are then both different The free States
and all the States are then at liberty to accept
or reject When it is proposed to bring new
members into this political partnership, the old
members have right to say on what terms
such partners are to come in, and what they are
to bring along with them In my opinion, the
people of the United States will not consent to
OrinB III new, VASTLY extensive, ana SlaVehO d.
ing country, large enough for half dozen or
dozen States, into the Union. In my opinion
they ought not TO consent to it," Gentlemen,
was mistaken; Congress did consent TO the
bringing in of Texas They did consent, and
was false prophet Your own State consented,
and the majority of the representatives of New
York consented. ] went into Congress before
the final consummation of the deed, and there
fought, holding up both my hands, and proclaim
ing with voice stronger than it now is, against
the whole of it. But you would have it so, and
you did have it So Nay, gentlemen, will tell
the truth, whether it shames the devil or not
Laughter Persons 'cho hare aspired high as
iorerS of h6erty--as eminent iopers Of The WI
mot Propiso---as eminent Fiee-soil men, and aoho
hare mounted oper our heads and trodden US do,on
asJ zoe mere mere slares, they are the men that
brought Ttras into this country That is the
truth, and declare it before you, and in the
presence of my God, that it was 80. Look to
the journals
Without the consent of New York, Texas
would not have come into the Union, under
either of the original resolutions or afterwards