The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-11-05

ages, but savages who, 10 some extent, were al
lowed TO possess the attributes Of nation TTo--
ties were made with them, and they had always
exercised the right Of carrying war against he
whites. These men Identified themselves with this
people in the war, and in doing 30, did not II is
believed. violate any express law Of their own
country. They incurred the hazards of such a
war, were taken, and Justly condemned
Our citizens in the Invasion of Cuba. put at equal
defiance the laws of their country and the laws of
nations. They were covered by no flag; protected
by no public opinion; governed by no general law.
They placed themselves beyond the pale of civili-
cation, and in doing 80 became pirates and out
laws They invaded nation who were protected
from outrage and injustice by the solemn guaranty
of treaty-a treaty in which our national honor
was deeply concerned. No nation could be bound
by more solemn or higher obligation than our
Government is bound to maintain the most friend
ly relations with Spain.
And the expedition was drecte against an I'M
offending people. people who were content
with their government, and not desirous of n
change. Neither in the landing of the invading
army, nor in its progress through the country,
was there found traitor TO the Cuban govern
ment. This is most extraordinary fact. IL
could scarcely be realized by the invasion of any
other country under similar circumstances. The
liberating army found willing to be libe-
rated. They were everywhere received and
treated enemies. II is not known that any
elites perpetrated by the invaders indi-
yiduas. Ii ia believed there were none. But their
way was marked with blood-blood shed in Skin
mishes and in more general engagements. There
more atrocious and less excusable.
Let suppose similar invasion of own
country. And here it may be promised that if
complaints against our Government and deter
mination TO overthrow it, in certain quarter, af
ford any excuse for the combination of fesegR
force against US, strong could be made out.
But suppose an armed force, acknowledging allie
glance to no government or people, ahould invade
any part OF our country with an ayowed intention
of overturning the Government, how speedily
would it meet destruction. Such an indignity and
outrage would cause the blood to thrill through the
veins OF every American.
Gentlemen, our Government must be Just to our
selves and just to other nations. government is
responsible for the acts of its ctizens-not il is
true. in the first instance where they commit de-
precautions upon friendly nation. But if such
citizens are not punished, or given up to the in
jured government for punishmen, the nation to
whom they owe allegiance becomes party to the
wrong This is an acknowledged principle in the
law of nations. But the duty owe to ourselves
is of the highest obligation. No free government
can be sustained which does not enforce its laws
deep and abiding respect for the laws has
heretofore been the glory of our country. In that
consists our strength. Those who unacquaint-
ed with the principles Of our Government seem
naturally to conclude it is wanting in energy and
power. But they do not comprehend the secret of
its strength The majesty of the law pervades
every part of the nation and operates unseen br t
its effects visible. 1t has, heretofore, required
no military display OF men at arms to carry il into
effect But am concerned to say that our late
history in this respect will not compare with the
past. There is, fear, a growing ndiffercnceto
the laws. When Aaron Burr was suspected Of b.
ing engaged in an enterprise against the adjacent
provinces of Spain, connected, as apprehended.
with dissolution of the Union, the country was
greatly excited, and he pursued, arrested,
and indicted for treason.
Does the same deep feeling for the Union and it's
laws now pervade our country
If il shall appear, from the evidence that shall be
given, that any OF our citizens have violated the
above law. it will be your duty to indict them.
Laws that remain upon our statute book should be
operative. or they should be repealed The nation
al standard is lowered, and RIGHTEOUSNESS is in
creased by failure 10 enforce the penalties of the
law.
Our institutions can be sustained only on mo-
raj basis. This ia wanting in France and they
not maintain free government. They may have
the form, but the substance will be wanting At
this moment the republic of France, it is called,
Is restrained and governed by physical power.
And If our Government, in our external and inter
nal atiairs, shall be SO managed as 10 destroy its
moral basis, we may well attempt to build
structure in the air to sustain it, | fear this
great fact may not be properly appreciated On it
depends, not only the prosperity of our free insi
buttons, but their existence