New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1851-10-25

,er, officials it almost exclusively ofiicered the
army l, -,
TIE Bo,rr,oisie Of Germany was by far not
wealthy and concentrated as that oil France
or England. The ancient manufactures OF yer
many had been destroyed by the Introduction o.
steam. and by the rapidly extending supremacy
ofFng1isb manufactures the more modern man
ufsctures. started under the Napoieohlc CONF
mental system, established In other parts oI 'ne
country. did not compensate Tor the loss Vi 'he
old ones. nor suffice to create manufacturing
ir,orest strong enough TO force It's wants upon
H. ,o,ice of Governments Jealous OF every ex-
tension Of non.noble wealth and power
r,orco carried her silk manufactures victorious
.t~o,,cb fifty years OF revolutions and wars, Ger
INV 5uring the sane time, all but lost her an
c,ent linen trade The manufacturing districts,
hasides were few and far between situated Tar
inland. and using. mostly, foreign Dutch or Bel
ejan ports for their imports ana exports, they
bad Ii,,le or no interest in common with the
large seaport-towns on the Norm Sea and Inc
paI,ic they were. above all, unable to create
large manufacturing and trading centers, such as
Paris and LYONS London and Manchester. The
causes Of this backwardness of German manu-
features were manifold, but two viii suffice 10
account for it the unfayorable geographical sit
uaton Of the country, at a distance from the At
lsutic. which had become the great highway for
the worlds trade, and the continuous wars IN
which Germany was involved, and which were
fought Oh her soil, from the sixteenth century to
the presen, dav Il was this want Of numbers,
and particularly OF anything like concentrated
numbers. which prevented the German Middle
Classes from attaining that political supremacy
which the English bourgeois has Ell Dyed ever
since 1858, and which the French conquered IN
1850 And yet, ever since 1918, the wealth, and
with the wealth, the political importance OF the
Middle Class in Germanywas continually grow
ing. Governments were, although reluctantly,
compelled TO bow at least TO It's more Immediate
material interests 1t may even be truly SAID,
that from 1915 to 1880, and from 1892 to 1910,
every particle Of political influence, which, hav-
ing been allowed 10 the middle class IN the Con
sttutions of the smaller States.was again wrest-
ed from them during the above two period. OF
political reaction-that every such particle was
compensated for by some more practical advan-
tage allowed to them. Every political defeat OF
the middle class drew after it victory on the
field of commercial legislation. And, certainly
the Prussian Protective Tariff of 1915 and the
formation Of the ZoLrTHn, We're worth good
deal more to the traders and manufacturers q
Germany than the equivocal right of expressing
in the chambers Of some dlmlnutiye dukedom,
their want of confidence in ministers who laugh
ed at their votes. Thus, with growing wealth
and extending trade, the Bourgeoisie soon arrived
at a stage where it found the development OF It's
most important interests checked by the polit-
cal constitution Of the country-by lis random
division among thrty-six princes with con.
ficting tendencies and caprices by the leu-
GAL letters upon agriculture and the trade con-
neced with 1t by the pryng superintendent to
which an ignorant and presumptuous bureau
cracy subjected al its transactions. At the same
time, the extension and consolidation of the ZoH
rcrein the general introduction of steam conmu-
cation, the growing competition in the home
trade. brought the commercial classes OF the diff
fcrent States and Provinces closer together,
eQualIzed their interests, centralized their
strength The natural consequence was the
passing Of the whole mass of them into the camp
u the Liberal Opposition, and the gaining OF the
first serious struggle of the German Middle Glass
for political power. This change may be dated
from 1910, from the moment when the BOwgeoisis
OF Prussia assumed the lead of the Middle Glass
movement of Germany We shall hereafter re-
vert to this Liberal Opposition movement of
lS40-i7.
The great mass OF the nation, which neither
belonged to the nobility nor to the bOurgeolsie,
consisted, In the towns of the small trading and
shopkeeping class and the working people, and
III the country, of the peasantry
The small trading and shopkeepng class Is ex
ccedingy numerous in Germany, in consequence
OF the stln,ed development which the large
capitalists and manufacturers, as class, have
had in that country In the larger towns II forms
alnost the majority OF the inhabitants IN the
smaller ones II entirely predominates, from the
absence Of Weather competitors for influence.
This Grass. most important che in every mol
en body polite, and Ia all modern revolutions,
is still more important IL Germany, where during
the tecent struggles It generally PLAYED the de-
cislve part. It's intermediate position between
the class OF larger capitalists traders AMI manu-
facturers, The bourgeoisie, properly so called,
and the proetarlan or industrial class deter
MINES lis character Aspiring to the position
OF the first, the least adverse turn OF fortune
huris the individuals of this class down into the
ranks OF the second. In monarcheal and feudal
countries the custom of the court and aristocracy
becomes necessary To It's existence the loss OF
this custom might rum great part of it, In the
smaller towns, a military garrison, county gov.
eminent, court OF law with It's followers. form
very often the base OF It's prosperity Withdraw
these and down gothic shopkeepers, the tailors. the
shoemakers, the joiners. Thus, etemsly tossed
about between the hope of entering the ranks of
the weather. class, and the fear OF being re.
AMcna 10 he state OF nrnlet ar.,..