Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1851-10-17
after OF Ex-Viee President Geo. NJ Dallas, of PN.,
Hon. Guy NJ. Bryan, OF Texas.
ScHooLEY's, BELMoT HALL,
ScHooLEY's MOUNTAIN SPRING.
Neac-Jerseq. Jtttg 25, 1851.

Netc-Jerseg. July 25, 1851.
MI Dear Sir:-HaVihg escaped the heats of the cl-
~. am almost inclined amid the beauties OF nature
which surround me here, the high hills, the pure cool
air the fragrant forests, and the rpening harvests to
nostpone until my return TO arid streets, and studies,
The attention 10 which your request is entitled can
not however feel at rest while imagining that my ST.
lence may possibly be misnerpretedi and therefore
hasten 10 send you the VIEWS which You are Kind
enough TO wish repeated.
On The topcs of your letter, dated the 4th inst, from
Peach Point. BraZora county. Texas, have long en-
tertained definite and decided opinions AS they are
somewhat different from any avowed by public men IN
this quarter should feel different in holding nr con-
Tossing Them were it not that every days progress IN
our federal experiment confirms TO me their sound
ness, indeed their absolute necessity. cannot work
ont the safety of the Union in their absence. That
Union was designed, and is fitted TO be the best and
most permanent security for much OF combined Tree
dom and happiness as sections permitted to enjoy.
and it has ALWAYS seemed TO me not merely rash and
irrational but grossly illogical, 10 dscalm or doubt
any Of It's essential springs of vitality Union, IN IT'S
political sense, is the opposite OF conSodaHon Inc
elements necessary 10 bare idea of Union are an
taoonistic 10 those of consolidation and yet cannot
helm thinking that all the mistakes and mischlefs to
which we have been subjected, found an origin in the
habual tendency of many very able statesmen to I'M
mort from old consolidated empires their products of
LEGISLATION and government and to fasten them upon
the new American condition OF mere federal Union -
How often do we hear ard see the strictly deconsltu-
tionaIised term, nation. substituted for that o Unlon
substi uon plausible and innocent in The sphere of
our foreign relations but full OF insnuang and PERM
cious encroachment wherever the domestic limits re-
servatons and guarantees are involved. 1t found no
place in the structure framed by the convention OF
1887 Were not at this moment away from home,
more in search of health than disposed to labor should
be tempted note from congressional and executive
records, some of the apparently run into, both
of reasoning and of policy, under the seductive inu
ence of round language. No stronger illustration
could be given Of Mirabeau's assertion that words
are things" (aye. and fatally serious things, too y
than the extent 10 which, with such aids the meaning
of our constitution, if not the nature of our govern
ment, has been affected ] am not so uni ust as to
question the motives of those who have thus devated;
they rather be regarded msled by sort of am
bilious patriotism intently aiming to augment the
greatness, wealth and power, of their country. un
euardedly to overlook the peculiar complications and
nice adjustments OF IFS political system.
As people, generally calm and conserva-
tive-perhaps more tamely so than is congenal with
the spirit and antici paons OF the Constitution
There is provision of that instrument which, more
strongly than any other, marks the practical wisdom,
and vet it is curious TO with what almost supers-
tious dread we shrink from bringing it into action.
refer 10 the power and process of amendment. Our
organic law put in writing its delegations and
srictions of jurisdiction given express and vs-
BILE certainty but, all human fabrics are confessed
Iy imperfect and should be adaptable 10 the times
the mode of peaceful change, correction addition,
IL
endure years of dangerous agitation, unsettng our
sentiments fellow, citizens, and winding gradually
up 10 social convusion rather than frankly resort to
this proered expedient? Certainly, the Constitution
cannot be touched with too much reverence; certainly
what is usually stgmatiZed tnk ering should
be resoIutely avoided but when it is plain that the
proper occasion has arisen, that nothing less solemn
can be eficacous, and that the very union it creates
and conservates, is at risk, why to reco from
the provided sanctuary? One of the authorized forms
of Mad 1yh oE lind
that of Congressional recommendation, to be follow
ed by the approval of three fourths of the local egs-
latures. Such process seems Just now TO be unpro-
mising but it may, after candid and dfuse discussion,
turn out otherwise. Surely the Union is valued suf-
ceny to rally for its risk and renovation twenty four
of the thirty States: already prepared
to admit that the American people have become inca
pabe of self government-Incapa he of approaching
the true of their wonderful progress, and in
capable of dlscardng the blind though boiserous
guides ready to lead them. through dsunon, into
tua and rancorous lealousies, into dependence TO-
reign guardianship into civil and servile wars, and in
10 the poor feuds of village trades and tariffs think
it always a mistake to falter in reliance upon the
shrewd and sober judgment of the great body of our
felIow-citIZens. They wise enough 10 discern
the untried excellence of the Constitutions they
wise enough to amend, aye, and most admirably, the
work it came from the hands of Washington. Mad
ison, Franklin and Hamilton; are they not wise
enough then 10 apply sing lie and simple for
disease, which, after many years of latent topor, has
suddenly, aIarmngly developed? With me there is
no doubt that if my countrymen he given the le
gitimate opportunity, they will expressly and un.
quafiedly prohibit later what | have
heretofore humbly believed they had by the strong
est implication already prohibited, They will pro-
hibit from being forced by the sophisres of zeal
OTIS to enact the part of a consolidation they will
place the constitutional canon, too papaby for mis-
construction, the f-slaughter of ;nermeddng will
Institutions and rights exclusively of State creation
State responsibility, and State control they will
der impossible. by any process sort of treason
voution, TO conveat the confederacy into the means
OF destroying the equality of its members, tc
direct its energies 10 fulfil tie behess of hghe,
taw starting up like the cyultica of the minute from
the ranging and ncalcuabe phantasies of the in
ner man.
have dispassonaely, but anxously, watched the
manifest of political sentiment in the North and East
since the adjournment of Congress, and shall be mos
happy 10 find my impression dspeIled in the future
AT first the movements of the masses Independent
of leadership and gave noble earnestness to indicate
their good faith, and TO maintain the institutions anC
harmony of the Union but, and say ii with reluc-
lance, the horizon not long permitted to remain
so fatteng. The Abotonists beat again their barba
rc gong, the love of representative assemblages, reg
uar or casual, was again tannting and vindicve pal
try and personal ambition renewed the agitation by
which alone its hopes are fed Vermont, Massachu
ses. Ohio, New York, and even Pennsylvania ex.
hibted in succession sad proof that their respective
portions oil the great Wing party unwilling tC
torego The customary ayng oucry against the South
They effected not to know, to dsbelieve fancfu OF
to despse il real, the dangers of their course the bold
bully OF ant-slavery defed 10 his face the eloquent
apostle of Union, and defied him with impunity The
newspaper editorials with exceptions few and far be-