The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-01-09

To the Hon. Robert J. Walker:

TO the Hon. Robert J. Walker:
SIs; As author of the tariff of 1916, you are re-
garded the leader Of that portion of the commu-
nifty known as the " Free Trade party - and as
such, you have been appointed chairman of com
mttee OF the association dehominated " The Free
Trade Leaguej" and in that capacity II Is that
now address you The object of that association is
declared to be that of endeavoring to bring about
the entire abolition of tariffs, whether for revenue
protection, and the substitution of direct taxa
ton for the support of government, with view 70
the emancipation OF trade from all restriction, and
to the substitution Of an economical government
for that which has within the few past years be
come so enormously expensive; and nothing, as J.
conceive, could be more desirable than its accom-
plishment
| The League thus formed is composed, as UNI
dcrstand it, not of statesmen, but OF teachers OF
| Statesmen. As such, their position is even more
responsible than that of the statesman himself; yet
the high responsibility of even the latter is so well
| exhibited in the following passage from n recent
British Free Trade journal" that should scarcely
feel justified in emitting TO invite to ts perusal,
not only yourself, but all the members of your
eociaton:
at is of the last moment that all who are,
likely to be, called to administer the affairs of
free State should be deeply imbued with the states
manlike virtues Of modesy and caution, and should
act under a profound sense of their personal re-
sponsibility IL is awful thing to undertake the
government of great country; and no man can
be any way worthy of that high calling who does
not, from his Utmost soul, feel it to be When
we reflect upon the fearful consequences, both to
| the lives, the material interests, and the moral
well being of thousands, which may ensue from
| hasty word, an erroneous Judgment, temporary
| carelessness, lapse of diligence when we re-
1 member that every action of a statesman is preg
nant with resultc which may last for generations
after he is gathered to his fathers; that his deci
| sions may, and probably must, affect for good or
ill the desnes Of future times that peace or war,
crime or virtue, prosperity or adyersy, the honor
| or dishonor of his country, the right or wrong,
wise or unwise solution Of some Of the mghtiest
| problems in the progress of humanity, depend
| upon the course he may pursue at those critical
moments which, to ordinary men, occur but rare
ly, but which crowd the daily life OF Statesman
f! the marvel is, that men should be forthcoming
| bold enough to venture on such task"
| 1t is IAN awful thing to undertake the govern
| ment OF a great country - and "when we reflect
upon the fearful consequences both to the lives the
material interests, and the moral we'll being" not
| only of thousands but millions, and not only for
the present but for all future time, that may result
| from the part Of men charged with the du
ties of government, may well be surprised that
| "men should be forthcoming bold enough to ven
ture on such a task" Still more might we be sur
| prised at the readiness with which the thousands of
men, who as editors of or contributors to, the daily,
| weekly, monthly, and quarterly press, undertake
the yet higher task of enlightening the governors
as to the mode of proceeding most likely to promote
| the physical, moral, intellectual, and political
well-b being of those over whom they placed.
With large portion of these the sole requisite for
the Office with which they charge themselves is so
| entire an unacquaintance with the facts by which
| they surrounded, that errors of statement
perfectly excusable, because they know no better;
|
thing but the promotion of their own supposed and
temporary interests, caring little, if even at all,
for the community whose interests they profess to
advocate, and solacing themselves, for the ruin of
thousands of their fellow citizens by the fact that
| they themselves have been enriched. At one mo-
ment, they teach that the community is to be bene-
fitted by the expansion Of banks and the making of
roads, because they or their friends, have land,
lots, stocks to sell. At the next, the banks
denounced as having produced speculation, and the
| announcement Ia the more severe, because their
LOT, cold md thn n
| the lower the price Mt which they purchase.
They bulls or bears all the great questions of
the country, as their own particular interests APP
pear likely to be promoted by one or another course
| of action.
OF all the questions by which the country has
| Gently been agitated, the only one now remaining
| to be settled 10 that of the road by which may
speedily and proftably reach perfect freedom OF
trade: whether it is to be by means of the imme-
diate abolition of custom houses, by continuing the
collection of revenue duties arranged TO give
| inefficient protection to domestic manufactures,
| by higher duties, meant to give efficient and COM
| plete protection.
In regard to the advantage that would result
| from freedom of trade, there can exist no differ
| ence of opinion. We all free trade men. We
all feel the benefits resulting from the existence of
that freedom in the intercourse between the vari-
Gus States of the Union and all know that great
advantages must result from the establishment of
similar freedom among the various nations of the
world, whenever it shall become possible How to
render il possible s, however, question in regard
to which there will be found much difference OF
opinion; and it is, as suppose, with view to the
discussion of the true mode Of arriving at the point
of entire and absolute freedom of trade that your
| League has been formed, and not for the pur-
pose Of teaching that there exists but single mode,
excluding the consideration of all others, as is the
custom, without exception, think of all the
self styled "free trade journals of the day. Their
editors can see but one road leading in the direc
ton of the goal at which they desire to arrive,
| and they denounce "obsolete" the idea that
any other road exists; yet, if we take the pres
ent House of Representatives as an index to the
state OF opinion not less than three Jhs Of The uoting
population Of the Uniont are OF opinion that there is
another, better, and a safer road than that by
which they would lead US; and If we take the
rous Congresses OF the past thirty years, we shall
find that there has never been single that has
not furnished evidence that large majority Of The
poting population of that opinion Such
| the case, you know, with the Congress Of 1916
How absurd then, is the effort to stfle discussion
OF this most important question!
| 1t is one upon which men may and do honestly
differ, and the true mode of arriving at decision
upon it is to have it fairly, fully and honestly dis
cussed The truth is TO be found, and those who
feel assured they have it need not fear the most
thorough and complete exposition and discussion
OF the real facts of the case. To misstate fact is
evidence that the real fact will not the pur
pose. To avoid discussion is evidence of conscious
ness that the is bad one, and will not bear it
Now, cannot believe that the gentlemen of whom
the League" is composed would desire to avoid
full and free discussions for to do SO would be to
admit their own doubt OF the truth of their position
at moment when they were assuming the high
responsibility of teaching the persons charged
with the duties of government, and in relation to
question affecting in the highest degree the ply
sica moral, and political interests of the whole
community, their friends and fellow citizens. 1t
is the greatest of all questions for this Union; for it
is the that lies at the of all the disquie
existing at the two exremties of the Union. 1t is,
therefore, the of all others that needs FULL clear
and calm discussion, and such it is, doubt not,
that " the League" would desire to give it.
Thoroughly impressed with the advantage of
| freedom vear on
posed to the protective system, and a believer in
the doctrine which led to the passage of the Com
promise bill in 1888. The results OF that system of
policy led me to that there existed some diff
Guilty that was unable to comprehend. The uni
versal prosperity which followed the passage of the
tariff OF lSs2 strengthened my doubts and induced
me to examine the subject more closely, and at
length was enabled to satisfy myself of the ex-
istence Of an artificial cause tending to produce an
unsound and impoverishing state of things, which