The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1851-07-16
EDITORS CORRESPONDENCE.
Nkw YoRK, July ID. 1851.

NEW YORK, July ia 1901.
The legislature of this State. after regular session of
some four months, and called session OF month";
have finally adjourned With the exception of the doubt
full measure OF the canal enlargement, the of i'm
porlan business transacted by this body when considered
in relation to the time has consumed is disproporton
ably small The number OF bills passed, it is iIue is
considerable, but in twenty OF them is of any
public momen and Of those which are by far the greater
proportion were conceived introduced and carried through
Tor the express benefit OF the wing party and for that
Of the people of the State of New York
As specimen OF wing legislation, the doings OF the
body which has just adjourned are, however not with
out their value at The present moment The country has
soon TO make It's election between the wing and the demo-
cratic Pocy--to decide upon the principles of which
party the federal government is to be administered and
as we believe that upon the decision Of this a-mporant
question, at the present critical uncue, the integrity OF
our national existence depends II seems by
an nnlnerestng inquiry what either of these parties could
OF would do in legislative capacity, II left TO itself
In the legislature Of New York, constituted, the
wings have majority, which gives them the supreme
control OF It's action. In either branch they oulnunber
the democracy than two one; that even
ures requiring tWo-thrd vote be carried in despite
OF all opposition and in addition TO this they have
executive Of their choosng and one who has shown
himself as INSCRIPTIONS partisan they could wish.
They have ruled unchecked by apprehension OF the
power, and their confidence in its nullty has been
whom it is vested in their every and deed They are.
them wholly responsible for all that they have DONE and
all that they have left undone; and what, let ask,
the resut' What impression have they left of their in
tegrity, their patriotism, their fitness to rule
In attempting TO investigate this question, it is not
purpose to follow the legislature tat through all the
business which has transacted is it necessary
do in order to arrive at satisfactory for, has
been already remarked, much the greater part OF what it
has done is OF local. private or unimporant character
II will be sufficient for purpose to consider the promi
nent measures has adopted, the still more important
which it has neglected. and The policy which has dictated
lis action IN some cases. and It's omission to act in others
The French, under the Bourbon and Valos kings and
even earlier, had their parliaments $50 called" which
proessed IN some sort, to represent the people, but
which, 10 point of fact, merely assemblies of Off
appointed by the CROWN and called together for the
purpose of sanconing the exacons which the sovereign
found il necessary thought desirable to make upon
the subject They registered the royal edics; they pen
stoned some Of the royal favortes and purged others OF
their offences they provided for the permanent support
Of the royal authority and the indulgence of the royal
caprice; while at the time they efectuay checked
every impairment ebuton Of popular feeling and every
attempt the expression OF popular sentiment or the as
sertlon OF popular right
1t would seem hardly credible that at this day, and in
this country in the nineteenth century, and in these Uni
ted States OF America public body elected by the peo-
pie TO egslate for their benefit should take for their
model the shadowy parliament of ancient France, and
miate in its subserviency 10 the regning powers, the
very course OF action pursued by that eete and power
less assembage of hirelings And yet perusa of the
annals OF the legislature OF New York which has Just
adjourned forces to the conclusion that either the
dominant party which controlled il did select for mita
ton the very model we have referred 10, or that such
moral and mental similarity existed between them and the
ancient French councillors Of State perforce produced
produced wonderful similarity in thought and word
and deed
For instance, if monarch Of the house OF Valos or
Bourbon wanted forty fifty millions Of francs for the
support of royalty, or to the permanency OF his
dynasty by edic he levied mpos-egal illegal, it
mattered not he issued his edct and called together his
parliament who registered it and made it the law of the
land the money raised and the irresponsible hand
which welded The sword c. STAT. strengthened bya
vast increase OF the sinews of With nne mil
lioLs of dollars-say forty-hve millions of francs-is
needed to secure the permanence of the Seward dy-
nastyto support its suppoiersto retain its retainers
and to recruit ills ranks An edct goes forth 10 raise the
amount by loan True, there a constitutional prohbi-
ton against borrowing any such sumit is forbidden by
the fundamental law OF the land but ingenious and
subservent majority can overcome this diiculty-they
can, perhaps. evade the letter OF the law Doubts exist
but they can register the edct They have the power
to do it, and they do it We are aware that objections
will be raised TO the fitness OF parallel 1t may be
said that this money borrowed for lauiabe purpose
one which will prove emnenty beneficial to the State
that the it is but doubtful whether the mode of
raising il is unconstitutional and that if the Sew
ard dynasty be saved by its disbursement, still is
monarchy like that which dominated ancient
France Now, ADM, all this, but still contend that
parallel is both true and fitting, and that in one, and
that the most important, point the advantage is by no
means side.
The enlargement of the Erie canal to prosecute which
this loan is made is doubtless work OF the mer
torious character, and an expenditure for such object
will unquestionably produce eventual good than
could have been reaped from the lavish prolusion
of royalty But its immediate effect is the same the
power for good or evil is in the hands OF those who have
the disbursing OF large and that this power is
to be vested solely in of their is manifest
from the fact that the legislature have inrusted the let
ting Of the contracts to their officials, with unlimited
discretion OF selection The contracts to be awarded
to the lowest bidders, prou'ded they shall seem 10 the
The most fitting persons The money is TO
be used TO sustain the Seward dynasty
But not that the loan in its present form is
unconstitutional Neither is il certain that it is cons
uional And when there pressing necessity for
haste--when in My four short months il might have
been submitted to the people, in accordance with the
constitutional provision and received, il doubtless
would have done, their sanction-why hurry it through
the legislature, right wrong. with disregard OF pop
uar right, privilege, remonstrance worthy Of the
most sevle council which ever fastened to register
and disbursement of such sum was necessary to
tain the Seward dynasty But the Seward dynasty is
not monarchy, does it seek the establishment OF
l