The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1851-05-27

at this time, before there Is real occasion for no
cision. And in this do not differ with . great
many who hear me. This Convention consists Of
representatives., unequal in number-of sefconsti-
tuted associations. The convention Of the people,
to DO hereafter convened, having the responsibility
Of decision ought to be left perfectly free to form
the best Judgment in its power, under the actual
juncture of circumstances, that may exist at the
time Of its meeting It ought neither to be in
Of an irresponsible body-irresponsible mean, in
any official point Of view. Such pre-determination
will make issue not called for by the occasion,
that must result in popular agitation within the
and disclose feelings which have not heretofore
isted and ought not to exist In fact, it will de-
feat rather than promote the end contemplated
To show how it will operate on our friends in other
States, need only refer to the consequen noes of
movements of similar character. l say here, that
from the time that prominent men in South Caro-
lima intimated purpose to put the state on the
track Of separate secession, in disregard OF the CO.
operation Of her neighbors, they deprived our real
friends Of the power ofhepng u.s. they did not Alto
gether ALLEVIATE friends from their devotion to the
Sou.hern cause, they gave their opponents great ad
vantage over them. In fact, a Southern party at
Washington, that wasiast organizing was dissolved
They were willing to move as fast aud as well
as they could. What would have been their final
resolve and measures, know not. Bat do know
that they felt that they were separated from their
true friends by intimations for which their people
were not prepared. Our ancestors made no such ad-
vertsement Of their purposes as to enable others,
opposed to them, to force and defeat them. In
general they were by their acts ahead OF their re-
solves; and never made the latter without previous
ly having means to accomplish them. We seem to
reverse this order. We give long notice, in the
form of speeches and threatening resolutions. The
quence has been that short performances have
followed long advertisements, for the reason that
We lost the aid of our true allies. There are now
friends in other States willing to do all that they
can under the circumstances OF their situation.
fear they will be driven to disavow u.s. when if left
to themselves, they might have pursued course to
maintain the true but much abused cause Of the
Southern States.
The measures intmated in the draft of the ad-
dress, and in some of the resolutions, will not allow
many of this body to vote upon them. All who arc
members of the Constitutional Convention Of the
people, cannot give vote to control their future
judgment. They ought not to be required so to do
] have conversed with several of them, and they
have come to q common conclusion to give ne vote
upon any matter upon which they will have to de-
iberate, when there shall be a real occasion for
their officially responsible judgment. find myself
in that class What may be the situation of things
when the Convention shall be called on to decide,
know not. There may be many instructive deve-
Opponents and revelations before that time. Mad
ness and nfatuation take their course with blind
confidence, and at the next session of Congress, /
shall look for some Of their usual exhibitions.
Before speak Of the probable and conjectural
action Of the federal government in reference to
South Carolina, should she determine to secede, |
will notice soRe views and submit some consider
tons connected with secession as remedy for our
wrongs.
The right of secession in the abstract, and the
right of resorting to it to effect wise and beneficial
end, in political and moral point OF view, are diff
ferent things. The one may be conceded as leg II
opostion-whilst the other, as it may affect
other communities as well as the State itself, in
wolves high considerations and obligations Of duty,
which no statesman can or ought to disregard.
South Carolina had the option to 60 in or remain
out Of the Union-she entered as a sovereign, to
enable herself and confederates to protect. their
tic tranquility. If these ends should not be accom-
plished-but in fact, if it should turn out that the
government is used exclusively for one portion Of
the partners, to the oppression and detriment Of
Cthers-the suffering parties should have the right
Of resuming their original position. To say other
wise would be to make free States, as they enlisted
into the confederacy, not merely parties to q des
potic government, but victims of 1t against their
consent But whether secession be conceded as a
legal right o measure of revolution, is imma-
teral, II there be real occasion to resort to it,
and it can be used to effect some great political end
worthy Of its exercise. II it should end in merely
separating the State from her former confederates,
and placing her in condition that would require
her to invest herself with all the attributes and du
ties of sovereign nation, both abroad and at home,
then II might bring South Carolina into situation
ofisolation ut war with her true interests and poll
sy. If she should resort to this measure, with q
view Of bringing her neighbors in political con-
nection, so as to enable them jointly to form con-
federacy for themselves that would be adequat for
and relations with foreign powers, then it becomes
question OF the greatest magnitude--full Of con-
sequences that should be looked to with all the
and intelligence that can possibly be employed.
The state should take no course that would make
rivals and adversaries of her southern neighbors.
On the contrary she should endcavor by all possible
means to act with them as allies. II the State
should look to nothing beyond her own secession,
she will enable the federal government to make
rivals Of those who in interest are and in feelings
should be, her friends.
make the broad remark, that there is not pub
lie man in South Carolina sensible OF responsible
trust, and foreseeiHg the inevitable consequences Of
separate secession, that would put the State the
trial Of that experiment. If the act were to operate
exclusively on the State itself. Such an act would
not only cut off our commerce, but would place
1t in the hands Of our rivals. In assuming such
an attitude, IL would be the duty Of the State to
make arrangements for the management Of her
rights abroad. Her pride would revolt At sending
forth her flag, without some navy TO protect IT, and
without ministers and consuls TO represent her
rights aud protect her interests abroad. No ma
ton can rely on the forbearance of others, when
there may be collision Of interests or a temptation
for violation. At any rate, ] would not allow the
Palmetto flag to Goat BY suGesance only. Whilst
1t would represent as proud, as spirited people as
ever lived, II would be regarded rs the emblom Of
n sayeholding commonwealth. Many would be
tempted to insult il from wantonncss. How would
the proud spirited people OF the State feel TO hear
that their Gag had been pulled down and torn to
pieces by n Boston whaling party, or by a vessel
from Liberia, or in any other wayl How could they
avengo the insult II the State assumes q national
responsibility, it must provide also the attributes
and means Of national power. IL must have = navy
and all the other appliances Of national dignity. II
cannot rely with safety the comfy Of nations, or
on a code founded in sublime anthropopatby i.
seems to be thought by some, with great confidence
that by opening her ports with low duties on i'm
ports, South Carolina could under the tempt atoms
Of free trade, invite the Of the world to
her shores. Well, perhaps, If all would be good,
and do M South Carolina m pht think thew shcud
do, something Of this might come to pass. But
games are generally conducted by adversary hands;
and sometimes play is made by one that may not
DO thought by the othert to be secpndeE arfcm None
Of us suppose that the federal government would
cognise the independence Of South Carolina, or
would be disposed to make commercial treaties
with her. On the contrary, having ample means,
that government would make war on our commerce
in every way IL could. IL would bestow bountics in,
and give preference to neighboring ports IT, 80
far Il could. would make treaties with foreign