The southern press., 1851-09-02

Union at will IL conceded, we have put the ex.
lstcnce Of the government 1T the disposal uf
each State Ia the Union. The wthdra val Ut
one Is dissolution oi ihe compact which holds
the States together IL Is no longer the Union
that the Consultation formed, and the remain
ing States are absolved from all moral obiiga-
tion To abide longer by their compact. | say
moral obligation, because the argument of the
secessionists denies the existence of any bind
ing legal obligation. BY admitting the doctrine
of the secessionists, we are brought TO the con-
clusion that our federal government, the pride
aud bosst OF every American patriot, the
wonder and admiration of the civilized world, is
nothing more than voluntary association, tenn
porary In its character, weak and imbecile in the
exercise OF its powers, incapable of sell. preser-
vation. claiming IRON lis citizens allegiance,
and demanding annual tribute from their
treasure. aod yet destitute of the power of pro
t.cting their rights or preserving their liberties.
II this be the true theory of our government,
what is the Constitution of the United States
that we should estimate it so highly! Where
Is It's binding force that we should hold To its
provisions with such unyielding tenacity! In
divlduals cannot violate their compacts, or set
aside at pleasure their mutual obligations,
without the assent Of the other par les Nations
cannot recklessly disregard their treaty stipula-
tions without mourning the consequences Of vo-
lated faith. But our Constitution--the revered
monument of revolutionary patriotism and Wis
dom, which we have been taught to regard with
| reveren,ial feeling---is doomed to fall below the
standard of national trenties and individual CON
tracts. 1t has formed Union founded upon
mutual sacrifices and concessions--,nade by
the several component parts for the greater
benefits 10 be derived by each from the COM
that there is no obligation t, observe that Union
| beyond the pleasure of the parties to it, and
that the Constitution can be annulled by the
act of any State in the confederacy.
| | do not 80 understand our government.
feel that owe my allegiance to government
possessed of more vitality and strength than that
which is drawn from voluntary obedience to
its llws | hold t. at no government is entitled
to any allegiance that does not pass wise and
inst laws, and does not possess the power to en-
force and execute them.
| | am fully aware of the fact that the effort is
now being made to render the denial of the
right of a State to dissolve the Union odious in
public estimation, by presenting to the public
mind, in connexion with it, a frightful picture of
an armed sodery and military despplsm.
have no fears of the Judgment that our enlight-
ened countrvmen will pass on this controversy ;
and surely could not complain of any conse-
quence that should result from my avowal of
doctrines which have imbibed from the teach
ings of Mr.. Madison, General Jackson, Judge
Crawford, and their republican associates. 1t
does not follow, however as a necessary conse.
quence of the principles which have laid down,
that military coercion is to be used sgainst
tate that may attempt the exercise of this revo-
lutionary right.
Whilst deny the right of -Stlte to secede,
and thus dissolve the Union, would not at
tempt, by the strong arm Of military power, to
bring her citizens back to their allegiance, un-
less compelled to do 80 in defence of the rights
and interests OF the remaining States of the
Union. We should not recognize her separate
independence, nor could we allow our own in
terests to be perillei sanctioning any alliance
she might be disposed TO make with any foreign
government. In our desire to infiict no njnry
upon wandering sister, we should not forget
the duty which the government owes to those
who remain firm and true to their allegiance, and
whose claims upon its protection and support
should not be lightly regarded. The laws of
ef.protection would require at the hand Of the
government that due regard should be had for
the protection of the right and interests of the
other Stat' s, and to that demand it would be
bound to respond. Ii one of the States, in
mad hour attempt to secede from the Union,
and the kind and indulgent policy which have
| Indicated should be resorted TO, have no doubt
hat in very short time such State would feel
it both her duty and interest to retrace her wan
dering steps, and return TO the embrace of the
sis'erhood This opinion is founded upon the
high estimate which ! place upon the value of the
Union to each and all of the States that com
pose it, 1t would require the experience of cnly
n short absence to teach the wanderer the bene-
fits and advantages from which she had volun-
tarily exiled herself
Such are the general views which entertain
on this subject, and have freely expressed them.
| have discussed it as mere abstract question
and in that light regard it. Whatever diffsr-
ences of opinion may exist among the true
friends of the Union on the abstract question OF
the right of secession apprehend that when
it assumes practical shape there would be
slight shades of difference as to the policy and
effect of our action. There are many who hold
to the doctrine Of the ri rht of Sta'e TO secede
from the Union, with whom we do not differ
practically. They grant the abstract right of
secession, but claim for the remaining States
the right to protect themselves from any nuri-
ous consequences that might flow from the ex
ercisc of that abstract right by the secedi,g
State. IL is only necessary TO state the two
70 suOW bthtr III tfiu pfNcli-
cal operation of their principles would lead to
the same results that would reach by the same
enforcement of the doctrines which have
avowed. Our difference is theoretical, and there
fore constitutes no impediment in the way OF
our cordial co. operation.
We all hold that just and wise laws should
be enforced and executed, whilst we are pre-
pared to oppose acts Of injustice and oppression
by all the means in our power, and to the rup-
ture of every tie that binds us to any govern
ment No government, however wisely and
honestly admins cred can be maintained in the
absence of binding obligations on its citizens
to obey its laws and power To enforce their exc
cution on recusnnt parties. Hence cannot con-
sent to the doctrine that our government is des
titute OF these powers, essential to its vitality
and existence. The claim which haze urged
in behalf Of the federal government cannot be
abandoned without endangerng the whole frame
work Of our admirable system nor is there any
serious danger to be apprehended from its i'm
proper exercise Its true strength, based upon
the existence of these powers is TO be found in
the justice and wisdom of its legislation these