Weekly national intelligencer., 1851-01-11
NATIONAL lNTELLIGENCER.

We are truly glad to be able to find room for the
high testimony borne by man so respected for
his legal ability and integrity, and for every quality
of Christian and Philanthropist, as Mr.. FRELING-
HuysEN, to the legal and moral obligation of the
People and the Public Authorities to respect the
Constitutional provision and the acts of Congress
passed for its execution, to WHICH some State au-
,horities and a number Of political and religious
theorists and enthusiasts are engaged in wfully
countenancing resistance by force.
We are also pleased-having been ourselves in
structed by its perusal-to have il in power 10
place before our readers the Speech on the same
subject full of valuable historical elucidation and
Just reasoning by the Hon. r. j. INGERsoLL of
Connecticut, a gentleman whose long experience
in the General and State Governments entities his
views on this question to more than usual consi-
deration and confidence.
LETTER OF HON. THEo FRELINGHUYsEN,
To The Union Safety Committee Of New Fork,
read at a needing Of that Committee on the
23d instant '."...
NEW BRUSswIcK, Drc Is, 1850.
GExrIEMEx: have duly received your esteemed favor
of the eth of November last enclosing the resolutions
adopted, and the proceedings had meeting of the c
Of The city Of New York. held Castle Garden Octo-
Der 80, 1859, known and long he remembered the
Union meeting II fit occasion for the city Of New
York to speak out her sentiments Her commercial import
ance, her reaching influence, and the relations which
she holds the Union all seemed call for clear and full
expression of her Ses the existing topics that
so much anxiety And is matter of great satisfaction that
she has, the resolutions adapted spoken in unnistakeabe
of anbreken attachment the Constitution, and her
nfr xble determination 10 carry out its provisions
Many jest and s~-lovns nen mistake, fear, the true
question It is not whether slavery be evil that should
be abolished. II were, there would be very general
of opinion Our duty, citizens of the United
States is far sesous than is implied by any abstract
proposition. Duty often complicated with relations and
circumstances that requires deberation and great cons
dera,on and calm judgment TO ascertain It. such appears
be the character of the slavery question We cannot set
tie claims by the avors OF excited sympathy and
shall certainly far short OF by angry and acrimonious
aenunciation. ...E.
When the fahers of the Constitution approached the sub
jec OF united government, they found the thirteen States,
distinct and Independent sovereignty, exercising their
eresn rights all of State concern, and among
these, with tenacious authority, that Of domestic slavery, then
existing several of the States feess New Jersey
New York. and Connecticut and they formed the Union
the basis of leaving the States sevay and undstubed
by the new and Federal Government this and all merely
doms subjects They agreed that each State should, for
itself and by ITSELF regulate aad control the existing ntu
ton Of slavery 1t IS we'll to inquire how they could have
wisely disposed of it Than TO leave with the States
Would New York New Jersey have consented, then
snce that any other State of the United States should in
erfere with their action in this any other internal
cern So the trainers of the Constitution reasoned and
excluded from the National Government all authority over
the They believed that the interests Of the
slave would be best consulted by such and they
euded hope for the lights of me Of Christian principles,
and enlightened conscience to accomplish by gradual and
haalthul influence all that morals hit oydan
philanthropy desire. And shall We who reaping
the rich fruits of their compact raise the cry violence and
rupture the bonds Of Union formed by such combna
tion Of wisdom and patriotism, and ovehowng with blessings
ourselves and to whole race trust not. Let sober
thought pause the crisis and far rather wait for the power
of kind counse for the openings of Providence, and
progress Of truth Wait long, wait always rather than, by
misguided feelings and rash measures break this great Con-
fderacy into miserable fragments dscordant and dshonored
smariog under wrongs aggravated by hard words and
odous crimina,imsno longer brothers in peace, but filled
with contentious like the bars of castle. ...'.
The clause of the Constitution requiring that fugves from
service labor should not be dscharg from such service
labor by any regulation Of the State which they may
have escaped but shoud be delivered up claim Of the
party whom such service labor may be due,
than honest fuflment of the compact which agreed to
leave all such questions with the States. For how utterly
would be the jurisdiction and power, if ugves might find
safe reest by crossing Stale line Our national bond by
many of often to- requires of send back the
fugitive to his master Will opposite course while it
may the escape Of ew-wi it help the many thou
sands at home Will persu de views the Southern
slaves bring him to letter temper by the hard
of bitter eproaches Washington and Madison, Jay and
Ellsworth, Hamilton and Ames, and many Of their
patriots, deemed this disputed clause wise stipulation, the
best be had the time and now, after nearly
years OF concurrent Interpretation and construction shall
give the violence that passes by the judicial
tribunals of country, established decide all constiu
ona cases. and frcby take the Constitution, the great fun
danenta law Of our Uaion, into its hands, and
what pesumpuously declares to be exceptional clauses
cannot believe it. believe in the mercful providence Of
God that the sober minded n all free States will stand
by the Unonw keep their word given under such sacred
pledges and leave domestic slavery where foreahe left
-upon the responsibilities Of the States in which exists.
Very respectfully. gentlemen, yours
THEO. FRELINGHUYSEN.
To George Wood, Hiram Ke,chum, George B.
Butler, L. B. Chase, A. e. Benson, George
Douglas, and J. I. Brady, esquires, committee.