The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-02-14
4ls,O39 1852 1872, 66l 9O,3;


4l9,O39 1892 492, COL 90 1855
1t is with sincere qualification that we publish
the address of Bishop CApERs to his fellow-cit-
zens of South Carolina, which we copy from the
Charleston Mercury of Friday last The au-
thor is distinguished divine of the Methodist
Episcopal church South; and his testimony to
the prevalent feeling in the southern States
on the subject of secession, is, in all respects,
satisfactory. He believes that three-fourths of
the southern people are opposed to it and that
any movement to this end by South Carolina
would be unsupported by any southern State.
We cannot but hope that his admonitions may
produce a beneficial effect on the people to
whom they are addressed:
TO MY FELLOW. CITIZENS OF SOUTH cARoLINA
take the liberty of addressing you. through the
newspapers, on subject of different character
from what has hitherto employed me; and do so
the more readily as my life guarantees my sinceri-
ty, and, your part personal good will. II is the
first time that have felt it my duty to express
publicly an opinion on any matter of State policy.
Once, indeed during the extreme excitement which
prevailed in Charleston, the subject Of multiplying
law of Congress, met with the clergy of the city
apart, at the instance of venerable citizens,
to consider whether there was any thing which we
might possibly do, in our sacred character, to pro-
mote peace. But it resulted in nothing We found
nothing in our power but prayers for the peo-
pie Ministers Of religion have little TO do at any
time, with matters of the Stale, than TO pray
for Gods guidance and blessing on the people.
Nevertheless, ministers men-are citizens and
it may be expedient, once in life time of three
WAR md for ipisf 10
his character a citizen, and not as minister.
Suffer me, then, for this one time, to ASSERT my
citizenship, and commune with you freely on the
state of public affairs. am ctizen--a son of n
citzen-born the coil of South Carolina, not
long after it had been won, in part, by the sword
Of my father.
After an absence Of about five months OH my ca
cred dutes, in Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana,
Alabama, and Georgia, cannot express how pain
fully it has shocked me to be told, on my return
home, that the great State measures now on foot
look solely to secession from the United States by
this State alone; that the convention shortly to be
held is in order to this; and that the only question
to be open there is of time; whether to seccde
once, await the issue Of the southern congress,
and then seccde.
To secede at once, or at a future time, alone,
must be to secede from the other southern States
OF the other southern States in fault--a sort of
branding them deficient in knowledge, or cour
age, patriotism, all these together. They are
involved in all respects, are, touching the
injustice of the late acts of Congress We may not
hold ourselves wiser better than they arc, but
equals only; and they many, while we arc,
comparatively, few. And what, in such circum
stances, will be the probable judgment Of mankind
respecting our action, should we secede.
If may place any reliance what has come
under my observation, during my long journey
through five of the principal southern States it is
not probable that southern congress, represent
ing the southern people, be had at ALL nor if it
could be had, that it would do much, if any thing
more than the Georgia convention did. AS TO Sc
cession, have doubt that three -fourths of the
people would oppose it at the present time. The
reason of this opposition l have understood to be,
that they do not consider the acts of Congress to be
violation of the Constitution, and, in their opin-
ion, nothing less should justify secession.
Understand il to be the opinion of our people of
South Carolina, that Congress has violated the Con-
stitution. At most then, it is mooted point, and
not settled fact; we entertaining view of it,
while majority of the wise and virtuous Of other
States, greatly outnumberng US, hold the opposite
Do we owe them nothing? Is it not even due to our
own self.rcspect to review the matter? Surely we
should know that we arc right, beyond dispute, be-
fore We should proceed to a final act Of the most
fearful import.
And ought we not TO consider consequences? Pa
triotism demands not Of us to mady on to our
countrys ruin; and secession, by our State alone
must prove ruinous. What though no hostile army
might invade our soil, the United States must and
will oppose Charleston will be shut out from
the rest of the world, her commerce perish, her
merchants leave her in despair, while from her
very suburbs rice and cotton shall be carried to
the rivalry of Savannah ia not to be contemncd but
let our State secede from the Union, and Charles
ton must become dcsoation.
Nor will the blight fall on Charleston only, but
on all the State; while our taxes increased seven
fold, and the heat of the present agitation cooling
off, our very leaders, if they should prove too proud
to be found knocking at the door of the Union for
admission, shall join the many thous ands of our
poverty stricken people in their fight from their
ruined homes to more favored parts Can patriot
ism demand the sacrifice Patriotism demand the
sacrifice Of the State No, never.
Let us, then, fellow citizens, review our ground.
II convention We must have, let il not be con-
vention Of boys and half made men, but of the wisc
and sober minded. There is no battle TO be fought
for glory by secession, but fearful struggle with
poverty and high taxes, hard tmes, without hope
of improvement, and great and sorc humiliation.
And may G. cd grant us deliverance.
WILLIAM CAPERS,
CuARLEsToS, Feb. 8, 1851