The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-12-11
For the Southern p
Abolition
ITS NATURE, ORIGIN, AND CONSEQUENCES.

ITS NATURE, ORIGIN, AND CONSEQUENCES.
No. l.
Abolition having become one of the most
powerful influences in directing the domestic
and foreign policy of the government Of the
United States, and great political elementin all
party struggles, have thought it might not be
without its uses to call the attention of my fell
low-citizens, whether North, South, East, or
West, to its nature, origin, progress, and prob
able consequences. Though its rapid growth
within the last few years has suddenly brought
it to gigantic maturity, it is no mushroom that
has sprung up in single night only to wither
in the midday sum- but tree Of slow and
vigorous growth, deep rooted in the soil, spread
ing its branches far and wide, and every tree
casting its shadow over broader circumfer-
ence. By its apparent affinity with the great
principle standing at the head of the Declaration
Of Independence, it is invested with an in
sidious and dangerous power of identifyin itself
with those truths which are universally recog-
nized by all American citizens.
The Abolitonsts, taking advantage of this,
have attempted to substitute the Declaration of
independence, which was mere assertion of
great general princpes--which proverbiay
have always their eXceptions--in place of the
Constitution subsequently adopted by every
State of the Union; and to draw the inference,
that because the former declares all men created
equal, every provision of the Constitution TO the
contrary, is, as a matter Of course, null and
void They insist that the Declaration of indie
pendence is of higher authority than the Con-
stitution, penned for the express purpose of es-
tabishing distinct political rules defining our
rights and duties, and, when violating the latter,
plead, in their justification, the authority of the
former.
This doctrine, however unreliable, is one of
the most dangerous weapons welded by Abo-
ltion because to argue against it, apparently
involves US in irreconcilable inconsistencies, and
brings Us into direct opposition to great funda-
mental principle, propornded by the highest
authority and recognized by all votaries of free
dom, in its general application. 1t appeals d.
rectly and powerfully to the popular feeling, and
to get round it requires wide circle of reason
ing, which is tedious to read and difficult for
ordinary readers to comprehend A proposition
which is true in its general application, can only
be iuvalidated, or evaded, by pointing out the
practical exceptions, which, according to logi-
clans, only serve to establish the general rules
Notwithstanding this, however, ! shall take
leave to state few notorious facts in order to
show that the Declaration of independence is
not the law OF the land, nor the Constitution oil
| the country, and that the doctrine that all men
are created equal was not practically applied
even in what are called the free States. If al
men are created equal, all men of all nations
would be equally entitled to the right of suf
frnge under government recognizing this priu
ciple yet, long after the issuing of the Declare
ton Of Independence, and long subsequent tc
the adoption of the Constitution, that right wa
restricted to portion only Of the citizens pos
sessing more or less property. There was not
believe, a single State of the old thirteen
which put forth that declaration, that recognized
universal suffrage under its first Constitution
and consequently, this doctrine of all men being
created equal, not practically applied TO thu
most important of all the rights of a freeman
To this day it is not so applied in one if not all
the New England States, where what are Gale,
g the select men," exercise az inquisitoria
power over the habits and department OF thu
voters and are by law authorized to reject thu
ballot of any citizen on the soore of his mora
character--though he may be otherwise legally
qualified In the State of Rhode Island, unde
the old royal charter, a man may be both citi
zen and freeholder, yet cannot exercise the RICH
of suffrage, unless he be what is called ga free
man Of the said company" Were il necessary
/ could cite examples in all the old States, to
show that this doctrine, that all men are created
equal has not been, and in fact cannot be, prac.
tiealy applied in all cases and TO one doubts
that every State Of this confederation has The