The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1851-12-30

contrary notwithstanding Now, who heard OF a
sovereignty with the laws OF another power superior To
IT'S own within lis own limits The States sovereign
Tor some purposes, and or those purposes only Where
ever their sovereignty has been taken away by the
stulon they are not sovereign and this right OF seces
sion Is one that has been taken away
There IS one point. Mr. President. upon which must
here be permitted TO make remark These gentlemen,
who are so exceedingly anxious 10 establish the peaceful
right OF secession are The exclusive chvay OF the land
With but few exceptions, they all regular "hre-cst-
ers. Isu not little singular that th these propenstes
for war and blood with all these chivarous impulses
they should yet shrink from the assertion OF right I'M
less their opponents will admit its peaceful nature Sir
know in the ranks OF the ''sabmissoDisls" who.
neeks, will not stop to inquire whether they have the
right 70 throw il off, Above ALL they will not beg him
70 remove il peaeeaby The right Of revolution sir is
the manly right and that right only do admit.
Weare told that authority for the right OF secession is
10 be bund in the resolutions OF 9S and 80 So many
men have sought 10 sustain absurd theories by referring
10 these resolutions that presume ought not 10 be
surprised even at this last and weakest attempt OF all
Nor AZ this age OF progress IS to be wondered at that
the wisdom OF the disciple should far outrun that OF the
teacher John C. Calhoun and George McDuthe exam
ined the resolutions of '9S and 99 for the right of
son. and could not find it, They found. they thought,
notification but nulihcaton is itself denial of seces
SION We all know that some OF the ables efforts made
by both OF these great men was TO establish that nuhhca
ton was the rghiful remedy Sir, II was neither the
Virginia nor the Kentucky resolutions which gave birth TO
secession 1t has come down to us from less respect
able parepage. began in that band Of traitors who
for The purpose OF separating the New England States
from the rest OF the Confederacy 1t then that the
right Of secession was first proclaimed, and il is in that
latitude that some OF its warmes supporters yet TO be
found cannot forget the terms OF resolution adopted
at Syracuse last spring. when the abotonists were pat
Ting South Carolina on the back and stimulating her to
60 out of the Union
Resoued That odious the governing principles
OF South Carolina. cannot withhold from her the praise
dna doctrine of the right OF secession by single Satea
right vital TO liberty and the only safeguard OF the several
sovereignties from grasPing centTaizaton
Sir. here is singular concord of sentiment-southern
rights clubs South and abolition conveniicles North Civ
ing us the definition OF State rights and teaching
democracy from the same horn-book. | Iepudiaie the
teachers, and deny the orthodoxy of the creed.
MIR. President, friend has Just made a suggestion TO
me, of which gladly avail myself. The State OF Lou
isiana was purchased from the French It was pai tor
by taxes collected from the people of the whole republic
Ii purchased, not account OF any supposed value
of the territory dor at tina, day supposed we had ter
r,ory enough for all wants) but TO the navi-
CATION of The Mississippi The people of some twelve
thirteen States interested in maintaining that navga
lion free Suppose Louisiana should say Tomorrow,
am a sovereign State; believe it to be my interest to
go ont OF the Unon | will go out and levy tax on
all vessels navigating the Mississippi what would
be the of those States directly interested
| They would say: We bought this territory; we were
taxed 10 ray for il the navigation OF the Mississippi
was a privilege which we regarded even at that
day Indispensable 10 our prosperity; we cannot
abandon il now without subecting ourselves TO The
most ruinous consequences. ii Louisiana should slll
insist upon her right as sovereign Stale 10 do as she
pleased the answer on the other side would be very apt
to be, provided you can" Let us take The case OF
PENNSYLVANIA New York, whose local position is such
divide the republic into two distinct parts Does
any suppose that either OF those great States would
be peaceabiy leave The Union, and subject
us 10 all the Inconvenience OF such division! SIR,
this docre OF peaceable secession By single State
wild vision as ever haunted the brain of amoon struck
politician. All rights, whether political or personal, are
relative. All rights to be exercised with reference
TO the amount OF injury inflicted others. No man has
gh, 10 burn down his house, if by doing he endan
gers mine. No one Stale has right so 10 act as TO
leopard the liberties OF the remainder reer oil course
10 the peaoeaHe right The right oi reyolulon-the right
OF resistance oppressionis governed By no rules, and
must be determined by the necessities OF the time.
promised TO refer TO the opinions OF The trainers OF
the constitution. quote first extract from the pen
of Mr. Jay IL is in the second number oil The Federal.
/ isl:
"nis worthy remark that only the first, bat every
Congress, well ns the late convention, have
Invariably joined with the people in thinking that The pros
periy of America depended on its union 1o prTr drd
p"p'tua, IL was The great object Of te people IN M MioIng
that convention, and II also the great object OF the plan
which the convention has advised them TO adopt"
Mr. Jay here tells his countrymen. while urging The
adoption OF the constitution that lis great object IS to pre-.
serve pspsiuae the Union and can be conceived that
having such objects should have made mere rope of
sand-that they should have sown in the constitution
itself the seeds OF its own destruction And unless we
do give credence absurdy like this, what becomes
OF The constitutional right oil secession
In the alst number OF the Federallst Mr Madison,
after enumeraing the evils OF Gsunlon, proceeds thus
This picture Of the Of disnnon cannot be
love. peace every who loves his county every
loves liberty, ought TO have tever before that
he m cherish in his due attachment to the Union OF
Amercs and he able TO set due yalue on the means oi
preserving Il"
In the same number in reference TO the attempts made
to prejudice against the constitution on account
OF the provisions IN relation 10 the army, he says:
The attempt has awakened fully the public attention
that porun subject and has led to Investigations which
mu st thorough and universal conviction not
only that the constitution has provided the most ctectual
guard. danger from that quarter but that nothing
short constitution fully adequate to the national de-
euce and the prsuuaii0n Of the Uaon can save America
many standing armies as 1t may be split into Stees
conicdef facies.
Where can we look for stronger evidence that ii
make overnment strong enough preSure The Union
And bow utterly econcabe with this object Is the right
OF a single State to destroy IT.
Again: in the AID number OF the Federast he quotes
an article OF the constitution, as follows:
1.-THE ratification OF the conventions of nine States shall
be the establishment OF this constitution be-
tween the States rntfyng the same
And adds
"This article speaks tor itself The express authority OF
the peope alone could due validity 10 the constitution
TO have required the unanimous ratification OF the thirteen
STATE. would subjected the essentis interests OF the
whole price corruption OF single member IL
would have marked of foresight in the convention,
which our own experience would have renders mex.
eusable."
Here we find Mr. Madison asserting the great truth,
that TO have required the unanimous ratification OF all
the States would have subjected the essential interests
the whole to the caprice corruption OF single mem
be Can II be possible that those who, IN the formation
of the government, unwilling TO subject Their hap
piness TO the caprice corruption o single member,
should, when that government was formed, subject !, TO