Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1851-10-04
From the Commonwealth,
Southern UDanlmiiy,

Dut ttl9 SlSVB EONcF IS 100 BlhSplbk HHn
jealous to be content even with all these Sc
curites for its perpctuity at home. In the
States where il il enthroned, il has built it.
self almost inpregnable fortresses in the
fundamental laws. IN the structure of the
State Constitutions, il has appropriated to it.
self the political power about as securely MS
the Roman nristccracy did in its famous ar
ranRement. OF the Centuries.
Take South Carolina, for instance, which
Is eertainly MS strong case as any, of the abb
uence Of manifestations of unti-slnvery sem
iiment. See how the Save Power has there
enirenched itself in the constitution. South
Carolnn, by the ceusus Of lSI0 had ,0S1
white inhabitants. Five districts, viz
Georgetown, Beaufort, Colleton and Charles
ton, Sumter, and Oraugeburg, had an aggre-
gate Of 49, 500, less than one-fith part of the
whole number. These districts, (ihe four
FIRST named, particularly constitute the prin-
cipal seats Of the Slave holding interest in
South Carolina, Georgetown having nearly
eight slaves TO a white, BeaulOr; more than
five, and Orangeburg lShere tie proportion
Is smaller than in either of others numedI
nearly two. In the State Senate, consisting
OF forty members, these five districts
have twenty-three, majority. In other
words, with a white population not one-fiith
part that Of the whole State, these five dis
iricts, in which the Slave Power is concen-
trated, is able TO veto any measure of legisla-
ton.
Again; there nre twenty districts in
South Carolina for the choice of Seuators
and Representatives Ten of them, the ten
where slaves nre most numerous, s,--contain
1889 white inhabitants, and choose % SEN
ntors, and 6i Representatives, ualoriIy OF
- H.. .tt.fVt -
where the non-slaveholders mostly reside,
contain lSl,l45 white inhabitants, between
twice and three times as many as those Of
the Slave Dstricfs but they send to the
Legislature only IL Senators, aud 60 Repre-
sentatiyes.
Again; of the whole tweniy-seven districts,
the thirteen which stand lowest on the scale
in respect TO the proportion of slaves to
whites, contain l34 $50 white inhabitants,
more than half the whole white population
of the State. Yet they have only thirteen
Senators, the same number as tue district OF
Colleton aud Charleston, whose census OF
white inhabitants is 26,795,
Further: to he n candidate for seat in the
House of Representatives, citizen must be
personaly Interested in slave property TO the
amount of possessing FIVE hundred acres OF
land aud ten negroes, or else real estate 10
lhe amount OF seven hundred dollars, clear
of debt, which generally amounts TO the
same thing. For place in the Senate the
rate is doubled.
And the Legislature, in which the Slave
Power is thus supreme, elects the judiciary
in all degrees dawn to a Justice Of the Peace
the Governor, Senators in Congress, and the
electors Of President aud Vice President ol
the United States.
And to clench the whole, there is no way
20 amend the Constitution which establishes
this absolute olgarchy, except thsough q
two-thirds vote IN both branches Of two sue
cess:ve Legislatures, constituted, Of course,
of members Of that oligarchy ITSELF
In Virginia the proportions ot population
In the two sections were 495,000 whites and
$1,000 slaves in the western counties to
40l;O00 whites and 4l3,000 slaves in the eas-
tern. Yet under the Constitution which is
not superseded, though change is in pro-
gress, the enstern counties had n majority IL
both branches, viz: 10 Senators out of 81
and 7S burgesses out of l3f.
We might go on with such illustrations o
the manner in which the small numerical
fraction of citizens in the Slave States repre-
senting the Slave Power, has entrencled II
self in the State Constitutions so MS in fac
TO invest itself with the plenCry aud exclusive
authority of the States, But for the presen
these specimens may suffice. One further
point, however, ought not to be overlooked
In many, If not in most of the Slave States
the ballot is unknown. The elector givei
his suffrage vipd pOce lie names aloud at ih'
poll the candidate for whom he votes !
here in Massachusetts the secrecy of the bal
lot is found neeccesary TO secure the poo
man in the free exercise of his franchise
against his unpnncipled employer, and sav'
him from the fear that in voting according Il
his judgement and conscience, and sense o
duty 10 his country, he is voting the breai
out of his children's months, how must IT b
in those States where every man rich enougl
TO employ labor, and able 10 beiIiend or op
press the poor, is Shareholder, or leagues
with shareholders?
From such condition of things in IN
Slave States ms in some particulars we hav
now described, what else but that genera
dead acqniescence in the imposltions OF th
slovery interest which is actually wnessct
could possibly result? The wonder niue
rather is, that il has SO often been disturbed
and that SO many generous spirits have iroI
time to time spoken out for Right, Freedom
and Humanity.