The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-04-26

From ~ 0Ais eiats JessrAat
NAft0SAI ERA AID THE BosTou Rtor DR.
Bailey. speaking Ut the proceedings ia the Sims
case, says:
= We shall not Gil our paper W tn the particu-
lars of this affair To Us, in all its parts, il Is
disgusting transaction, and the less said about
it, The better for the honor of the country The
Federal Constitution, We know, does enioin the
delivery Of fugitives from service or labor, but
this Is the last teaturs Of that instrument which
any man North or South should boast Of In
republic, founded upon the declaration that all
men are created free and equal, and glorying in
IT. Democracy, we cannot soc how a stipulation
~ surrender fugitives from slavery can be made
a IN liter Of selfcongratuation among intelligent
and high minded men, A man of refined taste,
il afflicted with some loathsome issue, would
hardly take pride or pleasure in exposing it to
the gaze Of the public, and in dwelling upon it
as ii he expected thereby to command the ro-
spect of all bsholders This whole thing Of slave
catching il ut best dirty business, and not even
the President and his Secretary, Daniel Webster,
can make it any thing else"
Barring the bad spirit of the above, there
never were trucr works spoken. The constltu-
tiopal obligation Is fairly acknowledged, but the
recapture Of fugitives is justly spoken OF as
distasteful and dirty business. From the fact
that 40 few sent for, it sppesrs that the peo-
pie of the South, for the most part regard it in
the same light. Among the people OF the North
there can scarcely he said to be difference of
opinion. But there stands the constitutional
provision and the law Of Congress; neither MS
generally interpreted, requires the people of the
free States to bear any hand in the matter, ex-
cept where such unlawful resistaI co is made as
to require the people to rally and put down r.ots
and unlawful conspiracies They do not like
the business, and feel no small Indignation
against those who, by threatening resistance,
and rllying large assemblies to obstruct legal
proceedings, compel them to embark in it. 1t
is in every possible case one of the most disa-
greeable things free white man can be called
to do. Ii every man would mind his own bus-
ness, there would be no occasion for it. But the
American people, for the most part, regard their
Constitution as the ark Of their national safety.
Whatsoever things it pledges them to do, those
things they intend, God willing, to do, whether
agreeable or disagreeable. They regard the
cause of liberty as depending much more upon
Misrepresentation ofour present Constitution.than
upon the fate of any one or more individuals,
black or white They have on numerous occa-
sions pledged their own lives and sacred honor
to uphold It, and should at all times stand ready
to make every individual sacrifice requisite to
prevent its downfall That American citizen
who would hesitate to risk his own life in de-
fence of his country and its government, would
be ignobe, and unworthy the title OF citizen ship.
We cannot see that tie liberty of black per-
son should be held more sacred by Anne lean
citizens than they hold their own lives. These
dissrreeable things these sacrifices, these ex-
treme tests, must sometimes happen, and when
they do, every consideration of honor and patrio-
tism requires that the welfare of the individual
should be held subordinate to the good of the
whole.
In the case referred to, the constitutional re-
quirement is plain. What sort of spectacle
would be presented to the world! What sort
of an example of citizenship would it be for
people who have sworn to uphold the Consttu-
ton, and recognize it as the supreme law, TO
resist its requirements the moment they prove
to be dsagreeahe! Such men can have no
correct sense of tho obligation of an oath, or
of the principles Of morals or of honor. And
when they undertake to put dopn tho law end
the Constitution, there is no choice left for hon
est men but TO put them down. lr this way,
and this only, are freemen of the North likely
ever to be called on in the dirty business OF
catching fugitive slaves. When the question,
whether fugitive can be reclaimed, becomes
identified with the question whether the Constr
tuition can be upheld, it ceases to be dirty
business, and the manner in which it has been
tested by the people of Boston, shows what
will be the final verdict Of opinion everywhere.
1t is only in this last aspect that the President
or his Secretary have ever shown willingness
to meddlc They have sworn to administer the
government according to the Constitution, and
they mean TO do it, When resistance and re-
belion are threatened, they mean to overcome
that resistance and put down that rebellion.
II is for this, and this only. that they are traduced
and vified 1t is for this, and this only that
the people volunteer to sustain them. 1t is an
excessively mean and shameful thing to attempt
to render that acknowledged duty odious and
difficult. II is dishonorable and low-spirited to
attempt to blacken their names for faithful
performance of their oaths Of office: so I'M
speakaby mean and dirty do we record it, that
the catching of fugitives is not one particle
more So