Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1851-12-20

jugaic the Spanish colonies in despatch to Sir
Charles Stewart at Paris, and in October of the
same year repeated the same idea more peremptoriiy
to Prince de Polignac Haasard, X lOo In the
interval, and it is TO this we crave NJ kossuth's
special attention, he was busy IN persuading MI
RUSH, the American Minister, to join hin In the
threat or protest. or intervention, or whateser 1t i
to be called, and Mr. Rush as anxiousy and
resoutely resisting these urgences or blandishments
and standing by the odfashoned doctrine OF stop
ping on the edge of own soil" Would not
said Mr.. RUSH, / quote his despatch to Mr.. Adams
of September, 1928 such step wear the appear
ance of the United States duplicating themselves in
the political connexions of Europe{" THE for
egn policy Of the United States has been essentially
bottomed on the great maxim of preserving peace
and harmony with all nations, without offending
any or forming entangHng alliances with any
Upon the institutions, upon the discussions OF
European Powers, the Government and people OF
the United States might form and even express
their speculative opinions but IT has been no part
of their past conduct to interfere with the one or,
being unmoested themselves, to become parties to
the other" So wrote Mr.. RUSH even on this Anne
rican question, and vain was Mr. Canning's logic
for nearly SIX months to lead him away from the
doctrine of non-interventon. The most that he was
willing to do was to unite In such declaration, If
Great Britain would at once acknowledge the lnde-
pendence of Spanish America but without that
practical substantial boon he would not and did not
bulge from the yet American doctrine OF neutrality
Now, all this M. Kossuth may denounce as ''diplo-
Macy" but to me, plain American man, 1T seems
like good sense and honest dealing.
And well might Mr.. RUSH hold back. The prin-
ciples of WASHINGTON were not yet discardod.
HIS PrrrrPrs and bright example were neither rusty
nor vanished over The Government at home, the
President and his Cabinet, then comprising ADAMS
and CALHOUN and CRAWFORD, had not been lee
tured out of their ancient elementary faith. In
February Of the next year, 1924 after the Monroe
declaration which is now imagined to involve this
propagandist principle, Mr.. ADAMS directed Mr..
Rush to inform the Greek Deputies in London that
the United States could do nothing for them, and
rested the REFUSAL not the want Of sympathy, but
on the ground of g constitutional and International
duty" Nay, more the then Secretary of State, (and
we wish he were here yet to utter his warnings,
than whom truer friend of universal liberty never
lived had put on record his opinions to what was
| the duty of the United States. A short time be-
fore, whilst Spanish America was in her most peril
GUS struggle, and year before she had been recog
missed by the United States, Mr.. ADAMS had defined
his opinions as to non-ntervention in words not to
be misunderstood:
America" said he, mas abstaned from interference
in the of Others hi the conflict has been
principles raich she egs the last vital drop uheh
pisits the heart Wherever the standard of freedom has
been unfrled there viii her heart her benedctions and
her prayers be- But she goes not abroad in search of
monsters destroy She is the wewisher to the free
dom and independence Of all She is the champion and
dscator only of her Mr.. Adams's oraton 1921
The next step in the business was the transmits
sion by Mr.. RUSH to the Secretary of State, in Oc-
4 tober, of Mr. Cannings decided conversation with
Prince Polignac, and the latter's disclaimer Of any
adverse designs on the part of France and then
/ followed, in December, the Presidents Message,
with its cautious phraseology.
This is the true history Of the Monroe declare
ton, Invested of rhetoric and exaggeration 1t had
reference strictly to American affairs and interests,
and NJ, KossUTH and his adherents presume largely
on predominant ignorance on this subject OF our
history when they invoke it as precedent qua
LITIGATION of the Washington doctrine. Even on that
american subject Mr.. CLAY, the great champion-of
| Spanish American independence, and whose quasi
opposition to Mr.. Monroe's administration was the
spur to prick the sides of their INTENT when he be-
came Cabinet Minister pronounced strict neutrali-
ty to be our duty, and our policy too. g In this
war; so long raging between Spain and her colonies"
said Mr. CLAY in letter to Mr.. Middleton, asking
the mediation Of Russia 81 the United States have
been inactive and neutral spectators of the passing
scenes" They were 80 because it was their we'll
ascertained duty to be so. Mr. WEBsTER's language,
ABOUT the same time, was to the same erect Ihough
he was willing to give the most liberal construction
to the Monroe declaration, in his speech the Pa
mama Mission he pronounced it only and strictly
applicable to questions Of American interest.
Is it not then bold and dangerous for stranger
to come at this day amongst and try to reverse
these elementary DOCTRINES this household faith this
principle of abstinence from all concern in European
politics, which is consecrated in the example and
precept Of every great man. living and dead of the
Republic? This is question on which thoughtful
men may well pause.
1t was my intention to say something about M.
kossuths other precedent, the Panama Mission but
! feel have intruded already too much upon your
space R.
CONSERVATIVE AS CoNsERvATIyE.--Mr. Thomp-
son, member Of the Legislature of Tennessee declares
himself opposed to all railroads He regards them in
furious to the country and the morals of towns and
in favor Of law directing the Attorney General
cute the travelling orators who 60 about the country
advocate them.-Proudence Journal
SERIOUS REVOLT SEA.-Y Yesterday the ship Marion
arrived here from Cadz having board the officers