Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1851-01-16
Number dc.

resolutions, the word unconstitutional,
were stricken out by common consent.
Though the words we're, in fact, but
synonymous with "unconstitutional,"
yet 10 guard against misunders,and-
ing OF this phrase, as more than
declaratory of opinion, the word
'unconslltutionaP alone was retained as
not liable to that danger.
The published address Of the iegis.
iature 10 the people, their constituents.
affords another conclusive evidence of
lis views. The address warns them
against The encroaching spirit of the
general government; argues the con.
stliutionalty Of the alien and sediion
acts; points 10 other instances in which
the constitutional limits had been over
leaped, ,dwells upon the dangerous mode
of deriving power by implication; and
in general processes the necessity Of
watching over the consolidating ten.
deacy of the federal policy. Blu; moth.
ing is said that can be understood to
look 10 means of maintaining the
rights of the states beyond the regular
ones, cithin the formsof the constitution.
Had the resolutions been regarded
as avowing and maintaining right in
an individual State, 10 arrest by force.
The execution Of law OF the United
States, i, must be presumed that it
would have been conspicuous object
of their dehunciatsn.
The rights of the slave owner within
the States, are secured by plain con-
stitu,ional provision, and with these,
The general government have never in.
terfered. The power of Congress TO
Iegislate upon the subjec of slavery
in the territories, is the poin, out Of
which the whole controversy has arisen.
This power is not among those express
Iy granted by the constitution, and is
to be derived, if at all, by a necessary
implication and construction from some
one Of the expressly delegated powers.
Upon this point difference of opin-
ion exists. There are eminent states
men, whose opinions are entitled to
great weight and consideration. who
claim this power; and the many re-
peated acts of the government, in its
various departments, give force and
effect to this position. While others,
whose opinions are equally entitled 10
be respected, deny the existence Of the
power.
Before tie adoption OF the constitution. the
} ordinance Of !T87 had been passed, which
disposed Of the question OF slavery in all the
territory then belonging TO the United States.
The silence Of the convention which adopted
The constitution, and which was in session q.
the time Of the passage OF the ordinance, up
on the manner Of the disposition OF this terrs
tory, when the question Of the rights OF slave
= owners was under consideration furnishes
/ strong reason TO believe that there was ST,
, lent aCquiescence in it, and that the conyenp
ton did no! look 10 the subject OF slavery
: further than il existed in the States at the
2 time. Taking this view Of The subject, and
/ our government bang one OF strictly limited
delegated powers am unwilling 10 derys
: the power By doubtful implication
/ In this conflict Of opinion. what Is 10 be
done. There is but one safe course to pur-
= sue-non n.integven!ion-no agitation Of tho
subject in any manner by the general gogertr
hibting slavery in the territories. IT. how.
ever, Congress does iegslae upon the sub,
$ ect, neither null fcaiion nor secession is the
o righ,ul constitutional remedy. In the Ian
, guage OF Mr Madison, "The constitution is
# q compact; its te1t is 10 be expounded &C
e coTdiog 10 the provisions for ezpounding il.
Y making part OF the compact, snd none Of
the parties can rightfuliy renounce the ex>
. pounding provision more than any other part. "
The constitution declares that the iudcsl
ID power OF The United States extends 10 all
u cases in law and equity, arising under the
s. constitution, the laws OF the United States"
IS &c. This question can only grow out OF a
II law OF the United States and for its prope
:. exposition, we should resort to the iudcial
d power, which is concentrated in the Suprems
d Court. This conceive 10 be the constitu,
e stiIulional doctrine. and it admits OF neither
/, secession, null fcaticn. nov dissolution OF ths
!. Uuion.
le The right OF secession can only be claim
- ed upon principle which lies a! The iou.id1
ss ton OF our political existence that is, whsr
as oppression becomes SO intolerabe that forci
= Bile resistance and revolution, 10 the onl,
- remedy for the evil We are ct an mmess
~ urable distance from this point of pfovoco
'o lion, and If secession is attempted. il will b
.e' an attemp, at revolution; It will be viola
er ton OF the constitution. and subversion Of III
us Union. The President will then have n
te. other. alternative, under his oath to pro,e,
ss' and defend the constitution, than to use 4
" force oi the government 10 put down the r,
to volu'on' | will not contemplate the cor
o. sequences which are to follow such scene
er but recur with pleasure to the calm whic
70 now temporarily pervsdes the county. IS a
-eS 'ording fit opportunity for all good citiser
ar 10 appreciate the value OF the Union. which