The New York herald., 1851-12-08

RSvnVAN0U ~ INV hvAJN~J f~~ - -~--,
trsnsparsnciss, triumphal arches, and torch light
psoosasiens, In honor Of distins uished sxilss ar-
hving upon cur shores. II is not in their pro.
gramne, and Il not in the practice or policy OF the
government. Ignorant Of the uAmeaning pledges
and professions Of popular reception, where the
orators ofthe day, without stint and without au-
thority, commit the government, and the whole
American people, to schemes Of impossible gene
rosity, Kossuth may be excused for honestly taking
the orators at their word But his plan of co. ops-
ration with Hungary Is none the less imprsoticaSe
on that account. His seal, we apprehend, has, in
this instance, overleaped his discretion, unless 1t
may be that he has ventured upon the extremes
Of active inters ention in order to test more 40
curately the true temperament Of public opiaion,
and the extent to which it may be practically ap-
piled.
The policy Of non.ins nservention in the domestic
affairs of ono European state by another, s tho
only policy to which tse United States can
be party, with the prospect of any efficient
service to republican principles across the Allan
tic. We are not conveniently situated for Q grand
crusade over the continent of Europe for the
extinguishment of despotism but we may in
tervene to enforce the doctrine Of nonintervention
A naval alliance between England, France, and
the United States, would be competent to hold the
Czsr fast within his legitimate boundaries, though
all the continent without might be trembling
under the throes of . general revolution. His in
terveAtion would, Of course, demand q blockade of
the Baltic and the Black Sea, by the combined
fleets of the allied powers. Thus, upon the ocean,
at least, he would be rendered utterly powerless,
while the commerce of the world, upon the worlds
great highways, would flow on without the slight
est interruption or disturbance. The combined
fleets of England, France, and the United States,
more than quadruple the whole naval power of the
rest Of the world. They could dictate peace to the
Czar at ST. Petersburg or lay his capital in ashes;
they could not only leck him up in the Baltic and
the Black Sea, but exterminate his forces in those
waters, and give him abundance of employment in
the East, by furnishing arms and munitions of
war to the Circassaus. The Gar, the great die
tator ofthe continent, aud the powerful protector of
absol latism is the only serious obstacle to Europes
Liberation. Nor can there be any coalition sufi-
cient to hold him in check, except the alliance
suggested between the two great naval powers Of
europe and the United States.
This alliance is feasible and is not far beyond what
must ultimately be the policy of this country. In
anticipation Of the impending outbreak in Europe,
now is, perhaps, the auspicious time for action.
Let the government Of che United States take the
initiative step; let Mr. Webster, for example, un.
der instructions from Congress- send special minis
ter to England and France with overtures for this
grand naval alliance to enforce the doctrine of nom
Intervention, and let these two governments refuse
the proposition if they dare Lord Palmerston, with
touch o. egetism, has boasted that his interposi
tion for the Liberation of kossuth was dictated by
the public opinion Of England. 1t has been made
manifest that that opinion is decidedly favorable
to the policy Of Russian on.intevention. IT, then
the proposition Of triple naval alliance between
England, France, and the United States, were made
to the British cabinet by our own, there could be
little question of its success Nor does the position
of the government of Louis Napoleon justify the
slightest misgiging of the result in that quarter.
his present solicitude. He has been under the in.
fuence of Austria and Russia, and is yet, to some
exent but he is eager to catch the popular breeze.
He will not dare TO refuse the overtures of our go
vernment to the alliance proposed. On the other
hand, neither England nor France are in position
o lead in the movement, though both, from the
pressure of public opinion, would be compelled TO
follow, we're the lead assumed, BY our cabinet, in
this coalition of Intervention e ains the Holy
Alliance of the despots
Great events are before We are upon the
verge of the crisis of Napoleons prophecy. Europe
slumbers, but it is the slumber Of Vesuvius An
erup ion Is fernenting II is the universal PRESENT.
ment. The wind whispers it in every breeze across
the ocean We can almost hear the low, heavy
rumbling of the distant thunder. Why not prepare
to meet the storm We can no longer lock upor
the affairs Of Europe with the indifference Of the
eighteenth century Steam, that powerful agent
Of civilization and national fraternity, has reduoet
the Atlantic to . mere ferry. The principles Of ou
institutions have become ~ familiar on the con
tinent % household words, while our com nercia
relations render ii indispensable to bind England
and France to our common cause.-the cause o
liberal principles-in the approaching struggle
We can command their cooperation. Our supplie
Of cotton and California gold inevitably blend the
foreign policy with ours. We can no longer b,
utterly Indifferent to the affairs of Europe-n,
longer passively neutral. Our commercial rela
tions, and the great principles at stake, in tn
event Of general eruption, will inevitably involv
us, to some extent, in the controversy. As far a
involved, we mus. act in CO operation with th
sctisn of England and France.
tration is feebly conservative-the Senate is some
what influenced By the CossAcks, but the demo
cratic majority in both houses is prsgr sssive
II holds to the Monroe doctrine Of noninterventor
in our domestic Affairs, and non-intervention IL
the affairs of Europe is our established policy. Th,
next step is TO compel the Czar to respect this doc
trine. The Law Of nations and of self protection
justifes 1t. Kossuth has indicated the plan o
action. We have committed ourselves agains
Austria and Russia In cur agency in the liberia
tion Of the Hungarian exiies. What, then, should
be dOnel Propose the alliance Of non-int erven.
tion with England and France They may accep,
they may possibly refuse but public opinion
win, in season, enforce the coalition. Then,
though Europe may be convulsed with revolutions,
the commerce Of the world VIII be secure, our navy
will have glorious field for action, and Europe
the lon @. de sirad dav of daIivsranra E;natI, "a