The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-11-24

Delivered ia London on the Sd instant, in reply
10 an address from the inhabitants of London,
and in presence of an audience, estimated by
The London Times al $4,000, and by friends Of
the speaker al 100000
Mr. Petty, secretary of the committee having
read the address, which was elegantly engrosscd
on vellum, and bound on a roller covered with
velvet handed it to Kossuth, who pressed it TO
his breast laundering applause followed.
When silence was restored the hungarian pro-
ceeded as follows
GENTLEMEN | most warmly thank you for
your generous sentiments Of active and operat-
i've sympathy with the freedom and independ-
ence of my native land, so closely connected
as you have rightly judged-with the freedom
and Independence of other nations on the Euro
pean continent. 1t is to me highly gratifying
to know that a large party of the present meet
ing belongs to the working classes. Ii is graf
flying to me, because if to belong to the work
ing classes implies man whose livelihood de-
ponds on his own honest and industrious labor,
then none amongst you has more right to call
himself working man than so TO call myself
inherited nothing from my dear father and |
have lived my whole life by my own honest and
industrious labor.
This, my condition, | consider to have been
my first claim to my peoples confidence, because
we'll they knew that being in that condition, |
must intimately know the wants, the sulferngs,
and necessities of the people. And so AS.
suredly il was 1t is, therefore, that so prac.
tically devoted my life TO procure and TO secure
political and social freedom to my people-not
TO race, not to a class, but to the whole PEG.
Pile besides, | devoted all my life, for many
wears, by the practical means of association to
extend the benefit of public instruction to the
working classes, and to forward the material
welfare of the agricultursts, of the manufac.
turers, and of the trading men. Among all the
enterprises TO that effect, of that time Of my
life, when | was yet in no public office, but a
private man. ihere is none 10 which look back
with more satisfaction and pride than to the
association for the encou -agement of manuiac-
turing indusuy-to its free schools, to its exit
billions, to It's press and TO its affiliations. Be
sides comforting immense material benefits, IL
proved also politically beneficial, by bringing in
closer contact and more friendly relations the
different classes Of my dear native land. by in
terostng the working classes in the public po-
ltical concerns Of our nation, and by 80 devel-
oping strongly united public opinion 10 support
me in my chief aim, which was conserving the
municipal and constitutional institutions Of my
eountry-to substitute for the privileges Of sin
gle classes the political emancipation of the
whole people, and substituting freedom for
class privileg's-to impart 10 the people the
faculty Of making the constitution a common
benefit to all, for all-in a word, to transform
the closed hall Of class privileges into an open
temple Of the peoples liberty.
EsGLASD's DUTIES TO THE CONTINENT.
Allow me- firstly, to congratulate you on the
attention which you have hereby proved that you
devote to public matters, to the glory as well as
10 the interests of your country and to the free
dom and interest Of humanity Allow me, sec
ondly, to congratulate you on the just and happy
instinct with which, bestowing your attention on
public concerns, you have seized the very point
which really is the most important among all, in
which the mind and heart Of Englishmen can be
interested That point is the freedom Of the
European continent | said il is the common
council Of the city Of London. / repeat it here
there Is none among your internal question which
outweigh in Importance the external. And how
may be summed up the external interests Of the
British empire on the European continentl II
is to be summed up in this question by which
principle shall the continent OF Europe be ruled,
by the principle Of freedom or by the principle
of absoutism! Can England or can It not re.
main indifferent in the approaching struggle and
tnal decision of this question! and II II cannot
remain Indifferent, without losing its position
in the world, endangeTing its own freedom, and
hurting It's own interests, with which principle
shall England side with the principle of free
dom, or with the principle Of aggression -
Shall it support the rights, freedom and happi-
ness of nations, or the oppressive combinations
of arbitrary governments! That is the ques-
ton; a question the more urgent and the more
A.. -, kaf.
dissmulate, still less deny that the situation OF
! France, Of Italy, of Germany, of Austria, of
! Hungary, Of Poland and of Russia is so unna-
tural, so contrary TO the human and national in
terests Of the respective people, that ii is utterly
impossible it can endure Yes no man can dis
simulate the conviction that France, Italy, Ger.
many, Austria and Hungary, are already on the
eve Of those days, when the great, and hope