The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1851-12-29

power shall be granted or not resolves Itself into
another question: Whether or not Government
commemorate to the exigencies Of the Union shall!
be established? Or, in other words, whether the
Union itself shall be preserved"
Everywhere, throughout all his writings, inc
great object expressed is tho preservation Of The
Union and the establishment Of Government
strong enough for that end. Nowhere has he ieis
il doubtful; nowhere has he innmated that one
member Of the Confcderacy had any right 70 dc
stroy the bonds which hold us together, and leop.
ard the happiness Of a whole people.
Let me now refer 10 his opinions OF state SOW
eregnty. They to be found IN the 10th num-
Dor Of the work from which have been reading
'But if the Union, as has been shown, be essen
tial to the security Of the people OF America, against
foreign danger; if il be essential TO their Sc
curity against contentious and wars among the
different States; If it be essential TO guard them
against those violent and oppressive factions whlch
embtter the blessings of liberty, and against those
military establishments which must gradually
poison its very tountain If, IN WORD, the Union
be essential to the happiness OF the people OF amer
lea, is il not preposterous to urge as an opJecuoh
10 a government, without which the objects OF the
Union cannot be attained that such q govern
men may derogate from the Importance OF
the governments Of the individual statess was,
them the American revolution efiected-wa5 the
American Confederacy formed-was the pre-
cious blood Of thousands split, and the hard
earned substance Of millions lsylshed, not mat
the people Of America should ENJOY peace, nd
crty and safety, but that tho governments OF the
individual States, that particular municipal cstao
lishments, might enjoy certain extent oil power
and be arrayed with certain dignities and attn
butes Of sovereignty We have heard OF the I'M
pious doctrine in the Old World. that the people
were made for kings, not kings for the people Is
the same doctrine to be revived in the New, IN an
other shape, that tho solid happiness OF the people
il TO be sacrificed to the views OF the political insti
tutione Of different form? II is too carly for poll
ticians 10 presume our forgetting that the pub
lie good-tho real welfare of the great body OF the
people-is the supreme object 10 be pursued, and
fh.f form of
other value than il may be fitted for the attain
ment OF this object Were the plan Of the conven-
ton adverse to the public happiness, my voice
would be, reject the plan. Were the Union itself
inconsistent with the public happiness il would be,
abolish the Union. In like manner as far as the
sovereignty of the States cannot be reconclled to
tho happiness of the people, the voice OF every good
citizen must be, let the former Dc sGcrlcea 10 me
latter. How far the sacrifice il necessary has been
shown. How far the unsecriiced residue will be
endangered is the question before us =,
IL lie possible may be asked what remedy Mr.
Madison proposed in O case of intolerabe oppres-
sion? He himself has furnished the answer. He
understood well that it was possible for case to
arise in which it would become the duty OF state
TO resort to revolution but he never dreamed otee-
cession remedy. IL never occurred 70 hlEn that
there could be such a thing a peaceful with
drawal from the Union, The American Revolution
was fresh in his memory, and he understood no
method OF destroying government Out py force
of arms. His remedy for oppression ID plainly ex-
prefsed in the forty sixth number OF the FedsraltS
'A3ut ambitious encroachments of the Federal
Government on the authority OF the State govern
ments would.not excite the opposition OF Single
State, or few States only. They would be signals
of general alarm. Every government would es.
pouse the common cause correspondence would
be opened Plans of resistance would be concerted;
one spirit would animate and conduct the whole
The same combination, in short, would resultfrom
an apprehension Of the Federal as was produced
by the dread OF foreign, yoke; and unless the pro-
jected innovations should be voluntarily renounced,
the appeal 10 trial Of force would be made IN
the one case WAS made i'll the other.
These were the opinions of MIR. Madison. They
arc the opinions OF every one OF the sages 10 whose
teachings wo have been accustomed to look Tor ad-
vice in times of difficulty and danger. need not
recite to you, Mr.. President the views of General
Jackson They have been too recently read In the
hearing of the Senate need not repeat to you the
opinions OF Mr. Jefferson. need not repeat 10
you the opinions of any of the distinguished men
who have now departed from amongst US Some
tifnos, it is true, that in of their writings the
word g secession" something equivalent to 1t,
is used believe Mr.. Jefferson never used the
word. In one place only he used the word - scis-
sion." do not recollect 10 have eeen the word
secession" in any Of his writings Sometimes,
from the natural belief resting upon their minds
that there could be but one mode of destroying an
established government, and that by revolution,
they may have used words which, by forced con-
struction, may give some plnusibility to the doc
trne Of secession; but always, in tracing II out,
you ascertain that when they speak OF breaking up
government, they mean revolution.
Let US suppose, however, that the right exists.
What ia there in our present condition to justify
resort to it? The sun OF Heaven mover shone upon
happier land than this. There Is not an lndlVld-
ual in It's wido limits who can specify a single
essential right of which he has been deprived.
Hero every man can seat himself beneath his own
vine and his own fig tree, and, looking around
him, may proudly excaim. "All this ID mine.
There il not monarch in all the earth who dare
lay his hand upon the smallest article OF proper
ty about me-" When his little infant climbs
upon his knee-when no feels it's young breath,
sweeter than the odor of rose leaves, tanning ms
check, how proud must be the reflections which
swell his bosom as he remembers that he, too, will
grow up with unshackled limbs; that 10 him, as
to all others in this happy land, the road TO every
honor and every emolument Is open, and that
day may come il the future when that little pratt
tier shall sway the desnies Of the mightiest nation
the globe. And for what are we asked 10 OK
change all this2 For what arc we asked to give
away this present pcace-ths future hope, For
the march Of armies and the roar Of cannon. For
the hcarse drum and the pealng trumpet. For q
night OF storm and darkness, in which yell and
groan, and prayer and curse, the death shot, the
shrek Of the virgin and tho wall of the infant will
rise, mingling, Up 10 Heaven. Let II be reIncm-
bored, too that We are invited to this banquet oil
blood, 10 this Of desolation and horror, by
Senator Of the Union-by one who has taken an
oath to support the Constitution which binds ua
together. Sir, ! have heard before that there were
who could stain the Evangeists with blood.
] have heard that there were those who, from
VI
away the life of a fellow being; and this is crime
which sll mankind have held in undssembled
horror But what it when you contrast lie effects
with the wide desolation dsunion would produce
Brother arrhyed againet brother-the son raising
a fratricidal hand against the father. Happy
homes and smiling harvess giving place to wastec
fields and smoking ruins-the church itselt pc
! coming den Of vice and immortality, and blas
! pheny Of the living God rising even with the in
! cense of the altar. Sir, envy neither the heac
! nor the heart Of that man whose genius loads hin
! to become participant in scenes like these
Mr., President, il was not my fortune TO agree
with those patriotic men who framed the Compro
mise doubted it's healing effects; but, even whei
differing from them, respected their motives, anC
! felt that Rome, IN its proudest day, never Assem-
| blcd Senate Of loftier intellect or purer patriot
| ism. But now, cir, when the work is accom-
! plished, and its good effects are visible every
! where, bow 10 their superior wisdom, and onl.
agl the humble privilege OF assisting to maintain
| II uuimpaired.
1t is no argument against the Compromise tina
il has not been everywhere acquiesced in, at ono
| and without question. When the ocean has bee
! egitatcd by tempest the waves do not aubside il
an hour So it is with the human mind: when
has been agitated and excited by angry discus
eions il requires time TO dispel preiudices and re
move ani1nosihcs. These prejudices and thos
animostieH dispersing far more rapidly than
| anticipated, and every lover OF liberty ought I