The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-05-28
s e MI / = w II e TX l. Y .
CITY, WEDNESDAY,, MAY 2s. 1851.

South were disaffected towards the Union, o
were DESTROYS for breaking it up, or were read!
to Join Texas--to join her ranks, and see VIDA
they could make in war to establish the right
of Texas to New Mexico? The public mind wa
disturbed There were thousands and thousand
ready to join Texas. Now, all the extrem'
South at this time was disaffected towards thu
Union. These very men were in condition tC
fall into any course of things which should BIZ
violent and destructive.
Well, then, gentlemen, what was to be done
again, as far as Texas was concerned! Allow
me to say, gentlemen, there are two sorts Of
foresight. There is military foresight, which
sees. what will be the result Of due appeal to
arms; and there is also a statesman like fore
sight, which looks not at the resultof battles
and carnage, bull through the results of political
disturbances, the violence of faction carried into
military operations, and the horrors attendant
on civil war. / never had a doubt, gentlemen,
that if the administration of Gen. Taylor had
gone to war, and had sent troops into New
Mexico, that he loould hare aohiaped them in a
,ceek The power on one side Was far superior
to all the power on the other, But what then
What if Texan troops assisted by thousands of
volunteers from the disaffected States, had
gone to New Mexico, and had been defeated
and turned back, would that have settled the
boundary question? Now, gentlemen, wish |
had ten thousand votes-l wish could draw
around me the whole people of the United
States--and wish could make them all hear
what now declare in my own conscience, be-
fore the Power who sits on high, and who will
Judge you and me hereafter, as my solemn be-
lief that if this Texas controversy had not been
settled by Congress, in the manner called the
sued-blood, American blood, would have been
shed and who can tell what else would have
been the consequence Gentlemen, in an honor
able aoar, if foreign foe inuade us-i our rights
icere Mreatened-if ii mere necessary 10 offend
Them By arms-I am mol afraid Of blood. And,
if am too old myself, hope there are those
connected with me who are young, and willing
to defend their country to the last drop Of their
blood Sensation But cannot cypress The
horror / feel at The shedding Of blond in con-
lropersy beiaoeen one of these STATES and The
government of The United States, because see
in il, in the sight of heaven, disruption of all
those ties that make us great and happy peo-
pie. Gentlemen, that was the great question,
the leading question, at the commencement OF
the year 1850. Then there was the other and
that was matter of the Fugitive slave law; let
me say word about that Under the provi-
sions of the Constitution in General Washing.
toms administration in the year 1898, there was
passed law for the restoration of fugitive
slaves, by general consent. No one opposed il
at that period. 1t was thought to be necessary
to carry the Constitution into effect. The great
men of New England and New York all con.
Cured in it. IL passed and answered all the
purposes expected from IL, till about the year
fs4t or f543,r-wfrcn -the stztrs iutvrfcrrd 10
make enactments in opposition TO it.
The law of Congress said that State magis-
trates might execute the duties of the law.
Some of the States passed penal enactments in
volying penalty on any who executed authori-
ty under the law. Others of them denied the
use of their jails to carry the law into effect
an generally at the commencement of the year
1850, it was absolutely-l say it was absolutely
Indispensable that Congress should pass some
law for the execution Of this provision of the
Constitution, or else give up that institution en-.
tirely. That was the question. was in Con-
gress when the law was passed was for a
proper law. had, indeed, proposed different
law was Of opinion that a summary trial by
Jury might be had, which would satisfy the
preiudices of the people, but left the Senate
and went TO another station before the law was
passed The law of 1850 passed Now un'
dertake as lawyer, and on my professional
character, TO say to you and to all, that the law
of 1850 is decidedly more favorable to the fugi,
tive than General Washington's law of 1898
and tell you why. In the first place, the pres
ent law places the power in much higher hands
--of independent judges of the superior and
circuit courts and district courts and commits
sioners who are appointed to office for their law
learning Every fugitive is brought before q
tribunal Of high character, Of eminent ability, oil
respectable station. We'll then in the first place
when claimant comes from Virginia to New
York to say that ore or one B has ran away,
or is fugitive from service or labor, he brings
with him record Of the county from which he
comes, and that record must be sworn to before
n magistrate and certified by the county clerk
ms TO its correctness. The affidavit must state
that or b (as the case may beg had departed
under such and such circumstances and had
come here and that record under seal is, by the
Constitution of the United States, entitled to
full credit in every other State. Well, the claim
ant, or his agent come here, and he presents TO
YOU the seal of the courts of Virginia, that A
and B had escaped from service. lie must prove
that he is here. lie brings a witness and asks
it this is the man, ard he proves il, or in. ten
cases out of eleven the answer would be, "Yes,
service" Such is the present law, and so much
opposed and maligned as it is, il is a more fay-
orabe law to the fugitive than the law of Wash
hing on's Of 1893, which created no disturbance
at the time it was passed, and which was sane.
toned by the North as well as by the South.
But this opposition is a sentiment of modern
times. From whom does this clamor come
Why, look at the proceedings Of the Anti.Sla-
very Convention--look at their resolutions.
Do you find among all those persons who op
pose this Fugitive slave law any admission
whatever that any law ought to be passed to
carry into effect the solemn stipulations Of the
Constitution Tell me any such case Tell
me if any resolution was passed by the Conven-
ton at Syracuse favoring the carrying out Of the
Constitution! Not one The fact is gen.
temen, they oppose the whole-not man of
them admits that there ought to be any law on
the subject They deny altogether that the
provisions fthe Constitution ought 10 be car.
red into effect. WE'LL what do they cay :
Look at the proceedings Of the Anti-Slavery
Conventions in Ohio, Massachusetts, and at
Syracuse, in the State OF New York. What do
they say, that, so help them God, no colored
Al ~ - II