The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-12-11
For the Southern Press.
Abolition
ITS NATURE, ORIGIN, AND CONSEQUENCES.

No. |.
Abolition having become one of the most
powerful influences in directing the domestic
and foreign policy of the government of the
United States and great political element in all
party struggles, | have thought it might not be
without its uses TO call the attention of my fell
low-citizens, whether North, South, East or
West, to its nature, origin, progress, and prob
able consequences. Though its rapid growth
within the last few years has suddenly brought
it TO a gigantic maturity, it is no mushroom that
has sprung up in single night only to wither
vigorous growth deep rooted in the soil, spread
ING it's branches far and wide, and every tree
casting it's shadow over broader circumier-
ence. BY its apparent affinity with the great
principle standing at the head of the Declaration
Of Independence, il is invested with an in
sidous and dangerous power of identifying itself
with those truths which are universally recog-
nized by all American citizens.
The Abolitionists, taking advantage of this,
have attempted to substitute the Declaration of
independence, which was mere assertion of
great general principles-which proverbially
have always their exceptions-in place of the
Constitution subsequently adopted by every
State of the Union; and TO draw the inference,
that because the former declares all men created
equal, every provision of the Constitution to the
contrary, is a matter Of course, null and
void They insist that the Declaration of indie
pendence is of higher authority than the Con-
stitution, penned for the express purpose of es-
tablishing distinct political rules defining our
rights and duties, and, when violating the latter,
plead, IN their justification, the authority of the
former
| This doctrine, however UnteLable, is one of
the most dangerous weapons welded by Abo-
lition because TO argue against it, apparently
involves US in rreconcable Inconsistencies, ard
brings Us into direct opposition to great funda-
mental principle, proPornded by the highest
authority, and recognized by all votaries Of free
dom, in its general application. It appeals di-
rectly and powerfully to the popular feeling, and
to get round il requires a wide circle of reason
ing, which is tedious TO read and difficult for
ordinary readers to comprehend. proposition
which is true in its general application, can only
be iuvalidated, or evaded, by pointing out the
practical exceptions, which, according to logi-
clans, only serve to establish the general rules
Notwithstanding this, however, ] shall take
leave to state few notorious facts, in order to
show that the Declaration Of independence is
not the law Of the land, nor the Constitution OF
the country, and that the doctrine that all men
are created equal, was not practically applied
even in what are called the free States. If all
men are created equal, all men of all nations
would be equally entitled TO the right of suf-
frage under government recognizing this prin-
ciple yet, long after the issuing of the Declare
ton Of Independence and long subsequent to
the adoption of the Constitution, that right was
restricted TO a portion only Of the citizens pos
sessing more or less property. There was not
believe, single State of the old thirteen
which put forth that declaration, that recognized
universal suffrage under its first Constitution
and, consequently, this doctrine of all men being
created equal, was not practically applied TO the
most important of all the rights Of freeman
To this day il is not so applied in one If not all
the New England States, where what are called
athe select men," exercise az inquistorial
power over the habits and department OF the
voters, and are by law authorized to reject the
ballot of any citizen on the score of his moral
character--though he may be otherwise legally
qualified. In the State of Rhode Island, under
the old royal charter, man may be both ctr
zen and freeholder, yet cannot exercise the right
of suffrage, unless he be what is called a free.
man of the said company Were il necessary
! could cite examples in all the old States, to
show that this doctrine, that all men are created
equal, has not been, and in fact cannot be, prac-
ticslly applied in all cases; and no one doubts
that every State Of this confederation has the