Martinsburg gazette. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1833-1855, 1851-04-29

der one system Of general and equal laws.
Ii regards every citizen OF The State as the
member Of one common political house
hold; il allows no invidious discrimination
as TO wealth or locality, but regards them
all as linked togethef 10 one common des.
Tiny, and connected by the mutual ties Of
interes, and affection. The great charsc-
ieris,lc of,his plan is equality
and political eqnaliiy--amongst ALT the peo'
pie Of the State, so far as that equality can
be enforced consistently with The preseF-
walton OF our existing county lines.
Secondly. The other plan proposes 80
10 organize the legislative department Of
the government as 10 make il the special
guardian Of the property of the State -
And it seeks TO accomplish this result by
making one half OF its power the repre-
sentative Of persons and the other half the
representative Of property. Tha, is to say
IN house Of delegates ofone hundred and
fftly members, il assigns seventy FIVE as
the representatives ofpFoper,y OF taxation,
and seventy FIVE as the representatives OF
numbers. And as the largest amount Of
the aggregate property Of the state lies east
OF the Blue Ridge mountain, the effect Of
this 3an is to vest in sectional minority
residing east Of the Blue Ridge, the abso-
u,edominion and control over the legis-
laiure ofthe State, notwithstanding large
majority of It's free white inhabitants reside
west Of tina, dividing line. This plan re.
CARDS the State, not as one great indivisi
BILE onwealth--united in interest and
feeling but as confederacy of discordant
and hostile sections. It's great character.
Ist:c is Observation-Disclosures, if not of the COM
mon honesty and integrity OF the people,
at least, OF their identity with and loyalty
to the great interests of Virginia. Ii seeks
TO effect its purpose of power by an une-
quail allotment of representation amongst
the different portions Of the State by in.
vIdous determinations amongst sections
founded upon their greater or less wealth,
and by irampling most unnecessarily under
foot as one Of the mschevious follies Of
French democracy, tina, great principle of
popular government--ihe right Of the peo-
pie. by which alone can be meant, the
right Of a majority of the people 10 pre-
scribe its laws and to regulate its general
policy.
Sir, before could give my supper, to
any such scheme of government as that
which have last described, supposng it
10 accomplish the protested object OF its
advocates. | must be satisfied by them,
that there exists in this State, some stern
and overriding necessity for its adoption.
Some principles of scarcely less force and
potency than the principle Of the salus
popai. am prepared TO admit that gov
ernmenis TO be well organized, should be
adapted to the condition and circumstan-
ces of the community over which they are
10 act. | know there are many na.ions,
indeed, on this globe 10 which free gov
ernment would be the heaviest curse
which an angry heaven. in its wrath, could
indict upon them. But ! trust the people
OF Virginia have not reached that point
yet. as TO make US doubtful of their capa.
city fer all the great purposes OF self'gov.
ernment Before, therefore, | can sane
ton any such violent departure from the
principles OF pure representative govern
men,. must be satisfied of the existence
OF state OF things amongst US far more
dangerous 10 liberty and property than |
believe there is any color or foundation
for at this time. must believe the rights
OF property subject 10 much greater perls
in this state. than now believe them to
be. 10 Justify me in adopting any such
principles for their protection. Least of
all could ] give il my assent. if there be
other means less offensive and far more
efficient, which are fully adequate 10 the
protection Of every just claim Of property.
The difference between these two sys-
TENS of representation is marked. The
one plants itself upon the great principles
which Distinguish the popular from all 9th
er forms of government The other in
vokes 10 lis aid, only those arguments de-
rived from expediency and interest, which
have been resorted TO in all times past,
and which will be resoried TO in all time to
come, mo matter whai.h particular form of
civil polity) tojus,ify the subsection Of ma
ny 10 the few. The one regards the people
as the true source and fountain Of power
aud the only safe depository Of power
The OTHER regards property as an active,
positive, controlling influence in govern.
nent; as exposed to continual depreda.
lions from the cupdity and rapacily Of
the masses, and as alone safe, when with
one foot upon the body Of the people, il is
clothed with the armour OF government TO
protectitse from the apprehended assaults
Of the poor and necessi,ous.
Sir, the line Of discrimination between
these two systems Of representation is as
wide as that impossible gulf, which sepa.
rated the virluous Abraham from the ac-
cursed Dives.
Mr.. Chairman, propose 10 say a few
words upon the principle OF the suffrage
basis Before proceed TO the more imme-
diale Object Of my remarks--an examina-
ton of the mixed basis. as scheme for
the protection Of property.
The suffrage basis has been extensively
adopted in the recent state constitutions of
this confederacy; aud il does seem 10 me
that whether you look to the philosophical
or practical principles involved in the Gre
alton of the power il is the most Just and
natural principle OF representation.
In the structure of any government, the
first inquiry which must occut 10 any
mind, is to ascertain who are 10 be allow
ed, by common consent, 10 exercise the
political power of that community in