The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1851-11-27
RACES OF MEN-CELTS, sAxONs &c.

Archbishop Hughes lately delivered lee
ture in New York, in which he took occasion
to ridicule the defamation about the wonder
full virtues and energies of the Anglo-Saxon
race, and to show that Anglo-Saxons were re-
ally the hewers of wood and drawers Of water,
TO other races He, and the Celtic race to
which he belongs, seem disposed to enter the
lists with Anglo-Saxondom, and contend that
-: = - least 3, -.l-h ,o.lreT;tr e.
markable dovelopmsat C .his t"ouatrr, ~ sny
other People.
We attach little Importance to this question
about races, not 30 much certainly as those
sensitive gentlemen who called upon the Presi-
dent to resent as an insult a jocular remark by
Mr. Bulwer concerning the sans-euiottism OF
their Celtic ancestry, some centuries ago. II
seems to us that Human Nature is pretty
strongly marked in mankind generally We
do not know, or care to know, the precise rela-
tive proportions of Celtic, Anglo-Saxon, Nor
man, Teutonic, Indian, and Ethiopian elements
that enter into the composition of that COM
pick being, an American all we know is, that
he is neither English Irish, German, Turk,
African nor Indian, but an american. "Celt
and Saxon" have no significance in this
country-they are not elements here at all
We are not a mongrel People, not confedera-
ton of many races, as Mr.. Cory styles us
we are not foreigners-we are one People, a
homogeneous People, with one name one Ian
guage one creed in politics, one political sys-
tenn. We are Americans; our language is
American our political creed is American !;
our Government is American Foreigners are
welcome to come among us. to share with us
our lands, our language, our mission, our Gov
ernment-but to do this, they must become
Americans. They may cling as they will to
their national peculiarities and their antipa-
thies of race, but they cannot propagate them
or even maintain them in this country-not
that Law interposes to coerce assimilation, bat
because the same circumstances and institu-
tons that have moulded the character of the
natives operate irresistibly upon them and
transform them, in spite of themselves into
Americans.
But, if the question be asked, to what Peo
pie we are most nearly related, by our institu.
tons, our language, our literature, our religion,
our social usages and industrial pursuits even
Bishop Hughes, with all his antipathes of race,
must reply, the English. The attempt to deny
this would be foolish. Germany, Ireland, and
France, have nothing to do, in fact with the
essential nature of our civilization, though two
Of these countries have contributed largely to
the Labor that has developed the physical re-
sources of this country. For this reason, while
we give cordial welcome to Irish and German
Emigrants, they must not expect us to adopt
their antipathies or peculiarities; nor, while
sympathizing with the wrongs of the People of
Ireland, are we to be poisoned with hatred of
the English, with whom we are connected by
more ties than any other People Their Gov
ernment oppressive as it is upon certain por-
tions of its citizens, is still the freest Govern
ment beyond all comparison, in Europe. 1t
recognises habeas corpus, the jury trial, freedom
of the press and of speech, the right of the
People against unreasonable seizure, the liberty
of conscience, and the experience of the last
half century, has proved that it admits of in
definite reform; while, there can be no doubt
that, in the event of an organized conspiracy
of the Absolute Monarchs of Europe to inter-
fere by force to prevent the other States of Eu-
rope from establishing such Governments as
the People may demand the English Govern
mentw will be constrained by the English People
to interpose its protest and its arms for their
protection 1t is this view of the position of
England which must increase the fraternal
feelings between the United States and that
country-for the American People must regard
themselves as the natural allies of People to
whom the masses of Europe will appeal in the
dark hour of their trial
We do not forget the aggressive march of
British Power in india, or the wrongs inflicted
by it upon Ireland. These are crimes for which
it should humble itself in sackcloth and ashes
but we remember, too, crimes of as deep dye
| which lie at our own door Our treatment of the
American aborigines has been no more hu.
name than the treatment by England of the
| Oricntals The Government has been willing
to deal humanely, but the People have frus-
trated its policy. And surely, the enslavement
Of three millions Of slaves, and maltreatment
of the free colored population, are, to say the
least, rs atrocious rs the oppression endured by
Ireland: and yet no one we presume, will deny
that our Republic is the freest and most highly
civilized of all Republics
The speech Of X. J. Walker at the South.
ampton Banquet in which he styled England
the breakwater against the Oppression of the
Old World, contains many just sentiments, to
which the heart Of the true American must re-
spond. The Nep York Tribune rdicules il. as
Mac Sycophantic, and wonders il Mr. Walker
had forgotten the vianous conduct of the
British Government towards Ireland Mr.
Walker was present at public banquet, given
to an illustrious foreigner, by an English
Mayor and Corporation, whose whole conduct
has shown them to be sincere friends of free
dom Was it fit occasion for strangers to in
troduce topic of domestic policy, and to read
lecture to their host upon the bad manage
ment Of his households There il time tor
everything the time to enact the censor y not
festive occasion, where good sense and good
taste alike dictate the exclusion OF d'scordant