Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1851-07-01
RICHMOND ENQUIRE r
DR.. PLUMER'S LETTER.

lowing appeal OF this able, distinguished atu
To the people of Virginia and of Richmond IS rho
wears he successfully performed the offices o ~,
Presbyterian Church, it is needless TO say any '""s ho,d
uncommon taIen,s massiye and potential eloquent WV
,,h,;. snir;, and high character. His appeal w" "' p",
Siege of circulating which to-day we nave Oeen-a - :, -
..ercise n salu,ary influence all over 'e eo'"'' 49,
read Whatever dissent there may 0 ~" 49,, :,
auiops, sl good and reasonable nv" ~ .-a..,a..n
.neaks the voice of peace, reason, P""o'op"N
so,od advice. Dr.. Plumer has always oeen d .'"'".
'ou N : constitution strictly construed, and OF Southern
p;,h,.-bs has always fe, kindly towards SCUM Carohha
"a bur ORIENT statesman, Calhoun, whom he highly respec-
,md we are, therefore, not without hope that his invocation
; her 10 pause in her disorsanizing movements, may mol
fn unbeeded, upon the ear of that gallant but too imPulsive
State. ru,. Euoy;r,,
SOUTH CAROLINA AND H UNION. =,
latter from the Pep. DR.. Plumerh a gentleman IN South
Ra,T,MoRE, Mn, JUNE 81, 1851.
A., Da,r Sir In common with many, l have for some
,;nna fol, n nrofound interest in thuse political questions
which aei,ate the minds of the people OF oouth Catoilha'-
In addressing you, ! nm sure tha! you WIN sciio ~ ne 90
oooJ n,nt,ves "a have any wish 10 claim; nor do | suppose
that rho Intelligent and reasonable portion OF thepeopleh nave
odnpted those absurd and serviie maxims, %hlch wouia eH-
cIude any citizen of the United States, even though he be-
S,noed ~ he clerical profession, from u modest, yet fearless
declaration of his views on such pohtlcal aHalrs, as must IL
feet the w~ell-being OF unborn millions. Bad taste Alone Gun
lead any minister of the Gospel 10 desire 10 De mixed w
with the low quarrels OF demagosues, or win me sehseiess
drawings of men urged on by lust OF power. .,,r,
Z But when matters of vast moment OCCUPY Iu -
mind and when a wrong decision o! them may oring upon
US anarchy, mis-rule, civil war, or any serious chech !" y
", no man can be justly censured for giving u.efancc % ms
serious opinions or fenrs. The puolc VIII 'orn Ineir own
;ndym.oi, and praist or blame, as seems right. There are,
indeed, two classes Of men, who violently oppose al such
expressions of opinion as this letter contains. Some RANK
in6deis would shout long md loud, ii they could drive al
cl.rpymen out Of the State, or on, Of the world, but as this
is impossible. their next fnvorite idea Is bv threats. or matte
ry, TO induce them 10 he silent on as many topics as possioie'
A.-,.; nv "a. pbi DpY1l and prtnt Ulllcl measures
The other class of men, who oppose the publication Of the
views OF clrrgymen on such SUBJECTS, Is composed oi philng
religionists, who affect peculiar sancuty' n r u "ase NJ,
cleverness enough to see that our duty TO God IS never AZ
war with our duty to the Commonwealth anu uat q man OF
God may YET meet all tho demands made upon a COCOA cltl'
Zen. Their objection lies against clersymen expressing
their views on such subjects, either On the score OF their
being professors of religion, or because they are its public
teachers. In either case, IL is unreasonable.
Robert Hall, in his admirable treatise, entitled, "Christian-
ity consistent with a love OF freedom" has made a full
end of the ~sophistry of those, who would disfranchlse
Christians because they were such. In a paragraph,
which strikes me us a choice specimen OF fine
writing, he says: "Mr. Clayton expresses an ardent,
desire TOR the approach of that period when all men will be
christians. | have no Doubt that this event will take place,
and rejoice in the prospect Of il; but whenever il arrives, il
will be- fatal to MIR. C.'s favorite principles for the profess
sors of christianity must then become politicians, as the
wicked, on whom he at present very politely derolves the
business Of government, will be no more Ur, perhaps, he
INDUCES a hope, that even then there will be a sufficient
number Of sinners left to condnct p"litlca! affairs, especially
turbed by rapine and injustice. II will still, however, De a
great hardship, that a handful of the wicked should rule in
Vulnerable muliitudes of the Just, and cannot fail, according
10 our present conceptions, TO operate as a kind of check on
piely md virtue. How Mr.. c. will settle this poin,I cannot
say, except he imagines men will be able To subslst without
laws or civil regulations, or intends 10 revive the long ex-
ploded doctrine Of Papias respecting the personal reign."-
Under the influence of various causes, some ministers and
some private christians have re,realcd from the polls or the
ballot box. as if they feared %con'agiun. Such men were not
our fathers, or they never would have achieved our indepen-
denee. Tney were not afraid Of The cannon's mouth or The
deadly breach. Ii was greatly to the credit uf those venera-
Bile men, Dr.. Ashbel Green and Bishop White, both OF Phila-
delphia, that they never willingly failed TO exercise the cleo
tive franchise.
If there be no valid objection to christians loving their
country and seeking her good in all lawful ways, neither is
there against %clergymen clearly expressing their sentiments
ON matters deeply affecting the national welfare. In his
Apology for The freedom OF the press and for general liberty
the same writer, just quoted, says: "Solon, the celebrated
tai punishment of every citizen who should continue neuter
when parties ran high in that republic. lie considered, II
should seem, the declining TO take u decided part on great
and critical occasions, an Indication Of such q culpable in.
difference to the interests OF the commonwealth, as could be
expiated only by death. While we blame the rigor of the law,
we must confess the principle, on which il was founded, is
just and solid. In Il political contest. relating TO particular
men or measures, Q yell ~isher to hs country may be per
mitted to remain silent; but when the great interests OF a
nation are at stake, II becomes every man 10 act with firm
ness and vigor. consider the presen: as a season Of this
nature, and therefore shall make no apology for laying before
the public the reflections. il has occasiOned." The practice
OF Or. Chalmers and of the CaIdwels. Grahans, Smiths,
Halls and Tennents of the days of our Revolution, fully ac-
corded with the principles here 50 nobly asserted by the great
Baptist of Bristol.
My first remark is, that while government is a profound
science, yet many Of its great principles are level TO the ca
paciues OF the masses of educated men, and the more free
dom q government secures to the people, the more nicely are
lis balances adjusted. 4 very free government is. therefore,
a most nice and delicate, as well as a powerful, piece of ma
chinery.. This should make men difhden, Of their own judy
nienis, and cautious In opposing usages that seetn to be pro-
ductive of good, but can never show That men should be
either dumb or frantic, when dangers are impending. An
absolute desputism Is the simplest form of government ON
earth. All you have TO study, in order to understand il, is
the will Of one man. That is the whole mystery Of il. De.
from an arbitrary government in the least and you enter
upon matters mat are complicated. This is u part of the
price men must pay for liberty. Moderation is therefore a ca.
pital virtue in free States. Hot hasre and confusion
accompany cowardice and ignorance. Nothing is 81 DANCE
rous to the public as the existence of evils, which may not
be discussed. When men are So sure that they are right that
they reject all opportunities OF reflection, they have gagged
their reason.
Our form Of national eovsrnmentIs very peculiar. 1t has
no model upon earth. 1t is not monarchy, il is not an aris-
tocracy, It's not u democracy. 1t Isl representative repub-
lie composed in a manner altogether unique. Antiquity casts
no light upon il, and furnishes no sale precedenls 10 guide
our rulers in administering il. Neither has any modern
Sta.e arisen or fallen upon the precise system we have adup-
ted. Candid men must admit that we, az n nation, are ma
king an experiment.. May no disaster dash our hopes to the
ground!
Mr.. Madison has well said that ain order to understand
the tfue character Of The Constitution Of the United States,
the error, not uncommon must be avoided, Of viewing ii
through the mediuin, either of Il consolidated government, or
of a cOnledera,ed government, while il is neither the one,
nor the other, but u mixture of buta. And having, in no
model, the simihtudes and analogies applicable TO- other
systems oil government, II must, Inure Than any other, be its
own Interpreter according 10 lis text and the facts IF the
~ Ah'So " " tS wv 'hlh "a tut GOulpODCO
States, as the federal government, for which 1t was subs,llu.
ted, was formed. Nor wasi it formed by u majority Of the
people OF The United States, as single community, in the
manner OF ii consolidated government"
ut was formed by the States; that is, by the people in each
OF the States, acting in their highest sovereign capacity
and formed, consequently, by the same authority which
formed the State constitution"
Being thus derived from the same source as the constitu-
tions of the States, it has within each State the sanc author
ity US the Constitution Of the Slate; and is as much 4 con-
Stitution in the strict sense of the term within its prescribed
sphere, as the constitutions of The States are, within their
spheres"
Judge lredell q Dallas, 92) holds the same dotc.inc. He
says: Il conclude, therefore, that every particle OF authority
which originally resided either in Congress Or in any branch
OF the Stale governments, was derived from the people of
each propince; that This authority was conveyed by each bUIy
polite separately, and not by all the people in the several pro-
sinces or States Jointly, und uf course that no authority
could be conveyed to the whole but that which previously
was possessed by the several parts"
l have adduced this AS one Of many facts tending to show
tho extreme nicely Of the questions lying u, the foundation
"f oar government. Moreover, us every constitution fol-
lows the law OF its formation, | cannot but acqu;esce in the
fairness Of MIR. Madison's inference, that the Constitution Of
Inc United States, "6eing a among the States in their
highest sorereign capacity, and constituting the people there
oil one people for certain purposes, cannot be altered, or an
nnllsd at the will of the States Individually, as the constitu-
ton OF u State may be al its individual WILL Is not this
ASOnlnp 4 Md q n -. mill rs oil man tphn las -