The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-02-28

and 60 to other lands. But . whole 6ta<s cai,~
not renounce it. territory without rain. And
~ the hight Of secession Involves, 20 far ~ this
government Is CONSERVED, only the remuneration
Of certain political powers over the soil which
are held professediy for the benefit Of its occu-
pants, almost exclusively, there ia moi even re-
spectacle pretsxt fsr maintaining that jurisdic-
ton by force.
The right of revolution IL admitted. even by
the most bigotej dsvotces Of federal absolutsm
What is the right Of revolution! 1t the right
to obtain independence by force Does force
give rights Every body knows better. Now
the fundamental principle Of our system-of
every free systcm-of every reasonable SYSTEM
of every christian system is, that whatever the
rights Of people are, they are entitled to them
without forcs--ahaierer people haze right to
obtain. o. to assert By force, they hare rigki 10
obtain as,evt and eVoy, Uithout force. We in
vite the attention Of Messls. Clay, WEBSTER
HLLMoRE & Co., to this proposition. 1t fun
daueDtal-it is sclEevident--it is universal.
They cannot overthrow it--they cannot shake
it. by any quantity Of proclamations, messages
and speechcs--thcy cannot impair or demosh
it by the combined forces of army and navy.
The right Of the people to amend, alter, OF
abolish government, whenever they think it
destructive of the objects for which it was es-
tablished, is asserted In the Declaration of In
dependence. 1t is not the right to abolish mo-
narchial governmental is the right to abolish
any government. 1t is not the right to do it
BY force. That is no right at all and If it were
it is principle Of no value ut all; as force,
whether rightful or wrongful, has in all ages
been well known to be the ruling principle Of
brutes, and Of that part Of mankind most re-
sembling them, and of that part only. When
ever man rises above the condition OF mere
animality, and to whatever degree he becomes
rational, force losea its authority. But here is
gang Of statesmen in the nineteenth century,
who have progressed no further than to assert
that, The rigM of seEgorernment ITSELF identi-
cal with the physical power Of asserting 1.-THE
quantity of cannon, lnuskets and swords-the
number and size Of the men that can be brought
into the field to contend for it!
The principle of force never was recognized
~ supreme, even in the rudest times. The race
is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the
strong Moral principles have always divided,
with force, the empire of the world. Modern
genius has done much to increase the moral
over physical power. The invention of gun
powder has not merely equalized man with
man, whether small or large, it has given
positive advantage to the small man over the
large one. With equal steadiness of nerve and
precision Of aim, the chances are with the small
man, as the large ono presents the most surface,
and incurs tie greater danger of being wounded.
And we would beg to suggest to those who en-
terrain the vulgar idea that single State can
be conquered easily ty large one, or BY many
States, that the condition of modern civiliza-
ton is also favorable to these who are numeri
cally weak. We have expanded credit, large
Investments of capital, extensive commerce, and
huge manufacturing establishments. A dis
turbance of trade, a war on the sea, dilnin-
ished consumption or demand, act with geomct-
rical progression in the injuries they infict. The
war with Mexico has doubled our expenditures,
although she never brought more than twenty
five thousand men into the field at any time
We began with surplus of twelve millions in
the treasury; we are now in debt some seventy
millions. What would become of our revenue,
with a commerce in danger? But we turn from
the contemplation of a conflict with sister
State.
The agitation which now pcrvades the coun-
try, began with the assertion Of the political and
social equality Of the most degraded with the
most elevated race of men. For that is what is
meant by all anti-slavery movements We
have progressed to the denial Of the equality of
one State with another-nay, we have got so
far ms to hear it maintained, that in this country
an under our Constitution, one State ought to
be held in subsection to the rest--by force,
We have not sought this controversy, nor
lightly engaged in it. The fundamental princi-
pies of society and government are, after all, too
abstruse 10 be wantonly agtated by beings
whose passions and appcttes will mingle largely
in the discussion
But, when these questions come upon us, and
are forced upon US, accompanied with threats
Of wholesale violence and national power, we
feel it duty to present the great principles of
reason, philosophy and morality, as the proper
arbters. Whenever the attempt is made to
compel State to submit TO any external power,
il will involve the necessity Of aggression-an
for all the consequences the aggressor will be
responsible.
The Feelings In Ohio.
The annexed statement which we take from
the Kentucky Commonwealth, shows in strong
light the untiring efforts of the Abolitions,s 70