North Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1850-1852, 1851-06-07
Letter from Hon. Armtstead Burt,
OF SOUTH CAROLINA.

with your request that Ishould reply P"Pe
You are not mistaken in supPosing ina ml@ht!
crisis imDends over the southern States. The posi-
ton of our own beloved State IS emnently critical
South Carolina has never had greater heeu u ''-'
wisdom and valor, and affection OF her sons 'hdn
the nresent moment. Most sincerely do hope ina
every man within her borders feels keeny as your
seIvea the deepest solicitude for her honor ana me-
welfare For one, am sensible of obligations 10 ne
which nv poor services can never repay ana IN
tend to do my duty, and my "ho'e uu'J' ~ 49, " "
present juncture. :. O..
You inform me that your solIcIude Tor the State
induces you inquire of me- as your representative
in Congress- what part is to be assigned 10 her In the
oreat contest which awaits the southern States.
had sppnosed the position of South Carolina already
defined and determined, both by the Legislature and
the people. / had supposed the argument exhausted
and the debate forever closed. A convention was
ordered bv the Legislature al its last session, and large
and extraordinary raised and appropriated
for military stores and military defence. Delegates
to the convention have been chosen by the people
large majority of who In understood to be in ia
vor of the secession of the State regardless OF the
course of other southern States-and indeed. regard
less of all circumstances. L have not the honor OF
being a member of that con vention. The exPedIeh-
cy of secession is a question which cannot come
within the scope of those duties which you nave
fided to me as member OF Congress. AS MEMBER
of Congress, cannot be called upon 10 Vo'e or 'd'
question. 1t is exclusively belonging " '"t.
convention. But is also true that the proprey o'
secession without regard to the course OF tne ot CT
southern States was discussed pending the cleo
ton for Congress and the Legislature, which took
place in October last. In the public discussion which
/ heard, and in which took part heard but very
few express opinions in favor of the secession Of
South Carolina alone, without regard to the action OF
the other States. l think the subject was not dis
cussed before the people, and that their judgment was
neither expressed nor formed upon 1t. &c. Also In
relation the calling OF convention by the leglsia-
ture. Until after the session began heard nothlng
of it, and think nothing heard of thy the Peo-
pie. | should have been most happy to nave hao Inc
opportunity of offering my oPlnl-ns OF tn csc measures
before the Judgment of the State was ade uP when
thew might have entered into its deliberations for the
little they may be worth. Congress OF the south
ern States thought then looked to, and nothing
else looked to- until its results should be known
l cannot, even now, but regard the action of the
legislature and of the people of South Carolina as in
dcatng determination TO secede from the Union.
whatever other States may think proper to do
should, consequently, have deemed 1t my duty to be
silent until the period of the meeting OF the conven
ton approached. l could then have been better able
to determine what would be exPedent TO do. The
events of the summer and autumn will, as think,
throw much light on the great issue before US.
should gladly have awaited those events before the
final Judgment of the State made up. Und er
these circumstances cannot hope that my opinions
be of any avail in assigning any part to South
Carolina. But it is enough that you wish to know
my opinions upon measure of public policy, even
though it be foregone conclusion. have selfish
motive to withhold such opinions, as have nothing
to lose by expressing them. ] have never sought
Office; l have never seen the day when would have
held an office under the federal government could
not do so, this me without feeling of personal
degradation. | come, then to the confessional with
ont fear and without reserve.
The inquiries proposed by you suggest two prop
ositions. The first Isl whether secession be the on
]y alternative now left 10 the Southern States? The
second is, whether, in the event of the other slave
holding States remaining in the Union, it will be-
come the duty of South Carolina forthwith to secede
on the ascerainment of that fact The only full
md tn of
must be found in consideration of the objects con-
templated by secession, and of its probable efficacy
in accomplishing those objects. The leading object
be attained by secession will be admitted to be
the preservation of the institution of African slavery
unimpaired and unmolested. 1t comprehends the
quiet and undisturbed enjoyment of this species of
property. as well as the means of making it profta-
BILE and desirable. These conditions are necessary to
save fifteen hundred millions of property, the most
profitable in the world and the source of countless
blessings to mankind, from becoming nuisance and
curse. They are amply secured in the constitution
and that instrument would never have obtained the
approval OF South Carolina and other southern States
without such security. But these stipulations and
eonPacts have not been carried out in good faith by
the northern States, but have been violated and ut
terly dsregarded.
non-saVeholdlng States not delivered TO their
owners on their demand that the property of fifteen
States is excluded from countries VIII ch belong to all
the States, and that the subject OF slavery itself is
sion In the northern States and in CONGRESS- Tney
are well-tounded complantsacts that are palpab lie
violations OF the constitution, and would, in my opin-
ION, any one of them, justify the secession of the
southern States. They impair the security and the
value ct property In slaves. The experience of eight
years OF anxious hope and apprehension have brought
me to the conclusion that these complaints will never
be removed or redressed by any exercise of the means
provided by the constitution. How can South Caro-
lima reform public opinion in Massachusetts or Ohio
by what potent instrument she disenchant the
public opinion of the North or break the spei which
holds In absolute sway the intellect of the North
Our appeals 10 their justice have been unheeded and
our circumstances condemned. We cannot disguise
he TACT that the guarantees of the constitution in ia
Vor OF slavery are mockeries. They are openly re-
Pudated by those who yielded them TO the demand
OF the South as the basis of union with them In
uiVlduaiS may submit TO wrong without the loss of
character or selfrespect, but such submission nv ma
tIons brings dishonor and degradation. It ;mplies
both weakness and pusillanimity and invites azores
sion, as well as excltes contempt. The federal gov
eminent cannot, and would not if ii could constrain
Ihese northern States to the discharge of their duty
mas neither functions funcionaries to reach the
evil ne great function of government in modern
Aes Is me protection ofProperty. Property in slaves
oi dill other property, can least endure and
most needs the arm of government. A government
mat 1als either from its weakness or its will to pro-
tect MS property from domestic as we'll as FOREIGN
Ioes Goes not deserve the obedience or the respect
OIL freeman. government that not only fails to
project but is actually hostile to the property of If
Teen States Is monstrous despotisIn and to over
throw it is to pull down huge nuisance. The nIti.
mate abolition of slavery must be the result unless
the siaVehodlng States have the spirit to take their
Hgnts unoer their own protection. The establish
'nent OF confederacy of slaveholding States-it
need not embrace all the slavehoding States-s (as
solemnly believe) the only measure that promises
TO- H.