Semi-weekly Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, South-Carolina) 1851-1852, 1851-05-06
From The Mercury.
Separate State action.

| to SeCeue, alone, TOHl tue OIioi, sc'oHuiT, ''S
policy or expediency of her doing so.
The second having been so very ably illus.
trateA. bv beaufort" in the Mercury, shall
confine n,yselfto the first branch of the subject;
and endeavor to prove, that the General Gov
ernment does not, and never did possess the
right to cocrce Il State, acting in her sovereign
t.; and that each State, acting through Con-
vention of her people, possesses the right OF Sc
cessiOn.
In order, therefore, to a clear understanding
of the Constitution, which binds US together as
States, it is absolutely necessary that we should
refer to the journals of the Federal Convention,
which framed it. For the Architeetsmnst GER
tainly have understood the true character oil the
Political edifce which they were about to con.
struct. If tlpy knew not the meaning or end
of their debates and actions, then all must be
chaos and confusion, and we have Govern
ment without law and fixed principles, the
sport of every dominant caprice and faction.
But let us proceed to the records, SO as to
ascertain clearly their intentions upon this mat
ter, and in order to show the degree OF author.
ty which should be attached to the Journal of
the Convention, fom which intended to quote
will merely state thu fact, "that the last act
of the Convention on the 18th of May, 1857,
was u Resolution that their Journal and other
papers should be deposited with their President
GEORGE WASHINGTON, to be retained by him
subject to the order of Congress, if ever formed
under the Constitution" Accordingly, on the
10Th of March, 1886, he deposited in the Depart
ment of State, the journals from which shall
quotes If this be not authority, where then
shall we fnd it!
On the 29th of May, 1857, Mr.. Edmund Ran
dolpL, delegate from Virginia, introduced
fifteen resolutions, WHICH were discussed, from
time to time, in committee of the whole, and
were the real basis of our present Constitution.
Some portions were accepted--others were
| rejected, and the whole much added to and a.
mended. The last clause Of the sixth resou-
ton proposed to give to the Government they
were about to form, the power to call forth
the force of the Union against any member of
the Union failing to fulfil its duties under the
articles thereof" See Eliotts Journal and
Debates on the Federal Convention, page AZ:
On Thursday, 3lst May, 1887, in Committee
of the whole House, Mr.. Gorham in the Chair,
it was then moved and seconded to postpone
the consideration Of the last clause OF the sixth
resolution, namely, to call forth the force OF
the Union against amy member OF the Union,
failing to do its duty under the articles thereof"
son the question to postpone the considera.
ton of said clause, it passed unanimously in
the affirmative. See Journal Of the Federal
Convention, page 81, 4th vol. Of Elliott.
"June IL, I7S7--met pursuant to ad Iourn-
ment--present eleven States. Having gone
through with the resolves, it was found heces-
sary to take up such parts of the preceding
Resolves as had been postponed, or not agreed
ts."'. Accordingly, "upon tie subject OF the
sixth Resolve, it was agreed to be postponed
sine de-and this mem. con-"
Where, then, let mo ask, shall we find the
power to coerce State! for the Convention
which framed the Constitution, did most ex-
pressly and absolutely refuse to confer it upon
the Government which they then formed, and
under which we now live.
In order, however, to place this matter be-
yond all dispute, will quote the testimony oil
Edmund Randolph, who himself, proposed, in
the last clause OF the sixth resolution, to give
to the Government this power to coerce State
His testimony is certainly very material to our
purpose, because he was one of the ablest law
yers in the Convention, and was chosen by
Washington to fiji a place in his cabinet, as the
first Attorney General of the newly formed
Government 1t was indeed IN honor to have
been associated in Cabinet Council with Wash
inpton, Jefferson and Hamilton--such was the
position of Randolph at a momcntous crisis,
the dawn OF new and untricd system of Gov
ernment, when the paternal solicitude of Wash
ington called to his aid the very ablest and
best men of the infant Republic. Well, then,
let us hear what he (Randolph) said in reference
to this assumed power to coerce a State. In a
letter addressed by him "on the 10th of Octo.
ber 1857, to the Honorable, the Speaker OF
the House Of Delegates of Virginia OIL the Fe-
deral Constitution" he says:
alt (coercon) ought not to be directed
gainst State as a State, it being impossible
10 attempt it except by blockad"g the trade
of the delinquent, or carrying war into its bow
els Against each of them lie separate, un-
conquerable objections. a blockade is not
equally applicable to all of the States, they be.
1 ing differently crcumstanccd in co'nmunica-
tiou from the privilege OF the Union would be
vain, because every regulation or prohibition
may be easily cluded under the rights of A.
merican citizenship, or of foreign nations: But
how shall we speak Of the intrusion Of troops!
Shall we arm citizens against citizens, aud ha.
btuate them to shed kindred blood! Shall
risk the inhic'iu of wounds, which will gcn-
crate canker never to be subdued! Would
there be no room to fear that an army accus.