The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1851-12-16

dition Of navigation. the Atlantic is no sepsra.
1 ton, but rather connecting benefit, the fsciIl.
tatna source Of that commercial intercourse
which brings the interests of Europe home to
you, connecting you with il with every lie of
moral as well material interest
1t is chiefly in New York that feel induced
to speak so, because New York is by innumera-
Bile ties connected with Europe, more connected
than several parts of Europe itself.
IL is the agricultural interest of this great
country, which chiefly wants an outlet and
market. Now it IS far more Europe than the
American continent to which you have to look,
in that respect This very circumstance cannot
allow you 10 remain Indifferent to the fate of
freedom on the European continent, because, be
sure, gentlemen, and let me have spoken this
chiefly to the gentlemen OF trade, should absc-
lutism gain ground in Europe it Wilt must.
make every possible obstacle to the commercial
intercourse Of republican America, because com
merclal intercourse is the most powerful locono-
Ire of principles; and be sure tbs victory of alb
soutism on the European continent will in no
quarter have no mere injurious national conse-
quences than in the vast extent of your agrcul-
turnl and commercial interests.
Then, why not prevent il, while yet there is a
possibility to do so with none, or comparative
email sacrifices, rather than to abide that fatal
! catastrophe, and TO mourn the immense sacrifice
it would then cost!
Even in political considerations now a-days,
you have stronger motives to feel interested In
the fate of Europe, than even in the fate of the
central or southern parts Of America What
ever may happen in the institutions Of these
parts, you are too powerful to see your own in
situations affected by it. But let Europe be-
come absoutistical,- as without the restoration
of Hungary to It's independence, and the free
dom of Italy so strongly connected with Hun
gary, to be.sure it willard your children will
see those words. which your national govern
ment spoke in 1927, fulfilled on larger scale
than they were meant, that The absolutism of
Europe piH MOI be appeased until every pestige Of
human freedom had been oJiiterafrd here" And
oh. do not rely too fondly upon your power
1t is great, to be sure. You have not to fear
whatever single power on earth; but look to
history. Ancient Rome has fallen, and mighty
empires have vanished from earth. Let not the
enemies to freedom grow too strong Victori-
GUS over Europe, and then united, they would
be too strong even fur you And be sure, they
hate you with an internal hatred They must
hate you even more than me-. They con-
slider you as their most dangerous opponents
Absolutism cannot TRANQUILITY sleep while the
republican principle has such mighty repre-
sentative as your country is.
Yes, gentlemen, it was the fear from the DO
litica reaction of absoutistic principles, which
induced your great statesmen--thaL principle
which they professed for Central and Southern
America, not to extend to Europe also, and by
no means the publicly avowed feeble motives
Every manifestation of your public life out Of
these times, shows that am right to say 3d.
Europe's nations were, about 1923, in such
degraded situation that indeed you must have
felt anxious not to come into any political con-
tact with that pestilential atmosphere of Europe,
when, as Mr. Clay said in 1918, in mis- speech
aboutthe emancipation of South America, Spa
ris was transferred to st. Petersburg"
But scarcely has, within a year later, the
Greek nation come in its contest to an impor-
tant standing, which gave you hope that the spir.
it of freedom is waking again, and at once YOU
abandoned your principle of political ndifftr-
ence fer Europe. You know how your Clays
and your Websters spoke, as if really they were
speaking fo- my very case. You know how
your citizens acted in behalf Of that struggle for
liberty, in that part of Europe, which is more
distant than Hungary; and again. when Poland
fell, you know what spirit pervaded the United
STATES
SO have. shown youhow Washington's doe
trine of perfect neutrality in your foreign rela-
tons has by-andby changed into the declaration
to oppose, with all your forces, absolutistical
Europe, in interfering with the independence or
republican institutions of General and Southern
America. ! have shown you why this manly
resolution not extended then to Europe
have shown you the further differences between
your present convenience and that of the time
of President Monroe-not less important than
those between Monroe's and Washingtons time
But one mighty difference must still comment
crate. That is, that your population has, since
A,onroes time, nearly doubled, believe; at least
increased by millions. And what sort Of men
are these millions! Are they only native born
Americans? No! European emigrants they
are men, who, though citizens of the United
States, are by the most sacred ties of relation
ship attached TO Europe's fate. That is a con-
sideration worthy of the reflection Of your calm
est and wisest men, who after calm reflection,
must agree with me, that in your present condi-
ton you are at least as much interest d in the
fate of Europe, as your fathers twenty-cight
years ago declared themselves interested in the
fate of Central and Southern America.
And really so it is The unexampled, i'm
mense, prodigious sympathy for the cause of my
country which | met with in the United States
proves that it is so. Your general interference
with the Turkish captivity Of the Governor Of
Hungary, proves that it is so. And this devel-
opment, rather than change in your foreign pol
icy, is not even more an instructive ebullltion Of
public opinion, which is called bY.and by to inn
part direction to your national governmental
policy; the direction is alredy impaired, and the
opinion of the people is already an avowed prin-
cipe of the policy of the government
| have as good, have most decisive author
ity, to rely upon in saying So 1t is the message
of the President of the United States. His
Eycellency, Willard Fillmore, communicated it
-. Al II
the paragraph" The deep Interest: which we
feel in the spread of liberal principles, and the
establishment of free governments, and the SYM
patty with which witness every struggle
against oppression, forbid thai ne should be IN
different 10 a cause in ,ohich The strong arm OF a
foreign po1oer rs inroked 10 stife public seni-
nlsm and repress The spirit Of freedom in any
country"
Now, gentlemen, here is the ground which
take for my earnest endeavors to benefit the
cause of Hungary. | have only respectfully to
ask, is principle which the public opinion of the