North Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1850-1852, 1851-03-15

manufacturers Of the North, but the argument in
Esupport of the system with US, will be found in
the main included within these propositions. How
then, Mr.. Chairman stands the question to-day
tried by these principes2 And first, in what con-
dion is the slave interest of the South l do mol
now intend to revive the discussion of the ques-
lions which occupied the time of this House dur
ing The last session. The friends of the measures
then enacted seek 10 avoid discussion and deprecae
agitation on these topics Let them have their way
then, as far as I am concerned. shall be ready,
however at anv time to meet 10 debate any II;end
oflhose measures, but am willing to walunti' the
discussion is thus opened 1t is suflc:ent lot IN
present purpose TO say, that with reference 10 the
| Legislation over the territory acquired rom Me~'-
co, the bills then passed were: IN my Juogtheh
NOT as their friends claim for them, measures OF
.oonn,on,;ee bnt bills of surrender In their le-
GAL onera,ion they exclude the shareholders OF the
Sou,h from the occupation of every foot OF tnat
territory, This is the settled opinion of every
NortbeIn member of either party on this floor. 1t
is also the opinion OF majority Of Southern men,
T do not mean to say. sir, that 1t is absolutely Ger
tain that slavery may not get into portions OIL tha
territory. The famous ordinance of 1857 was
not sufficient to prevent number of slaves from
going into the State of Indiana This same or
dinanco and the free constitution OF the State OF
| Illinois, did not prevent its Legislature from attempt
ing and actually passing by two-hIrds vote,
proposition change its constitution as 10 make
it a slaveholding State. Such is the force and en-
ergy of our slaveholding population that 1t may
penetrate into the whole or portions OF this terri
tory, in despite of the obstruction of Mexican laws
and other regulations. What mean to assert is,
that according to the legal effect of those measures
and the intentions of majority OF those who
passed them, the South, as section, has been en-
lrely excluded from the occupation OF that terri
tory Even the friends of the measures in the
norton of the Union from which | came, do not
pretend to justify them. They only affirm that
they not objectionable in their character as
TO authorize revolutionary resistance. The only
issue they are willing to join is that they do not
Justify disunion, and that the government ought
not to be ovprthrown in consequence of their pas
sage. They declare, too with the utmost earnest
ness that they will join in resisting any further
aggression, even at the hazard of revolution. II
is because the cup of our wrongs Is filled to the
brm that one single drop will cause to run over.
We all feel that the action of the North upon this
subject has not been what we had right to expect
There is also Just ground for complaint in relation
to the surrender Of fugitive slaves. Many of the
Northern States, instead of passing laws to faci-
tate the execution of this provision of the Const-
tuition, have actually placed on their statute books
enactmens calculated and intended to obstruct the
exercise Of our right. Looking. therefore, at the
recent legislation the whole sub ect of slavery,
concur fully ia the declaration Of the North Ca
rolina legislature, that under no obligation
to extend additional protection to the mining and
manufacturing interests Of the North. l am will
ing to do them justice, but not favors. | will not
consent, for their benefit, to impose greater bur-
thrns on other classes.
Let US look now at The second of these reasons.
It is well known that Great Britain. whose COM
merce with US greatly exceeds that of any nation
has within few years past essentially modified and
greatly reduced her mposilions on our productions.
The late of her duties seldom exceeds ten per
cent where onrs is thirty. We are told, however,
from time TO time that to prevent the consumption
Of tobacco among her subjects, she imposes a
heavy duty on that article, and therefore DUG ht
10 retal ltate by imposing similar exhorbtant rate
" But one swallow does not make a summer"
This is toe exception. not the rule. According to
such logic, b"causc she admits our cotton free of
duty, CT more importance even than tobacco to US.
we ought to admit all her productions likewise
free. Comparing her tariff with ours asa whole,
II is vastly lower. Ii cannot be pretended there
fore, that additional duties should be imposed by
with view to retaliation; our existing rates al
ready being greater than those of most of The ma
tons with which we trade. AS they are general
ly adopting our freetrade notions, is il wise in US
10 seek to drive them back to the restrictive sys-
tens OF former timcs2
third of these grounds, viz: the policy of protect
ing our manufactures during their infancy. The
system of high duties began with the war of 1912.
and has bern continued by tue successive tariff
down to the present time. During this entire Pc
Rod, with the exception of less than two years i'm
medately preceding the passage of the act Of
1912, when the rates went down to 20 per cent,
the duties most of the protected articles have
ranged from so to more than 100 per cent In a
word. for period of nearly forty years. our man
lectures have enjoyed the advantage of protec-
lion of so per cent and upwards. Can they be
now fairly regarded as infant establishments
Ought they not now, with the aid of thirty per
cent duties, and the additional advantage which
they derive from the cost of the importation of
foreign articles, to be able to sustain themselves
1t they cannot onght to give additional boun
ties, in the language of Mr.. Webster in his speech
in 1924. "to support business which will not
support itself2
admit the souDdness of the doctrine of protec-
ton this far. If by fostering any species of in
dustry for a reasonable period. even at some ex-
pense to other Interests. you can enable it to sus-
tan itself against fair competition, the policy is al
lowabe. By thus diversifying the pursuits of our
people, we advance the general interest. No one
will question that the existence of manufacturing
establishments is advanta geous to country -; but
1t is equally clear that any branch of business
which, after being nursed by bounlies for long
while, is able to stand competition ought to
be abandoned. At any rate am not disposed to
90 beyond the existing high rate of duties, to
bolster up such establishments. Were we to do
so, 1t is obvious that would inf1ict greater in
jury other interests than we should confer bene-
fits on the favored.