The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-02-07

District formerly belonging to Virginia. There
are Alexandria, Richmond, Petersburg, and Nor
folk, south OF the Potomac, and Baltimore, An
napolis and perhaps other ports, north OF the
Potomac. Let the slave-dealer, who chooses TO
collect his slaves in Virginia and Maryland, 90
to these places let him not come here and estab-
lsh his jsils and put on his chains, and sometimes
shock the sensibilites Of our nature, by long
train of slaves passing through that avenue lead
| ing from this Capitol to the house Of the Chief
Magistrate Of one of the most glorious Republics
that ever existed Why should he not do it 2
Sir, am sure | speak the sentiments of every
Southern man, and every man coming from the
slave States when say, let it terminate, and that
il is an abomnation; that there is no occasion for
it; it ought no longer to be tolerated"
The duty asserted in the seventh resolution, he
observed, was clear, and had been so forcibly de-
monstrated in the debate that had already taken
place, that there was no occasion for adding a
word.
No action was intended to follow the eighth
authority of law in this country.
MIR. Clay then appealed to the Northern Sena-
tors-to their magnanimity. The North had the
numerical superiority-he might ask more libe-
raj concessions from its People, as being the more
powerful party. Besides, opposition to Slavery
was with them sentiment sentiment, it was
true, of philanthropy and humanity.
"Aye, sir, and when sentiment of that kind
is honestly and earnestly cherished, with dispo-
siton to make sacrifices to enforce it, it is noble
and beautiful sentiment but, sir, when the sacr-
fee is not TO be made by those who cherish that
sentiment and inculcate it, but by another people
in uvbn oit IN ic hair
sition, to sympatbize and 10 share all and every
thing that belongs to them, must say to you,
Senators from the free States it is totally differ
ent question. On your side it Is sentiment
without sacrifice, a sentiment with0ut dagger, a
sentiment without hazard, without peril, without
loss But how is il On the other side, TO which,
- love sa4u a gfeate, amount On concession
ought to be made in any scheme Of compromise
In the first place, sir, there is q vast and
incalculable amount Of property to be sacrificed,
and to be sacrificed not by your sharing in the
common burdens, but exclusive of you. And this
is not all The social intercourse, habit, safety,
property life everything, Is at hazard in greater
or less degree in the slave States.
"Sr, look at that storm which is now raging
before you, beating in all its rage pitilessly upon
your family They are in the South. But
where are your families, where are your people,
Senators from the free States They are safely
housed, enjoying all the blessings of domestic
comfort, peace, and quiet in the bosom Of thsir
own families.
"Behold, Mr. President, that dwelling house
now wrapped in flames. Listen, sir, to the rafters
and beams which fall in succession, amid the crash ;
and the flames ascending higher and higher
they tumble down. Behold those women and chill
dren who are flying from the c,lamitous scene,
and with their shrieks and lamentations implornr
the aid of high Heaven Whose house is that
Whose wives and children are theyl Yours in
the free States No. You are looking on in safe
ty and security, whilst the confagration which
have described is raging in the slave States, and
produced not intentionally by you, but produced
from the inevitable tendency Of the measures
which you have adopted, and which others have
carried far beyond what you have wished.
ain the one scale, then, we behold sentiment,
sentiment, sentiment alone; in the other, property,
se SOCIAL a''1ss-," aud saar tp~t ansA'snie uSss
rabe and happy.
"But sir, find myself engaged much beyond
what intended, when came this morning from
my lodgings, in the exposition with which intend
ed these resolutions should 20 forth to the con-
sideration of the world. ] cannot omit however,
before conclude, relating an incident a thrilling
incident, which occurred prior to my leaving my
lodgings this morning.
GA man came to my room-the same at whose
Instance a few days ago | presented memorial
calling upon Congress for the purchase of Mount
Vernon for the use of the public--and, without
being at all aware Of what purpose entertained
in the discharge of my public duty to-day, he
said to me: Mr.. Clay, heard you make re-
mark the other day which induces me to suppose
that precious relic in my possession would be
acceptable to you lie then drew out of his
pocket and presented to me, the object which
now hold in my hand And what Mr. President
do you suppose it is? IL is fragment of the
coffin of Washington-a fragment of that coffin in
which now repose in silence, in sleep, and speech
less, all the earthly remains of the venerated
Father of his Country. Was it portentous that
it should have been thus presented to me2 Was
it sad presage Of what might happen to that
fabric which Washington's virtue patriotism, and
valor established No, sir, no IL was warning
voice, coming from the grave to the Congress now
in session, to beware, to pause, to reflect, before
they lend themselves to any purposes which shall
DESTROY that Union which was cemented by his
exertions and example Sir hope an impression
may be made on your mind such as that which
was made on mine by the reception of this pre-
cious relic.D
The closing remarks of Mr. Clay produced a
marked sensation, not only in the galleries but
on the floor; and some Of the veteran politicians
were caught in the act of wiping their eyes
Mr.. Rusk of Texas rose, not to discuss the
resolutions which had been submitted in so patri-
otto a spirit by Mr. Clay, but to protest against
the project of taking one-haf of Texas, to satisfy
the spirit of Northern encroachment. He would
prove, at the proper time that "the boundaries
of Texas are to the Rio Grande that no power
exists in Congress to take cognizance Of that
question; that Congress cannot interfere with
the boundaries Of Texas, without inhicting a
deeper stain upon the country than would be in
aicted by securing to one-hslf of the People the
whole of the territory which had been won by
the blood and treasures Of all"
MIR Foote of Mississippi, rose to make pro-
test While concediDg to the Senator from Ken
lucky the purest, noblest motives for the intro
ducton of the resolutions, he must express his
dissent, lest he should be thought to acquiesce in
them by bis silence
"If understand the resolutions, they are OBJ
ectionable: l. Because they only assert that it is
not erpedrn that Congress should abolish slavery
in the District Of Columbia thus allowing the
implication to arise that Congress has power to
egislate on the subject; whereas, ! hold that
Congress has, under the Constitution, no such
legislative power at all, and that any attempt
thus to legislate would be gross fraud upon all
the States of the Union
az The resolutions of the honorable Senator
assert that slavery does not now exist by law In
the Territories recently acquired from Mexico
whereas, am Of opinion that the treaty with the
Mexican Republic carried the Constitution, run
all rs euoyaniies, to ali the territory obtained by
treaty, and secured the privilege to every South.
ern STAKEHOLDER to enter any part Of 1t, attended
by bis slave property and TO enjoy the same
therein. free from all molestation or hindrance
whatsoever.
$50. Whether slavery is or is not likely to be
introduced into these Territories, or into any one
Of them is a nroposition too uncertain TO be at