Weekly national intelligencer., 1850-07-20

matter Of principle. II is means to an end II cannot be
raised the dignity Of principle. The principle of the
North take to be that there shall further extension of
slave territory. Let that be admitted, what then II does
follow that in every You must down with ga Will
mot" If there other circumstances true and veritabe
such as influence and control the judgments reasonable
men, rendering it unnecessary for the establishment of that
principle, apply measure which obnoxious and disagree
able 10 Others received by them derogatory TO their
equality as members of the Unon then say il is neither
kind nor patriotic just to apply it. My honorable col
league mr. DAys admitted the other day, with great pro-
pety and frankness that could be made csan if it
were certain that natural necessarily excluded slavery
from New Mexico then the restriction ought not To be in
serted in the bill Did understand him rightlyi GMr
DAVIS assented Now, by certainty" suppose my hon
orabe colleague meant not mathematical certainty but that
high probability, that moral certainty which governs men in
all the of life Our relations society," our duties
to society," objects in society," all measured by that high
probability which something short OF mathematical certainty
but which bound to act upon every concern of daily
life and Of public private e Now the question: there
foe-and address myself to gentlemen of the Nohis this
Is the probability of the exclusion Of slavery from New Mex
by natural causes SO high and strong and conclusive
that should act upon upon the the degree
Of probability applied to other questions in civil moral and
social life shall not to what have said upon this
subject for suppose that my friend from Pennsylvania
(Mr. CoorER.) and my friend from Connecticut, (Mr.
SMITH, who discussed this matter lattery, have left
much demonstrated any problem Of moral and political
be demonstrated that it is that New Mexico
is country in which slavery exists into which ever
necessary be added that here have laid before
authenticate expression Of the inhabitants of that country,
who is agreed all hands have the ultimate right dec
sion upon the subject, that they opposed it, Well,
then, what is that is yielded, but abstraction,
naked possibility, upon which would act upon which
would venture farthng for great inheritance
be bestowed upon him when slavery shall be established
New Mexico. Now that there authentic declaration
upon the subject by the people of New Mexico themselves
what there that should lead hesitate settling this
matter Why should proceed on the ground of an abb
stract princple-of adhering to the Wilmot provso
must be permitted to say that applied to this case
it is all abstraction. do mean to say that the
injunction against slavery in the ordinance of 1857 was
abstracton but say that the application of it this
is abstraction. It does affect the state
Of things in the slightest degree Every thing be no
and remain hereafter, with without that restriction lust as
it would the other way. tits, therefore, in my Judgment
abstraction. t.s.
sory sir that my friend from Connecticut who has
studied this great deal than have-s,uded
it while member of the other House with great diligence
and has demonstrated beyond the possibility of any reason
able doubt that there be slavery the Territories about
which speaking, that the South mistaken in sup
posing possible derive any benefit from it, and that the
North mistaken in supposng that will need any
prohibition here-I sorry that my very able friend
having demonstrated the case did carry his own de-
monsration. After all it in opposition this BILL and it
followed of the ceaes and strongest demonstrations in
its favor that heard from the mouth Of man. Well,
for what The gentleman said he instructed by
his Legislature to oppose it. and, the WHOLE he did not
feel 1t his duty to depart from those instructions.
has become sir object of considerable importance to
the history of this Government inquire how far instructions
given, er pae and under state of circumstances
govern those who to under another of crcum
stances, and not pa but upon hearing of whole
matter. The proposition that member of this Government
in giving vote bind all the country take as his in
strucions the will of small part of the country, whether in
his own State elsewhere is that is above below all
argument Where conscientiousy for
the good of the whole according their judgments and opn
ions, an argument is propounded that they neverhe
less bound to take the individual opinions of few, and be
concusvey bound by hem why the question is presented
and all that belongs is presented in the very statement
know that in popular Government like ours instructions
will be given and instructions will be sought for pledges will
be required and pledges will be gven for it is in the nature
of the Public in this country love the people, and
they love popular applause, and they willing TO make
promises and we well told that "when the blood bos
the soul gives prodgay the tongue" This has been
practice especially States where such instructions
little bit of domestic eectioneeng and become const-
ons often above the Constitution of the United States for
the government Of people who here to pub
lie business and act for the country. WE'LL they often
given under circumstances remote from what exists when
they come TO act and, am sorry say often given with col
lateral views will not say when where, but very
much inclined to think should find in the history of the
country cases in which instructions readily given with
held, the few votes OF little fragment section Of party
may be may not be obtained thereby.
Sir it is curious enough observe how this idea that
member chosen into popular body 10 act for the whole is
bound by the instructions Of those who elect him. is received
as moral sentiment in some countries and how differently it
is received in others We according notions and ha
bits think not only allowable hut that it is the duty of
member OF Congress to fulfil his instructions given by his
own people and single district, though his binds the
interests the honor the glory, and of twenty mil
lions Of people, As instance of the various views taken
of this subject question of morals Iwould REFER might
refer, to what happened in the Chambers Of France
years ago, perhaps while the honorable member from Mch
gan (Mr CAss) residing in Paris but believe shortly
after his return. gentleman who candidate for the
Chamber of Deputies in France promised his constituents
that on certain measure expected to before the Cham
bers he would vote they required They required him
vote and so, and he said he would do it. Well, he
chosen and he the Chamber take his But
ah, was said, not so fast Objection made it said
that ne did not come there fair he did not come
there ss an impartial to Judge of the great interests of
great country in the questions before hmhe there
pledged and rammeed down he had given up his rights
and pledged his vote he did stand there equality
therefore, with the other MEMBERS who there ndepend
ent and unammeled aud bound exercise their individual
Judgment And they expelled him that very ground,
rather rejected him. And whoever wishes of the
most beautiful disqustions political morals and the duty
OF those who represent the people that know Of since the
time of Bukes speech at Bristol will be graed by reading
Guzos speech on that OCCASION At any rate, coming there
under pledges to give his vote for hem though against the
maority they held him not to be worthy be representa-
tive OF France and to act questions in which the whole
kingdom was concerned For my part, know how easily
we glide into this habit OF following instructions know
that members of Congress intend act al
ways believe they wish themselves very frequently free
from these rammelsn short, sir have sometimes thought
when considering this subject of the Wmot povso that
Congress itself needs the Wmot-I have thought that if
the genius of American liberty angel from higher