The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-18

make the institution more mana eabe TO any State
which may choose 70 pass prospective emancpa-
| ton law. Where slave labor is profitable il will
gowhere not, it will stop. II will regulate itself,
with aIneloration to the slave, justice to the mas
| ter, and safety 20 the Union
| Is il for the sake of political power' This is
! avowed by many, and felt by all Does the North
complain OF the representation Of three-fifths Of
our slaves IL is part of the Constitution, and
| a fundamental article. Will combining slavery TO
ats present limits diminish that representation?
| The African slave trade is cut off; the Wimot
provlso would operate alone upon the slaves IN the
country. IL 100000 taken from Virginia
and transferred TO California they would cease to
be represented in Virginia. but would be in Cali
| iornia. How, then, does the transfer from
one State TO another increase the power of the
South in the House of Representatives, Not at
! all. In the Senate il is different and there the
| political power of the North would be increased.
said the political power in the South would CON
tinue the same by the mere exchange of the slaves
now IN the States from one State TO another. But
II Is proessed by the North that their policy is TO
coop them up within their present limits until they
| become so numerous that their continuance as
slaves will be intolerabe TO the South. II is to
force emancipation without reference the conse-
quences to either He is ignorant of southern
society, and understands nothing of human nature,
who supposes that emancipation in the South can
be safely effected by leaving them in the country
| No, this cannot be done. The poorest white man
IN the South would resist il, and seal that resist
ance with the last drop of blood which warns his
heart. There is distinction in the races Of the
South; they not equals; they masters and
slaves; superiors and interiors. They have been
| 20 for generations, and will continue The pre-
Judlces OF color never be overcome upon south
ern soil Coop them up in their present limits, and
you may force between the races; but it will
be war OF determination to the Blacks with scenes
OF horror which history has painted in other
tries. But anaticism, under the garb of philan-
thropy, would press il to these consequences, and
| the of the North, whilst condemning, still
lend helping hand. Is this the spirit of brethren?
Is this grievance to the South, Does she unjusty
complain OF legislation intended TO effect aud neees
sariiy bringing about such results?
On the question of constitutional justice, de-
mand with what propriety can it be asked by north
ern men that the common property of the Union,
paid for out OF the common treasury and by the
common valor, should be monopolized by the North?
that the South should have part nor lot in the
matter that slave State to be formed out of that
Territory should not be admitted into the Union
Are you treating Us as equals ask, gentlemen,
are you treating us as freemen-as the descendants
of noble sres' Our fathers the equals of your
| fathers; their sons are your equals. We claim no
| superiority, but with the blessing of God, with
strong hearts and firm nerves, let whatever will
come, the South cannot and will not permit the
brand of inieriority to be marked upon her fore
| head.
| We ask then, nothing but justice Are you will
ing to award us justices Ii you are, there will be
| peace and union, and prosperity and happiness.
| But II this Government, which was intended as n
| shield-and shield to the weak--should trample
under foot the rights ofthc South and the provisions
| of the Constitution if the North appeal to the
ballot box, (for the ballot box has become sectional
| on this question,) and ask US to submit, we will
appeal TO violated charter; we will stand on the
very foundation which our fathers stood; will
stand the principles of re, and the spirit
that animated them will animate their descendants.
| And now, gentlemen, say, will you render JUS
tice? We ask but our rights Think not you can
press us to the wall, and meet no .resisance--no
"Greek will meet Greek" You as brave as
we are. But your arm will be unnerved in such an
II1nh lu Ia No urilI hiatt fla
soilfor wives, our children, our hearth stones
a coward will be hero
| % He istrebly armed, whose cause is JUST
Press that issue upon us and will appeal to the
god of battles with more faith and stronger conf
| dence than our fathers did when they pledged
/ life, fortune, and sacred honor"
| Mr.. Chairman, what were the great objects for
which the Constitution was formed' The pream-
BILE declares it TO form more perfect union, to es-
tabiish justice, 10 insure domestic tranquility, 10 pro
uide for the defence, TO ue blessings of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity.
Does the agitation of the slavery question esfab-
lish justice? To this there is negative response
in the heart of every honest Does it insure
domestic tranquility? Let the embittered feelings,
the widespread discussions, the fearful apprehen-
sions which now distract Congress, convusing
| the nation and shaking our Union To its deepest
foundations-let them answer. Does it tend to the
common defence? In union there is strengthen dis
cord toeakness Does it the blessings Of Hber-
ty TO ourselves and posferity? II is hazarding
these blessings 10 every section of this Union.
Speak, then, men of the North the calming words,
" Peoce-be STILL"
] ask members from the North, and through
them, ask their constituents, does the agitation
OF the slavery question promote Of these objects?
Yea, will ask, il it does not defeat them ALL A
perfect union is union of Interest," union of bro
therly affection and love; that an injury 10 the
weakest member of the North should be felt by
every southern heart-and a wound inflicted upon
the feeblest southern State should meet with gen.
erous response ia every northern bosom. An in
jury by strangers hand is felt and resented-but
oh, how painful the wound and bitter the feelings
when inflicted by brothers. I bcseech you 10
pause-by the memories Of the past and the hopes
Of the future, break not the last golden cord-let
US weave them anew and bind them around the
Union with the patriotic fervor of noble ances-
tors. Let US come together with brotherly love,
and sacrifice upon the altar OF the Union every
happy sectional feeling; let the pure incense OF
patriotism ascend from hearts, which did from
those OF Washington, of Hancock, of Madison
OF Adams. Let us think Of the glorious destiny
before us, with "perfecf Union" let US think
of the millions who are to succeed u.s. and the
curses which will rest upon us, should we be faith
less TO the sacred trust hold for posterityt think
Of the oppressed nations of the earth who look
ing with hope 10 our beacon light Of freedom Oh
extngush not that light Crush not those hopes
Let that "mustard seed which our fathers planted
grow until its roots shall penetrate earths centre
and its branches spread until all nations shall
in peace and liberty under its shade. Brethren OF
the North LET your patriotism rise with the crisis
the times require t-not a moment can be lost
think not Of "politcal tombstones''- think of oui
Countrywide the responsibility Of saving the
Union. II Is in your hands. Tell your constitu.
sustain you. II requires stout hearts and firm
nerves You have both. Do II Posterity viii
rise up and call you blessed. "The Union on,
and indvisible, now and forever"-but the U,ior
tcih the Consfifution.
|