Burlington hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington, Iowa) 1845-185?, 1850-04-04

on the face Of the sun, they think that q
good reason why the sun should be struck
down from heaven. They prefer the
chance Of ruSning into utter darkness, to
living in heavenly light, if that heavenly
light be not absolutely without any imper-
fectlon.. There are impatient men-too
impatient always to give heed TO the ad-
monition of St Paul, ''that we are not ia
do evil that good may come''--too impa-
tlent to wait Tor the slow progres. Of moral
causes in The improvement of mankind.--
They do not remember, that the doctrines
and the miracles Of Jesus Christ have, in
eighteen hundred years, converted only a
small portion Of the human race; and
among the nations that are converted to
Christianity they forget how many vices
and crimes, public and private, still pre-
vail, and that many OF them, public crimes
especially, which are offences against the
Christian religion, pass without exciting
particular regret or indignation. Thus
wars are waged, and unjust wars. l do
not deny that there may be just wars.--
There certainly are; but it was the re-
mark OF an eminent person, not many
years ago, on the other side of the Allan
tic, that it was one Of the greatest reprosch-
es to human nature that wars were some
times necessary. The defence of nations
sometimes causes war against the injus-
tice OF other nations.
Now. sir, in this state Of sentiment
upon the general nature Of slavery lies the
cause of great portion Of those unhappy
divisions, exasperations, and reproaches
which find vent and support in different
parts Of the Union. Slavery does exist in
the United States. 1t did exist in the
States before the adoption Of this Constitu-
tion, and at that time.
And now let us consider, sir, for mo-
ment, what was the state of sentiment,
North and South, in regard to slavery at
the time this Constitution was adopted
A remarkable change has taken place
since, but what did the wise and great
men Of all parts Of the country think of
slavery PIN what estimation did they
hold it then, when this Constitution was
adopted /? Now, it will be found, sir, if
we will carry ourselves by historical re-
search back 70 that day, and ascertain
mems opinions by authentic records still
existing among us, that there was no great
diversity of opinion between the North
and the South upon the subject Of slavery,
and it will be found that both parts Of the
country held it equally an evil, moral
and political evil. 1t will nc, be found
that either at the North or at the South
there was much, though there was some,
invective against slavery as inhuman and
cruel. The great ground of objection TO
i, was political; that it weakened the So
cial fabric; that, taking the place o. free
labor, society was less strong, and labor
was less productive and therefore We
find from all the eminent men of the time
the clearest expression Of their opinion
that slavery was an evil. And they
ascribed lis existence here, not withou,
truth, and not without some acerhity of
temper and force Of language, to the in
furious policy Of the mother country, who,
to favor the navigator, had eu,ailed these
evils upon the colonies. need hardly
refer, sir, TO the publications OF the day -
They are matters Of history on the record
The eminent men, the most eminent men
and nearly all the conspicuous politicians
of the South. held the same sentiments !;
that slavery was an evil, blight, blast,
a miidew, a scourse, and a curse. There
are no terms of reproba,ien Of slavery 80
vehement in the North Of that day as in
the South. The North was not so mucl:
excited against it as the South, and the
reason is, suppose, because there was
much less at The North, and the people did
not see, or think they saw, the evils so
prominently as they weie seen, or thought
TO be seen, at the South.
Then, sir, when this Constitution was
framed, this was the light in which the
Convention viewed it. The Convention
reflected the judgment and sentiments Of
the great men of the South. A member
of the other House, whom | have not the
honor to know, in Il recent speech, has
collected extracts from these public doc
uments. They prove the truth Of what |
am saying, and the question then was, how
to deal with it, and how to deal with it as
an evil. Well, they came TO this general
result. They thought that slavery could
no, be continued in the country it the i'm
poria,on OF slaves were made to cease,
and therefore they provided that after
certain period, the importation might be
prevented Ly The act of the new Govern
ment. Twenty years was proposed by
some gentleman, a Northern gentleman, |
think, and many OF the Southern gentle
men opposed it as being too long
Mr. Madison especially was something
warm against it. He said it would bring
too much of this mischief into the country
to allow the importation Of slaves FOR such
a period. Because We mus, take along
with u., in the whole nf this discussion,
when we ere considering the sentiments
and opinions in which this constitutional
provision originated, that the conviction Of
all men was that il the importation oi slaves
ceased. the white race would multiply
faster than the black race, and that slavery
would therefore gradually wear out and
expire. II may not be improper here to
aIluae to that, had almost said. celebrated
opinion of Mr. Madison. You observe,
sir. that the term slave or slavery is not
used IN the Constitution. The Con>'itu-
ton does not require that "fugitive slaves
shall be delivered up. II require, that
bound to service in one State and
into another, shall be delivered
ad ft,c i,t ,I,,,