Weekly national intelligencer., 1850-11-02

should not DC mentioned IN and that it should be left TO
he management and control of the themselves essb
ish, resn abolish it, Just as much after the adoption of
he constitution before But in order the exist
OF the institution to those States who preferred it, was
agreed that persons escaping from labor to which they were
bound IN one commonwealth and found in another should be
returned TO the State from which they had fed The prov
son was necessary for the Of this interest IN
'fafu quo Ii did not eztead slavery II kept it where il
already and where could have continued every
slave who escaped to the North to be free and ire
claimabe The members Of the confedeacy from the South
this distinctly and deliberately declared that they could
not and Would not enter into union with States who would
tempt away their slaves with the prospect Of immediate and
permanent freedom.
The provision Of the constitution for restoring fugitive
slaves was conservative measure only 1t simply did not
surtal the extent of slavery, rather did abolish IL for
such would have been the speedy result the United States
had guaranteed the freedom Of every runaway slave.
The question: then, for predecessors to decide was
whether right and expedent form union with slave
holders and promise them to interfere with their slave
holding. They decided that it was, think should
have done had been their places They decided that
they could not endure any longer the misery which oppressed
them on every sde the subsection to the foreign merchant
the slavery Of themselves and their children to the European
and trader.
The constitution adopted with this provson and
could not have been adopted without it. The States that had
their power make constitutions for themselves by
operating through eight long OF e1hausng and who
had thereby acquired mutual respect and attachment which
could be created by nothing short of such tolls and
sacrifices would without that provision have joined in
political union would have the example Of the
cesu experiment Of republican for sixty years Of
growth and prosperity and would never have
left the inesmsbe inheritance Of wisely and
balanced Government which have been indebted for
privileges and advantages unknown to the rest of the
world and the prospect Of greater and greater with
all advancing me if will only maintain it in its original
proportions.
Not only did fathers bequeath this glorious cons
tuition, but the precious inheritance of their ae their wis
less reputation Of their great leader the first in the hearts
of his countymen." shall not attempt eulogy on that
revered name. II is not necessary Not true heart beats
in America that does not cherish his large part
of the national glory, that does not love well as honor
the of Washington. But there have of late years
sprung up parties who have far misunderstood forgot
ten dsregarded the compact their fathers introduce
into the discussions of political subjects in the Government Of
the United States the very topic which excluded from
the constitution, and therefore in relation which the Gov
ernment acting under it have power and who,
suming responsibility for the continued existence Of slavery,
which the trainers of the constitution expressly abured for
that Government have felt themselves called upon discuss
the subject in very excited and violent More than
this they have forgotten Cor dsregarded the last nuncons
and eneaes Of the Father of his Country They have formed
geographical party and by Of violent language and
sometimes by of violence they have named the slave
holding States in the very manner which oreseen and
forbidden by the wisdom and patriotism of Washington They
repndae for themselves all interest in the glory Of the cons
tuition and its famers ashingon ncudedand they throw
upon him because he slavehoder and upon his
councils because they urged perpetual union with avehodes
Such may be wiser and better than Washington
and bis associates but constituted that cannot be-
lieve it. do not in their deeds their words proofs
of the spirit of sef-sacce for the general good the
same calm mness power to discern the end from the be-
ginning there be any thing characteristic Of them
the very of what distinguished revoutona-
fathers observe ntemperance of language which does
not usually accompany wisdom professed disregard of all
which not commonly recognised the mark
either of good judgments or Of good principles With such
parties cannot act believe in the wisdom OF the provisions
Of the constitution believe 10 the proprety of uniting
daily and heartily for certain political ends otherwise
be obtained, with those who think themselves justified in
holding slaves am not willing to my share in the
gories of the revolutionary South any than of the
luona North cannot to love and honor the fathers
OF the revolution the fathers of the constitution. If the
battles of the council chamber the field be fought
again. who would not be ready to unite with the
South, savehodng it s John Adams of Massa-
chusets John Jay, Of New York, ready Joseph
Warren and William Prescott, of Bunker Hi Nathaniel
Greene, Of Eutaw
may be allowed to say that have acted on this princi-
pe In the last session Of Congress the struggle for the
stitution renewed and has been settled far
Congress is concerned, precisely the principles
those which was first enacted consder the adjustment
which has taken place enactment Of the constitution
and may it remain hereafter unassailed
T attempt has been made for successive years TO induce
the Government the United States take active part
the subject of slavery This has been resisted and
resisted The Government of the United States is bound
not to do any such thing Action that subject is forbid
den to it. 1t is left exclusively to the people Of the several
States; and there is precisely where is left by the
compromise We still say the South, the constitution
says, will not tempt your slaves to away from you
BY guaranyng freedom TO every one of them who
Mason & Dixon's line the Ohio river You may take
hem back again by the agency of United States officers
since Of the States have prohibited their officers from
acting in such We disapprove of the nstutonin
Iced, we think it wrong well unwse but if you think
differently, will disturb you in your possession of
slaves have right to control your conscences by
,wn.
This is part Of the meaning Of the entire series of
which constituted the coneaaory policy Of the
branches of the National Legislature during the last
ona policy adopted under the guidance of prominent
If both the principal pares and sanctioned BY whose
rational views intellectual power, and attachment to the
have placed his fame the level with that
ank with the most patriotic of revolutionary times It is the
nly policy this subject upon which act or to which
give my support, directly indirectly. believe it to
best for the captive well for the freeman, that the
Of the United States should be maintained.
Whatever may be my sympathy with the slave, and it GER
ainly is not small have right to set him Free am not
esponsble in the matter did not enslave him. do
old him in slavery is another who does this and while
differ from that other in opinion to the justice and expe
ency Of the institution, have right to say that he shall
lot hold slave, if it compos with his judgment Of the
ight and expeden to do may say to him, be sure,
hat will not associate with him, for any purpose long
holds slave but have yet to learn the wisdom, the
ecuiar merit, of such a course.
Having thus adverted the general policy upon which the
ngve slave bill rests will state in few words my view of
character of the BILL and its probable effect nhe condition
the fugitive. II may seem strange to those who have
eard nothing but bitter denuncatons Of the act hear
aid that is practically favorable to the fugitive than