The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-11-14

1scatien--and recognizing at the same time the
acts Of the spoiler.
The non-slayeholding States have no more TO do
with the institution of slavery in the slaveholding
Sates than they have with that institution in Bra
I'll, or the slaveholding West India Islands. With
these they attempt no interference, but carry on
trnde and cultivate an intercourse, on the same
consideration that governs them with all other
communities. Their commercial interest governs
them IN their relations with other slayeholding
communication philanthropy must dictate
their policy with their brethren. They should re-
member that brother lost, is harder to be re-
gained than strong city yet upon brother 8
feeling they presume much. In the forbearaDce OF
the South, and the of Union, they pre-
sumo without limitation. They have pushed is
sues to a fearful solution. Will the South submit
TO doom so obviously presented, both by the acts
or the past and the prospects of the future Moth
ing can be hoped from Congress. Its influence is
against us at all points. The equilibrium of pow
er between the North and the South has been lost,
and lost under influences not to be controlled by
representation. The Southern pc lpe must take
their destinies in their own hands
To preach sub ission and acauiescence in the
doom TO which they have been consigned, is to
preach the funeral Of their constitutional rights
and liberties. What can they do? They can sub
init and consent 10 become servile dependents
that, they can do! But what they ought to 10 is
different question. Union among themselves,
on vital questions. would he enough for their
safety To attain union Of some of the Southern
States, is an object worthy Of the efforts of any
Southern patriot.
Philip of Maced n succeeded not 81 much by
his own poweras by the jealousy of the Grecian
States, upon whom he meditaIed war. The warn
ing of Demosthenes was mol re- arded, but was Ivy
many derided as the exhibition of plrtancal
statesman, whose counsels were unpalasble 10 the
feelings of a sef-indulgent and willingly deluded
people.
The Southern States must have concert and If
they were, or portion Of hem were, To come to
"A decision, saying tn the Northern and slave
holding States. thus far thou shalt go and no far
ther, they would bring great question to judg-
nent. In assuming such position, they would
assume one of respect, dignity and auIhorIty--one
that would attract grave attention, and might
operate as an Injunction on blind power. How is
such result 10 be attained' By Congress of as
many Southern States as may choose 10 enter into
conference. Would it be unconstitutional for such
a Congress to ask such guarantees as would give
them security without endangering the safety of
any body else? II they cannot obtain indemnity
for the past, they may demand security for the
ture. - "a
With their claim for protection and constitu-
tiona equality be denied? That is a matter of
untried experiment. If so, they can say, that
standu amid the ruins Of a broken Constitution
they made an appeal to those who could repair
and preserve il, and when such an appeal shall be
dsregardej, they will at least be in position to
decide on their own fate. They can weld to the
seductive -counsels of facile degeneracy, or can
embark In a trial for redress. The process for
the adjustment of sectional difficulties need never
be through violence and bloodshed, nor through
the anarchy of an entire desolation of the great
framework of American institutions Wisdom,
justice, and proper regard for all the interests
involved, might devise system, having in 1t the
elements of strength, security, and mutual pro-
lection. In doing that our fate should not be left
to the mercy Of selfish combinations. There are
those who had the sagacity TO see and the courage
to proclaim the dangers Of the States, under the
charter of the Federal Government Events have
confirmed their opinions and verified their predic-
tons. Equality was an essential element in the
establishment Of the Union. The South rever,
whilst she had the power, violated, nor has she
ever attempted to violate, but to preserve the
Union, she has IN lde many, and indeed all the
concessions; concessions that have been seized
upon to make her sacrifice to her own liberality
and confidence. ..*..+ -.
She would, at one time, have been willing to
ADJUST the controversy growing out Of our Next
can acquisitions on a point Of honor. The terms
OF the Clayton compromise are an illustration OF
this And In organizing, perhaps recognizing
government for California, the South would have
been willing to cease all opposition, under the
terms of the Missouri COMPROMISED mean the
Missouri compromise in its true intent. But ali
infatuated majority, dsregarding their complaints,
has excluded Southern Shareholders from all par
tlcipaton in their rightful territory. 1t has been
appropriated by usurpation to one section and
politicians have given their sanctions, under names
and pretexts, that may, for time, hide insidious
ana dangerous wrongs from the eyes of an abused
and insulted people. They have put minority
to trials which it would willingly have avoided.
IL remains to be seen whether we will pass thro'
these trials with honor and dignity. Let us do
our duty to ourselves and the Constitution, and
leave the consequences to God.
The South united, even on presidential ques-
ton, might make decided impression.
Conventions, and all the disgusting machinery
for the nomination of presidential candidates,
should be treated with contempt and scorn by
every Southern patriot.
trust your societies, through their agency, will
form public opinion to rebuke recreancy and lash
treason in whatever form they may appear. And
they will appear in many.
Gentlemen, | have it'll a hasty and earnest
pen, gone beyond limits intended.
am with great respect, your obedient servant,
A. P. BUTLER.