The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-03


kind, and when the Importance of the products OF
slave labor to the comfort, industry, and COM
merce of the world were considered, doubtless the
sense ofits value was enhanced. ... 81. :.
But influences lying much deeper, and far more
powerful, have been at work to produce this
change There has been great change in the
religious sentiment In every condition Of socie-
ty, much that is annoying, much that is evil,
passes close around US, and We naturally look
upon the evil that is near with eyes which magni-
fy its importance. All others, too, censured, it
IS not surprising that consciences rendered sensi-
tive by religion sunk under the censure. But,
driven by the bitter and unsparing yituperation
Of those who assailed them without discrimina-
ton, the religious portion of the public were
compelled to investigate, and have been very gen.
orally brought to the conclusionthat there is moth
ing in the word of God which forbids or condemns
this relation, but on the contrary, much that JUS
titles and sustains it: so that they may, with all
good conscience, hold and govern as slaves the
people committed to their charge. This believe
to be the deliberate judgment of by far the larger
part or the religious community of the South.
But there has, ! may say, recently grown up a
strong conviction that slave labor is cheaper than
free, not merely in the cultivation of our great
staples but in all the productions Of our Southern
climate. Political economists had convinced
themselves and others that slave labor was very
dear, and could never stand in competition with
free labor, when the nature of the production or
of the climate permitted the conflict; that the pro-
ductiveness Of labor was very inferior to that
Of free labor elsewhere. In this respect, also, the
judgment of the Southern people has undergone
decided change. 1t is not important in its rela-
ton to this subject, TO determine whether this
judgment be sound or otherwise. 1t is, however,
of very grave importance that we should under
stand what that Judgment is. believe that it is
the settled opinion Of by far the larger portion of
the Southern people that this institution of slavery,
while it places them in condition of personal
comfort fully equal that of other portions of the
Confederacy, in high degree also promotes the
accumulation of national wealth.
There is still another change which has taken
place in the opinions of Southern men-a change
which is still making rapid and sure progress
among them-the more important because it con-
trolls the views Of those who deeply influence the
own revolution had terminated gloriously; the peo
pie were exercising their power with extraordinary
moderation and wisdom. The French revolution
succeeded; the great statesmen of our country,
especially in the South, regarded with the deepest
interest this movement in the European mind in ia
vor Of freedom Their feelings and their judg-
ment aoncided in producing the conviction that it
would be eminently successful and productive of
the highest prosperity. Very generally the opin-
ion was entertained that man was qualified to gov
ern HIMSELF that all that was to be done was to
move the superintendent weight of despotis au
thorty, and leave him to the impulses of his own
will, the exercise of his rightful power, and he
would secure happiness, wealth, and greatness.
Such was not the result of that great experiment.
Such opinions are not now entertained by those
who reflect most upon the subject Of politics.
Experience has taught them that very few nations
are equal to this great Office Of self-governmen;
that much depends upon the circumstances In
which they stand-upon past recollectons, upon
institutions fixed habits Of living; that, in fact,
Id
generation, than from the capacity which they de-
rived frcm their sonnexion with the past to bear
them safely and successfully through this great
and hazardous duty ofself government. ltcan hard
ly be denied that subsequent events have tended
to strengthen those opinions. And in relation to
any change in our institution of slavery, 1t must
be remembered that the statesmen Of that day
were without the pregnant example of ST. Domin-
go, Jamaica, and all other places where the fatal
experiment has been made.
Time with its incidents has saddened perhaps,
but sobered also, the judgments of our Southern
statesmen. They no longer desire these sudden
revolutions; no longer anticipate great happiness
from great changes; but, eminently conservative,
desire to abide by institutions which hitherto
have brought them security and reasonable happi-
ness, and under which civilization has grown
up in its past not inglorious, in its present with
much to love, and in its future with much to hope
for. In the condition of the non-slaveholding
States, while they see much present prosperity
and vigorous progress, yet allow me, with great
respect, to say that the indications for the future
do not seem to them without just cause for appre-
henson. A social condition with too little bal
ance to secure stability, exposed to sudden and
violent impulses, swaying to and fro with danger
Gus rapidity-they do not find in these such
to change their institutions will
induce them to encounter much present loss and
danger, for prospects of a future to their percep
tons neither bright nor calm. These are among
the causes which have produced the change allu-
ded to by the Senator from Massachusetts; and
at no time within my recollection-I might safely
say at no time since the introduction of slaves
into this country-has the institution of slavery
rested upon a basis more firm in our attachment,
from long use, and an approval from experience,
than it does at present, within the Southern Sec
ton Of this country. And it is for this reason
that their representatives, and, with even deeper
the people at home, resist with even
ealous pertinaclty any attempt to place them, on
account Of slavery, in position Of permanent
and inferiority. We, in vain seek in
the history of the past reasons to justify this
treatment. We find none in our present condi-
ton. Experience must at last test the true infu-
ence Of institutions. However we may eulogize
forms of government, if men, generous, elevated,
intelligent, and virtuous, do not grow under them,
what true value have they2 These are the true
tests of institutions, and you compel us to use
language which might be deemed Vainglorlous ana
boastful, did not your scornful reproaches and
attempts to degrade us force it from us. deny
that there are, either in ancient modern times,
any nations which have produced men, more
for all that gives true dignity to
character, than slaveholding States-ay, thanthe
slaveholding States of this Union.
And now, having detained you far beyond my
intention in the discussion of this great slave
question, which, however, has very important re-
ations with the subject more Immediately under
discussion, come to the question Of the Missouri
do not understand that that measure is sought
by the South. 1t certainly is not by the State
which have the honor in part to represent. That
State stands upon the ground which have feebly
ground Of equality. She claims
for her citizens protection of all their rights that
their property shall be protected wherever the
flag OF this Union hoats-on the sea or on the
and. This it is their right to have; this it is your
duty to bestow. But fyou are compelled to sue
,umb to a spirit which | will not characterize
for desire to avoid all harshness Of language,
but which makes itself known here by acts of
leep injustice towards the South-if compelled
BY this spirit Of prescription to forego your
rights and duty; if you are unable to administer
his great trust Of Government over the terrific
-es and cannot to citizens Of all the States
hose eoual rights which belong tn than oil. ;P