The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-15

self (said he) TO have been pronouncing sentence
not against the prisoner, but against the law it
self"S
To conclude ON this point We are not slave
holders. We cannot, in our Judgment, be either
true Christians real freemen, if we impose on
another a chain that we defy all human power TO
fasten on ourselves. You believe and think other
wise, and doubtless with equal sincerity. Wejudge
you not, and He alone who ordained the conscience
of man and its laws of action can judge us. Do We,
then, in this conflict demand of you an unreason-
able thing in asking that, since you will have pro-
perty that can and will exercise human powers to
effect its escape, you shall be your police, and
in acting among us as such you shall conform TO
principles indispensable to the security Of admitted
rights of freemen9 If you will have this law exc
cuted, you must alleviate not increase its rigors
Another feature in most of these plans OF COM
promise is bill of peace for slavery in the District
of Columbia; and this bill of peace we cannot
grant. We of the free States are, equally with you
OF the slave States responsible for the existence oi
slavery in this District, the field exclusively of our
common legislation. ! regret that, yet see lit
tie reason to hope that majority in favor of cman
cpation exists here. The Legislature of New York,
from whom, with great difference, dissent, seems
willing to accept now the extinction of the slave
trade, and waive emancipation. But we shall as
sumo the whole responsibility if stipuate not to
exercise the power hereafter, when majority shall
be obtained. Nor will the plea with which you
would furnish US be OF any avail. II could un-
derstand so mysterious paradox myself, never
should be able to explain to the apprehension of the
people whom represent how it was that abso-
lutte and express power to egslate in all over
the District of Columbia embarrassed and de-
feated by an implied condition not to legisate for
the abolition of slavery in this District Sir, shall
vote for that measure, and am willing to appro-
pirate any means necessary 10 carry it into execu-
ton. And, If shall be asked what did to embel-
lish the capital of my country, will point to her
freedmen and say, these are the monuments OF my
munifcence R tI# h.~
If was willing to advance a cause that deem
sacred by disingcnuous means, ! would advise you
to adopt those means Of compromise which l have
thus examined The echo is not quicker in its re-
sponsc than would be that loud and universal cry
of repeal that would not die away until the habeas
corpus was secured to the alleged fugitive from
bondage, and the symmetry of the free institutions
Of the capital was perfected
apply the same observations TO the proposition
for waiver of the proviso of freedom in territorial
charters. Thus far you have only direct popular
action in favor of that ordinance, and there seems
even to be partial disposition to await the action
OF the people Of the new Territories, as we have
compulsorily waited for it in California But l
must tell you, nevertheless, in candor and in plain
ness that the spirit of the people of the free States
is set upon spring that rises with the pressure put
upon II. That spring, if pressed too hard will give
a recoil that will not leave here servant who
knew his masters will and did it not.
You will say that this implies violence. Not at
all. II implies only peaceful, lawful, constitutional,
customary action. cannot too strongly express
my surprise that those who insist that the people Of
the slave states cannot be held back from remedies
outside OF the Constitution, should SO far misunder
stand US OF the free States as to suppose would
not exercise our constitutional rights 10 sustain the
policy which we deem just and beneficial,
come now TO notice the suggested compromise Of
The boundary beftseen Iezas and Netr Merico This
Is judicial question in its nature, or at least a
question OF legal right and title. II II is to be
promised at ALL il Is due to the two parties and to
national dignity as we'll to justice thati be kept
separate from compromises proceeding on the
nI NV a.1 H. tl.l - staalf
alone.
take this occasion 10 say, that while do not in
tend to discuss the questions alluded to in this
nexion by the honorable and distinguished Senator
from Massachusetts,, am not able 10 agree with
him in regard to the obligation of Congress to ad-
init four new slave States TO be formed in the State
of Texas. There are several questions arising out
OF that subject, upon which am not prepared &c
decide now, and which desire to reserve for future
consideration. One OF these is, whether the article
of annexation does really deprive Congress of the
right to exercise Its choice in regard TO the subdv
sion of Texas into four additional States. II
to me by no means 50 plain question as the Sena-
tor from Massachusetts, assumed, and that il mus
be left TO remain open question, as il IL grea
question, whether Congress IL not party whose
future consent Is necessary the formation Of
States out of Texas. s
MIR. WEBSTER. Supposing Congress 10 have the
authority TO fix the number, and time OF election
and apportionment OF representatives, &c, tn,
question is, whether, ifnew states formed out
Texas, 10 come into this Union, there IL not
solemn pledge by law that they have n right /,
come in as slave Statesl
Mr., SEwARD. When the States are once formed
they have the right TO come in as free OF slay,
States, according 70 their own choice; but what
insist is that they cannot be formed at all withou
the consent of Congress To he heareaftcr given
which consent Con gress is not Obliged 70 give Blu
pass that question for the present. and proceed I,
say. that am not prepared 10 admit that the arti
cl9 OF the annexation of Texas is itsolf constitu
tional find no authority in the Constitution o
the United States for the annexation of foreign
countries by resolution Of Congress and no powel
adequate TO that purpose but the treaty making
mower of the president and tbe Senatc E,tcrta;n.
ing this view, must insist that the constitution.
atty of the anne xation of Texas herself shall be
cleared up before can agree to the admission o
any new States 10 be formed within Texas
Nc. FooTE Did not hear the Senator obserye
that he would admit California, whether slavery
not precluded from these Territories' :
Ma SEWARD. I said would have voted for the
admission of California, even as slave State. un-
der the extraordinary circumstances which | have
before distinctly described. say that now; but
say, also, that before would agree 10 admit any
more tates from Texas. the circumstances which
render such act necessary must be shown, and
must be such as TO determine my obligation to do
so and that is precisely what 1 insist cannot be
settled now. Il must be left for those TO whom the
responsibility belongs.
MIR President \ Understand and 4 am hannv In