The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-10

Yourselves in the present emergency. The
warfare against African slavery commenced,
as is known, with Great Britain, who, after
;lhaying contributed mainly to its establish
ment in the New World, devoted her most
earnest Efforts, for purposes not yet fully ex-
planned, to its abolition in America. How
wisely this was done, so far as her own col
onies were concerned, time has determined;
and all comment upon this subject on our
part would be entirely superhuous, II,
however, her purpose was to reach and en-
Ebarrass US on this subject, her efforts have
not been without success. A common origin
a common language, have made the English
j Literature ours to great extent, and the
efforts of the British Government and people
to mould the public opinion of all who
speak the English language, have not been
vain or ruthless. On the contrary, they
have been deeply felt wherever the Eng
lish language is spoken; and the more
efficient and dangerous, because, as yet,
the South has taken no steps to appear and
plead at the bar of the world, before which
she has been summoned, and by WHICH she
has been tried already without hearing.
Secured by constitutional guarantees, and
independent Of all the world, so far as its
domestic institutions were concerned, the
South has reposed under the conciousness
of right and independence, and foreborne to
plead at bar which she knew had no juris-
diction over this particular subject. In this
we have been theoretically right, but prac-
tically we have made a great mistake. All
means, political, diplomatic, and literary,
have been used to concentrate the public
opinion, not only of the world at large, but
Of our own country, against us; and resting
upon the undoubted truth that our domestic
institutions were the sub jects of no Govern
ment but our own local Governments, and
concerned no one but ourselves, we have
been passive under these assaults, until
danger menaces us from every quarter. A
great party has grown up, and is increasing
in the United States, which seems to think
it duty they owe to earth and heaven to
make war on domestic institution upon
which are staked our property, our social
organization, and our peace and safety.
Sectional feelings have been invoked, and
those who WELD the power Of this Govern
ment have been tempted almost, if not quite,
beyond their power of resistance, to wage
war against our property, our rights, and
our social system, which, II successfully
prosecuted, must end in our destruction.
Every inducernent- love of power, the
desire to accomplish what are, with less
truth than pausibility, called "reforms"-
all are offered to tempt them to press upon
those who are represented, and, in fact,
seem to be an easy prey to the spoler. Our
eqality under the Constitution is, IN effect,
denied; our social institutions are derided
and condemned, and ourselves treated with
contumely and scorn through all the avenues
which have as yet been opened to the pub
lie opinion of the world. That these
assaults should have had their effect is not
surprising, when we remember that, as yet,
we have offered no organized resistance to
them, and opposed but little, except the iso-
lated efforts Of members of Congress, who
have occasionally raised their voices agains:
what they believe to be wrongs and injustice
1t is time that we should meet and main
tain an issue, in which we find ourselves IN
volved by those who make war upon US in
regard to every interest that is peculiar to
US, and which is not enjoyed in common with
them, however guaranteed by solemn COM
pact, and no matter how vitality involving ouI
I prosperity, happiness, and safety. 1t is time
that we should take measures to defend our
selves against assaults which can end in
nothing short of our destruction, if we oppose
no resistance to them. Owing to accidental
circumstances, and want of knowledge Of
the true condition of things in the Southern
!, States, the larger portion of the press and o.
the political literature of the wotld has been
directed against US. The moral power Of
public opinion carries political strength along
with it, and if against us, we must wreste
with it or fall. If, as we firmly believe, truth
, is with US, there is nothing to discourage us
, in such an effort.
The eventual strength Of an opinion is to
, be measured, not by the number who may
r chance to entertain it, but by the truth which
: sustains it We believe-nay, we know, that
truth is with US, and therefore we should not
: shrink from the contest. We have toe. much
, staked upon it to shrink or to tremble-a
property interest, in all its forms, of lncalcu-
liable amount and value the social organIza-
ton, the equality, the liberty, nay, the exis-
tence of fourteen or fifteen States Of the Con-
; federacy-all rest upon the result OF the
| struggle in which we are engaged we
, must maintain the equality Of our political
position in the Union we must maintain the
; dignity and responsibility of our social posi-
ton before the world; and must MAINTAIN
: and secure our liberty and rights, so far as
7 our united efforts can protect them; and, !
: possible, we must effect all this within the
S pale Of the Union, and by means known tt
t the Constitution The union Of the SoutI
+ upon these vital interests is necessary, no
only for the sake of the South, but perhaps
for the sake of the Union. We have grea
interests exposed to the assaults, not only o
the world at large, but OF those who, const
tuting majority, WELD the power Of ou
own confederatcd States. We must deienc
r those interests by all legitimate means, o.
r :, ~.