The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-09-12

about But H. indeed there had been SAINT 10 =. ~ ~,
authority OF Great Britain half dozen vast sbips loaded
ons nos,ar,, qnsnues Of tea enough to last and
our possn ior years 70 come would resist but iol
handkerchief full OF tea we win moi plunge ourselves
in,o conflict with the mother country"
OH such notions were mol then entertained believe
That such notions are not now entertained in Inc con
sttuency which the honorable senator represents Its
not me American notion that when question arises
nIeaehng lne liberties and rights OF community, we
are TO determine the force and value OF The threat and the
occasion Tor ALARM by the inquiry whether the first blow
ials upon large or small surface No, sir no! The
very TACT to add II anything could be calculated 10 add
alarm 10 such measure, would be that il brought
forward Tor the purpose OF emancipatng six hundred
slaves. II there was what our northern friends would
consider large amount OF good TO be accomplished by
setting free many Of fellow creatures, lingering as
they would say IN the chains OF bondage there might be
sustain the measure But where there are but six hun.
dred slaves, where there is reason to believe there is
any peculiar cruelty OF hardship their condition which
marks them ou as signal objects OF suffering among their
ieowslayes. we may well suppose that such measure
adopted, has ulteror objects may well fear that il
y me nrst blow struck upon The institutions OF the
That is the ground upon which my friend from Misss
spp stated that's the ground upon which all state
by the senator from New York whether il woud lead 10
dissolution OF the Union not must be looked upon
with alarm, with dread II must suspicion upon the
movements and purposes OF our northern friends; and
permit me Iell the senator from Massachusetts that,
small as ne may think this exercise of power the very
moment Il is exercised feeling Of deep anxiety feel
| South IA Az --.' I'M
Mr. President when the honorable senator takes pains
10 produce evidence that Congress has the constitutional
potoer to pass this law permit very respectfully say
that he wastes his energies upon question not material
g the INQUIRY before the Senate Does not the honora
Die senator know that the unjust exercise OF
constitutional power furnishes sufficient and adequate
and may furnish the highest ground for complaint alarm
ana even Tor resistance! II constitution, instead of
framing debeative and representative republic had
SIMPLY constituted all the powers Of government in the
hands OF single ruler, so that power used by him
could be said to be usurped one would il follow that
there could be abuse of this power that would produce
alarm provoke resentment, and Justly be met by
resstance' do not moot the question of constitutional
power Permit me 10 say that that question my view
comparatively matter OF small import in the inquiry
are now making
Again, sir, the honorable senator refers to events in
our past history, where the exercise OF that power
this District was not thought 10 be the subject OF alarm
Permit me to again that he confounds two very differ
snt things The exercise OF power under certain cir
cumsances may be praise may be innocent
may be liable to but small obection while the exercise
OF that same power under other circumstances may be of
character SO objectionable, though it be the very same
Identical power exercised upon The subject,
furnish just ground Of alarm and agitation. resentment
and even OF preparations for resistance
Sir the period TO which the gentleman refers
when that fanaticsm which now infects the northern
country, and less the country,
known among The period to which the gentleman
refers was when propos tons brought forward
with single view to the object which they directly pro-
posed, and with Interior objects. II period
when we were not threatened in the security Of do
mestc institutions; when our northern brethren mani
Tested no disposition to invade rights; when there
was no reluctance TO give us protection when the north
ern country not covered with wild and furious
fanatics, fixed, resolved upon mischief calling for dis
solution OF the Union, denouncng the propretors of
slaves, the South unworthy OF association with them
in the ecclesiastical and civil institutions of life. But
when this measure, proposed by the senator from New
York, IS now brought forw ard appeal to you Mr. Pres
ident, appeal to every gentleman who hears me- il we
have not right TO suppose il means more than il
presses; that II is in the language of the from
Ohio, Mr.. CHAsE,] one "siep" TO be taken, and
soon TO be followed by another Are to be blind !
IL TO be supposed that cannot these things
seeing cannot understand themi Must we draw in
ferences Is to be supposed that incapable of
looking ahead at all and incapable Of discerning the i'm
mense difference between proposition brought forward
IN one state OF our society and condition OF public
opinion, and the same proposition brought forward in
| another D Sea
Mr. President let me assure every senator here that
such proposition as this, adopted by the Senate,
would sarile and shock the whole southern mind And
let me say that adopted by this Congress- il would
settle the foundation upon which the institutions OF this
country rest, and loosen the cement by which they are
maintained and united Yes. SIR such would be the in.
eviiable consequence not account of the intrinsic i'm
portsnce OF the proposition ITSELF because itself il
may be matter OF such high concern whether or not
this remnant OF save institution is lief, to exist in the
District OF Columbia, but because under the circum
stances OF the case and the hour and the time when this
measure is brought forward and the from which
and The from which il is advocatedin
dependently OF the distinct avowa OF the senator from
Ohio, Mr. CHASE that 10 but step, which he is
ready 10 follow with anoiher-one conclusion only
would be drawn from in The southern States, and that
would be that il is not final measure, but initiative
OF other movements that will affect the institution OF
slavery as il exists in the States Of this Union.
Mr.. President, unite in what has been so well said
by the senator from Massachusetts, in deprecang the
introduction OF this crude proposition into the Senate
This propositions II Is true, IL crude il is mis-
chievous-as uniformed in its plan ana principles as is
vicious in It's tendency and purposes. regret deeply
and any in this body with the exception OF the gen.
teman who introduced it. and perhaps Of the gentleman
who proposes TO vote Tor il, must entertain under the
circumstances, the same sentiment.
But, permit to say, was extremely sorry that my
friend and colleague, Sir. MAsGuM under the influence
OF Just feeling OF excitement al the introduction OF this
here, should have proposed 10 abandon the bill
under consideration. am not to be driven from my
proprely by the movements OF the honorable senator
from New York, Mr.. SEWARD Not al all. l shall
vote for what deem right, and will not be driven from
voting for il because senator produces proposition
which asks my consent TO what know is wrong And
permit say to my colleague, that if be desires to
play into the hands OF the senator from New York. If he
promote his objects, II he goes for disturbance OF the
country or dissolution Of the Union--and know he
desires of these thngset him be led by the ex-
element on the present occasion 10 vote down this bill
for aboshng the slave trade in the District OF Columbia
My opinion is, that nothing could the ends
purposes, and think il il highly probable that nothing
would crafty the senator from New York than 10
see this bill voted down Let him 60 before the northern
people and say 10 them that southern men not merely
maintain the rights OF property, not merely stood uI
against any violation OF them, not merely insisted that
measures should not be adopted which might have an evil
and sinister look towards invasion OF their rights but
sl. N. all