The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1850-10-26

9th political humiliation among the ma
tons OF the earth; and the blighung contempt WIN
which we should be spit upon by all mankind; as
the fitting recompense for that people, who could
submit TO such degradation and consent still to 1--we!
The real danger with which we are threatened
haviD been sscertained, and some OF us conse-
auences briefly pointed out, We now proceed 20
consideration of the measures by which our enc
mics should be resisted, and that danger averted.
And here we will adopt the idea which we nave
before used to illustrate our suoect, ana say .aas
as the measures which have from time to time been
urged upon Congress by the antl-slavery party,
should each and every one OF them, De viewed
as parts of general system OF measures
the object and intention OF which Is, TO abor
lish slavery in the States-so each one OF
them should be regarded as assalling one OF the
outposts which guards our ctadeG ana ina,
the loss of any of them TO us, strengthens ana
encourages our enemies; weakens and discourages
us; and renders us lie IS able 10 defend our CITADEL
when the great struggle shall arise, Gas come II
must, sooner or later,) which is to decide TOT us
the question, whether We are 10 i've ana not die'
Each of those aggressions should then be encoun,
tered with resolute hostility, as involving the mai
issue; and without reference to ITS own intrinsic
ofiensiveness. which, perhaps standing Alone may
be unimportant in itself. -,
that the plan of action which il seems to me proper
for the South pursue is, in the hrst place. taking
no council from fear, to consider calmly ana de-
iberately their position, with view 70 decide what
are their rights and after they have decided what
these are then resolutely TO insist upon them, and
immoveably maintain them. FOrewarned, as we
have been Of their intentions, we should be fore
armed TO meet and countefact them; upon CUES
ton of this grave nature, which involves our poi-
cal life or death, no concession Is allowable, which
increases the strength OF our enemies, and dimin-
ishes our abiHy TO resist them. ANY Deliah
" compromise" then, whether offered 6y some nail
Southern man, and supported by whole Northern
"friends," so called, If it shears us OF even one
lock of our strength, is not for moment to be lis
tened to- We must stand upon our rights in their
entirety-have them; or prepare for the conse :
quences.
The consequences! what are theyl Some timid
one may say, sit may lead to disunion or civil
wars Not properly, nor nghtfully, certainly not
necessarily; except our enemies would afford us
the proof, that we have remained already too long
in the Union; and they would now use force TO
keep us there, TO plumber or degrade US. But we
will examine this presently.
difficulty by compromise; and let US have lasting
quiet" We will examine this now
We might not be unwilling to bring to the altar
of peace, some Of our rights, and offer them as a
sacrifice, on our part, for the happiness OF our
country; if we could be assured, that by this
means, peace, lasting peace, was to be secured,
and the question settled now, and forever. But
compromise implies mutual concessiens--the
giving up of admitted rights, equally by both par
ties. To be permanent. il requires that the parties
| making il should themselves be permanent, and
can bind their successors and that each intends to
act with good faith towards the other,
~
| in this case, towards a proper compromise The
North comedies to us no right on her part; whilst
| we are required TO give up those,-the yielding up
of which, will be felt TO their woe, by our latest
| posterity. We enter, too, into compromise, with
| party now, who If they intend 10 deal honestly
| by US, at the ratification, may next year, in the
vary ing fluctuations of political life, be placed be-
yond the ability to keep their engagements; or
| what is more probable, may be recognized, as
| traitors in the ranks of our snemies,-sucked In,
within the whirlpool OF aboltionism, and tor the
sake of its rewards, making no efforts to extricate
| themselves, or keep their plighted faith.
| Besides, the materials, OF which the anu.slavery
party AT the North is composed, are OF such quail
| ties, that il renders the idea OF any permanent
/ compromise with them utterly preposterous. NC
concessions short of the total, and perhaps imme
date abolition of slavery, will, or cam ever satisfy
| them-and especially such concessions as We shall
make, since they will suppose that they are ex-
torted from our fears; which will only encourage
| their audacity TO demand more and greater.
| or this every one will be satisfied, who consl
ders carefully the materials of which that party is
| made up. What are they! Fanatics in religion,
fanatics in politics, the ravening demagogue, huat-
| ing AFTER Office and the spoils Of party. And when
| from the beginning OF time TO the present hour
| have such men been satisfied with concessions
which have been yielded 10 their voraciy, or beer
extorted from the supposed fears of their victims
| The religious fanatic, who believes contrary q
the teachings Of scripture, that slavery is sin
| and crime against God and man, and who set
| up his own crude notions about religion and mo
raity, as the standard for other men, and by which
! he impiously tries even the revelation OF the al
| wise God himself; what concession satisfj
such man, except the entire CELEBRATION OF the
| sinl
| The political fanatic, who PROCESSES TO be go
| verned by obligations higher than the constitu
| tion," and who in his sublimated notions abou
civil society, which never have been, and neve
can be realized. claims that all men are born free
| and equal, and have right to be fed and clothed
| at the expense of somebody else-what can ga
| tisfy this man except raising the slave TO al
equality with the master, and sharing with hin
| his property
| The willy, non-eommittal, hungry demagogue
the first aTucle Of whose creed is, TO swear b.
the msjority," and to live aud die feeding a
| the public crih-what compromises will such
man observe, when the stream OF popular fayo
turns against us, and II becomes his interest &
| desert usl
ANY compromise, then, which we may max,
| with the North, governed as IL Is and a
| il il likely ever 10 be, by such material
as the anti slavery party ~ composed OF, must re
suit in nothing else than the advantage and tina
triumph Of our enemies, and IN disaster and ruin Il
walked up TO this truth. The most plausible com
promises on this question Will prove TO us
Like Dead Sea fruits which tempt the eye,
| But turn TO ashes on the lips"
The whole history of them bears testimony to
the utter faiihlessness with which they have beer
| observed by the North. The ordinance OF 81
although in strictness Of definition, not "com
PROMISE" since the North, on its part, gave up nc
1 night, or valuable COnsldeTdnOn, may yet De con-
| ssered as a baigain. Virginia, by aqueeny, but,
| as the event has turned out, most fabulous gene
| rosiy, gave up TO the exclusive use of the North
| a magnificent domain OF northwestern territory;
annexing to the gift but two condIioos-the fret,
that but four States and no more, should be formed
out of II; and second, that fugitive slaves should
| be delivered up on demand OF their owners. The
| North greedily accepted the puncely gift, subject
| 20 the conditions. But what is the fultilment on
their partl Instead of four, they have carved cut
| five State, by which TO increase their power in
| the Senate; and instead Of delivering up to the
South her fugitive slaves, they murder and imprson
her citizens who go there to recover their properly.
| The Missouri "compromise," so called, (but
with what propriety, Is not so plain,) Is the next
/ example OF the wOrthlessness of all attempts to
settle permanently this vexed question: by conces-
siOns on the part Of the South. Ia that case, the
| North gave up nothing, and gained everything.
The South, on her part, sacrlnced great principle,
and along with IL, gave up immensely valuable