The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-06-27


literature ours to great extent, and tn,
J efforts of the British Government and peopl,
to mould the public opinion Of all wb'
speak the English language, have not beer
vain or ruthless On the contrary, they
have been deeply felt wherever the Eng
lish language is spoken; and tbs more
efficient and dangerous, because, as yet
the South has taken no steps to appear anc
4 plead at the bar Of the world, before which
she has been summoned, and by which she
Y has been tried already without a hearing
Secured by constitutional guarantees, and
independent OF all the world, so far as its
domestic institutions were concerned, the
South has reposed under the consciousness
OF right and independence, and ioreborne to
plead at bar which she knew had no juris-
diction over this particular subject. In this
we have been theoretically right, but prac-
tically we have made a great mistake. All
means, political, diplomatic, and literary,
have been used to concentrate the public
opinion, not only of the world at large, but
of our own country, against us; and resting
upon the undoubted truth that our domestic
institutions were the subjects Of no Govern
| ment but our own local Governments, and
concerned no one but ourselves, we have
been passive under these assaults, until
danger menaces us from every quarter. A
great party has grown up, and is ,increasing
in the United States, which seems to think
it duty they owe to earth and heaven to
make war on a domestic institution upon
which are staked our property, our social
organization, and our peace and safety.
Sectional feelings have been invoked, and
those who WELD the power Of this Govern
ment have been tempted almost, if not quite,
beyond their power of resistance, to wage a
| war against our property, our rights, and
our social system, which, if successfully
prosecuted, must end in our destruction.
| Every inducement--the love of power, the
desire to accomplish what are, with less
truth than FEASIBILITY, called reforms
all are offered to tempt them to press upon
those who are represented, and, in fact,
seem to be an easy prey to the spoiler. Our
eqality under the Constitution is, in effect,
denied; our social institutions are derided
and condemned, and ourselves treated with
contumey and scorn through all the avenues
which have as yet been opened to the pub
lie opinion of the world. That these
assaults should have had their effect is not
surprising, when we remember that, as yet,
we have offered no organized resistance to
them, and opposed but little, except the iso-
lated efforts Of members Of Congress, who
have occasionally raised their voices against
what they believe to be wrongs and injustice.
1t is time that we should meet and main
tain an issue, in which we find ourselves in
volved by those who make war upon us in
regard to every interest that is peculiar to
us, and which is not enjoyed in common with
them, however guaranteed by solemn com
pact, and no matter how vitality involving oul
prosperity, happiness, and safety. It is time
that we should take measures to defend our
selves against assaults which can end il
nothing short Of our destruction, il we oppose
4 no resistance to them Owing to academia
circumstances, and a want Of knowledge o
\ the true condition Of things in the Southcrt
States, the larger portion Of the press and 0
the political literature OF the wotld has BEEF
directed against us. The moral power .
public opinion carries political strength alon,
with it, aud If against us, we must wrestl
with it or fall. If, as we firmly believe, trut
e is with US, there is nothing TO discourage u
: in such an effort,
The eventual strength Of an opinion is t.
be measured, not by the number who may
Z chance to entertain it, but by tile truth whicl
sustans it We believe--nay, we know, tina
= truth is with us, and therefore we should no
shrink from the contest. We have too mucl
staked upon il TO shrink or to tremble--;
property interest, in all its forms, OF incalcu
liable amount and value the social organiza
ton, the equality, the liberty, nay, the exis
tence Of fourteen or fifteen States of the Con
tederacy--all rest upon the result of tn,
struggle in which we are engaged. W.
must maintain the equality of our politica
, position in the Union we must maintain the
dignity and responsibility of our social posi-
ton before the world; and must maintain
and secure our liberty and rights, so far as
our united efforts can protect them; and, If
possible, we must effect all this within the
pale of the Union, and by means known to
the Constitution The union Of the South
upon these vital interests is necessary, not
only for the sake Of the South, but perhaps
for the sake of the Union. We have great
interests exposed to the assaults, not only Of
the world at large, but OF those who, consti-
tuting majority, WELD the power of our
own confederated States. We must defend
those interests by all legitimate means, or
else perish either in or without the effort To
mike successful defence, we must unite with
each other upon one vital question, and make
the most of our political strength. We must
do more-we must 60 beyond our entrench-
ments, and meet even the more distant and
indirect, but by no means harmless assaults,
which are directed against US. We, too,
can appeal to public opinion. Our assailants
act upon theory, to their theory we can OPP
pose experience. They reason upon an
imaginary state Of things to, this we may
oppose truth and actual knowledge. To do
this, however, we too must open up avenues
to the public mind we, too, must have an
orron fhronrh which we can appeal to the