The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-12-16

enriched by the transfer. For SIR, take u ior
granted, that no opinion is more erroneous than
that the climate and mining business OF Cali
forna, is not adapted to slave labor: 1t Is, OF all
labor, the one best adapted to that country and
business, and perhaps it is the only species OF
labor which will develop the great riches OF Cali
fornia. The history of the coal mining in Eng
land proves moreover that the white laborer so
employed is reduced TO more AFFECT state OF
misery, and suffering, than is known in any por-
ton Of the Southern country.
Should the policy Indicated in the late ADJUST
ment be adhered to by the Government, the
first stone of the wall which is to separate the
States of this Union will have been laid, and
disunion will not be into kindred and rival re-
publics, but into white and black empire.
So fully am | convinced, Mr.. Speaker, that
such is to be the issue Of this policy, that am
almost induced to be superstitious and to be-
lieve from the array of great and learned men
by whom this adjustment was brought about,
that some special interposition of providence is
to interfere and save my country from the mel
ancholy fate which awaits her. When, how
ever, refer to our census tables and see that in
all human probability in the short space OF 40
years, but q moment in the life OF nation,
North Carolina will contain nearly one million
of negroes chained down by the memorable de-
cree of the Federal Government to her poor and
exhausted soil, am reminded by the fate OF
Ireland that tyranny is peculiar to no cline, and
to no form of Government.
Gloomy as this picture Isl its horrors may yet
be deepened, and the catastrophe fastened,
should the States south Of US which have pro-
tested most loudly against the policy of the
General Government openly resist II, and con
vince the world that their clamor was not merely
tale told by an idiot.
Full Of sound and fury,
Sgnpying nothing.
From all these reasons, believing this legisla-
ture would be grossly deficient in duty to the peo-
pie of the State, grossly deficient in duty to the
Union if she remained calm and supne in the pre-
sent condition Of the country, offer the resolu-
tons on your table.
Let us pass them, and we may arrest the mad
ness and folly Of the North and pursuade our
Southern brethren to remain longer with us and
try the virtue Of dignifed and strenuous remon-
STRANGE Let us convince the North that the word
Union has not such magic influence over us that
il has "steeped our senses In forgetfulness' and
made US neglect what we owe to our State, our
selves and our posterty.
The first resolution states an historical fact in
relation to the formation Of our Government
which presume no gentleman here will deny.
The second resolution asserts the only practc
able remedy which is left us when all other
modes of redress have failed, and | hope when
this resolution is attentvely considered, it will be
found equally as unobj ectionable as the first. We
have among us, Mr.. Speaker, many exceedingly
conscientious men who profess great desire to see
Justice done to the South, but who, when any thing
practical Is offered them. Immediately become
alarmed and cry out qualification, give us none
Of your South Carolina doctrines" Now, sir,
assure these gentlemen that this resolution has not
particle Of what they call South Carolina
4 L.,, - hnfI ~ huu
been able to understand what South Carolina
unfortunately commended for, twenty years ago,
it was this she asserted that whilst a mem
Der Of the Union, she had constitutional
right in her sovereign capacity to nulhfy an
act of Congress-, or in other words to decide for
herself whether such act should he operative upon
any of her citizens. This would be reducing our
Government to the old Confederacy, and has very
properly been pronounced by the whole country
an absurdity. | regretted this movement Of South
Carolina at the time, and told some OF the actors
in it, that they would do more injury by it, to the
cause of the rights of the States, than all the argu
ments of the Federal party since the adoption Of
the Constitution. And such has been the case, 1t
has not only deprived South Carolina of that
weight her counseIs are fairly entitled to, from the
ability Of her statesmen, but many persons are
running into the other extreme, and denying to
the States all authority whatever; IN fact making
them nothing more than mere corporations to be
dissolved, or re-arranged at any time, to suit the
pleasure OF the General Government. 1t Is the
BART of wisdom in us OF the South, to let by-gones
be by-gones, let us examine what are our rights
as separate communities and manfuIly assert them.
TO satisfy these tmid gentlemen that this second
resolution contains nothing Of the odious South
Carolina doctrine, will read what Daniel Web
ster said in his celebrated reply to Mr.. Hayne in
1890, and hope that will satisfy them, rs they
cannot suspect Mr.. Webster Of leaning towards
notification.
VII, IL ptipn he ripio
resolutions of 1898, behind which Mr.. Hayne
deavored to shelter himself used the following
words: "That resolution declares that IN case Of
the dangerous exercise Of po,cers not granted by the
General Government, The STATES may inerposs 10 or
rest the progress Of HE eli But how interpose,
and what does this declaration purport? Does it
mean no more than that there may be extreme
cases, in which thes people, in any mode of
sembling, may resist usurpalion and relieve them
selves from tyranncal Government No one
will deny this Such resistance IL not only
knowledged to be just in America, but in Eng land
also Blackstone admits much in the theory,
and practice too, of the English constitution We,
sir, who oppoae the Carolina doctrines, do not de-
nv that the people may, if they choose, throw off
any government when it becomes oppressive and
Noticeable, and erect better in is stead. We
all know that civil institutions are established for
the public benefit, and that when they cease to an
swer the ends Of their existence they may be
changed" Now, sir, mi ht top here and close
discussion on this resolution, with the words Of
Mr., Webster Just read, for the resolution means
nothing more, and certainly 20 gentleman will
contend that there securities for the public lib
erty, both in the theory and practice of the Bril-
fish constitution. which the peopl of North Caro-
lima have surrendered. II they have, they made
an unfortunate exchange from a foreign king to a
government controlled by abolition fanatics.
will, however, trouble the Senate little turtle
on this second resolution in vindcation Of the in
tenton and meaning Of those who formed and
adopted the Constitution ofthe United States.
The tenth article Of the amendments of the
Constitution Of the United States says the pow
ers not delegated to the United States, nor pro-
hbted by it to the States, are reserved to the
States respectively, or to the people, Why re-
serve these powers # it was not intended or eX-
pecled the people or States should protect them
selves from aggression? If they have no right to
protect themselves effectively, the article means
nothing, and it folly and surplusage to insert
it in the Constitution. have, however, too much
respect for the wisdom Of those who framed that
instrument to entertain any such suspicion. They
thought, no doubt, with Charles Fox, who once
said the right to dethrone British sovereign for
the benefit Of the people, certainly existed, but
shoull he In Tx ed about little DoSsible We