North Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1850-1852, 1850-12-04
THE RIenr OF sEcEssIoN.


of the South have been referred to this Committee
1t is admitted on all hands, as it is plain to all
minds. that the slavebolding States have not only
much ground for complaint account OF the late act
ADMITTING California but much cause for and
as to what may be the future policy of
the Government in relation to their slave property.
Especallv and emphaticaly have they the strongest
c.nsa for dissatisfaction the widespread and mad
onnosi,ion with which all attempts have been met at
The North to execute the law for the recovery of flu
ve slaves and in addition this, the prospect is
iudqino from every sign in the free States that the
most strenuous efforts will be made at the present
session of Congress to repeal this law.
1t natural, in this state of things, that men of
all parties here should be fully awakened to the ne
cessity of steps to assert and maintain their
rights and that the Representatives of the people of
North Carolina should at an early day. declare ,ohat
these rights Profitable at all times ii is especial
ly in such an emergency, to the Consti-
tutiona elements of the Government; and to under
stand and agree upon if possible the nature and ex-
tent of political rights one of the States of the
Union.
We have not space for analysis speculation on
this subject nor is it necessary. Our aim is merely to
lay down some plain propositions, which we regard
as demonstrable by testimony Astounding almost to
superhuity:
1. That after the Revolution each State had its
own separate government, organized and practically
understood; and was, to all intents and purposes,
sovereign.
2. Under the old Articles of Confederation each
State retained its entire freedom and sovereignty and
every power not expressly delegated to the United
States in Congress assembled.
g. The powers of the Confederation being found in
Ofth IL,
management of foreign relations, and the regua-
ton of commerce, the present Union was formed for
the purpose mainly of effecting these objects.
4. The States adopted the Federal Constitution in
Convention, independent communicated one
having equal voice with all the rest, irrespective
of population.
5. The States, in .er respective local Conventions,
subsequently ratified it; North Carolina and Rhode
Island being the last to do
6. The Constitution which thus formed is plain
in its phaseology, and the powers it conveys the
General Government are few and specifically enumer-
ated, except to the subordinate power of using
cessary and proper for carrying into effect those
enumerated.
7. All the rights and powers not thus expressly
delegated were preserved 10 the States respectively
TO the people,
These are the terms, briefly stated, on which North
Carolina, as of the States, came into the Union
declaring her Iredes, Spaghts, Davies and others
did, that the Federal Government should exercise
any authority but such could be justified under
some power expressly granted by the Constitution;
and that she, with the other States, retained every
power, jurisdiction, and right, not by theIConst:uton
delegated to Congress. She regarded the General |
Governmental the States regarded it-as COM
mon agent-as their creature, charged with spe-
ci6c and enumerated trusts to be exercised for the
common welfare of the whole. In all her reserved
powers her sovereignty is still full when she de-
ella red her independence the heights of Mecklen-
burg; and such she is entitled claim the aegi-
ance of her citizens.
We have heard the idea recently expressed that a
State has no right to secede from the Union-that
there is no help from oppression except By revolution
in other WORDS that the States the and
dependents of the Federal Government and of course
subject to its physical coercion. Such assump-
ton, humbly submit, is unsupported by any
timony derived from the Constitution itself, or from
any single circumstance attending its formation or
adoption. 1t is, moreover, at with all regular
ideas of free republican government and of the I'M
doubted independence of the States, that ndepen
dence has been practically displayed in their separate
organizations since 1857. We hold that State
could originally have been forced into the Union, none
can be forced remain in rather be prevented from
going out. Heaven forbid that such extreme re-
sort should be presented the on alternative
against aggressions upon rights We trust it |
may not, but the bare probability of the contingency
should nerve our public to look the danger bold
ly in the face Let them declare that while we ac-
quiesce in the late action of Congress the Slave
ry question: we are at the time determined that
agitation shall cease, and that the fugitve-save law
shall be enforced in its letter and spirit and that if
the free States do yield this reasonable and
Constitutional request, will leave them and leave
them forever.
This is no time to dispute about terms. If gentle
men do not like the word secede and if we cannot
consent to use the word reuoiution let dissolution be
the substitute for either both. The people under
stand that and they will demand it if the fugitive
slave law be repealed if these wicked assaults upon
the rights of the slave States be continued in the
halls of the common Congress.
The Boston Post contains an extended account of
the Union Meeting recently held in that City. Fan
eui Hall immensely crowded. Able and elo-
quent Speeches delivered, and Resolutions of
general character adopted. The Resolutions pledge
the people of Boston to put down opposition to the
enforcement of the laws, and it is stated that " all
laws passed by Congress are binding upon all.
They also take ground against the continued agitation
of the Slavery question; but the fugitiveslave law
Is not mentioned in words in the ReSolu.