The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-09-26

The convention for the formation Of a South
ern Confederacy would owe its existence to the
intractable and uncompromisng violence of the
Disunionists. This convention would have its
strife, its jealousles; and these must be adjusted
amongst men many of whom avow il as prin-
ciple that they will compromise nothing. Let us
briefly examine, therefore, the question which
threatens to divide this Confederacy, that we
may see what its settlement will be in another.
The present subject Of strife is the ratio upon
which the political power shall be distributed
amongst the members of the Confederacy. One
ground Of apprehension is, that the non-slave-
holding States will I" amend the Constitution,
do away with the three-ffths basis of represen-
tation, and abolish slavery" 1t is, then, Of
vital importance to maintain the present three
ffths basis Of representation in the Southern
confederacy. Virginia is regarded, in point of
production, population, and position, one of the
most important Southern States. Although her
press, with but few exceptions, applaud the
settlement of the questions which have lately
distracted the country; although the tenor of
opinion thus expressed is not controyerted by a
single public meeting held since the passage of
the adjustment bills; yet we will suppose that
Virginia should be represented in that eonvention
1t is known that there has been great jealousy
between eastern and western Virginia upon the
relative representation of these two divisions of
the State. The east has contended that rev.
enue and numbers combined should constitute
the ratio upon which political power should be
apportiOned. The west has contended that
this apportionment of representation should be
made throughout the State upon the basis of
the whole number of free white citizens. Now,
the debates of a former convention, the pub
lished opinions of the candidates for the next,
all prove that this issue has abated little of its
importance. The western members elect are
all for the white basis; the eastern members
elect with probably two exceptions, are against
it. The recent estimates of the comparative
population of the two great divisions show that
western Virginia has majority of free white
citizens, though, from the arrangement of dis
tricts under the act calling the convention, she
is in minority in representation in that body.
Now, we ask the advocates of secession and
| Of Southern confederacy, whether they think
that Virginia would advocate, in the convention
which is to form the Southern confederacy, the
adoption of principle to which majority of
her free white citizens are opposed? We think
it improbable. Virginia would become the
Northern State Of the new confederacy; she
will become manufacturing and commercial
State Her agriculture will be promoted by
these congenial and reciprocal interests. The
tendency in Virginia will be, as it hasl been
heretofore, to transfer to States south of her
much of her slave population. Is it probable she
would assent to a basis of power by which the
representation of State with not half her free
white population might equal her own2 Would
she acquiesce in principle which will increase
| the relative power of the States to which she
has transferred her slaves, in more rapid rate
than her own2 We might, perhaps, include
| Tennessee, North Carolina, and Kentucky
in the same category as States which might
| find difficulty in agreeing upon terms of con-
federation We have only stated one of nu-
merous difficulties. Questions of reserved
and granted rights would become matter of CON
test and with the experience Of the parties
| sharpened by their recent connexion with
the present Union, who could predict the terms
upon which such political association could
be constructed The right of secession, at dis
cretion, would, we should think, alone occupy
session longer than the present session of
Congress. But the founders Of this proposed
new republic ought to ascertain the prelimi-
nary fact whether the States Of which the
Southern confederacy is to be composed will
unite in confederacy at all. Warned by the
refractory and quarrelsome character of some
oftheir political associates they might not be will
ing to enter the proposed copartnership; taught
by experience, they might reason that if the
present Union is oppressive, formed as it was
by the tried and trusted fathers of the republic
that if they cannot live in harmony with the
men whose sires fought and suffered with their
own, then there is no reliance in human faith, no
comfort in human companonship. They may
say to those who propose TO build an ark Of
escape from the dangers that surround them:
1--WE prefer the condition Of individual SOW
: ereignty to the precarious advantages Of an
{ experimental league. We are competent to
{ our own defence. We do not wish to be dis
{ turbed and disgraced by the vagaries or vio-
: lence Of distant and discontinued associates"
We can Of course offer no opinion as to what
wise and powerful States would do upon the
happening Of an improbable occurrence. But
we think those who propose to abandon in
pet dwelling in which we have lived so har-
moniously, had better examine in advance the
habitation which they propose TO occupy
habitation with the specious sign Of T" Southern
Confederacy" over the door-but which will,
we fear, be found filled with discomfort and dis
order.
| The Adjustment