The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-08-02

not arrested by this or some similar measure. She
gains the quiet Of New Mexico, and she gains the
settlement Of the Texas boundary-objeots all de-
sirsole and most important. More than that, sir,
whole country gains, the final ad ustment Of by far
the greatest part Of all the slavery questions When
speak OF this bill in that connexion, mean also
to connect it with the other subjects recommended
by the committee; and say that if the whole re-
port of that committee could be carried out one of
the greatest of all possible benefits will be secured
that is, the settlement, to an extent Of far more
than majority OF them all, Of the questions con-
nccted with slavery which have long agitated the
country. And then, sir, Massachusetts,, and the
North and the whole country, gain the restoration
OF this Government to the ordinary exercise of its
functions. The North and the South will see Con-
grese replaced in its position Of active, benef-
cal, parental Legislation for the whole country.
Consider, SIR, what has happened? While it is OF
| exercise OF its ordinary functions by Congress
should be accomplished, here are, or eight
months from the beginning of the session, hardly
able to keep the Government alive. All is paraly-
sis. We are nearly brought to stand. We are
all suspended upon this one topic, this idea,
if there were no object in government, no uses in
government, no duties of those who administer gov
ernment, but to settle one question.
Well, sir, the next inquiry is, What do Massa-
chusetts and the North. the anti slavery States,
lose by this adjustment What is it they lose? !
put that question TO every gentleman here. and to
every man in the country. They lose the applica
ton of what is called the Wilmot proviso to these
Territories, and that is all. There is nothing else
that suppose the whole North not willing to
do, or willing to have done They wish to get Cal
ifornia into the Union and quiet New Mexico; they
wish to terminate the dispute about the Texan
boundary, cost what it reasonably may. They
make no sacrifice in all these What they sacrifice
ia this: The application of the Winot proviso to
the Territories of New Mexico and Utah. and that
is all Now, what is the value of that loss, or that
sacrifice, in any reasonable mans estimate? The
value OF it, cir depends upon its necessity. IT. in
n
the application of that provso New Mexico is ap
parent, why, them there is value in it to those who
hold that the further extension of slavery is to be
resisted as matter Of principle But if it be not
necessary, II circumstances do not call for it, why,
then, there is nothing in the Wilmot proviso, and
no sacrifice made in refusingA or declining to ap-
ply it. That is the question.
Now, sir, allow me to say, that the Wilmot pro-
viso is no matter of principle; it is means to
end; and 1t cannot be raised to the dignity of
principle. The principle of the North take to be,
that there shall be further extension of slave
ritory. Let that be admitted what then? Ii does
not necessarily follow that in every you must
come down with Wilmot. If there other cir
cumstances that are imperative and conclusive,
and such as influence and control the judgment of
reasonable men, rendering it unnecessary, for the
the establishment OF that principle, to apply mca-
sure which Is obnoxious and disagreeabe to others,
and regarded by them derogatory to their
equality as members of the Union, then, say it is
neither high, nor patriotic, Just, to apply il.
My honorable colleague admitted the other day,
with great propriety and frankness that if il could
be made certain, if it certain, that natural
causes necessarily exclude slavery from New Mex
ico then the restriction ought be inserted in
the bill. Now, by certainty, suppose my colleague
meant not mathematical certainty; suppose he
meant that high probability, that moral certainty,
which governs men in all the concerns of life. Our
duties To society, our objects in society, all
sured by that high probability, which is something
short OF mathematical certainty, but which are
bound to act upon in every transaction Of daily life,
| liz
the question, therefore, address myself to gentle
men of the North-is this Is the probability of the
exclusion of slavery from New Mexico by natural
causes so high, and strong, and conclusive, that
we should act upon 1t We act on the same degree
OF probability applied to other questions, in civil
moral, and social relations? ] shall not recur 10
what have said, myself, heretofore, on this sub
ject; for suppose my friend from Pennsylvania,
MIR. CooPKR,) and my friend from Connecticut,
(Mr. SAITH,) who discussed this matter latterly,
have left 1t proved, and as much demonstrated as
any problem OF moral and political character can
be demonstrated, that II Is true, that New Mexico
s not country in which slavery exists, or into
which 1t ever can be introduced. II that were not
80 upon previous evidence, and if now any thing
further need be added, we have before US, To- day,
an authentic expression of the Will of the inhabt-
ants of that country themselves, who, it is agreed
on all hands have the ultimate right of decision on
a subject that concerns themselves alone and that
ex xpression is altogether against slavery.
What is II, then that is yielded by the North but
a mere abstraction, naked possibility, upon
which no man would act? No man would venture
a farthing now for great inheritance to be be-
slowed on him when slavery should be established
in New Mexico. Now that there 10 an authentic
declaration upon the subject by the people of New
Mexico themselves, what is there that should lead
us TO hesitate in settling this matter Why should
we proceed upon the ground Of abstract notion
OF adhering to the Wilmot proviso' And must
be permitted 10 say that, applied TO this case, il
is all abstraction. do not mean TO say that the
injunction against slavery in the ordinance of 1857
a mere abstraction the contrary, il had its
uses but say the application Of that rule to this
case is a mere abstraction, and nothing else. Ii
docs not affect the state Of things in the slightest
degree, present or future Every thing is to be
now, and remain hereafter, with without that
restriction, just as 1t would the other way. IL is
therefore, in my judgment, clearly an abstraction
am sorry, sir, very sorry, that my friend from
Connecticut, MIR. SMITH, who has studied this
a great deal more than have, studied il while
he a member Of the other House, and has dem
onstrated, beyond the power of any conscientious
man's denial, that there can be no slavery in the
Territory about which we speaking, that the
South is mistaken in supposng that it was possible
to derive any benefit from it, and that the North is
mistaken in supposng that that which they desire
TO prohibit will ever need any prohibition there;
am sorry to zee that my very able friend, having
demonstrated the case, did not carry out his own
demonstration. The expression of his purpose 10
vote against this bill followed OF the clcarest
and strongest demonstrations in its favor that
have heard from the mouth Of man. What u the
/
said he instructed by his lsnDlature TO oppose
it and, the whole, he did rS feel il 10 be hi.
duty TO depart from those instructions.
IL has become, sir, object of considerable i'm
portance in the history of this Government to in.
quire how far instructions, given ca paris and un-
der one state Of circumstances, 10 govern those
who To act under another state of crcum-
stances, and not upon poTie hearing, but upon
a hearing of the whole matter The proposition
that n member of this Government, in giving a
vote TO bind all the country, is to take his IN
structions the will of small part of the country,
whether in his own State out of it, is PROPOSE
ton that il above or below all argument Where
men are sworn to act conscientiously for the good
Of the whole, according to their own best judg-
ments and opinions, if the proposition is asserted
that they are nevertheless bound take the indi-
vidual opinion of "A few. and be exclusively bound
by that opinion, there IL no room for argument;
every mans moral perception, without argument,
decides on such proposition l know, sir, that in
a popular Government hike ours, instructions OF
this sort will be given, and pledges required II il
in the nature OF the case; political men in this
country love the people, they love popular applause
and promotion, and they are willing 70 make prom
ises; and, in other sorts of love, in this, when
the blood burns the sou prodgally gives the tongue
IL is the case. csDeCiaIly in Statee, in