The daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1848-1851, 1850-11-29
DAILY CRESCENT.


ing, in his own eloquent manner, the history OF the
last ongress in connection with The slavery ques
ton, the difficulties which environed the great
scheme of Adjustment, and its final triumph, he
proceeds:
And now, Mr. Speaker, let US for moment
pause and consider what the actual losses and
gains by the two sections Of the Union in the adop-
ton OF this system Of measures. L think, as to
California, neither party, far as the action Of
Congress is concerned can be truly considered to
have carried or lost. What has been done, then,
has been done by a competent and admitted
authority without the interposition Of Congress
As to the Territories of Mexico and Utah. the
wishes of the South have prevailed the Wilmot
Proviso has been repudiated, and although do OF
believe that slavery will be tolerated in either OF
th u both allowed to admit or exclude it accord
ny 20 their own pleasure
ir -,rard to the Texas Boundary the South has
been -cldered secure in all the Territory lying
west o The Nueces, and extending to the Rio del
Nofte, aud up that river from its mouth to the
southern line of New Mexico, for sla-
very which had been before disputed and contro.
verted. The South gets an effective provision for
the restoration of fugitive slaves.
The South, / think, will be quieted on the sub
ject of the agitation of slavery in the District Of
columbia by tie abolition of the odous slave trade
IN that District-a measure equally demanded, in
my humble opinion, by the honor, dignity and true
interest Of both the South and the North.
" III tldL system Of measures allay excitement
and agitation, and pacify, tranquze and harmo-
nize the country and | hope, trust and believe it
will. At all events, the field of excitement and
agitation has been circumscrbed. No longer can
California be theme to create division among
us. She is now admitted member of this
Union, and can be no more put out of it than Ken
lucky, or Virginia, or any other State, can be put
out OF it.
No longer can the Wilmot Proviso be insisted
upon to be engraited upon the territorial Govern
mens of New Mexico and Utah; for | venture to
predict that if any attempt be made to fasten that
Proviso upon those Governments, it would be re-
sisted by decisive if not an indignant majority, in
me or both Houses OF Congress.
No longer can the subject of the Texas boundary
be one of agitation and controversy; for from all
that have heard, the people of Texas themselves,
who had the undoubted right to decide for them
selves, whether they would accept or reject that
proposal Of Congress, have, as | never doubted
they would, consen.ed to those proposals.
As to the slave trade bill in the District of Co
iumbla, the North ] presume will hardly attempt
the repeal Of that, and | confidently anticipate that
no such attempt will be seriously made on the part
of the South.
In respect to slavery within the District of CO.
lumbla, which is dying natural death, rapidly,
think we may confidently hope for freedom from all
disturbance on that account
Thus, Mr. Speaker, | trust and believe that of all
the threatening topics connected with Slavery at
the commencement Of the last session of Congress,
and that is the Fugitive Slave bill
Narrowed down to the single ground, the slave
holding States will occupy the vantage position.
lhe ConstIiu ion is with them, the law is with
them, the right is with them, and if its execution
shall be opposed or attempted 10 be thwarted by
force, that State which makes such an opposition
VIII place Itself clearly, manifestly and ndsputa.
bly, in tue wrong
Occupying such ground the slave-h holding States
may fearIessly and consistently await the issue.
1t was not to be expected, nor did | expect that
the measures adopted at the last session of Con.
gress would lead to immediate and general
acquescence, on the part of the ultras at the North
and at the South.
extreme passions, that it was too much to expect
that they would silently and promptly admit their
errors and yield to what had been done for the best
interests of our common country.
Accordingly We perceive that at the South, a
second edition of the Hartford Convention has again
assembled, and is laborng to stir up strife and con-
tenton, and in several OF the slave. holding States
the spirit of discord and discomfort, is busly en-
gagged in its unpatriotic work. But | confidently
anticipate that all their mad efforts will be put
down by the intelligence, the patriotism, the love
OF Union, Of the people Of the various slave holding
States.
And here, Mr.. Speaker, let us make moment
ary inquiry as to what would have been the condi-
ton Of the Confederacy on the subject of slavery
it. unhappily, 1t had been discovered. Assuming
slave holding and non-slave-holding States, all
north of Maryland and Virginia, and all north of
the Ohio river would have become foreign inde-
pendent and sovereign power. Contrast if you
please, our present condition with what it would
have been under that order Of things.
At present we have a right, if any slave escapes
from his service, to demand his surrender. We
have right to take the Constitution and the law
in our hands, and TO require the surrender. | do
not believe that there will be any open and orcible
resistance TO the execution of the law.
The people. of the North have too strong sense
OF the proprety of obedience to the law; but if
there be any such resistance, we have the right to
invoke the employment of any part of the militia of
the U. S., the Army and Navy of the u s., to
enforce the execution OF the law, and although |
have no authority to connect President Fillmore to
any spec fic line of duty, have known him long,
well and intimately, and feel entire confidence in
him. A man ofability, honesty and patriotism, who
will form his duty and his whole duty in seeing
to fectual execution of the laws of the land
to y .a pledge my support, to the utmost of my
poor d lty,
In the s.sting state of things, We doubtless
shall not recover all our fugitive slaves that es-
capped. We shall, however, recover some, and the
courts and the juries in the free States have de-
monstrated their readiness to give, by their ver-
diets and judgments, ample indemnity against those
who entce, seduce away and harbor our run away
slaves.
But how would the case stand in a dismembered
condition of the Confederacy? Then we would
not have right to demand solitary slave that
might escape beyond the Ohio into what would
then be foreign power.
Ii all the slaves of Kentucky in that contingency
were to fee beyond the Ohio river, we would moi
have right to demand one of them in the absence
of extradltlon treaties, and such treaties would
ever be concluded.
With respect to slaves, we should have no righ
to demand surrender of one of them, Nothing i.
Il, ybpln lio ln,,, &c
that one Independent foreign power is not bound t,
surrender fugitive who takes refuge in anothe
Independent foreign power.
We have recently seen this great internationa
principle acted upon by the Sultan of Turkey il
the case of Kossuth and his Hungarian companions
who took refuge in the Sultans domnions and hi
refusal to surrender them upon the demand of Rus
ria and Austria, was enthusiastically admired, ap
proved and applauded by all ofus.
Now, Mr.. Speaker, we have the Constitution
the law, and the clear right on our side. DissOlv
the Confederacy, and create new and Independent
powers, the law aud the right will be transferre
from us TO them.
1t may be asked, as have been asked, when
would consent to dissolution of the Union. | ar
swer NEVER! NEVER! NEVER because / ca
conceive of no possible contingency that wOul
make it for the interest and happiness of the pei
pie to break up this glorious COnfsderaey and sepa
ate into bleeding and belligerant parts Show mt
what believe TO be impossible TO show me, thS
there will be greater security forlberty, life, prope
ty, peace and human happiness in the midst of jar
ing Jealous and warning independent North Amer
can powers, than under the Eagle of the Uniol
Il ,.rsllH IN Il