The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-12-27

those most noisy and clamorous, was not SO much |
to secure a government OF law and order, 10 me |
people Of California, as to make the whole Pacihc
coast free soil, and thus exclude the people OF the
slaveholdng States from any portion OF the racine
| voted for the territorial government oil utah'
because it was in the usual form, without restrlc-
ton to slavery; also for the bill granting view
Mexico government, to take effect when leXas
shall assent to the proposition made to buy her
claim to that territory, for the same reason. 49,,
| voted against the bill of Mr.. Pearce, to settle
the boundaries of Texas and buy out her title TO
New Mexico. gave this vote reluctantly TOT
the necessity of settling this question was urgent,
but believed that the title of Texas, TO the tull
extent of her claim against the united states,
was good When Texas was annexed, she, ny
her laws, included within her limits all or the
country east OF the Rio Grande, from Its mouth TO
its source and was Of the opinion that the United
States were estopped, by the articles of annexa-
ton, from setting up a counter claim. therefore
voted to recognize the claims OF Texas 10 the iul
| lest extent. ! was unwilling to purchase an acre
OF her territory; unwilling to turn out sixty or
seventy thousand square miles of slave territory to
| free-soil. | unwilling on THIS point as
some gentlemen were rot, TO turn over what they
considered free-sol, to slave institutions.
The Fugitive slave bill. For this bill voted,
because believed it to be judicous. and hoped It
would be eficacious; but from present appear
ances, fear that our Northern friends will nullify
it, and render 1t neficaclous. SO long as good
! faith was observed, and fraternal feelings cher
shed, the law of 1893 answered every purpose,
but since abolitioHsm and free-soillsm have ar
rived at maturity in the North, and find adjuncts
in the South, il is entirely ineffcacous; and, In
deed, it is doubtful, since the days OF the Buffalo
Convention up to the present time, whether any
law for the recapture of fugitlvs slaves could be
4 enforced. The experiment Is now about to DE
tried, the result OF which will depend upon the
good faith and public virtue Of the North, and the
}; fidelity with which the judicial and executive Off
GERS in the free States shall discharge their duties.
The Federal Government has done about all that
can be done upon this subject in the way OF legls-
lation, yet no law, however wise ana necessary
d is Of the least value, unless sustained by public
opinion, and if it shall be the settled determination
Of large portion of the people of the free States
not surrender our fugitive slaves and to encour.
age negro stealing, no law that can be devised VIII
avail us in the least degree and further, do not
believe that this any other law can he enforced
4 with the bayonet in any State in this Union, and
r those who look to the President and to the army
and navy of the United States to enforce this law
= will, in my humble judgment, find themselves
d mistaken. | have no confidence IN federal bayo
e nets in the enforcement OF law.
!, The last measure, and IN my opinion, under thu
If circumstances, the most obnoxious to censure
and most in derogation Of the rights OF the slave
l. holding States, is the law aboshIng the siav
IF trade in the District Of Columbia. Practically j
t. is of but little Importance, so far as the District d
n concerned, but it evinces a determination on tn,
n part of the majority, in both Houses Of Congress
i to push matters to extremes The slave trade has
= been always heretofore, lawfully conducted in the
e District Of Columbia, and the necessity for abo
}, isbino it, if it ever existed, is less now, than a
anv former period 1t was said in debate in the
If Senate that there were but six hundred slaves in
1t the District, and several thousands Of free negroes
:, therefore that act less necessary at the time
ofits passage than it has been at any period with
e in the last fifty years Again, 1t Is said that the
buying and selling Of slaves is wrong in ITSELF fol
If the trade be wrong in the District Of Columbia
it is wrong in South Carolina and Missouri. L
\ it he wrong to bring slave into the District o
A. Columbia to sell, it is wrong to buy and sell slaves
already in the District, and so In any other place
as Against the law voted.
y Ii NAV be said that there was some inconss
3 ,ency in sustaining the omnibus bill and opposing
e the same measures or part of them, when pre-
scented separately. Perhaps tEis true to some ex
II tent. | was willing to concede much, too much
!, for the sake of peace and harmony. If have en-
red at all, it has been in conceding too much.
was willing to have all irregularities in the man
ner of proceeding in bringing California into the
Union, with the enormous extent of territory EN-
n braced within her limits and her extensive sea
board, with front enough on the Pacific ocean
# for. four States, and the whole being plausi-
i bile desire to exclude the Shareholder from the Pa
: cifc coast. was willing to pay Texas ten mil
$ lions for her claim to New Mexico, and take risk
Of its becoming free SOIL all for the sake of peace
e harmony and the U:ion. But when these propo.
stions wee defeated in their combined form,
: was unwilling to concede anything, or TO give a
i vote my judgment did not sustain was unwil.
ling to trust the ma orty in anything II erred
e at ALL il was not against the North it was against
e the South, and the rights, interests and honor of
; my own State. But now solemnly promise never
, again to err on that side. will concede nothing
further to fanaticsm. l will cavil about the ninth
part of hair, in the way Of bargain with the
: North.
d Those of us who sustained the resolutions OF
our last legislature upon the subject Of slavery
were denounced as nuihers and disunionsts
!, We are charged with the design under the lead o
MIR. Calhoun, to form Southern confederacy
)fl We are called traitors, &C., &c. This charge was
% made against myself and my colleagues agains
Judges, bank officers, members Of the legislature
Of democratic members and others who voted for the
he resolutions, understanding what they about
excepting only those who such fools as no
e to understand the effect Of their own work. ant
n ind ed all who sustained the resolutions were in
J. volved in the charge. | will not discuss the
s. resolutions. The charge false, as against
e myself and colleagues in Congress-, the records
h Of the last session Of Congress will amply prove
If The charge was false to all, and was known to
be false by its orginators, and is only repeated
n and believed by the ignorant corrupt. Myself
d and colleagues, by our action in Congress, fur.
d niShed evidence that cannot be controvertad ed, that
the charge was atrocously false. We did all in
d our power settle the questions growing out OF
the subject Of slavery, satisfactorily and honora-
It bly to both sections of the Union, conce ling
= much. Nullifers and disunioniss would never
!, have onceded what we conceded. Compare the
e course pursued by with that Of those who ORR
c ginated those charges against US, and then say
e who are the nullifers and disunoniss, the men
e who sustained the proposition for the settlement
of all those dstracting questions, those who OPP
. posed the omnibus bill upon merely technical
T grounds.
, The cry Of Union, the glorious Union, nullifca-
= ton, disunon, civil war, and Southern confed-
: eracy was the cry of hypocrtes, knaves, fools
e and traitors to the State and her institutions; the
: cry Of those who did not desire speedy and hon,
orable settlement Of the slavery question the cry
j., of those who did desire this Internal question KEPT
v open for agitation, North and South; of those who
o would peril the Union of these States for theii
n own selfish purposes; of those who striking
|, for the Presidency; and of those who strike fol
n the striker. The very men who 10y the aid ant
lie comfort they were giving to freesoilism and abo