The North-Carolinian. [volume] (Fayetteville [N.C.]) 1839-1861, 1850-03-16
FAYETTEVILLE, N. c., MARCH 49, 1850.

from the shores Of the Atlantic, or that a
wise man at the East becomes a fool BY
gong to the West. am speaking here,
s'r' as l spoke in my Nicholson letter, oi
organized communities. existing govern
ments. But l maintain, as | did in my
speech few days ago, that all communi-
ties have right to organize themselves
and provide for social order, when such
| order cannot otherwise be obtained. l do
not undertake to say how many there must
be to do this. leave that to be determin-
ed when the cases arise. Like many
other questions, indeed like most other
questions not purely mathematical, the
principle is correct aud safe. though its
application may sometimes be difficult.
| This Wllm0t ProvisO is new in its name,
but old in its pretension-as old as the
institution Of governments and it will
probably last as long as government ex-
lists. 1t is founded deeply in human ma
ture. which is prone to feel power and for
get right. Every age Of the world has had
its Wilmot Proviso. Sometimes it is tax
on tea sometimes it is constitution like
that which the Emperor of Austria, in his
wisdom and mercy, granted to the Hun
! garlans +; sometimes it is the division Of
| Poland but at all times it is the result Of
a conviction that the governors know much
better what is good for the governed than
the latter know for themselves. Sultans,
Emperors, Kings. P.rIaments, and Con-
crosses. all equally entertained this opin-
ion of their own paternal authority, and
are satisfied that they ought to possess
and exercise it. Now, sir. [ do not be.
lieve in this doctrine at all. 1t does not
belong to my age of progress. State or
Territory, it is the people who ought to
govern, SO far as is consistent with their
mutual relations to the United States.
1t is that part Of my Nicholson letter
relating to the Territories which l under
stand is the object of animadversion-I
| may say, indeed, Of censure. How diff
ferent opinions could exist respecting the
meaning Of that part Of my letter, l can
quote them here, though not quoted in
my speech:
:" 1t (the interference of Congress) should be
limited to the creation of proper government for
new countries acquired settl. d, and to the
necessary provision, leaving in the mean time to
the people inhabiting them to regulate their own
concerns in their own way"
Here Mr. Butler, Of South Carolina,
and Mr. Davis, Of Mississi ppi, and others,
sIgnlhed their assent.
might have added in my speech,
what will take the liberty Of adding here,
that the proudest and most grateful testi-
n,Onial l have ever received has recently
reached me from the de emocratic members
of the legislature Of Tennessee. ! shall
treasure the recollection Of it through life.
In that letter 1 am told as follows:
8. Your late speech in the Senate of the Will
mot Proviso is a most triumphant vndcation of
the position heretofore assumed by you, that
Congress has no power under the constitution
to legIslate upon or to meddle with the subject
of slavery, either in the State Territories,
slave-holding States. and of the people of all
States and Territories, form and regulate their
own social and municipal Institutions"
want no better endorsement than this
Of the correctness of my views and of the
consistency with which [ have maintained
them. 1t is a full compensation for all
attacks have experienced here Or else
where.
The senator from Alaba ma Mr. Clem-
ems will allow me to say that both he and
the southern representation here and upon
the tioor have an easy task before them.
They all live in an excited community.
They naturally partake Of its feelings.
And do not say that it is an excitement
without cause. There is too much cause
for it, though none that would justify DIS
duu uOuG lndt uIounlOu WOutu make
better. The provision in the constitution
respecting the recapture of slaves has been
too often aud grossly violated and neglect
ed. Every dictate Of justice requires a
law more efficient on that subject, and
more efficiently executed. Such a law.
with proper provisions. shall not want my
vote. And this WiImot Proviso. unneces-
sary and unconstitutional it is, has
justly given great offence to the South. 1
trust and believe it's days are numbered.
But allow me to say, sir, that when south
ern gentleman attribute the interference Of
the North with the subject Of slavery to
any serious calculation about the balance
Of political power or Of material interest.
they are in a great error. 1t originates
in other feelings. The spirit of inquiry is
one of the marked characteristics Of the
age in which we live. ltpenetrates every
where. There is nothing concealed from
its research. Even the highest and hoiiest
things are assailed. Why, sir, the rights
of property in the South are attacked. |
And SO they are in the north. There are
men who contend that slaves should not be
held IN bondage, and there are men who
contend with equal pertinacity that no one |
should hold land, but that all things should |
be IN common. The marriage condition Is |
assalIed; the domestic relations are assail- |
ed; the being and attributes Of God are
assaiIed; and strenuous efforts are making |
to overturn the whole constitution OF So
ciety. 'Error Of opinion,' said Mr. Jefer-
son. ''may be tolerated where reason IS
s. a.