The New York herald., 1850-05-18

lshed the slave trade in the District of Columbia.
But now l see some of the rabid abolition papers
denouncing II as amounting to nothing-a some
thing which they would hardly ask for
Now, will my friends upon the other side of the
house allow me TO say word or two upon their
course with respect to this subjectl AS YOU we'll
know, MT; PRESIDENT at the beginning of this ses-
eion, the lrovlso, called the Wilmot Provso, was
the most apprehended, and was matter which
the saveholding States. Well, by the operation
Oh causes upon thenorthern mind friendly to this
scuon, hopes have transpired that ! trust will not
pe prostrated In the progress of these measures !;
ihat the North, or at least sufficient portion of it
10 render the measure harmless. r. nov willing
10 dispense with the Proviso. When, three months
sgJ' ohered certain resolutions-and it has been
sares reported by the committee were simply car
Iying out my own plans, though my friend from
North Carolina, mir. MANGUMl at the moment
pointed out that they differed essentially-when |
offered these resolutions, knowing what conse-
quences, and, as | sometimes feared fatal conse-
quences, might result from the North insisting up
on that Pioviso. by way of compensation, in one of
the resolutions ofered-the second one-I stated
Two facts OF law, two principles of law, that
thought ought to satisfy the North that it ought ne
longer to insist upon the Wilmot Proviso. These
truths were not incorporated in the bill, but they
exist, nevertheless as principles. know as well
as did IN February, that there are Others who do
not concur with me in this opinion. Every Sena-
tor, however, must decide for HIMSELF as the
country must decide for itself when they come to
examine these measures.
Well, when our Southern friends found that they
mad got rid Of the proviso they were highly salts
ned, and shared the satisfaction with them; and,
II am not mistaken, the most of them concurred
with me when offered these resolutions, with the
exception of one thing. They said to me, "Mr.
Clay, if you had not put those two vexatious prin-
clpes in your resolutions, we would have been sa-
tisted with the scheme That constituted the
main objection oft: Well. you have got rid of the
Wilmot proviso Now you have got rid, as far as
the enactment is concerned, of the two principles
10 which have referred Yet lament to say that
fear there are some of our Southern friends who
are not satisfied, who yet say there is the Wilmot
proviso in another form, lurking in the laws of
Mexico, and lurking in the fact to which my friend
from Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster) adverted, when
he said that the laws of nature were adverse the
introduction of slavery there. Thus you find that
on the one side that which is desired is attained;
yet, the other hand, you find that there are fur
fher and other difficulties in the way, to prevent
the consummation of this most desirable of all
events-the adjustment of these unhappy subjects.
Yet, Mr.. President, do not despair 1 will not
despair. The measure will carry; and ] would
stake my life, my existence, ii dared do it, that if
the measures reported by the Committee of Thirteen
were submitted to the people of the United States
tomorrow, and their votes taken upon it, there
would be nne-tenths Of them in favor of the pact-
catien which is embodied in that report. Now,
what have we to differ about The Proviso 1t
is an abstraction pressed upon the South by the
North, against all the necessities OF the case,
against all the warnings which the North ought to
have listened to, coming from the South, pressed
unnecessarily for any northern object. 1t is OPP
posed by the South with a degree of earnestness
uncalled for, think, by the nature OF the Proviso
but degree of earnestness nstural 10 the North,
and which the North itself, perhaps, would
have displayed, if reversal of the condi-
tons Of the two sections of the Union could have
been made. Why do you press these things
from the North You say it is in obedience
TO certain sentiments in behalf Of freedom,
which you entertain. You are likely to accomplish
your object in the progress OF events. Why will
you, then, press these measures nowl You may
Tetort, why do you oppose it at the Southl Be-
cause the South feels that when Legislation once
begins, there is no saying where it is to end upon
this subject of slavery. Begin 1t in the District OF
Columbia, or in the territories OF Utah, and New
Mexico, and Cafona--assert your power TO do IL
there, and in spite of all your protestatons-and
you are not wanting in proestations-thaty you have
no purpose OF extending your action TO the southern
States, what security can you give that a new sect
will not rise, with new version OF the consttu-
tion, with something above or below the constitu-
ton, which will authorize them TO carry their no.
tons into the bosom of the slayeholding States,
and emancipate the slaves therel The South has
felt that their security consists in denying al the
Threshold your right TO touch this subject. They
know that some may make certain promises TO at
tain their end, and their successors may rise with
new notions, new principles, and new conceptions
OF the constitution and the laws of nature, and
then carry their notions into the bosom OF the
slayeholding States.
The case, then, gentlemen of the North and
gentlemen Of The South, does not stand upon an
equal footing when you, on the one hand, unne-
cessarily press this obnoxious measure on the
South, and when the South repels ii from the high
est Of human motives-the preservation OF property,
Of life and happiness, Of everything valuable.
Well, Mr.. President, after we have got out, as i
had hoped, OF all these troubles, after this Wilmot
proyso had disappeared, as trust II may, q speak,
of course, only in anticipation of what trust will
happen both in this and the other end Of the Capi-
toll after we have been disputing two or three
years on the one hand about mere abstraction,
when we are arriving at conclusion, what are the
difficulties that now spring up around us! Matters
of form, the purest question Of form that was ever
presented to the mind of man-whether we should
put into bill three measures which are neces-
sary be passed, TO separate them IN three Sc
parate bills, and pass them one after the other, IL
YOU can.
Mr. President, trus; ihat feelings OF attachment
TO the Union, the love OF its past glorcs, the anti
cipations Of its future benefits and happiness-,hat
brothcrly feeling which | trust will be evident
throughout all parts Of this county, trust that
from desire TO live together in peace and quiet 70
prosper az we have prospered heretofore, to hold
out TO the eyes of the world the example OF our
great and glorious republic fulfilling the high des
tiny which has fallen TO IT, and demonstrating, be-
yond doubt, mans clpaeIiy for selfgovernnent-
trust that these motives, these considerations,
will animate MS all, bring US together, and dismiss
alike distractions and questions OF forrn, and ena
bic us TO approach To a consunimation OF this OBJ
Sect. in such q manner as 10 heal not one only,
but all the wounds OF the country.
ON motion Of Mr.. Hale, the Senate then adj
journed
Common Council.
HOARD ASSISTANTS.