The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-12-31


they do at tragedy, over the grefs of Othello
or Poronoako. This feeling is in many cases,
and indeed in all in different degrees, reinforced
by party feelings, sectional ambition, and preju-
dices against shareholders as class -
though when gentleman of the South visits
: the North, he is received by those who give din
ners and balls with cordial hospitality. But this
class don't govern the State, or represent the
popular feeling; and when the time comes for
it, will nine times in ten support that party
which is now most conspicuous in its demon
STATIONS against the South. They will not, if
the alternative were directly presented give
the Union for the abolition of slavery" but they
will support party, and sanction measures, the
object of one of which is to ascend to power by
the ladder of fanaticism, and of the others to
place that Union in imminent jeopardy now, and
to ensure its dissolution at no distant period.
The people of the South have been for the last
fifteen or twerty years assured that the Adolf
tionists constitute but small portion of those
Of the North. 1t may be So but if it is, have
kept very bad company of late, for solemnly
declare. have not for the last two years. con-
versed with single man, of any sect or party,
who did not hold the opinion that Congress not
only had the right, but was bound to execute it,
to exclude the people Of the South from every
foot of territory possessed or hereafter &C
quired by the United States, where slavery does
not at present exist. This is the universal SEN
timent here, and Of what consequence is it,
whether we call this fanatcism, conscientious
scruples, sectional feelings, or any other name
The effects are the same, whatever may be the
cause, and in fact the danger is greater from
sober conviction of the truth, than from mere
efervescence of fanatcism. The South is in
more peril from Free-soilism, than rank Adolf
| tionism.
But the great Union movement" in this city,
and Boston, and Philadel phia, the two latter the
m>dinos of Runaway negroes, where they swag-
ger in open day, and armed cap-a-pied and kill
police officers at pleasure. And the meeting,
too, at Syracuse, the focus of abolition conven-
tons; and above all, that Mt Cincinnati the
paradise of pig-butchers, and the capital of the
great BOBBY fanatic of the West. III my hum
BILE opinion this National Union party is The
most dangerous mine yet sprung upon the
South. What is it that has endangered the
Union! Is it not the measures comprized in the
Compromise Yet these meetings in defence
of Southern rights sustain them all without ex-
ception. The records Of their proceedings uni
formly commence with wholesale approval of
the Compromise. Consequently they maintain
the doctrine that the public domain is not the
common property of the States, any one, or any
portion of which not constituting majority,
may be excluded at the pleasure of the Adolf
tionists, alias Free sellers. They maintain that
those preliminary steps which have hitherto been
always considered as indispensable to the adms-
sion of new Suites, and which are in the pre- sent
crisis the only guarantees for the right of equal
participation on the part Of the South, are not
necessary. They maintain that anybody may
come from anywhere take possession of the
land belonging equally to all the States, without
permission, without purchase, or any shadow OF
legal right whatever, and establish government
under the sanction of military usurpation, ex-
GLIDING one half Of all the proprietors
They maintain that the authorities of State
may be coerced into submission by the exercise
Of power not conferred by the Constitution,
which, it will be reco!ected, only authorizes
Congressman the President-to call out the
MILITIA, and not the standing army or navy, to
suppress nsurrecton, execute the laws Of the
Union, and repcl invasion. There is nowhere n
right conferred on the President by any const-
tutionaI provision, which bears on this question.
except what may he inferred from the Injunction
that he shall see the laws faithfully executed,
meaning nothing more than that he shall ap-
point competent officers, and see that they do
their duty. 1t did not contemplate the army
and navy as ordinary instruments for the pre-
servation Of internal tranquility and order, or in
executing the laws as is now the fashion in Eu
rope; much less was it devised for the purpose
of coercing or overawiDg State, when assert
ing what it deemed its reserved rights. 1t was
intended solely TO protect those very authorities
against solutions and Instructions Of their own
citizens and as such was to be exercised only,
at the call Of their Chief Magistrate, when the
legislature was not in session.
The act of Congress placing the army. and
navy Of the United States permanently at the
disposal of the President, for all such purposes,
and not merely for special purpose, appears to
me most dangerous concession, and ought to
be rescinded There may possibly occasions
arise, in which the exercise of this power may
be necessary, and if Congress should not be in
session, it may be convened for the purpose Of
authorizing the President to employ the army
and navy in executing the laws, when the mill
tia are Insufficient for that purpose. The militia
are in fact the people, and the people will never
become their own oppressors,
But armies of hirengs have no community
Of interests or feelings with the people; the