The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-06-22


South out of the sea of trouble which surround
US. IL is the policy of the Abolition party TO
present only weak issues TO the South upon which
they cannot unite for resistance. They are play
ing this game with consumniate ability, and they
are now aided by Southern men OF the great of
nee seeking national party. Their policy is that
of the skillful general. They intend 10 take first,
all the outposts on the frontiers Of the enemy's
country. Exclude slavery from all the territorial
districts, and then to draw their parallels closer
around u.s. As soon as they the spirit of re-
sistance rising, efforts cautiously made TO lull
the rising storm. The feelings at the South
thus let down. and the fire of resistance put out.
This is the most fatal policy that can be pursued
towards us. The system of Republican Govern
ment and manners formed at the close of the Re-
voutionary struggle, is going rapidly into decay.
Corruption stalks abroad at noon day with UNI
blushing boldness. Men ready TO sell the free
dom OF their country for titles, equpage and dis
tinctions. The millions of public money that
pour into the Golfers of the Government now, is
scattered broadcast over the Union, to bay n,en
To the support Of its measures. This is not new
with the governments of the world. Kings and
emperors do the same thing, and we will in the
end see the evil and the fallacy of supposing our
government agents are honester than those OF 9th
or countries. When Henry Brougham took his
sent in the British House of Commons, the throne
Of England s King soon trembled under the blows
he struck for the rights of British subjects. But
British gold soon hushed his voice. Henry
Brougham was converted into Lord Brougham by
the King Is patent. Carriers and crosses decorated
his person, aud the great seal of the Kingdom
and ten thousand pounds year, silenced forever
the magic voice of the peoples great champion
and advocate. The same policy is pursued here
now with firm and steady step. England and
France, at no period of the reign of their Kings,
ever played this game with more ability, or with
greater disregard the rights Of the people, than
~ hara n
pie number of Southern men fell into the vortex
of ambition thus opened. II the people of the
South would save themselves from ignominy and
ruin, they should look to this in time.
The abolition of slavery has at all times been de-
manded by a people living at a remote distance
from the place where slavery existed. The power
which abolished slavery in the remote isles of Eu-
rope, Asia, and America, held its Court three
thousand miles off. That is our condition now.
The abolition party live at the North, at a remote
distance from us, and carry on their schemes with
out being amenable to our laws. They guardedly
keep beyond our jurisdiction, so that the penalties
of our statutes, framed to protect the rights of our
people, cannot be enforced against the criminal
disturbers of our peace. The powerful engine of
the press assails thousand assailable points.
The General Government, which | repeat, is now
under the unrestricted control of the Aboitonists,
is turned against by the fanatical functionaries
of the North; and this engine, too, the most pow
erful or all, pours IN us IRE upon U.s. anu VIC ooio'
return H.
We are thus defenceless, as far this Govern
ment is concerned, from the mode ofwartare waged
against us. ...
Our ranks are continually thinned by deserlion
in a struggle in which the odds against us grow
greater and greater every day. Even the right of
petition that we are apt to regard as sacred, but
as now claimed by the North, and exercised with
out restraint, involves the monstrous absurdty of
people living fifteen hundred miles of, petition
ing Congress relieve another people from an evil
,oheh they do not ei and the rery existence Of iohic
they deny. ..... ..,
The facts have presented are facts Of history
They do not rest upon me- therefore, for their au-
thority. Can any sane man, who will give due
weight to the considerations here presented, for a
moment suppose that this abolition spirit ,ciH stop
of its o,cn accord? All Europe and America are
aware of the immense advantages of your institu-
tons and position and that, if permitted to go on
in the march of greatness, you will hold in your
hands the commercial trident OF the seas, and con-
troll the commerce of the world. You are there
fore to be held back no,r. Your greatness, the
fertility Of your soil, your industrial pursuits your
agricultural, mineral and manufacturing abilities
and resources are not yet half developed-they are
but in their infancy, and you are but in the in
fancy of your greatness. In the Southern section
Of the Union, constitutional liberty itself is des-
tined to find it's last retreat-last resting place upon
this continent You have within your own bor-
ders a self-sustanng power, that makes your own
will the law of your future destiny, and that of
your children for ages yet to come. 1t Is for you
to say whether abolition shall go on to its accom-
plishment, or not. If you do not arrest it, who
will The people of the South alone have the
moral courage to arrest it. The question is with
them. and upon them rests the responsibility of
the decision.
The Constitution of the United States is, to all
practical purposes, dead letter. The majority
have repealed it, and it is among the things of the
past.
Another truth is clear You ,ciH nerer hare peace,
security or repose, ,ohile this Central Government
enterfai,s jurisdiction The question Of starery.
This truth will be Il part of the history Of future
times. II the South be true to themselves, they
have nothing to fear, but every thing to hope.
Bat am profoundly impressed with the convic-
ton, that the South have nothing to hope for
from this Government
nave no reliable means of information upon
which to found an opinion whether Mr.. Clay s
plan Of surrender will become law or not. Any
opinion could give would be only conjecture
There is probability that the Abolitionists may
divide upon the question. Their difference of
opinion only applies to the mode by which their
plans are to be carried out, some of them pre-
ferring Gen. Taylorss plan to Mr.. Clay's. The
fate of the last certainly depends upon the extent
of this difference of opinion which have no means
of ascertaining. Hopes are entertained, however,
that Mr.. ClayS plan VIII De ueleateu. III tnlS
be done, the test question will be upon the admis-
sion of California. l think the South ought to
make the admission of California the test question,
whether in or out Of Mr.. Clay's plan of adj Just
ment.
have now expressed my views freely and can
didly, and without reserve. Any other course
would be alike unworthy of you well as myself.
1t is my duty to lay before you every material
fact involving your rights and interests here, and
have done this far my limits will permit.
In conclusion, have only to remark that timid
counsels will ruin any people. When the rights of
State are at stake, it is the part Of wisdom to
carry out, with firmness and energy, determined
will and purpose to defend them to the last To
act otherwise is to invite insult and aggression.
Believing, as | do that this doctrine is not only
right in itself, but that you also approve and sane
ton it, shall, as far as may be able make it
the rule of my conduct here, and wherever my
duty calls me. He who yields, whilst there
mains single right to defend, is at all times I'M
worthy of your trust and confidence, and more
especially so in times like the present. The most
anmating occasions ofhuman life are calls TO dan
ger and hardship, not invitations to safety ami
ease; and forttude and courage cannot find a