The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-02-14

schools have common sympathies That the
North and South have many wants and many
sympathies in common, is as true as that all men
the most opposite, oppressor and oppressed, de
ceiYer and dupe, have great wants in common
But in their foundation-ideas, their political doc
trines their State policies, their conceptions o.
public measures, they are not only different but
t for the most part, opposite and oppugnant
States, so essentially different would find har
mony rather in separate existence, than in fede
ration. Yet our Union is composed of these op
positions.
When the Constitution was in birth, these
things were in the seed. Yet even then, the re-
, pellencies were such that common Constitution
was adopted only by compromise Now, if the
compromises OF the Constitution in the matter Of
Slavery were adopted, in the expectation that
Slavery would soon be eradicated by the superior
vitality of Liberty. we can understand the wisdom
of the intention at least But if it was designed
that one instrument should inclose the spirit OF
two theories of government totally adverse, 1t
was the most extraordinary blindness, the most
anomalous folly which honest men were ever
smitten with We should as soon look for an
agreement by which Christ and Belial should
Jointly undertake to govern this world! Was 1t
thought possible to serve both Liberty and Sla-
very-God and Mammon Could the same
mouth breathe justice and injusticel Could a
Constitution having any definite nature, have two
hearts, one beating for liberty, with vitallzed
blood and the other beating for slavery with
black blood Could it organize coRrts empow-
cred to establish Justice and systematic oppres-
sion ?-courts, with one baud to lift up the
wronged by speedy redress, and 10 beat down the
wronged with the other by triple blows! We
believe that the compromises of the Constitution
looked to the destruction of Slavery and not to
its establishment
The event justified the judgment. Arnougn
/ incidental causes conspired to give slavery new
growth, while our country was swelling and
coming into manhood, yet it soon became appa-
rent that both systems could not long coexist.
There are good and easy souls not perturbed
by over deep meditations, who think that men
make all this national uproar. They are guilt
less of supposing that our institutions are the
agitators, that our civil polity is the fanatic
whose irebrands infame the Union This move
ment of the spirit of the age has made the men,
not the men it. We are its children While the
North and the South inveigh against each other,
and fanatics are loud-mouthed against fanatics,
camer and deeper men see that both North and
South are drifting, and fighting they drift, in
current whose secret springs lie deeper than
mems voitions; whose force God both ordained
and will augment, until old things are passed
away, and he whose right it is shall reign Why
then should we try to stop the contest? 1t must
come TO an issue, which spirit shall animate our
Constitution. The spirit of Bondage and the
spirit of Liberty, when both are living spirits, can
not dwell together. Moses rod must swallow the
enchanters, or the magician's rod must swallow
the prophets. The South have found out that
slavery cannot live and stand still. Liberty
grows the fastest has the best roots eats out
the other; and if slavery is stationary it will be
speedily overrun and smothered by the rampant
vine of freedom 1t must thrust out It's roots II
must borrow vigor from fresh soil Southern
men are perfectly consistent in rejecting a com
promise which only confirms old rights, but posi-
I lively grants no extension.
The South now demands room and right for
extension She asks the North to be partner
For every Free State she demands one State FOR
Slavery One dark orb must be swung into its
orbit to groan and travail in pain, for every new
orb Of liberty over which the morning stars shall
sing for joy.
On that question we hold there can be no Com
promise. The Constitution has come TO a period
of final Construction. Every years delay will ag
gravate the difficulties; an earlier day had been
better than this: but this is better than any
future day. II is time for good men and true to
grid up their loins and stand forth for God and
for Humanity. No Compromises can help us
which dodge the question; certainly none which
settle it for Slavery. We are told that the ques-
ton is momentous and beset with the most
serious difficulties Neither in the affairs of ndi-
vduals nor of nations is there any difficulty when
men are willing TO do right. tits when Right Is
spun 10 so fine thread that it floats like gos-
samer, changing to every BREATH that we lose
sight of it or find it entangled in our hands.
There never was palmer question for the North
1t is her duty openly, firmly, and forever to re-
fuse to Slavery another inch of territory, and to see
TO 1t that 1t neUer gets Il by fraud. 1t is her duty
to refuse her hand or counenance to Slavery
where it now exists 1t is her duty to declare
that she will under no considerations be party
to any further inhumanity and injustice. Then
the path will be plain and straight. The path Of
Duty, though a steep one, and often toilsOme, is
always straight and plain. Those are the laby-
rinthine roads, which, winding through sloughs
and thickets, imbosked and dark, seek to find a
way around the rocks and sleeps, and come to
the gate of Success, without climbing the hill of
Difficulty.
Mr.. Clay's compromise resolutions demand
better provision for the recovery of fugitive
slaves; and bill is now pending in the United