The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-12-28

Letter from Hon. Theodore FrsIinghuyssn.
At meeting of the Union Safety Commit
tee of New York, he'd on the 23d instant, the
following letter was read, and ordered TO be
published:
New BRUNSWICK, DEC. 10, 1850
GENTLEMEN ! have duly received your
teemed favor Of the 9th November last ENC losing
the resolutions adopted, and the proceedings had,
at meeting Of the citizens Of the city Of New York,
held at Castle Garden, October 49, 1850, known and
long to be remembered the Union Meeting. il
was tit occasion for the city of New York to speak
out her sentiments. Her commercial importance
her wide reaching infuence-and the relations
which she holds to the Union, all seemed to call for
clear and full expression OF her views on the ex
listing topics that now cause much anxiety. And
il ID matter Of great Satisfaction that she has in the
resolutions adopted spoken in uninstakable terms
Of mbroken attachment to the Constitution, and
her infiexibe determination TO carry out its pro-
visions
Many just and law loving men mistake, fear,
the true question. II Is not whether slavery be an
evil that should be abolished. If il were, there
would be very general concurrence Of opinion.
Our duty, citizens Of the United States, is far
more serious than is implied by any abstract pro-
position. Duty is often com pcated with rela-
tons and circumstances that It requires deibera-
ton, and great consideration, and calm Judgment
to ascertain it. Such appears to be the character
OF the slavery question. We cannot settle its claims
by the mere favors Of excited sympathy, and
shall certainly come far short OF it by angry and
acrimonious denunciation.
When the fathers of the Constitution approached
the subject of United Government. they found the
thirteen States, of distinct and independent sover-
eighty, exercising their sovereign rights over all
matters of State concern, and among these, with
tenacious authority that of domestic slavery, then
existing in several OF the States free--as
New Jersey, New York, and Connecticut. And
they formed the Union the basis of leaving to
the States severally, and undisturbed by the new
and Federal Government, this and all merely do
tJato
for itself and by itself, regulate and control the
listing institution Of slavery II 10 well to inquire,
how they could have more wisely disposed of it than
to leave it with the Statesl Would New York or New
Jersey have consented then since, that any other
State the United States should interfere with their
action in this any other internal concern So the
trainers OF the Constitution reasoned, and excluded
from the National Government all authority over
the matter. They believed that the true interests Of
the slave would be best consulted by such
and they concluded to hope for the lights of time,
OF Christian principles and enlightened conscience,
to accomplish, by gradual and healthfui influence,
all that sound morals might ordain or philanthro.
py desire. And now shall we, who are reaping the
rich fruits Of their compact raise the cry of vo-
lence, and rupture the bonds of Union formed
by such combination Of wisdom and patriot
ism, and overlooking with blessings to ourselves
and to our whole race! trust not Let sober
thought pause the crisis, and far rather wait for
the power OF kind counsels, for the openings Of
Providence and the progress of truth. Wait long,
wait always, rather than, by misguided feelings
and rash measures, break this great Confederacy
into miserable fragments, discordant and dishon-
ored; srnarting under wrongs aggravated by hard
words and odous crimina tions--no longer brothers
in peace, but filled with contentious, like the bars
of castle.
The clause Of the Constitution requiring that flu
gtives from service labor should not be dis
charged from such service or labor, by any law or
regulation Of the State to which they may have
escaped, but should be delivered up claim of the
party to whom such service or labor may be due,
is no more than an honest ful6lment of the COM
pact, which agreed 10 leave all such questions with
the State For how utterly vain would be the iu-
risdiction and power, If fugitivcs might find safe
retreat by crossing State line. Our national bond
by many of often to, requires of US to
send back the fugitive to his master. Will OPP
posite course. while it may secure the escape Of
few, will it help the many thousands at home!
Will ii persuade to our views the southern owner
of slaves, or bring him 10 better temper by hard
terms of bitter reproachee Washington and
Madison, Jay and Ellsworth, Hamilton and Ames,
and many of their compatriots, deemed this dis
puted clause wise stipulation, the best TO be had
at the time; and now, after nearly four years
OF concurrent Interpretation and construction shall
give countenance to the violence that passes by
the judicial tribunals of country established to
decide all constitutional cases, and forcibly take
the Constitution, the great fundamental law of our
Union, into its own hands, and tear out what IL
presumptously declares to be exceptional clauses?
cannot believe it. ! believe in the merciful Provi-
dence of God that the sober minded in all our free
States will stand by the Union-will keep their
word, given under such sacred pledges, and leave
domestic slavery where forefahers left it, upon
the responsibilities of the States in which it exists
Very respectfully, gentlemen, yours,
THEO. FRELINCHUYSEN
To George Wood, Hiram Ketchum, George Il. But
Ter, l.. b. Chase, A. G. Benson, George Douglas,
and James t. Brady, Esquires, Committee.