Burlington free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1827-1865, 1850-03-29


must so discharge our trust as to secure, in the
highest attanabe degree, their happiness. How
momentous that trust is, we may learn from
the instructions of the founder OF modern phio-
sophy.
. No man can, by care taking, rs the Scripture
saith add cubit to his stature, in this little mode
OF a mans body but, in the great frame of Kingdoms
and commemorative, it is in the power OF princes or
States to add amplitude and greatness to their king
doms-ior, by introducing such ordinances, constu-
tons and customs as are wise, they may sow great
ness to their posterity and successors. But these
things arc commonly not observed, but LETT to take
the chance"
We are an estate, and are celebrating for
the Commonwealth, just as our fathers delibe-
rated in establishing the institutions we enjoy.
Whatever superiority there is in our condition
and hopes over those of any other kingdom,our
estate is due to the fortunate circumstance,
that our ancestors did not leave things to take
their chance but that they added amplitude and
greatness to our Commonwealth. BY introducing
such ordinances, constitutions and customs, as
were wise.
We in our time, have succeeded TO the same
responsibilities, and we cannot approach the
duty before us, wisely or justly, except we
raise ourselves to the great consideration of
now we can most certainly sow greatness to
our posterity and successors. And now the
simple, bold, and awful question, which pre-
Sents itself to us, is this shall We, who are
founding institutions, social and political, for
countless millions, shall we, who know by
experience the wise and the just, and are free
to choose them, and to reject the erroneous and
the uniust-sla we establish human bondage.
or permit it by our suil1rance to be established
Sir our fathers would hot have hesitated an
hour. They found slavery existing here, and
they left it only because they could not remove
it. There is not only no free States which
would now establish it, but there is no slave
State which, if it had the free alternative, az
we now have, would have founded slavery.
Indeed our revolutionary predecessors had
precisely the same question before Il EN- in es-
tablishng an organic law, under which the
States of Ohio, Nj chgan, Illinois, Wisconsin,
and Iowa. have since come into the Union.
And they solemnly repudlated and excluded
slavery from those States forever. ! confess
that the most alarming evidence of our degene.
racy, which has yet been given, is found in the
fact that we even debate such question.
Sir, there is no Christian nation that, free to
choose as we are, would establish slavery
speak on due consideration, because Great Br-
tain, France and Mexico have abolished slave
ry, and all other European States are preparing
to abolish it as rapidly as they can.
We cannot establish slavery, because there
are certain elements of the security, welfare
and greatness of nations, which we all admit,
or ought to admit and recognise as essential ;
and these are the security of natural rights
the diffusion of knowledge, and the freedom of
industry. Slavery is incompatible with all
| these, and Just in proportion to the extent
that il prevails and controls in any republican
State, just to that extent it subvers the princi-
! pie Of democracy, and converts the State into
an arstocracy or a despotsm. | will not Of
fend Sensibilites by drawing my proof from the
slave States existing among ourselves but
VIII draw them from the greatest of the Euro.
pean slave States. The population of Russia
in Europe, in 1874, was 54,25l 900. Of these
were serfs 53.500000. The residue, mobiles
clergy, and merchants, &c, 75l COO. The I'm
perial Government abandons the control ovei
the tiftythree and half millions to their own
ers and the residue, included in the ISL 600
are thus a privileged class or aristocracy. /
ever the government interferes at all with the
serfs, who are the only laboring population, il
Is by edcts, designed to abrldge their opportu-
mites OF education, and thus continue their de-
basement. What was the origin of this sys
tenn ? Conqpest-in which the captivity o
the conquered was made perpetual and hered
tary.
This, it seems to me, is identical with Amer
can slavery, only, at one aud the same time
exaggerated by the greater disproportion be
tween the privileged classes and the slaves il
their respective numbers, and yet relieved of the
unhapplest feature of American slavery--tht
distinction of castles. What but this render.
Russia at once the most arbitrary despotism
and the most barbarous State in Europe Anc
what is its effect but industry comparatively
al ,,I
tial bnt chronic and pervading the empire
With Massa chusetts and Ohio among US, shall
we pass by their free and beneticent examples
and select our institutions from the dominlons
of the GAR
cannot stop to debate long with those who
maintain that slavery is in itself practically
economical and humane. | might be content
with saying that there are some axoms in po
lltca science that statesman, or founder Of
states, may adopt, especially in the Congress o
the United States, and that among the axiom:
are these:
That all men are created equal, and have in
alienable rights of life, liberty, and the choice
of pursuits Of happiness =
That knowledge promotes virtue, and RICH
teousness eXalteth nation =
That freedom is preferable to slavery, ant
that democratic governments, when they car
oe maintained Ov acquleScence without force
are preferable to institutions exercising arbitra
ry and irresp onsible power.
1t remains only to say on this part of the sub
Ject, that slavery being homogeneous and repug
nant, is dangerous to the State. The conser
vatve principle Of the State, is the security o
the voluntary acquiescence of the people. Tina
acquiescence is obtained by universal suffrage
which demands of course, equality Of knowl
edge and property, as far as that is practically
attanabe without injustice or oppression.--
This argument is sustained by our own expe
rience. There is no danger menacing the Tn
ion, there never has been any, that would hav,
menaced it, had slavery had no shelter beneath
its protection. If slavery, confined as it nov
is, threatens the subversion of the Constitution
how can we enlarge its boundaries and increase
its influence, without increasing the DANCE
already existing?
Whether, then, regard merely the Welfare
!, OF the future inhabitants of the new Territories
or the security and welfare of the whole people,
of the United States, or the welfare of tn,
whole family of mankind, cannot consent t
introduce slavery into any part of this Cont
nent which is now EXEMPT from what seems [,