The North-Carolinian., 1850-03-30

nduOnS, and nothing more tOrclDIy ex-
h'bts the demoraIizing progress that ia
| natIclsm has made, than that any respect
able portion Of the American people should
have for moment submitted to, much less
invited, this impertinent interference in
the domestic affairs of American citizens.
Besides this, there is a system we'll de-
veloped and completely organized, for the
purpose of flooding our country with in
cendlary publications calculated to pro-
duce dissensions between our citizens, and
to excite domestic INSTRUMENTATION. These
sed't'"us and dangerous pamphlets are cir
cuiated extensively in many parts Of our
country. by means Of the post office. by
private and secret means, and bv the et-
forts OF sklllful emissaries and agents, who
II IS believed traverse the southern States
In various DISCUSSES, and from whose at
tempts the most dreadful evils are to be
apprehended. These are evils of a serious
nature, and moreover are important as in-
dicating a depraved state Of public feeling
on the part Of the great body Of the north
ern people; and a state of feeling which If
it continues to exist, will render the OBJ
legations Of the constitution nugatory. and
all enactments to carry out its provisions
entirely Intellectual.
great practical aggression next arrests
our attention. There is solemn clause
of the constitution, which was inserted ex-
pressly for our benefit, and whose insertion
was one Of the conditions on which we en-
tered into this confederacy. This clause
provides that fugitive slaves escaping from
their masters into any other State, shall be
given up to the masters on demand.
This provision, l need not inform you,
has been openly. deliberately, repeatedly
violated; it is nullfied by legislative enact
ments; it is evaded by the action of the
courts; and should these fail, physical--i
had almost said armed--force is not want
ing to complete the desecration. Laws
have been passed making it highly penal
for State functionaries to issue or execute
process for the arrest of fugitives from la
Dor, or for individuals, even the owners
themselves. to aid in their apprehension;
and the decisions Of their courts, so far
from lending their assistance to the pre-
servation of law, have consigned southern
men to felon's cell, for seeking to regain
their property under the sanction Of the
constitution; and southern men, while in
the exercise of ri shts guaranteed them by
the constitution, have been assaulted,
maimed, and murdered, and then sunk in
to the ground unavenged and unredressed,
but trust not unremembcred. l could
not, if would, by any power oflanguage,
add anything to the force with which the
atrocity Of this fragrant violation of our
constitutional rights will impress every
mind, from which sense of justice has
not been eradicated by prejudice or pas
sion. will onl y add on this subject. that
this practical notification of the constitu-
ton, which is neither denied, excused or
palliated. and by which the south, it is be-
lieved, has lost $ 200, 900, is an evil OF
sufficient Importance of itself to justify the
apprehension the south feels for the safety
of her Institutions; and to call for the meas
ures she has taken to protect herself from
danger.
And next, we have to consider the re-
peated attempts which have been made to
modify or abolish the institution of involun-
tary servitudeiin the District Of Columbia.
by means of the action Of Congress, which
it is cootended has absolute control Of the
territory ceded to the United States, for
the mere purpose of governmental convent
ence, as we'll as over all lands purchased
for the use of the military and naval SER
vices. The fallacy Of this position has
been SO often exposed, and is SO incons's-
tent with all our ideas Of the powers vest
ed IN Congress, that l shall not stop to dis
cuss it, but will go on to state, that the
WcdSu'CS "uICu nave oCCu P'"PoSSu' SSS-
sion after session, for the purpose of inter
fering with slavery, more with the criminal
desire of keeping up dangerous excite
ment. and lessening the security and value
of slave property in the District, so as to
make its owners willing, if not anxious,
for its abolition, than with any hope OF
their adoption. have lately assumed an as
pect of serious Importance. The course
of the last and present Congress shows
their passage to be not only possible. but
probable. need not dwell on the cOnse-
quences Of this act; which would be not
Only unjust. unconstitutional, and dis
honorable breach of the implied faith to the
southern State which cedetl it, but one
which, as the first direct interference be-
tween master and slave, should be fea, less
ly and strenuously resisted; for our whole
history shows how easily permitted inter-
ference Crews into established right.
And now we come to the great struggle,
where honor and ri sht contend at fearful
odds against the powers Of envy, ambition,
and tanaticisn; and upon whose issue de-
Pends our destiny. 1t arises from the
threatened assumption Of extraordinary
powers by Congress. which power It IS
pretended is derived from a clause in the
constitution, giving authority to Congress
to leglslate for the territories in certain
cases, which reads thus:
Congress shall have power to dispose of. and
make all needful rules and regulations respect
ing the territsry, other property belonging
to the United States and nothing in the consti-
tuition shall be so construed as to prejudice any