Daily Richmond times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1849-1850, 1850-03-06
PI1RIIC MEETING IN IOIIDOI1N

the meeting by John Janney Esq were, after discus
sion BY Messrs Janney, G. w. Bncoe, c. b. Tebbs,
A 5. Iebbs, b w. Harrison, Charles Shreve, B. Bird
ges, Jr and VIM. Torson, adopted with but one dis
senting voice:
We, the people of Loudoun county. in public meet
Father Of his Country know Of no mode in which
we can more appropriately express respect for his
memory, and our profound gratitude for his exalted
wees than by readoptng the sentiments and the Ian
guage OF his immortal Farewell Address to his country
men, and applying them to the circumstances by which
we are now surrounded.
We, therefore, declare that the unty Of government
which constitutes people, is Justly dear to us, for
It IS main pa in the edce OF our real independence,
the support of tranquility at home our peace abroad
OF our safety, OF our prosperity, and OF that very liberty
which we so highly prize. That our national Union is
oil immense value to our collective and individual hap
piness; that should cherish cordial habitual and
immoveabe attachment to it. accustoming ourselves to
think and speak OF it the palladium of our political
safety aud prosperity watching for its preservation with
Jealous anxiety dscountenancng whatever may suggest
even suspicion that it in any be abandoned
and Indignantly browning upon the first dawnng OF every
attempt to ALLEVIATE any portion of country from the
rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which link to-
gether the various parts
Citizens, by birth or choice, of common country
that country has right to concentrate Affections
| The name OF American, which belongs to us in our
national capacity, must always exat the just pride of
patriotism more than appeation derived from local
| determinations. We have in common cause fought
and triumphed together the independence and liberty
we possess the work of Joint counsels and Joint eff
forts, OF common dangers sufferings and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they
address themselves to our sensibty, are greatly out
weighed by those which apply more Immediately to
interests. Here every portion OF country finds the
| most commanding motives for carefully guarding and
preser ying the Union of the whole. All the parts COM
bned cannot tail to find in the united mass OF means and
efforts greater strength proporonably greater security
from external dangers and what is of most nestmabe
value must derive from union an exemption from
those brols and which frequently alic neigh
boring countries, not tied together by the same 60
vernments, which their nvalships alone would be
sufficient produce but which opposite foreign alliances
attachments and intrgues would stimulate and embtter
Hence likewise we will avoid the necessity Of those
overgown military establishments which under any form
OF government are inauspicous to liberty and which
are to be regarded particularly hostile republican
liberty In this sense it is that Union ought to be
considered the main prop of liberty and the love
OF the ought to endear to us the preservation of the
/ other"
These sentiments of the Father of his Country are
entitled to the respect OF the people of every part the
Republic-East and West, North and South. He lived
for the Union, he died and was buried in the Union,
andln this Congressional district. Let not the future
historian record the melancholy fact that his honored
remains repose in disoined member of once power
tul and united empire of freemen
With these feelings proceed to the business for
which we are assembled The question OF slavery has
agitated the councils of the country at various periods
from the foundation OF our government In the for
nation OF the constitution its influence powerfully
lett but conflicting opinions were then reconced by the
spirit OF enlarged patriotism and compromise which
animated the members of the Convention; and since
that time there have been three occasions only so far
the Congress the United States is concerned in which
there has been legislative action, and to these will
briefly refer. The first the celebrated Missouri
question, which was finally adjusted by Congress with
the assent OF the most distinguished statesmen of the
South as we'll as the North, and their sane
toned by James Monroe, Southern President; and of
his Cabinet, composed of five members, three were
Calhoun, and Villa Writ.
| The second occasion the insertion of the Mis-
souri, compromise line in the joint resolutions for the an
nexation OF Texas But these resolutions gave to the
Executive, the alternative proceeding upon the auho
rty which they, conferred, or by treaty as he might
think best and in the exercise OF this discretion the
Executive with John Tyler Southern President its
head, and John c. Calhoun Secretary of State de-
clded promptly to act under the authority OF the Joint re-
solutions and not by treaty, and thus effected the excIu
sion OF slavery from any States be formed out of
| Texas north of 36 deg. 80 min.
The third was the insertion of what is commonly
called the Wmot Proviso into the Oregon territorial
BILL AS the whole of this territory north ofthe line
80 deg 80 MIN, 1t was supposed to tall within the prin
cple OF the Missouri Compromise, and the of Con
gress, voted for by Southern and Northern men, was
sanctioned by James T. Polk, also Southern President
Of the United States.
| We pause at this period, and ask all dispassionate
men il any act has been passed by the national egsla
ture which will justify Southern in resortng
to the extreme which have been suggested in
certain quarters as remedy for grievances We
know that OF the acts Of the legislatures of several of
the Northern States and of many of their citizens we
have Just cause OF complaint for we have been grievous
y wronged by them; but so far any legislative action
by Congress is concerned, think the appeal must be
| answered in the negative.
But new difficulty is upon us. We have, by the late
war with Mexico, acquired an immense territory and
the question is, how shall be governed while it remains
in its territorial condition. The question is not as
to the policy or impoicy OF that acquisition 1t is
ours. 1t acquired by our Joint exertions and ought
TO be held tor common benefit. The disposition of
the North, far as indications OF public sentiment have
reach ed US, is to insist in any territorial bill that may
be framed, upon the exclusion OF slavery while the
South, with entire unanimity, resist this legislative ex
cusion.
The latter do not ask for any positive law establish
ing slavery but they demand that Congress shall not e
gslate upon the subject and that it shall be left to be
decided by the judicial tribunals, whether under the
constitution OF the United States, the local law of
the territory, or both combined, slavery may or NAV
not exist there. In regard the right of the people Of
the territories when forming State Constitutions, to ex
cl9de or admit slavery, to them shall best we
believe there IS no serious diversity OF opinion, and our
views on that subject will be found in the fifth reso-
ton, which is copied verbatim, from one submitted to
the Senate Of the United States by the Hon. John C.
Calhoun, of S. Carolina
The Legislature of every Southern State in the
Union has, with almost entire unanimy, declared in the
most solemn and implicit manner their unqualified OPP
position to the application Of the Wmot Provso to the
| territories acquired from Mexico In March, l947
our Legislature acted on the subject again in 1870
| and for the third time, at the present session.
Upon the second and third of these occasions the sub
ect Of the abolition Of slavery in the District of Co.
umbla was considered and embraced in the resolutions
Among other things, they declared in l847 and l949
tha the fearful issue shall be forced upon the country
which must result from the adoption and attempted en-
| forcement of the Wlmot Proviso as an act Of the
General Government, the people OF Virginia can have
no difficulty in choosing between the only alternatives
| that will then remain"
The policy of the Southern people on this question
| has always been, and u.s. purely defensive one
We ask legislation from Congress upon the subject
of slavery in the territories and was in the spirit
of this wise policy that the legislature on the occasions
referred to- contened itself with declaring its opinions
and referred to the people themselves to decide not be-
FORE but after passage by Congress OF the Proviso and
after its attempted enforcement, upon the mode and
| manner of redress.
We adhere to this policy STILL we see no reason for
departing from it until the contingency contemplated by
the legislature shall have happened.
No such contingency has yet happened, and we hope
that better feeling prevails in the public mind of the
North and in the public ouaciIs than did at the pas
sage OF the resolutions We desire to maintain our de-