The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-05-30
For the National Era.
THE COMPROMISE.

The resolutions which have been introduced
into the Senate by Mr. Clay, in order TO effect
compromise of the great questions now agitating
the country, seem to meet with but little favor ut
the North, and still less at the South, though
perhaps his propositions as fair and az likely
TO propitiate both parties as any that be made
but while we may commend the motives which
have influenced him in bringing forward his
propositions we cannot so well commend his sa-
gacity in not perceiving their utter futilty and
this arises from his ignorance, in common with
all Southern statesmen of the true state Of feel
ing at the North in regard to the extension OF
slavery and the responsibility of the General
| Government in its support. Ii is a common mis-
take at the South, if not wilful one, that the
North are purposely and wilfully aggressive, and
entertain a malicious and unfriendly feeling to-
wards the South and Southern statesmen often
| found their opinion in regard 10 the North upon
the state of feeling existing at Washington; and
the limited observation afforded by Northern
members of Congress, who, though they may rep
resent political party very we'll, yet do not aud
cannot represent the deep, moral question OF sla-
very now so generally felt at the North For the
collisions which must of necessity ensue in Con-
gress upon such question, not only prejudice
| the South against the best men sent there from
the North. but also against the people whom these
} men do not always fully represent; for they must
%, - e.. = ..-..-. -.
without particle Of i'll will or excitement against
the South, as a people, but solely because they
feel personally responsible for the extension or
continuance of a great evil, wherever the Gene
raj Government have the power. lt therefore
becomes with "a vast many at the North ques-
ton of conscience, almost of religious duty, to
preserve even TO unborn generations, the bless
! ings of Freedom, How, then, can this be ques-
ton Of compromise For, in all moral questions,
we know that compromises are fatal With the
South the case is widely different they have not,
it is evident the same sense of responsibility, or
attachment to the Government or the whole
Union, as we have. All acts or proposed acts Of
the General Government are judged of as ques.
tions of political expediency, and not Of moral
right or wrong, for which Southern men are in
dividually responsible. Their attachments are
also wholly local-their State Except the honors
and emoluments of the General Government, in
which they share so literally is their nation.
That this is not question of party or sef-inter-
est, must be manifest to the South ere this, how
ever unwilling they may be to admit it. II is a
question which has nearly broken up party lines,
and must finally destroy one the other of the
cIe o.ysy >fcani,et;o~p peerria~p iptorests have
nothing to do with it; for, most certainly present
peS2aiars ,7S3Spctity Would ipiioN tie extension.
of slavery, especially in New England. So well
aware are certain interests here of this that among
them nOH-mberrenton finds its strongest and most
numerous advocates.
And the upwarrantable and unconstitutional
annexation of Texas, from which act all these COL
lisions have grown, was secretly favored by this
class bnt these are now poweress. BY the mass
Of the people it is felt to be q question of i'm
mense importance--one that must yield to all
&c,
a question to be discussed on broad principles of
right, with calmness and deliberation but once
adopted, as well might the granite hills be moved
from their founda1ions, as the people of New
England be moDd from their purpose to clear
themselves from all responsibility in the continu-
ance or extension of this great evil For its ex-
istence in the old States, however much they may
wish its removal there is such feeling, no such
purpose. 1t is true that slavery may die out in
these States in time but if such is Gods pur-
pose, it is vain in man to rebel; and if the means
taken to extend slavery, as in the war with Mex
ico shall prove the very means to curtal and
destroy it, who shall say nay 1t is Gods de-
cree 1t was perhaps for this that the treasures
Of California were so long hidden. IL was for
this that the iniquitous war with Mexico was
permitted to be successful; and it will be, per-
haps, for this, that the greatest instrument of
slavery in that war shall be the greatest in Gods
providence, for its overthrow, and the wrath of
man be thus rebuked, so that all men may rccog-
Mise His hand, and it shall be to His praise 1t
is not then with the North question of personal
or sectional feeling, but one of great moral and
personal responsibility, not only to our country,
to our fellow man, but to God. This feeling is
scarcoly raprosantnd in Cone~oss, and not. at all
urged upon those who arc setting at defiance not
only the viii of the People, but what seems to be
the will Of God.
With these views, now 80 generally entertained
at the North, where is there room for comproS
mise ? We have heretofore compromised with
this great evil, until its demands must he met
now for now it demands Il sacrifice, not only Of
liberty, but of conscience; its settlement is all
the more difficult for past compromises so will it
be hereafter, if it is compromised now. Better,
far better would it have been for US, if our motto
in times past had been what it must be now, no
compromise with sin, compromise with evil.
Wherever we are responsible, wherever duty and
conscience may call upon US to act, to do or to
suffer- let US do, and leave the consequences
where they belong Threats and violence will
not move us cutting off the supplies Of the Gov
eminent, and blocking its wheels is childish
spite, unworthy of the South, and which must
react upon themselves. The South have raised
the issue; Liberty and Conscience will decide it,
W..