Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1850-01-05

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he would be forced into proof, or into humiliat-
ing withdrawal of the charge. But it would be an
awkward thing to undertake to falsify the accounts
run up by his own friends, the late Administrations
that being precisely the case which he has made.
The present Administration has no other respon-
sibility in regard TO- the existing public debt than
to make an honorable settlement of those accounts,
something extravagant, indeed; but whose fault is
that? As figures and the facts out of which they
grow speak for themselves, the story is soon told
and easily comprshended. The Secretary's Re-
port will 60 before the People, with the vouchers if
required and win set this matter right beyond all
doubt. The shame Of such an attempt on the acts,
economy, and bookkeeping Of ones own friends
IiI71A we ttEnks be AK unpleasant shirt for the
shoulders Of its authors, and can be exceeded
only by tie unblushing assurance of charging
fault, which could not be concealed, upon
persons whose abb, both as place and time, is
apparent to all the world 1t is sure to lead to the
question, ,cho did this? The answer to which is
at every mans door.
"Not a word of advice (says the Union is
sgiven how this great deficit is to be supplied, ex-
cept as we have before predicted, that the Govern
msnt should run in debt for the means. No spei
ciic retrenchment of the public expenses nor
economy is recommended. But, SO Tar as the
message is concerned, borrow money and tax the
people for the principal and interest, seems to be
the policy"
What other immediate means has Government
of supplying such deficiency but by borrowing
Let the Union" suggest one; it is bound to 40
SO, having had SO much to do with the origin OF it
as to threaten as with nothing short of hanging for
opposing the wilful and wicked policy out of which
it grew. What retrenchment of !" the public ex-
penses" would the i" Union advises What acts
of the late Administration would the Union" con-
denim? The expenses Of the Government from the
fourth of March last all such as were created by
its own party when in power; authorized and re-
quired by laws OF its enacting. Was the President
not to execute the laws because enacted by his pre-
decessors? That would have been new sort OF
notification. Ho,0, we repeat, would the Union"
have the present Administration provide for the pay
ment of this debt Of the last Administration, other
wise than by first " borrowing money TO pay it.
and taxing the people, if necessary, or, what
amounts to the same thing, continuing the existing
"taxation," for the payment of "the principal and
interest!'' What alternative can there be to this
course but reputation? OF that sin, at least the
skirts of the Wings are clear; and SO long as
Cen TAYLoa is at the head of the Administration
this Government will keep clear Of it. .
"Thc Independent Treasury is to remain" says
the " Union," " if Congress is willing. The Cab.
met have no opinion in reference TO that measure,
: its success having forced them to be silent
Certainly, if Congress is UiAing. How can the
Subtreasury System be dispensed. with, if Con-
eREss is not willing? Does the 81 Union' desire
the PRESIDENT to act upon the principle, asserted
in the elaborate Protest of Of his predecessors,
then the ilustrious head Of the Democratic party,
that "the custody of the public money is an
appropriate function Of the EGecuiUe Depart
n,ent," and take this public money accordingly into
his own hands, as that President did, without drec-
ton or authority of law? President Taylor stands
claims any authority which that great grant Of power
| by the People does not confer. He defers, more
over, to the Legislative power, and will not inter-
fere with its exercise except in the extreme cases
which he has SO well defined in his late Message.
It is no part of his creed it that of the great
leader already alluded to- Officially declared by him
1 Il j Y = =
! in Message to the Senate of the United States,)
that Congress cannot take out of thehands Of the
g Executive the custody Of the public property, or
g money! without an assumption Of ErecutiUe
poscer, and subverson Of the first principles Of
g the Constitution President TAYLOR is, on the
contrary, of opinion, we doubt not that if there be
any one function which belongs peculiarly to the
Representatives of the People, it is the raising, the
keeping, and the disbursement of the money of the
People. Such is the doctrine of the Constitution
of the United States. What else is the meaning Of
the provision of that instrument which requires that
" all bills for raising revenue shall originate in the
House Of Representatives? 7" What else of that
provision of law which requires the Secretary of
The Treasury {alone Of all the Secrearies) TO make
his annual report 10 Congress
But, as far as he considers it within his pro-.
vince, President TAYLOR has not failed in his duty
to inform Congress that, in his opinions the Sub
treasury if not repealed altogether, requires essen
tial notifications. "The question of the continu-
ance of the Subtreasury System, says the
Message, is respectfully submitted to the wisdom
|. Of Congress. If continued, important modifca-
tons of it appear to be indispensable" This
is broad hint Of its effectiveness, at least,
iif be not positive condemnation of the measure.
What the notifications are which the Message
refers TO as indispensable, the Secretary of the
Treasury plainly points out in his Repor, to Con-
press And truly the yery recital of them is