New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1850-07-27

10 ae honestly believed by the opposite interpreters
IS they believe on their side, they proclaim their
own exposition Of the Constitution and cry oct
An we want il the Constitution" In tho com
parison ard expression Of opposite opinions, iniAli-
biity 10 not the lot Of mortal man. IL belongs only
70 Him tho rules the destines Of the world aud
for any section, any set oil gentlemen TO rise up,
AID say-'the Consultation means 80 ard so, aud be
who says otherwise violates the Constitution, Is In
Use intoerabt, and without that mutual f,rbesr.
srce and respect which is due to tue Conflicting
opinions bone sty entertained by all who equally
aiming TO arrive at the truth. Now said the
other day that the Wilmot Provso as proposed %
re enacted by Congress and incorporated 10 the
Territorial bills was a question totally distinct
from The insertion Of tho restriction in constlsu-
ton formed by a newly organized State.
IL is the opiDisn Of the opponents OF the BILL AID
Il @ opinion too Of some Of its friends-although II
is not my ownopinion-t the Constitution coners
no authority upon Congress 20 impose restriction
upon the subject Of Slavery ia Territorial Govern
rnen,s Very well if Congress has no power to
enforce such a restriction and, nevertheless, doss
exercife such power. it is usurpa,ion, IL Is IS
sumption OF Illegal authority 1t Is wrong IN aoy
view OF the matter, a griev0us aud oppressive
wlorg But " hen State which is about T. enter
into he iCu, and y bich is celebrating concern.
ing q Constitution which is beet adapted . promote
Der interests ard happiness, chooses 70 consider
whether she shah admit or exclude Slavery, aud
decides 70 exclude IL, can Sucn an eNetolse OF al
.hcIity Oh the part Of the State conceded Yer.
re coi'ouuded with the demonstrations exercise OF
II b. Congress Now do hot southern fnends
v b. oppose this bill upon the ground tia. there IS
az Introduction 70 the introduction OF Slavery IA the
California Constitution, and that that IS equivalent
20 an introduction exercised unlawiuIiy oy Con
gress according TO their views -dO they not mlnge
ruth and falsetood, black and white, things totally
dissimilarl Ii is Of no consequence what effects
the one on the other measure may prodGce. That
is 8 different que stiOn. The question is one OF pow
err aud | say the exercise OF such power which
they regard q usurp alton BY Congress, la totally
distinct from the'lawul exercise of a similar pow
er, by State forming for herself and her own gov
eminent Constitution; three years ago, two
years ago. one year ago, one short year ago the
great complaint the part OF the slaveh0dlng
States Of this Union was the aPprehended nlc-
ton upon their interests OF restriction called the
Wilmot PfoyisO Well we have met together
tiole has been a change Of public opinion, m0jl'
hoRtiOn Of public opinion at the North. Aid allow
ne 70 say thtt with regard to that most impoctan.
porton Il our Union, its norihwes.ern section, no
msn is more entitled TO the honor aud gratitude OF
ihie salutary change than the Hon. Senator IN my
EYE Mr.. Csssl who represents Michigan. He
ccme here with bis hand tied and bound by 70
ttIicon, " bich gave him other ats rnative than
violation Of Lis conscientious convictions OF duty,
resignation Of bis seat into the hands Of those
no sent MIN mere. OltCNhhtOAA sahNH PAaCC
in this house in the country, in the preSs-they
ran through the North, and Michigan nobly releas
ed aud united the hands her Senator's and len
them free to pursue their own best judgment 70
promote the interests Of their country. And allow
NE to cay this is the feeling Of all the North
West. There ia, indeed, one honorable Senator
here Mr.. Dodge Of Wis whose grave and Roman.
hfe department in this body has filed me with ad-
miraton throughout our entire session-a Senator
covered with laurels by his military deeds in the
field OF battle and. il he will allow me to address
him, approaching as We both are to the close OF
lie, would say 10 him that there 10 nothing want
ing TO a contamination of his assignment to more
important ard conspicuous position in the countrys
history there is netting wanting bat to cap the
climax Of renown by contributing 10 carry tri'
umphantly through, this important measure OF con-
citation.
Let me, for one moment, assuming the passage OF
the various measures which compose the system
reported by the Committee Of Thirteen,-let me
see what will be the condition Of the two sections
OF the Union--what has been gained and lost for
each The North gains the admission OF California
ss Free State, and the high probability OF New.
Mexico and Utah remaining or becoming Free
Territory; avoids any Introduction Of Slavery by
the authority of Cor gress sees New Mexico de- .
taoLed from Texas with high degree Of Proba
bility--from the nature Of the climate aad the
character Of the soil, and from other circumstances
that New Mexico will ultimately become also
Free State; and secures the abol ion Of the 81 ave
rade ia the District Of Columbia Are not these
bjects OF sufficient magnitude to Salty any mode
rate, rational Northern wishes And what will
the South gain The South avoids the assertion
BY Congress of tho dangerous principle, as they
regard IT, contained in the w ilmot Proviso places
beyon controversy 900 miles Of the Territory OF
Texas on the RIO Grande now in dispute gains
an Efficient Fugitive Slave bill. and sllences the
agitation in this District about the Abolition OF
Slavery. Sir, it may happen, and | am not going
to ditguiso my convictions as to the probabilities Of
the fact that the South will get no Territory In
Utah. New Mexico, or California adapted to Slave
Labor, in " hich Slaves will be introduced. But
that is not the fault of Congress. 1t is Congress
siona power, Congressional usurPatlon, Congress
siopal assumption Of an unlawful authority over
the institution Of Slavery, against which the South
raises her voice in protestation IL she cannot get
Slave Territory In California, New Mexico and
Utah, whose fault is it She cannot blame Con-
gress, but must upbraid natures law and natures
God.
la human affairs yet to be attained, there are
four conditions under which they present them.
selyeG the certain the probable the possible, and
the impossible The certain requires no effort; the
probable but a little effort; tue possible may be
accomplished by an indomitable will and an ener.
getc perseverance, in the pursuit Of it. But as TO
b at hich is impossible and inevitable, philosophy,
re sson and religion and all the guides which are
given to ia by the blessings Of God inculcate upon
1s the duty Of submission 70 His will, and resigna
son to His paramount authority. Now it Is inev
ts BILE, in my opinion, that Southern Slavery Is ex
olOded from the possession of any portion oil Csl,
.orpia, Utah, and probably New Mexico ana
40, why contend fort Now what is it that dis
tracts the public mindi mere abstraction. We
lock back with surprise and establishment at the
prosecutions and punishmerts for witchcrait that
some 200 years since occurred in the states OF
and Connecticut Two hundred
wears herce, if lot much sooner, cur posterty will
fesd the history Of the present times, agitstng
and threatening the country as they do, with
az much sstonishment as we pore over the leaves
of the historian, in which be recounts the witch.
craft and the persecution and punishment Of witch
es in former times. And why contend for carry.
ing slaves to Utah and New Mexico, when there
is nothing upon which their labor can be employed
where nobody will take them Let me remind
gentlemen, now, while upon this point Of the
subject-I mean those who are desirous for the
IL r. rf