Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1850-01-31
GEN. CASS ON LEGISLATIVEIN.
STRUCTIONS AND THE PROVISO.

cSAN' SIhSS SlN
AND THE PROVISO.
In the Senate, on the 2lst, resou-
ton introduced by Mr.. Foo,e, declar.
ing il the duty Of Congress to provide
a territorial government for the terri.
tories was taken up. when Mr.. CAss
addressed the Senate on the question Of
the Wilmot Proviso. lie commenced
by stating, that there were two ques-
tons involved in the controversy res.
peciing the Wimot Proviso. First, as
to its constitu,ionaliiy; second, as to its
expediency. He would con6ne him
self principally to the question of ito
consli,uiionality, and afterwards TO it's
expediency. He commenced by con-
sidering the general power Of Congress
to legislate on distant territories, quo
ting various authorities in favor Oft
This claim of unlimited legislation. no
considered, had led TO our revolutionary
struggle. He had listened with amaze.
ment al the discussion Of the subject, o.
it the rights Of sovereignty were every
thing, and the rights Of man nothing
1t is the revival Of the dispute between
Great Britain and her colonies, in which
We have taken The place Of Grea, Brit.
ain. He drew q distinction between
the rights Of unlimited legislation over
distant territories which have no repre-
sentation, and the right to organize .
government, leaving the details to tho
people. In the Distric, of Columbis,
Congress has exclusive jurisdiction; but
there were peculiar reasons for that
arising out Of the situation Of the dis.
trict and the nature Of the original fed
cral compact. There is no clause Of tbs
constitution which gives Congress ex.
press power 10 pass any law respecting
slavery in the territories. That author
ity is derived from various sources;
every construction Of the constitution
which would give foreign legislatures
power over slavery. would equally give
them power over every other social
, and political question in the territory
. iii. were intended to give Congress un-
limited power Of legislation over ter
|. rilories, it would have been so express
g ed.
l believe, he said, tina, this Union
). will survive all the dangers with which
: il may be menaced, however trying the
: circumstances in which il may be pla-
e ced. and maintain this proud position.
this integrity Of political existence, on
which so much for Us and for the world
e depends. We must carefully avoid
these sectional questions. so much and
: so forcibly deprecated by the Father OF
his country, and cultivate q spirit Of
y mutual regard, added 10 the consideru.
= ton Of interest, which hold US together.
Sad viii be the day when The frs, drop
, of blood is shed in the preservation Of
the Union--ihot day need never conc,
flhe same spirit Of compromise and
D concession by each to the feelings Of
all, which animated our fathers, continue
10 animate US and our children; but il
powers, offensive to one portion of the
E country, and of doubtful obligation, 10
s say The least of it, are TO be exercised
by another, and under circumstances OF
peculiar excitement, the confederation
: may be rent in twain. leaving another
example of that Judicial blindness, with
which God. in his providence, some.
times visits The sins of nations. Now,
sir, as the more practical question is the
legislative adoption Of this proviso
with the hazard by which alone i, can
be secured, the obstacles and dangers
have briefly alluded 10. There shopla
be grea. advantages, ineslimable indeed
to be gained before such measure, Ar.
forced upon the country; If any man
thinks that they correspond at ali with
The magnitude of evils which mus, fol.
low in their train. For myself l do
not believe that the slightes, good will
result, under The most favorable circum.
stances, from this congressional inter.
ference with The rights of the people of
the territories. The object avowsd i.
to proven, the introduction Of slavery
Can i, 60 there if left without hi, pro
'hibilion believe il cannot, and | be.