Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1850-03-07

out Of the Northwest Territory, and 10
whom had been applied the ordinance
Of l7s7-lIlinois, Ohio, Indiana, and
others--chose TO alter their consti,u.
tions, and permitted slavery to exist
within their limits they had as much
right and power to do so as had Vir.
ginia within her limits.
No one would contend that the ex.
clusion Of slavery by the people of Cal.
ifornia was the act Of Congress. or Of
the Government Of the United States.
but it was a decision Of the question
by the people of California herself,
who alone had the right to decide il.
The second resolution Of the series
vas an important one, and he begged
gentlemen 10 look at i; calmly. lie
was aware, when he prepared it, Of the
perseverance with which the Wilmot
perviso was pressed by the North; he
was aware tina, every free State had
expressed an opinion in lie favor, and
had instructed. its representatives. in
Congress TO secure its adoption; he was
aware that the Northern people consid.
cred il as favori,e measure and had
their hearts on il. He was aware that,
by asking them to vote for this resolu
ton. he called upon them to abandon
the Wilmot proviso; to give il up; 10
TO open their eyes 20 the danger to the
country in pressing it when there was
no necessity whatever for it.
In thus calling upon them to aban.
don their favorite measure. he offered
them the assertion, in his resolution. OF
two clear and indispulable truths. They
were, first. That slavery does no, ex
ist in any territories acquired from Mex
leo; and secondly. that, in our opinion
slavery never will exist in any portion
of il.
He had heard it stated tina, the asser.
sion of those truths by Congress was
equal 10 the enactment Of the Wilmot
proviso. He did not think it was. II
the Wilmot proviso be passed by Con
gress, there is a solemn enactment, anC
it is a positive Introduction Of slavery
there; but, by this assertion, we say
nothing more than a, the present tim,
i, does not exist there. and that, in oul
opinion, it never will.
He hoped that the free States woulc
be satisfied with this expression of opin
ion, and not require any enactment or
the subject.
This resolution would have been more
acceptable to him without the asscr
ton of these two truths than with then
but he had thought that somelhin!
should be given as compensation fo
The surrender and compromise of feel
ing on this point.
The question of slavery was divsi
BILE into two branches: slavery in thu
States. Congress have no power ovel
slavery in The States. except 10 tn,
three particulars mentioned in the Con
slitulion. This is. The power TO regu
late representation, the power to levy
tax. and the powers relative to fugiliv
slaves. Beyond this. Congress had n
power over slavery in the States.
IfCongress were called upon to over
turn the institution of slavery in ,h
States. and such measure was serious
/ Iy thought Of, then this voice would b
f.; for war. Then a case would be pre-
5 sented where il would be jusiifiable i
l the sight of God and nations, to rcsi'
I The oppression. They would then b
: acting in self defence; and the slav
F. States would then be juslifable in RI
a sis,ing the act by every means with
! their power; and. in civil war in sue
!. case. they would have the sympa,hit
e and support of every man who love
f Justice and right.
!. France had engaged in war to pr
n pagate the rights Of man. and her fa
e was well known. If we should enga,
s. in civil war about the Introduction
d slavery into territories where il do
n not exist, what spectacle would
e presented TO the world! 1t would n
II be war 10 propagate the rights of ma
o hut war TO propagate wrongs of ma
Our British ancestors were blamed, al
ol Justly, for introducing into our miC
III this institutions and he, for one. " ou
q. never vote for its introduction an