The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-10-29

maintained that their purposes were patriotic
and national; that, so far from being the advo-
Gates of policy calculated to build up Massa-
chusetts or Rhode Island, it was one of which
Virginia or Georgia might as well avail them
selves. They have contended that, instead of
taxing the cotton and tobacco planter, the es-
adjustment of American manufactures brought
into the markets of the world most formidable
competitor, broke down the monopoles of Eu-
rope, and gave TO the American consumers
cheap supplies, which Were paid for, to large
extent, by the exchange Of productions for
which there would be otherwise no demand
whatsoever. The advocates of the American
system had rarely any direct interest in advo-
eating a measure SO liable TO be misunderstood :;
| they were themselves consumers of merchan-
disc, and those of the southern, middle, and
western States We're producers of the great ag-
rcultural staples, and not interested in the pro-
fits of manufactures Their sincerity could not
be fairly ealledinquestion, howsoever they might
have been reprehended as the visionary dupes of
a mercenary interest. But experience has proven
| that their policy was correct. Under the en-
couraging tutelage of discriminating duties, the
manufacturers ofthe United States have made the
most astonishing progress, stimulated thereby to
engage in an investment which, without pro-
lection, would have been crushed by the cheap
goods of Great Britain. They have become so
firmly established by native energy and me
chanical resource, that many branches of manu-
featuring industry can now sustain themselves
in the American market even under the reduced
rate of a revenue duty; they can even compete
| with and In some instances surpass European
manufacturers in the open markets of the world.
This constitutes the justification of the friend of
protection. SO soon as the domestic manufac-
ture of any article becomes established upon the
sure basis of superior excellence and inferior
cost, his purpose has been attained, and thence
forth the duty as to that article ceases to be to
him matter of interest. He has no wish to
tax another interest TO sustain it. He has no
peculiar fondness for the loom or anvil except
that their products are essential to the indie
pendence of his country, and that, according to
his belief, their encouragement is essential TO
the prosperity of the plough. Demonstrate to the
friend OF American manufactures that specific
manufactures can maintain themselves, and he
CedstS W luItule d pant WHICH can ODldlil us
own aliment. Demonstrate that these interests
are independent of protection, and he will no
longer force upon them a nutriment which they
tmay themselves have rejected.
We have no disposition to discuss the effects
which have resulted from the repeal of the Bri-
fish corn laws, and the reduction or abolition of
the duties upon a long catalogue Of articles en-
tering into the production of her manufactures.
We trust that the demand for American provi-
sions may be permanent. We believe that il
will greatly depend upon the prosperity of
American manufactures. For whilst we do not
claim for the American system the exclusive
merit Of having caused the reduction of British
duties, we yet contend that it has contributed
powerfully to produce that result. Since the
general pacifcation of 1915, Continental Europe
has been encouraging its manufactures, with
view Of creating as far as possible its own sup
plies America has done the same, and the COM
bined effort has not only limited the markets Of
which England had once the control, but have
come in competition with her in the common
markets Of the world. She has been thus re-
duced, to use the language of one of her own
writers, without regard to her peculiar bur
| dens, to the level of European prices and also
Of European enioluments." So long as she
was the mistress of the manufacturing market
| and could fix her own "prices," the amount of
| agricultural protection was added as a part Of
the cost Of the manufactured article, and the
price" was fixed 20 cover the aggregate. But
when the Zoll-Nerein, the American tariff.
and the improved manufactures Of Europe gen
orally came into competition with Great Britain,
| she was forced down Z" to the level of European
prices and European emOluments." The pro
fits Of manufacturing could not longer justify
| the protection TO the agricultural interest, and
she was compelled to protect the manufacturers
by giving them cheap food and cheap material
1t is to this combined competition to which
we are indebted for free trade with England
to no magnanimous imitation Of our example, TO
no sense of national comfy towards a rival of
W HON she has ever been jealous
Indeed, the objections urged by the opponents
| Of the Industrial Exhibition prove that there is
in Great Britain great jealousy Of foreign
| competition. and that America is honored with
| a prominent rank among her rivals. A late
UulnDtI Ol DtNfhUDOu CoNolOcTs III the bDNlUuk
duty and policy" Of the manufacturers to
i" maintain their markets and husband their
\ inventions, and not insist in encouraging and
| : instruciing their rivals" and thinks that "it
| is by no means their business TO teach the Ger
mans or the Americans any new lesson, con
sidering the large strides that they have
Z made Of late" We cite the statements
Of the Magazine to show the progress Of
competition, and the importance which is at
| tached TO American manufacturers. This is
| made the basis Of a proposition to abandon the
| Exhibition, and TO countemand this conyoca-
ton OF nations. We cannot agree with the
churlish feeling which recommends disms-
sion Of invited guests, nor can we see the wis
dom Of a policy so exclusive. Ii is worthy
| rather Of some Chinese mandarin, who regards
| the skill, intelligence, and prowess Of the Ce-
| estial Empire superior to that Of any outside
| barbarans. and considers that China standing