The republic., 1850-11-30
SATURDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 80, 1850.


Constitution. Wearei in the presence of no ordinary
assembly. In the chair is John Hancock, the man
who In IT'S, threw his md his fortune into the
th G the colony At the Of its contest
said OF him, was always true TO the Revolution.
There is Theophilns Parsons, who has sounded all
the depths of public and private law There was
America his whole soul filled with the idea of hu-
man liberty, and popular rights, upon whose
the sounds Of the guns ut Lexington fell with
sweeter tones than the songs Of BIRDS in that morn
ing of spring. There, too, were Gerry and Var
mum, and Gore, Ames, and Bowdoin, and Sedg
wick, of Stockbridge, the soldier the jurst, the
dent patriot, the true philanthropist, who by his
last blow ut negro slavery in Massachusetts, and
crowd of able. just, and wise associates fresh from
the deep and intensely interesting discussions
corning political and civil liberty. which originated
| oution. The question is, whether they were so ig-
norant or so blind to their duty lie egislators,
citizens, and as men, to make, in behalf Of this
Commonwealth, compact so grossly immoral that
their children may not fairly execute it, but must
now overthrow and destroy the work OF their hands
| Let
In the first place, it was known to them, and was
tain, that the Union could not be formed and the
Constitution adopted without this article.
Inthe next place, they believed, and we know,
that it was impossible to overestimate the impor
tance of this Union and this Constitution to the peo
| pie whom they represented. The confederation
had proved powerless for good. The public debt of
the country due chiefly to the officers and soldiers
| of the Revolution of whom this State furnished SO
| large part, could not be paid
The commerce OF the country WAS in the utmost
disorder. Each State had its own navigation laws
! and imposts, and was already using these power
full and exciting instruments in manner hostile to
| each other. An insurrection against the laws in
Nis STATE, known as Shays rebellion which serious
ly threatened not only the existence OF our Gov
crnmcnt, but the general peace Of the country, and
was connected with rsings both in New Hampshire
and Connecticut, had Just been quelled with great
| difficulty. Great Britain, from whose grasp we
| had escaped In open contest, was now waiting to
sec US prostratcd by internal struggles, and from
| the great heart of Washington was cxtorted the
| exclamation. "What, gracious God, is man! that
there should be such Inconsistency and perfidious
ness in his conduct. Ii is but the other day we
| were shedding blood to obtain the Constitu
! tons under which we DEMONSTRATIONS of our own
choice and making-and now unsheathng
| the sword to overturn them. The thing ia SO un-
accountable, that hardly know how TO realize it,
or to persuade myself that am not under the illu
sion of dream"
| This the state of public aGairs under which,
in January. l7Ss, this Convention assembled. They
foresaw that this great instrument, presented for
| their adoption, would accomplish what it has
conplshcd that ii would form a more perfect
union that it would establish justice; that it
would insure domestic tranquility; that it would
provide for the common defence that it would
promote the general welfare, and secure the bless
ings of liberty TO the people of this Commonwealth
| and their posterity.
On tnc one mana were the evils, OH the Other the
benefits; and they were called upon to choose be
tween them for the people of this Commonwealth
during countless generations.
Now, let us suppose that some one had been mad
enough TO rise in that Convention, and say, 81
these evils-they are great now, and threaten to
become intoerabc. i see these benefits; believe
this Constitution will perform for Massachusetts
all that 1t promises. But deny that Massachu-
sets, as u sovereign and civilized State, has the
rightful power to make this compact. For here is
stipulation in it that persons, held TO service in
States now foreign to us, escaping hither, shall be
given up to be carried bac * again"
| i cannot pretend, fellow-citizens, TO give any
{. idea Of the treatment which such objection
would have received from the great and powerful
| minds of that Convention. 1 believe they would
not have left a vcstigc Of il ON earth-no nor the
material to make ghost Of, to rise from egions
| below, and Tighten some Of their descendants.
But it needs no uncommon ability and discern
ment TO see sufficient answers to this objection.
In the first place. not these persons foreigners
as to us--and what right have they TO come here at
ALL against the will OF the Legislative power of the
4 State And If their coming here, or remaining
here, lie not consistent with the safety Of the State
and the welfare OF the citizens, in the name Of all
that is rational, may we not prohibit their ooming
or send them back, ifthey come.
IL we have right TO say to those who have been
4 ground down by the oppression Of England, you
must not land our shores, because your presence
here is injurious to US, have not right TO avoid
enormous evils and secure incalculsbe benehts, not
otherwise attainabe, by compact one article OF
which agrees that our State shall not be asy lum
| for fugitives from service?
/ To deny this is to deny the right Of self-preser
vaton to State. II strikes at the heart of every
civilized community. II makes its preservation
Il impossiblc and throws us back at once into con-
dition below the most degraded savsges who have a
| sernblance of government.
\ No sane man can reflect, and then make such a
denial; so that there be but possible qucs-
tion, and that is simply question whether the
emergency was such called for the exercise of
the power. Upon this question also, unless we
tnIax Nf
civil society, it is impossible TO doubt that are
precludcd and justly bound by the action Of the
State in i7ss. Has not a State the night to make
comPaots and treaties; and, when they are made,
/ arc they not TO be kept
| May the State make a promise o-day, and To-
morrow say, "On the whole, our interest did not
require that promise, and il Is not to be kept" II
IL be the test OF Just man, that though he promises
to his harm he keeps his promise good is IL alec
applicable TO stste' But, in truth, there is no
occasion 70 rely any such obligations for, If it
be once admitted that thi, Commonwealth in l7ss
bad the ngbtful power 10 assent TO the Constitu-
ton, there cannot be two opinions, among thosc
who know the facts, that the requisite emergency
existed.
am not about to repeat What have already said
respecting that emergency You know what II
You know that the great duty Of justice could
not otherwise be performed; that our peace at
home, and our safety from foreign aggression could
not otherwise be insured; and that only by this
means could obtain the blessings Of liberty TO
the people of Massaobusctts and their postcrity.
may add, what now is great and glorious motive,
which our fathers anticipated, and our oyes have
seen, in no other way could VIC become an ex-
ample Of, and a security for the capacity Of man,
safely and peacefully and wisely TO govern him
self, under free and popular constitutions. But !
wish to AJAX your attention psrto uarly 10 thing,
which is moro intimately connected with this sub
jcct
! undertake TO say that men of forecast must
then have forescen and subsequent events have de-
monstrstcd, and are now known, that without an
obligation to restore fugitivcs from service, Consti-
tuition no Constitution, Union or no Union, VIC
cannot live in peace with the slaveholding States
You may break up the Constitution and the
Union to- morrow; you may do IL by civil war,
or, by what could never understand the method
or the principles of, what is called pesccabc SC
cession you may do it in any conceivable or in
conceivable way; you may draw the geographical
line between slavcholding and non -slsveholding
ANY ,rhe,s but shall have settled down, they
will have their nstitutions, and we shall have
One Is much fact the other. One engages the
interests and feelings and passions OF men as much
ss the other. And how long can we live in peace
side by side. without some provision, by compact
to meet this casel Not one year. Any rejecting
man can satisfy himself of this by turning bis mind
upon the facts; and history proves II. As early AZ
1913, when the country was wilderness, and the