The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-03-19

laws Of nations would permit.
u ! beg now TO inquire what objections. IL any, ex
isted TO this early recognition Of the Independence
Hungary. She had shown her superiority in armi
over Austria, and, at later period, her ability Il
cope with Austria and Russia combined, till az
lacked by the treason Of Goreey. Like ancien,
Greece, she could resist all but s'Macedonian gold" "
She had well-ordered and established government.
She numbered five times the population Of the
American colonies when they declared their separs-
tion from England. She presented upon tho world .
arena nation great in arms, ia population, wealth,
resources, and even well advanced in civilization.
Her recognition would have been in accordance with
our former practice, our policy, and the innate prn-
fore, existed TO this measure which, while Il would
have vindicated noble, vaorous, and bleeding Hun
gary, would have been also q noble vndicaiion in
our own eyes, and in the presence Of the world of
the principles for which our fathers bed, and which
they have transmitted 10 US az our most preciou
inhcritance.
Shall il be said that Hungary did not ask for re-
cognltioni Consult, sir her declaration Of nde-
pendence, and it will there he found that she asked
recognition from the whole world, in terms that can
not be mistaken. She then solemnly said
"This resolution Of ours we proclaim to all the
nations OF the civilized world, with the conviction
that the Hungarian nation will be received by them
among the free and independent nations oi the
world with the same friendship and free acknowl-
edgcment OF its rights which the Hungarians proffer
| 10 other countries" @ g
This was the language Of Hungary on the 18th
April, l649, several months before she fell beneath
| the crushing weight of Russia, and when she was
really triumphant over Austria. The Austrian
Emperor had now been defeated in several con-
secutive battles. Transyvania was completely
evacuated, and the Austrian troops had fed; some
into Bukowina, and others into Wallachia. Upper
Hungary was without an enemy, and the country
between the Thesis and Danube was in possession
of the patriots. Whilst such was the state of the
struggle, and Austria was implorng the aid of Rus
sia, well might Hungary declare her independence,
and ask for recognition.
But, sir, the proof does not rest here. | point
you, SIR and my friends upon the other side Of the
hall, to the note of the Minister Of Foreign Affairs
of Hungary, Count Batthyani, wherein he addresses
himself directly to Secretary Of Foreign Affairs
for recognition, refers Mr.. Clayton TO Mr.. DAM
burghy, as having received Especial instructions
to the more intimate relations which the Hungarian
government desires toJ establish with the United
States;" and in plain terms solicits response
from our government This note is dated June
Is, l649, two or three months before the final
overthrow of Hungary For my authority as to
this note must refer to il as il has recently APP
peared in the public prints of the country. Fur
thermore, sir, If any reliance be placed very
common public rumors, Hungary sought rccogni-
ton from this government by another individual,
who, early in l649, or at least q considerable time
before she was crushed by Russia asked to be re-
ceived here the official agent representative Of
Hungary. 4G
desire to know, sir, what correspondence, if
any, has ensued upon this subject between our
government and any person acting in behalf of
Hungary; and what response, il any, was mad
by the administration to the note of Bauhyani. |
should like too, to the correspondence with til,
Presidents "agent in Europe" and especially thr
instructions given to that agent touching the recop
milton Of Hungary. But fear, sir, l never shit
be permitted 10 lift the veil Of secrecy from all this.
One thing, however, is certain, that Hungary ii
NJ he mel In ber hat hR
hither an agent or representative; but meither
her isdpendsncs recognised nor her sgtni or rpsna-
five received -
II may be said by the administration and its
milton came too carly. | answer, ii 10 better to
succor the distressed too soon than too late. HUI
sympalhies are for the living, not the dead
Shall il be said that Hungary had not fought
enough not suffered enouth not bled cnoughi
Not fought enoughi Yet in q few months, she
had fought many battles and gained many
victories as adorn the seven years. record Of the
American Revolution. Not suffered enoughi Her
wonderful hrmness and resolution prove that she
had suffered till her sufferngs could be borne not
another month, nor day, nor hour Not. bed
enoughl Yet her plains and rivers were red with
war and the bleaching bones Of her patriotic sons,
and the delicate forms Of her heroic daushters
were fattening her every wheat field. Yet the
American President and his cabinet demanded
MORE PROOF, and cried "MoRE war, MORE suvrER-
mo, MORE BLoop.n 4
For those who say il was too early, | have a
still shorter reply. II was soon too lais. There
a time when monarchism in Europe might
have been placed on 6rmer basis; but in a year
II was too late. There was time when Hun
gary might have been rccenciled to her oppressor;
but in a month il was too late. There vas time
when Rome, when Turkey, when Venice, when
Germany might have been reconcilcd; but in another
day il was too late. There was time when France
might have had regency, and preserved her royal
dadem; but in one short instant u was too late. and
her kngly pearls fell to the dust Once Hungary
might have been saved; but il is now too late, and
the sun Of European freedom has once more Get in
Russian darkness
IL may be also objected against this measure that
il would have been offence TO Austria and Russia.
Be II SO then. It would not have been our first Of.
fence. Our government has long been an offence to
European monarchy. Itis already committed with
the republics Of the earth to the principles Of this
measure, and there is now no retreat. We have
taken stand in the great contes. Of nations. We
have chosen our banner. We have inscribed upon
Il our principles, and must stand or fall by them
This objection, sir, is tho argument OF fear, OF
dismay. II betokens an apprehension OF our weak
ness, an ominous distrust in our own principles.
For one, | say, let us know no fear IN the cause
which involves the downfall OF the republican prn-
cple--a cause which involves the rights OF human
ity and the civilization Of the human race. Let us
not swerve from the path Of duty and right, under
the fear Of a royal frown will not finch from The
sentiment that il was the duty OF the executive
boldly TO prclam our sympathies, and seek ~ all
reasonable means to dffuse The principles OF popular
freedom.
But did this measure call upon the Executive to
do more for the freedom Of the world than its
monarchs were doing for its cnsavementi Who
doubts the existence, during the Hungarian strug-
gle. Of league amongst The European kings for
the suppression Of popular libcrtyi | presume 10
say, no one. We'll, then, let us assume the equal
right Let us come at least up 10 an equal foot
ing. Ii they will inscribe upon their code the doc
trino Of mutual sympathy, aid, and comfort, we
should upon ours Let them express their sym
paihies, and US ours. Here is an equality which
can give no just cause Of offence.
Besides, sur, the President was called upon 10
take new stand, TO do NJ more than we had
already done. Was he afraid to acknowledge and
hold up before the world our great ancestral leg.
acyi Then is H. indeed, lime 70 call upon .he sp,n,