The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-10-31

Letter from the Hon. samuel A. Eliot.
Nh. HALE The peculiar circumstances Of the
times, and OF my own position, induce me TO ask Of
you the use OF the columns OF the advertiser for
brief explanation Of the reasons of the course have
recently pursued. do II in the hope, and indeed
In entire confidence. that my fellow citizens know
me well enough, and have known me long enough,
to enable them 70 believe the statement am about
to make, and that they will impute TO me no sinis
ter or ambitious motive for what may not have
met with their appreciation.
IL ID rather Il striking circumstance attending
the excitement of the present moment that among
the several subjects OF importance which have been
brought to the attention of the great community OF
the North, the one which has reused all their fire,
and excited SO much sympathy and indignation,
Is precisely the only one in regard to which there
existed any constitutional obligation. All the
other questions were to be adjusted on considera.
tons OF propriey expediency; but this upon the
sense of duty alone. The feelings are at all timea
very bad guides for political action; and in this
case II seemed to me to be imperative upon every
one claiming to act on principle, and with due
reverence for the Constitution, TO set aside every
impulse of mere feeling, and consider especially
his obligations to the government under which he
lives.
In order to have clear and just sense of the ma
ture and weight OF those obligations, deem it ne
cessary to advert little to the history of the period
when there was Consultation ofthe United States;
to inquire what the condition of things at that
time what were the reasons for forming the Consti-
tuition, and the terms upon which alone il could be
adopted Ii is well known that the state of Affairs
both at the North and the South, previous to the
adoption OF the Constitution, was one of unequallcd
depression and misery. The period of the war Of
the Revolution itself lees disastrous time for
war gave us the exclusive possession of the home
market at least, and our own industry support
ed by our own consumption. But with peace came
the Introduction of foreign commodities, at such
rates duty each rival State chose to ixpcneral-
y the lowest possible, free trade principles; and
as we had little else than wheat and tobacco TO
pay with, we were compelled TO gut our own mar
of rfic ,h,,a
depress our prices for selling, we'll as those for
buying People were impoverished, dshcar tened,
miserable, to such degree that the days of the
Confederation, between the close of the war and the
adoption OF the Constitution universally spoken
OF by historians, and were always described by the
men Of that generation whom we remember to have
seen as the darkest and most distressing period Of
our history. Everybody sawand acknowledged that
the union Of these sovereign and independent States
into one government was the remedy, and the only
remedy Tor the existing evils There were great
difhcuitles IN the way OF such an experiment 1t
was complicated arrangement, embracing almost
innumerable particulars. But all might be ar
ranged pretty well except one Slavery had been
abolished in some of the States and still existed in
others. Here seemed insurmountable incom-
patbiiity of interests; and nothing perpIexed the
wise men of that day-and they were ueru wise
mcnso much as this topic. At last they agreed that
the new Constitution should have nothing do with
lt-that the word slavery should not be mentioned
in it, and that ii should be left TO the manag
and control of the States themselves 10 establish
retain, or abolish it, just much after the adoption
of the Constitution before. But in order to Sc
cure the existence Of the institution to those States
who preferred 1t, 1t agreed that persons escap
ing from labor to which they were bound in one
Commonwealth, and found in another, should be
returned to the STATE from which thew had fled
Inc provision was necessary for the preservation
OF this interest in sfatu quo II did erfend slave
ry. IL kept II where it already was, and where il
could not have continued if every slave who escaped
20 the North at to be free and irrcclaiua-
Bile. The members of the Confederacy from the
South saw this dstintly, and deliberately declared
that they could not, and would not enter into q
union with States who would tempt away their
slaves with the prospect of immediate and perma-
nent freedom
The provision of the Constitution for restoring
fugitive slaves was conservative measure only
1t simply did not curtail the extent of slavery or
rather IL did not abolish it, for such would have
been the speedy result, if the United Siates had
guaranteed the freedom of every runaway slave.
The question, then, for our predecessors to de-
eide was, whether IT was right and expedent to
form union with shareholders, and promise them
not TO interfere with their savehoding They dc.
cided that it was, as think should have done,
II we had been in their places. They decided
that they could not endure any longer the mis-
cry which oppressed them every side, the sub
lection to the foreign merchant the slavery of them
selves and their children 10 the European manu-.
facturer and trader.
The Constitution was adopted with this provision:
and II could not have been adopted without H. The
States that had won their power to make constltu-
tons for themselves, by operating through eight
long years of exbaustng war, and who had thereby
acquired q mutual respect and attachment which
could be created by nothing short OF such common
tolls and sacrihces would never without their oro.
vision, have joined in political union; would never
have set the example Of the successful experiment
Of republican government for sixty years Of unpar-
alleled growth and prosperity; and would never
have left TO Va the inestimnble inheritance of a
wisely -cOntrived and balanced Government TO
which We have been indebted for many privi-
ttflrf a.
world, and the prospect Of greater and greater sue
Gees with all advancing time, ii we will only main.
tain it in its original proportions.
Not only did our fathers bequeath us this glorious
Constitution, but the precious inheritance Of their
fame, their wisdom, their yalor, their patriotism
and especially that spotless reputation Of their
great leader the fret in the hearts Of his country
men" shall not attempt eulogy that
yered name. IL IL not necessary Not true heart
beats in America that docs not cherish his rcnown
as large part OF the national glory, or that docs
not love, as well az honor, the name Of Washing
ton. But there have, Of late years sprung up paT-
ties who have far misunderstood or forgotten.
or disregarded the compact Of their fathers as 20
introduce into the discussions Of political subjects
in the Government Of the United States, the very
topic which was excluded from the Constitution
and therefore in relation 60 which the government
acting under IL can have no power; aud who az
soming responsibility for the continued existence
OF slavery, which the trainers Of the Constitution
expressly abjured for that government, have felt
themselves called upon 10 discuss tho subicct in n
very excited and violent manner. More than this;
they have forgotten (or disrcgardcd) the last in
functions and entreatics Of the Father Of his Coun
Try. They have formed a geographical party; and
by means Of violent language, and sometimes by
acts Of violence, they have infiamed the .lavchold
ing States in the very manner which foresccn
and forbidden by the wisdom and patriotism Of
Washington. They repudiatc for themselves all
interest in the glory Of the Constitution and it's
trainers, Washington included, and they throw
scorn upon him because he was stakeholder
and upon his counsels, because they urged per
petual union with shareholders. Such persons nay
be wiser and better men than Washin gton and his
associates, but am constituted that cannot be.
lieve it. do not sec in their Deeds or their words
proofs Of the spirit Of self sacrifice for the
general good, the came calm firmness, or power 10
discern the end from the beginning. II there be
any thing characteristic Of them il seems 20 inc
the very reverse Of what distinguished our revolu-
uOnary fathers. | observe an intcmperance Of Ian.
guaRe which does not usually accompany wisdom
professod. disregard If all consequences which IL
not commonly recognised the mark either of
good judgment or Of good principles. With such
parties cannot act. ] believe in the wisdom of
the provisions Of the Constitution | believe in the
propriety Of uniting cordially and heartily for Ger.
tain political ends not Otherwise 20 be obtained.
with those who think themselves justified in hold
ing slaves. am not willing TO renounce NV share