The Woodville Republican. [volume] (Woodville, Miss.) 1847-1853, 1850-11-19

lhe 81. Lawrence, @ channel OF couuer,la
communication, reaching from Wisconsin q
| Maine, and the South enjoying IN the Nj,
lsiSsippI the samc connection from N.ssour
I,o Florida. Not only has nature dmVl
these lines, but history, IN the action Of IT,
lWoyidcu.eal instinct has followed their gui
dance. In the colonization ofthis continent
who has not been struck with the marveI
ou- parallel! ! The antlhesis of Plymouth
and Jamestown did not end with their set
tlement The growth OF the two great sec.
tion- udiated from different centres, dyerg.
ed in distant directions, were developed IRON
| differing principles, and perfected through
dl-similar experiences. For every point Of
likeness in the history of the two plantations
points Of difference might be multiplied and
from the quaint freshness of the old chroni-
Giles might be drawn passage after pasange,
expressing, in language Of the most strong
est symbolism, their ancient continued, and
present variance Nor does the argument
stop here. As the country has filled mp, III
ternal Improvements have spread through
the land, in obedience to laws hardly per.
haps recognized by those who planned, and
have developed, in process of comp,cijou
well defined sectional systems.
With these preparations for grcatuatjonat
differences, no philosophical inquirer would
be surprised to discover wide distinction
of sentiment and institution; aud the stu.
dent of po'i;ical principles would anticipate
the impossiblity of the consistent action OF
a single government What urc the facts /!
There is one relation, Iyingat the basis of
all social and political life, the shifting char
actcr Of which fairly indicates the national
progress in wealth and civiization--the re-
lation of labour to capital, In the history
of the world, this relation has, 50 far, always
taken one of three shapes--seridom, slavery,
or service that's voluntary Iabour for wages.
In the two first, the relation is a moral one,
or Iabour is duty; in the latter, the rela-
tion is a legal one or abour Is the execution
of contract. But which ever of these
shapes it has taken, the history Of all that is
great in acheVement-al that is glorious in
art-all that is wise in law, proves that the
best interests-pi humanity require first, that
Iabour should be subordinate to, and con
troled by capital; and second, that the IN
terests of the two should by that very de-
pendcncc be as closely as possible identified.
1t may safely be asserted, that wherever
the relation has been one of contract, the
first condition only has been obtained, and
that the interests Of labour and capital can
never be permanently or properly yreconciIed
except under the institution of slavery; for
it stands to reason, that wherever the polit.
zeal theory OF government recognizes the
equality of labonr and capital, while the
great reality Of society sheWs the one in
hopeless and hcartIess dependence on the
other there will exst between the two a
constant jealousy and a bitter strife, the
weaker demanding its rights with impotcnt
curslng, or enforcing them with revoIution-
ary Gerccncss, Look for a moment Mt the
of the operatives of England and
France In both the population is free,
Iabour and capital are politically equal:
while, in fact capital tyrannZcs with selfish
power, holding labOur to its terrible bond
the obligation life OF barely sustained toll
the penalty death by starvation. There
is 10 moral relation between them, and the
working classes who comprehend poIitiea
theories only in practical results, rebel
against the powers that be. in England
the charlist calls for equal representation
ienounccs the aristocratic institutions with
in which capital strives to entreuch itself
and demands logically enough we must say
that the nation should abandon the palpabIc
of free labour and n privileged
class. In France, with still stricter and
more interruptions logic, the socialist dem
lnstrates that if Iabour and capital are equal
II principle they should be equal in prac-
ice, and that all property is theft. That
.lis should be, reason suggests--that it ever
las been, experience confirms. For while
history teens with rebeilions Of free iabour
against roya power, and leudaI prcrogatye
and class priviIegc--rcvoutons which have
1verthroWn dynasties and changed constitu-
ions, we challenge solitary example in
.he whole scope OF the world record, where
slave abour has risen in successful protest
against national authority, Or even forced
rom privileged power single political con-
,csslon The Hebrew commonwealth in
he progress fits Divine mission, spread in.
o the proportion Of magnificent monarchy
md again shrunk into the insienifcance OF
l scattered people, aud the fouHdations ofits
lave institutions were mistaken. The
,ingdoms of Greece sprung struggling from
heir cradles, but in the perpetual strife
which strengthened their manhood, the III
tituton OF slavery never perpeXcd their
economy, nor escaped their control. The
Roman governed the world, and his million
'f slaves never changed an Emperor, nor
ost him province, In the ancient wcrd
he relation Of labour and capital took the
shape Of slavery, aud what disturbance did
t work la the modern world, it has Ia
zen the shape of service, and what civil
connection, what parliamentary perplexity
las it not wrought! What political ques.
lion is so terrible to English statesmen as
.he condition Of England question! What
Ouhinafion moro foarfDl for French ,,o.iti-