The Madisonian. (Canton, Miss.) 1850-1855, 1850-04-11

lsted anterior TO the missouri agltatlnn.
Nothing else can with. any certainly,
finally and forever settle the question
at issue, terminate agitation and save
the Union.
But can this be done? Yes; easily, Y
not by the weaker party, for 1t can of
itself do nothing-not even protect its
SELF but by the stronger. The North
has only to will it to accomplish ito
do justice by conceding TO the south an
equal right IN the acquired Territory,
and to do her duty by causing the stipr
ulation relative to fugitive slaves to be
faithfully fulflled--to cease the agita>
tion Of the slave question and to pro,
vide for the insertion Of a provision in
the Constitution, by an amendment
which will restore to the South in sub,
stance the power she possessed ofpro>
tecting herself, before the equilibrium
between the sections was destroyed by
the action of this Government. There
will he no difficulty in devising such a
provision. One that will protect the
South, and which, at the same time,
will improve and strengthen the GovN
ernment, instead of:lmpairinga ID wea .
ening it.
But will the North agree to do thisl
1t is for her TO answer this question:
But, will say, she cannot refuse, ifs
she has half the love for the Union
which she processes to have, or witht
out Justly exposing herself to the charge
that her love ofpower and aggrandize>
ment is far greater than her love ofthe
Union. At all events, the respo nsibili>
ty Of saving the Union rests on the
| North, and not on the South. The
south cannot save it by any act Of hers.
and the North may save it without any
sacrifice whatever, unless to do justice,
and to perform hel duties under the
Constitution, should be regarded by
her as sacrifice.
It is time, Senators, that there should
be an open and manly avowal on all
sides, as to what is intended to be. done
If the question is not now settled, 1t is
uncertain whether it ever can hereafN
ter be, and we, as the Representatives
Of the States of this Union, regarded as
governments, should come to distinct
understanding as to our respective
views, in order to ascertain whether
: the great question at issue can be set
tied or not. If you, who represent the
: stronger portion, cannot agree to settle
them on the broad principles of justice
; and duty. say so and let the states We
both represent agree to seperate anc
part in peace. lfyou are unwilling we
should part in peace. tell us so, and We
shall know what to do, when you re-
! duce the question to submission or re-
r sistance. If you remain silent, you
$ will compel US to infer by your acts
what you intend.
In that case, California will become
the test question. If you admit her
> under all the difficulties that oppose he
admission, you compel US to infer tina
:: = you intend to exclude US from tht
!. whole of the acquired territories, will
" the intentiopof destroy ingirretreivably
J the equilibrium betwcenlhe two sec
y tions. We would be blind not to per
ceive, in that case, your real objects
are power and aggrnndizement, anc
infatuated not to act accordingly.
have now, Senators, done my duty
in expressing my opinions fully, free
" ly, and CandidIy, on this solemn occa
: : siou. Iu doing so, have been govern
! ed by the motives which have governed
. me IN all the stages of the agitation o.
! the slavery question since its commenc'
. ment. | have exerted myself, during
) the whole period to arrest it, with tbt
intention Of saving the Union, it
could be done; and, if itcould not, to saw
. the section where it has pleased Pro
z vidence to cast my lot, and which sin
= cerely believe has justice and the Con
: stitution on its side. Having faithful
: y done, my duty 10 the best OF m.
y ability, both to the Union and my sec
:, ton, throughout this agitation, ! shal
= have the consolation, let what vii
{ come, that am free from all respon
: sibility.