The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-08-07
Free Trade and Democracy.

The panegyrists of the system which bases
Itself on the encouragement of foreign trade
have in this country been anxious to recon-
mend it as Of Democratic origin, and as sup
ported by the opinion Of the masses in oppos-
ton to the selfish interests of pampered monop-
olists 1t is nevertheless true, that except SO
far as they have succeeded in filching the APP
probation of such as are to be caught with
specious names, by stealing the livery of free
trade, all their arguments are drawn, not
from the homely maxims in which the multi
rience and observation, but from the pages of
theorists, who write in their closets, and find
readers among the men Of elegant leisure, and
not in the homes of the million.
They distrust the instinct perceptolni IN lhs,
laboring classes, of the policy which promotes
their employment and its remuneration. 1t will
not do, indeed, to avow this openly in repub-
lican government, and especially would it come
with a bad grace from the party which arrogates
title to all the democracy, and is forever pro-
claiming its confidence in the people. But on
the other side of the ocean, where no such re-
stralnts prevent a candid acknowledgment of
their genuine sentiments, the doctors of free
| trade make no scruple in declaring that their
policy is adverse to democracy, and would sink
in proportion to any advance the latter might
make. A recent proposition in the British Par
Lament, TO extend the elective franchise in the
counties of England and Wales, has brought
out some quotations from the works Of distin-
guished economists, bearing on this point, of
which we avail ourselves:
'In Mr.. Seniors Mercantile Theory Of U'tald, we
have the following evidence Of the political como
mists being that protection to native industry
is popular, and would be the rule under universal
suffrage the unhappy prejudces that now exist
this subject should continue, and if the extension
Of representative government should increase The poosr
Of public opinion the policy Of nations fear
! that commerce may not long be enabled to retain
even that degree of freedom that she enjoys
| Il have perfect reliance the knowledge and
good intentions of our present Ministers-but vcI y
little the knowledge possessed by the country at
! large. In representative government, where
each individual may proclaim, in their utmost ex-
aggeration, his suffering and his fears, where the
power arbitrarily TO do good is chained by the
same letters which restrain the power arbitrarily
to do evilwhere, in short. public opinion is omnipo
Htj anu 49, on tbcst suuetla5 20 III lnlofltuj ana
therefore easily OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES appears,
at first sight, limit to the extent to which indi
vidual interest, popular prejudice, and national
jealousy, might next carry the system of exclu-
/ sion."
DIR. CHALMERS, in his Political Economy,
IN connerion Nth The moral state and moral
prospects Of society, shows that his mind had
been perverted by his free-trade theories to the
same distrust Of the working classes, for he
says:
"a liberal politics forms no guarantee, but we
doubt, the opposite, for liberal political economy.
THIS a SUBJECT on WHICH THE POPULAR AND
PHiLosoPHIc MIND ARE NOT At ALL IN HARMoSY /;
and the very admission into Parliament of 80 large
an influence from the will of the humber classes
may, after all, endanger the cause Of sound lcgis-
atou, on every topic where the seeming and the
substantial interests Of the country are at vari-
| aucep