The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-06-27


1t not only guarantees slavery where it exists, but
| provides for its extension. In the States where
slaves existed, they were made the basis of appor-
tionment and taxation, thereby contributing two
Of the great elements necessary to republican gov
eminent, viz representation to express its voice,
| and money for its support.
1 To erfend the institution indefinitely, it probib-
tied the passage Of any law to stop the importation
of slaves from Africa, and elsewhere, prior to the
year 1908. Another clause, with view to its
representation forever, provides for the recapture OF
nugiuyes who escape to non-slayeholding States.
Notwithstanding these plain stpulations between
the slavelolding and nonslaveholding States,
shutting the essential, vital provisions of the Con-
sttuuon, without which all admit the Confedera-
ton could not have been formed, we are cantingly
told that slavery is u sin, and the North is OPP
| posed to its extension "We, the philanthro-
pists of this day, are better than the sages ind
heroes, purified by the trials of the Revolution
and covered with its gories, who assembled in the
old hall Of the Confederation in l767." have
no reply TO make to these pharisaical pretensons;
they are beneath contempt. l am content with the
religion Of the Bible, and the Constitution Of our
fathers, interrupted by the comments Of the
pseudo moralists and statesmen who now SIZED
their coruscatons upon us. i shall certainly not
condescend to reply to the pulling sophistry upon
i this subject, so often heard in this House. Were
| disposed to argue the question of slavery with
out reference to the Constitution, in all its rela
tons, religious, moral social, and political, no
i
me. It would seem to be PROCLAMATION to call an
institution Of society rreligious or immoral which
is expressly and repeatedly sanctioned by the
word Of God; which existed in the tents Of the
patriarchs, and in the households of His own
chosen people; and perversion of the truth or
history to denounce that institution as social or
political evil, which existed in all the free States
Of antiquity, and is inseparaby connected with the
arts and arms the science and literature, the paint
ing and statuary Of Greece and Rome-upon
Il Ia
ancient world, and now illumes our own! But in
our country we have the most striking and bril-
liant illustrations Of the benefits Of slavery, in the
vast areas redeemed from the wilderness, where
malaria forbade the emigration of whites, and
which now TEEN with the production Of Southern
staples in the large amount of valuable exports,
the product of slave labor which freight the kees
i Of commerce to every harbor of the world, and
bring IN return imports Of corresponding value;
in the individual prosperity and happiness of our
people, without example in any other social orga-
nization; in our political stability, where armed
police is necessary for the suppression of mobs,
and the mace Of the civil magistrate is omnpotent.
But cannot pursue these general reflections,
which are out Of place when uttered here. Our
right on each side grew out of the Constitution,
and am willing to abide by its stipuations and
compromises without re-opening for controversy
questions which were defnitively settled by its
adoption. Slavery being recognized by the Con-
stitution, and provision made for its perpetuation
and extension in the clauses referred to, | con-
slider all the parties to it, according to every
known principle Of legal construction as esfopped
by the record from assailing il by word or act.
4 The people Of the North could with much more
propriety assail any other species of property
held under the municipal laws OF the several
States; for, with two exceptions, viz: the right OF
property in negro slaves, and the exclusive right
of authors and inventors s'to their respective
writings and discoveries, - the Constitution does
not recognize the private rights Of property, nor
stpulate for their protection, but leaves them as
they existed under the municipal laws II results
that we have double projections: the municipal
laws of the several States, and the express stpu-
> latons of the Constitution. Slaves were regarded
AS kind of property entitled to special and pecu
liar favor, and were therefore singled out by the
Constitution from the mass of other property
invested with higher dignity and guarded with
. greater security--too precious to be intrusted
solely to State laws, the Constitution has thrown
, its protecting egis around it.
e Upon all these points, however, Northern re-
representatives. pretend to differ with us, and insist
upon the right to exclude the South from the com
' mon property 1t remains to be seen whether the
I South will meet the .California proviso, /" with
resistance, 60 at every hazard and to the last ex
. trenity," she did the g Wilmot Proviso."
. am unwilling to live under the Union without thu
Constitution; the North cannot live and flourish
without the Union Much as they hate slavery
they love the Union more, and are willing to &C
no further IN their aggressions than is consistent
, with its duration. This is strikingy illustrated
IN the history Of the "Wilmot Proyiso.'
Upon the first Introduction of that measure in
the Doth Congress- it received the sanction of this
House, as it did at every succeeding session until
S the present. Within few days past it has been
: laid upon the table by the votes OF those known
: to be pledged to the exclusion of slavery from
D every foot Of the common domain. This is move
ment to elude Southern resistance and save the
Union They chung with iron tenacity to this
avorite measure, until convinced that the choice
was between the Proviso and the Union; and then
5 true to their instincts, they chose the latter But
G the South has not gained the battle. The enemy
) has only changed front, to wheel into line, and
renew the assault Our only safety now is in
standing to our arms.
4 They have deposed their old leaders--Hnle,
3 Seward, and Giddngs--and rallied under the ban
I ner Of 'sthe hero that never surrenders," Upon
that banner is inscribed, 'sthe Union without thf
: Constitution. As the Roundheads of Cromwell
D when they charged the foe, were ordered to sing
: hosannas to the King Of Hosts, they shout no
sannas to 'sthe Union, and for the same reasons.
r They know it is word of inspiration to every
f American citizen, calling up memories full OF
: glory and GRANDEUR word of idolatrous wor-
ship, engraven upon the altar of political tenn
: pie As the Persians fall PROSTATE before, the
: rising sun, so we are expected to bow to the
: competence of a word. greatly mistake the
character OF our people, and underrae their intel
ligence If recollection of past glores can make
)
: prestige which clusters around the brow of the
I military hero, nor the charmed sway Of the word
1 "Union," can hull the people of the South into
J, submission. The wrongs practsed under this
e Union have induced them TO reflect upon its
: operations, and to inquire whether in the course
4 of events, its dissolution would be promotive OF
: their security and happiness or otherwise With
: out extinguishing the love of the South for the
: Union, these reflections have led to the opinion
that we have within ourselves oil the elements OF
: wealth, prosperity and national power, which,
under a separate confederation, would be devel-
oped with unexamped rapidity
: With territory Of more than eight hundred
thousand square miles, and population Of nine
millions, we would at least be more respectable in
J dimensions and numbers than were our ancestors
Of l776, at the commencement of the revolutionary
contest and, if the worst calmihes resulted from
dissolution, would not have sturdier foe to en-
counter nor more protracted triumph over OPP
preston But there would be no cause Of war, in
the event of separation our Northern neighbors