The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-02-12
From the Richmond Wing.


The wisdom with which the President selected
the position in which he now stands with regard
to the Wilmot proyso cannot be too highly COM
mended. Seeing the country convulsed from one
end to the other by its disastrous infiuence-be-
holding it separated as it were by moral earth
quake, into two great sectional divisions, with
gulf every day widening between them-he has
been continually urged to say what would be his
course, should the proviso be passed. He has re-
sisted all opportunities; threats and denunciations
have had not the slightest effect upon him.
What, let ask, would be the consequence,
were he to declare, beforehand, what course he
would pursue, thereby taking the Legislative power
out of the hands in which it is lodged by the Con-
stitution' Suppose he should say that he would
sign it. Would that have the effect of allaying
the angry feelings which are so prevalent at the
South, that they threaten every day to break out
into of direct hostility Would that reconcile
the minds Of southern people to the Union-to that
Union which the President, by his oath Of Office, is
bound to protect? Would it not rather, add fuel
to the flame? Would it not irrtate, in tenfold
degree, those violent feelings, which are even now
wrought up to fearful pitchl Would il not, we
ask, at sound the funeral kne Of that Govern
ment under which we have lived happily, and
thrived wonderfully, for sixty years! We put
the question TO any southern man, and we have
not the smallest doubt with regard TO the answer.
On the other hand, suppose General Taylor were
to announce that he would peto the proviso. Would
| that calm the agitation at the North' Would that
allay the spirit OF faction and Of abolionism which
is seeking break down the barriers opposed toi its
| schemes by the Union, Would that silence Gar
rison, or put bit in the mouth Of those who, with
him, openly declaim in favor of dissolution These
questions, too, we put to any man Of common sense
without the smallest apprehension 10 the answer
What, then, General Taylor bound 10 do ?
Precisely that which he has done. He IL the Presi-
dent, not Of party, nor Of n section, but Of the
whole United States. In his position he is bound
as far he possibly cam TO keep the peace between
the two sections Of the Union. As the executive
officer Of the government, he has no right TO die
tate his will 10 the legislative dcpartment-to say
to Congress, you shall legislate in this way or you
shall net legisae at ALTO take in fact, the whole
power Of the government into his own hands, and
make himself the supreme head Of the nation.
In the course he has pursued, General Taylor is
borne out by the example Of Mr.. Monroe, in cir
cumstances almost identical. That great man, in
the Missouri controversy, could easily have con-
trolled the action OF Congress, by proclaiming 10
the country what his would be, 10 the event
OF the passage OF the Missouri restrictions. He not
only did not do 20 ofhs motion, but il never
limited to him that il was his province 10 doso An
entirely different doctrine was held at that day,
from that now openly protested by the progressive
democracy. Any attempt TO dictate 70 the legsla-
ture Of the nation, upon subject Of great national
importance-any intimation that the President
would not allow bill 10 become a law, while IL
was yet under discussion would have been re.
sented, not only az aggression, but insult.
Mr.. Monroe not only did not attempt il, but he APP
pears never to have though Of IT,
This example is worth more thsnall the Locofooo
preaching upon the subject, and arc glad TO see
that General Taylor has followed II fearlessly and
unfnchingly. We trust, as we are confident, that
he will persevere the end and that be will set al
defiance the vile mslignity Of bitter-end opposi-
ton, whose only object is to pull down his admins
| tration, that il may rise upon lie ruins.