The North-Carolina standard., 1850-02-06


any mode, would be regarded anti-slavery tri-
umph, and would accelerate the general movement
against u.s. 1t is not difficult for us to preceive how
that state of public sentiment has been produced
there. The old abolition societies have done good
deal to poison the popular mind. By circulating an
immense number of inflammatory pamphlets, filled
with all manner of falsehood and calumny against
the South its institutions, and its men, because there
contradiction in that quarter, they had created
high degree of prejudice against us. As soon as it
became probable that there would be acquisition
of territory, the question at once became great prac
teal one, and the politicians Immediately took the
matter in hand. With view at once of strengthen
ing their position, they seized upon all this matter
which the abolition societies (whose aid both parties
courted in the struggle) had furnished from time to
time, and difased and strengthened it as much as
possible, and thereby created immense amount of
hostility to southern institutions. Every thing there
contributes to this movement candidates brought
out by the caucus system, and if they fail to take
that sectional ground which is deemed strongest there
they are at once discarded. The mode Of nominat-
ing candidates, well as ofconductng the canvass,
is destructive of any thing like independence in
the representative They do not, gentlemen often
do in the South and West, take ground against the
popular clamor, and sustain themselves by direct ap
pea1s to the intelligence and of their constu-
ents. Almost the whole of the northern press CO.
operated in the movement. With the exception of
the New York Herald, (Which, with its large circu-
lation, published matter on both sides,) and few
South has been carefully excluded from the northern
papers. BY these combined efforts degree of feel
ing prejudice has been gotten up against the South
which is most intense in all the interior.
was surprised last winter to hear northern SEN
ator say, that in the town in which he lived it would
excite great astonishment if it were known that
northern lady would, at the time of the meeting of
the two Houses, walk up to the Capitol with south
Senator; that they had been taught to consider
southernors generally as being so coarse and rufan
IN ftofo adu hnro
such presence. This anecdote, sir, does not pre-
sent too strong picture of the condition of sentiment
in portions of the interior OF the northern country
How far gentlemen on this floor are to be Influenced
in their action by such state of opinion leave them
to decide.
The great principle upon which the northern move
ment rests which is already adopted by most north
ern politicians, and to which they all seem likely to
be driven by the force of the popular current there
if the question is unsettled till the next Congresson
al election, is this that the Government of the nj
ted States must do nothing to sanction slavery that
it must therefore exclude it from the Territories {;
that it must abolish it in the District of Columbia,
forts. and arsenals, and wherever it has jurisdiction.
Some, too, carrying the principle to its extent, insist
that the coastng slave trade, and that between the
States, should also be abolished and that slave labor
should not be tolerated in public Office of the nj
ted States such custom-houses, post Offices, and
the like. AS these things all obviously rest the
general dogma, it is clear that the yielding of
CneCk, mere.
accelerate, the general movement to the end of the
series. Before this end was reached they would pro-
baby append, corollary, the principle that the
President should not appoint Shareholder to Office.
1t is, sir, my deliberate judgment hat in the present
temper of the public mind at the North, if the terri
torial question remains open till the next election,
few if any gentlemen will get here from the free
States that not pledged to the full extent of the
abolition platform. 1t is, therefore, obviously the
interest of all of to settle this question at the pres
ent session.
That the general principle above stated is at war
with the whole spirit of the Constitution of the Uni
ted States, which sanctions slavery in several of its
provisions, need not argue here Taking, however,
practical view of the matter in controversy, look
for moment at the territorial question, the great
issue in the struggle. will do northern gentlemen
this floor the justice to- admit that they have
gued themselves into the belief that they are right in
claiming the whole of the territory for free soil. Let
me state, for moment. the converse, or opposite of
their proposition. Suppose it were to be claimed
that should be allowed to go into this public
territory. unless he carried more slaves with
him, it might then be said, just as gentlemen now
tell u.s. that it would be perfectly fair, because it
placed every man who might be inclined to 60 there
on an equal footing, and might by means of having
interest. Northern men would at once, I suppose,
object to this arrangement. Then we should say to
them, if you do not like this restriction, let it be set
tled then, that every citizen of the United States
may 60 into the common territory and carry slaves
or not, just he pleases. This would seem to be
perfectly equitable and fair arrangement Northern
men, however, object to this, and say that they are
not willing to live in territory where others own
slaves. Then we Of the South say to them, that we
will consent to divide the territory, and limit our
to 90 at will over the whole. Even to this they OBJ
ject and insist that they will not allow to occupy
one foot of the territory. Remember, sir, that this
very territory was acquired by conquest, and that
while the South, according to its population, would
have been repaired to furnish only onethird Of the
troops it in point of tact did furnish twothirds of
the mea that made the conquest. And the North,
deficient it comparatively in the struggle, now
says that ts conscience, or its eupidty, will not per-
nit us have the smallest portion of that territory
Why, sir, this is the most impudent proposition that
was ever maintained by any respectable body OF men.
favor Of liberty. can we'll suppose that northern
gentlemen would resist, in the most emphatic man
ner, the attempt TO make any man who is now free
slave but regard them as too intelligent to be-
eve that humanity, either to the slave or the mas
ter, requires that they should be pent up within ter
sitory which, after time, will be insufficient for
their subsistence, and where they must perish from
want, from the collisions that would occur between
the races. Nor can suppose that they think it
would be injurious to New Mexico and California
for our people to 60 and settle among them. Promo
nept northern statesmen, both in this House and in
the Senate, have described the population of those
Territories, and have represented as being only
inferior those Indian tribes that we know most Of
viz: the Cherokees and Chectaws, but 40 being far
below the Fiat Heads, Black Feet, aud Snake In
dians cannot, therefore, suppose that they really
believe those territories would be injured by having
infused into them such state Of society produces
such persons as George Washington, John Marshall,
and thousands Of other Great and viTtaous men, living
and dead. Your opposition to our right VIII be re.
earded as resting on the lust for political power Of
vo,r nolicians or on the raDacitV of VOur people.