The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-06

lands; which. after discussion between Mr.. Yu-
LEE. Mr.. FElcn, Mr.. DAwsos, and Mr.. BRicHr,
/ was re-eommi,ied 20 the Committee on Public
/ Lands
/ The Seaateit then lookup the
\ ADJUSTMENT BILL.
| Mr. BELL resumed the remarks which he com
menced on Wednesday. He did not believe that
the President had used any influence to prevent
1 the passage Of this bin. II had been said that
the President had, in derision, 2 called this an
I e Omnibus1 BILL. But no proof had yet been
adduced to prove that the President had used his
influence against the bill And until that proof
Ebe adduced, he must. consider the President free
from such changes.
! He then proceeded to consider what equivalent
was offered to the South.for the admission of Cal
| ifornia. The principal equivalent offered was
the establishment Of Territorial Governments for
Utah and New Mexico. This was the equiva-
lent. And yet, at the very first, the Territorial
Legislature wers prohibited from establishing or
prohibiting slavery.
MIR. CLAY explained that this was not the
equivalent offered to the South. The equivalents
offered TO the South were the forbearance on the
part of Congress to enact the Wilmot Proviso,
and the settlement Of the Texas boundary ques-
ton The clause to which the Senator had re-
ferred was inserted against bis wishes. 1t was
proposed in committee by Southern man, and
carried by Southern votes a"-
Mr.. BELL resumed. He had not dwet on
that point very strongly. Il was not the only
equivalent held out, to be sure 5
He did not see how the dangers of the question
were to be ayoided--the wounds healed up--un-
less these Territories were admitted as States. He
! thought that would be the best policy for the
South, for after State was admitted, Congress
had no power over her institutions. She might
then remodel her institutions and change her con-
stitution. Whereas, if she remained in territorial
condition, there would be no security that the
North would allow her TO come in slave State.
He compared the bill with the President s plan,
| rather approving the latter. ,
MIR. FOOTE interposed and thought MIR. BELL
inconsistent in now denouncing this bill, when
his own resolutions were the father of it, He
thought the father ought to pay decent attention
I to his child. %'rs I'M
| Mr.. BELL resumed. When he offered his re-
solutions, he was following the lead Of the Sena-.
tor from Mississippi, [Mr. FoorE. But his
leader had deserted him, and he was compelled to
do the best he could for himself. He thought
there was sufficient population in New Mexico to
entitle her to admission as State. He; examined
every feature Of the Compromise He also re-
piled to the arguments of Mr.. HousroN and Mr..
| RusK, on the Texas boundary question, having
been interrupted once twice by the latter gentle
1 man., As g %%ssss
| Without concluding, MIR. BELL gave way to
Mr.. KING, who moved that the Senate adjourn.
| The motion was agreed to.
In HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, \
4 Yesterday, as soon as the House met,
MIR. GIDDINGS rising to a question of privi-
lege, remarked, that he had been grossly assailed
in Washington letter in the Boston Atlas, and
other papers, which demanded that the House
should act in yindication Of its own character;
everything showing that he was unworthy Of a
1 seat here, being a reflection on the House, so
long as he was permitted to hold seat as a
! member. go ss..s.r+ IA
Mr.. g. sent to the clerk IS table, (from whence
it was reported to the House,) Washington let
| ter IN the Boston Atlas, charging him with having
puiloined letters on file in the appointment Office
fof the Post Office Department, referring to the
Oberlin, Ohio, post Office, and sending them to
! that point. ~ e ~. BID
Mr.JONES made a few remarks to show that
there was question Of privilege involved in the
charge against the member from Ohio [Mr. Gun
pINGs,] when ID 4ts eyt. E H, +, Il s,55sE-.
The SPEAKER decided that the article at
least involved 10 question which he WAS called on
to decide. If in any manner question of privi-
lege, it concerned the privilege of the House,
not. Of the member. 1t was the function of the
House, therefore, to do was done in the similar
cases coming before the Goth and. Both Congress,
to. decide for themselves, whether they would
proceed to treat the subject matter as one of pr
vilege. 44r s.g .s..,. n
Mr.. TOOMBS considered it to be his duty to
take an appeal. He did not understand by what
process OF reasoning it could be ruled that the
House could take cognizance Of any question
claimed to be one of privilege, except in the way
of an appeal to its judgment from the decision Of
the presiding officer. ss a. Il, VI.
So far as the case in point was concerned, he
recognised nothing in it to entitle it to be consid
cred aqueston of privilege, the article itself was
but just such an INSCRIPTIONS libel, he supposed,
as was being daily perpetrated by the worst de-
scription of American presses upon public men
every where, both in and out of Congress. How
ever, it violates no parliamentary privilege apper-
tanning to Mr.. GIpDINGs, a member Of the
House. He had neither been arrested, nor had
he been questioned y for words uttered in the
discharge of his duties in the hall. There was no
authority in the House to defend members by ex-
tending over them the shield Of, congressional
exemption from attacks like this. The remedy of
the gentleman from Ohio was to go to the tribunal
to which the private citizen would be compelled
to repair. That is-to the courts. He repeated,
there was no more in the article in question, as
serted against Mr.. GrDDINes, than was being daily
said by the press against both honest and dis
hopest men, Now, there was no analogy between,
the privilege Of the member of Congress
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