The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-08-08

its extsnsion involved any moral wrong, corrupt
ed Northern principle.
From that day TO this, when we find him reappear-
ing a. the champion Of another Compromise, no
less regardless of moral principle, he has main
tanned the same position and sentiments. lie
would now rather that free territory should re-
main exempt from Slavery, but if the attempt to
erect safeguards around its freedom give birth to
what he calls dangerous excitement, he sees no
harm in desisting from it; and should Slavery in
consequence extend it's limits, he might regret 1t,
but not repent the misconduct that led to such
result Is such man fit leader for those who
believe that Slavery is wrong; that its extension
is wrong, that allowing or conniving at its extern
sion is wrong, that it is the high duty of the
Federal Government to interpose every constitu-
tionsl impediment to its extension
We would not do MIR Clay injustice, but we
cannot shut our eyes to the fact, that his system
of politics is for the most part system Of expe-
dients-that he is in the habit Of overlooking the
moral elements Of great political questions-that
in his philosophy, the end, which we admit is gen.
orally lsudsble one, justifes the means, and that
when once embarked to carry through an import
ant measure, he is apt to resort to devices which
q high moral sense cannot but disapprove. And how
noTtt no 2,N-Syisal Surely the man al who at
.eslp.s w 1elesL-i- --.--.--,s-------5,.- D. q
tgSqpistic parties to vote in support Of measure
conflicting with the principles Of each, to settle
questions Of right and wrong by considerations
of temporary expediency, must, at times, pur-
sue very devious and doubtful line OF policy
Let MS review the course of Mr.. Clay on the
Slavery Question, since the Introduction Of his
resolutions on the subject nearly seven months
ago 1t has been marked from that time by e1-
traordinary changes by constant variations OF his
position to suit circumstances, by nice manipu'
lation of the opposing parties, to determine their
accessible points by graduating modifying, OF
altering his measures, with view to secure
majority with very little regard to abstract truth
or right.
His resolutions affirmed the expediency Of es-
tablishing Territorial Governments, without the
Wilmot Proviso. This was q concession to the
South bat as the North could not be expected
he said, to give up its cherished policy, without
some equivalent, they further affirmed that Slavery
did not exist in the Territories, either in law or
fact This was his preliminary movement FOR
testing the disposition of the two opposing parties
The South protested loudly against the equiva-
lent the Nortn was siiek. ''N&~. usGSe az
first he stood with MIR. Benton in urging the ad-
mission of California by itself, but seeing that
unless this measure were associated with several
others, the chances of compromise were barren,
he deserted MIR. Benton, changed his position, be-
came the leading opponent Of the policy of admit
ting California by itself and took an active part
in raising the Compromise Committee, to which
his resolutions were referred. This was his first
Change complete change Of position.
What followed The Committee labored-he
drew up the report-he reported the bill or bills.
Did they conform to his resolutions? Only in
part He bad tested the temper Of the two par
ties, and now ventured in his report and omni-
bus bill, as it is called, to omit the equivalent
yielded to the North by his resolutions in con-
sideration Of the abandonment of the Wilmot
Proviso The bill proposed to form Territorial
Governments, wuhom the Prouiso, but not word
was incorporated in affirmation of the truth in
law and truth in fact-that Slavery does not ex-
list in the Territories!
This was change second-a change to please
the South, and which, he inferred from the pre-
vious silence of the North, would not be very
fercely resisted in that quarter.
Southern men denounced the bill, and demand
ed alterations to secure more effectually the in
terests of Slavery. Northern men said little.
The chief cyposssion came from the former. Mr.
Clay, having no conscientious scruples on the
subject, no fixed moral principles, but regarding
the controversy as one to be settled by a calcua-
lion of how most certainly majority could be
procured for the bill, looked lenienty on the de.
mands of the South.
The 10th section, as originally reported, pro-
hibited the Legislatures from passing any law
respecting African Slavery" This was offen-
sive to certain Southern men, because in their
opinion it prohibited the Legislature from enact
ing laws to protect the rights of properly in slaves
They proposed to substitute for the words IRE
specting African Slavery" the words prohibit
ing or establishing Slaveryn-so as to leave the
Legislative power at liberty to pass police regu-
lations respecting Slavery, should it find its way
into the Territories
Had Mr.. Clay been man of principle on this
subject, instead of man of expedients, he would
have resisted the change, especially when the fla
gitious object of it was so boldly avowed. But
it was necessary to concilate support and he con-
scented to the alteration.
This was change third.
The debate went on-the struggle grew more
complicated-the prospects more confused. The
provision relative to the settlement Of the Texas
boundary ocoasioned the greatest perplexity.
The amount of money to be paid her for the relin-
punishment of her claims, was the rock on which
the Compromise might split. The Texan Sena-
tors, 1t was understood would take nothing less
than ten millions one or two friends of the Com
promise could not tolerate this Between them
the bill was in imminent danger Fill the blank
with ten millions, and the one million men would
bolt-fll it with one million or FIVE, and Texas
would bolt. A caucus was held; ii was agreed
that the entire provision concerning the settlement
Of the Texan boundary should be changed-and
Mr.. Bradbury, acting, we presume, as its expo
nent, brought forward in the Senate an amend
ment proposing Commissioners to determine the
true boundary line between Texas and New Mex
leo, or agree upon some compromise line, to be
then submitted to Congress and the Texas Legis-
lature.
Here was change fourth-and very essential
one. 1t was, In fact, complete obliteration of
one of the main features Of the bill--not dictated
by any principle, but simply by calculation of
chances and an anxiety to secure the passage of
some sort of a measure which could be STYLED n