The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-11-11

EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,r
IuscAIoogA Oct % I2SO

The excited state of the public mind, and the re-
pealed requests that have been made of me TO con-
vene the Legislature at Oh early day, TO deliberate
upon certain enactments of Congress- and consider |
whether they should be acquiesced in, in my |
Judgment require that | should thus publicly adj
dress you. Thisduty shall perform with breyity |
and planness. .ns.# g ..a".. ID I4.- NJ !
understand the people all profess TO entertain
the purpose to resist aggression by the Federal |
Legislature upon the the great Southern Institution,
but public opinion is certainly not agreed TO the
time or occasion when resistance should be inter
posed, or as to the mode measure OF II. The
question has recently assumed new phase, and
II requires time to initiate and consumnlate even
III theory, plan which will lead TO the most sue
cessful and happy result There may be many
who have bestowed much thought upon the sub |
ject, assisted by wise counsels who are prepared
for prudent and efficient action. But the masses
not having enjoyed the same opportunities, are
necessarily more tardy in mastering the elements
which enter into consideration OF the subject,
and have not yet concluded what honor, interest
and duty demand of them. This condition of
things is not to be wondered at, for it required
more than ten years continued agitation of the
subject by some of the purest, wisest, aud most
eloquent men the world has ever produced, 10 pre-
pare the colonies to separate from Great Britain
do not mean to say that it would require the
same length of time at this day TO enighten public
opinion and mt 1t for action-the multiplication of
newspapers, the making of steam and electricity
subsidiary TO the diffusion of knowledge, have
brought the remotest portions of the Confederacy
into juxtapostion. But | mean to say that the
public mind must have time and information to
enable it to operate intelligenty before it attuins
its conclusion. Fin advance of n,atured opinions,
Its action is forced upon the people, the conse-
quences, instead of being productive of good, may
be irreparably disastrous. W. =
IT under the circumstances which | believe ex-
Ist, the Legislature were convened, it is hardly
probable, that any effective measures could be
adopted with such unanimty, as would conclu-
sivey indicate that they correctly echoed the public
voice. lincne TO think it much more probable that
the character of the propositions submitted and the
temper and tone of the debates would manifest the
unsettled state of public opinion, our dissensions
and divisions upon mere matters Of expedIency
would be made still more apparent-our weakness
would be inferred, and the North would suppose
the other aggresSions it not invited, would be
tolerated. Prejudices and opinions which would
yield to time, and to better information would be-
come fixed by heated discussions, such as an ex-
traordinary session the Legislature would at this
time invite and provoke. ...'. g..
The opposition of the South must be powerless
and Intellectual, until the Southern States, or the
greater number Of them, shall consent to act unit
eddy and in harmony. This desderatum is to be
effected by full and frank interchange of views
and Willingness TO sacrifice to each other III mat
tiers of eXpediency, for the sake of union and eff
feet and not by bandymg offensive terms, calcu-
lated to lrritate and estrange. As we all have a
community of interest in the great question, it be-
comes us to be tolerant to the opinions Of each
other, and not attribute what some esteem prema-
ture anu ultra action to spirit of dsorganlZation
Let such feelings rather be attributed to all excess
OF constituencies and an unduy excited patriotism.
On the other hand, let it not be charged upon
those who admit that the feelings and rights of the
Southern people have been insuIted and outraged,
but think that the time for defnitive action has
not yet arrived, that they are submissonsts with
fl,a, ~
or maintain the constitutional guarantees which
protect her. ..0........ ....
Conceding that the people of this State are ready
for action, and have determined the mode by which
their power is to be inerposed, u measure of
discretion, would 1t not be proper to delay the
call OF the Legislature until after the reassemblng
Of the Nashville Convention, and until the con-
ventions of Georgia and Texas, and the Legisla-
lures OF some of the Southern States, especially
Virginia. have acted 1t cannot be unwse to lis
ten to the voice of the land of Washington, Jeier-
son, Madison, and Monroe, and unless it's coun-
sells shall become obllvlous to the past, and shed
" disastrous twilight" to follow It's guidance.
Entertaining these views, 1t is an imperative
duty to decline convening the Legislature at this
time. II / shalt be hereafter convinced that have
mistaken public opinion, as have no wigh to sup
press its expression, shall promptly yield to it's
demands.
Il might, perhaps close this address,; but it is
due to ne occasion and the position occupy, to
add something more. ' &''.'
In my Judgment the South has no cause of fe-
citation IN the recent acts of Congress which
untedly was called the Compromise or Adjust
ment bill - unless she is to be regarded as sup
plant for sheer justice and not an equal These
concede nothing to US; but on the contrary some
Of them manifest disposition to disproportionate-
y enlarge the area Of 60 free-soil, " and add to the
power and number Of free States. The measures,
which resulted in the Introduction of California
into the Confederacy. from the initiation to the
contamination Of the drama, exhibit transactions
humillating to the American statesman, and emf
neny unjust, if not insulting to Southern feeling.
In using this strong language, have weighed the
import of its terms. OF course they do not apply
to ALI either in out Of Congress, who ad voca ted
this extraordinary measure; but history, if true TO
it's office, will be apt to dsparage the political fame
Of some who have been prominently connected
with it, .." 49,.
The territorial bills defer nothing to the South
II was beyond the competency Of Congress to have
adopted the &c Wilmot Proviso" as part of them;
and the most that can be said is, that it was
omitted in Difference to the Constitution
In respect to the " Fugitive slave bill, 4" it was
passed in obedience to the mandate of the third |
clause of the second section Of the fourth article
of the Federal Constitution. The existing legsIa
lation upon that subject proved inefficient and the
decision ofthe Supreme Court of the United States
clearly indicated that it was imperative upon Con-
gress TO do quite as much as it has done.
1t is not pretended that the adjustment of the
slave trade in the District of Columbia, was in
tended to appease the South. Nor did we ask
Congress to enact the Texas and New Mexico
boundary BILL The great majority of the South
people consider that the title of Texas rests
upon broad and defensble basis, and conse-
quently could not desire to purchase it by APP
preparation of public treasure. Much less could
they be willing TO any part of the territory Of
that State lying South of 5000, yielded upto the
United States, unless demanded by considerations
of policy. In making these latter remarks, it is
not intended to reflect upon our senator's and rep
resentatives who voted for the bill referred to-
they doubtless concur in what have said of it, |
They were placed in sitcation where they could
acquire more exact information upon the subject
than possess; and consequently judge more cor
rectly of the expediency of the measure. am
quite sure that they were influenced by none other
than patriotic and honorable motives
1t is always fair to argue from the past and pre-
sent to the future. Thus reasoning, we can hardly
expect even a truce to the crusade against the
Southern Institution. | strongly incline to think