The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-02-08

Europe at the Close OF 1s49.
There is no denying two very simple facts that
the people were masters of Europe in IS48, and that
the soldiers were masters Of il in l649. The peo-
Pile, their leaders, certainly did not show them
selves to be overstocked with wisdom for the task OF
administration. No wonder-a people 10 not made
in reform and revolution, have had their purpose
and their use, in the establishment of principles
for the regulation government Having established
these, they disappear from the stage, hooted off Of
yet the most part Of what they have proclaimed,
and Of the laws they have promulgated, remain.
Discontinue could not be more signal, nor the
contempt which followed it more great, than that
of Berlin. Yet we find what these discomfited peo-
pie declared to be law remains law. Representa-
tive government, universal suffrage, the necessity
Of popular assent to elections, jury law, free
oyerthrown governments could have dreamed of
granting. And now the kings Of Europe per-
plexed in the endeavor to solve the difficult problem
consequent on all this-to reign by the power Of an
army yet according TO the forms of representative
In cabinets and throughout countries, at present,
the great struggle is between civil and military in
ss ana And hs middle Is
though ever 30 much in terror of revolution, are
still In such equal dread of military domination,
that they, along with the civil funcionary class,
and even the propriet0rs of land, bent and de-
tcrmined not to fall under the absolute regime of
the soldiers. This it is which constitutes the true
element of contention in Paris between Theirs and
and the President; in Berlin, between Branden-
berg and the Consttutionalists in Vienna, be-
tween Schwartzenberg and the empcror's military
coterie.
Throughout North Germany we have little doubt
that the civilian element will finally prevail. In
France. likewise, unless any spark should fall upon
the old tiDder temperament Of the people, and
awaken by-gone pursuits and hopes. For If the
people are to be governed by soldiers, it must at
If ones destiny is to be governed by poor and me-
diocre people, better have relays of lawyers and
trusty politicians than regiments of sub lieuten-
ants.
The difficulties Of Austria are Of course far greater
than those Of any government. 1t is difficult to
say which of its provinces, what section even OF
its metropolis is the most disaffected. Hungary
and Lombardy each require huge army, even TO
raise taxes and execute laws. Vienna is as full OF
rebellion as Paris. bohemia insists on separate
constitution. Croatia is even more menacing than
Bohemia. The Austrian military chiefs, therefore,
laugh with some reason at the prctension of be c
villains to govern by q constitution. The land, far
and wide, is too hot for constitution. One might
as well propose floral exhibition in the crater OF
Vesuvius, as TO work constitution in Lombardy,
or Hungary, even Bohemia. Russian and French
reaction were indeed merely to be directed against
resistance in one or two towns. But all the Aus
train empire has been batte-6 field of reform, of
carnage, and brutality. The Russians were called
10 effect what the Austrians could not; and what
the Austrians accomplished after all was by gold,
and not by fair fighting. All this is SO well known
throughout the southeast of Europe, that the exist
ing condition Of things there has not of the char
acterstics Of either subjugaton fear The present
moment il but truce with the struggles, though
aot with the barbartics Of war
we draw line diagonally across Europe. from
the Western Alps 70 the mouth Of the Vistula, we
shall probably be of opinion that the events of S49
have been pretty dehnitve, and not unsatisfactory
in their results for the countries west Of that line
Freedom, peace, constitutional development, strug
giles after commercial, social, and ministerial
changes, have been carried on, not by arms but by
argument. These are hopeful for life and progress
in the west, whilst every day the dislike Tor war
and riot, for oppression and lcentiousness, grows
stronger. We observe here, in a word, marked
prevalence of the tastes, the desires, and the prn
ciples Of the middle, industrious, enlightened, and
civilian class, the extravagances and tenden-
cies of the two extremes of those below and above
them.
But, to return 10 the ensaved and struggling por-
ton of Europe, doubt even If 1850 will make any
settlement Of destinies. Russia overbears them
most with its baIeful power, which its vicinity gives
il power to exercise, and 10 apply INCREASINGLY,
whilst the powers Of the west can only interfere
casually and at intervals, as chance permits. In
opposing Russia, we now playing an unequal
game. Austria now is Russian; and what France
may be, the court scandal mongers only know.
For corrupt and bankrupt Austria, Western Eu-
rope might have substituted Young Hungary.
Whether such an opportunity may ever again
occur; whether the Sclavonic race from the Vstula
the Danube, retain the force TO assert their inde
pendence and 70 bride the power Of the Tartar,
remains to be seen. But as for Austria, she lies
bound in tyranny, in mcanness, and in orime
Nothing can be hoped from her. or her dynasty,
but obstruction, falsehood and trcachery. She has
lost Germany by the imbccility Of Metternich, and
betrayed Eastern Europe to Russia by the still
greater imbccility and guilt of his successors.