The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1850-11-29
ATkansas and the Unlon-HIessaxc Of Co
vernon ROane.

Arkansas and the Uelon-HIessaGe Of Go
werner ROane.
The following is that portion of the message of
Gov Roane to the Legislature Of Arkansas, touch
ing the slavery question and the late compromise
measures passed by Congress-
Could |, consistently with sense of my duty,
close this communication without reference to
questions OF national character, other subjects
than those Immediately connected with our domes-
tic int rests, would here gladly conclude Nothing
but considerations of deep moment involving
OF vital importance, could induce me to divert your
attention for moment from those great questions
OF home policy, 30 imperiously demanding action at
your hands.
But the question of slavery, which has for months
sgitated This nation, from one extremity to the
other, presents an issue for reflection and decision
alarming in its character, and more urgently re-
curing calm and serious elaboration, than the
most weighty measures of State policy.
The people look to you, as the representatives Of
the State, for security and protection. And the
State, upon her part, must depend upon the gene
raj government, in a great degree, for the enjoy
ment Of many Of those advantages essential to her
prosperity. The mutual rights Of the State and
federal governments should be most scrupulously
regarded. Should the general government attempt
to usurp authority, and exercise powers not granted
to her, arrangement and confusion must inevi-
tably result So, when the States interfere with
jurisdictions strictly NATIONAL the ability of the go
veTnment 10 protect the interests for which she
was created, is weakened. There is power in
heIent in the States, with which they have not,
and cannot, part, to rebuke and arrest every at
tempt, on the part of the general government, to
transcend those limits assigned her by the const-
tuition. The States may exercise doubtful powers
they are independent of all controlling powers. Not
SO with the general government. Her pathway II
marked out. and her duties defined. She cannot
deyiate from the one, or transcend the other with
out being guilty of usurpation.
When the sovereign States, now composing this
nation, by mutual agreement, consented to part
with certain of their powers, to be exercised by
general government in order that they might OBJ
tain that strength, resulting from harmonious
union of resources, ii cannot be contended that
they did not retain the power to annul that Union,
to abrogate the compact which bound them to-
gether. whenever the union failed to answer the
ends for which il was established. The States
must De sovereign, or they are dependent; If the
former, we may boast of a republican and free 60
ism more absolute than the Autocracy of Russia.
The question must now be determined. The
contest thus far has resulted in favor of central
power IL Il tune , our position should be known.
ton and delay, so may we be robbed Of our indie.
pendence, by like procrastination. The union of
the North with the general government, upon the
slavery question, presents formidable alliance
against US, requiring to do battle not only for
our rights of poperty, but for our very existence
| sovereign State.
Our right 10 hold property in slaves, is clearly
recognized in the constitution and the right to
the States. Yet Congress, by her action, has
vnced a disposition to wrest that controlling
power from their hands, and, when the plain pro-
visions OF the constitution are placed before her,
higher law" than this is declared to exist. True,
there may be but few who are willing to avow this
nonstrous doctrine. So it was upon the subject of
of this nation, if we may judge by the action Of
Congress, upon the admission of California into the
Union as State, entertain these sentiments, and
act accordingly
California was acquired by the blood and trea-
cure of the North and the South. jointly, and both
the slave holder and the free soiler held an equal
interest in the acquisition: Each had the same
right to remove there, and take every species of
property recognized by the constitution of the Uni
ted States. Yet the federal executive, in the alb
sence OF all law and precedent, supported by North
ern aboonists, has thought proper TO incte a few
adventurers and aliens, to 60 through the msera
bic farce of holding a convention, and forming a
constitution, to the end that he might be extrica
ted from LADY rnth of conflicting pledges, dsrepu-
tably made to secure the Presidency, and that sa-
very might be forever excluded from her limits
True, this exclusion is contained in the constu-
ton of California and while we would concede
the right OF her convention, had il been convened
in accordance with law and precedent, to ncorpo-
rate such provisions in her constitution her in
| terests might demand, we deny the right Of the
general government TO effect, by manage ment and
tnckery, what she could not accomplish by fair
End direct means
But, the deed has been consummated, and, how
ever unJustly II may operate upon the South the
question may well be asked, whether we now have
the redress within eur power The time was,
when, had the South presented an unbroken front
in the demand of her rights, she could have Sc
cured them. But, by divisions in her ranks, this
period was suffered to pass. If we could not unite
In opposing wrongs, when emily threate ned if we
could not prevent the admission of California into
the Union, how can il be expected that we would
unite in redressing those wrongs when they have
received the sanction Of law Can we deem it
possible To drive California from the Union, or
coerce her to admit slavery within her limits IL
not, what could we possibly gain by resistance Z
How improve our condition by agitation We
must submit to this wrong, learn wisdom from the
past, aud in future meet and repel aggre sslons at
the threshold Ii Is easier TO resist threatened dan
ger than redress existing wrongs
But, there is another movement, more alarming
IN lis character and destructive in its tendency,
than all its kindred spirits of oppression. Al
though II is blow aimed at the South and South
ern institutions, 1t may, unchecked fall with equal
force upon every State in the Union | allude TO
the doctrine contained in the message of President
Fillmore, threatening Texas with the military
force of the United States. A more hgh-handed
usurpation Of power was never attempted by despot
or urant We may search the constitution in vain
Tor a semblsnce of power authorizing the President
Of the United States 10 invade the soil of one Of
the States, armed with the military force of the
Union, to enforce submission to disgracefu dis
membeTment of her territory, or the settlement of
any other question. This is neither a mere alb
straction nor consu minated wrong, but only
threatened, and yet to be matured and enforced to
our utter humiliation as sovereign States Should
Texes, in her wisdom, exercise her right to refuse
the propositions made by the general government,
for The setlement Of her northern boundary,
conflict between Texas and the army of the
United States, is inevitable. In this event. what
course shall We pursue What position shall we
occupy Is there man in the State Of Arkansas,
who could hesitate a moment in determining the
proper course, OF who would not be found on the
side OF Texas, doing battle for the cause of the
South, the doctrine Of State sovereignty, and the
constitution as IL came from the hands Of the men
who framed il The cause of Texas, in this con-
fiIct, must be the cause Of every Southern State
OF every man who acknowledges the doctrine of
the Independence of the separate States. Selfde-
fence Will prompt US 10 meet and re sist this en-
croachment and all federal usurpation. Permit
Texas TO be crushed and borne down by the strong
arm Of federal power, and what security have we
that the same fate may not soon befal us 7 Con-
cede the night the President of the United States
to use the army and navy against of the States
OF lhIe Ilnn. and the hefueeu The fcderaI