The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-03-07

Presidents Annual Message
Made in Committee Of the Whole, February ~, 1850
Mr.. SPEYEr5sssps PsnnsyITania, 9s}3, :
Mr.. CHAIRMAN do not know that should
have troubled the Committee at this time. zeaId
| see any reasonable prospect that the House
would devote its time to practical legislation. But
for a considerable time after our meeting, the or
gauization ofthe House was obstructed and, since
organized, large portion of its time has been
occupied by speeches on the subject of Slavery
mostly by Southern gentlemen, when no practical
question, to which they could apply, was before
the Committee. There WAS no doubt a well-de-
fined object in this partly to intimidate Congress
and partly to occupy its time, so that no egisla-
ton could be matured obnoxious to Southern
gentlemen. Indeed we are not left to conjecture
on this point. The learned gentleman from
North Carolina, Mr.. CLNGMAN who was select
ed to open the debate in behalf of human bond
age, distinctly notified us, that unless Congress-
as a condition precedent submitted to settle the
Slavery question, according to Southern demands
there should be no legislation, even to the passage
of the ordinary appropriation bills necessary to
sustain the Government; and that such measures
would not DO DISTRACTED by meeting them in man.
ly debate and voting on their merits, but by in
cessantly calling the yeas and nays on repeated
and frivolous motions TO adjourn, until the end
of the session. Sir, doubt not that, before he
yentured on so high q threat, he had full assu-
ranoss from sufficient number Of Southern gem
AMWeqv TO- carrY it inta sfg~rss Fvr, IL he had
generate Into contemplate gasconade, which | am
sure that discreet gentleman would not indulge
in The scenes of last Monday in this House
fully sustain him, and showed that they had the
will and the power to execute it.
Here, then, we have well-defned and palpa-
BILE conspiracy Of Southern members combined to
stop the supplies necessary to the existence of the
Government, disorganze and dissolve il, until the
bands that bind the Union together are severed,
and, as q gentleman early in the session desired,
"discord reigns" Well might the gentleman
anticipate that the country and posterity would
pronounce this treason, rank treason against the
nation Sir, doubt If there is another legisla-
tive body in the world where such sedition would
not be followed by prosecution and punishment
France has lately exiled members of her Assem-
bly, for similar offence. Bnt in this glorious
country, where nearly two-thirds of the people
are free, we can say anything within these walls
or beyond them with IMMUNITY, unless it be TO ag-
itate in favor of human liberty-that is dggres-
sion!
Let us inquire, what is the grave offence, the
mighty wrong, which can justify threat big
with such portentous consequences? The refu-
sal of Congress to propagate or to establish a
doubtful or even an admitted good in the Terri
tories would surely be no cause for rebellion and
revoluton-much less would the refusal to extend
an evil, an admitted evil an unmitigated wrong
Will an intelligent and free posterity believe it,
when impartial history records that the only
cause for shis high threat was the apprehension
that the Congress Of this FREE Republic would not
propagate nor permit TO be propagated, the insti
tuition of human Slavery into her vast Terrific
ries now free7 Yet such is the simple fact. II
is proper, then, to inquire whether the thing
sought to be forced upon the Territories at the
risk OF treason and rebellion be good or an evil.
think II is great evil, which ought to be inter-
dicted that we should oppose it as statesmen, as
philsnthropists, and as morasts, notwithstsnd-
ing the extraordinary position taken by the gen
tlemen from Alabama MIR. HmIIaRD TO the
contrary. -.
While ! thus announce my Interchangeable hos
tilty to Slavery in every form, and in every
place. I also avow my determination to stand by
all the compromises Of the Constitution and carry
them into faithful effect Some Of those compro-
misses greatly dislike and, were they now open
for consideration, they should never receive my
assent Blu. | find them Constitution formed
In difficult times, and would not disturb them.
BY those compromises, Congress has no power
over Slavery In the States. ! greatly regret that
it is 80 for, IL IL were within our Legitimate con-
troll would regardless OF a., IL, Ia for
tincton. But know Of no one who claims the
right, or desires to touch 1t within the States
e. r.
Territories acquired long since the formation of
the Constitution, and to admit new States, whose
sonly claim for admission depends on the will Of
Congress, we are bound 30 to discharge that duty
as shall best contribute TO the prosperity, the
power, the permanency, and the glory OF this ma
ton. Does Slavery contribute TO either OF these
Is IL not rather subversive Of them ell Let us
first view IL in the low light Of political economy.
That nation, suppose, Is always the most pros
porous, all other things being equal, that has the
most industrious and the largest number OF the
producing classes Those who merely consume
the fruits of the earth add nothing to the strength
or wealth of nation. Slave countries never can
have a large number Of industrious freemen.
Shareholders form an untitled aristocracy, with
numerous dependents. Individuals appropriate
large tracts OF territory TO themselves, and thus
prevent It from being thickly settled by freemen.
Their laborers, having no ambition TO CRAFTY, no
love OF gain 10 stimulate them, no parental feel
ings to impel them to action, are idle and waste
ful. When the lash Is the only stimulant, the
spirit of man revolts from labor
That Republic must be feeble both In peace
and war, that has not an intelligent and industri.
Gus yeomanry, equally removed from luxury and
from poverty. The middling classes, who own the
soil, and work 1t with their own hands, are the
main support OF every free Government. Des-
potism may be powerful, and long sustained by n
mixed population of serfs and mobiles But free
representative Republics that rely upon the vol
untary action Of the people, never can. Under
such Governments those who defend and sup
port the country, must have stake in the soil
must have interests TO protect ana righ'stodeiend
Slave countries never can have such a yeoman-
ry never can have body Of small proprietors who
own the soil and till Il with their own hands and
Sit down In conscious Independence under their own
vine and fig tree. There, there Is no sound con-