New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1850-03-13


or checks first, of the representation OF 35ths OF
slaves IN the ratio OF representation ADD taxation
and secondly Of the equal represeatsfionoi States
in the Senate
The proposition ef al established cassitcation
Of States as Slave States and Free states as as
ss.ed By some and into Northern and so -n:rn as
asserted By others seems 20 me pureiy lnASinefy-
ana o. coarse TIE supposed eqnl-C' -1-- y. -4oae
ola.ssy NEE concsir Tuis must &c - because
when the COas.,lton was aaoptsN ~ 'e y. - e
. ,birtesn gtates we're Slave states AID - there
us. M seni ibrlUm. And 50 as - Inc class 1ca-
80 a c,stes a. Norihera States AID Sya,hsT1
efates II i the maintenance of slavery By law
- . STATE not parallels Of iattucc a. makes u
Southern State and Toe absence o. ts ihaI Il axes
II yorthern State. And %. al the states, save
one were Southern : .ates, and there was no eq1
6b,ium. Bus the Constitution was made 70, ony
f,f southern aqG Northern States bGt oT states
nsithe, one nor he other. bat Western S.aies-
Tasir coming IL vas Oreseen aud provided Tor.
Il needs hstie argument 70 show that TIE idea o.
joint stock ASSOCIATION Or a oopar.ne ship - aP
pisable even b. It's aHalOgIes 10 the n.e1 states
n errooeoas with ali the consequences iancilhy
daaaced from IT, The United States are Poaiic-i
STATE Or organized socICty, whose emd IS Oo'en..
ment FOX the security, welfare and happiness Of al
WHO i've under IT. protection Inc theory am
oUpabs:tinz reduces the objects Of Gc'crnmeut 70
the mere spoils OF conquest. On tie contrary ol
theory 80 debasng, Tie preamble Of the Ccnstisa-
ton not only asserts the sovereignty 10 Be rot -
the States bat IN toe People bat also prcinuisN
The Oh ecis OF the Constitution
Wsfhs People Of s U0ited States, II order 20 form
moro perfect linton establish justice elsUre dymesc tran
qaiY provide for ne common defense P,2nos ne gen
srsl welfare tbs blessings Of Liberty, CO Ofdan
aad estsbish t5is Constitution"
Objects sublime and benevolent, They exclude
the very idea Of cOnques's 70 be either divided
among States or even enjoyed b. them for the por
pose OF securing not the blessings Of Liberty, but
the evils Of Slavery.
There is a novelty in the principle Of this Com
promise which condemns it. simultaneously with
the establishment Of the Constitution, Virginia
coded her domain, which then extended 70 the
Mississippi and was even claimed 10 extend % The
Pacific. Congress accepted Il and unanimously
devoted the domain b. freedom. ia the language
from which the Ordnance now 80 severely con
demned was borrowed Five states have already
been organized on this domain, from oil OF when 10
pursuance 81 that Ordinance, slavery ~ eXcidd'n.
HOY did IL happen that this theory Of the equality
of the States of the classification Of States, Of the
equilibrium II The States, Of the tte 81 the
States % common enjoyment Of the domain
or 10 an equitable and jus. partition between
them was never promulgated, nor even dreamed Of
By the Slave States who unanimously consented
10 this Ordinance
There is another aspect Of the principle Of com
promise which deserves consideration. II assumes
that ssvery, If not the only institution, a. m
Slaye State NJ least the ruling Institution, o. tlai
this Characteristic was recognized by The Constiin-
tion But Slavery is only one Of many institutions
there Freedom is equally an institution there
Slavery IS only temporary accidental, partial, ia
oongrlous one. Freedom. on the contrary, Is 2
perpe,ual organic, universal one in harmony with
the Constitution Of the United States The slave
holder himself stands under the protection Of the
latter in common with al the free citizens OF The
State.
But tho principle Of this Compromise gives com
plcte ascendency in the Slave States, and IN Toe
Constitution OF the United States, 20 the suborlr
nate accidental and incongruous institution over lis
antagonist. To reduce this clam for slavery to an
absurdty il is only necessary 10 add that there are
only two States 10 which slaves are majority, aud
not ono IN which the Shareholders are not vcry
disproportiOnate minority.
But there is yet another aspect IN which this
principle must be examined. II regards the do
main only as possession % be enjoyed either m
common or by partition by the citizens o, the od
States. IL Is true indeed that the national domain
Is ours true that II acquired by the prowess
and wealth Of the whole country but we We, bold
nevertheless, no arbitrary power over IT, We hoid
no arbitrary authority over anything, whether sc
quired lawfully or by usurpstion. the Constltu-
ton regulates our stewardship. The Constitution
dsvotes the domain 10 union, 10 justice 10 defense,
70 welfare and liberty. But there Is higher law
than tho Constitution which regulates our author
" over the domain and devotes it u the same no
bic purposes. The territory is Part-no incon'
siderable part-of the common heritage OF man.
kind, bestowed upon them by the Creator OF The
Univere. We are his stewards, and must 50 dis
charge our trust az TO secure in the highest attain
able degree their happiness. How momentous
that trust s we may learn from the institutions OF
the founder OF modern philosophy.
sNo msn can by taking" So the Scriptures satin
"add A whit 10 his stature IN this huo model % mans
BODY bur IN the great fame Of Kingdoms and Common
weAths iY the power OF Pines or esisee ID add am
pliude and erc. ness their Kingdoms for b, nnodac
Ing sub ordinances constitutions aud customs as are wise
uhsy NAV sow greatness posleiy and
COMMONLY observed, bat 1911 10
We are an Estate. and are celebrating for the
Commonwealth Just as our fathers debersted IN
establishing the Institutions we enjoy. Whatever
superiority there is M condition aud hopes over
those Of any other Kingdom or Estate is duo
10 the fortunate circumstance that our ancestors
did not leave things IN take their chance but that
they added amplitude and greatness TO our com
monweath, by introducing such ordinances con
situations and customs as were wise
We, in our time. have succeeded to the same re
sponsibilities, aud We cannot approach the duty
before US wisely or justly, except we raise our
selves 70 the great consideration OF how We can
mos. certainly SOW greatness to our posterty and
successors. And now the simple, bold, and awiei
qnestion which presents itself 10 us is this; shall
we who are founding Institutions, social and polti-
cal, ior countless mlllious-shall we who know by
experience the wise and the Just and are tree u
choose them, and TO reject the erronoOus and The
unjust-shall we establish human bondage or per
init II BY our suiicrRnce 70 be estRblshed ST. oUt
fathers would not have hcsitsted ala hour. They
found Slavery existing here. aud they left It only
because they could not remove it There is not
only 40 Free State which would now establish it,
but there is Slave State which II II had but the
free alternative. as we now have. would have
founded slavery. Indeed our revolutionary prede
cessors had precisely the same question before
them In establishing an organic law under which
the States of Ohio Michigan. Illinois, Wisconsin
and Iowa have since come INTO the Omon anc
they soemnly repudated and excluded Slavery
from those States forever. ! confess that the mos
alarming evidence Of our degeneracy which has ye
been siven is found in the fact that wo even de
bate such question
SIR, there is no Christian nation that rec I
choose as We are would establish Slavery. ! speas
al due consideration because Britain, France snd
Mexico have abolished Slavery, and al other Euro
pesn States are preparing to abolish It as as rapid
" as they can.
We cannot establish Slavery, because there are
certain elements OF the security welfare and great
ness Of nations which we ali admit or ought 10 al
INIT aud require, essential; and these ar.f-the
security OF natual rights. the diffusion OF know
ledge. and the freedom @. industry. Slavery is IN
compatible with al Of these; and just In propor'
ton 20 the exton, that it prevails and contruls IN
tpsf q, hat lxfR slh