The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-02-28
THE NATIONAL ERA WASHINGTON d. C, FEBRUARY g. 1850

about that And had It been known in the North
that he was against 1t, and would use his influence
against it-that he would send such messages to
Congress az he has sent since the commencement
of this session. he could have got but precious
few there The "indomitable anti slavery wings"
Of New York and Pennsylvania might have done
something for him. But out OF those two States he
would not have gone far. twas evident that eaher
the North or South was to be deceived-the VIII
mot Proviso men or the Pro-Slavery men. u was
a pretty even chance, some thought but, con-
TESS. deemed the sugar plantation, with three
hundred slaves would be a Htls dust on one side
of the balance But il was nothing more than
game at the best neither wanted TO cheat nor
to be cheated and hence took no part IN 1t.
stood And now we find how the thing works
We are to have nothing done. And here, gentle
meu, the friends of this Administration, VINO
boosted of their devotion TO Free-Soll principles
before their constituents who are IN iavor oil 40
ing nothing now, vote TO lay on The taole the VII
mot Proyiso. Not all Of them do that. There
are among them many who lid not vote at all,
though they are here or hereabouts IL is bad
enough for gentlemen representing CONTINGENCIES
in favor Of the Proyso to vote against II, but II Is
worse-at least regard il as worse-for such 10
refuse to vote on the question Better, sir, vote
wrong than dodge What scattering there was
here when the yeas and nays had been ordered
on the motion TO lay my resolution on the tsoie
Some gentlemen had not even time to take Their
hats out with them. What number Of friends
we had calling on US at that moment w hat
sicky season that was and what a spectacle the
whole thing presented Gentlemen, each repre-
senting at least TO- 900 free people and authorized
to speak and act for them, netherspoke nor acted
at all They sir are the true Hon-dcioHiSfS. They
carry out the views of the Executive in spirit and
in truth.
1t ia not long, sir, since my friend and colleague
mr. Echenck made an eloquent speech here, in
which be handled us Free-Soilers pretty roughly
because, as he said, we had refused to vote for
decided and consistent friend Of the Provso, and
had thereby contributed to the election OF slave
holding Speaker 1t is true that we might have
voted for my friends candidate, and possibly,
with our votes, he might have been elected but
what kind of Speaker should we have got if he
had been2 Why, one of these non-actionists. A
friend of the Proviso, sir ! Yes, friend
"wiiing to wound, and yet afraid to strike"
the Proviso Between such friend and an cue-
my, think there was not much to choose, though,
as general rule, would prefer an open enemy
to skulking friend.
The friends of the Administration by this cele-
brated plurality rule" sought to make the Free
Sellers choose between their candidate and the
present Speaker They sought to drive us on to
their favorite ground-"a choice Of evils"-but
we would choose neither sir. They were caught
in their own trap, and were constrained to vote to
eoNS-ws tka election Of the very uaN they had
profsssed'y tried to defeat. 1t was very natural
that they should feel vexed, still they ought not
~ asS lLAlS,s3 the result of their bad manage
ment over to the Free.Soilers; but they are well
come to all they can make out Of it. If we had
1oc nd for of mo
time, their candidate has been 80 obligng as to
furnish us with one since. would suggest to my
friend, that when he publishes second edition of
his speech, he should add note informing his
readers that the Wilmot Proviso candidate, for
whom the Free-Soiers would not VOTE would not
himself vote for the Proviso afterwards. No, sir,
he was not in his seat, nor is he now.
There is another possible motive for the con-
duct of the non-actionists, which has just occur
red to my mind and as | am willing to ascribe
the best motive that the case will admit of, will
state it. 1t may be that these gentlemen had been
forewarned that the Pfoviso was about to be done
to death, and that as their tender sensibilities
would not permit them to witness the execution,
they just stepped out until it was over. Ii gen.
tlemen can think of anything better than this,
wish they would suggest it.
What reason, Mr.. Chairman, will Northern
gentlemen, who profess to be opposed to the ex-
tension of slavery, and who yet voted agains1the
Provso or refused to vote at all give for their ac-
ton or their non-action? Thus far they have been
as dumb as fish; but some of the newspapers
have reasons as thick blackberres for both sorts
Of gentlemen.
First, they say the resolution was premature.
Was it any more premature the other day than it
was a mouth beforel Why did not they vote to
lay it on the table when it was first offered Is it
any more premature now than it was at the last
session of Congress- and yet at that session
similar resolution wss passed. by the House, and
it called forth two bills-one for California and
the other for New Mexico Was a bill any more
necessary for New Mexico then than now2 1t is
little singular to find these gentlemen following
in the footsteps of General Cass closely il all
respects He, you may remember, was vociferous
for the Proviso in August, lS46, at the close Of
the first session of the twenty-ninth Congress,
when he regretted exceedingly that Governor Da-
Wis defeated it by his iltimed speech as he called
it, At the next session it premature, and at the
next it was unconstitutional. When will these
gentlemen arrive at that point also Shortly, sir
if they keep the course they have started upon.
Next they say it is unnecessary. Unnecessary !!
Why was not this found out in 1882 That was
one of General Casss excuses then, and nobody
denounced him for tmore than these same gentle
men | have already stated my views on this
point If gentlemen have any other reasons to
give, they may give them themselves. | have
mentioned their two best-no, not theirs for they
borrowed them both, or rather picked them up
after the owner had thrown them away.
The Democratic Representatives from free
States who still adhere to the Cass doctrine o.
non-intervention, - would of course vote against
the Provso Nothing else was expected of them
but there are some who have professed to be in
favor of the Proviso and yet voted against it the
other day, and others who didn't vote at all.
Have they returned to their first love9 Didn't
they get enough Of non-interventiou at the last
Presidential election, or do they still hope to make
another trial with the same or similar candi-
date2 Do they still hope to cOnciiate the South
poor men
rejoice, Mr. Chairman, to be able to say that
there are many Il wish there were more repre-
sentatives from the free States in this House, of
both the great political parties who not only talk
in favor of Free Soil at home, but vote in favor of
il here - gentlemen who can neither be prevailed
upon by threats on the one hand, nor cajoleries
on the other to swerve from their principles or
their duty; and however much may differ with
them on other questions, whilst this great ques-
ton of the extension or non-extenson of slavery
remains open and unsettled, and whilst hold a
seat in'this Hail. it will be honor enough for me
to bear my humble part with them in our common
effort to restrict slavery at least to its present
limits Ii my voice could reach their constitu-
encies, | would say to every true Free-Soiler
among them-look to it that your representatives
be we'll sustained at home.
Now, gentlemen talk about what will happen il
the North shall continue its Impressions" This
is purely speculative question: for suppose, as
far rs this Congress is concerned, there is to be
no further aggression. No; this aggressive policy
| is stopped it has ceased. But have said-and
gentlemen must pardon me if still say and be-
lieve it, too--that there is but one thing more alb
surd than this talk about the dissolution of the
JTc;o,. ,nI hat Il, tho olarpc hicb emma