The Woodville Republican. [volume] (Woodville, Miss.) 1847-1853, 1850-10-15

declared against the admission OF any more
slave States Is there a northern states
man who can venture 10 risc now, here, thi~
day, and say that he believes that hls con.
stiWcnts will favor the accession of another
slave State TO the Union! Can we, then.
agree now 70 surrender the whole power OF
cor~-r,,,e.,' - rhr Ncr'h. by the passage OF
this bin, with the knowledge that in doing
50 the doom Of our subiecuon in the Union
becomes ircversible ?
The Senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr
Cooper,) who supported the late compro-
mise bill, in an elaborate argument in its ia
vor, frankly stated the advantage it gave
the North In what he said lay the whole
philosophy Of the question. What matter.
cd it whether tho Wllmot provlso, or any.
thing else which the North wanted, was
contained in the bill! The bill gave them
the control Of the Legislature department.
That secured, all else would follow. That
was the prize he and the other northern
friends of the bill sagaciously stfovc for.
THE ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA: that ac.
complishcd, in any way most easy to I've
done all else would follow, at the pleasure
OF the North. But | was referring to him
to quote his words rs an admoniton to the
South, coming from the frank lips of north
ern Senator, He declared, ms the advan-
tage he looked to from the bill, that by the
admission of California they secured "a PRE-
'PoNDEEANCE OF THE FREE STATES in this
body, and the ability, if true to themselves,
TO PREVENT THE FURTHER ACQUISITION OF
SLAVE TERRITORY, or THE EXTENSION or
SLAVERY BEYOND ITS GUARANTEED LIMITS
But why should the North thus ferccly
seek to secure an ascendancy in the Gov.
enment, aud to prevent the extension of
slave territory and the growth and acces-
sion of new slave States There are only
two possible motives which can govern her
in her purpose: either to reach slavery in
the States by the indirect method of pcnning
it up within fixed limits, or to aggrandlzc
their own political power by securing Il set
tied ascendancy in all the departments OF the
Government, 1t is not to promote the COM
fort OF the black racc--lor their comfort
would be best promoted by dispersion. 1t
is not to diminish the multiplication OF
slaves, because their numbers are only add
ed to by natural increase, which will still
go on. The purpose, then. is either lunati-
cal OF politlcal--to destroy property as it cx.
lists III the Southern States, or to destroy the
| political weight OF the South in the Union
in other words to emancpate our slaves MS
4 property, or subordinate our States as q
section. Whichever Of these be the object,
we cannot submit; for either OF them must
be fatal to us.
( The spirit of the North in her present pur.
| pose must be also aggressive and not deicn.
| slvc, She has Il fixed and unalteubc ma.
jority in thollouse of Representatives, and
! in the EIectoal Colleges, and the control OF
/ the Senate is therefore unnecessary to her
defence And if aggressive, to what point do
her aggressive designs tend Plainly, to
the attack of slave property; for it is that
which chiefly divides the interests and SYM
| pathies of the two sections, and that is the
only interest which is peculiar to us as a
section
In every aspect in which can consider
the matter, ] feel nerved to the issue, and
/ inspired to the duty of contonding TO the
last extremity for the preservation Of the
/ political balance of the two sections in this
/ Union | cOnscientiously believe that when
/ that is gone, nothing short OF convention
of the States for the reformation of the com.
pact of Union can preserve the harmony ot
the States. Here, then, plant myself; and
until a provision is conceded, under the ci.
/ feet Of which the South may have assurance
of being able 10 add counterbaancing
State to the Union, can never consent to
the admission of a Northern State. This
concession is sought in the last clause Of the
substitute | have offered, which proposes a
/ Territorial Government south of the paral
lei of 3G degrees 80 minutes on the Pacific
coast, with an express provision for the Sc
curity of slave property.
This principle of an equality, or balance
of the two sections in this body, is no new
idea, as has been lately pretended 1t is al
idea as old as the Union, and is commended
by settled practice, beginning with the lirs
years of the Republic and extended to tho
present time.
] will not say that the adjustment Of pow
er, in the convention which formed the con
stituton, had direct reference to an equllib
rum between the sIaveholdmg and non
sIavehoding States. II so chanced that b!
the order OF Providence this equilibrium il
fact existed as nearly as possible, and, a
the probability of any serious disturbance 0
it seems not to have been apprehended,
was not made a point. The free and sav
States were equal as nearly as an odd mum
Der would admit. The North had the od
! number, and this gave her slight prcsen
J preponderance but the South had the bes
founded expectations of growth, and tber
was, therefore, no occasion Tor alarm. Thi
!. existing and admitted equilibrium aud ba
ance is distinctly adverted to in letter {
Mr.. Madison to Mr.. Edmund Randolph, VI
! on the subject Of the proposed new organ
= zation, month before the convention rs
7 II n,