The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-06-25
Non-Interventiom.

When thing can settle itself, if let alone, il
seems like gratutous interference To NEEDLE
with 1t. There are complaints from various quar-
tiers, and from all quarters, that Congress has been
nearly seven months in session without doing
any thing for the settlement of the Territorial
slavery question. Let us vndcate the two
Houses from this reproach. The difficulty is
not that they have done nothing in the prem
ises, but rather that they should persist in at
tempting to do what does not seem to be within
the limits of practcability, and which there is
no need that they should undertake to do al all.
The CONSTITUTION does not enjon il as a
duty upon Congress to organize territorial gov
ernments. If expedient to do so, we'll; if not
expedient, by reason Of conflicting opinions and
interests outside of the Territory, and in which
the people Of the Territory may feel but little
concern, why attempt it? Why make a
wound for the purpose of exercising profess
slonal practice in an effort to cure itl Let
us suppose that the bill from the Senate's
committee was laid upon the table, there to re-
main-what then? No territorial government
for New Mexico-none for Utah! Well, the
country might survive notwithstanding and
the Territories too. Those frontier regions are
under pretty good control; and before long the
4 people there may take the formation of their
domestic institutions into their own hands, and
without the slightest reflection upon the wisdom
OF Congress, mrturlent or practical, it might be
supposed that the people Of New Mexico and Of
Utah would be competent to know what sort of
institutions would be best adapted to their con
dition matter what Maine or South Carolina
might think, in the way of preferences, on the
subject
Does Congress propose To say and To deter
mine what sort of domestic institutions shall ex-
list in New Mexico and in Utah, or what shall
not exist! Honorable gentlemen, under present
circumstances you may not be able to pass a
territorial bill, without saying the one thing or
the other! Nor can you pass territorial bill
ifyou say in it the one thing or the other That
is your dilemma.
Now, if il should occur TO majority of both
Houses just TO let the thing alone, and go on
with the public Misunderstanding reason
able faith in the capacity of the people of the
Territories to take care of their own internal
affairs-would not the experiment be worth
4 lying We thiOW oui tHt ltilidIh oilHplI dS
a suggestion-begging, however, to append to
it some Of WoRDswoRTH's homely verse
I" Disasters, do the best we can,
Will come TO great and small;
And he is oft the wisest
Who is not wise at ALL"
Silence is often better than speech, and to
forbear action may sometimes prove more wise
than action-especially when the thing to be
done may be better done by some other agency
We have to thank the National Inteilgencer
for furnishing at hand the following extract
from the last annual message of President
Polk, in which this subject of slavery in
connexion with the Territories is dwelt upon.
Ii is no party question-nor did Mr.. Polk
treat it as such:
"The question is believed TO be rather abstract
than practical, whether slavery ever can or would
exist in any portion of the acquired territory,
il il were left ~ the option of the slavehodng
States themselves. From the nature of the eli
mate and productions, in much the larger portion
Of it, il is certain 1t could exist and in the
remainder, the probabilities it would not
But, however this may be, the question, involv-
ing it docs principle Of equality Of rights Of
the separate and several States, equal CO part
4 hctb iu he NuhiSHt'aSJB ruOuiu hol DS
garded.
"In organizing governments over these Terrific
res, no duty imposed on Congress by the Const-
tuition requires that they should lcgslate on the
subject Of slavery, while their power to do so is
not only seriously questioned, but denied by many
| Of the soundcst expounders of that instrument
Whether COngress shall Iegislate or not, the people
Of Ds acquired Territories tphen assembled in con
Uenfion 10 form State contributions toiH possess the
sole and exclusive potoer 10 determine for themselves
,rheD.er slavery shall shall not erist tciDin their
limits. If Congress shall abstain from interfering
with the question, the people Of these Territories
will be left free to Just it they may think proper
when they apply for admission States into the
Union. No enactment Of Congress could restrain
the people Of any Of the sovereign States Of tho
Union, old or new, North South, slaveholding
or non -slaveboding, from determining the char
acter Of their own domestic institutions as they
may deem wise and proper Any and all the
States possess this right, and Congress cannot
deprive them Of IL. The people Of Georgia might,
II they chose 90 alter their constitution to abol-
ish slavery within it's limits, and the people Of
Vermont might alter their constitution as to
admit slavery within lie limits. Both States
would possess the right, though, all know, IL is
not probable that either would exert it,
at 10 fortunate for the peace and harmony Of the
Union that this question is in its nature tempo.
rary; and only continue for the brief period
which will intervene before California and New
Mexico may be admitted as States into the Union.
From the tide Of population flowing into
them, Il s highly probable tina, thi, will soon oc-
cur"
The existence Of territorial governments, if
established in New Mexico and Utah. must be
Of temporary duration. The question arises
whether. in view Of such temporary duration,
there Is any exigency at this time demanding
their establishment for the brief interval which
- 10 elap-e between the present time and the
event u the application Of the Territories to
eosne inio the Union as Staiesl Are there any
+ special bcnehts 10 be conferred by such or
Ranizaiioas. important, 50 essential, that
rhs whole country must be distracted upon
the Subject IN the mean time II is a
highly commendable feeling, no doubt--this