The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-03-21

- "oieoVei, an inuispcneaple Institution. on may
separate slavery from South Carolina, and the State
will still remain but If you subvert freedom there
the state VIII cease to exist But the principle of this
compromise gives complete ascendency In the slave
State, AMI in the Constitution Of the United States
10 the subordinate, accidental end incongruous in
sututlon over ITS paramount antagonist. To reduce
this claim for slavery ~ absurdity il Is only me-
cessary TO add that there are only two States in
which slaves are minority, and not one in which
the Shareholders are not very disproportionaie mi
nority.
But there is ye, another aspec, in which this prn-
ciple must be examined. 1t regards the domain only
as possession, 10 be enjoyed either in common or
by partition by the citizens Of the old States IL is
true, indeed that the national domain IL ours 1t is
true il was acquired by the valor and with the wealth
OF the whole nation. But we bold, nevertheless, no
arbitrary power over il. We Mold no arbitrary
thorily over anything, whether acquired lawfully or
seized by usurpaton. The Constitution regulates
stewardship; the Constitution devotes the domain
to unlon to justice, to Defence to welfare, and to
liberty.
But there is a higher law Than the Constitution
which regulates our authority the domain, and
devotes il 10 the same noble purposes. The terri
tory is a part, no inconsiderable part of the COM
mon heritage OF mankind, bestowed upon them by
the Creator of the Universe. We are his stewards,
and must discharge our trust as 10 secure in the
highest attainable degree their happiness How
momentous that trust is, we may learn from the in
sructions of the founder Of modern philosophy:
Scripture saith add cub his this little model
OF mans body bu in the great frame oi Kingdoms and
commemorative, Il IS IN the power Of princes or estates TO
add amplitude and greatness 10 their kingdoms For, by
introducing such ordinances, constitutions and customs
are WISE they may greatness TO their postsry and
successors But these things commonly mol Observed
but LETT TO take their chance"
ibis is Sfote apd are celebrating for IT. juH
fathers deberatcd in establishing the lnsl,u-
tons enjoy Whatever superiority there IL In
our condition and hopes those of any other
Itfafn fhn nafp a
cumstance that our ancestors did not leave things
To take their chance" but that they added am
pltnde and greatness" To our commonwealth by
introducing such ordinances constitutions, and Gus
toms, WISE" We In our turn have succeed
cd to the same responsibilities and we cannot APP
proach the duty before us wisely or Justly, except
raise ourselves 10 the great consideration of how
we can most certainly "sow greatness TO our pos
terity and SUCCESSORS +"
And now the simple, bold, and even awful ques-
ton which presents itself TO us is this: Shall we,
who are founding institutions, social and political,
for countless millions shall we, who know by ex-
perience the wise and the just and are free TO choose
them, and reject the erroneous and unjust shall
we establish human bondage, or permit IL by our
suflerance to be established? Sir, our forofathers
would not have hesitated an hour. They found sla-
very existing here, and they left il only because they
could not il. There is not only no free State
which would now establish il, but there is no slave
State which, if IL had had the free alternative
now have, would have founded slavery Indeed,
revolutionary predecessors ad precisely the
same question before them in establishing organic
law under which the States of Ohio, Michigan, M
nois, Wisconsin, and Iowa. have since come into the
Union, and they seien,B,y ropudated and excluded
slavery from those States forever ] confess that
the most alarming evidence OF our degeneracy which
has yet been given IL found in the fact that even
debate such question.
Sir there is Christian nation thus free 10 choose as
we are which would establish slavery speak on due
consideration. because Britain, France and Mexico,
have abolished slavery, and all other European States
are preparing to abolish il as speedily as they can
We cannot establish slavery, because there are
tain elements Of the security, welfare and greatness
of nations which we all admit or ought TO admit,
and recognise essential, and these are the security
OF natural rights the diffusion of knowledge, and
the freedom of industry. Slavery is incompatible
with all of these, and Just in proportion to the ex-
tent that it prevails and controls in any republican
State Just to that extent IL subvers the principle
of democracy, and converts the State into an arts
tocracy a despotism. will not offend sensbli-
ties by drawing my proofs from the slave States ex
listing among ourselves. But will draw them from
the greatest of the Europeon slave States.
The population of Russia in Europe in
l8i4, was 5l.25l 900
Of these were serfs 535000G0
The residue MOBILES clergy, and mer-
chants &c. III 900
The Imperial Government abandons the control
over the fftythrea and half millions 10 their
ors and these owners included in the ISL 600, are
thus privileged class, or aristocracy. II ever the
Government interfcres at all with the serfs, who are
the only laborng population, it is by edics designed
to abridge their opportunities of education and thus
continue their debasement.- What was the origin of
this systeml Conquest, in which the captivity of
the conquered was made perpetual and hereditary.
This it seems to me, is Identical with American
slavery, only a; one and the same time exaggerated
by the greater dsproportion between the privileged
classes and the slaves in their respective numbers
l~EsI H.. .I,.x..
can slavery the distinction Of castles What but this
renders Russia at the most arbitrary dcspo,isn
and the most barbarOus State in Europe And
what is its effect, but industry comparatively profit
less, and sediton, not occasional and partial but
chronic and pervadng the Empire. | speak of
slavery not in the language of fancy, but in the Ian
guage of philosophy. Montesquicu remarked upon
the proposition to introduce slavery into France that
the demand for slavery the demand of luxury and
corruption, and not the demand of patriotism OF all
slavery African slavery Is the worst for it combines
practically the features of what Is distinguished as
real slavery or serfdom with the personal slavery
known in the Oriental world. Its domestic features
lead vice, while its political features render il nlu
rous and dangerous to the State.
cannot stop TO debate long with those who main
tain that slavery is itself practically economical and
humane. might be content with saying that there
| are some axioms in political science that states
man or founder of States may adopt, especially in
| the Congress- of the United States and that among
those axioms are these: That all men are created
| equal and have nalienablc rights Of life, liberty, and
| the choice of pursuits OF happiness That knowl-
edge promotes virtue, and righteousness exalteth a
| nation. That freedom is preferable TO slavery, and
| that democratic governments, where they can be
maintained by acqucscence, without force are pref
cradle to institutions exercising arbitrary and ire
! sponsibe power.
| 1t remains only to remark that our own expert
ence has proved the dangerous influence and ten
dency of slavery. All apprehensions of dangers,
| and futurp bppin and end with Slavery III
slavery limited it yet is, threatens 10 subvert
the Constitution, how can we, as wise and prudent
statesmen, enlarge its boundaries and increase its
influence and thus increase already impending
dangers? Whether, then. regard merely the wei
fare of the future inhabitants of the Territories
or the security and welfare of the whole people of
the United States or the welfare of the whole fam
lily of mankind cannot consent 10 introduce sla-
very into any part of this continent which is now ex-
empt from what seems 10 me so great an evil. These
are my reasons for declining to compromise the
question relating 10 slavery condition OF the adj
mission of California.
IN acting upon occasion grare as this, a re-
| specifid consideration is due 10 ne arguments,
founded crirdne0us considerations, Of Senators
| lrh0 commend course different from that rhich
| hare preferred. The first of these arguments is
that Congress has power to legslae on the sub
| jet of slavery within the Territories
Sir, Congress MAY admit new States and since
Congress may admit il follows that Congress may
| reject new States. The discretion of Congress in
admitting is absolute, except that, when admitted,
| the State must be republican State, and must be
a STATE: that IL, it shall have the constitutional
| form and powers of State But the greater in
| cludes the less, and therefore Congress may impose
conditions of admission not inconsistent with those
| fundamental powers and forms. Boundaries are
| such. The reservation of the public domain Ia
such The right to divide is such The Ordinance
excluding slavery is such a condition. The organi-
zation of Territory IL anciIary preliminary ;
il is the inchoatc the inidiire ac of admission and
is performed under the clause granting the powers
necessary 10 execute the express powers of the Con-
stuiion
This power comes from the treaty-making power
also, and think 1t well traced 10 The power 10
make needful rules and regulations concerning the
public domain. But this question is not material
one now; the power is here TO be- exercised The