The North-Carolina standard., 1850-09-18

here. l was pleased to hear the gentleman remark,
that whatever might be his opinion of the rights and
the powers of this Government, he had never given
up. neither would he ever surrender the right OF re-
sisance to oppression or dishonor, under whatever
pretext it might be inflicted or imposed. This was
a sentiment which knew must dwell in the bosom
of whose disng uished ancestor surrendered IL
ties, wealth. and allegiance, to the British Crown,
and led our troops over many well-fought and
bloody field. The revival Of this claim for the exer-
else of Federal authority, but another illustration
of the truth, that power has cumulative, sefincreas
ing tendency, never providing for its own limitations,
but breaking down all barriers to its extension
These were the doctrines Of the old Federal party to
whose credit be it spoken, that were an honest and
candid party openly asserting their principles, and
prompt to propagate and maintain them. have ne
yer seen one of that old school of those politicians
who denied their name or their opinions. (Here
! some gentleman said, am one, thank Heaven; and
another gentleman responded, God bless them.) 1
hear the CALCULATIONS of gentlemen In response to
nv remarks concerning the old Federallsts. say
to them that they are thankful for small favors, and
are doubt in the exercise of continued gratitude,
as those impulses set in motion by such slight
| causes But repeat, they are an honest and pat
riotic people-wrong, in my Judgment, as to their
notions of our Republican Governments; but even
those who voted for the sediton law, and Wore the
black cockade, dreamed of marching troops in
to State or Territory enforce the notions OF law
which were formed by the President, without the
authority of law of Congress. 1t is necessary to
refer to the guarded caution OF the trainers OF the
Constitution, to learn that such power was nen-
ded to be given. The President is authorized to
march troops into State to repel invasion sup
press insurrecon only when invited by the Legisla-
ture, or the Governor in the recess,-a power given
for the protection for the coercion or punishment
of refractory State.
take occasion here, Mr. Chairman, to remark that
neither ever was mu!sfer. was mem
Der of the Union party in 1882, and have been
identified with those statesmen who held the doc
trine of notification. My opinions have undergone
change upon that remedy, as to It's efficacy or Its
practicability. Whilst did not adopt the high Fed
but took it with the explanation given by himself as
always supposed and am distinctly Informed by Mr..
Rchie, the present editor of the Union, then of the
Enquirer, who spoke upon the authority OF person.
al interview with the President himself, did not
deem it proper to withdraw my support from him,
because differing with him in one particular, and
commit the blunder of cooperating with the Federal
party, with whom differed in all things, and who
concurred with General Jackson only in this single
act of his policy, which l did not fully approve.
Yet even Genere Jackson, who was not wanting In
perception to apprehend, the will to execute the
commands of the Constitution, never imag lined
that he had the power, under the statutes of
1895 and 1907, to march troops, or call out the mill
tia against resisting State, without the authority OF
Congress. Accordingly the force bill was passed,
to give him that power, and upon the most mature
deliberation of his advisers. General Jackson was
by all considered bold, by many rash, reckless
and by some oppressive, in the measures which he
recommended to Congress. Sir, his boldness was
cautions his rashness deliberation; his reckessness
prudence, and his determination to exert power,
authority assumed, and the designs disclosed in this
message. 1t is true that there is much mdness in
the MANNER and deep regret at the necessity for the
expression of his determination. l am forcibly re-
minded by the language in which it is couched, Of
the deprecatory and sefdenying manner OF Cromwell
poses which they had conceived, and the outrages
they were about to perpetrate, as dispensatons inn
posed upon them by the will of Heaven. Whether
meditating the expulsion of the Parliament, or the
establishment of the supremacy of the army, the
substitution of the decision of coutsmarsha for the
trial by Jury, preparing to destroy opposition by
the gallows, the axe, or the deadly fire of the plat
oon they prayed that the cup might pass from them;
that the execution of this high behest of Providence
might be reserved for another yet most humbly ex-
pressing readiness to do what mg ght be necessary
to remove crying sin from the land. So the Pres
ident is deeply conscientious concerning the necessi
ty of executing the laws of the United States in pro-
tec,ing the public domain. Conscious of his duty
to do the one, and his power to effect the other, he
is condescendng enough to admonish those interest
ed of the danger, and presents to US the alternative
of taking steps avoid his indignation or bear the
responsibility which the discharge of his duty may
incur.
Sir, we have fallen on evil times. One President
of this Republic may intepose over and against the
Constitution and, by the Intervention of the military
power, aid number of adventures to seize upon the
whole Pacific coast of our domain; make consti-
tuition excluding the inhabitants of fifteen States from
the use occupation of the country with their prop
ery appropriate to the emigrant populatlon foreign
and native, the boundless mineral wealth of Calfor-
na with borders extensive enough for six or seven
States of ordinary sizes and leave the rest OF the ter
ritory to undergo the process OF military mani
puation previous the abolition consummatlon. His
successor assumes the right determine boundaries
of Saes settle questions reserved for the courts and
to march armies into the Territory whose limits ne
has determined and drive out the authorities OF the
State which has the temeri,y to assert and maintain
her claim. 1t has even become matter OF grave mo-
ment to all concerned, should they dare to differ with
or dissent from the opinions of the President as to
his powers the policy Of his measures. Especial
" is it deemed contumacous to refuse support to
measures of compromise or adjustment, which diner
chiefly from the plan of the President in this that
thew combine the several offensive measures in
dose, which he proposed to administer at intervals.
Southern members of Congress are called on to aid
in the work. If they do so, no man can deny that
the result is abolition, and that they would be doing
the work of abolitionsts. If concurrence and aid is
refused, every such individual is subjected to the
charge of being disunionst. This has been para
ded before the country for effect. with considerable
flourish, and much show Of concern, by those who,
sensible that their position was which could
not bear the scrutiny of their constituents, have adop
ted the old device Of railing at others in order to d
vert attention from themselves. When northern men,
who get the principal profit from the labor of the plan
tation States, make such accusations, am not sur
prised-the owner of the sheep would not concur in
any system of policy which would prevent the growth
Of the fleece by the next shearing time. When fana-
csm makes such CHARGE and cupdity, availing itself
OF such witness, endorses the statement, am not