The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-13


certainly are, but it the remark Of an eminent
person, not many years ago, on the other side Of
the Atlantic, that it was one OF the greatest re-
proaches to human nature that wars were some
times Just. The defence of nations sometimes
causes just war against the injustice of other
nations.
Now, sir in this state of sentiment upon the gen.
eral nature of slavery lies the cause of a great
and reproaches which find vent and support in
different parts of the Union Slavery does exist
in the United States. It did exist in the States be-
fore the adoption Of this CONSTITUTIONS and at that
time.
And now let US consider, sir for moment what
was the state of sentiment, north and south, in
gard to slavery, at the time this Constitution was
adopted. remarkable change has taken place
since, but what did the wise and great men of all
parts of the country think of slavery, then? In
what estimation did they hold it at the time, when
this Constitution was adopted' Now, it will be
found, sir II will carry ourselves by historical re-
search back to that day, and ascertain mems opn-
ions by authentic records still existing among us,
that there was great diversity of opinion be-
tween the North and the South upon the subject of
slavery and j. will be found that both parts Of the
country held ii equally evil, moral and polit-
cal evil. 1t will not be found, that either the
| North at the South there was much though
there was some, invective against slavery inhu-
man and cruel. The great ground of objection to
it was polical that it weakened the social fabric;
that taking the place Of free labor, society became
less strong and labor was less productive and there
| fore we find from all the eminent of the time
the cearest expression of their opinion that slavery
was an evil. And they ascrbed its existence here,
not without TRUTH and not without acerbity of
temper and force OF language, to the injurious poll
cy OF the mother country, who, to favor the navi-
gator, had entaed these evils upon the colonies.
need hardly refer, sir, to the publications of the
| day. They are matters of history on the record.
| The eminent men, the most eminent men and
nearly all the conspicuous politicians of the South,
held the same sentiments; that slavery was an evil,
| a n mi n md
| There are no terms of reprobation of slavery so
vehement in the North of that day in the South.
The North was not so much excited against it as
| the South and the reason is, ! suppose, because
| there was much less of it at the North, and the
people did not see or think they saw, the evils so
prominently as they were seen, or thought to be
seen, at the South.
Then, sir, when this Constitution was framed, ,
this was the light in which the Convention viewed
it, The Convention REFLECTED the judgment and
sentiments of the great men Of the South. A men,
Der OF the other House, whom have not the honor
to know, in a recent Speech has collected extracts
from these public documents They prove the
truth OF what am saying, and the question then
was, how to deal with it, and how to deal with it
an eyh? Well, they came to this general result
They thought that slavery could not be continued
in the country, if the importation of slaves were
made to cease, and therefore they provided that
after certain period the Importation might be pre-
vented by the act of the new Government. Twenty
years was proposed by some gentleman Northern
gentleman think and many of the Southern gen.
tlemen opposed it as being too long. Mr.. Madison
especially was something warm against it. He said
1t would bring too much of this mischief into the
country to allow the importation of slaves for such
period. Because must take along with us, in
the whole of this discussion, when we are consider
ing the sentiments and opinions in which this con-
stutiona provision originated, that the conviction
of all men was, that if the importation of slaves
ceased, the white would multiply faster than
the black race, and that slavery would therefore
gradually wear out and expire. II may not be i'm
proper here TO alude to that had almost said cele
brated opinion of MIR. Madison, You observe, sir,
that the term slave slavery is used in the Con-
stituon. The Constitution does not require that fu.
gtive slaves shall be delivered up IL requires that
persons bound to service in State and escaping
into another, shall be delivered up" Mr.. Madison
opposed the introduction of the term slave or sla
very into the Constitution; for he sad that he did
not wish to sec II recognised by the Constitution OF
the United States of America that there could be
property IN men. Now, sir, all this took place at
the Convention in 1857; but connected with this,
concurrent and contemporaneous, is another i'm
porant transaction not sufficiently attended to- The
Convention for framing this Constitution assembled
in Philadelphia in May, and sat until September,
1857. During all that time the Congress Of the
United States was in session at New York. II was
a matter OF design, as we know, that the Conven-
ton should not assemble in the same city where
Congress was holding its sessions. Almost all the
public men of the country, therefore, of distinction
and eminence, were in the other of these two
assemblies; and think il happened in some in
OF
both. II mistake not, such the case of Mr..
Rufus King, then a member of Congress from Mas
| sachusetts, and at the same time a member of the
Convention to frame the Constitution, from that
State Now, IL was in the summer of l7S7, the very
| time when the Convention in Philadelphia was
framing this Constitution that the Congress in New
York was framing the ordinance OF 1881 They
passed that ordinance the 18th July, l757 at New
| York, the very month, perhaps the very day, on
which these questions about theimportation ofsaves
and the character Of slavery were debated in the
Convention at Philadelphia. And, 30 far as we can
now learn, there was perfect concurrence Of opin-
ion between these respective bodies; and IL result
ed in this ordinance Of l7s7 excluding slavery as
applied 10 all the territory which the Con eress
Of the United States had jurisdiction, and that was
all the territory northwest Of the Ohio. Three years
before, Virginia and other States had made a oes-
sion of that great territory 10 the United States.
And most magnificent act IL was. never reflect
upon IL without disposition 10 do honor and Jus
tice, and justice would be the highest honor, TO
Virginia, for the cession Of her northwestern
territory. will say, sir, IL is one Of her fairest
claims To the respect and gratitude Of the United
States, and that perhaps II is only second 10 that
other claim which attaches 10 her; that, from her
counsels, and from the intelligence and patriotism
Of her leading Statesmen, proceeded the first idea
put into practice for the formation Of n general
constitution Of the United States. Now, sir the or
dinance of 1857 applied thus TO the whole territory
over which the Congress Of the United States had
jurisdiction. II was adopted nearly three years
before the Constitution Of the United States went
into operation; because the ordinance took effect
Immediately its passage, while the Constitution
OF the United States, having been framed, was 10
be sent TO the States TO be adopted by their Conven
tons; and then Government was 20 be organized
under It, This ordinance then, in operation
and force when the Constitution was adopted and
this Government put in motion, in April, l759.
Mr.. President, three things arc quite clear, as
historical truths. One is that there was expecta
ton that on the ceasing Of the importation Of slaves
from Africa, slavery would begin 10 run out. That
was hoped and expected. Another is, that as far
as there was any power in Congress TO prevent the
spread Of slavery in the United States, that power
was executed in the most absolute manner and 10
the fullest extent. An honorable member whose
health does not allow him 10 be here to-day
SENATOR. He is here. (Referring TO Mr.. CAL
HoUN.)
Mr.. WEBSTER. I am very happy 10 hear that he
is; may he long be here, and in the enjoyment Of
health TO serve his country. The honorable MEM
Der said the other day. that he considered this ordi
nance as the first in the series Of measures
calculated to onfeeblo the South and deprive
them of their just participation in the benefits
and privileges OF this Government. lie says very
properly that ii was done under the old confedera-
tion and before this Constitution went into effect;
but my present purpose is only to say, Mr.. Presi-
dent, that II was established with the entire and
unanimous concurrence of he vhOle South. Whv