The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-10-25

with hie own eonsut, bringing him away, An HI
hirinted mob OF whites and free blacks, incitel
by the Professor OF a College, assaulted ali,
brutally murdered him Il is estimated By MI
Clingman that the whole loss TO the South il
fugitive Slaves is not less than fifteen millions
Of dollars. Mr. Butler, of the Senate, estiniated
the annual loss to the South at 100000, ard
more recent statements make it probable thai
| he Was under the true amount. The phan.
\ thropy of the North does not extend to volun.
tary free negro emigrants from the South, but
| is confined to the runaway slaves, whom it can
force by fear to work at immoderately low wages
| So much for the value of the second stipula.
ton, which the slave States accepted as an equi
valent for their loss of representation. After
the adoption of the Constitution, there was
considerable pause in Northern encroachments
There were still few slaves in all the free States
except Massachusetts; and many oftheir citizens
were deeply and openly interested in the slave
trade until 1908, when it was made piracy. 1t
was notorious that James D'Wolff, who repre-
scented Rhode Island in the Senate of the United
States from 1891 or 1895, made an immense
fortune by this traffic. The Brazil and Cuba
Markets Gas may be seen proved in the Wise
correspondence are still largely supplied with
captive Africans by Yankee vessels but this is
now a foreign and secret interest. The North
was not ready for a renewed attack until the ap-
proach of the fourth census, in 1920. Under
the process of abolition and sales to the South,
her slaves had diminished from over 10000 in
1890, to about 5000, and these were virtually
free. Her strength in Congress had increased
at the same time. In 1870, the South had as
many votes in the Senate, and only eight less in
the House. In 1877, the North had 4 majority
Of two in the former body, and twenty five in the
latter. 1t was accordingly on the application of
Missouri in 18l9-20 for admission into the
Union, that the pretension was first set up that
no new slave State should enter the Confederacy.
A clause prohibiting Slavery was inserted in the
bill for the admission of Missouri, when it be-
came apparent that her people would reject such
a bill, if passed, and with government regularly
organized according to all the constitutional pre-
cedents, would remain without the Union rs
separate, Independent State, unless the Federal
authority undertook to subdue her, convulsed
the country by a civil war. In this state of the
question, the South had only to remain firm,
and the North would be forced to yield but as
usual, the South was weak enough to retreat
from her ground, and in her love for the Union,
she submitted to provision forever prohibiting
slavery in all that part Of the Territory of Loui-
sana (except Missouri itself) which lies north of
| SO. 30, the Southern boundary of Virginia and
Kentucky. The South thus lost, without any
equivalent, five sixths ofwhat was already slave
territory, purchased by the common treasure
She retained only 10000 square miles for the
emigration Of her own citizens, and surrendered
965,0OO to the North.
Yet even this so-called compromise, forced
upon us by Northern votes, is now spurned by
the free States They have derived all the pos
sibe benefit from it on this side Of the Rocky
mountains and they refuse US the poor advall-
tage, which it would secure, of 204,3S3 square
miles out of s67,541 on the other side!
From this time, the Northern ascendancy was
confirmed, if not in the present. yet in the future
distribution of political power, which would re-
suit from her overwhelming superiority in terri.
tory. The abolition societies sprung up with
new vigor, and the halls of Congress. were made
the field Of incendiary agitation. Fanaticism
both in and out of Congress, denied that slaves
were property, and in the debate on the Margny
D'Auterive case, claims for compensation fol
their loss in the public service were opposed or
this ground. The whole country was pervaded
by "a politico religious fanatcism," which, in The
language of Randolph of Roanoke, "has insn,l
,ated itself wherever il can TO the disturbance o
The public peace, the loosening of the keyston,
of the Constitution, and the undermining of tn
t foundation on,whch the arch of our Union rests.
. Demagogues of either party bid for the votes Q
+ these fanatics by assaults upon Southern right'
and the ant-slavery feeling, thus stimulated, Ia
spread through the masses. and grown too stron
to be controlled. Hear again the prophet
t wisdom of the Virginia orator, uttered twenty
= five years since, on this very subject: "Mel
commence with the control of things-thcy pu
| in rnnfinD hut nftnr Iift1a viii |,
events hurry them away, and they are borne
along with a swift fatality that no human saga.
city or power can foresee or control" So has
it been with this anti-slavery movement. It,
leaders then assured us that no harm was in
tended, and our rights would never be invaded
Mr. Burgess, of Rhode Island, one of the most
distinguished Northern men of his day. said, after
an elaborate argument to show the South how
little she had to fear, "From neither Of these
classes, therefore, have Southern men anything
to apprehend, or to produce excitement The
enthusiasts will not disturb them, for they have
not the power to do it, The philanthropists
will not do it, for they aoH mol, for any supposed
good, violate eren the legal rights Of Others From
the politicians they have nothing to apprehend,
because they will not only not break the laws
OF their country for any purpose whatever, or
better the condition of any man against his own
VIII, uut DecauSe tHey VIII mol ulHllllSn the pO-
litcal weight and influence of themselves and
their own States for any purpose of augmenting
that of other men Or other States" Mr.. b. af-
fected to believe that the prosperity and conse-
quent political power of a slave State would al
ways be inferior to that of free State. "No,
be we assured throughout all the regions, the
philanthropists will never uyusily reliere the
slare from the master the politician ,oM nerer
illegally reliere The master from The Sldre"-
(Cong Deb VOL ". 1860 Mr.. Robbins, Mr..
Briggs, and other eminent men, held similar Ian
guage.
Mr. Holmes, of Maine, senator, went so far
rs to declare that the refusal to deliver up fugi-
tive slaves was virtual emancipation, and to sup
pose such refusal on the part of Pennsylvania
as an extreme case, to illustrate his argument
This last was as late as 1888. What an advance
since then. Yet these assurances were about
as true as those now made, that slavery shall
not be touched within the Statcs-that the town