The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-09-26
THE NATIONAL ERA.
SPEECH OF WILLIin Il. SEWARD,
EMANCIPATION rNrHE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA


Mr. Clay's hill for the abolition of the stare
frq9s in the District of Columbia being under con-
sidcration in Committee ofthe Whole, MIR Pearce
of MARYLAND moved amendments which provided
that the offence of enticing a slave to escape or
the offence of assisting or favoring such an escape
or Of harboring a slave with view to assist his
escape from slavery, should be a felony, punsha-
bic with not less than two nor more than ten
years Imprisonment in tho Penitentiary and
further comforting on corporations in the District
of Columbia authority to impose conditions upon
the residence of free colored persons within the
District
These amendments were adopted by vote of
yeas 2G, nays 10; whereupon Mr. Seward sub
mitted proposition to strike out the whole bill,
and insert the following amendment rs a sub
stitute
SEC. /. Slavery shall forever cease within the
District Of Columbia, and all persons held in
bondage therein shall be free The Secretary Of
the Interior shall audit ana pay, 10 ali persons
holding slaves within the District at the time this
act takes effect, such damage they shall suffer
by the passage thereof; and the sum of two hun
dred thousand dollars is hereby appropriated to
carry this act into execution, out of any money
in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated
CSC 2 An election shall be held in the District
of Columbia to ascertain whether this bill is APP
proved by the people thereof Those who APP
prove the act shall express their appreciation by
a ballot containing the words - For emancipation
ia the District" Those who are opposed shall
vote by ballot containing he words A. ainst
emancipation in the Dis rictn All persons emit
tied to vote for any municipal officer in he Dis
trict and all citizens of the United States resid-
ing within the District permanently shall be
deemed qualified to vote at such election Such
election shall be held within six months from the
passage of this act, and on public notice of not
less than three months, TO be given by the Mar
shall Of the District If majority Of the votes
given at such election shall be in favor of this
act, it shall 60 into effect Immediately. If ma
jority of the votes shall be against the same this
act shall be void and of no effect
The question being on the amcndment-
Mr.. SEWARD rose and said
- Mr.. PRE>rpENr, in sgGsz5lf5ng so grave prop
ositiOn az this | am aware that IL would have
been no unreasonable demand on the patience OF
me SENATE th,t of the country, TO, nave asked
for time enough TO explain the policy Of the
measure and to defend the form in which it
submitted But there remain only fifteen secular
day Of this session Of Congress, and in my judg-
ment the time has come for debate to cease, and
for action to 90 on. For this reason | forbore
from debate on Offering the amendment; and |
forbOre, also, because at earlier stage of the
session | had discussed at large all the principles
involved in the measure | had another reason
for that forbearduce
Speaking for myself alone, and imputing no
prejudice and no injustice to others | may be al j
lowed to remark that the abolition of slavery any
where seems to me just and wise policy provd-
ed it can be effected without producing injury !
outweghng its benefits. Opposition to emanci- !
patton in the District of Columbia therefore,
seemed TO 10 be a bad cause, and it is the ma !
ture Of bad cause to betray itself | did not .
mistake, then in supposing that the opposition
which my proposition would encounter would ;
prove its best vindication
Influenced by these considerations, | shall not
now address myself to the broad merits of the
question, but shall be content with simply
adverting to the points which have been made
during the present debate The first point was
made by the honorable Senator from Georgia,
! Mr.. Dawson, with the concurrence of some other
senators and consist ed in the improper or bad mo-
tives which they saw ft to impute TO the author
of the measure. Sir, the great instructor in the
art of reasoning Lord Bacon) teaches that it is
better always TO answer to the "matter" of an
adversary, than to his person The mputa-
ton Of motives does not come within that rule,
and therefore it falls Mt my feet The measure
have submitted is either right or wrong If
right, no unworthiness Of motive of mine can de-
tract from its merits; if wrong, no purity Of mo-
tive can redeem II.
The second point is that which has been 10
fully answered by the honorable ard distinguish
ed Senator from Kentucky, Mr.. CLAY, viz that !
Congress has no power 10 abolish slavery in the !
District of Columbia. | find that power in the |
Constitution and il is defined in these words |
4" To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases
whatsoever over such district, not exceeding ten |
a.
States and the acceptance of Congress- become
the seat of Government of the United States"
The District of Columbia is that district not |
exceeding ten miles square. Ii has become the
seat of the Government Of the United States by |
cession of the State Of Maryland, accepted by |
Congress IL is Of the very nature Of the power |
that il is exclusive" and applies to all cases
whatsoever" whenever the district becomes, in |
the manner defined, the seat of the Government |
of the United States This, think, is a cOnclu- |
sive answer to the argument of the honorable |
Senator from Kentucky, that it is limited by m |
implied understanding that it should not be ex-
eroised to abolish slavery. Neither could the |
State of Maryland make nor could the u nted |
States yield such reservation.
An erciasUe power is that power which is pos
sessed and may be exercised independently of all |
other soveregnies on earth Congress, then, |
having " exclusive power has absolute sover-
eighty, unless cases be excepted in which it shall
not be exercised But such exceptions are ex-
cluded by the broad expression, in all cases
whatsoever
Those who framed the Constitution were fully
aware of the extent Of the power which it con-
ferred MIR Madison thus describes it in the I3d
number Of the Federalist:
"The indispensable necessity of complete au-
thority at the seat of Government carries its own
evidence with it, IL is power exercised by
every Legislature of the Union-l might say of
the worldly virtue of its general supremacy
Yes sir, il is a cOmpiTe, not an inpertect power.
II is n power over the District equal 10 any au-
thorty which can he exercised by any Legislature
Of any " So'e in this Union, or by any Legisla-
ture of any State or nation "m the mOrid" IL is
power described in the philosophy of Govern
ment as "Spm0iUm iRiperlHm, SuninO modo "A
power within the region of its exercise, complete,
absolute, universal. Now, every Legislature in
this Union, every sovereign authority in the
world has the power TO abolish slavery. More
than half the States in this non have abolished
or prohibited it, France, England, and Mexico,
have abolished and prohibited it, Congress can
do in the District of Columbia, what they have
done within their respective dominions
dwell upon this point only moment longer |
Slavery within the District of Columbia exists
only by the action Of Congress Instead of pur- |
ahing the argument further to prove that Con-
gress has the power TO make free man, demand !
proof that Congress possesses the power to make |
a stare or hold man in bondage.
All the other points which have been raised
apply, not to the merits of the proposition for
emancipation, hut only to the form and manner
of carrying it into effect Such were the objec-
tions raised by my honorable aud esteemed friend
from Connecticut, Mr.. BALDWIN, and my no
less honorable and esteemed friend from Massa-
chusetts, Mr.. WINTHROP IL will be seen ut |
once, that these objections concede that the prin-
ciple Of the measure is right. Nevertheless,