The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-11-30
CITY OF WASHINGTON SATURDAY MORNING NOVEMBER 80 1850

practical question whether the promise shall be kept
many WILDE found in The condition in which Sir William
Blackstone he respect 10 belief 10 WITCH
crait for says he IN substance inasnuch as both the
Scriptures and the laws OF England recognise the crime oi
witchcraft, cannot take II upon myself TO deny that
there has been such thing though cannot give credit
TO any particular modern instance OF II,
Soit IS with some oil these gentlemen Inasmuch as
the constitution which many OF them have sworn TO sup
port contains an express promise that faeyes from ser
vice shall be given up, they cannot take il upon them
selves 10 deny in the general, that the promise 10 TO be
kept but 10 its being done III particular way or by
any particular means, or in any modern instance, they
cannot consent and 10 prevent il they ready To Join
their best and utmost exerions TO those oil the first class
whom have named, though these latter all the time de-
concrete too thin for their eyes TO Now the real
difficulty with both these classes OF persons is the
The differences between them that IL and
avows the other does not see IT. or Is too prudent TO
| avow II. tNa t
Is it moi ft them that this supposed difficulty should
be brought into the light of day and steadily looked
al There ought 10 be no reluctance TO do this II The
difficulty be real, 1t should be acknowledged and due ef
feet given 10 H. II il be unreal should be dssipated
Ii the constitution under which live s expressed
in the calm language well beHing the discussion of
asubiect deeply involving the welfare Of 50 many mil
lions of peoplef be ga bond Of hell" which il is the
duty Of every just man to break. we ought to know IT,,
| and act on il. 4s
hepe you will bear with me. therefore. fellow.c.
Zens, while attempt 10 discuss this question.
i Il am "a Massachusetts man-born on her soil, bred IN
her schools rartaking from my inancyto to this hour OF
the blessings which, under Providence. flow from and
the honor and the duty OF The State And feel with
you acomnon interest to inquire whs,her. when this
Commonwealth entered into this compact and agreed that
should be the supreme law, il made covenant OF IN
iquty.
Let say the outset that this is not question to
be settled by calling hard names 1t is moral question,
be approached with camness, and solves by the reason
and judgment Of Der men And shall endeayor TO
slate well as can, that course OF reasoning which
has satisfied my mind.
Let me begin BY asking you to keep in view that
considering the rights and duties OF civilized State
~. ,h..tha pnnu arta
within the bounds OF right IN l75S, when entered into
the compact in question. U 6 4
Al that time Massachusetts was an Independent
eregn State possessing, OF course all the powers over
its citizens in reference 10 foreign States which con-
stute and arise from sovereignty. Among these powers
two only important herethe power 10 make binding
compacs with other States and the power TO determine
what persons from abroad shall be admitlei 10 or sx'
cluded from the territorial limits OF the State, and on
what terms and conditions any such persons shall be al
1 lowed 10 or be required TO depart Both these
powers unquestionable For centuries succession 2
OF great minds have been employ upon this subject oil
public law, Beginning with Grotus, in the sixteenth
century, and ending with our countryman wheaton, who
died in this cay two years ago, or WIN LieneI, you
anywhere sci OF more profound, wise, humane Christ
ian morass than these-nen OF great holiness OF mind
restrained by no positive rules, seeking the moral truth
OF the great subjects they have discussed by the best
lights oil divine aud human wisdom. Yet mol one oi
them 40 far know, has doubted that the powers
which have mentioned rghuuliy exist and are neces-
sary for the preservation OF every civilized State
There is another principle equally clear and that is
that every State may and should exercise us powers of
It's own reservation, anu the advancement oi Inc welfare
\ oil Its own citizens. G5 .aa TT.
Indeed outside of this exciting subject all these prnc
pies only unquestoned but they have been acted
by this Commonwealth, over and over again, to the
acc eptance OF everybody.
AS early as I753 this Common wealth passed law
prob hitting, under penalty any shpmaster iron
landing in this Stale any foreign convcl and thus has
ever since BEEN and Is now, the law. What right had
The State to pass this law The night to protect us pub
citizens, and exercise Its discretion TO wha
persons from abroad might prove injurious to either
In 1880 il found that Ireland pouring upon our
shores tide OF paupersn and disease The victims OF
centuries of oppression and wrong came hither to seek
relief and Poo houses and hospitals were empted
OF their contents which at The public expense were rans
ported hither. Dad any man doubt the rghiu authority
oil the legislature 10 put stop to this 10 say that these
persons however grouha aown oy opp,essom ans dIs M
ont, ha, heard OF, doubted IT, Oa the contrary
very stringent laws were passed, which we have been
struggling since 10 maintain against the exclusive
power OF Congress over commerce What right has the
State pass these laws! | answer again, the right oi
sellproection; the right to determine what persons
from abroad shall be admitted TO lis teory the right
use It's discretion, and consult the safety and welfare
OF its citizens in admitting or excluding Them.
Let me borrow illustration out oil this very subject
Of slavery. We all kaow that in every saveholdins
State there thousands OF slaves who from age dts
ease, insunity, are mere burdens. Now we heard
some angry talk arout retaiatury legislation Suppose
Carolina aud Georgia should pass laws that II any
such agei, diseased, inhrm slaves desired, with the
consent Of their masters to come TO Massachusetts they
wonder il free soil Legislature would CONSIDER iise
poweess prevent this State from being overwhelmed
! by such an irrupion
have been attempting 10 illustrate what really re
quires illustration The principles are clear Every
sovereign State has and must have the right 10 Judge what
persons from abroad shall be admitted and this and all
other powers the State bound TO for the safety and
welfare Of its citizens Taking along with US those
principles, ask You TO go back with me 10 that conven-
ton which assembled in this city the 9th day OF jan
nary 1885, to consider whether this State should adopt
the proposed constitution We in the presence of no
ordinary assembly In the chair is John Hancock, the
who in i775 threw his name and his fortune into
the scale OF the colony at the beginning OF It's contest
with The Crown There is Theophus Parsons, who has
sounded all the depths OF public and private Jaw There
was Samuel Adams, not improperly called the Cato oil
America, his whole soul filled with the idea OF human
liberty and popular rights upon whose ears the sounds
OF the guns Lexington fell with sweeter tones than the
songs of birds in that morning OF spring There, too
and Sedgwick, OF Stockbddge, the soldier. the juris
the ardent patriot the true pbanthropst, who by bis
professional exerons, had just before struck the last
blow al negro slavery in Massachusetts, and crowd o
able, just and associates fresh from the deep and
intensely interesting discussions concerning political and
civil liberty, which originated and accompanied and fol-
lowed the war OF the revolution. The question Is, wheh'
er they ignorant 80 blind 10 their duty as
Legislators citizens and men, 10 make, IN behalf
that their children may not fairly execute it, but mus
now overthrow and destroy the work OF their hands
Let US
In the first place. il known them, and is certain,
that the Union could not be formed and the constitution
adopted without this article.
In the next place, they believed and we know, that j
was mpossble estimate the importance oil tins