The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-23

territory they have got more than they bargaineC
for The State OF California is here free State
and is entitled 10 admission. The South have ter
ritory in Texas, but they have not got the men
They have the territory 10 form slave State, bu
they have not the most necessary quality ola State
which Is men. Owing 10 accident, therefore, Their,
is free State ready for admission, and no slave
State. Should California be sent back on this
COUNT IL may be years before there is popua
ton in the southern territory sufficient to entle
her to admission. Florida and Arkansas had yet
but one representative each in the House OF Repre-
sentatives, while Iowa and Wisconsin-one had
two, the other three. This was an evidence OF how
| far greater the increase of population In the
| free States than in the slave States.
There a proposition 10 frame a slave State
out Of Texas and that Congress should, in advance,
| express Willingness to admit it. The Senator
| from Massachusetts, had, he (Mr. d. thought, suf-
fciently demonstrated that, when those States are
ready for admission, it is the duty of this Govern
rnent 10 admit them. The terms of those resou-
| tions were plain, and man, he thought, could
controvert them.
The Senator from New York had placed his OPP
position to it on the ground that he had right TO
vote against the admission Of any slave State. He
considered that the resolutions of annexation of
Texas-against which he had voted and remon-
strated-were such that Congress had discretion
when that State came to them for admission into
the Union. He was unwilling to place on paper
his Willingness 10 vote for the admission OF such
State, because he was not willing to do But,
when the time came, he would feel bound by the
compact, to admit the State, because there was no
discretion left him. When, therefore, States formed
out OF Texas, ageeaby to the terms OF the annexa-
ton resolutions, south of 1852 3d. came to Congress
for admission as slave States, he would vote for
admitting them. But, in advance, he would not,
by any act OF Congress, express his Willingness to
do So
Mr.. DAYTON then proceeded to the conside-
ration of the fugitive slave bill. He was willing to
vote for bill to carry out the provisions OF the
Constitution this subject. He felt himself
obliged to declare that the sentiments of the Sena-
tor from New York had neither his concurrence
nor sympathy. The Senator had perfect right to
his own sentiments, but he considered that when
he (Mr. D. entered the Senate, he bound himself
to the Constitution by chain more enduring than
iron. He was not at liberty to disregard 1t, no
matter what the Constitution is II they once al
lowed themselves to consider, not what the Consti-
tuition is but what it ought to be, their only safe
anchorage was gone, and they were at sea In the
dark.
He then entered intd a comparison of the bill
making restoration of fugitive slaves, and the
amendment proposed by the Senator from Virgil
MIA, (Mr. MAsoN,) and by the Senator from New
York, (Mr. SEwARD.) He replied to the speeches
Of the Senators from North Carolina (Mr. BADcEn1
and South Carolina, (SIr. BuTLER.) He advocated
reasonable and not too stringent bill; intimating
that the proposed bill and the amendment of Mr.
MASON was calculated to defeat the proper execu
ton of the constitutional provision. He argued
that the trial by jury ola question of whether the
party arrested be fugitive slave was far better
and safer tribunal for the master, than the petty
commissioners in whom the proposed bill vests this
authority.
He cited numerous cases, in the States of Michi-
gan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, where
masters had recovered. by the verdcts Of jures the
value of slaves lost by interference in their behalf
by mobs.
Mr.. BUTLER asked the Senator what would be
the verdict of n jury composed OF men who enter
tanned the peculiar sentiments like the Senator
from New York, (Mr. SEwARD.) (Laughter.1
Mr.. DAYTON asked, could the Senator from
South Carolina suppose such an occurrence at all
probable? ILaughter.l
Mr.. SEWARD asked the Senator from New Jer-
sey TO ask the Senator from South Carolina what
his Mr.. S.'s) views were?
Mr.. DAYTON said he must decline placing him
self between the two parts of a scissors he might
become damaged in the operation.
He then defended the Legislature of New Jersey
from attacks made upon itby the speeches Of south
ern Senators.
His compromise on the subject of slavery was
what the South maintain they only asked for-the
Constitution. By the Constitution he was willing
10 stand.
The plan proposed by the President was, that
the whole thing should be left under the Con-
stution. If the Constitution carried slavery there,
well if not, why il would result
He deprecated the efforts Of Abolitionists as in
juring the cause they professed to assist but at
the same time declared that the North would never
would survive both Abolition and Free-Soil. II
not connected with either. Its principles
were higher than these merely temporary senti-
ments.
and their prosperity with the free States and their
progress and happiness, particularly between the
States of Ohio and Kentucky. He claimed the ad-
vantage for the North and attributed il altogether
to the existence Of the dead weight-the institution
of slavery at the South
He then compared the foreign immigration 10 the
free and slave States, and said the increase in the
northern States owing TO the absence of
slavery.
As far as the proviso was concerned, he was for
non intervention but if forced TO the issue, he
should vote for it.
He was for taking question at a time admit
California. dispose of the fugitive slave bill, and
time will work out the rest.
MIR. FOOTE hoped the consideration Of the SUBJ
ect of his committee would not be deferred longer
than Monday next
Mr.. BALDWIN moved to postpone MIR. BELL s
when, on motion,
The Senate adjourned until to- morrow.