The daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1848-1851, 1850-02-26

property and what would be thought, done, #
Congress should pass a law to deprive every citi-
zen of the District of Columbia Of his life And
yet it would be no greater constitutional Outrage
than to deprive them Of these rights, for which 50
much life and suffering were expended.
The American Revolution grew out Of property
questions" giving his assent to pretended legis-
lation for imposing taxes on us without con
sent" is the language of the Declaration of Inde-
Pendence. They could not say even Of King
who had heaped upon them many cruelties, that
he had taken away their property without their
consent; and what would be said OF an American
Congress, who, with the language of that Declaru-
ton staring them in the face, would perpetrate an
outrage infinitely higher than that which fired their
own ancestors with the energies of revolution and
Of freedom
But OF what avail the fruits Of that struggle,
if we have not escaped those evils which afflicted
the Colonies II we are to be forcbly stripped Of
our rights, what difference does,it make to US,
whether by an American Congress or British Min
istry? The agent is of little importance, when the
act is equal in violence and atrocity That the
Federal Government received them, with the rights
entire which they enjoyed under the State Gov
eminent, is evident from the fact that they have
continued to enjoy them since the eesson up TO the
present time. SO far, then, from any action having
been taken, either by the State of Maryland, or by
the United States, to impair the constitutional
rights of the citizens of the District, they have
added to the permanent guarantees of the Federal
Constitution, the obligations of good faith, which
arise from implied and tacit agreement be-
tween the Government and the citizens Of the
District Under this view of the subject it would
be inexpedient for Congress to abolish slavery in
the District Of Columbia. Why? Because it
| would be wrong for Congress to do now what it
could not have done at the time of the cession,
| either by law or agreement
| Mr. Clay's resolutions embrace only one argu.
| ment why Congress should not abolish slavery in
the District of Columbia. That argument is sufIi-
| cent, so long Maryland holds her slaves; but
when she to do so, Mr.. Clay argument ope-
rates no longer, and the citizens of that District
must be thieded by some other authority.
The question narrows down at last to one of alb
stracl right and it is best that it should be met in
thai form; for it is clear 10 my mind that if Con-
gress hes power to abolish slavery in the District Of
| Columbia, it has the power TO abolish it in the
| States. II it does away with it in Columbia it is
upon the ground that ii is moral evil and as that
evil is national the Jurisdiction must be extensive
| with it. Then, If this moral war upon slavery
should be victorious in that District there is not
State in this Union which will not be exposed its
ravages. Fanaticism, like space, knows no bounds
and if it overleaps the first barrier in its progress
there is nothing too vast for its operations nor tOc
sacred for its approach.
| Did the Constitution Of the United States extend
its protection 10 The citizens Of the District Of Co
| lumbia while they were citizens of the State o.
| Maryland Did every member of this great fedora
compact stand pledged under that instrument t,
protect the State Of Maryland and her citizens il
their rights of property! These questions need N
answer; they are the first truths which we inbib
in our political education the school-boy glories il
the anticipation that the privileges which he expect
to inherit secured and protected by the embodie
faith and integrity of the federal Union. He learn
from his textbook that his absolute rights as ma
will be those Of life, liberty, and property. II
looks to the Constitution Of his country the
tuary where they are TO be preserved, pure and iT
violate. These sentiments are common to the youi
of Maine and Louisiana; and this is a spirit whic
wisdom would weld into bright and indissoIubl
bond of union. Good faith and honor will secur
TO our government the hallOwed influence of thes
sentiments, making the ties which bind us aroun
our common centre strong as adamant Arroganc
and usurpaon will wither this germ, and turn theT
back to feed upon sense of wrong, of disappointe
| hoEs and burning shame
The clause of the Constitution from which th
pretended power TO abolish slavery in the Distric
of Columbia is derived, is that which provides tina
| Congress shall exercise exclusive legislation owe
| any section of country, not exceeding ten mile
square, which may be ceded by any of the States
| for the establishment of the seat Of government
| There are two views to be taken of this subject
one, that Congress is absolute irresponsible body
with no limit to its action but It's own sovereign
will; the other, that the legislative powers of Con
| gress are controlled and limited by the provisions O
the Constitution.
The first point of view involves a violation o
every sound principle of republican government
1t maintains that there exist in the very centn
of the American government, an absolute and srbi
irary body, with underlined and unlimited power
with n people stripped Of the common rights of ihei
countrymen, and exposed 10 the vicious caprices q
prejudice, lanaticism and corruption with equa
reason, it establishes the principle that Congres
may override the ordinary projections of the Con
stitulion, and transcend at pleasure the limits q
national freedom.
The power given TO the Congress by this articl
is simply that Of legislation; but for what purpose
Was it intended that Congress, in The exercise {
its legislative powers, should enlarge into socis
and political lyrant, with power to crush all lhos
rights and privileges which may come within il
reachl and that the very agent Of free and popu
lar government should become stigma upon til
name of freedom The Gar of Russia has n
higher jurisdiction than that claimed for Congress
and yet an enlightened world will assert that he
a tyrant This is not so much the fault Of The ind
vidual as it is of the system of his government
where reason is not blended with power, and rigf
but seldom associated with law. The Legislator
of Louisiana has absolute jurisdiction in Louisiana
but does it imply that the State has no Constit,
tion! Ii means that it is The sovereign represents
tive body, and that its enaclments next in dig
nifty to the Constitution. So Congress has excl
sive jurisdiction in the District Of Columbia bi
does it follow that the District of Columbia has Il
) Constitution! If the proposition connected wit
the grant Of jurisdiction TO Congress is true, woul
be better to seek life in a forest of Bohun-Upa
than to hope for freedom upon soil from which a
the safeguards of liberty expelled.
Your obedient servant, P. P.
10 Where is the t0ilderaess At the begin
, ming of this century it was in Ohio and Indians
twenty-five years afterwards it was in Miohigal
Wisconsin and Illinois. Last year it was in Min
nesota Territory. Next year shall have to see
it in Nebraska and around the Lake of the Wood