The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-07-23

do not extend like those OF older nations into the re-
moer regions OF fable Of eld bur they already begin
to grow faint in the distance and shed their dim religious
light upon the path over which we have passed When
We look TO the future TO the prospect before U.s. the
agnstlon pauses to measure its strength for the fight
which is before it,
Mr. President, what more snviabls position can any
man occupy than from which he may look back ward
with so much OF PRIDE and forward with much Of hope
10 IT to be supposed that any would wanonly
sacrifice il or abandon it. except under OF the
sefnest necessity But. sir. will sacrifice it inevita
bly, II we forget that the order and peace of this grand
possession depend upon the mutual affections Of it's
bes that these mutual affections depend upon Justice and
fair dealing to each other and tina. the bond of peace
is broken, the of liberties and the
constitution Of the United States That man ought not
10 be rebuked who steps forward to defend this nsu
meDt with too eager zeal for his is pous work,
holy zeal and, errng. he the right side Such
man deserves the respect Of every honest man. and of
every lover OF well regulated liberty 1t is defend this
day. should be insensi6le to the highest duty OF pa
trotsm if were unwilling to fall here morrow il by
so doing could perpeuate this covenant to my country
men, not 10 its letter merely, but in its spirit and truth
Sir will stand by the constitution. by the Union which
is prescribed in that constitutions but cannot vote for
this bill upon any considerations which yet have been
Mr. President the senator from Massa admon-
shed us the other day that the fate Of this bill might be
in the hands OF the South and he seemed think ha.
hazard OF much reproach. if we did not come forward
and sustain it, Sir ask why should the South sustain
It more than the NORTH The North has majority Of
upon this floor And has the North no interest IN
peace and union Are these considerations only for the
South Why, then, when this bill gives everything to
the North, does not the North forward and vote for
II! Why ask US to support bill in which the North
gets everything, the senator from Massachusetts dis
ncty asserts! Why ask TO help establish pre-
cedent by which our rights are sacrificed, and thus give
our bond BY aiding in the work. to make complain, of
this OUTRAGE or OF any similar wrong which may be in
fcted on us hereafter!
Sir, il You take the most distinguished advocates of
thauo tall tho AsE thaco
tor from Kentucky if he believes after this bill passes.
that you can carry slave into these Territories and he
will tell you "no Ask the senator from Michigan, ask
the senator from Massachusetts, and they will both reply
IN the same language And yet, in the very breath in
which this exposition is given OF the bill, il is de
msnded Of US why we do not come forward and sustain
III Ii it be true that this bill does give up everything
that contend for in relation TO these Territories,
we not more deeply wounded in being asked thus to in
ct any injury upon ourselves, and to participate in the
perpetraton OF wrong upon our own section, than if
another, strong his superior force power, wanonly
offers US an lnsult' so far as insult is concerned il
that bill have the effect in regard TO the South which
believe it will have, do not see how we can escape
from insult by sustaining it. If the North is 10 have
the benefit then let the North pass the bill by her
votes.
But the senator from Massachusetts says we ought to
be cautious how act. because in strange com
pany, in company with men with whom we have never
acted before Sir, when | hear his speeches. and the
speeches OF some to whom he refers, must that
would rather be found in bis company than theirs But
when we come to action and find them aiding the South
admission, she loses all chance for the tesry in dispute
whilst he is doing his best TO pass it, constrained
by sense OF justice to admit that when we deeds
their company is better than his. believe, sir the
is one put in The Scripture of the two of whom
said he would do il, but did it not whilst the other said
he would not do il, but did it, and the Scripture judg
men think, is in favor Of the deed and against the
words But by way OF relieving the senator from Massa-
chuses OF all apprehension as TO any permanent, associa
ton OF this oddly assorted company beg leave to
him that we have never met together in caucus yet nor
have we adopted common seal II he wishes, how
ever to see the association broken up and the old work
of opposition going between US, let him defeat this
BILL and he will then not only crafty these desires, but
himself have the pleasure of that company which he
much grudges us.
But sir, this proper manner in which to treat SO
grave and important a subject that which
considering Do stop such occasion to nq
VINO is voting with US and Who against us! No. sir; no
There higher questions involved than that Of those
with whom We acting to-day shall act tomorrow
higher questions than those OF the popularity position
OF this OF that Upon these questions depend the
peace, the happiness will not say the union-of the
country Sir peace and happiness stakes high enough
TO enlist the attention OF every statesman They OBJ
ecs which should induce all to pause before act
and to consider what mighty consequences may follow
from mistaken course. Sir, believe in my conscience
that. il this bill were to pass, il would be the wors
movement and the worst augury, far this Union j:
concerned, that | have since | have been
engaged in public life
| 1.-THE debate continued by Messrs FoorE, BUTLER
CLEMENS. HALE, DAVIS. OF Mississippi and others
which will appear hereafter