Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1850-08-24

referred State yesterday CHS ownl IN which
he practice had led no nconvenience other Senators those
rom Pennsylvania and New Hampshire, had referred TO their
States where the privilege thought important as 70
been secured in the constitution of these Sate and In
which It had been exercised without mischief Il seems to
me- ,oo that il evil which would speedily correct ITSELF II
should lead such abuses gentlemen speak of We
should have means of correctRgi In the first place
he Senate could correct the evil by the establishment
Of rule not tci apply to any particular case but py
doing what hes already been done during this session.
when wished strike al practice which we believed 70
be wssefu of time of this body BY establishing rule
not aiming y particular instance but applying to all
future cases. we could At any time put an end TO the
practice, If should lead to the evil which 10 anticipated
Bet In point Of fact the evil would ITSELF for why
would any nemer wish spread his on the jour
nal Because, b it would give them additional soemnity
and attract 70 uem Sention than any other mode IN
which be could gnaze and give evidence Of his opposition
the measure But If 1t became common Il upon every
light and vh occasion protests spread on the journal
would be NJ longer the Of giving additional soen
nifty your opposion Of attracting more OF public atter
ton the resistance hatyou have made. would then aba
don it. bling troublesome than giving your views to
the pubc trough tie newspapers Of the day, and because
il did ve romnence soemnity, or Importance
to your opposition. 81 that the evil would correct ITSELF
shosld turn out to be evil But in point Of fact do
not bseve that it wsud esd To- any evil presume that
every Senator has Of selErspec and gentleman
weu2 get up and eRdeavor light and trivial occasion TO
invoke form solemn this for the purpose Of attracting
nooey It would be way to cover himself with rdi
listed amongst the individual members and amongst
body unless such conservative feeling existed here you
could not make rules enough to the order and ar
mony Of the Senate Members supposed to have some
sefrespect it would be impossible could get along
with convenience order here. IT, then, this be evil 1t
one said before, which will correct ITSELF and It does
do so the Senate and will it. have doubt
In these considerations lies the whole question believe that
the whole matter to be considered is not whether the contents
Of this protest be false, whether the reasoning be
well ill., bat whether it will be likely TO do harm parlia
mentary precedent. believe that if to establish
the precedent ID would be productive Of good rather than
harm. believe il would be better calculated to content
minortes you thus allowed them to give additional soem
nifty and additional strength their opposition to
which may up and that they would be better able to
home and satisfy their constituents that they had done all
which they could to oppose and resist them They would
be thus able the degree of their opposition and in
where there danger Of the establishment Of pre-
cedent which might be hereafter mschevou they might then
be better enabled to break the force of that precedent and in
doing be better able satisfy and content their constituents
home In this point of view believe this would
have different effect from that which the Senator from
Louisiana M DowNs) supposes it might havethat of in
flaming the excitement in the popular mind already disturbed
relation these matters believe the people Of the South
would be apt be contented they thought that
had made opposition this bill than usually soemn
than usually imposing, and better calculated to break
the force of the precedent hereafter than would have been
the had used but the ordinary and common
means Of resistance Here is mode which involves no dis
respect one, dsurbs the peace nowhere, and which,
believe if had been permitted would have had rather
soothing and quetng effect But be that it may,
the Senator from Louisiana MR. Dowss) that there
ueror purpose behind the protest. Whatever means
says its face and he its effects well
can. can him that far concerned-and
believe is the feeling of every protestant whose ap
pears this paper-here is desire design to commit
either States any body else to any Of action There
appeal to the feelings and commitment OF the States
any else any Of action but it contains
dissent and the for the dissent the passage
Of his bill
Mr.. DOWNS. The gentleman will pardon He seems
not to ecoect the precise nature Of my remarks dis
iincy dscamed impung any such intention to the proes
tants but still thought that that might be the effect Of it.
Mr.. HUNTER. That is mere difference Of opinion be-
tween us-opnioEs honestly entertained doubt not,
both sides. But, sir wish to say here and forever
that seek and do hold myself be authorized
commit my State any of action whatever. When
and how she will act she will determine for herself 1t for
her people to commit her and not for She commits
action not her, and have pursued the path which she
has marked for by resolutions adopted with almost per-
feet nanmy at the last two sessions Of her Legislature
That her purpose in those resolutions grave least,
bound believe. have pursued that path which she
has marked out for feeling that had right
deviate from it, hair-breadth Sir if her flag is
aoat she delivered to the breeze and if there be any
thing emblazoned upon it which might be offensive
menacing the notices and embazonments her own.
be displayed the emblem Of her honor or the symbol Of
her rights If had the heart, have not the courage
strike il, unless she bids me do it.
Mr.. President think the Senate can bear me witness
that have not shown myself agator these subjects
have proved myself eager for the Fray entered into
it with the joy of bae On the contrary, is painful to
me to contemplate these differences shrink from them,
and should be glad if could to avoid them and here
aer only upon quesonso great constitutional rights,
in which the safety peace and equality of my State
cerned, that feel bound to forward and mnge in the
debate and join in the contest. M
Mr.. President, have very strong individual wish in
relation to the motion now pending. When said that it
appeal to the courtesy Of the Senate that
had strong individual wishes, but that having right
ask it as matter Of parliamentary privilege, should be
graed Senators, rather than men, if it should be the
pleasure Of the majority put this protest upon the Journal
have desire to proong this debate open up discus
son did not propose, when came here this morning, to
say one word on the subject.
Mr.. BENTON. The Senator from North Carolina (Mr.
BADeER) has opened this debate at the right point this
morning, by going TO its foundation, and showing what
the intention of the convention which formed our consu
on and is from what he has read that this practice
which pervades the British House Of Lords Of entering
for dissent upon the journals entirely condemned
by that convention and that its stead they substituted the
voted any The Senator has done good
vice by thus going back to the foundation and showing what
the decision of the fathers of the Republic upon this
point My mind having been little turned the sub
ect since the adjournment of the Senate yesterday have
found looking at commentary upon British law which
relates to the privileges Of Parliament that the American
Commentator Professor Tucker, of the College of William
and Mary, in Virginia, commenting upon that part Of the
privileges Of the Lords Of Great Britain which gives them the
right of entering their dissent upon the journals the
margin that the right Of demanding the yeas and nays
given in the Constitution Of the United States in place of the
right Of entering protests mention this by way ofcaryng
the argument made the Senator from North Caro-
r Il ~ n---. ~. Al.