The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-10-16
TIL e r f ? U B Lie.
AS HIN GTON:
WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER l6. 1850

cords, 50 that 10 his own ear they make nothing
but music There is another trait about him
we speak merely of the politiclan-that is very
remarkable. He sees no shades of color. In
the infinitely varying hues of the political rain
bow he can mark no changes of tint Every
thing with him is black or white-say rather
very black or very white. He is decided in
his friendships and enmties; and we think is
apt 10 dip his pencil too freely in the rouge or
the noir, as he may be called upon to delineate
gentlemen who stand in friendly or hostile re-
latons to himself. But Notwithstanding he is
a iorcible and influential public writer; and his
views upon political questions are looked for
with considerable interest We have been Gu
rious somewhat to see now he would thread
his way out of the political labyrinth in New
York, without compromising his principles OF
his partialities How was the we'll known ma
tiona tone of the Courier and Enquirer on the
slavery question, and its bitter hostility to Abo
litionism, to be reconciled with the ''hgher
lawn doctrine, and the attempt to identify the
WING party with the Abolition agitations of the
North2
Colonel WEBB has defined his position, in an
article of some length, in the Courier and En-
q,lirer of Monday last. In the first place. he
describes his course on the slavery question In
times past. ''Our course" he says, ''has ever
been that of or-inteJereace with the local
institutions of the South, and the most scru-
'pulous respect for their constitutional rights"
In his judgment, the evils Of slavery can only
be increased, not meliorated, by the 50 slightest
interference on the part of the North" He has,
therefore, ever nculcated s. the necessity of
forbearance on the part Of the North, and
strict non-interference as demanded alike by
the compromises of the Constitution and sym
pathy for and attachment to, our Southern
brethren" This is good ground for anybody
10 stand upon. We want no better national
Wing doctrine.
Then, as to the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia. While Colonel WEBB
has never questioned the right of the General
Government in this behalf, he has ever urged
that such a contingency was not anticipated by
the States which made the cession 10 the Gene
raj Government; and that, therefore, ..good faith
and good neighborhood required that the right
Of aboishng it should not be arbitrarily exer-
cised." Notwithstanding the language here is
qualified by the use of the word arbitrarily, -
we presume that there are no mental reserva-
tions lurking in it; and that the intention is to
express the general idea that the abolition of
slavery in the District would be, with regard
to Maryland and Virginia, breach of good
faith and good neighborhood. Such is our view
of the subject.
Now, in regard TO the Wilmot Proviso. On
this point Colonel WEBB takes extreme South
ern ground. lie believes the Wilmot unneces-
sary, inexpedient, and unconstitutional. Fur
thermore, as TO the Compromise measures, he
rejoices sincerely that measures have been
adopted calculated to allay the unnatural and
unnecessary excitement which for nine months
agitated, more or less, the whole country"
Here, now, is National Whg-opposed to
the Wilmot-opposed TO the abolition of slavery
in the District-in favor of the measures Of
compromise-and in favor Of maintaining all
our constitutional obligations with the most
scrupulous regard.
Having thus placed himself right with the
Wines, Colonel WEBB must next place him
self right with Senator SEWARD. In the first
place, then, he would have opposed the Omni-
bus bill TO the last, however he might have acqui-
esced in its separate measures. In the second
place, he would not have voted for any Of these
measures separately, $50 long as the cry Of
Disunion was heard in our legislative halls
From this we infer that that which was good
in all its parts was not equally good as whole;
and that it would have been wise and prudent
10 deprive people Of beneficial Legislation be-
cause few mad-caps in Congress cried out
for Dsunion. In the third place, Mr.. CLAY,
in the judgment of Colonel WEBB, if he were
a candidate for the Presidency, could not receive
an electoral vote; and the seceders from the Sy-
racuse convention were all actuated by envy and
jealousy Of Senator SEWARD. This is pretty
fair per contra; and while the WING party has
every reason 10 be satisfied with the views Of
the Colonel on the slavery question, it is obvi-
Gus that Mr.. SEWARD has every reason TO be
content with the position that is assigned to
himself, and the position that is assigned to Mr..
CLAY. and by implication to other distinguished
Wines who agreed with Mr.. CLAY in their
belief Of the proprety Of enforcing by law our
Constitutional obligations in regard to fugitive
slaves.
The purpor Of the article on which we have
commented may be given in few words. 1t
is, that any latitude Of sentiment, and any ex-
tent Of agitation on the subject Of slavery, may
be tolerated in Mr. Senator SEWARD: but no
federation, on that or any other subject, is TO be
extended 10 Mr.. CLAY, Mr.. DUR, Mr.. GRAN
GER, Mr.. SPENCER, OF any other VINO who
declines to adopt the views and approve the
course of Mr.. SEWARD, Mr. Hale. and Mr..
CHAsE, on the question Of slavery.
Disunion-Its Causes and Consequences.
There is no abstract proposition which sets
SO completely AZ defiance all powers Of calcula