Oxford Democrat. [volume] (Paris, Me.) 1833-1933, 1850-11-08
The Fugitive Slave Bill.

We ar glad 10 learn that th" rNclirmrni
upon this .uhj.ct ha, SOMEWHAT 'ubsidtl.--
4 few Mid enthusiasts, noa.r,pIom upon
almo,, everything clsc, ar ready tn hgh thl'
oil. ~ rather the Constitution. q, ~ hlrarl.,
bot the people az generally disposed io h.
quiet And ,hi. i. much ihc hr-t way. u
the law j. wrong in any particular IT,, pclc''.
able measures H. taken to amend H. The
Wings have found II difIicnlt question 10
marag- They wish To fault the BILL make
Mr. Criuendcn responsible lor u, approval by
the President. and It'll. noiw outstanding hl,
views upon The cnormou. bill, support VIZ. 4.
%. a rord whir of th,ir own stamp and lhis
on the ground of consistency, i' No cas, mat.
ter Bm II doc, me-, concrrnu-. We should
po, object PARTICULAR, Ia ihr blll, did II apply
OILS 10 sg.L slsyrs - run away from and nj
icr tho approval oi the bill. W. bclic,c that
.uch Law would h. Tor the ruo,l ii tho slave ,
ior the morr inducements there az IN tho
tree State, ior lhs slave to run away where
he !. NJ, liable To b. taken and returned, the
les liberty aud privilege. will the .la,c at
home b. allowed hy hi, master
II i, uur busincs, To- take tie world :, d, j..
aud then io our b,,,tc improve H. h,ti..
slavery exists in the slave States, .nd it is
recognized a. existing, by the Constitution.
II then, IN, Constitution rrcogulD-s Slavery.
It virtually recognizes the slave a, the prop.
criy of his master hy the statute Of the ,li,r
State. The slave, being the properly ofhis
master. bccomcs no L.. -, by c~clpng lat" :
ire State, and Of course the master has the
same nigh, To take hi, property lnm q TREE
State To hi home, a. Nc should have, dldwg
possess personal property IN slave STATE, To
remove Il TO free State And ihuurh ia.
yer, ia moral wrnr. and no man has moral
right To bold human bcing in slavery, Yet.
~ long - the Constitution does not prohibit
slavery, and the States arr allowed To hold
slaves a. property, We can take no other "a
tional view Of the .ubcrt.
We would no, have the north prove rccrc.
ant to II, principles, aud succumb To- southern,
arrogance but We are Car from l-'ing sails.
fed with the moics of abolitoni,is ~ treat.
my the subject OF slavery their Remuneration,
Of til. stakeholder aud appeals to tie passions
u the community. Ia the fact of slavery.
W. see violated all that We hold dcar-ihc
axe laid at the roo, Of everything which dis
,inguished man from III, brute. We cannot,
therefore, say, let II alone. W. say n.plc
with it, lo.e no time in comprchending:its iru
nature, and the bc-, means to remove II; bu,
he assured that to rebel agains, law and the
Constitution will no, aid YOU.
But while w. assert, anil whilo w. would
have every man in the free stltss assert man
fully the injustice of slavery, (fnr though the
slave NAV IN most cases kindly treated, and
fare better than some free labon attic North,
1t i, ,laru.y.) aud the moral obligalicn rest
ing upon every stakeholder, Ia cease to be a
STAKEHOLDER at a. early day as possible, We
should have no hard speeches, no dcnunc.a-
lions, no rush, prcciPi'ate measures. We
know Of no subject tia, needs to be approach.
ell with greater wisdom. II needs the action
Of the best hearts and minds in the country,
and to he touched in good faith, and With
fall view Of its responsibility.
We would gladly have some feasible plan
adopted by all for the removal Of slavery,
and to have all the combined energies al al
States, could they be enlisted,
which would be none too great TO sweep oil
the tremendous evil, and vastly increase the
mutual good of the North and the SOuth-of
che whole Union. We have no, seen plan
devised bp auy Of the aboli,ienis,s, nor pre-
nenied by any one, which meets our views or
seems at all practicable. We acknowledge
our inability to devise one. The time for Po-
litical OF legislative action, except To prevent
its extension, has, therefore, not yet arrived
We must still rely upon moral power, aud