Eastern times. [volume] (Bath, Me.) 1846-1857, 1850-12-26

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stances entirely on sectional grounds. Thus
things stood between the two sections, wneh
the war broke out with the republic OF Mexico.
Passing over the discussions in Congress during
that war with the single remark that they did
not have the effect to soften the asperity of
feeling which had been previously engendered,
will come at once to the treaty of peace.
Peace brought US new territory of almost
boundless extent. While it brought us these
magnificent possessions, whose value has since
astonished the whole civilized world, it also
brought US new sectional difficulties. The ter
ritory had been acquired in common strug
gle and at common expense, and the South
claimed that some portion of it should be de-
voted to its peculiar institution. The North
resisted the claim, and insisted that il was free
when 1t was acquired, and that it was not com
petent for Congress to establish slavery in free
territory. On this precise point it has always
seemed to me tina: the North had the best of
the argument, and might safely have rested the
case on 1t, even without much discussion. 1t
is a historical fact, believe, that no member
OF Congress, either North or South, has ever vo-
ted to establish slavery in free territory. l
cannot but think that it is to be regretted that
any other issue was ever presented; 1t was the
doctrine of non-intervention- the true doctrine
of the constitution in my judgement, and the
one finally adopted in the compromise. All
will agree now, presume, that it would have
been better, far BETTER if no collateral issue had
ever been raised. Conccdins the point, as do
thatit was a new question in some ofits aspects
l do not mean to arraisn the conduct of any man
who thought otherwise at that time. I'll the
territory previously acquired by the United
States was slave territory when it was acquired
whereas new acquisitions had been made
free by Mexico long before the treaty of peace
under which we derived our title.
Slavery was abolished in Mexico in 1881, by
Guerrero, who was a usurper. His act, how
ever, abolishing it was ratified and confirmed by
the legislative authority of the republic, In the
Year 1887, and far back as 1872 the abolition
of slavery in Mexico was confirmed by IA consti-
stitutional provision.
When the territory was acquired, therefore,
1t was as free as the territory OF Maine. 1t
may be that some were misled in attempting to
draw analoges from the past legislation of con-
gress in relation to the territories acquired from
France and Spain. BE that as It may. individ-
ual members from the South at one time insis-
ted that the principle of the Missouri compro-
mise should be applied to California.
The Misso lri compromise was applied to
slave territory. and not to that which was free.
1t could have effect if applied to free terrific
~. unless congress a: the same time made pro-
vision for the introduction of slavery south of
the compromise line. The Northern members
were unanimous against any such provision, and
1t ultimately failed.
The great mistake which the North made in
this controversy was. in my Judgment. In the
introduction of the Wilmot proviso. Ii was un-
necessary, useless and mschievious. The
whole territory was free whenwe acquired it
and even if it be competent for Congress TO leg
isate upon the subject, no legislation was nee
essary.
l will now approach more exciting scene
Let us for a moment cast our thoughts back to
the opening of the last session of Congress, and
ask ourselves what were the questions then.
pending, and demanding immediate settlement
California. having adopted her constitution.
was knocking at the doors of the two houses of
Congress, through her senators and representa-
tives, and demanding admission into the Union.
New Mexico and Utah remained without terri
torial governments, exposing our country TO the
charge of bad faith i'll respect to some OF The
provisions of the treaty of Gaudaloupe Hidalgo.
under which acquired their jurisdiction
The boundary line between Texas and New
Mexico was still unadjusted, the former claim
ing large portion Of the district of Santa Fc,
and threatening to enforce her jurisdiction by
military force. The difficulties naturally grow
ing out of these great territorial questions,
were greatly enhanced by the slavery agitation ; |
il entwined itself around them with all its vo-
carries, and Intervene itsclfin every plan of ad-
justment that could be suggested and at the
same time demanding the settlement of two
distinct matters OF very exciting character,
one affecting the North and the other the South.
No satisfactory scheme could have been devils
ed, presume, not one, which would have af-
fordcd the least prospect of success, without in
Guiding in it the abolition of the slave trade in
the District of Columbia and the supplemental
law for the surrender of fugitivcs from service.
All these questions, therefore, were necessarily
F. thrust before the Senate at one and the same
time, each demanding instantaneous consider
alton. The Senate met, nearly every member
being present. Every one knew that all these
questions must come up and be settled, and yet
so difficult was it to devise any satisfactory
mode of adjustment that all, save one, had
come together without any well digestei
scheme. Should any one inquire who is that
Senator, answer, Henry Clay of Kentucky
the Oldest man in the American Senate. I'm
asine for the moment that YOU see him rise<n
that august body-talI, commanding. full of
years and experience, patriotic, and with spirits
undaunted and buoyant as youth, he submits
his compromise resolutions to the Senate and to
the American people. Those who heard the
speech of MIR. Clay in support of the compro-
mise, regard it as one of the most brilliant spec
linens of oratory ever witnessed in either house
of Congress. The resolutions and the speech
were everywhere read and considered All
felt constrained to acknowledge that his speech
upon the commercial interests and the active
business men of the country. Every one could
see. however that while much good had been
accomplished, much yet remained 10 be done
before any satisfactory adjustment could reason
ably be expected.
The effort of Mr.. Clay was seconded by the
distinguished Senator from Michigan, whose
name and fame are impcrishable his
country's honor. The speech of Gen Cass
was in most respects fully equal to that of Mr..
Clay, and on some accounts even to be pre-
ferred. While it was less eloquent it was bet
ter suited to instruct the mass of American
mind in the free States l may say without
fear of contradiction, that it had powerful in
fuence to arouse the laboring millions in the
North, and to prepare their minds to acquiesce
in some reasonable and proper adjustment.
Still, there was one class that remained I'M /.
moved with purpose. seemingly as fixed as
fate, to reject any proposition, no matter what
the consequences which involved the least de- |
parture from the extreme opinions which they |
mad so long and so fondly cherished. l alluGe |
of course, to the fanatics, political and moral .
who are mainly responsible, in my judgment,
for all the difficulties to which the slavery agi-
tation has given rise. Under the blessing of
Providence, it was left to the distinguished |
Senaior from Massachusetts,, Mr. Webster) to
treat chiefly with this class. And truly l may |
say, he spoke word to then, in due season,
and it was fifty spoken. He dealt them a /
blow, which, if it has not annihilated the Sect |
50 stunned the leaders. that they have not yet
recovered from the conclusion. They sill |