The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-06-18

Northern Interests and Southern Interests.
While the impression which must have been
produced upon the mind of every reader by
the two letters published in our columns yester-
day, upon the general subject of the relations
between the North and the South, and the policy
best adapted for both-while the impression, we
say, which those very clear and most intelli-
gent expositions must have produced remains
still fresh and in full FORGIVE may take the
opportunity for offering a word or two upon
some Of the points included in them.
The idea of political equilibrium be-
tween the slaveholding and the non-slave-
holding States, as necessary to the main
tenance of their rights by the former, was
favorite idea of distinguished statesman
Of the South. lately deceased That this idea
is still entertained with more OF less distinct
ness by Southern gentlemen in Congress and
out; that it forms in fact the main point upon
which the discussions and difficulties of the ter
ritorial- slavery question now rest, cannot but
be apparent, we think, to every intelligent OBJ
server.
But although the CONSTITUTION does not re-
cognise this principle, and makes no provision
for the enforcement of it, yet the guarantees
which it provides for the security Of recognised
rights with regard TO slavery are none the less
perfect.
The impossibility Of maintaining the polti-
cal equilibrium Of which we are speaking, in
50 far as representation according to population
in one House of Congress is concerned, was
demonstrated long ago. No one thinks Of max
ing an attempt to restore ii there. All the eff
forts towards that end are now concentrated
upon the issues that arise from time 10 time in
connexion with the admission Of new States in
to the Union, involving Senatorial represen-
tation not dependent on population Every is
sue of this kind produces an exigency which
calls forth sectional feelings, foments agitation,
creates excitement, and connects itself in some
form OF another with other questions of public
policy not related to il, and embarrasses the ac-
whole country. The conflict Tor sectional SUI
premacy, OF against sectional supremacy, which
amounts TO the same thing, is waged with great
bitterness, as though the guarantees of the Con-
srITUrIoN with regard TO slavery were nothing,
or inefficient in themselves, or likely to be dis
regarded.
These conflicts, so dstracting, so destructive
while they last of national peace and harmony,
all seem to spring from tho assumption that the
institution Of slavery is more political than an
industrial organization. 1t is recognised UNI
doubtedly as a political element by the Cow
sTIruroN, but mainly so in regard to that char
acteristic of personality which was claimed
by the South for the slave in having him num-
bered in certain ratio among the representa-
tive population. The right Of property in slave
labor is recognised by the CONSTITUTIONS with
equal distinctness.
With regard 10 the frst-named Characteristic,
which gives TO slavery place in the general
basis of representation, there is no discussion,
no agitation, nothing to disturb the public mind
Why should there be with regard to the other2