The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-22

of some equivalent suggest to them to remem-
Der that we are sworn to support the Constitution,
and could scarcely sit in tame acquiescence and
witness its open and shameful violation. The at
tempted contamination of such act would be
the overthrow Of that Constitution which the people
we represent would resist to the last extremity
We are here as the representatives of the people,
but obligations to the Constitution and the
South less than those Of other individual citizens,
who, IN the aggregate, are the peopia We assume
additional obligations when we come as representa-
tives; but we relieved from those which rested
upon US as private citizens? My individual opinion
is, that IL the southern people ought TO resist mea
sure OF aggression, after ts consummation we here
under the same or higher obligation to resist
its consummation. These suggestions made,
not in the nature Of threat menace. do not
derratc the firmness of the North; as matter of
discretion, II Is always proper to assume that your
antagonist is firm, if the fact be doubtful. But
the course proper to be pursued in any and every
event is for the determination of southern members
am willing to suggest, and my course Is not ap-
proved, to follow any path of honor which may be
pointed out by those who older and wiser.
trust that shall stand together as one man, and
present our breasts the shield of the Constitu-
ton"
This language, sir, scarcely admits Of doubt
full construction. ! understand it to mean this:
That the gentleman considers himself and other
southern Representatives as acting here in dou-
BILE capacity: first, as representatives, in which
character they TO resist the passage of an un-
constitutional law, (as for instance, one admitting
California in the Union in the manner and by the
forms prescribed by the Constitution and the rules
Of this House; secondly as private citizens, in which
characters they are bound to resist the passage OF
an aggressive law in the same way that private
citizens may resist aggression upon their rights.
feel quite that have not mistaken the proper
construction to be put upon the gentleman's Ian
guage But, as / have given the entire paragraph,
let it speak for itself. Whatever doubts there may
be to the proper construction Of that paragraph,
there can be none none at all as TO the one which
now quote from the speech of the gentleman from
North Carolina, (Mr. CLINeMAs,) already refer
red to:
'.But it is advised (says he) in certain portions
of the northern press, that the members from that
section ought to expel such interrupt their pro-
ceedings. Let them try the experiment. Itell gen.
tlemen that this Is our saveholding Territory. We
do not intend to leave it. If they think they can
remove us, 1t Is proper case for trial In the pre-
sent temper of the public mind, il is probable that
acollision Of the kind here might eectrify the coun
try, did the little skirmsh at Lexington the col
onies in their then excited state Such struggle,
whoever might prove the victors in it, would not
leave quorum here to do business. Gentlemen
may call this treason, high heason-the highest
treason that the world ever saw. But their words
are idle. We shall defeat their movement against
u.s."
If this does not sufficiently show where and how
the revolution is TO commence, let US turn again to
the speech of the gentleman from Mississippi, (Mr.
BRowH,) and read another extract:
"My opinion is this: that we should resist the in
PRODUCTION OF California State and resist ii sue
cesSuliy; resist it by our votes first, and lastly by
other means. We can, at least, force adjourn
menf tcith0ut her admission. This being done, we
safe. The southern States in convention at
Nashville will devise means for vindicatng their
rights. do not know what these means UiH be,
but know what they may be, and with propriety
and safety. They may be to carry slaves into all
of southern California, the property of sovereign
States, and there hold them, we have right to
do; and, if molested, defend them, is both our
right and duty.
1--WE ask you to give us our rights by Nos-IS-
by ARMED OCCUPATION"
| Resist the passage of a law admitting California
first by votes, and lastly by ''other mednsr' Mr..
Chairman, does the Constitution which are
sworn to support, or the rules of this House
point out to us any 'ofhr means OF resisting tn,
enactment OF n law, except by means of votes
| We can adjourn. But how adjourn without uotint
an adjournment? ssForce an adjournment" !" say
the gentleman And that force is the '.other means
by which the admission of California is TO be resist
| ed, (" and resisted snccesyfaiy." And what next
Why, the Nashville conUention is to meet Ther
what! Carry slaves into all of southern Califor
MIA, the property Of sovereign States and there
| hold them, as we have right to do; and if mo-
Tested, defend them, is both right and
duty And thus is California to be " taken" by
| " armed occupation" Alas for the 100000 men
already there, on their way thither, from whom
| California is to be taken by force, and held by
armed occupation, that slavery may be introduced
| there against their will IL
| doubt not, Mr. Chairman, that by this time you
and this committee satisfied, as I am, that un-
less the intentions of the people Of the saveholding
States have been mistaken by some Of their repre-
sentatves here, conflict Of arms between the Gov
ernment of the United States and portion of the
citizens thereof is inevitable.
| But, sir, have never permitted myself to doubt
the patriotism of the American people. And
shall be slow, especially to distrust that quality in
the people of the generous South. Left 10 their
prejudiced judgment and their own sound refiec-
| tions, shall have fear. dare hardly answer,
however, for the effect which the speeches. espe-
llv hat NJ he
BRowS,) may have upon the minds of a gallant
people, naturally ardent and impulsivc. Indeed,
sir, shudder at the thought Of the effect which
passages like that which shall now quote may, !
had almost said must, produce on the feelings oil
our southern brethren. Receiving il in good faith,
as VIC are bound 70 suppose they will. fnithful
statement Of the crueties and enormitics about 10
be visited upon them by the hands OF their northern
brethren, il would be strange, indeed, If they
failed 10 be wrought up 10 the most intense degree
Of excitement and evaporation:
"Our country is to be made dcsolate. We are to
be driven from our homes-the homes hallowcd by
all the sacred associations of family and friends.
We are TO be sent, like people sccursed Of God,
to wander through the land, homeless, houscless,
and friendless; or. what Is ten thousand times
worse than these, than all, remain in country
now prosperous and happy, and see ourselves, our
wives and children, degraded 10 a social position
with the black race. These, these the frightful
terrible consequences you would entail upon US
Picture TO yourselves Hungary resisting the powers
of Austria and Russia; and If Hungary, which had
never tasted liberty, could make such stout resist
ance, what may you not anticipate from eight mil.
lions of southrons made desperate by your aggres-
sion?"
Do you know. Mr.. Chairman, of any acts COM
mitted meditated by the North against the pco-
pie OF the slaveholding States that by any pos
sibility Justify such declarations those ! have
quotedS know Of none, and am sure the gentle
man from Mississippi will fnd IT very difficult to
point them out 10 his constituents. IL is easy in
deed to deal in general charges against the North
and, when requested 70 specify those charges, to
say, as the honorable gentleman from Mississippi
does, 81 will not recount the story of our wrongs'
But will such satisfy people. patriotic,
intelligent, and inquiring? Future developments
will show.
And what. sir, are the causes assigned TO justify
the act Of dissoving this Unioni They alleged
aggressions by the non -slaveholdng States upon
The rights of the saveholding in respect slavery
All the charges put forth against the non slave
holding States have reference 10 that question soely
and they are all comprised and compendiousiy set
forth in a single brief sentence which here quote
from the speech before referred to of the gentleman
from North Carolina, (Mr. CLiseMAs.) After re-
ferring at some length to the benefits and advan.
tsges Of slavery, he says:
"In spite. however, of these great facts which
strike all irnna rtiat ~. c,,,-., -,