The southern press., 1850-09-04

dency, never providing for its own limitations,
but breaking down all barriers to its extension.
These were the doctrines of the old Federal
party, to whose credit be it spoken, that were
an honest and candid party, openly asserting their
principles, and prompt to propagate and main
tain them. have never seen one OF that OLD
school of those politicians who denied their name
or their opinions (Here some gentlemen said,
am one, thank Heaven and another gentleman
responded, God bless them) hear the eJecu-
lations of gentlemen in response to my remarks
concerning the old Federalists. | say to them
that they are thankful for small favors, and are
no douit t, in the exercise of continued gratitude,
as those impulses are set in motion by such
slight causes. But Irepeat, they were an honest
and u patriotic peOple-wrODg, in my Judgment
as to their notions Of our Republican Govern
ment; but even those who voted for the sedl-
ton law, and wore the black cockade, never
dreamed of marching troops into State or Ter
ritory to enforce the notions OF law whlcn were
formed by the President without the authority
of law of Congress. 1t is only necessary TO
refer to the guarded caution OF the trainers OF
the Constitution, to learn that no such power
was intended to be given The President Is
authorized to march troops into State to repel
invasion or suppress insurrection only when in
vited by the Legislature, or the Governor IN the
recess-a power given for the protection, not
for the coercion or punishment OF refractory
State.
I take occasion here. Mr.. Chairman, to re-
mark that neither am nor never was a null!ter
| was Il member Of the Union party IN 1882,
and have never been identified with those states
men who held the doctrines OF nullltlcatlon MY
opinions have undergone no change upon that
remedy, as to its efficacy or its practcablllty.-
Whilst did not adopt the high Federal doc
trines of the proclamation of General Jackson,
but took it with the explanation given by HIM
self, as always supposed, and am distinctly in
formed by Mr.. Ritchie the present editor OF the
Union, then of the Enquirer, who spoke upon
the authority of personal interview with the
President himself | did not deem it proper to
withdraw my support from him, because differ
ing with him in one particular, and commit the
blunder of cooperating with the Federal party,
with whom differed in all things, and who con-
act of his policy, which did not fully approve.
Yet even General Jackson, who was not want
ing in perception to apprehend, or the will to
execute the commands of the Constitution, never
imagined that he had. the power, under the stat
utes Of 1875 and 1907, to march troops, or call
out the militia against Il resisting State, without
the authority of Congress- Accordingly the
force bill was passed, to give him that power, and
upon the most mature deiberation of his advisers,
General Jackson was by all considered bold, by
MANY rash, even reckless, and by some oppres-
sive, in the measures which he recommended to
Congress. Sir his bodness was caution; his
rashness deliberations; his rccklessness pru-
dence, and his determination to exert power, the
soft radiations Of mercy, in comparison with the
authority assumed and the designs disclosed in
this message.
It is true that there is much mildncss in the
manner, ard deep regret at the necessity for
the expression of his determination. am for
chilly reminded by the language in which it is
couched of the deprecatory and selt-denying
manner Of Cromwell and his contemporaries, who
usually spoke of the purposes which they had
conceived, and the outrages they were about to
perpetrate, as dispensati"ns imposed upon them
bv the will of Heaven. Whether meditatng
the expulsion Of tho Parliament, or the csab-
lshment of the supp semacy of the army, the sub
stitution of the decisions of court-martals for
the trial by jury, or preparing to destroy oppo-
sition bv the gallows, the axe, or the deadly fire
of the platoon, they prayed that the cup might
pass from them that the execution of this high
behest of Providence might be reserved for
another: yet most humbly expressing readi-
ness to d. what might be necessary to remove a
cryingSS from the land. So the President is
deeply couscentous concerning the necessity of
executing the laws Of the United States in pro-
tectiny the public domain. Conscious of his
duty to do the one, and his power to effect the
other, he is condescending enough to admonisi
those Interested, Of the danger, and presents to
us the alternative of taking steps to avoid his
indignation, or bear the responsibility which the
discharge of his duty may incur
Sir, we have fallen on evil times. One Presi-
dent of this Republic may nterpose over and
against the Constitution, and, by the interven-
ton of the military power, aid number of adj
venturers to seize upon the whole Pacific coast
of our domain; make constitution excluding
the inhabitants of fifteen States from the use or
occupation of the country with their property
appropriate to the emigrant population, foreign
and native, the boundless mineral wealth of
California, with borders extensive enough for
six or seven States of ordinary size; and leave
the rest of the territory to undergo the same
process Of military manipulation previous to the
sumes the right to determine boundaries of
States, settle questions reserved for the courts,
and to march armies into the territory whose
limits he has determined, and drive out the au-
thorities of the State which has the tcmerity to
assert and maintain her claim. 1t has even be-
come matter of grave moment to all con-
rcrned, should they dare to differ with or dissent
from the opinions of the President as to his
powers or the policy Of his measures. Espe-
cally is it deemed contumacious to refuse sup
port to measures Of compromise or adjustment,
which differ chiefly from the plan of the Presi-
dent in this-that they combine the several Of
tensivc measures in one dose, which he pro-
posed to administer at intervals.
Southern members of Congress are called on
to aid in the work. If they do so, no man can
deny that the result is abolition, and that they
would be doing the work ofAbolitonists. lfcon-
currence and aid is refused, every such indivi-
dual is sub jeccd to the charge being disunion
ist This has been paraded before the country
for effect, with considerable flourish, and much
show of concern, by those who, sensible that
their own position was one which could not bear
the scrutiny of their constituents, have adopted
the old device of railing at others in order to
divert attention from themselves When North
ern men, who get the principal profit from the
labor of the plantation States, make such accusa-
a. I tb s,,et Oh