The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-05-06
law which summons them to the formation Of
constitution.

law which summons them 10 the formation Of
constitution.
From Appsadir to Congressional Globe.
Mr.. BRows said:
Before Diminishing the subject, allow me, Mr..
Chairman, 10 congratulate the gentleman from
Virginia, (Mr. PREsroN) and, through him, his
political associates here and elsewhere that he and
they at last 30 near on the "Cass platform"
II the gentleman will move very little TO the
right, he will find himself in exact juxtaposition
with the late Democratic candidate for the Presi-
dency, this question; that is, asserting that the
people Of the Territories, under the general mita
tons and restrictions Of the Federal Constitution,
may rghfully settle the slavery question for them
selves. The gentleman at the last session of Con-
gress, and throughout the canvass for President,
was understood TO oppose this doctrine.
Mr.. PRESTON nterposed He had been misun-
derstood by the gentleman from Mississippi. Last
year, and always and every where, he had advo-
Gated the doctrine and made the distinction which
he had attempted to make day before yesterday.
The distinction he drew was, between the terrific
rial rights of people, contemplated as the people
Of territory, and the sovereign rights OF people
after they have been created State government.
Mr.. BRowN. l 80 understood the gentleman,
and have given him due credit for his Ingenuity.
But the distinction seems to me, when applied to
the case in hand, thing rather OF form than sub
stance Here is conquered people, possessing as
yet no political rights under our laws and Consti-
tuition, because not yet admitted to the rights of
ctlZen6hlD; and what ID WORSE possessing no prac-
tical knowledge of the workings of our system of
government, and knowing nothing of our insttu-
tons. The substantial question is, shall such a
people give laws to our Territories, and shape and
mould their institutions for the present. and posi-
bly, for all after timer 1t is matter of form whe-
Their they shall proceed to do this at once, under the
general limitations and restrictions of the Consti
tuition, or whether you shall hoist them into the
Union as State with the avowed. purpose, OBJ
ject, and aim of giving them the power to do the
same thing. Is there member of this House who
would have taken upon himself to lead into the
Union State of such huge dimensions as that pro-
posed by my friend from Virginia-embracing,
Il does all Of New Mexico and California-but that
il seemed to present feasible of getting clear
of this most dangerous and perplexing question:
Hitherto it has been usual to introduce States
with fixed metes and bounds--to know something
of the people who were to govern them-to know
at least that they were or intended TO become cti
zens of the United States-to have reasonable
surance that they understood something OF our
laws and appreciated our institutions. But here is
proposition to admit State, extending from near
the thirty second to the degree of north
latitude-almost six hundred miles on air line,
bounded on the one side by the Pacific ocean, and
having no fixed limits on the other And this vast
country sparsely settled, with foreign population
knowing nothing of our laws, distrusting from edu
cation the soundness of our political theories, and
dsliking people from habit, is to be hosted, in
all its huge proportions and with this strange popu
lation, into Union upon terms of equality with
the original States-and for what endl Disguise it
as you will, it is that these people may have the
power to exclude slavery from the Territories now
and forever. Have they gone through any terri
toral probation? Is there any evidence that these
people, strangers they are, desire admission into
the Union, that they will now consent to come in,
if you invite them? must we bring them in nolens
uolens? The gentleman's bill gives to every white
male inhabitantover the age oftwenty years the
right to vote, whether Spaniard, Mexican, Swede,
Turk, or what not? So he be but white male
inhabtant of the Territory, and twenty -one years
old, he is to vote, it matters not what may have
drawn him there, or what his future intentions
may be- If he be but inhabitant, and white, and
twentyone years old, he is to vote in the formation
of constitution, by which your rights and mine,
Mr.. Chairman, and those OF our constituents, are
to be controlled through all after time. And this
is the proposition of the gentleman who found such
mighty fault with General Cass for saying the
people of the Territories, under the restrictions and
limitations of the Federal Constitution, could do
this same thing. submit to my honorable friend,
whether ii would not be respectful, to say the least
these people, before they pass final judgment upon
our rights, TO make an intimation in some form
that they intend to become citizens as well in
habitants of the United States
But, says the gentleman, there are some one hun
dred thousand to two hundred thousand American
emigrants in that country. 1t must be lively inn
agination that could multiply the few thousand gold
hunters who have gone to California to such vast
numbers. There may be some ten or twenty thou
sand Americans there-certanly not more than
thirty thousand-mere Adventures, who will stay
in the country if they find it profitable to dig or
pick up gold. The emigrants whose rights are to
be affected by this proceeding-the cotton, sugar,
and tobacco grower-have not yet started on their
tourney, and yet you proposing to force the
Territory into the Union State. settle its inst
buttons, and forever exclude this better class of
emigrants.
These are some of my reflections, Mr. Chairman,
hastily thrown out in discussion which did not
intend at this time to participate in. do not say
that shall vote against the proposition Of the gen
rfpfa II no hat Iaha yQta
for it, cannot part with the subject at this mo-
ment, however, without saying 70 my honorable
friend If it was wrong in General CAss to say the
people of the Territories, under the general limita
tons and restrictions of the Federal Constitution,
might exclude slavery, it must be equally wrong in
him to give these same people Fictitious political
character, TO the end that they may thereby accom-
plish the same thing. The people, in the judgment
Of the gentleman, had not this power last summer:
and what are they now that they were not then?
They are the same people, with the same feelings,
passions, and prejudices; with the same political
powers-no more less. | may appeal 30 my
honorable friend If II quite just in him to hunt
down General CAss for his opinions, and then, in
effect, TO put forth the same opinions himself.