The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-22
both branches of Congress. consequently the power

| both branches of Congress consequently the power
to exclude any or all of them They were all ad-
mitted, slaveholding they were, with Just such
constitutions they had chosen TO adopt for them
selves. Is this part of that aggressive course
on the slavery question which the North has "con-
Again OF the territory embraced within the
seventeen States thus admitted, the free States
prise $780, ,259 square miles; and the slave States
100, 1916 square miles Thus we see that the extent
of slave territory admitted into the Union since the
adoption of the Constitution is considerably more
than twice as great as that of the free territory
Does this look like disposition on the part OF the
free States to pursue course of constant aggrcs
sion towards the South on the subject OF slavery!
Again The annexation of Texas was pecu
larly southern measure The necessity OF its ac
QUESTION was distinctly placed by Mr. CALHouN-
himself the embodiment Of ultra southern princi
Piles, and the master-sprit Of the then admnstra-
tion-uPon the wants OF slavery. To the North the
measure was distasteful The North never desired,
for its own sake. the acquisition OF Texas; never
theless, the South earnestly desiring it, and MIR
CALHouS's great influence being brought to bear
in its favor, for the reason chiefly, just given the
North generously acquesced in the measure though
possessed of ample power to defeat it, Texas was
acquired, and, at the cost Of sanguinary and ex-
pensive war, we took into the Union, at one swoop
amount of slave territory equal in extent to the
entire original thirteen States. All this the non
slaveholding States might have prevented, but did
not Is this northern aggression upon the rights
Of the South on the slavery question: ls this one
is to justify gentlemen of the South in dssolving
the Union?
The power of Congress to abolish the slave trade
and slavery at the arsenals forts, and navy yards
and in this District, will hardly be questioned by
any of our southern friends And yet neither the
one the other has been abolished to this day in
any OF those places Even slvave dealers drive
their occupation in this District at pleasure Gould
not the North had she chosen 30 to do, have put an
to slavery and the slave trade in all these places
long ere thisi She has forborne to do Is that
| forbearance any part Of the "aggression" upon
| slavery which now justifes rebellion against the
| Union1
Now, sir, let us consider those minor charges so
pertnaciously urged against the free States, that
| make up the snn total Of those 'aggressons'
which justify these gentlemen in dssolvng the
Union. What these charges? Whv, il is
charged, first, that among the people Of the free
adverse to slavery This statement, charge, if
1t be one, cannot deny. But am at loss To
| ceive how that can be regarded an aggression"
upon the South. justification for the act Of over
| throwing this Government is il required Of the
free States that they, in aggregate, shall keep
supervision over the views and opinions Of their in
dividual citizens on POLITICAL moral, any other
| subects5 Is not this country Of freedom OF opn-
| ion! And do not our southern friends, even, re-
cognise the principle that terror of opinion may
be safely tolerated where is left free to
combat it," But are the people of the free States
peculiar in their views on this subject Docs not
| the aggression" come also from another quarter,
and with ten-fold force! How is the feeling in Ken
| lucky, where, at a recent election, more than ten
| thousand votes (as am informed) were cast in
favor of complete emancipation How is It in other
northern slave States where Van Buren,, even. at
the last Presidential election, found warm support
ers, and not few votes? Now, gentlemen Of the
South, you cannot prevent these things-this feel
ing, or sentiment, whatever else you may call
| it-even among the people of your own slavehold-
| ing States; can you? Are you not asking too much,
then, when you require US of the North and West
| to suppress 1t among our people! We could not do
SO, II we would And, we had the power, our re-
fusal to exercise il would by means tend to jus
tify the destruction of this republic.
Again: IL is made accusation against the free
States, that their ministers of the Gospel make sla
very subject of pulpit disquisition, thus ncrcas
ing the hostility already existing against that in
stitution. To some extent this may be the fact,
Mr.. Chairman, though confess that, far my
own knowledge extends, such instances are ex-
ceedingly rare. But what then? Can We prevent
that? Ought we to try? Why, ON this point we
have the authority of the gentleman from Mssis-
sipPi (Mr BsowS) himself, in favor of the prac-
tice. You win recoect, sir, that after treating us
70 an argument Of considerable length designed TO
show that the moral and religious condition of the
negro is improved by his being held in bondage
"a great moral, social, political, and religious
blessing-a blessing to the slave, and blessing
TO the MASTER" he drops the subject by saying
II Is no part OF my purpose to discuss this propo
sition The subject, in this view Of it, belongs
rather TO the pulpit than TO the halls of legisa
ton" Surely, sir, he will complain no
| more of sermons on the subject Of slavery; and
when he comes to draft the "declaration" for the
| 'southern confederacy"-U trust that has not al
\ ready been done)-he will certainly not include
this as one OF the "causcs which impel to the
separation"
But again II is charged also against the free
States, that we tolerate anti slavery societies Yes
sir, we tolerate antslavery societies, native Amer
ican societies, temperance societies. moral reform
societies, missionary societies, sewing societies,
and possibly-though am not certain-other soce-
ties. Indeed sir we tolerant towards all sorts
OF societies. We are so, because, first, we have
right TO be intoeran in reference TO such matters;
and, secondly, because there is necessity for
meddling with them. We must hunt for 9th ,r
causes than this, sir to justify dissolution Of this
/ Union.
Another charge against us is that we permit
men TO perambuate the country, lecturing on abo-
| htionism; thus increasing the prejudice already
existing against the institution OF slavery There
arc such men, no doubt My mind recurs 20 one
| Just now-one who, in that way, has probably ex-
| ercised more influence in the North than ali the
other ant-savery lecturers put together. This
man Is Cassus NJ. Clay, citizen of the savehold-
/ ing State OF Kentucky. When our southern friends
will agree 20 seal his mouth that subject or con
hne his efforts to abolish slavery to the southern
States where he belongs IL will be time enough for
US OF the North TO set about devising some mode
OF confning itincrant lecturers presc ribng sub
jects for the exercise of their eloquence. might
| mention other lecturers of the same sort for whom
the North is indebted TO the slave States But IL is
| unnecessary.
1t is also made a matter of accusation against the
free States, that anti ti-savery presses kept up
there, and that the papers supplied by them are
circulated throughout the northern States and even
iato the southern; and this is of the principal
causes which render it necessary TO establish n
| ''southcrn confederacy," which shall embrace iust
exactly the fifteen slaveholding States and no more
| We cannot deny, Dir. Chairman, that such papers
do circulate quite extensively i'm some portions Of
the free States, and some of them, probably. may
be found even south of Mason and Dxon's line.
| have paper Of that character on my desk now.
Here II is, SIR Holding IL up II is fair looking
paper, Mr.. Chairman; and observe that its articles
are written with great power. But, assure you,
sir, 1t Is earfuy severe slavery. And IL circu.
laes extensively in the North, too; the number not
being less, am told, than fourteen thousand week
ly, besides some thousands which find their ray into
the slaveholding States. Now, can imagine that
you suppose this paper to be published in Vermont
i You are mistaken, sir. IL is not published there
nor In Massachusetts, nor even north OF Mason
and Dxon's line. II is published on slave terrific
ry, SIR; right here in sight OF this CAPITOL and al
must within sound Of my voice Right here, sir,
upon the very spot from which the gentleman from
North Carolina, (Mr. CLISoMAS,) is not going TO
be driven, because il is has "siare tsriiory." Yes,
gentlemen OF the South, from your own midst;
from the very doors of your houses, surrounded by
your slave population, do you send forth anti
in n1sor