The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-09-13

L
who have lately been arrayed in hostility
against each other. We trust that neither will
regard any one of the measures in the import
ant series of bills as triumph. There can be
no such feeling amongst free and patriotic citi-
zens Of common country. We satisfied
that upon reflection there will be found no diff
ference of sectional interest which may not be
reconciled-none which will not be found re-
cprocally 10 promote each other. The jealousy
between the North and South is mere phan-
tom-the disturbed vision Of the late conflict
| The North may have contended for free ter
| ritory, under the impression thar, TO some
| extent, it would promote the power and
interest Of. the North. We are satisfied that
| the interest of the North will be greatly
promoted by restoring national confidence and
| reinstatng the domestic and social relations
which once existed. The South must be sat
| sfied that the manufacturing and shipping in
terests of the North have reduced the price Of
| those articles of manufacture for which we
once resorted 10 the looms and anvils of the old
world. Our interests will be best promoted by
| harmony
But in the same spirit Of impartial admoni-
| ton we may assure the most sincere amongst
the Northern Abolitonists, that the course Of
| agitation in which they have become impli-
| Gated can never attain the object which they
| propose. We assume that the class which we
address are persons not connected with the
tive concerns of the country, but persons whose
position and pursuits induce them to desire
great result without examining the practical
measures proposed for achieving it. The class
which we address think that abolition is to be
obtained by agitation they think that if they
persevere, like Wilberiorce, Clarkson, and the
phianthropiss who liberated the slaves in the
British West India islands, the same results
must follow in the United States of America.
Unhappy delusion
There is no analogy between the circum-
stances under which slavery was abolished in the
| British possessions and those which exist in the
| United States There is difference in the insti-
tuition of the two countries. There isa difference
| in the relative interests of the STAKEHOLDER and
| non-slavehoder. There is still greater diff
| ference in the character Of the people. The
| emancipationsts of England limited their first
efforts TO the abolition of the slave trade. That
was trade sustained by a commercial interest
| alone and that commercial interest," under the
| former system of representation, scarcely rep
| resented in Parliament at all. The point Of
| assault was the inhumanity of the traffic !;
| the eloquent pictures drawn by the advocates of
| its abolition operated upon the sympathies
| of the public, and the infamous commerce was
| suppressed. The victory here was comparative
| ly easy; it was gained by public sympathy,
aided by powerful parliamentary preponderance
| against mercenary interest, unsustained by adj
equate representation. The next step after long
interval was the purchase and emancipation of
| the slaves in the British West India islands
| This may seem 10 present some resemblance to
the purposes of the American AbolitiOnsts, but
| the resemblance will not justify any anicipa-
| ton that the same result will follow The
| British West India islands had no representation
in Parliament. Absenteeism and the large pre-
ponderance Of slave population rendered their
opposition TO the measure impotent. They sub
United, received an inadequate compensation of
| go, 600. 900. and the industrial interests of
| the islands were ruined. The assertion of the
same principle that emancipated the slaves Of
| the British West Indies cost Great Britain her
colonies of North America. The legislation
| without representation was resisted by Boston
4 whilst it was submitted TO by Kingston; now,
this principle Of Legislation cannot be resorted
TO in the United States of America
II the Aboltionists Of the North rely upon
| IL. bor
in England, they will be fatally mistaken In
our country there is constitutional recognition
of the institution Of slavery. Fortunately there
are few political Jesuits who consider them
selves exempted from the obligations of law
that they have deliberately sworn TO obey. by
the higher obligations Of another law TO which
they have mentally vowed an obedience In
our country there is political representation of
the slave and Of the slave owner, which has
no counterpart in the English constitution.
| There is, besides, an intertexture of interests
! and relations which no fanaticsm can sever.
| More than all. there is an American spirit
| which will never surrender what il calls prop
| erty, or submit without resistance 10 measures
calculated to impair its value OF imperil its
safety There is another vital point Of difference
Grea Britain had the parliamentary power to
Cypress a feeble and unrepresented interest;
she had army and navy TO enforce the de-
cree Of her Legislature; butthearmy Of the Union
is the mass Of the people, and that army will
march upon no crusade against the peace and
property of its fellow-citzens Let not, then,
even the sincere enthusiast suppose that agita
ton will secure abolition. nor let him suppose
that the late compromise proves the strength Of
the Federal Governmental proves the patriot
ism Of the people. There is no power suffi-
GENTLY strong TO enforce law Of emancipation
in the Union.
We must be allowed to caution our friends
against the unhallowed designs Of those who
agitato abolition for political effect. Those de.
signs are, we hesitate not to say, based in bad
faith--they cannot have the sanction Of the
American people. But the honest and saga
cious masses Of the North appreciate properly
the results Of this agitation. They perceive
| IL -, have ho.u orr,nJ,,oI ho,,.-oo.