The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-03


things as these: il is not my habit thus to tres
pass on the Senate Proud in the consciousness
Of my own rectitude, secure IN the approval of
my own constituents, allow the press surrounds
us to pour in their artillery without fearing harm
from their fire. | have allowed defunct politi-
clans, resurrected for the purpose, to throw in
their blows too. have allowed speeches TO go
out, one after another, which have placed us in
an attitude which does not belong to me, and
have looked upon it with the indifference which
belongs to the assurance that am right and the
security with which the approval Of my consttu-
ents invests me. am not prepared TO consider
the position of United States Senator so low
that he must stand at the mercy of every petty
newspaper degraded letter-writer. cannot
estimate the intelligence of my countrymen so
cheaply as to believe am to be judged by either
the praise or condemnation Of hired scribbers.
trust my life, which except when in the service of
my country, has been spent in the State partly
represent, gives me character not thus to be de-
stroyed. have hoped for, not feared the COM
ing of the judgment Of my constituents, though,
from the very inception of this measure down to
the present hour, the country has been flooded
with missiles representing all who favor this par
ticular bill as in favor Of the Union, and every
Southerner who opposes it as opposing it for
purposes Of disunon Now, sir, when respect
able man shall ever make that charge against
me, / will answer him. When any respectable
man shall ever accuse me of being a disunionist,
| will answer him in monosyllables.
At present have no wish to enter into an ar
gument to prove that false, which | hope no gen.
tleman will charge, and which my whole life ut
terly condemns. If have a superstition, sir,
which governs my mind and holds it captive, it
is superstitious reverence for the Union If one
can inherit sentiment, may be said to have in
herited this from my revolutionary father. And
if education can develop sentiment in the heart
and mind of man, surely mine has been such as
nfut ch,,nap for
Union. But, sir, have an allegiance to the State
which represent here. l have an allegiance to
those who have intrusted their interests to me,
which every consideration Of faith and of duty,
which every feeling of honor tells me is above all
other political considerations. trust shall new
er find my allegiance there and here in conflict.
God forbid that the day should ever come when
to be true to my constituents is to be hostile to
the Union. If, sir, we have reached that hour in
the progress of our institutions, 1t is pas the age
to which the Union should have lived. If we
have got to the point where it is treason to the
United States to protect the rights and interests OF
of our constituents, | ask why should they Ion
ger be represented here' Why longer remain
part Of the Union' If there is a dominant party
in this Union which can deny to us equality, and
the rights we derive through the Constitution
if We are no longer the freemen our fathers left
us if we are to be crushed by the power of aa
unrestrained majority, this is not the Union for
,
is not the Union | was taught from my cradle to
revere this Is not the Union in the service Of
which large portion OF my life has been passed |;
this is not the Union for which fathers pledged
their property their lives and their sacred honor.
No, sir, this would be a central government,
raised on the destruction Of all the principles of
the Constitution, and the first, the highest obi
cation of every man who has sworn to support
that Constitution would be resistance to its usur-
patton. This is my position
My colleague has truly represented the people Of
Mississippi as ardently attached to the Union.
think he has not gone beyond the truth when he
has placed Mississippi one of the first if not the
first Of the States of the Union in attachment
to 1t. But, sir, even that deep attachment and
habltual reverence for the Union, common to us
all-even that it may become necessary to try by
the touchsone of reason 1t is not impossible that
they should unfurl the flag Of dsunion. 1t is not
impossible that violations of the Constitution and
of their rights should drive them to that dread ex
tremity. feel well assured that they will never
reach it until it has been twice and three times
justified. If, when thus fully warranted, they
want standard-bearer, | am at their command
This is part Of my doctrine OF allegiance to the
people of Mississippi, and with this feeling my
colleague will not be surprised to learn that | re-
GREETED to hear him suppose case, contemplate a
contingency, in which he would sco,n to represent
the people of Mississippi.
Mr.. FOOTE. My colleague will allow me to
say that am in favor, if possible, of an equita-
BILE and honorable adjustment of all these ques-
tons and under the existing circumstances Of the
hour, embrace the opportunity ofadjusting them
on honorable and fair terms. If a proposal to dis
solve the Union should be made, for one could
not sanction and sustain it; and if the State of
Mississippi should, under present circumstances,
assume such position-which believe to be i'm
possible whoever might hold the banner would
not fight under it. Although say this, would not
fight against my own State under any crcumstan-
ces whatever. | have repeatedly said here, and say
again, that in Of any intolerable oppression,
placing myselfon the old Jackson ground, | would
be as warm and active, and as ardent as my col
league in defence Of the rights of my State; but it
would be only in case Of ,ntoIerabie oppression
hat could think of resorting to a dissolutisn of
he Union, and | do not think that any such case
now exists.
Mr.. DAVIS, Of Mississippi. will not say
what my opinion may be when the bill is brought
o its final stage. | have heretofore declined to
iscuss the main merits of the bill on a mere
question of amendment, and | will not do so now.
do not concur in opinion with my colleague. !
10 not consider 1t to be an adjustment, any
hing approaching it. consider that nothing is
by this bill which serve to ad just the
machine ofour Governments; 1t will be only pressed
further i'll the direction to which it was previously
eaning. The tendency is all one way; the ad-
ustment would require policy the reverse OF
MS Dill, WHICH 10 Iurtner uepreS-
sion of the weaker side, the South, and to the
elevation of that which is already too high, the
North That is my view of it. But, sir, | have
no purpose now or at any other time to announce
upon what am ready to go to the ultimate resort
If disunion. | have not spoken of dsunion to
The Senate. No, sir; and whilst | hold a seat
here, | shall make no such proposition. | shall
never call Mississippi to secede from the
Union, but will remember that | am her represen-
tative on the floor Of the Senate, and | shall ever
leave it to her to Judge how long she may require
my services here; and when she may need them
in different field
Mr. FOOTE. Will the Senator permit me for
q moment?
Mr.. DAVIS. Certainly.
Mr.. FoOTE. have not said that my colleague
disunion at all. The leading demo-
cratic paper in our State, printed in my own
county-of the editors of which | will not speak
or unkindly, however unkndly
may have been treated by them-has recently pub
lished editorial articles, which have been re-pub-
ished in the Charleston Mercury and our South
ern papers Of n certain ultra stamp, with glowing
ommcndation-which articles, in my Judgment,
contain most decided disunion sentiments.
have deeply regretted to see this, and can only
attribute such extraordinary indiscrciton to
strange and most profound delusion in regard to
I'll truc c,nJ;t,,, ol,,;rg bcre nj no prosont