The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-03-29

itself bound by the decisions of the Supreme Cou
Of the United States in cases arising between II and IN
government OF the United States. Il would be strange
indeed, il i could be bound by decision in cas-
to waioh Il was no party, and could be no party
And YET. when the Spanish Minister demanded sal
slacton for this violation of the rights OF his government
according 10 our own Interpretation OF the laws o
nations, he was answered by reference to the decis
ion Of the Supreme Cour-as if our court could be th,
other nations OF the earth, all OF whom were to be bount
by its decisions Well did the Spanish Minister say, !
such was our opinion OF the powers Of that court
the President and Senate But Mr. President there ID
one paragraph in the letter OF M. dAraiz 10 our Sec
reary Of State which did not fail e impress me, q
says that minister in his letter OF September "a, ls4l
"the horrible conseauences which may result as well IN
the island q Gubs and P9rto Rico as IN the southern
and there will be no want OF persons to inform them
that numbering, killing, and flying from lawful cap
tvity whenever they may be in transportation from
part of the islands to another and coming to the United
States the delivery Of them on account OF their having
murdered, killed. or fled. cannot be demanded as right
The undersigned leaves to the characteristic penetration
Of the Secretary Of State the task Of imagining the
ous incacuablc evils which may be occasioned by re-
alizng this supposon." The " characteristic pene-
tation" Of the Secretary Of State quite adequate
imagining the evils to arise from this example but
what could he do after he had imagined them He knew,
like Lord Ashburton, that this subject public opinion
was sensitive at home; and he did even less than his
ordshp, for he did not offer the Spanish government the
benefit of his exhoratons to the domestic authorities
do better hereafter. He probably knew that il would be
useless But succeeding Secretary OF State Mr. Bu
chanan) did recommend the satisfaction OF this claim
made by the Spanish governments Why is It that this
recommendation has always faed' Why, s it, except
that it is precedent which will forever debar us from
claiming the protection OF this government and its de-
mand for satisfaction in such the Creole This
is the which does and will estop us from any such
demand until the just demands OF Spain are satisfied
Mr.. President, are not all these circumstances well
calculated to alarm the southern mind and convince
that the protection to which the slave States are entitled
ho
home abroad Nay, sir does not this review OF our
past history justify the apprehension that this government
may yet become the Ct sesous and dangerous
in its moral or pecuniary relations, which exists IN the
SOUTH Suppose that this government should ever be
committed. fully and unequvocaly to the proposition
that there can be no property in slaves how long after
wards before the institution is abolished In the States
II this government regards the slaves not as property,
but persons, how long before will recognise their
right in those States where they constitute the majority
to form the government, and claim protection for the
government thus formed under the preence OF the guar
antics OF the constitution How long, sir, the slaves
are to be thus regarded, and instruction should be
provoked before they will be liberated under the war
power, persons likely to be dangerous ii held in
bondage! A doctrine of this sort has been already
broached in the other House, and by whose opinions
were certainly not without weight.
When review, Mr.. President the history of the war
which had been waged upon the institutions and the direct
and indirect aid which il has received through the State
and federal governments when perceive, too, that
in the progress Of this has grown in bitterness and
has been losing friends not the retrospect calculated TO
fill our minds with apprehension and anxiety! In this
state Of things, behooves us to look to our deences
under the constitution do not mean mere parchment
securities but that power in the government which its
trainers well knew indispensable for the protection
Of rights Here too, the prospect before US s gloomy
and alarming The equilibrium which has subssted Tor
long between the free and slave States s In fact now
destroyed The North already possesses an overwhelm
ng influence in the House OF Representatives and the
Electoral College. Here. too their power is soon to be
predominant Exclusively OF the territory acquired from
Mexico computed by the senator from illinois that
there must be least twelve free States added to
the confederacy In this point Of view it becomes all
important TO US TO claim, we possess IT. the right to
settle and coonize the vacant territory OF the United
States OF all the political boons which could be offered
TO the South the valuable and important would be
that OF bringing slave States into this confed
eracy, enough preserve the old balance in this body
il that cannet be, to approach that object as nearly as
possible
To refuse, them the southern States equal right with
the northern TO raise up kindred and sympahzing CON-
munites is TO deny them the right OF preserving their
relative weight in the conederacy and OF acquiring pow
er like the other Staies not only by growth but by colo
nzaon II this be constitutional right to deny il to
is grevous wrong under the circumstances as u
you were to take away portion oil the votes already
given us by the charter OF union. Both would violate
the constitution both would reach the same end by
means but little different mean u that OF placing ihe
right TO preserve our political weight in the coniedeacy,
by taking equal chance to settle the vacant lands OF
The Union arc we not bound 6y every "a 1bs q
rghti Il would require but little effort Of imagination
the part OF northern brethren to look to facts as they
are and then TO put themselves in our places Would any
far-mnded man amongst them who had thus conceived
change of places deny the proprey and the necessity of
our using all the know to the constitution and with
in our power 10 maintain this ght And yet we are told
that we are to be excluded that the institution OF slavery
is so odous and accursed that no consideration can
Justify its further extension Thus OF the most vital
rights IL it be not the right OF life ITSELF which at least
believe ourselves possess under the constitution,
denied to us and are called upon TO behold in pa
tience and in peace this accumulation of power,
which al least 1y be used in the further prosecution OF
the war against slavery know that this right is said not
TO have been given by the constitution, but its
istence has been demonstrated, as believe, and think
may again be proved by line of argument which has
not vet been taken There two views OF the nature
OF this government according to one It is the trustee
according to the other il represents the sovereignty OF
great American people According to- either supposition
the right which claim be demonstrated, as think
10 exist Upon the first supposon there can scarcely be
doubt The government holds the territory the trus-
tee of the States This territory is their property
in which the equal right Of all the States to IFS and
enjoyment has been fully demonstrated. and, indeed
would scarcely be denied upon this theory OF the struc
ture of government The greatest and value OF
this territory 10 the States States consists in the capa
city which affords them by settlement to increase their
which may give for the expansion OF their mixed popu
laon, OF both races, when their present limits become
too small for comfort or profit
This privilege OF increasing weight in the confed.
eracy is to OF the highest possible political Importance
AT the rate at which have acquired territory and
with the probability OF future acquisitions, il becomes
object OF the last necessity to the South to maintain its