The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-05-29


WAsHmGros, May 30, 1880.
Sra have the honor 10 acknowledge the receipt OF
your communication OF the i4th instant, requesting that
touching the expsdency Of adopting or rejecting the plan
of compromise under consideration in the Senate"
Although cannot believe that any such value as that
indicated by you attaches TO the expression OF opinons
entertained by myself upon the subject mentioned,
nevertheless regard duty incumbent upon every
citizen who desires the harmony and perpetuiy Of this
ence in the society in which he lives, make known,
when called upon, the opinions be may have formed,
and the interest he feels touching questions upon which
the results OF the deliberations OF the constituted author
tiles may be supposed TO affect materially great
object II u.s. however due myself to state that an alb
sence OF nearly 1--WE years from the country, and
almost continued indsposition since my return, two
months snce,) have deprived Of the aid which the
luminous public discussions, and Developments of public
opinion and feeling in different quarters OF the Unioa,
may have afforded TO Others differently crcumsanced.
Nor have i as yet had an opportunity OF examining in
detail the terms OF the different bills comprising the plan
reported by Mr. Clay, chairman Of the Committee Of
Thirteen. My opinions, therefore, such formed
from view OF the exterior OF those and from
meditation upon the essential principles they under
stood to embrace.
With such lights, have no hesitation in saying that.
were member Of either branch Of Congress al the
present uncture, should vote for and zealousy sup
port the plan Of compromise reported by Mr. Clay. !,
conceive that the omission, the part Of the federal
4 territorial government, while L affords melancholy
political institutions furnishes an abundant justification
OF the adopted by the people OF that Territory for
providing themselves with the governmental protection
growing Out 81 suck nscsssy being COMPLETE
and republican in its character. ought to be recognised
by the government Of the Union by an act admitting the
people to the enjoyment OF the advantages and privileges
Of member Of that Union i conceive that Congress
has the power the Of admission, judging from the
evidence before it. OF whatever character satisfactory TO
ITSELF to apporon, or admit to their seats the number
OF Representatives deemed proper for the State admitted
until the next regular act OF apportionment.
The exclusion Of African slavery BY the people Of Cal
fomia from the labor system OF their State constitutes
no objection with to her admission into the Union
II doubtless their conviction, that such exclusion
would be conducive 70 the interests and prosperity Of the
millions of laboring people who TO cultivate her
fields work her mines and carry on her commerce and
navigation Oyer such question the people Of the Ter
os when a framing hang
wrong for the federal government TO restrict such u-
rsdcon, and wrong for any State party oppose her
take it for granted that the bill Of the committee suf
cienty guards the proprietary interests Of the federal
government in the public domain.
The necessity for the establishment of civil govern
men in the Territories OF Utah and New Mexico quite
as urgent that for the admission Of California To
refuse TO give the protection Of such government
circumstances existing in those Territories and in view
Of treaty obligations, would be tantamount to
fession that the federal government pro tGRt0 fail
lrethat the power q faction has become greater than
cessary to perform its functions, and is therefore
worthy the respect and veneraton cherished for BY the
peoples else. to vulgar simile that il has taken
the studs, and obstinaey refuses to with the
load assigned TO 1t.
The plan Of the committee as understand in refer
ence the subject OF African slavery these Territories
prohibits any action whatever ~ he territorial legsla
tures leaving the Mexican law, affected by federal
QUESTION. to be expounded udiciay, should any
arise involving the question. am OF opinion that,
der present circumstances such disposition OF the ques
tion regard these Territories, ought not be OBJ
jected TO by persons OF moderation L is no sacrifice OF
ll>x<~~ k.. kx,
the constitution and laws, expounded by the Judicial
tribunals Of the Union and upon the OF practical
importance to the s!aveholdng interests at the South
edge OF the country extends The Vast quantities Of fer
tile lands embraced by the present savehoding States,
within atitudes suitable to the production OF cotton.
sugar, tobacco, rice, &c. and convenient to navigable
streams railroads. and the border, afording IA
ces oil transportation 10 Market Indispensable to the
existence o. those Interests. are vastly more than sa
ton 1--WE fold greater than that owned al the South lin
tied, its increase is, to natural propagation only
But suppose, for arguments sake, that the federal
Judiciary should the Mexican law prohibiting
slavery in the form in which have il was not re-
peaed or affected materially by our acquisition OF
OF slavery otherwise than for debt or crme would be
unlawful within the limits of said Territories how
would the South then stand in relation to the question
Capital in slave property has thing in common with
capital in all other forms, namely il is confined 10 com
paratvely very small portion Of the aggregate OF the
community in which 4 is situated: doubt very much
proportion OF those owning slave property TO those who
do not, is high TO twenty; whilst 10 most OF
the States il is not high TO fifty. just il 10
in Massachusetts, Connecticut the proportion OF those
who hold capital invested in manufactures to those who
do not, is far less than 10 hundredso in the
savehodlng States, the proportion OF those who own
this species OF capital TO those who do not compaa
lively very small But to consider the vast,
whelnng portion Of southern population who are not
no part OF the South When southern statesmen de-
clare that the South n TO be degraded by this compro-
mise-that she to be excluded from the Territories
won by the common blood and treasure OF the country
do they 10 say that twenty OF every twenty
OF their constituents whose votes breathed political
breath into their aosts, who the to she'd their
blood and brave the fury OF the countys
are no part OF the South II they do not--and am
sure they do Dohen their assertion is untrue In point
Of TACT Even though the decision OF the federal Judicial
should be adverse 70 the legality Of slaveholdng in
lean law by act OF acquisition, still the way would
be open, and the right untouched 10 this vast proportion
OF their constituents to emgrae with all their property
10 the Territories; for the proportion OF those who do
not slave property 10 vastly greater than this
And ~ to those who do slaves. and should desire
TO transfer them there, all they would have 10 do would
be TO initiate the example Of the first emgants to Texas
whilst under Mexican dominion. who carried slaves
there under the psohbitory laws against slavery,
into something like the peon slaves Of Mexico. s
There other considerations Of great and decisive
weight pertaining 10 this branch OF the subject, which
certainly ought not TO be diwegarded, but which could
not develop in this communication without extending
/ to limits of inconvenient length. s.tw 80
II could not be otherwise than gratifying TO the people
OF Texas to secure settlement Of their boundary ques-