Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1850-04-20


| loss. Such action is prevented by law
even superior to that which admits and sane
tions it in Texas
| Three Traitors.
| Shall ! compare Mr. Webster with Thom-
as Wentworth, the great Earl of Stanford, a
man whose doubtful character and memor-
able end lave made him tho most conspicu-
ous character of reign so fertile in recollec-
tious'? He, like Webster, was a man OF
large powers, and once devoted them TO mo-
bic uses. Did Wentworth defend the Peti-
ton of right'? So did Webster, many times
defend the great cause of liberty. But il was
written of Strafiord, that in his sell-interest-
ed and ambitious mind patriotism was the
seed sown among thorns'! If we reflect
upon this mans cold-bloodcd apostacy OH
the first lure TO his ambition, aud on his
! splendid abilities, which enhanced the guilt
OF that doserlion, we must feel some indigna-
ton at those who have palliatcd all his inl-
quiics, aud embalued his memory with the
attributes of patriot heroisn. Great he sure
| ly was, since that epithct can never he de-
MED without paradox TO so much compre-
henson of mind, such ardor and energy, such
courage aud cloquencc, those commanding
qualities of soul, which impressed upon his
temporaries with mingled awe and hate.
But il nlay be reckoned u sufficient ground
for distrusiing any ones attachment to the
English Constitution, that he revcres the
name of Stuhord.' His measures for stiiling
liberty in England, which he aud his coteni-
porarics significantly called THOROUGH, in the
reign of Charles the LIST, were not more afro
cious than the measures which Daniel Web
stcr proposes himself, or proposes to support
to the fullest extent But Stratiord pad
the forleit-tasiing the sharp and bitter edge
of the remorseless axe. Let his awful shade
pass by. ! mourn at the parallel between
him and the mighty son of our own New
England. Would to God it were not thus!
For n sadder parallel, shall turn of from
the sour features of that great British polItl-
cian and find another man in our own fnlr
land. This name carries us back to the
times that tried mems SOULS when also there
were souls that could not stand the rack. IL
calls me back TO the famous year 'eO'-to
the little American army in the highlands of
New York-to the time when the torch OF
American liberty, which now sends its blaze
far up TO heaven, ut the same time lighting
the Northern lakes and the Mcxque Bay,
tinging with welcome radiance the Eastern
and the Western sea, was n feeble flame,
ilickering about thin and hungry wick, and
one hand was raised to quench in darkness,
aud put out forever, that feeble aud unccr-I
tain flame. Gentlemen, L hate 10 speak thus
| Iiutc TO couple his name with that other,
which few Americans care TO pronounce
But know 10 deed in American history,
done by son of New England, TO which l
can compare this, but the act of Benedict .b- |
mold!
Shame that should say this of any man (;
I..s
GRATIs-and am not responsible for what |
lie has made the TRUTH; certainly, meum IN
genium non monet, Recessiids oogit!
Iwould speak with all possible tenderness
of any man, of every man of such an one,
so llonored, and so able, with the respect
feel for superior powers. would often |
question my sense OF justice, before | dared |
to pronounce an adverse conclusion. But
the Wrong is palpable, tile Injustice is open |
ms tlIc day. ! must remember here are 90,
0O0,000, whose material welfare his counsel
defeats; whose honor his counsel stains (;
whose political, intellectual, moral growth
lac is using all his mighty powers TO hinder
and keep back.
a Question Of Morals.
II is great question before us concerning
the existence OF millions of men. TO many
ty riUdi,y; question OF an aud out, and
nothing more. To many men in cities, IT is
question Of commerce, like the establishment
Of bnnk, or the building of one railroad
more or less. But TO serious men, who love
man aud love their God, this is u question OF
morals, question of religion, TO be settled
with 40 regard 10 party riDah3j, none TO float
ing interests of to-day, but to be settled un-
der the awful eye of conscience, and by tie
just law of God.
Shall we shut up slavery or extend ii? Ii |
is for us TO answer. Will you deal with the
question now, or leave it TO your children,
when the evil is ten times greater? In l749, |
there was not n slave in Georgia; now,
2S0,000. In 1850, in all the United States,
but 100000; now, 3,OO0,OO0. In 1850, let |
Mr.. Webstcr's counsels be followed, there |
will be 30OOOO00. Thirty millions! viii |
il then be easier for your children to set
limits 10 this crime against human nature,
Ilan now for you? Our fathers made n |
political, and Il commercial, and moral er- |
ror-shall we repeat t9 They did wrong |
shall we extend and multiply the wrong. |
Was it an error in our iuthers-Iot barely q |
wrong; was il sin? No, not i'll tlIem--they |
knew it not. But what in them to establish |
was only an error, in us TO extend or TO ios- |
ter is n sin
Porpetuate Slavery, we cannot do it,
Nothing will save ii. 1t is girt about by |
ring of fire swllich daily grows narrower,
and sends terrible sparkles into tic very CEN
tire of the shameful thing Joint resolu- |
tons cannot save it; annexations cannot
save it--not if we re-annex all the West In
dies; delinquent representatives cannot save
il; uninsiIucted Senators, refusing iDstruc-
tions cannot save it-no, not with all their
logic, all their eloquence, which smites as an
earthquake smiles the sea. No, slavery can
not be saved--by no compromise, no nom
intervention, no Masons Bill in the Senate.
Ii cannot be saved in this age of the world
until You nullily every ordinance of nature,
until YOU repeal the will of God, and dissolve
,h N ,,n;o, lie hna n1ade. het\yeen righteous