The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-08-21

In q spsech full Of instruction, and evncing
much research, recently delivered in the SEN
ate Of the United States by Mr.. SMITH of Con-
necticut, after maintaining that it was not i'm
portant 70 the South to maintain in the Senate
that equilibrium which has been already lost
irIetrieyably in the House of Representatives
and in the electoral colleges, he proceeded to
argue the question whether it is NOT morally
certain that our recently acquired Territories
will be free, whatever Congress may do on the
subjectl His argument was as follows:
!. II is significant fact, that 90 far a. the only
region il concerned into which slavery could be in
troduced with advantage, the question has already
been settled against it. refer to 80 much of our
new possessions 10 included within the limits of
California be or be not admitted now, or whether
she be or be remanded to territorial condition,
there has been such development of public senti-
'nent there, as to render the exclusion OF the inst-
tuition inevitable.
The result in California is exactly what it would
be in ninety nine times out OF hundred, in case
Of the acquisition OF gold producing regions by the
United States Free labor, whether from the free
States slave States, is always more prompt and
energetic than slave labor. The former will ever
get into such countries first, and then will exclude
the latter. q fs-a tu 4t
The only effect of dividing Califor MIA by the par
allel of So degrees 80 minutes would be, to make
two free States the Pacific in place of one. The
idea of making free State below that parallel,
with the free State of California the north, with
the right of recapturing "fugitivcs from labor"
and with the free Mexican States of Lower Cali
fornia and Sonora on the south, without any such
right, will be found insory. The policy of the
States this side of the Rocky Mountains should be
to make as few States possible out of our
possessions; and shall not depart from that policy,
though feel perfectly assured that they will all be
free States
2. will next proceed to consider whether there
is any danger Of the introduction of slavery into
New Mexico and Deseret, or Utah, as it is called in
this bill Is it probable that either the one the
other will become the theatre of slave labor will
begin with New Mexico. And here observe that
the obstacles to the introduction of the institution
into that country /, legal; 2, social; and 3,
physical.
WILL in the first place, advert to the legal diff
Culties. And under this head remark
Il. That slavery had been abrogatcd in New
Mexico before the ccssion to the United States by
the late treaty. On this point refer to exposi
ton addressed to the Senate by the honorable SEN
ator from Missouri, (Mr. BENToN,) early in the
present session, which, in my judgment, Is full
and conclusive. The inhibition, no doubt, con-
tinues to this day, Of those municipal rcgu-
lations which remain in force notwithstanding the
conquest.
9. If the ordinances and laws of Mexico abro
eating slavery do not continue, yet it may be as
sumed that there IS ldio authorizing IL; and this
is just as serious obstacle TO its intrQduction as
positive law iorbidding it. Being against COM
mon right, no law for it is efficacious as ever SO
much law against it. Such are the principles OF
Jurisprudence throughout the civilized world
3 At any rate, the right to carry slaves into New
Mexico, and to hold them there, is in doubt; and
this will be serious barrier against its introduce
ton. know Of nothing sensitive of danger as
slave property, timorous, in face OF legal
doubt and difficulty. Who will think of taking
this species of property from under the guarantees
which the we'll considered and thoroughly matured
code of slaveholding State has thrown around it,
into the interior of this continent, when the owner
will have assurance that he can hold it for sim
gle hour? The certainty Of litigation, and the I'M
Certainty of the event. will be sufficient to deter
him.
In the next place, will speak of the social diff
culties in the way Of the introduction OF slavery
into New Mexico. And here observe
/. II is understood that public sentiment, with
out distinction of race or color, is utterly opposed
to It, The American, whether from the free States
slave States, the Spaniard of the full blood, and
the mixed Spaniard and Indian race, are all alike
opposed to negro bondage.
2. The prejudice of color does not exist in New
Mexico This prejudice is the principal bulwark
and safeguard of slavery. The negro laborer would
find himself on footing of equality with the white,
Indian, mixed laborcr--just respectable in
every regard; and how could he be held in bondage
under such circumstances?
3. Slave labor could not, it is believed, be advan
tagcously used in competition with the cheap peon
labor OF New Mexico. Peon labor is cheap in
wages, and cheaper in subsistence. The wages
are only four dollars per month, and subsistence
but twenty four pounds Of maize, or Indian corn,
per week. This is not even ground or converted
into meal, and the pcon tastes scarcely morsel
of meat from the beginning to the end of the year
IT, therefore, any Shareholder had occasion to TO
New Mexico, TO embark in agricultural or other
business, he would find it greatly TO his advantage
TO sell his slaves and to employ the native labor Of
that country.
4. The slave would be sure TO receive the counte-
nance and sympathy Of the people of New Mexico,
and Of the savnges who infcst the surrounding
mountains; and the facilities of escape into those
,,t,x he
would be great, and the encoura cement to
flee, and the projection after fleeing, certain,
to render such property valueless. Some time
since, three highly respectable gentlemen from
Santa Fe-Messrs William Curtis Skinner, James
l.. Collins, and Henry Connelly-visted this city,
and had a full and highly satisfactory converse
ton with them, touching the state of things in that
country, IN reference to the question which am
now considering. At my instance, they addressed
TO me a letter on the subject, dated May Is, from
which ] submit the following extract:
"Thc greatest danger, in our opinion, b the &C.
'curity of slaves in New Mexico, lies in the prox.
unity to the settlements Of the many tribes of In
dams, with whom they could at all times find re-
fuge securing to the fugitive every chance against
hls rccapture. Upon the western border of our
territory is the large and powerful tribe Of Nava-
Jocs-a nation living in towns and villages far
moved from civilized life, but with facilities of &C
cess which would present strong temptation to the
slave painting Tor freedom and rcleffrom oppres-
sion. The known sympathy of the Indian for
fugitive slave would secure him every protection
NJ their bands which he could desire. Experience
has shown, in the Seminole war, how infinitely
more dangerous, more sapage, is an escaped negro
than the worst OF an Indian tribe
"Ncw Mexico has within her borders n great
number OF pueblos' or towns settled exclusively
by civilized Indians; and the middle or lower
classes Of our Mexican population, entertaining
none OF the prcjudices against the color of the
gro, but every sympathy for his condition
bondman, would be found offering every facility
to his escape from servtudc. Again, the southern
poruon-and this ia the part, any, where slave
labor ever could be profitabe--of territory
borders upon that of the republic of Mexico:
narrow stream, fordable at almost every point
presenting no obstacle TO the escape Of slave 20
country where he would be free as in the land of
his forcfathcrs, and far more secure from recap
ture Mexican has no sympathy with slavery
the idea is full of repugnance to him, and his
every feeling would be enlisted to give the bond
man freedom
8. But TO make New Mexico a slave State, IL is
necessary that tomcthng should be done
than few shareholders removing there they
must go there in sufficient numbers TO change
public sentiment, and to Mt the polls the
repugnancc of the non slavebolding cmirrants