The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-05-08

required This forms but very small portion Oh
Sir Charles Hotham's evidence given before the
select committee, but those who are DESTROYS oil ac,
curing fuller information upon the subject would
do well To refer 10 the report iH eItenso
To attempt to offer even an epltone oil tne mass
of evidence which is before the public upon this
subject would be utterly beyond our means, but we
may be permitted 10 say, that the result OF such
evidence is that it is utterly impossible to represa
the slave trade by the means which are now adopted
for that purpose. IL is therefore manifest that the
withdrawal Of the squadron or its retention is nov
no longer question OF humanity, 1t has been made
a mere question of faction-a question upon which
the Russell ministry is 70 stand or fall
Ii must be regretted by the friends Of Lord Johr
Russell that he has been induced to adopt line O
conduct which, as precedent, we trust Will never
be repeated OF all things, men should be cautious
in admitting such innovations as that to which we
allude; it is event to-day, but to- morrow will
become precedent, and history will embalm II IN
its pages as rule Of conduct TO be followed by
future ministers
If Lord John Russell is aware that he is unsup
ported by the majority of the Commons, he ought
10 be aware that his position prime minister Is
no longer held by tenure which can be satisfac-
tory himself or useful 10 the country; II, on the
other hand, majority was not known to exist
against his lordshp, why did he adopt the unusual
mode of securing the ma orty of seventy eight IN
favor of the retention of the African squadron! We
think, if any thing were wanted 10 prove the ex-
traordinary state OF party in this country at the
present moment n Is TO be found in this little piece
is generally understood TO be sustained by ma
jority in Parliament; the Parliament is not to be
supposed as coerced by the opinion Of the Prime
Minister, but the Prime Minister is presumed, in
his person, TO be the exponent and representa-
ton of the majority II minister in this country
should ever succeed in coercing to his views, or
moulding To his ends and aims, the majority Of the
House of Commons by threats other menaces,
then there must be end of all constitutional gov
ernment, because II Is clear that majority which
10 coerced can no longer represent the opinion OF
the people, and the great and designed equilibrium
of the three estates will be no longer sustained
The minister ought to be the creation of the House
of Commons-his person is a mere accident to his
office, and if considered in the latter respect, he
has great and overwhelming personal influence; he
cannot constutionaily set II up against manifest
preponderance of the representatives OF the people.
The sic poo, SIC ubeo, can never be acclinatized In
constitution whose preponderant vitality lies In
the House of Commons The opinion Of the Prime
Minister must necessarily be always respectable,
yet in constitutional country il can never at
tain to the weight and Importance of law. II,
however, 1t is competent to a Prime Minister to
command the majority of the House OF Commons
by holding out TO them, IN terrorem, line of con-
duct which he knows will embarrass the policy OF
the country, there is an end to the weight and i'm
portance of Parliament, and an elemental disturb
ance in the composition OF the constitutional ma
chine; in short, the Parliament becomes deprived
of its legitimate influence, and in proportion to the
frequency and the amount of this disturbing force,
the government will approximate more or less to
lister to command majority by other than const-
tutonal means, no obstacle to his carrying
the most extreme measures, if his predictions
lead him to exercise this abuse of power If it be
lawful to exercise this species of influence in
case, it may equally be made available in another,
and the most extravagant and dangerous changes
might thereby be introduced to destroy the integ-
rty OF the constitution, disturb the nicely poised
elements Of It's condensation
Let us suppose the case Of minister anxious to
destroy the christian character of the House Of
Commons. What more easy in such case than
TO deluge the assembly with Judaism-or, if his
predictions led him rather to Mahomet than to
Moses, he might, by the adoption of this sic polo
system, satisfy his most extravaganza cravings. In
such case, our constitution would no longer close
the doors of Parliament against Judaism or Ishma-
elismin short, there ia nothing that the adoption
of such principle might not ensure to minister
of powerful personal influence, if he only select
such seasons for the exercise of his power rem
der the realization of his threats practicable, and
their results dangerous.