The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-02-14

'H'AhA " or EXCLUSION OF slavery
admit the argument in both it's forms admit il
the argument be maintained that the power ex-
lists to exclude slavery it necessarily follows that
the power must exist, if Congress chooses to ex-
ercise il, to tolerate or introduce slavery within
the Territories
But sir, have been drawn off so far from the
second resolutiOn-not from the object Of it, but
from particular view Of it-that il has almost
gone out of my recollection.
The other truth which | respectfully and with
great Difference conceive to exist and which is
announced in this resolution, is, that slavery Is
not likely TO be introduced into any of these Ter
ritories. Well sir, is not that fact 2 Is there
a member who hears me that will not confirm the
fact2 What has occurred within the last three
months? In California, more than in any other
portion Of the coded Territory, was it most prob
able if slavery adapted to the interests of the
industrial pursuits of the inhabitants that slavery
would have been introduced Yet, within the
space of three or four months, California herself
has declared, by unanimous vote Of her Conven-
ton, against the introduction of slavery within
her limits And, as | remarked on n former occa-
sion, this declaration was not confined to non
shareholders There were persons from the slave
holding States who conourred in that declaration
Thus this fact which is asserted in the resolution
is responded to by the act of California Then,
sir, if we come down TO those mountain regions
which are to be found in New Mexico, the nature
of its soil and country, its barrenness, its unpro
ductve character, everything which relates to it,
and everything which we hear Of it and about il,
must necessarily lead 10 the conclusion which
have mentioned, that slavery is not likely to be
introduced into them. Well sir if it be true that
by law slavery does not now exist in the ced ID
Territories and that it is not likely to be intro
duced into the coded Territories-ifyou, Senators,
agree to these truths, or a majority of you as
am persuaded a large majority Of you must agree
to them-where s the objection or the difficulty
To your announcing them TO the whole world
Why should you hesitate or falter in the promul
cation of incontest table truths2 On the other
naid, with regard to Senators coming from the
free States, allow me here TO make, with reference
80 J,,>>Si MA, one Two observations. When
this feeling within the limits of your States was
gotten up, when the Wimot Proviso was dissem-
mated through them, and your people and your
selves attached themselves to that Proviso, what
the state of facts The state of facts at that
time was, that you apprehended the introduction
of slavery there. You did not know much-very
few of us now know much-about these very Ter
ritories They were far distant from you. You
were apprehensive that slavery might be intro
duced there You wanted az n protection 10 in
troduce the Introduction called the Wilmot Provi-
so. IL was in this state of want of information
that the whole North baned up in behalf of this
Wilmot Proviso IL was under the apprehension
that slavery might be introduced there that you
left your constituents For when you came from
your home, at the time you left your respective
residences you did not know the fact which has
only reached us since the commencement Of the
session of Congress, that constitution had been
unanimously adopted by the people of California,
LII. g.. 3 hn,r
Well, now, let me suppose INN two years ago
il had been known in the free States that such
constitution would be adopted let me suppose
that il had been believed that in no other portion
of these ceded Territories would slavery be intro
duced; let me suppose that upon this great sub
ect of socitude, negro slavery, the people Of the
North had been perfectly satisfied that there was
no danger let me also suppose that they had fore.
seen the excitement, the danger, the irritation,
the resolutions which have been adopted by
Southern Legislatures, and the manifestations Of
opinion by the people Of the slaveholding States;
let me suppose that all this had been known at
the North Mt the time when the agitation was first
got up upon the subject of this Wilmot Proviso--
do you believe that it would have ever reached
the height to which it has attained? Does any one
Of you believe it, And II, prior to your departure
from your respective homes you had had an OPP
portunity of comforting with your constituents
upon this most leading and important fact--of the
adoption Of Constitution excluding slavery in
California-do you not believe, Senators and
Representatives coming from the free States, that
IL you had had the advantage Of that fact told in
serious, calm, freside conversation with your con-
sttuents they would not have told you to come
here to settle all these agtating questions without
danger to this Union.
What do you want? What do you want who
reside in the free Statcs2 You want that there
shall be no slavery introduced into the Territories
acquired from Mexico. Well, have not you got
it in California already, If admitted as State
Have not you got 1t in New Mexico in all human
probability, also What more do you want
You have got what is worth thousand Wilmot
Provisos. You have got nature itself on your
side You have the fact itself on your side. You
have thetruth staring you In the face that no sla-
very is existing there. Well, IL you are men--if
you can rise from the mud and slough Of party
struggles and elevate yourselves to the height of
patriots what will you do You will look at the
fact as it exists. You will say this fact was I'M
known to my people. You will say they acted on
one set Of facts we have got another set Of facts
here influencing us, and we will act rs patriots,
as responsible men, rs lovers Of unity, and above
all, Of this Union. We will act on the altered set
Of facts unknown to our constituents, and we will |
nimity, to concur with us this occasion, for e.
tabishiDg concord and harmony, and maintaining
the existence of this glorious Union.
Well, Mr. President, | think, entertaining |
these views, that there was nothing extravagant |
In the hope | INDUCED at the time these resolu-
lions were prepared and o0ered-nothng extrav- |
lgant in the hope that the North might content
itself even with striking out as unnecessary these
two declarations. They are unnecessary for any |
purpose the free States have in view. At all |
events, If they should insist upon Congress ex-
pressing the opinions which are here asserted |
hat at all events they should limit their wishes
10 tho simple assertion Of them, without insisting
On their being incorporated in any Territorial
Government which Congress may establish in the
Territories.
pass on from the second resolution to the |
bird and fourth, which relate to Texas and al
low me TO say, Mr. President, that approach the
,ubject with full knowledge of all Its difficulties
and, Of all the questions connected with or grow
ing out Of this institution Of slavery, which Con.
yress is called upon to act upon and decide, there
are none 80 difficult and troublesome as those
which relate to Texas because, sir, Texas has q
iuesti0nof boundary to settle, and q question Of
,laveryOk the feelings connected with il run into
he question Of boundary. The North, perhaps, |
will be anxious to contract Texas within the mar.
rowest possible limits, in order 10 exclude all be-
You'd her to make IL n free Territory the South,
m the contrary, may be anxious to extend these
limits to the sources OF the Rio Grande, for the
purpose Of creating an additional theatre for sa-
very and thus, to the question Of the limits OF
Texas, and the settlement Of her boundary, the
slavery question, VITA all Its troubles and Difficult
les, is added, meeting US at every step we take.
Now. with respect to this resolution proposing
4, -. L.. 70 hat IL L.n. 4 La