The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-15

main only as possession, to be enjoyed either in
common or by partition by the citizens of the old
States II is true indeed, that the national domain
i ours II is true i was acquired by the valor and
the wealth Of the whole nation. But we hold new
erthelcss, no arbitrary power over it. We hold no
arbitrary authority over any thing, whether ac-
quired lawfully or by usurpation. The Constitution
regulates stewardship the Constitution devotes
the domain to union, to Justice, defence, to wei.
i fare, and to liberty.
But there is higher law than the Constitution,
which regulates our authority over the domain,
| and devotes II to the same noble purposes. The
territory is part, no uncomfortable part, of the
common heritage of mankind, bestowed upon them
by the Creator Of the Universe. We are his stew
ards, and must so discharge trust as to secure
in the highest attainablc degree their happiness.
How momentous that trust Is may learn from
the instructions of the founder of modern philoso
phyy;N yNo ,n.n 49,. p..a, u. !, ! ! ILL.,. .
the Scripture saith, add cubt to his stature in this
little model OF a mans body; but, in the great
| iIamc OF kingdoms and commonwealths, II is in
| the power OF princes or estates To add amplitude
and greatness to their Kingdoms; for by intro
ducing such ordinances, constitutions and customs
as are wise, they may SOW greatness to their pos
terity and successors. But these things are com
monty not observed, but left to take their chance
This ia State, and we dcberating for 1t Just
fathers deliberated in establishing the isti
tutions we enjoy. Whatever superiority there is
| in our condition and hopes those of any other
'kingdom or "estate" is due to the fortunate cir
cumstance that our ancestors did not leave things
''to take their chance" but that they "added am
ptude and greatness to our common wealth, ssby
| introducing such ordinances, constitutions and
customs were wise" We, in our turn, have
| succeeded to the same responsibilities, and
not approach the duty before us wisely or justly,
exceptwc raise ourselves to the great consideration
OF how most certainly sssow greatness to
| posterity and SUCCESSORS"
And now the simple, bold, and even awful ques-
ton which presents itself to is this Shall we,
who are founding institutions, social and POLITICAL
| for countless millions; shall we, who know by
perience the wise and the just, and free to
| choose them, and to reject the erroneous and un-
Ijust-shall we establish human bondage. or permit
1t by our sufferance TO be establishedl Sir our
iorefathers would not have hesitated hour.
They found slavery existing here and they left it
| only because they could not remove it. There is
not only no free State which would now establish
it, but there is slave State which, if it had had
the free alternative, as We now have, would have
| founded slavery. Indeed, our revolutionary pre-
decessors had precisely the same question before
them In establishing an organic law under which
the States of Ohio, Michigan Illinois, Wisconsin,
and Iowa, have since come into the Union, and
they soemnly repudiated and excluded slavery from
those States forever Iconfess that the most alarming
evidence of our degeneracy which has yet been
| given is found in the fact that debate such
| a question
| Sir, there is no Christian nation thus free to
! choose which would establish slavery
! speak on due consideration, because Britain.
France, and Mexico, have abolished slavery, and
all other European States are preparing to abolish
| it as speedily as they can. We cannot establish
slavery, because there are certain elements of the
security, welfare, and greatness of nations, which
We all admit, ought to admit, and recognise
essential; and these are, the security of natural
| rights, the diffusion Of knowledge, and the freedom
| of industry. Slavery is incompatible with all OF
these; and just in proportion to the extent that il
prevails and controls in any republican State, just
| to that extent it subverts the principle Of demo
cracy, and converts the State into an aristocracy
or dcspotsm. will not offend sensibties by
drawing my proofs from the slave States existing
among ourselves; but l will draw them from the
| greatest of the European slave States.
The population of Russia in Europe in 1is
lo44 was ...'.'''.-...'..,s-.. 5a'zol ,Uoo
OF these were serfs. SO. 500, 900
The residue, mobiles, clergy, and mer-
chants, &c. c....1......-..........- I5l,0 ,0O0
The imperial government abandons the control
over the fifty three and half millions to their
owners, and these owners included in the 75l 900,
are thus privileged class aristocracy IL ever
the government interfres at all with the serfs who
are the only laboring population, i is by edicts
designed 20 abridge their opportunities Of cduca-
| ton, and thus continue their debasen,cnt. w hat
was the origin Of this SYSTEM Conquest, In which
the captivity Of the conquered was made perpetual
| and hereditary. This IL TO me, IN identical
| with American slavery, only at one and the same
time exaggerated by the greater dispropovtion be-
tween the privileged classes and the slaves in their
respective numbers, and yet relieved Of the unhap
piest feature of American slavery, the distinction
of castes. What but this renders Russia once
the most arbitrary despotism and the most bsrbar-
Gus State in Europe! And what is its effect, but
industry comparatively proitess, and sedition, not
occasional and partial, but chronic and pervadng
the empire? speak of slavery not in the language
OF fancy, but in the language OF philosophy. Mon
tcsquieu remarked upon the proposition TO introduce
slavery into France, that demand for slavery is
demand for luxury and corruption, and not tho de
mand Of patriotism. OF all slavery, African sla-
very is the worst for II combines practically the
features OF what Is distinguished as real slavery
serfdom with tho personal slavery known in the
Oriental States. la domestic features lead 70 vice.
while its political features render IL dangerous To
the State. @ hI
cannot stop TO debate long with those who main
tain that slavery is in tsclf practically economical
and humane. might be content with saying that
there arc some axioms in political science that a
statesman a founder of States may adopt, espe
cally in the Congress Of the United States and that
| among those axioms these That all men are
created equal, and have inalionablc rights Of life
| liberty. and the choice Of pursuits Of happiness
| That knowledge promotes virtue, and righteous
ness exaltetii nation That freedom is preferable
| 10 slavery; and that democratic governments.
where they can be maintained by acquiescencc,
without force are preferable 70 institutions
cising arbitrary and irresponsible power.
Ii remains only 10 remark, that our own expert
ence has proved the dangerous tendency and infu-
ence Of slavery. AL apprehensions Of dangers.
present and future, begin and end with slavery II
slavery, limited ss il YET is. threatens TO sub
vert the Consu sutution, how we wise and pru-
dent satcsmen, enlarge its boundaries and inereas.
s influence, and thus increase ts already impend
| ing dangers Whether, then, regard merely th,.
welfare OF the future nhabitsnts OF the new Terri
tories, or the security aud welfare OF the whole peo
pie ofthe United States OF the welfare Of the whole
family Of mankind. cannot consent to introduce
slavery into any part Of this continent which il now
exempt from what seems TO me 40 great an evil
These are my reasons for declining TO compromise
the question relating to slavery a condition VI
the adnlission Of California.
in acting upon an occasion SO grave as this,
respectful consideration is due to the arguments
bounded on extraneous considerations Of Senators
who commend a course different from that which
have preferred. The fret of these Arguments is,
that Congress has no power 10 Iegislate the sub
ject of slavery within the Territories.
Sir, Congress may admit States; and, since
Congress may admit, il follows that Congress may
REJECT new States. The discretion Of Congress in
admitting is absolute except that. when admitted.
the State must be a republican State, and must be
a STATE-that Is, it shall have the constitutional
form and powers OF n State. But the greater in
cudcs the less. and therefore Congress may nposc
conditions Of admission not inconsistent with those
Fundamental powers and forms Boundaries are
such The reservation Of the public domain il
such. The right TO divide Il such. The ordinance
excluding slavery is such y condition The organi
xation of n territory is ancary or preliminary; IA