The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1850-05-24


10 declare that the territorial Legislatures shall mel
Their admit nor exclude slavery; thus leaving n
open TO a State legislation Will ne be satisfied
with that II so, ] will be content. Does the hon
cradle Senator mean by any. indirect means, or by
any clause 10 assert either that there are slaves
there now, or that it is lawful under the constltn-
ton of the United States 10 carry them there II
! 20, cannot sustain the course. Others may do so
if they please. If hs viii agree to the modification
of The clause, ~ that the territorial legislatures
shall pass 10 law either IS admit or exclude sla'
, yeiy-
Mr.. WEBSTER Gin his seaD In respect to the es-
| tabnsilhent or the exclusion OF slavery!
Mr.. CLAY-Yes | would go for that with all
| Mr.. SouLE--If / understand the honorable Sc
major rightly, he means TO imply that the amend
ment proposed by the Senator from Mississippi
| assumes The existence Of slavery there now.
cannot so read it; find that it assumes that slavery
| may be there, but the amendment does not carry it
there, 1t is not there, and if it be there and any
night should exist in a state of things which that
would imply, cannot conceive what serious OBJ
! Jectons there should be on the part of the honor
| able Senator TO this amendment. II only protects
whatever rights may exist there now; II gives no
| new night; II creates no new state OF things but
| only protects such rights as may now or hereafter
exist under the constitution OF the United States
and for these reasons support it. ask pardon Of
| the honorable Senator for nterupting him.
Mr. CLAY-lf the honorable Senator will be sa-
tished with such an amendment as lhave suggested,
and which | understood, the other day. would
satisfy the most of the members of the other side Of
The house-declaring that the territorial legisa-
lures should neither establish nor exclude slavery,
| and then thus this question would be left open,
am satisfied, perfectly, TO do it. am satisfied that
have given the right Interpretation to this amend
ment, that slavery exists there now, and not lnpOnt
OF law. The constitution of the United States gives
right TO carry slaves there. But | am wandering
from the subject: repeat, however in conclusion
OF this part OF the subject, that ready to vote
10 strike out this clause-to retain it, or TO modify
| 1t in the way have suggested, which, if under
stand the object of this side of the chamber, would
accomplish all that is asked.
am not going, at this time, and at this stage of
he debate, to discuss the question of the laws Of
Mexico. The opinion expressed at former sessions,
by myself and others, that the Supreme Court Of
the United States only can settle this question: upon
proper brought before the Court will be suf-
hcient. We go as far TO settle all of
| these questions-estabsh governments and courts
there, from which, according 10 the express provi-
sions OF this bill, there is appeal TO the Supreme
Court of the United States, where alone il can be
Justly settled. Twill say nothing more at present
with respect to the able, ingenious and eloquent ar
| gument of the honorable Senator from Louisiana,
| but proceed TO other subjects.
MIR. President, it is time that the troubles in this
| country should be settled. | am not one of those
who, either at the commencement or this session,
or at any time during its progress, have believed
| that there any actual present danger to the
existence of this Union but am one of those who
believe that if this agitation be continued for
two years longer, no man can say in what or where
| il will end. Dissolution Of the Union-One of the
| greatept calamilies, in my opinion, that could be-
| fail this nation-may not in form, take place. But
next TO that, is the dissolution OF all those fraternal
| and kindred ties which bind us together as
Christian and commercial people. j repeat that, in
| my opinion, the body polite is incompetent for one
| or two years longer to bear this agitation without
severng the bonds of that reciprocal trust which
unites us-and without eventually coming tO-what,
the Almighty Preserver OF us all alone tell will
60 so Tar as TO press my opinion that unless this
compromise-ld do not say in the exact words of the
committee, II do not mean To exclude amendments,
improvements ard notifications so as to satisfy all
but unless some such scheme as this shall pass,
| venture TO predict that nothing will be attained
for California, nothing for the Terrtories-no-
thing for the fugitive slave BILL or for the bill which
excludes slavery and the slave trade from this Dis
trct. j venture 10 say that instead of healing and
closing the wounds Of the country, and stopping
the effusiOn Of blood IL will flow in still greater
quantities, TO the great danger of this republic. /
repeat that in my opinion the measure upon your
table, with such amendments as il may receive, or
some tantamount measure, must pass, or nothing
will pass upon all the subjects to which we have
referred. | believe there is n majority in both
houses of Congress in favor of passing the Cali
fornia bill. But there are causes upon which i
shall not dwell and which are never advsrted to
by me with pleasure, but on the contrary, with
great pain, which will render it impossible, am
afraid, for that bill to pass.
What will be the condition Of this country? Let
us suppose that Congress does nothing. Let US
suppose that it fails TO furnish a remedy for any one
of the evils which now afiict the country and that
ngs Of dissatisfaction and discomfort which will
arise out of the failure of Congress to adjust these
| great matters. say nothing OF the reproach and
| opprobrium which will be brought upon us by all
| Christendom: say nothing Of those who are look
| ing upon with anxious solicitude under the hope
that we will fslfl the high destinies Of this great
republic; saynothing OF that large portion Of man
kind who gazing with intense anxiety upon this
great experiment in behalf Of mans capac.'" and
mans freedom; say nothing Of all this matter Of
our vainly endeavoring-afer the lapse Of
six or seven months-to reconcile the dis
racted and divided parts of the country
You 60 home allied with passion and wrath
and urge one section against the other
each TO agitaie its portion against the opposite
portion. Sir, can the country-can the republic
endure under such a state Of thingsl Let me sup
pose, however, SIR, that you reject this bill and
pass the Californi. bill, and we go home in that
state Of things. What will not the South sayl
What reprosches will II not level at the North
upon this subject They will say TO the North -
"You got all you wanted; you got the substitute
for the Wilmot proviso; you have got a clause
more efectual, more eiicacious than the Wilmot
proyiso; you have got the inhibition of slavery in
the constitution of California; you have got all you
wanted, and you have refused all thai could be
granted TO the other section of the Union. You
have got all you wanted, and you mean hereafter
TO take all that remains, and TO appropriate IL TO
yourselves. In this condition OF feeling, Of mu-
iual evaporation and excitement-with heated
members-with heated ,pariies-with heated lee
turers-wth heated minds-bow do you expect to
come back here cool and calm, and TO dispose Of
all the difficulties which six months Of earnest,
Snxious labor have shown you to be incompetent
10 accomplish
Now, sir, allow me to call the attention Of the
Senate 20 a very painful duty which am con-
strained TO perform, bet which shall perform,
nevertheless let II subject me TO what interpreta-
ton IL may, here or elsswhere, | mean that of
contrasting the plan proposed by the executive of
the Unit ed States with the plan presented by the
Committee Of Thirteen;' add If that executive has
n single friend here-U do not mean exactly that,
hsra I fesIu nV IN he "A of