The Lancaster gazette. (Lancaster, Ohio) 1846-1852, 1850-02-22


acquired from Mexico: 1t would be
war IN which we should have no sympa-
0aihies, no good wishes; in which all
would be against us; in which
Inr own history itself would be against
rs, for. from the commencement Mt Of the
-evOlutinn down to the present time, we
have constantly preached our British an
cestors for the introduction Of Slavery IN
'othis country And allow me to say, that,
IN my opinion, it is one of the best de
fences which can be made To preserve
The institution Of slavery in this country.
that it was forced upon US against the
wishes Of our ancestors-Of our own A
merlcan colonial aucestors- aud by the
of our commercial ancestors.
The power, then, Mr. President, in
my opininu--and ! extend it TO the intro
duction as well as the prohibition Of sla-
very IN the new territories exist
in Congress; and think there is this i'm
portant distinction between. slavery out
side Of the States and slavery inside Of
the States; that all outside Of the States is
debatabe, and inside of the States is not
debatable The government has no
right to attack The institution within the
States; but whether she has or has not,
the right to attack slavery outside of the
States is question debaiabe, upon
which men may honorabIy aud fairlydif-
fei and however it may be decided, fur
nishes, trust, ojusl occasion for break
ing up this glorious Union Of ours.
am not going to take up that part Of
the subject which relates to the powerof
Congress to legislate. shall have occa-
son to make some observations upon that
subject in the course Of my remarks
whether 10 the District Of Columbia or
in the Territories; but | must say IN a
few words that think those two sources
of power. either of which is sufficient, in
my Judgment, 10 authorize the exercise
Of power TO introduce or keep out slavery,
outside of the States and within the Ter
ritories exist. Mr.. President, | shall not
lake up time, Of which so much has been
consumed already. to show that the clause
which gives to Congress the power 10
makr ueedtul rules and regulations re
specling the territory and other property
If the United States, conveys the power
to egisate for the territories. | cannot
concur with my worthy friend--and use
the term in its best and most emphatic
sense--my friend from Michigan--fnr
believe we have known each other lon
ger than | have known. and longer than
he has known, any other senator in this
halI--I say cannot concur with that
honorable senator. though | entertain the
most profound respect for the opinion
which he has advanced adverse to m,
own; but must say. sir, that when {
point is settled by all the elementary au
ihoriiies, and by the uniform interpreia
ton and action of every department G
our government--legislaiive, executiv
and judicial -and when that point ha
, been settled during a period of fit
years. and never was seriously dsiurbe
until recently. think that if we are
regard anything as settled under the al
ministration of this constitution Of ouri
: il is the question which has thus been IN
variably settled. Or, sir, we come 10 III
conclusion that nothing-nothing upo
earth is settled under this constitution
, aud that everything is unsettled
.. Mr. President, we are to recolIect tha
| ii is very possible-lhat it is, indeed
), quite hkely-that when that constitution
5 was formed, the application Of it 10 sue
4 territories as Louisiana. Florida, Cal
n fornia, and New Mexico. was never with
d in the contemplation of the trainers I
II that instrument. 1t will be recollecte
IS that when that constitution was forme,
h the whole country northwest of the Oh
g was uupeopled; and it must be recolIec
| ed. also, tha the exercise of the pow
u to make governments for Territories
If their infant state, is in the nature of Il
" power temporary, and such as must te
T. minaie whenever they have acquire
" population competent to self-gover
h ment. Sixty thousand is the numb
n specified in the ordinance of 1887. No'
/, sir, recolecl that, when this constitute
IS was adopted, that territory was unpe
t Piled; and how was it possible that Co
D gress, to whom it had been ceded, for Il
re common benefit of the ceding States al
S, the other States Of the Union, had |
Ir power whatever to declare what desert
Id ton of settlers should occupy the pub
e lands? Suppose. that Congress had
n. ken up the notion that slavery would g
}. hance the value of the land, and, with
v. view TO replenish the public treasury a
as augment the revenue from that sourt
t. that the introduction of slavery tn
/ would be more advantageous than lis {
ir clusion, would they not have had the rig
to under that clause which authorizes c.
Of gress to make the necessary rules a
to regulations, respecting the territory a
n, other property, belonging 10 the Uni,
,e State" es"-would they havs no right, {
e cretion, or NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS. you n
We choose To call ito say that any bt
e. who chose to bring his slaves and Sc,
We upon the lands and improve it, might
snl 1t might be said that it would
e, hance the value of the property; it wo
IT, give Importance to the country; it wo
lis build up towns and villages; and in
% we may suppose that Congress mi
to think that a greater amount of rever
&C. mi ght be derived from the waste lands
We the introduction of slavery than could
he secured by its exclusion; and will 1t
on commended, if they so thought. that tn
ry. would have no rlghtto make such ruJ