The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-10-15

it. The doctrine, as now applied, 10 but two years
old. General Cass, in the Presidential canvass Of
1913, finding himself embarrassed by the conflict
ing opinions and feelings oil the country upon the
question, seized upon non intervention as life
boat in the political storm Of Presidential can
II is worthy Of remark that he held that
legislation necessary to our entry and enjoy
men of our property in the country, that the Law
of Mexico excluded US, but denied the power Ia
Congress TO remove them his southern friends
took much of the heresy as they could carry,
and held that if there were any such laws they were
void under our Constitution, and united with Gen
eral Cass in denying the power to remove them.
Its friends must therefore restrict "always' to two
years. This was the beginning, and hope Il will
be the end OF this dangerous heresy except by some
half dozen southern men, II was unanimously re-
pudiated by the whole South in both branches Of
Congress during the late session Its next appear
ance Will be from the North. We had as WeIlclng
to mill stone about necks for safety. amid the
boundlees waste of bottomless waters, 10 this doc
trine OF non utervenion for anchor OF safety TO
slave property. This doctrine of non -interven
ton deprived OF all hope OF procuring directre'
peal OF the Mexican laws. In other respects these
Territorial bills were not only unobIec tionable but
highly desirable to me; they demanded no conces-
sion from the South, violated no principle and left
untrammelled in the future; upon my own prn-
ciples, by theIn Congress was dischargiDg large
measure OF its duty, but not its whole duty. The
question presented 10 me ON their passage was, whe-
Their should accept them, when, upon my princi-
Piles, they seemed large portion al least Of your
rights and according TO the opinion OF majority Of
the South secure them all reject them. The ques-
ton plain to me- | did not hesitate, but
gave them ready and active support The objec
tons to my course in this respect are not only ex
traordinary in themselves, but still more from
the quarter whence they came. The objections be-
long exclusively, as far as | know them, to that
class who have uniformly supported non intcrven-
ton, and who, for the last two years, have wasted
scores of ink in attempting to demonstrate my
"unsoundness the slavery question" for main
tanning the right and duty Of Congress to legisate
for our protection in the Territories. They have
abandoned their errors but not their objects; being
intent upon the ruin OF the republic, they use truth
error for its accomplishment, may best suit
the exigencies of the hour. If these neophytes
honest in their conversion, they may fod abundant
consolation in the fact, that the principle is neither
conceded, compromised, nor endangered by these
bills. IL is strengthened, not weakened by them,
and will survive their present zeal and future apos-
tacy.
The admission of California into the Union seems
to be the master grievance OF the day The last
Legislature Of Georgia, according TO Gov. Towns,
declared it sufficient cause for resistance To the Fed
eral Government do not concur IN this opinion,
and sought an early occasion after its announcement
by the Legislature, TO explain my dissent from il,
III the letter to Gov. Towns, to which have before
referred. My opinion has undergone change,
and am ready to redeem the pledge then given to
oppose resistance OF any sort to the Government for
that cause. Under the express power to admit
new States, the admission OF California purely
question Of Congressional discretion. The law
admitting her Is constitutional law passed ac-
corning 10 the prescribed ana by virtue Oh
the power vested in Congress by the Constitution.
Ii may be wise unwise, but il Is constitutional
law. 1t infiicts sectional wrong or injury the
South and i'll my opinion, ought not to be resisted
by the South. In the exercise Of my discretion,
your representative voted against the bill. My
principal reasons were, LIST. There bad been act
of Congress authorizing the people inhabitipg that
Territory, 10 form constitution and erect State
government. This has been the usual but not the
Universal rule; and while admitting the right of
Congress to depart from it, | adhered TO il, be-
cause ! believed il 10 be safest and best that
30 important act as this should rest on law,
and be conducted according TO law. 2dy. The
title to nearly all the land of the country
still in the Government. No provision having been
made for the primary disposition of the soil, very
large proportion OF the population were III law in
truders on the public lands, with no liked hablta
tions, and were placed by these unfortunate cir
cumstances in very uniavorable condition for the
maintenance of social order and good government
Sd. The boundaries declared by California, for her
SELF njudiciously large, including remote
and disconnected settlements, separated by for
midable natural barriers, and perhaps not less in
some cases by dissimilarity OF pursuits, wants and
interests. None of these sectional, and
would as well warrant Massachusetts III resisting
the law Georgia. Congress waived these OBJ
jections, and had right to waive them; and il is
not 10 be denied that there were weighty reasons
| on the other side for her admission. She had Il
| population of American citizens much beyond the
/ number requisite for her admission Her people,
without any fault of theirs but on account of our
disagreements on the slavery question, had been
without lawful government for several years.
They were subjected TO an illegal and unconstitu-
tionol military usurpatoa, ct the very moment
when they most needed stable, and regular, and
! lawful government They had an undoubted right
to throw off that government. and were rightfuly
entitled to government Of laws, instead Of mill
! tary force.
The remoteness Of California, the extraordinary
state OF things existing there, resulting from the
/ unprecedented discoveries Of gold, and the high
/ rate Of wascs, made its government by Congress
not only inconycnient and difficult, but enormously
expensive 10 us. The mixed character Of the popu-
latou from all countrics inviting collision and hoe
! tility, augmented the necessity for efficient and
regular government. In weighing these reasons,
1 Congress decided f.r her admission, and doubt
not that the exclusion of slavery by her constitution
| had great and perhaps controlling influence, IN
favor OF her admission, with the northern members.
But they did not transcend their powers IL is
equally due TO truth and candor TO say, that tho
controlling reason for resistance 10 that act at the
SOUTH - founded upon that same clause in her oon-
/ sutution excluding elayery. That reason ought
not 20 have controlled either party and especially
\ is not a just sufficient reason for opposing
\ the law and resisting the Government, have
/ already attempted to vndicato the rights Of a
people forming constitution for admission into
/ the Union, 20 admit or exclude slavery at their
own pleasure, and 10 prove that Congress had
/ no other power over such constitution thus pre-
sented than 10 zee that IL is republican We dc
msndod IL aud compromised il Tor Missouri. We
/ have demanded IL and secured il for New Mexico
and Uah Wcshould adhere 10 IL, because it is rig ht;
but Il Is expedient as well ss right. Ono hundred
and fifty thousand American citizens, on tLe distant
I shores Of the Pacific ocean having met, by their
representatives, TO form a constitution for them
selves, have adjudgcd IL best under their peculiar
circumstances, for their interest, their prosperity
and their happiness, 70 prohibit the introduction Of
| slavery into their new commonwealth. IL Il their
business, net ours. Whether they have decided
wisely or unwisely, Il is not for ~ 10 determine
We have settled the question differently for our.
selves; II is not for them TO disturb that judgment
now or hereafter; both cases stand upon the samC
great principle-the right Of free people, in en-
torng the amily Of American States, to adopt such
form Of republican government IN their judg-
mcnt will hest preserve their liberties, promote
their happinesr and perpetuato their prosperity
II We are wiso will defend rather than resist
this brthrght Of American freemcn, 60 inveiuaot,
70 us, 90 formidable 70 the enemies OF our property
ous peace, and our safety. am ready 10 rally
with you Tor the defence Of this great principle
With no memory for pact differences Of opinion
careless Of the future, am ready 70 unite with any
portion. or all OF my cOuntrymen, in defence Of tht
integrity Of the Republic.
am, very respectfully, your obliged fellow oiti
zen, r. TOOMBS.