Burlington hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington, Iowa) 1845-185?, 1850-12-05

er state can be put out; no longer can the
Nllmot proviso be insisted upon to be en-
grated upon the territorial governments
OF New Mexico and Utah, for venture
to predict that if any attempt be made TO
fasten that proviso upon those govern
ments, it will be resisted by decisive, if
not indignant majority in one or both
Houses Of Congress. No longer can the
subject of Texas boundary be one of agi-
tatlon and controversy; for, from all that
have heard, the people of Texas them
selves, who had the undoubted right to
decide for themselves whether they would
accept or reject the proposals of Congress,
have, as Il never doubted they would, con-
sented to these proposals. As to the slave
trade bill in the District Of Columbia, the
North, presume, will hardly attempt a
repeal Of that; and l cofden,ly anticipate
that no such attempt will be made on the
part of the South, in respect to slavery in
the District Of Columbia, which is diving
natural death rapidly. | think we NAV
hope for freedom from all disturbances on
that account. .a-....-. m@.. .-rs=-
Thus, Mr. Speaker, trust and believe,
that OF all the numerous threatening topics
connected with slavery at the commence
ment OF the late session of Congress, one
only remains to create interest and solici-
tude, and that is the fugitive slave bill.-
Narrowed down to that single ground, the
slaveholding states will occupy the van
tage position. The constitution is with
them, the right is with them, the law is
with them, and il its execution shall be
opposed or attempted to be thwarted the
force that makes such an opposition will
place itself clearly, manilestly and indis-
pntably in the wrong: occupying such a
ground, the slaveholding states may fear
!essly and confidently await the issue. 1t
was not to be expected, nor did expect,
that the measures adopted al the last ses-
sion of Congress would lead to immediate
and general acquiescence on the part of
the ultras at the North and at the South.
They had been impelled by such violent
and extreme passions that it was too much
TO expect that they would silently and
promptly admit their error, and yield to
what had been done for the best interests
CT our common country. Accordingly,
we perceive that at the South that second
edition Of the Hartford convention has
again assembled and is laboring to stir up
strife and contention, and in several Of the
slaveholding states the spirit of discord
and disunion is busily engaged in its un-
patriotic work; but confidently antici-
pate that all these mad efforts will be put
down by the intelligence, the patriotism,
and the love of union of the people of the
various slaveholding states. And now,
Mr. Speaker, let us make momentary in
qniry as to what would have been the
condition of the parts of the confederacy
OH the suhjec; of slavery, If unhappily it
had been dissolved Assuming that the
line could have been drawn beetw cen the
slaveholding and non-slaveholding states;
all north of the states of Mary land and
Virginia and north ofthe Ohio river would
have become a foreign, independent and
sovereign power. Contrast if you please,
our present condition with what it would
have been under that order Of things. At
present we have right, if any slave es-
capes from his service,to demand his sur
render. We have right to take the con-
stitution and law in our hands and require
the surrender. lido not believe that there
will be any open and iorcible resistance
to the execution Of the law. The people
of the North have too strong. sense Of
the propriety Of obedience to the law for
that, but if there be any such resistance,
we have right to invoke the employment
of any part Of the militia of the U. States
or OF the army and navy of the United
States to enforce the execution of the law,
and although have no authority to point
President Fillmore to any specific line Of
duty, | have known him long, well, and
intimately, and feel entire confidence in
him as man of ability and honesty and Of
patriotism, who will perform his duty,
and his whole duty, in seeing othe faith
ful execution of the laws of the land, 10
which pledge my support to the best of
my poor abilities. ..a. -.-
In the existing state of things,w we doubtless shall
not all our fugitive slaves that escape; we
shall, however, recover some, and the courts and
the Judges in the free States have demonstrated
their readiness to give by their verdicts and judg
ments ample indemnity against those who entice,
seduCe away and harbor our runaway slaves. But
how would the case stand in a dismembered con-
dition of the confederacy? Then we would not
have right to dem,na solitary slave that might
escape beyond the Ohio; that would be foreign
power. If all the slaves in Kentucky, in that con-
tingency, were 10 flee beyond the Ohio river, we
would not have a right to demand one of them in
the absence of eXtradition treaties, and no such
treaties would ever be concluded in respect to
slaves. We should have no right to demand a sur
render Of single one of them. Nothing is clear.
er in the whole public law of nations than that
independent foreign power is not bound to surren-
der fugitive who takes refuge in the dominion of
another Independent foreign power. We have re-
Gently seen this great international principle acted
upon by the Sultan of Turkey in the of Kos
suth and his Hungarian compariots, who took re-
fuge in the Sultan's dominions; and his refusal to
surrender them upon the demand of Russia and
Austria. was enthusiastically admired. approved,
and appauded by all of us. Now, Mr. Speaker, we
have the constitution the law; declare the right
on our side to dissolve the confederacy and create
new and Independent powers, the law and the right
would be transferred from us to them. / may be
asked, as have been asked when would consent
TO a dissolution of the Union. Never, never. never,
because can conceive of no possible contingency
that would make it for the interest and happiness
of the people to break up this glorious confedera-
cv and to separate it into bleeding and belligerent
parts. Show ME, what l believe to be impossible
to show me, that there will be greater security fer
liberty, life, property, peace and human happiness
in the midst of iarring jealous and warning inde
pendent North American powers than under the
eagle of the Union and will consent to its dsso-
= T,..