The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-18

subsidize presses, make large pecuniary con-
trbutions, send forth numerous missionaries
throughout all their borders, and enter lhto ihao
nations TO burn their beautiful capitois destroy c
productive manufactures, and sink INTO the % e-i
the gallant ships of the northern states Nou"
these incendiary proceedings DC Ss
borly and friendly and consistent with the fraterna
sentiments which should ever be Cherished by one
portion of the Union towards another' would tney
excite no emotion occasion no manifestations OF dls-
satisfaction, lead 10 any acts OF retanaiory Vlo-
Ience3 But the supposed falls lar short of the
actual one in a most essential circumstance. In no
contingency could these capitols, manufactures
and ships rise In rebellion and massacre the inhab-
itants Of the northern States. Mr.. Clays speech,
Senate y. s., 1899. Maliory's Life and Speeches Of
Henry Clay, Vol. 2, page 273
We here that MIR. CLAY inculcated the idea
that il is III vain TO say that there is no danger TO
this Union from the abolition movement--that
union upon side would beget union on the
other side And a commentary upon that which
is the true sentiment, let me tell you, as tell the
nation, the grand secret of the peril in which we
are placed. We have been told by the northern
men that the abolitionists looked upon with
scorn and contempt al the North, and we had the
assurance of the North that they were too incon-
siderable III numbers T. peril our position. we
believed il, and have believed II IN iorfner times
but although they small in number-and still
may be email (would 10 God they may become
less. until they vanish from the EARTH yet they
have become sufficiently numerous Ia decide the
elections of the North and both political parties
Whigs and Democrats, have courted the aid Of the
aboitionists until northern opinion--so far as we
can judge Of northern opinion from elections, from
State resolutions, and by the positions OF northern
Representatives upon this floor, who stand
man, Il say one man, though there may be, and
believe there are, few exceptons,) pledged to
support measures which we consider fatal 10 the
South. Tell me not of n man not being an aboh
ZIONIST who is for Fastening upon the country the
abolition Of slavery in the District Of Columbia,
and for the passage Of the Wilmot proyiso; he is as
dangerous an enemy 10 the South the distin-
sl.h
himself.
And this sectional union al the north, which was
achieved by both political parties, counting the
votes OF the Abolitonists led to union on the part
OF the South; and that union of the North satisfied
the South that she had To rely on herseD that the
northern allies would desert her, and desert her
forever, if she would tamely, ANONYMOUSLY sub
NIT to have every thing swept from under her. IL
was a deluson on the port Of northern men upon
this subject.
But, Mr.. Chairman said | had confidence in the
Union. have, because there is too much Of patr-
otism in northern hearts, there il too much intel-
gence in northern minds, for them to consum-
mate those measures that would result in desruc-,
ton 10 the Union, in wreckng the bright hopes of
the world. They now believe that the South is IN
earnest, and means s'to resist this aggression at
every hazard and to the last extremity and as
much believe il as believe there is God in heaven;
and say as Wing, and say it too as a national
man, want to preserve the Union The Union
can be preserved alone by rendering justice TO the
South.
will now, Mr.. Chairman submit my views
the Wimot provso Whence the power to pass
IT? The General Government is a Government of
limited powers. Ii has which do not flow
from the Constitution as its fountain. The en-
eral Government springs out of the Constitution
or, should rather say, is created by it-and every
office and function ii has emanatcs directly or in
directly from that instrument Ii the power
ists, 1t must be by express grant, or fair mpca-
ton from an express grant Where is the express
grant II 1t exists at all, il is under the Sd section
OF the 4tli article of the Constitution, which de-
clares, =" Congress shall have power to dispose of
and make all needful rules and regulations
specung the territory other property belong
ing 10 the United States" BY fair construction
oil tins clause, the powes granted "to make all
needfu rules and regulations, is for the territory
as property; for IT is 90 respecting The territory
or Other property belonging to the United States !"
No political power is here granted-it is only the
same power which is given over other property
belonging to the United States Few ofthe advocates
OF the Wilmot proviso at this day; rest the power
on this section. Driven from this ground, they
intrcnch themselves under the treaty making pocer
and the ,cdr- poo0. doubt not but under either of
these powers, territory may be acquired-by treaty
or by conquest When thus acquired, there Is a
sulting or necessary power of government. But
how! Not out OF the Constituton-not independent
OF the Constitution-not against the Constitution
but under the Constitution. The Constitution ex-
tends over the territory. The territory is acquired
by the Government, the Government emanates
from the Constitution, and where the Government
force. But does the Constitution extend there for
the benefit Of one State, half the States, all the
States III for half the States, the exclusion of
the rest, then the Wilmot proyiso may be consti-
tuuonally passed. But If il extends for the benefit
OF all the States, as equals in dignity, the Wimot
proviso Is unconstitutional, for il appropriates the
territory TO half the States the exclusion of the
remainder. IL is no reply to this 10 say citizens
OF the South may sell their slaves, or go without
the and, therefore, the territory is open 20 them
NO, SIR, no! Northern men know nothing Of the
strong attachment which exists between the master
and his slaves. Whilst they are property still
they are persons, and regarded by their owners.
In addition TO this feeling, by education, by habit,
we are accustomed 10 slave labor. II is our prop
erty, which we know how 20 use and direct; and Ia
say we, thus situated may go il we choose without
II not be insolent in the South To say To the North
the territory IL open 10 you, Co. but you shall not
take your machinery, ploughs, looms, and anvils
with you, IL IL expected southern men should have
less sensbty, less feeling less pride when an in.
dignity " offered To them,
Suppose partners in trade were 10 accumulate
property 70 "A large amount ont Of the common
funds OF the partnership, and by the Joint labor
the partners suppose the majority should determine
to appropriate the trlols acquisition 10 themselves
would not this violate the fundamental rights of th,
minority and shock the moral sense Of every honest
mann How do the cases differ
But, again, bold that the General Government
cannot do indirectly what IL cannot do directly. u
there ~ a gentleman on this floor who controvert.
lhi5 poeluon, refer MN 10 resolution have be
lore me, which was passed by the House Of Repre-
sentatives OF the 18th Congress bya vote Of near
six 10 one.
''Rssoired, That Congress has no right TO do that
indirectly which IL cannot do directly yeas TO
nays 3O-Jotun0i 18th Congress, Sd sessiOn, page o.
Well, then, ask, IL a constitution is presented
10 congress, Of State asking admis sion into the
Union, II IT - competent for us 90 decide upon the
character Of that constitution further than upon
The question whether IL is republican in its provi.
slons! The question whether IL admits or inter
dics slavery does affect its republican char.
acter. IL - unnecessary for me a. refer % what
was the condition II tho States at the formation
Of the Constitution. An overwhelming majority
were slave States, and nothing was further from
their intention than 20 say that slavery was in
consistent with "A republican government The
Constitution guarauties 10 every State a republican
form Of government. II State, seeking admis-
SION, presents a constitution NOT republican Con.
greSs could not admit her into the Union But
when u comes 60 deridc whether the constitution
- Tepfbio0n IN iu character, the question whether
u dHoins or infsrdiefs slavery does not arise; and
no one could justly contend that Congress would
have the right 10 refuse admission only because ths
constitution permitted slavery But IL you say
that territory which is 20 be- carved into States o
this Union should receive slaves in IT, you pro.
VIDE IN elect that none but non SHAREHOLDERS should
60 tperei and when the population becomes suffi
a fLtff, o,A A..