The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-02-18

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them.
Mr.. Chevalier thinks that the excellent spirit of
the message must temper the excitement of the
American population bordering on Canada, and
abate the ardor Of the Canadian annexationsts who
can no longer count, during the presdcntshp Of
General Taylor, on any direct or indirect aid from
the authorities of the United States. "The alacrity
and vigor Of the repression of the plan organized in
the South for the invasion Of Cuba are proof that
the General can suit the deed to the word when the
duty of action arrives" The Professor than des-
cants on the danger with which the slavery ques-
ton Ia raught, and the necessity of mutual forbear
ance. He seems aware of what may be called the
constitutional impotence Of Congress, and Of the
force of these two coasderationsIs il the faith of
the slaveholding States that the institution has
listed, or continues among them? Could they abol
vital, allresching peril for the whitesH He asks:
Snow that it exists-that il Is spread over a vast
spacethat it is the basis of the Industrial and SO
cial organization of fifteen States, is it easy-is it
possblc--to suppress slayery?' But he discovers
nothing of menace no ground Of umbrage, for those
States in the northern resistance to its extension
into California and New Mexico. He recites the
southern opposition TO its exclusion from the Dis
trict of Columbia, and rejoices that the lustrious
Clay has returned to the Senate, to consecrate the
last breath of his admirable eloquencethe last re-
of his fertile geniusto the defence of the
principle of union. He relies upon a compromise,
and presumes that this will finally be the removal
of the seat Of government from Washington, to some
spota free soilon the banks Of the Mississippi or
the Missouri.
II strikes me that there would be more danger
for the Union in the remedy than the disease, and
more motive for remaining at Washington than
dictated the original choice. Professor Chevaliers
complaint of the climate, and Of the adjacent soil
Of Washington, has very little validity; and his
gument drawn from the expansion Of the Union il
met by the wonderful celebrity and facility Of the
internal conveyance, and the providential discov-
cry and illimitable use of the magnetic telegraph
The conservatives of the French assembly APP
pear to be coming to just sense Of the obligation
and policy of mutual concession to avert supremc
disaster, as hope to exemplify to you a few days
hence. This amendment in spirit and conduct
annoyst to the quick the Socialist and Red Republican
oracles. Proudhon, who taught that democracy
is the destruction of all temporal and spiritual
power,' now adds: "The title compromise is enough
to condemn any bill or act II implies treachery,
falsehood arbitrary will Ecectism is the cowardice
of reason" Nevertheless, without it there would
have been no American constitution Of union,-
perhaps. ere many years elapsed, no American
real repubcanism.
Mr.. Chevalier ventures to reproach the President
with having rashly committed himself on the tariff
question The professor has lectured and printed
often and voluminously in favor of free trade. He
argues with vivacity-alnost passion-against any
recurrence in the United States TO the protective
system, which, he opines, though it cannot be
made to disappear among the old nations 30 long
infested by il, but gradually and mincingly, can
by possibility be acclimated in your new world.
He urges the usual doctrines and dissuasives along
with warm encomiunls on Mr.. Walkers reports
"real treatisee of mastery logic"