The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-24

dlIerence between theIn winch would JuSf1y mt
in voting for either. i am against both; vii
institute no comparison between them. Sir,
recollect that old Hollinhcd, speaking Of thu
Low Countries, says that, between the Spanish
Government and the Popish lnquisition, they
were like spice between the pestle and the NOR
tar. | think that, between the plan of the Com
mittee of Thirteen and that Of the Executive, the
South may truly be said I'd be like spice be
tween the pestle and the mortar; for, between
the action Of the one and the non-action of the
other, it is likely to be ground into dust anc
powder.
If have been right in my examination of the
arguments in favor of this bill, there is but little
left OF them except the appeal to the friends o.
peace tOpass it, measure OF peace. As
said before, see no hope for peace from the
passage of any such measure it reverses the
order in which we should proceed to attain that
object it proposes to put an end to the contest
by making the weak weaker and the strong
stronger If it be the purpose to obtain peace
by forcing the weak to surrender uncondition-
ally to the strong, then, sir, this is the method
but if we mean to preserve not only the peace
of the confederacy, but the rights Of all who
compose it, then we ought to strengthen the
weak and weaken the strong. so far at least as
this contest is concerned aaf
Mr.. President l believe it is useless to give
rights under any system of government unless
you also give power to defend them If the in
terest is small, the temptation to attack is
small, and it requires but little to defend it but
if the interest be great, then the reverse of all
this is true. Every interest, great or small, in
a government, ought if possible to be guarded
by power enough to enable it to afford as strong
temptations to leave it ut peace rs can be fur
nisbed by any motive for attackingit. No man
can weigh or measure these things with mathe-
NAUTICAL precision; but, sir, think hazard no.
thing, inthe judgment of any impartial person, in
saying that the power of the South ought to be
increased and not diminished at the present pc
Rod of our existence. | do not say that an ac-
tual equilibrium between the power of the free
and the slave States is necessary to secure the
continuance and harmony of the Union. do
not ask for any change Of the Constitution; but
i do express the opinion that it would be better
for all parties, for the peace and the happiness
of the whole, if somewhere in our Government
there was an equilibrium power between these
great antagonist interests of our social system
But, whilst believe this would be better, / do
not say that it is necessary, but do think that
it is essential for the happiness and perhaps the
union of the States that all the constitutional
avenues to political power should be kept open
to the South, and that any accession of strength
to her would be positive benefit to the inter-
ests of peace and union. ] have no hope of con-
vincing any Northern man of the truth of this
opinion; perhaps neither he nor could recog-
nize the other as an impartial Judge upon this
question; and yet such, / think, would be my
conviction if were a Northern man. do be-
lieve that whatever increases the strength of the
South, whether by positive additions of power
through constitutional MEANS or done by party
organization, is so much gained for the cause OF
peace and union, and those who desire to pursue
those ends should encourage and not discredit
the efforts which are made to unite Southern
votes and efforts in the defence of Southern
rights. Give her in some mode the power to
protect herself, and if We cannot always KEEP
the peace we may long continue to pr3v, t is
chief
Mr.. President, have no hope or belief that
we can do any thing here which will keep down
all agitation upon this disturbing question. This
results from the contests between the two great
antagonist elements Of our social system, the
slaveholding and non-slaveholding interests.
Here are the forces whose opposition results
from the nature of our system, and that oppo-
sition developed itself at the formation Of oul
into the world with the heel of the one in the
hand of the other, as an emblem and omen Of
the perpetual strife which was to exist between
them. These, sir, are contests which we can
not effectually quiet; heats, collisions will grow
out of them; but if we were wise, we might
prevent very serious mschiefs to which they may
lead. This would be effected by increasing the
pis naedicatrir nature the self-restoring princi-
pie of the system, which, after all, must depend
upon proper distribution of power between
the parts. What rational fear can exist to JUS
tify an opposition to permitting the South to
enjoy whatever addition of political power may
be open to her through constitutional means
That the non-slaveholding States now possess
the larger share of power, and must continue to
increase their relative proportions is manifest to
all. If the interests Of peace and union would
be increased by adding something to the strength
OF the weaker party, why should not every
American who is friendly to those objects be
willing to use the means necessary for that pur-
pose! What is there in the political, industrial,
or social position Of the South to Justify any
opposition to her possession of fair share of
power in our political system! That her politi-
cal action has been conservative hitherto, is at
tested, | think, by the whole course of our past
history. In an industrial point of view, she I'M
doubleday possesses the largest single producing
interest of the Union. In the product of cotton
she stands without rival; and upon that pro-
duct depend the subsistence and employment of
almost as many persons out of the slave States
as within them. Is it not matter of deep in
terest TO the Northern capitalists and manufa-
turers, the Northern ship-owners, mariners, and
merchants-nay, to the whole world, that this
vast productions should be protected from as
saults, and permitted to proceed in peace2 And
what is therein the social condition of the South
to justify fear on the part of any man at the
idea of allowing that population a fair share OF
political power? In what other portion of the
Union do we find rural populations complete
in all the elements of strength and allegiance
And does not history teach that country
population is the safest depository of politica
power? i do not profess TO know much o.
Northern habits, or the structure of Northern
society, but am told that the man who wins
wealth or station there removes to the town tt
enjoy it. In the South the reverse is the case
the man who wins wealth there will buy farm
if he can, and move to the country to enjoy it
The North grows far more relatively in the town
and fln -,