The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-06-20
possesses any such power, whilst all agreed,


Maryland and Virginia, would be a gross
breach Of faith toward those States, and an
outrage upon the whole South. How loag
will that facility which yields to the preig-
dice against the buying and selling of slages
be able to resist the greater prejudice which
exists against the holding of slaves at all in
the District Of Columbia
For all these sacrifices to the interests and
prejudices Of the people of the North, the
South is rendered the last measure of the
compromise fugitive slave bill as they
propose to amend it, To understand the
extent OF the concession the South re-
ceives on this point, we must look to the
rights the. Constitution conters.
The trainers of the Constitution we're
perfectly aware that the General Govern
ment could have but littls power to secure
them their fugitive slaves in the non-slave-
holding States The whole internal police
Of State must be under the control Of the
State, and by this chiefly could slaves be
recaptured. The Constitution, therefore,
not relying on the legislation of Congress
alone, requires that fugitive slave, esca-
ping into non-slaveholding State, shdl be
delivered upon claim of the party to
whom he belongs. Fugitive slaves re put
on the footing Of fugitive criminals, ind are
to be delivered up by the State authorities.
Ifthese authorities do not enforce the re-
quirements Of the Constitution and aid in
the recapture and recovery Of fugitive slaves,
Congress can do but little to enforce them. 2
The bill providing for the cooperation Of
the few officers OF the United States Gov
ernm'nt in State, is practically quite in
sufficient to acc mplish its aim. What can
they do in such State as Pennsylvania to
recover fugitive slaves' Yet, il Congress
does all that it can do by legislation, to en-.
force the Constitution, it only does its duty
to the South. There can be no concession
or favor to tie South, in giving her only
what she has right to have under the
Constitution-unless, indeed, the Constitu-
ton for her has no existence. The bill then,
is, in the first place, quite inadequate to restore
to US our fugitive slaves, and, in the second
place, gives the Sou h nothing but what she
is entitled to. If this was all, there would
be nothing in the bill for which We should
concede anything to the North. But it is
not all.
Under the pretext of bestowing on US
benefit, it perpetrates a usurpation on tho
reserved rights Of the States. 1t provides
that slave may arraign his master, by the
authority oflaws madeby Congress before the
courts OF the States and Of the United States,
to try his right to his freedom. IfCongsess
can legislate at all between the master and
slave in a State, where can its power be
stayed' 1t can abolish slavery in the
States. Thus power is assumed in the
bill which virtually extends the jurisdiction
of Congress over slavery in the States.
And this is benefit to the South Under
guise of benefit, the bill is useless as a
remedy, and worse than useless in its usur-
pations. Such are the various measures
which constitute this compromise. .e
We do not believe that many Of the poll
ticians, and still less that the people Of the
South who have expressed willingness to
support it, were aware Of its purport. We
fully appreciate and duly honor the motives
Of those who would restore tranquility to
the country, nor shall we impugn in any
form those who have assisted to frame or
who have yielded support to the measure.
But, if our view Of its provisions is correct,
instead of compromise" it is compre-
hensive. scheme of emancipation and, if
passed by Congress, will only heap new in
dignation upon the South. So far from paci-
flying the people of the the slaveholdng
States, it should arouse them to renewed ef
forts to vndicate their rights and institutions.
Why the non-slaveholding States do not sup
port these measures we ale unable to UNDER
stand, unless it be that naughty fanaticism,
inflated with success, dsdains accomplishing
its object by indirection. m .I
Ii these measures, however, were really
compromise in which the South had equal
gains with the North, it would be of doubt
full expediency for the South 10 propose il.
Three times in Congress, during this contro-
versy, the South has proposed the Missouri
Compromise, which has been three times re-
jec'ed by the North. Twice she has pre-
posed compromise by which she consented.
to leave it to the courts OF the United States
to determine her rights. Instead Of reguir-
ing sternly their recognition by Cong ress,
fifteen sovereign States have consented TO
be carried into the courts Of the country and
there to submit their sovereign rights in a
teItoty peiopBinB " tnenh W uic.i nn"i o..
bitrament. Their humiliation did not win
the respect or confidence Of the North, and
the proposition was twice rejected.
The South, in our opinion, might accept
one other compromise, not because it is CO
extensive with our rights, but because it has
been twice sanctioned by those who have
gone before US. Ii the North offers the
Missouri Compromise, to extend to the. Pa
cfc ocean, the South cannot reject it, pro-
vided distinct recognition Of our right to
enter the territory south OF So deg. 80 min,
north latitude, is expressed in the compro-
mise. We should take this line as parti-
ton line between the two sections of the
Union; and, besides this, nothing but what
the Constitution bestows. Although the
Northern States, would acquire by This COM
promise three-fourths of our vacant territory,