Daily Richmond times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1849-1850, 1850-07-03


they think slavery great moral evil and public
nuisance, why have they not the same right to
prohibit its introduction also? 1t appears to me
they have, for | cannot find that the constitution
makes any difference between that and any other
species of property. Congress shall have power to
make all needful rules and regulations. Where
is the limitation or restriction? Needful for what?
For the protection of life liberty and property for
the security and enjoyment of all their civil and
political rights; to preserve them whilst subject
TO its jurisdiction from all immoral, evil or PERM
cous tendencies; in short. to do whatever local
Legislature or a paternal government may do, for
its own people, who have none else to look to for
their protection; and who is TO Judge of what is
needful? Surely those who constitute a MAORI
" OF the whole.
Mr.. President, | am not in the habit of taking
positions or forming opinions lightly and without
reason; still less do | choose, when | am acting
as your representative, to take grounds that can
not sustain by argument required for that would
reflect on you as we'll as OH me. These, then.
are my reasons for entertaining the opinion, (and
for having expressed it when was called on) that
Congress had the constitutional power to pass the
Wilmot Provso; and it is not enough for gentle
men who choose assail my position to say, "thev
disagree with me, and am Southern man with
Northern feelings" Let them answer nv arpu-
ments, and point out all its errors and defects and
it shall please me well,' for am willing to be
convinced 1t cannot be regarded, trust, as an
error of great magnitude, to think with General
Washington, Mr. Jefferson, Mr.. Madison, and Chief
Justice Marshall, on a question of constitutional
construction.
Let me not be misunderstood. Let it not be
supposed | am Wilmot Proviso man. Far from
it. voted against it in every form in which it
was presented while was in Congress. Iwould
DO SO again. feel constrained to say have me-
yer attached the slightest practical importance to
ts passage or re]ectlon, because I did not be-
lIeve Slavery could ever GMd its way there and
secondly, because have never been able 10 see
that it would be of much value to the South if it
could farther than that it might enable us sooner
to get rid of the slaves, which, if it is blessing,
as many seem TO think, we ought not to desire;
and tits an evil we ought not to insist on forcing
1t upon those who do not desire it, and would not
thank us for it. But the the cost of carving them
to California would, of itself, be great obstacle
in the way
believe Congress has the unquestioned power
to declare war against all the world but am not
therefore war man. | believe Congress has
power to abandon the navy of the United States
and substitute Mr.. Jeferson's old gun boat sys-
lem, or nothing, in its stead But | am not there
fore in favor of the measure. | believe Congress
has the power 10 break up the whole postal sys-
tenn of the United States, and leave it entirely to
private enterprise but am not therefore in favor
OF breaking up all the post offices and post roads
IN the United States. So, believe Congress has
the constitutional power to pass the Wilmot Pro-
viso, but am not therefore, in favor of its pas
sage.
But complaints made of the inequality and in
justice of this measure. have not been able to
view it in that light If Congress were to say
that Northern man might carry slaves to Cali
b,t L.
not, then there would be inequality and injustice,
which would join you in resisting But it is not
So Congress says none, whether North or South,
shall carry them. Now, | will venture the asser-
ton, that whenever you acquire the right to carry
slaves to these new territories, and make it mani
lest that 1t is profitable investment to do So there
will be ten Northern dollars for every Southern dol
lar invested in that species of property. Just at
this time there is, according to Mr.. Wise's ac-
connt, ten dollars North for every one South, in
vested or engaged in the African slave trade This
would arise not only from the fact that they have
great deal more monied capital than we have,
but they. have infinitely more of energy, enter
prise speculatire capacity, and go-aheaditiveness
.2nd not MI more conscieace. where meaey il ID
xaade, ssn oar own people. ss So
slssssss s; IL ass$s
liHs he is 1sat abIS ~ " lrs rsssss S N
and lie wants 10 sell them to somebody thar can
OF viii and here Is another, NoriIer. man, who
wants TO buy .os slat purpose, but the law inter-
poses, and says neither of you shall carry them
upon which does the injustice or the inequality
operate most seriously? | should say it would
operate equally on both and believe the case
supposed would be very common occurrence,
and that the largest portion of the slaves that
might reach California, would do it through some
such means, if it were not prohibited.
But the South omDainS of it as GREAT hardshin
that they are not allowed to convert the territory
OF California and New Mexico, or a part of it now
free, into slave territory. There are two sides to
every question, and a fair man will look at both
before he makes up his Judgment
AT the time OF the formation of our government,
there were thirteen States there are now thirty
consequently there have been seventeen since
added how have they been divided between the
free and the slave States? There have been
eight free STATES, to wit: Vermont, Maine, Ohio,
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa
and nine slaue States, to wit: Kentucky, Tennes-
see, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Texas, Loui-
siana, Arkansas and Missouri. Surely the South
has not had much cause ofcompaint int this. But
this is not all of the territory not originally be-
longing to the United States, but since acquired,
"by the common blood and common treasure" or
both, of all the States there have been formed, the
States of Louisiana. Arkansas, Missouri, Florida
and Texas, and the admission of four more, pro-
vided for by the resolutions annexing Texas to the
United States, making nine, all slaue States, and
of free States, not one. These are stubborn facts,
that we ought not to desire to shut out from our
senses. Where, then, is the ground of complaint
on the part of the South, for which they should
call their sectional conventions and threaten dis
solution of the Union I? Wherever you have ia
ken slave territory, you have been permitted to re-
tain it as slave territory. lat least free States
have been formed out of it, and perhaps none will,
for that part of the territory of Louisiana acquired
from France, lying North of SO 80, never had
slave in it, and, indeed, was never inhabited ex-
cept by Indians, who may continue to occupy it as
long the race is eft) and no threats OF disunon
have proceeded from the North in consequence of
it; but now that the South, whose Democracy
forced upon us the Mexican war, demanded the
acquisition of territory, as the price of peace, in
opposition to the views and wishes of the North
now that the South is responsible for forcing this
territory upon the country, and taking it as free
territory they threaten us with dissolution of
the Union, unless they are allowed to carry sla-