The Portsmouth inquirer. [volume] (Portsmouth, O. [Ohio]) 1849-1855, 1850-12-23

inUH law vi Engianu, no uOuDb, WHICH WAS
only adopted in this State, SO far as it
should be found strictly applicable to our
condition. ~ s
The case to which reference has been
made, determined SO many years since,
cannot be considered as Of very binding
authority. Since that period, multitudes
of monied and other corporations have
sprung into life, and their conflicting
claims with government and people render
it highly expedient that the rules hitherto
recognised, and claimed as placing those
institution beyond the reach of either ju-
dicialor Legislative correction, should now
be renewed, modified, and placed on a
foundation more consistent with the spirit
Of our laws and the rights Of all.
Having thus, very briefly, referred to
certain subjects Of State policy. and some
of'the functions of the Executive, as in
my. htssble Judgment they ought to be
performed, I could wish that nothing re-
manned but to take the oath of Office and
retire from the hall. But cannot do so
consistently with public expectations, with
out frank expression Of my views on a
question now pending before the people
which threatens the stability of the Union,
the supremacy Of the laws, and to disturb
the good order and quiet which has hither-
to. with very few exceptions, prevailed
since the adoption Of the Federal Consti-
tuition in 1890.
An excitement is spread over large
extent, and pervades every rank and con-
ditionin life, and unless allayed and other
counsels prevail, collisions between gov
ernment and people may produce civil war
of which no one can predict the conse-
quences to the General or State Govern
ments, or to freedom throughout the world!
The question of human slavery is, and
ever has been subject of discord in the
relations the several States bear to each
other, and to the General Government,
which is bound to protectthe Constitution
al rights and interests Of each.
The Democratic party ever has and ev-
er will oppose either the diffusion or ex-
tension Of slavery into any free territory
ofthe United States, by every legal and
constitutional means; and would rejoice if
any mode, not doing violence to others
could be devised, ''to overthrow and Grad
icate the evil"
That Congress, having by the Consti-
tuition, authority to legislate for the Dis
tsictof Columbia, Sin allcases whatsoever" "
may there abolishit, I entertain no dougt;
Congress is, blythe Constitution, The local
Legislature of the District, and all cases
within the legitimate sphere of Legislation
are embraced within the terms, sin all
cases whatsoever" as used in that instru-
ment.
Congress appears to me to possess the
same legislative power over slavery with
in the ten miles square, that may be exer-
cised by the legislatures of the slave states
over it within their jurisdictions; and that
it has been considered in those states, a
proper subject of Legislation, their history
furnishes the most satisfactory evidence
Ihave ever viewed the abolition Of slave
ry in the District, not only measure Of
expediency, but Of absolute natural righ
to the colored race, of The south woult
doubtless acquiesce in such measure
for if we expect to remain one people there
is an absolute necessity of adhering to tht
decisions of Observation-Disclosures, with
in their legitimate spheres Of action.
But the abolition Of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, and in the slave States
!, inmy opinion, stand upon differentground
as to the power of Congress over it.
The Executive of Vermont, in his lat
message to the General Assembly, init
mates the opinion that Congress may abol
ish slavery in the States where it now ex
lists. How far this opinion prevails I an
not informed, but believe the exercis
of any such authority by Congress woul
be followed by dissolution Of the Union
The South would then be driven to it,
> preserve their peculiar institution unde
! their own local authority.
The entire South, and l believe a larg
, majority of the North, would look upo
5 such action as an unwarranted usurpatio
3 by Congress, for which there is no author
I. ity, expressly granted or fairly to be in
Q piled, from the Constitution Of the Unite
States.
The excitement to which I have refel
! red appears to have entirely grown out ,
] the passage, approval, and partial execl
ton, in q few instances, of what is calle
the Fugitive Slave Law, by Congress.
7 Conventions have denounced it as III
: constitutional. The Clergy have declare
9 itin oppositionto the higher law Of God, an
: therefore void. The slave and the citize
g have been advised and mvitedto arm ar
: oppose the execution Of this law, to Il
Q shedding Of human blood, and all this
. done in the peaceableand orderly State
r. Ohio, and ] think is the result of mistak,
II judgement. if not, and the law is actual
void, they are right, and ! could Justify Il
h noble impulses which prompt inference b
'e tween freedom and servitude, in oppol
g, ton to law, whether white or black, B
s. let us for a moment search after truth, al
II if we find it, acknowledge its force. /
S, the ground we occupy, at least, be W
'e considered, before we hasten to resu
0, calculated to weaken the public confden
ID in supremacy Of our laws, and the W