The Sumter banner. [volume] (Sumterville, S.C.) 1846-1855, 1850-07-24


the inittutions were tolerated. III they. rerar,
ded itas a blessing, they had n Constltn,ionat
rightio enjoy 1t, aild II they regarded it as a,
evil they had The power, and knew best how Ia
orpE the remedy. did not conceive that Con.
gre$ had any power over 1t. or wns in any way
responsible for its continuance in tho several
staes where it existed. Ihave entertained no
otter sentiments on this subject since examined
fliiiciently to form an opinion, and doubt moi
Tint all my nets, public md private, will BE-
| fund in accordance with this view.
| have the honor to be, your ODD 7 sey't. a
| MlLLARD FILLMORE;
This letter we look upon as of great i'm.
(portance. We remember it when it was
first published: We were not deceived BY
it then nor arc we deceived by it now. Il,
our judgment it is not the letter of a
candid man. 1t was written for the pur.
posc-and for no other purpose than to
deceive the South, and it had the desired
effect. 1t is tho letter Of an artfnI writer
who is endeavoring not to commit himself
against hsprinciples, and at the same time
to induce others to believe that he does not
entertain those principles. He says: Gin
regard to tho charges brought against me
from the South on the slave question, ]
have concluded to state briefly my posi-.
ton Does he proceed to do so! What
are the charges brought by the South
against the North? That they are in "a.
yor of the right of petition If SO, then
MIR. FILLMORE admits himself to be an
abolitionist, Tor he says that he is in favor
of it, and that, when he was in Congress,
his votes were always recorded in favor Of
the reception and consideration of abolition
petitions. Upon but ono other point does
Mr.. FILLMORE state his position. and here,
his language is, purposcly, to some extent,
ambiguous and equivocal lie clearly in.
tended, that, before tho election, tho South
should construe his letter to mean, as the
Times now constrpcs it, that the nation.
al government had nothing to do with slave.
ry any ,cherc, whereas its true construc-
ton, and t'lot which he himself would noto
put upon il, is this: "that the national gov
crnment has nothing to do with slavery"
in The Stalcs. Does GIDDrNGs, HALE, ST..
wARo, or any other sensible abolitionis,,
contend that Congress, under the Cous,.
tnl'on, has any thing to do with slavery in
the Statcs!' Was any such charge seri.
onsly made by the Democratic papers Of
the South against Mr.. FILLMORE! Clearly
rot, and he knew it. Why then did he
state his position uponi matter which is as
clear MS the noon-day sun-about which
there is no touht.-and in relation 10 which
no charge was made, and why did he for.
get the points upon which charges were
made and fail TO answer them The char.
ges made by the South, against the anti.
slavery party of the North, are, that they
DO not, in good faith, carry into effect the
provisions of tho Constitution in relation
to fugitive slaves; that they are opposed 10
the admission OF new slave States; that
they hold that Congress has power over
slavery III The terg'torcs--ir .Le y -tssss!,s
Columbln--tn Forts SC: '"i dat 'hiey~ arc
Congress. Upon not one OF these charges
does Mr.. FlLLMoRE state his position. Ifc
in fact gives his views upon no charge
which is seriously made BY the South
against tho North SEWARD, or any other
abolitions', may, with perfect consistency,
have written the letter of the 3Ist July;
and from its silence upon the points, really
at issue between the North and the South,
much is to be inferred. Mr. FILLMORE
knew well what charges were contained in
The Bill, and when he neither travcrscd
nor answered any one Of the material allie.
cations, according to all the rules of plead.
ing and sound logic, he permitted Judgment
10 60 against him by default. lie is thus
connected by his own showing of being
strongly "tincturcd with abolit,onism and
free soil"