The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-03-28
THE UNION

ii the matter You ask us 10 intervene You repudiale
he doctrine OF intervention If the constitution goes
here and gives you the right to carry slavery where
loes 20, il overrides OF itself the Mexican laws All
Mexican laws that repugnant to il will be void
Now say that whether this plan OF the Executive be
wise or unwise, II is the constitution il IL, without
restriction and without enlargement II may not be
The most eficacous to thorough and final settlement
Of the controversy but i is good as far goes and
reasonable objection 10 IT, except from those
who wish interfere actively and set aside, by terri
toal legislation, directly indirectly. the existing laws
OF Mexico Ii there be any other plan by which more
can be accomplished more done for the settlement OF this
exciting aud hear. burning controversy will go for il
with all my heart but very much fear that divided sen
imen this subject will prevent from accomplishing
complshed by prompt and united action For one, have
no doubt that the Mexican laws do remain force IN
these Territories hold that slavery is civil local in
aton existing only ~ municipal law and na It Ss
conquest acquisition OF the country by another power
hold furthermore, that slavery is not political insiitu-
lion Of the federal governments that It is not an nslln
on OF this government at all 1t does not exist through
by its action il has control it in the States TO
abolish it and that consequently the constitution
oil the federal government cannot carry It where II had
not prior existence. These questions have argued
before. My opinions are on record, and do not intend
TO repeat them now. tM
Mr.. President, concur in the sentiment which has
been expressed, that it is time that the North and South
understood each other upon these Questions. desire,
therefore, to say that as far as know the sentiment oil
the North in reference to the extension OF slavery TO Tree
Its representatives here may sit in quiet while the South
is tempest tossed while southern feeling rolls IN on us
here like foam on the crest Of the bllow; butt when the
storm shall have passed. when its fury shall have spent
ITSELF the North will be found as where was in the
beginning settled, determined in its opposition to
the extension Of slavery to free territory That is my
view OF the feelings Of the North. This feeling may
be sought to be carried out BY different persons through
different means. One may be content only with posi-
tive law passed to prohibit slavery there another may
himself with the laws OF Mexico as they ae and
yet another may say that Con has decreed against it, and
that il is useless to his decrees but they all
have the same object the same purpose. He who used
this last expression [Mr. WEBSTER which has Deen
much caped at both in this chamber and BY the press,
used IT. presume, not IN reference to the Te-enact-
ment Of the moral laws Of God but of those laws which
God had stamped upon the physical condition, upon
the outward form OF the universe and to which the
laws OF man could add no sanction. But may add, in
passing. that i is not customary for human codes to re-
enact Gods other laws believe no one OF us has ever
seen the Ten Commandments Te-enacted Who has seen
statute saying Thou shalt not kill, or steal, or bear
false witness" The human law does not create, but
recognises these crimes, and merely attaches the pen
atty. But this Is aggression add that while we are
opposed To the extension OF slavery are disposed to
carry out those views only in good feeling and in what
we believe to be the spirit OF the constitution II has
been leading principle with the wing party at the North
from the beginning both in and out oil Congress) to OPP
pose the admission Of slavery to Territories nowfree
But, very unfortunately must say Tor us, party-no
not party, but sect political seehas sprung up in
our midst who taking advantage OF good principle in
ITSELF have pushed II TO extremes, connected with abo
to and the cause OF human freedom than they ever
have or ever will do to our adverres and The system OF
slavery.
Mr.. DAYTON. That party declaims with great unc
tor against slavery and all compromises with savey
they depecate as an unworthy thing that hall and hall
virtue which leads TO tolerate il for moment, or tam
per with il at all they denounce weakness coward
ice because we see the right and yet dare not pursue IT.
Mr. Presideni,1 always suspect moi the motives, but
the moral and mental perceptions OF that class Of
W he of heir
tie sect Of idea, hold up their principle, their
single light, perhaps farthng candle. with which 10
The wing party North have other principles besides free
soil and, without depreciang this. trust that the party
will live and flourish North and South when free soilism
and aooonis as mere party tests h shall nave iound
conservatism, which ultimately must regulate and con-
troll its destiny.
But sir this free-sol feeling at the North has not been
am persuaded mere matter OF sentiment, the
tor from Kentucky Mr.. CLAY seemed 10 intimate
early stage in this debate He said that he thought be
might fairly ask OF the North greater sacrifice than
claimed in his compromise resolutions. That with the
North was sentiment, sentiment, sentiment" while
with the South II was question OF domestic security
Sir il that were So grant that the South could call upon
US for greater sacrifices; they could call upon TO
rce everything to their safety But, reference
the extension OF slavery 10 these distant Territories this
claim has support il is rather matter OF sentiment upon
the part oil the South; and If II sentiment both
Sides the propiety OF concession, and how much, would
depend upon the value OF the sentiment advocated by the
parties respectively But the VIVID picture portrayed by
the distinguished senator OF a serve instruction, burn
ing dwellings, shrekng wives and children applica.
Bile TO these distant Territories, has place or, il
place, the picture must serve but warning, telling
TO beware in how transfer TO soil now free
institutions pregnant with such anticipated horrors They
warn us in time OF the responsibility which incur 10
posierriy, we plant slavery where II Is not We
about now TO lay the foundations OF other common weahs
the North say Il is duty, statesmen and men,
10 lay their foundations in such wise, that children
and chlldren's children, 10 the remotest genera
ton, may rise up and call blessedi'-ihat they
may not At some distant day say OF us, In bitterness
and in sorrow, "The stone which the builder did refuse
the same should have been "the chief OF the corner"
This is the origin OF northern feeling, il is scky sen.
tment but judgment, sound discretion which induces
the feeling OF the North upon these questions Sir,
draw the slave and free line from the the Mis-
sisspp and mark the difference between the two sides
Comparisons odious" | have no wish TO make
excuse me. Kentucky in 1890, had free population
oil 60O0O souls. The shines upon better soil, or
stronger hands or stouter hearts than her own Ohio,
her neighbor, with no better SOIL II good and no su.
perior facilities, then or now, then unbroken,
bowling wilderness Fifty years have rolled round.
kentucky has a Tree population OF less than 100000.
ONO has Tree population OF one million and half
The same difference exists in reference 10 their produc
tons, agricultural mechanical, and manufactured Il
ask whence comes the difference II comes, sir from
the single fact that Kentucky carries dsad sceigh She
has been parayzed in her efforts by the crushing innu
are attached to il he who has been bred in its midst
nnrsed BY the slave IN infancy. followed BY him In
hood, looked after BY him in age-he may be unwilling
10 give up the comforts which attend this kind OF do
nestle servitnde. But, sir. when we are laying the
foundation oil empires, the question is not, how few
may 1--we IN ease but The question s how henany shall
best live, increase, beauiify, and ructify the earth
repeat again. that IL ia not an ntiment only hut udg