The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-12-16
TIL Z R EP u BLIC.
obsdisncs to tho Lava.

ne IollOWlnB duHDlIdDie dTlIcle we copy
from the Observer, religious journal of high
character and large circulation, published in the
city of New York.
The authority Of law is important, the necessi-
ty Of obedience is absolute the habit of dsobedi-
ence is SO contagious that it is duty to obey,
even in cases where hard and odious and offensive
laws are imposed upon us. The law may be worse
in the eye Of God than il be in the judgment of
man, and yet it may be the will of God that we
should obey this most odious command Ii may be
true, that If an act not commanded by statute
TO perform il would bring in direct conflict
with the will of God; while TO perform the same
act when the statute Of man requires it, would in
vove US in a conflict real and as criminal.
To sum up in a word the right 10 the
question, How shall we know when the law of man
conflicts with the law OF God! we say, in every in
stance in which God positively commands that
which the law Of man forbids or forbds that which
The law of man commands, the conflict is real, and
may be clearly known. All specific actions which
God requires or iorbids in regard to moral reli-
gious concerns, fixed beyond repeal and
change. In other cases, the evils of disobedence
and rebellion, and the duty of antaining public
order generally outweigh immensely the stron gest
motives to disobedience, There may be cases, in
deed, in which, without positive command, the
will OF God Is 30 plainly revealed that know
that God bids us disobey resist. But cases of
this kind need not be argued. There is room for
hesitation or questioning. The public sentiment
ID 80 united, and the public conscience thunders
with a voice so loud, that revolution a mar
yr's death is the only alternative for honest
mind
Is the present case of the conflict Of laws2
Is the Fugitive Slave Bill a law of man which
plainly conflicts with the law of God?
We do not ask whether il is wise law or a fool
sh law; nor whether it is good law bad law;
nor even whether the requirements of the law be-
fore 1t was enacted, were in accordance with the
will of God? but simply this is il statute which
that IL is made The a,o Of the land is law which
God requires US to disobey; All these other ques-
tons may be appropriate in their place, and il may
be well to discuss them but in this place they have
no appropriateness. The last is the only one that
deserves our consideration.
But il is asked at once, Docs not the badness of
a law deserve to be considered in deciding the
question whether God requires us TO obey il? Yes,
we reply, provided it lie shown 10 be 60 bud az to
require resistance revolt But if it is not bad
enough to involve THIS consequence, then its bad
ness cannot be pleaded at all in this connexon.
All of the evils of this law however true
and all vivid descriptions of the dreadful conse-
quences OF its prevalence, however striking and to
the life irrelevant, if they arc not brought to
prove, or ii they fail 10 prove that the law is di-
rectly at war with positive command of God; or
that 1t IS so bad as to require passive disobedence
or open revolution.
Does this law command to do an immoral act2
Has God declared that to hold slave is against his
william open sin! Or has he declared that TO re-
store n runaway slave is an immortality? Or has
ne furnished us with the means of surely con-
cluding that the act or the other is an immo-
ralty, ga crime, an open and nagitious crime?''
Some, VIC doubt not will say yes. And not only
will they say yes TO this proposition, but they will
| say that every man knows that they crimes.
Let II be granted that they crimes, and then
what follows? The provision in the Constitution
which declares that "no person held to service or
labor in ono State under the laws thereof escaping
into another, shall, in consequence Of any regula-
ton therein be discharged from such service or la
oor but shall be delivered up" &c. This provision
I commands immortality and this not by a pa
L at bv nnd taI and ~,
| law. Ii follows, then, that the Government is based
| upon crime, and our Union is cemented with sin
Who, then, can have any thing TO do with this com
1 pact with hell! Who can rest satisfied to take an
office, or make oath 10 support this Constitutions
\ Who can rest easy for moment till he has alb.
jured all connexion with this Government and
| given his solemn testimony before God and man,
that he is innocent of any participation in institu-
tons that are founded upon crime?
| Let every man who takes this ground in regard
TO this slave bill take and keep the same ground
| in regard 10 the provision in the Constitution on
| which il is based. We will hold no dispute with
| such man. We will not deny the sincerity OF
| his conscientious scruples. But we only desire
that every man who takes the ground that this
provision in the Constitution is against the will OF
God should show his sincerity by being consistent
with himself
| We deny that il was an immoral or wicked pro-
vision. The men who framed il knew that they
we're not responsible for the institution Of slavery
| They believed also that they would not by means
A
mitigate the evil They knew also that, without IL,
the Union might not be contaminated, with all It's
promised security and peace and that without this
| Union, there would be disorder and discord, and
their whole train OF curses 10 bast and blight the
condition Of man for this life and the life TO come
| They assumed no responsibility for the institution
Of the evils Of which il is the parent. They left
| these to be regulated by the laws and 10 be im-
proved by the public sentiment Of the States with
which the com pact was made They simply qua.
rantied 10 those States that their laws and instu
ton should be extended over those Of their own in.
| habiiants, who should seek 10 escape their inhu-
/ encc. Was this wrong? Was this llagitious
crmc9 Was this crying Elm Ia the sight o
! Heaven
| lift was not wrong to make THE provision, then
| Il is not wrong 20 execute IL. The execution Of a
| promise made under circumstances like these in.
wolves no greater sin than did the original promise
IL leaves the responsibility for slavery precisely
| where the compact left H. Whatoycr evil there
/ may be 60 the master. or whatever evil ther,
may be 10 the slave, we arc guilty Of none Of II by
| the fact that we fulfil promisc which Il was Ugh
| TO make, aud which VIC are bound 10 keep
Bot II j. argued, though IL was tight TO make tn,
promise, and 20 keep Il for while, Il is not righ
10 keep It now. The Constitution, Il s said, wa
made 10 give slavery time 20 die, and be buried
and behold IL has become its tower and bulwark
Indeed well, what them Therefore as the poor re
latiye, whom we promised 10 maintain till death
did not choose 90 die as soon Ss we thought h,
ought to, the promise s no longer binding Ia thi
this the morality Of tho teachers Of virtue pur
and lofty as TO transcend all the practical duties
man? l. II thus that treaties and fundamental law
are disposed Of by zcalots who will not even ca
with a man who docs not agree with them that it i
| right TO break the Constitution when they thinl
the time has comc'
| But II the time has como when this once innoccn
provision has become a blazing sin before God
then the time has come to be consistent, and 4
seek for a dissolution of its bonds II this canno
bo effected, let every such man sbjurc the govern
mcnt Of his country a wickcdncss in the sight O
Ged
But we are told that this law is inconsistcn
with the Declaration Of IndopcDdcncc--our Bill o
Rights. Lot il be 90, then, II this Declaration i
the higher law of the land and Ovcriidcs the Con
sttution, then break the ConstitutiOu in the nam,
Of this Declaration; aud If the defence is good il
the court Of conscience IL will be also good in tn,
! courts of the country. Or II the courts will no
sustain the doctrine, then disobcy and suffer tn,
| penalty, or raise an armed revolt
"But knotg IL cannot bc right 10 send back tC
slavery, and hccnti6usncss, and horror, the un-
| happy victims Of bondage" Suppesing, how.
ever, that by refusing 90 send them back, when
| fairly claimed, you bring on disunion and civil
war, and the countless murders, and the hOrrid
train that always stalks through land cursed by
civil strife, who is responsible for the murder,
the icentousnoss, the robbery, the hendish acts
that will be committed by thousands and tens OF
thousands as the certain consequence, Who, in
viz If md hat vii