Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1850-08-31

the consent Of Texas would be such law but none such
is in existence Whether law of Congress alone with
out the consent of Texas, would be such law is not now
before will be time enough to discuss that Question
when 1t arises All that have before us is the mes
sage announcing the opinion of the Executive that il
question that he cannot decide; but that until is decided
by competent authority he viii force prevent the ex-
tension of the jurisdiction of Texas over terrtory living
within her limits prescribed by her laws notwthstandne
those laws not inconsistent in conflict with any SUI
peror law; and that he will do this without asking anv
authority from Congress in addition that conferred upon
him by the acts of 1895 and 1907 have shown concu-
svely think that those confer no such authority on
him. And now, in conclusion this branch of the sub
ec assert that if he attempts thus by force to arrest the
legal authorities Of Texas will be gross usrpaton ~
power, which should be resisted.
And if you wish to know what mean by resistance or
how mean it should be resisted say distinctly it should
be resisted by arms awess force always should be re-
sisted.
cannot speak for Texas-I have no authority to sneak
hershe has upon this floor who can speak for her
But have mistaken the character of her people the spirit
exhibited at the Alamo and ST. Jacinto would submit tame
y to such wanton wrong The rights and duty of Texas
mind, clear If the question be not settled she
should extend her jurisdiction this terrtoryshes should
pass all laws necessary to command obedience her
reignty within her limits.
And the execution Of those laws should be opposed by
force either the part of the people residing in the dsa
cted section the army of the United States she should
meet force with force let the consequences be what they
may And no man need delude himself with the opinion
that in such conflict Texas would be alone. have lately
expressed the opinion that "e first Federal gun that shall
be fired against the people of Teas oithout the AUTHORITY
Of Lao, ,ciH be signal for the eenen from the Dea,oare
to the RIO Grande to rally to the rescue" And repeat
the sentiment here this day. The clangor Of battle aton
cord, Lexington and Bunker Hl did not more magcally
every friend of his country from Massachusetts, to
Georgia. in the time of colonial wrongs than the first roar
of Federal artillery in such cause Santa Fe will start
to at this time, every ruehearted south of Ma
son and Dxons line. The former the beginning
revolution and it will be well for those whom the des
MES Of this Republic committed take care that
the latter may not be the of another The
people in the sayeholdng States of this Union cannot mis-
take this question. They understand perfectly well that
nothing would have been heard of this doctrine of its
being the duty Of the President maintain the possession
of the United States this country against Texas if
had not been that Texas slave State We have heard
nothing oft in California, Utah. or New Mexico the
other side of the Rio Grande We have heard nothing of
the obligations of the treaty securing life liberty and re-
gon to those Mexicans who have fallen within the do
mnons OF the Mormons or who have become prey to the
sayages that roam the immense tracts of country be-
tween the Del Nore and the Pacific. No. sir; we have
heard nothing of these obligations of the treaty. and this
doctrine OF holding possession by force without authority of
law saving in that comparatively small portion of territory
lying east OF the Rio Grande which falls within the pre-
scrbed limits of Texas. Liberty property and religion
stand in need of protection amongst the mixed and mot
ley herd who have focked to California from all nations
and clmes-these sacred rights perfectly safe amongst
Mprmons and savages. 1t is only in slavehoding Texas
that they need protection. Now say there is no mis-
taking the And tell you the people Of the South
will meet freemen who know their rights and know
ing them dare maintain them"
Mr.. Chairman, it gives pleasure to speak in this
language do not wish to be understood as picturing
state OF things which would afford any qualification to
behold. am but proclaimng disagreeable truths which
public duty requires me to utter am nsensble the
which would inevitably ensue from such
collision therefore, anxious any man can be to
avert them if possbe but they never be averted by
the policy of this message. have for long time looked
upon this question OF Texas boundary the embar-
RAISING one before us, and feel hestancy in SAYING
that am in favor of speedy and amicabe adjustment of
It. am also for settlement of all the other rrta
ton and agitation in the country which SO painfully
disturb and distract the public mind well the public
councils But 1t important that do deceive
selves these questions intend, therefore, to speak
plainly and distinctly to you and the country When we
talk of an amcable adjustment may well understand
clearly what we mean by it. The President, in his
Notwithstanding this threat of force urges upon Con-
gress the settlement Of these matters of contention and
ste that part of the message meets my cordial approval
But how they to be amicably settled This brings us
directly to the principles which must govern acon-to
the basis upon which to agree. shall give you
mine candidly and frankly.
So far the boundary of Texas is concerned, will
ing to settle that upon the plan suggested by the Pres-
dent provided we can agree upon the terms Of disposng of
the other sectional difficulties We hear great deal about
settlement adjustment, compromise, harmony, and union.
Now, am for all these. l enemy to the Union.
And those of this House who know much of me- know full
wen mat mean exacty what say repeal am no en-
envy to the Union-and for its preservation and its
if it can be done upon principles of equality
and Justice. Attachment to the Union with and with
the South generally, think, is sentiment of patriotism
grows out of the recoections of the past the glocs of
the present. and the hopes of the future 1t arises from
base calculation of dollars and cents But tell gentlemen
OF the North it is for them determine whether it
shall be preserved not In point of money value think
It worth to the North than to the South We have
heard but little from gentlemen from that section for eight
months past but eulogies upon the Union If they
cere in the expression Of this deep devotion to the nstu
tons of fathers it is time for them present the offer
ing which they willing to make upon the altar of
common country for its preservation If they expect the
South to make all the sacrifices yield everything and
permit them to carry their sectional policy under the
cry of our glorious Unon" they will find themselves
sadly mistaken. 1t is time for mutual concessions. This
Union was formed for the protection of the lives the ber
E and the property of those who entered into it, and those
who should fill their places after them. Allegiance and
protection are reciprocal where protection extended
no rightfu allegiance be claimed And people, in
my Judgment who deserve the Of freemen, will
nue their allegiance to any Government which arrays it
self not only against their property but against their social
them intend to ngra upon the policy of this Go
vernment your anti-slavey views, and make its action
conform to your sectional purposes it is useless say any
thing more OF compromise settlement adjustment union
1t as well for distinct understanding upon
the subject at do not place low estimate upon
the value OF the Union to the South but do consider
its dissolution with all the manifold attending evils of such
an event III full before me- the greatest calamity
that could befall Far from it. There is no evil which
can fall upon any people, in my opinion equal to that of
the degradation which always follows submission insult