The miners' express. (Dubuque, Iowa) 1849-1854, 1850-02-20
Here is one. half lhe saidl of great country, |

Here is one-half (he said) OF great country,
which believes, with unanimity, perhaps with
out parallel, in grave national questions, that
the Constitution has delegated to Congress no
such power whatever And there is large por-
ton of the other half which entertains similar
views; while of those who see in the Consttu-
ton sufficient grounds for Legislative action,
there are many who admit, indeed, probably,
there are few who deny, that the government is
not free from serious doubts.
Besides the want Unconstitutional power, there
are at least fourteen States of this Union, which
see in this measure a direct attack upon their
rights, and disregard of their feelings and in
tercsts, injurious in itself it is offensive to
their pride of character, and incompatible with
the existence Of those bonds of amity which are
stronger than constitutional ties to hold togeth-
CIR. No man shut his eyes to the excitement
which prevails there, and which is borne to us
by the press, in countless articles, coming from
Legislative proceedings, from popular assemblies,
and from all the sources whence public opinion
is derived, and be insensible to the evil day that
is upon us believe this Union will survive
all the dangers with which it may be menaced,
however trying the circumstances in which it
may be placed. believe it is not destined to
perish, till long after it shall have fulfilled the
great mission confded to it, of example and en-
enlargement to the nations of the earth, who are
struggling with the despotism of centuries, and
cropping their way in darkness which, once inn
penetrable, but where the light of knowledge
and freedom is beginning to dispense the gloom.
But to maintain this proud position, this integri-
ty Of political existence, on which so much, for
and for the world, depends, we must careful
ly avoid these sectional questions, so much and
so forcibly deprecated by the Father ofhis Coun-
try, and cultivate spirit of mutual regard, adj
ding to the considerations of interest which hold
nc fho hirrh,r pro nof;o
affinity of views, and of sympathcs. Sad will
be the day, when the first drop of blood is shed
in the preservation of this Union. That day
need never come, and never will come, if the
same spirit Of compromise and of concession by
each to the feelings of all, which animated our
fathers, continues to animate and our chill
drcn. But if powers offensive to one portion of
the country, and of doubtful obligation, to say
the least oft, are to be exercised by another,
and under circumstances of peculiar excitement,
this consideration may be rent in twain, leaving
another example of that judicial blindness with
which God in his providence sometimes visits
the sins of nations
Now, Sir, as mere practical question, is the
Legislative adoption of this proviso worth the ha-
card at which alone it can be secured-the OBJ
stacles and dangers l have briefly alluded to-
There should be great advantages, incstimable
indeed, to be gained, before such a measure is
forced upon the country. Can any man say that
they correspond at all with the magnitude of the
evils, which must follow in their train
For myself, sir, do not believe that the light
est good will result, OF would result, under the
most favorable circumstances, from the Congress
sional interference with the rights of the people
of the Territories. The object avowed is, to pre-
vent the introduction ofslavcry it 60 there
even if left without this prohibition? / believe
it cannot, and believe there are very few here
or elsewhere who think it can.
This view of the subject had occasion to an
nounce two years since, together with the con-
sideraton, political and geographical, which led
to the opinion. Time and experience have come
to confirm what then anticipated; though
certainly sooner, and in more imposing form,
than it could then have even been conjectured
BY far the most valuable portion of our Mexican
acquisitions has organized State Government,
and WILL it is understood, present itself for
admission, with fundamental prohibition against
the existence Of slavery. Looking at the condi-
ton of New Mexico, at it's products, it's geogra-
phlcal position, the character of its inhitabants,
whether natives or emf grants, and to the legal
tact that slavery is now excluded from all that
region, think the most Jealous advocate of this
prohibition must admit, that without it, the coun-
try is sure to be free from slavery, as with it.
For myself, do not believe, that if you were to
pass law establishing slavery in the Santa Fe
country, or in Deseret, to adopt the new nomen-
claturc, it would ever 60 there. Higher consid-
erations than your Legislative action would con-
troll this ground-consideraton of profit arising
out Of products which can alone render this kind
of labor valuable, and which is sure to arrest it
in the cotton-growing and sugar making regions,
instead of permitting its emigration to higher la
titudes, whose products require less labor and,
by their distance from market, must always be
cheap and abundant.
| refer to these circumstances, not as inhucn-
cling my own action, for with my view of the
constitutional defect of power, l am precludcd
from entering into any other consideration; but,
as appealing to those who, finding the necessary
authority, seek to exert it, in order to prevent the
introduction of slavery into the new acquisitions.
Nor have we any right to anticipate that this
view, however correct it may be, will reconcile
the South to abandon their objections to this
measure. All experience shows, that contro-
versy like this, which has reached its present
condition, under circumstances so imposing,
where great questions of right and of feeling are
involved, is maintained without reference to it's
unitarian result. And there is no better illus
tratlon OF this truth, than the history of our
own revolutionary struggle presents--whcrc
the principle itself, far more than it's immediate
practical application, reused continent to arms
The Wilmot proviso is urged upon the ground
OF its expectancy. 1t is opposed upon the ground
of its unconstitutionaity. Those who urge it
may we'll abandon it when circumstances show
that the measure is dangerous in itself, or profit
less in its results. Those who oppose 1t cannot
change their convictions of right and that por-
ton otthe Union which considers itself partcu-
larly affected by it, will not change the convic-
ton that its feelings and interests will be sacr-
feed in violation of the great compact which
makes us one political family.
Now Sir, repeat, is the contest worth the
cost? 10 place this barren, and, as believe,
unconstitutional proviso on the statute book, is
that recompense for the wounds that would
be inflicted, and the feelings that would be ex-
cited, whose disastrous effects no right minded
man can contemplate without the most serious
apprehension? The oldest among us may live
to see their commemorative youngest may
not live to see their termination. For myself,
! will take part in no such effort. l will minis
ter to no such feeling. will engage in no such
crusade against the South, from whatever mo-
tiyes it orig inates. will cndeavor to discharge
my duty an American Senator, to the country
and to the whole country, agreeably to the con-
victions ofmy own duty, and of the obligations
of the commonwealth !; and whenI cannot do
this, shall cease to haye any duty here to per-
form