Daily Richmond times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1849-1850, 1850-10-15
ADDRESS OF MR.. TOOMBS
To the People Of the Eighth Congressional
District of Georgia.

Mexico slavery is established by the municipal laws
OF Texas, the county eeded by her retains this NUM-
cipa law, it contains nearly the whole of the civil
lied inhabitants OF the territory. In that large portion
OF California, which is embraced within the linn
It's OF the territorial government OF New Mexico, it is
believed there does not reside sing e civilized man OF
any nation or colony the extensive valley OF the Colo
rado whlch Is supposed TO be the most valuable tor ag-
rlcultura purposes, of all the country acquired from
Mexico, has not even been explored there never was
any organized Mexican government established over
1t +; therefore, admitting the Mexican law against
slavery TO obtain dcJure in that extensive country
different law prevails IN the civilized portions ceded
by Texas. The two different laws upop the same sub-
Jeet cannot exist in the territory of the United
States In this conflict of laws the law of the civilized
must prevail over the law OF the savage portion of the
inhabitants, hence the municipal law of Mexico ex-
listing at the time OF the conquest over that norton of
the country occupied by savages, must give WAY to
the municipal laws of Texas existing at The t;n,e al
the cession over the civilized portion Besides the con
stitutoa and laws OF the United States not totally in
applicable, extended over the whole territory and
there Is section IN the New Mexican territorial bill
declaring mat no citizen OF the United States in said
territory shall be deprived of his life his liberty or his
property, except by the judgment OF his peers and the
laws OF the land These are the main features in the
territorial bills having any re alton to slavery.
Utah is inhabited by that singular and remarkable
people sailed Momons the form Of government pre-
sented by them 80 Congress silent upon the subject
OF African slavery, bat is understood that it already
exists among them and is protected by their laws I'M
der tins state OF facts and because these provisions were
IN the territorial bills aud because prohbtory provisions
all legal lmpedments to the introduction and enjoyment
OF slave property in the territories Ibeeve such will
be the effect OF the bills in the territory OF New Mexico
which embraces much greater portion Of the acqusi-
toD Doth IN extent and value, than lies South Of 80 deg
81 min and, therefore, taken alone better division
for US than the Missouri Compromise line 1t will be
the effect 10 both New Mexico and Utah, if there be one
particle OF truth In the constitutional opinions of those
who have tor two years made war on me for demand
ing legislation, and who have heretofore denied and still
deny the existence and validity of any Mexican law
against slavery Even though such may be the effect
OF these bills preferred direct repeal of the Mexican
law, and direct legislation for the protection and saey
oil slave property in the territories and voted for and
endeavored TO obtain such legislation preferred be-
cause would have been an open, direct and practical
assertion ct our right to legal protection and the duty
OF the Federal Government to give that protection 10
our slave property wherever its jurisdiction excu-
sVe and paramount. 1t would have removed all donbts
and quoted all fears upon the subject 1t would have
condemned aud repudated that political heresy called
non-inerVenton, where adoption by the South will for
ever settle the question of slavery extension Against her
and VIII finally achieve the bloody exodus OF slavery
Itself from It's present limits.
Some will meaning and patriotic men tell US tc
cling 10 non-neryention only safety because if
we concede the power Congress egslate for orr
protection, 1t will legislate for the destruction of our
property this be those who are now for seces-
sion are right and ought to secede. We are invited TO
commit the gigantic folly OF Olsen arging government
from Inc duty OF protecting the enjoyment of our
property which was the object of It's creation and
render our system almost the only one for its contin-
uance oteau e unless we do it will DESTROY it. have
never heard better given for revolution in
any age or country. Ii admits that the government is
incapable OF d>chargug the first and highest duty OF
every political system This admitted incapacy of the
governsent TO discharge the duty OF protection to the
citizens II true abrogaes the obligation oil allegiance
ana makes revolution duty But hold that this as
sumption Is not yet proven, and should contnue tn
admit the right TO eglate for protection and to de-
1nand its exercise whenever and wherever necessary
until shall be used against u.s. then it will be time 10
protect ourselves. We together with the rest of the
people OF The United States pay at least thirty millions
lot me protection OF the property of the people we
spend ten millions per auuum for a navy TO watch and
protectlt from every danger in every sea we snend
near ten millions more Tor army to be used for the
same 1870 We ssl1 sss mile in sendng
IN other KfSfdenIai s-arltg ay1c
protection, yet I'D i The items of ale-
nal wealth owned and possessed BY people, that
slaves aae which eater value than all the rest
besides that possess shall be put out of the proec
ton OF the laws, and under the law of the Republic
The reason given for this ancul and absurd as the
position is unsound.
1t is said to be because it is peculiar" institution
The trainers OF the Constitution drew different concu-
sion from this quality. 1t LIABLE from its cilarac-
ter to peculiar dangers, and therefore they surrounded
it with peculiar safeguards Because slaves We're liable
TO away into free States, the Constitution reour.
ed them to be delivered up to the owner and Congress
has leglslated to carry out that provision. Because it
was liable to the danger OF Instruction, the Constu-
ton provided Tor the suppression OF nsurrecton, and
Congress has already leglslaed appropriately to call
upon every citizen OF the United States liable TO bear
arms, 10 repel this danger. Having provided then spe
cal and appropriate safeguards against these peculiar
dangers in all other respects the Constitution lett it upon
precisely the same footing all other property or out
OF the States, and the want OF power in Congress to
legislate against it, in the States does not arise
from any pecuartyin slave property it is equally true
OF all other properly horses and bales of goods are as
much exempt from such hostile legislation as slaves
and their exemption Is based on the same principle
Therefore, nonlnteTventlon is correct prin-
cple applied to slavery, than to any other spec es of
property and is wholly unrenabe aud destructive to the
rights OF property But it is said that intervention
has already been the doctrine and policy OF the South
This idea results from total misconeepton OF our past
history. 10 all of former acquisitions, except Ore
gon, slavery was expressly prohibited by law when
we acquired them; therefore we had no need of any
legislation to secure our equal enjoyment oil them;
mad only TO resist hostile legislation 10 rights
In Oregon there was law upon the subject, we re-
sisted unavangly hostile legislation, and were excud
ed. The acquisition from Mexico presented the first
case where there law against slavery, upon
which the direct question arose OF the power and duty
OF Congress TO repeal The doctrine as now applied
is but two years Old Gen Cass in the Presidential
canvass oil 1913 finding himself embarrassed by the
conflicting opinions and feelings of the country upon the
question seized upon non-inerventon life boat in
the political storm OF Presidential canvass. Ii
thy OF remark that he held that legsa ion was neces-
say to our entry and enjoyment OF properly in the
country that the laws OF Mexico excluded us but de-
med the power IN Congress to remove them his
Southern friends took much OF The heresy as they
could carry. and held that II there any such laws
they were void under Constitution, and united with
Gen Cass IN denying The power to remove Them Its
friends must therefore restrict always" TO two years.
This was the beginning, and hope it will be the end of
this dangerous heresy; except by some half dozen
Southern men, 1t was UNANIMOUSLY repu dated by the
whole South in both branches OF Congress during the
last Sesso on It's next appearance will be from The
North We mad as we'll cling to mill stone about
our uecks, for safety amid the boaedlesa bot,
tomIess waters this doctrine OF intervention
Tor an anchor OF sa ely TO our slave properly.
This doctrine OF non-nterventon deprived US of all
hope oiprocurng direct repeal OF the Mexican laws
In other resp els these territorial bills not only
nnohJectionabIe but highly desirable me; they de-
mIndsd no concession from the South violated no
principe, and LETT untrammeed 10 the future; upon
my principles, by them, Congress discharging
a large measure of its duty, but its whole duty
The question pre- ented 10 their passage was,
whether l should accept them, when, upon nv
principles they seemed large portion at least OF your
rights, and according TO the opinion OF majority OF
the South, secured Them ALL reject Them The cues
ton was plan one to me; did hesitate but gave
them ready and active support, The objections 10 my
course 10 TINS respect, only extraordinary 10
themselves, but still more from the quarter whence
they came The objections belong exclusively as far