The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-07-23

others those who asitate for political purposes
whou. any particular feeling upon The subject OF slavery
ehs, the one way o. ns onsr bu. they represent what
regard the southsrO power - being generally hosls to
their scheps: The southern proprietor represents labor
and i b. interest tina. the wages Of labor should be
therefore the defender OF the former Upon The subject
Of banks tariffs. and in all the schemes by which govern
msn' - invoked to give capital indirect advantage
over labor southern influence has been felt and often
fatally elt by the former For this the northern
capitalist has shown himself hostile every increase Of
political weight in the confederacy the part of the
South Upon that question he consistent and undevi-
alng ne never falls 10 oppose any which could
increase in the least degree the relative power OF heSouh
~ the conedeacy because he regards that power hos
tile 10 him. Upon the subject OF slavery his aga-
lOn occasional and not steady He agilaes for other
purposes and not from any real hostility the institution
he will agate whenever there is question OF extending
southern power, to get up feeling Ut home which other
wise might not be directed against such extension
He also agitates something's Tor the which
used to induce France. when at war with the English
TO stir ny their Scotch neighbours to produce division
at home II southern influence 10 about to become dan
gerous 70 his schemes OF protection assistance, he
then willing to give them trouble home TO alarm them
il possible deeply TO deter them from attending to
his measures or TO prevent Them from opposing him
get peace al home. Upon this subject sir history has
something 10 say. II was not until it became evident
that the protective stem Keeling under the blows OF
the South, driven as was almost 10 madness asd des.
peraon, that the anti slavery assumed its dan
gerous form Ii the tariff to fall before southern
toer under northern agitation, and upon that institution
blow after blow has fallen until have reached our
northern senators adverng bitterness OF spirit to the
fact that the votes OF the Texan senators passed the tariff
act Of ls4e! Who does not see that this feeling has
much to do with the determination exclude the South
from every foot OF territory acquired from Mexicol Sir,
we have already heard than obscure limitations
that the true grounds OF compromise between the
slavery and protection interests. But the from
Massachusetts, in speaking OF the ambitious spirit of the
cotton interest," forgot to say that there two classes
81 the cotton inerestthe one IN the free, the other in
the slave Stateswith opposite views in some respects
and the former as think far more aggressive than the
latter. II Mississippi has her cotton planter and slave
owner, Massachusetts has her cotton lord. whose capt.
tai 10 engaged IN manufacturing that fabrc-operatives
depending upon that employment for subsistence and
ships. aud mariners. aud merchants largely engaged in
the transportation and exchanges of that material
and lis fabrics. But, | said before, the cotton in.
terest North has in respects different views from
the cotton interest South The first desire to make
slave labor low, and cotton abundant and cheap; the
the price of cotton. The former wish to confne all
the slave labor therefore, to the cotton lands the lat
ter have deep interest in extending it to other
poyments, and over larger surface. In this differ
ence OF feeling and interest is TO be found, perhaps
one of the bitterest elements in the present strife
L slave labor had been permitted to be employed in
have gone there to great extent. We have the evil
dence OF member OF their convention, quoted by my
colleague, who measured the value OF years labor of
slave in thousands OF dollars. We know. too, that in
all times mining to have been the employment Pc
cuarly fitted for slaves 1t was carried by Indian slaves
before the Spanards came, and il was TO relieve them
that African slavery was introduced. So the
mines had fallen into private hands, slaves would have
been employed in them. had the government permitted it.
They would have gone. probably in great numbers from
Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina. Why should
any northern phanthropist object to it Was bet
ter slavery such evil, to relieve the old States
from it, and send il to vacant tertory' In that point of
view, yes, but in another far worse 1t would have
raised the price Of slaves OF slave labor and OF cotton
i would have diverted grea. deal Of that sort OF labor
from the production Of cotton. The general belief
is, whether correct not do not say, that slaves
will leave the granproducng States in the OF
time. To concentrate them the cotton States must, for
long time. be regarded as valuable object to those who
desire to see cotton abundant and cheap Now, unless
this bill should give those persons all the territory and
all the power dispute. how its passage satisfy them
quieted, how il the South to be satisfied by III Mr..
President, acknowledge that this class OF agtatos
sometimes pause in their work own that il would give
the be and ID mas
gerous when all OF these forces united. But, sir,
do believe that this BILL much comedies to them
would satisfy them they have further purposes in view,
and viii 90 on until they either reduce the South to un.
conditional submission or find that 1t is impossible to do
fear sir that this BILL instead OF opposing new OBJ
stacles to the march OF the aggressive spirit which
upoR the institutions OF the South, is removing
from it's way some Of those which already exist.
have indicated what | believe 10 be the path of
peace, not from any hope that would be pursued but
because believed il due TO truth to do know, sir,
that what have said will have effect in turning the
purpose which is formed shall probably be denounced
others have been. for looking closely the
race proposition which bore the of compromise
TO such denunciaons generally almost Indifferent
know for what purposes, and by whom, a of
epithes IL usually waged. The very declaration OF such
war, in the general evidence either that the weapons
OF reason are few in the amory OF those who wage
or else that the arm wanting which is strong enough
to draw the bow OF Ulysses But, averse a. am 10 no.
hce such idle missiles in the general yet upon the present
occasion, when the public mind il sensitive il pos
sble that there may be persons who distrusu and
ought to be relieved upon this subject So far am
concerned. unwilling that any honest man,
tive woman. or inqulring child should believe that
was capable OF conceivng any purpose against this
Union and would not make any reasonable sacrifice to
maintain It. believe, Mr.. President, that have voted
for everything which bore the semblance Of fair CON-
promise. upon the subject OF slavery since have been
Congress. voted Tor the Clayton Compromise, voted
Tor the scheme offered by the senator from Wisconsin
have voted for the Missouri Compromise; | would vote
Tor now, II offered according to its true spirit effect
do not vote for this scheme M because do not regard
part OF the South. do not believe that il would either
give peace do justice called upon to vote for the
admission OF California, with anti slavery constitutions
which was not the result a believe. OF natural Causes
or the spontaneous movement OF her people, but of
action direct and indirect OF the general government
one breach in the constitution which gave being With
these opinions, how can vote for such a bill How
could do il with decent degree OF respect the res
oluons OF my State What s the meaning OF the de-
nunciaon OF the Wmot Proviso, and "kindred meas-
ures, II sHch course OF measures brought California
here petitonng to be received State be in
cluded in that denunclxtion But will repeat nv
objections to the measure
Mr.. President have not been loud in my professions
OF attachment this Union, because was not aware