The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-07-30
THE UNION.

doubt from the minds Of his and my constituents
and TO place them in the easy state Of feeling which
be now enjoys Surely he ought not to deny them this
satisfaction. But bringing forward different
matter | about show that the senator had once
propsry He saw il was rixht :. that lime And where
a. he once saw. trust lie will no, now be blind.
Mr.. FOOTE. Will the gentleman bear with me AGAIN.
Doubling what the law was al that time, thought some
special Legislative protection would be necessary. Not
doubling now, do not conceive il is necessary.
Mr.. YULEE Well, the fact that the senator's mind
Of the Mexican laws shows that the question is Of
doubtful issue, and that should guard constituents
BY legislation Although he may not doubt, the public
still doubts and not the state OF bis mind but ot the pub
lac mind, should govern our legislation But will pro-
coed with my purpose. because think that the crcum
stances which now mark this issue between the two
sections render expedient 10 do The country should
know tina, the senator felt himself constrained, III
discharge OF his duty, To insist upon the same description
OF legislation which urge in behalf OF the south
ern States, but against which be throws his whole
weight and which he denounces not only unnecessary,
but inconsistent with the doctrines of the South and
with her true dignity
When the Clayton Compromise bill was before the
Senate the senator in express declared his advo
cacy OF the Missouri Compromise with the Underwood
amendment, and preferred il to the Clayton Compromise
These the words Of the upon that OCCASION
in speech he then made After specifying one or two
plans which first in the order Of his choice he said
as proposed TO be amended by The senator from Kcnueky
MIR UsDEKwooD This he preferred 10 the present Com,
promise" Now, that we may more clearly understand
what he in favor Of will again read the Underwood
amendment 1t was to be added to the Missouri Compro
mise amendment, and was IN these terms: And provided
" that citizens OF the United States emigrang with their
slaves into any of the Territories of the United States
south of said parallel shall be protected their property
in their slaves long as the Territory to which they
emigIae continues under territorial government" This
plan of adjustment he favored, and the Clayton Compro
Mr.. FOOrE There is portion OF the bill now under
which is not to be found in the Clayton bill
speak of the clause which extends the constitution OF
Mr.. YULEE. That clause was adopted in this bill
because i was part OF the Clayton Compromise
MI YULEE The senator will find. upon reference to
the bill as reported by Mr. Clayton that ne is mistaken
United States to the Territories was the only section
which the Clayton Committee introduced. and const-
tuted the very basis of The djustment
MIR. DICKINSON, lin his seat) That is the case,
Mr. YULEE. The senator from New York, lMr.
DcxIssoN,I who was member Of the committee. con-
in his recollection if he thinks that his opposition TO the
Clayton bill was owing to the absence OF that clause
But will show now that the senator claimed upon
that occasion positive legislative protection Tor slave
property and that il was the absence OF such pro-
vision that constituted the ground OF his dissent to the
Clayton bill, although in the end he voted for it, These
the words OF the senator and am the more grahed al
the opportunity to reproduce them in the Senate because
they very appropriate TO our present circumstances
Again be commended that slavery could exist without
legislative protection. II man should take hundred
slaves these foreign Territories and they should
be Disposed TO rebel against hn, what law there which
carry them to he Pacific and The owner tire
appeal the law he will he wered you do
nohtng-th.fe Is no aw IN the There many in
his section o. country disposed TO emlgate 10 California
bu there who would be such doll TO carry
slave here, bee use he could not hold him.
luence Of the hands of the local authorities being tied
tina, they corld interfere the subject of slavery
Yes he commended at that time sthat aduery could
eI1st Without leg isiaue proeetioa' II that proposition
true then, 1t is equally II the absence OF
such protection in he Clayton bill objection how
that the bill he is advocating finds favor with him
But undertook 10 show that the senator has at this
session expressed opinions upon this subject which do
lot tally with hs opposition to his colleagues amend
Congress ii he does not vote with u.s. il is because he
does MOI follow the opinions and argument OF his. which
dressed the Senate the 10th May last in reply TO some
observations Of mine After asserting for the inhabitants
OF our Territories right 70 establish "soca regulations
Tor he own protection and Preservation he proceeds 10
say:
But then, the sovereign States OF this Union have right
to ENJOY and dispose OF the whole territorial domain Of the
republic, and the citizens OF all the States have right
to equal pariepancy in he enjoyment thereof which
not be either denied conavencd without the gossest
justice Tue citizens Of all the States have right
move within the limits Of these Territories with any prop
con ,tuon Of The Uoion either generally 81 and
to demand recognition and protection of IL such from
the territorial government, II shall have been
established The slavery rom The
UNITS OF the Territory Is no. AT all Indispensable TO the need
mcnt-esabshed, II must be, under the parsmcun,
thoy OF the federal consti.uon--can have authority
property in slaves secured by constitution, but is
bound to consider itself under binding obga
ton 70 preserve such rights OF properly invoate the full
extent oil It's capacity To do Entertaining this
The matter confess that can necessity Tor any
siriouon being imposed by Congress upon the territorial
government about to be established n respect the
ten OF African slavery" II should undertake to ,egis
late Tor the prohibition or excus OF slavery such l-gsla
non would IN my judgment, be nere nulliy; and
were the question raised before them II ieuis-
iaop Wotset'rs OF slavery should be subjected the
same esi, cannot doubt that such leg station would be
W, - ne.
much better adopt upon this nbecl al all
and 10 leave the whole subject The govern
ments and the
Now, there several points in this passage OF his
speech which deserve All the citizens of all the
States have equal right in the whole territorial domain
OF the republic" That rs the proposition Of the first
tence We agree that The next sentence asserts that
all the citizens Of all the States have right 10 remove
within the limits OF these Territories with any property
which they possess, and which BY the con
stutlon OF the UnIon including he afterwards shows
save property. In all this We agree II next asserts
that The citizen thus removing with such property the
teritoes has night "to demand recognition and pro-
techon oil Il as SUCH Still we agree But he says this
protection IL to be demanded from the territorial eri.
laiure'-we say from Congress. The issue then upon
which We go before the South is reduced to this one
point We both agree that constituents have rgh,
70 go with Their slaves TO the Territories and demand
me recognition and protection" of their property in them
This right OF our constituents he proposes TO subject 10
the control OF the first body Of engrans who chance Il,
locate upon the public territory while those with whom
act claim the mantanRnce oil il al the hands OF Con-
gress as duty Which OF US is rghti Why has the
cihzen right to demand this protection for his slave
property in the Territories Because It's security i I'M
under the constitution And under what is the
protection OF all the confederate rights placed The