The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-07-09

when Mr.. BUTLER got the floor, and the Sen
ate adjourned.
The House Of Representatives. were occupied
with the consideration of the report of the select
committee appointed to investigate the connex-
ion and relation Of the Secretary Of War to the
claim of the representatives of George Galphin.
'NEw MExIoo.-Already New Mexico is pre-
pared with a constitution and demand for admis-
sion into the Union. We are by means insen-
sible to the grave objections to this measure. The
unftness of the mixed population of New Mexico
to enjoy the full privileges of American citizenship
is very evident. The smallness of the population
is also an objection, and the general ignorance of
our institutions is still greater objection. Yet
the prompt admission of New Mexico is the only
remedy that we can to the greater evil of the
present condition of things. We do not see how,
in any other manner the question that agitates
the country, and mpedes the public business is TO
be settled, even temporarily; any other permanent
settlement is quite impossible, for the same ques
ton would come up again when the territory
should present itself with constitution for admis
sion into the Union" Providence Journal.
The journal has placed in its true light the
real point of choice in the issue, presented by
the aDpliCdliOH VI NEW NItNiCO W Nolllt Hlo
the Union as State. IL the question stood in
the form of an Independent proposition, it would
be very different question from what it is
now, with all its connexions and affiliations,
blending it 50 intimately with the troublesome
subject of slavery. The admission of New
Mexico as State promises to settle that sub
ect of agitation, and promises to do 1t at a time
when the North cannot do it, when the South
cannot do it, when the North and the South
together cannot do it. Would it be desirable.
indeed, that the North or the South should pre-
dominate in this struggle, and either section
gain a triumph over the otlerl Would SET
Element be accomplished by such result on the
part of either?
Admit, then, that New Mexico might not.
upon her own merits, properly claim entrance
into our family of States; admit that her mixed
population may not be as fit for the full eXer
else of the rights Of American citizenship, for
want of familiar acquaintance with our insti-
tutions, as might be desired. What then? If
we will not admit her for her sake, shall
we refuse TO do so for our own! Ii this child
OF discord can be made TO become minister of
peace by virtue of her admittance into the fold,
shall we not receive her, even though too
young and too inexperienced to claim on her
own account equality with the rest NJ the
sisterhood?
Whatever objections might be urged against
the speedy admission of New Mexico, they
dwindle and fade away when viewed in com
Al A..
might secure Nor, indeed are we left without
high authority to give countenance to the doc
trne that the rights and privileges and duties
pertaining to a territorial government are very
little inferior in point of importance and respon-
sbity to those which belong To the citizens of
a State. So far as the question of slavery is
concerned, Mr.. CAss makes no differences
thatsthose who insist upon forming a terrific
rial government for New Mexico, holding his
views upon that point, cannot consistently OPP
pose the admission Of New Mexico. as a State,
ON the ground that she has prematurely de
cided the slavery question for herself. In a
speech. in the Senate, on the third Of last
month, Mr.. C,ss, in reply to sundry illusions
to his views rs contained in the Nicholson let
ter, went into an explicit exposition of that let
ter, 50 far as it related to territorial rights in
connection with slavery. We quote briefly:
"Sir, repeat again, what ! said emphatically
upon a former OCCASION that if any man misunder
stands that letter, the fault is his, not mine have
heretofore appealed upon this subject and have in
quircd whether, at the time my Nicholson letter
appeared, il was not distinctly understood that it
tooL tha fyround have ever since talon that tho
inhabitants Of Territory have right, subject, Of
course, 20 the limitations Of the Constitution, to
regulate the subject of slavery Cor themselves; and
esp ccisly the appeal directed TO the Southern
Senators who were here at the time the letter ap-
pearcd, some of whom--and especially the Senator
from South Carolina, (Mr. BUTLER and the sena.
tor from Mississippi, (Mr. DAvIs) -signifed their
assent TO my proposition. will read portion Of
the letter. to chow that il ought not to be misunder
stood Speaking of the right 20 establish territorial
government, say;
" But certain il is that the principle Of Interior
encc should not be carried beyond the nccessn ry
implication which produces IL. II should be limit
ed 10 the creation Of proper governments for new
countries, acquired settled and TO the necessary
provision for their eventual admission into the
Union: ieoring, ~ The tme, 10 the people nhab-
ihag pep 10 regulate Their internal concerns in their
,rag.
ia there ON this hoor who has now any
Doubt Ia tho true Interpretation Of this letter.
Now that the excitement of an election has passed
away and We can all look cooy at things theyare
y there any man here or elsewhere who can put any
other construction upon this letter than that which
IL words plainly import, that in the mean time,
during the pendcncy Of the territorial governments
they should be allowed TO manage their own con
Germs in their oWnwsyf Does not slavery come with
in ths caicgcry' hituot domestic concern lsnot
ust the doctrine Of the South of common sense, in
I deed No territorial government was estab-
I iisicd which had no, power TO regulate the domes
a. relations Of husband and wife, Of parent and
child. and 81 guardian aud ward; and il the nhabi