The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-12-18
THE 81 u HERA PRESS.
WASHINGTON CITY,
WEDNESDAY. DECEMBER Is, 1875
The Southern Party.

plauded. The States are all separate sections
of the Union. If there were NJ sectional diyi
sions Of interest, or of policy, or of opinion
there would be no use for State governments :;
and the federative character of our system would
be absurd. But there are, always have been,
and always will be diverse and adverse sectional
interests. There never was more than now
And the attempt to deny, or Disregard this fact
, exposes only the purpose, Of submission to the
most powerful of the sections. Whoever al
tempts to render the love of Union, or the pre-
servution of Union paramount to all principles
is prepared to sacrifice the Constitution, the
rights of the States and the liberty of the States,
and of the minority.
This Union is federative. 1t contemplates
the existence and the development Of sectional
interests and provides against their conse.
quences, by expressl recognizing the rights and
powers of the States. And when a great,
deep, powerful sectional division occurs, it pre-
sents the case for invoking all the powers of the
States to protect those which are endangered
by it. Hitherto we have been divided in our
political organization, chiefly between the Wing
and Democratic parties-both extending into all
the States. hut recent and impending events
have developed principles, and called opinions
into action of>greater force and deeper interest
than the principles of either party; or such as
at least have practically superseded the power
and principles of those parties. On the ques-
tons thus created, men have divided aud have
voted sectionally, and not as Wings or Demo-
Gratis And as many of these questions are yet
unsettled-in fact all of them, men, we are to
presume will still continue so to vote and to act
In this exigency it has been proposed to form
Union party. This very movement assumes
the fact that the old parties can no longer act as
such on the great questions Of the day. And the
name of the new party which is proposed, is
equivalent to the declaration that Union is para
mount to every thing else, which is the same
thing as to proclaim unconstitutional submission
to the will of a majority. The exigency results
from a recent attempt of Il section which has
such majority to despoil the weaker, and the
movement now proposed is nothing less than to
clothe the power and the purposes of that sec
tion with the name and the sanctity of the whole
Against this design have the old parties any
power! We have seen them attempt to control
it, and fail. On the recent struggle in Congress
we have seen party connections utterly dsre-
garded, and sectional interests controlling.
Can the two parties remain united We
have seen Mr.. HUNT elected Governor of New
York, the largest OF the Northern States, in OPP
position to the Fugitive slave law, and the fur
thcr extension o. slavery. We have seen the
Wings OF Michigan ee:tin. two members OF
Congress- opposed to the Fugitive law. W,
nave seen those of Illinois attempting the same
thing. Can the Wings of the South remain
united to the Wing, Of tie North! On tn,
other hand, We have seen the Democrats of Mas
sachusetts and OF Ohio united with the Abo
lionists to elect Free-socrs, and opponents oi
the Fugitive slave law and the extension of sla
very. Can the Democrats OF the South rena
united with the Democrats Of the North? IL il |
impossible.
A sectional division exists in fact The sec.
tonal parties exist, and in all cases where Sec
lonal interests are involved, sectional larlies |
only are known.
Such is the fact. And the question now is.
whether n sectional party at the North is to be |
opposed by one Mt the South. And if 50,
whether the Southern party will employ all the
power which the Constitution affords to obtain
SUCCESS.
In the present House of Representatives tn. |
South has a vote of 81 to lain the Senat.
of Is at the utmost, to Is. BY the next census |
the power of the South will be still further re.
duced in the House, and in two or three sessions
Of Congress it will, by the admission of new
non.slaveholding States, be still further reduced
in the Senate. And according to the usual
in fact powerless, will by the next census be
palpaby and hopelessly SO. So that on all sec
tional questions the South will be in such dc.
cdcd minority rs in fact to have no power what
ever-and will be dependent entirely on the
justice, the magnanimity, the policy or the fears
Of the North,-a tenure for sectional rights and
interests so trail and feeble that people who
would rely on it already fit to be slaves, even
if recent events did not show that such Il depend
ence is utterly futile.
Is there then any remedy whatever in the
Union, and under the Constitution for the weak
ness of the South at period when sectional
interests are involved, and when Southern rights
are the constant objects Of assault? There is |
one remedy. 1t is the Federative character of
the system. 1t is in the election of President by
the States in Congress, where each State has
one vote and in which the South " ould therefore
have fifteen votes TO the North's sixteen. This |
gives to the South the power of self.defence 50
far the Executive branch Of Government is
concerned, unless the North is unanimous in the
policy Of aggression. If that should prove to be
the case, there is no remedy except in secession
The only alternatives then would be secession
or submission.
If the South can elect President who will