The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-02-07

enter upon the argument whenever | choose to
\ do 30.
Mr.. Clay. | do not choose to give way at
present.
(" Mr.. Davis Now is the time to enter upon the
argument.
mir. Clay. Not until am done | am remind
ed Of my coming from slave State. tell the
Senator from Mississippi, and tell the Senator
from Virginia, that know my duty and that
mean to express the opinions that entertain,
fearless Of all mankind
Mr.. Clay showed, clearly enough, that the reso-
luton of 1888 and that submitted by him now
did not conflict
81 will not,n he said substitute the word
unconstitutional for the word inexpedient;3
for do not believe il to be unconstitutional
cannot believe IL. Ii power to egislate in all
cases whatever be granted TO Congress does il not
comprehend the power to legislafe on the subject
Of slavery, as well as upon all other subjects
The power is there; but there is an implied faith
connected with the power, resulting from the
circumstances TO which have referred imposing
on Congress the obligation not to exercise the
power as long as slavery in Maryland and vir-
ginia exists. And, now that Virginia has sepa-
rated from the District suck abolition may not
take place without the consent Of the people of the
District AMI of Mary and also without, what
contended for in 1898, compensation TO the own
ers of the slaves for their property thus liber-
atedn
Referring then with some manifestation of in
dignation to the declaration of the Mississippi
Senator that he would demand specific guarantees
of the right to hold slaves below $50 3O', Mr.
Clay proceeded with great warmth and vehe-
mence of manner, as follows
81 am extremely sorry to hear the Senator
from Mississippi say that he requires, first the
extension Of the Missouri Compromise line TO the
Pacific, and also that he is not satisfied with that
but requires if | understood him correctly, a
| positive provision for the admission Of slav, ry
south of that line. md now, sir, coming from
slave State, as do, Owe it TO myself owe it to
truth, | owe it to the subject, TO say, that no
earthly power could induce me 10 vote for n spe-
I cifc MEASURE for the Introduction. Of slavery
where il had not before existed, either south or
north of that line Coming as dc. froP, slave
| State, it is my solemn, deliberate, and well-ma-
tured determination, that no power, no earthly
power, shall compel me to vote for the positive in
PRODUCTION Of slavery either south north Of that
| linep
In making these declarations, the manner of the
speaker was extremely energetic. He drew his
tall form up to its fullest height raised his voice
to its highest pitch, lifted both hands towards
Heaven, and, as he closed the sentence brought
them down with most emphatic expression of
protest The effect was electrical, and loud APP
plause broke forth both in the galleries and on
the floor which, however, was Immediately
checked by the Vice President
Mr. Clay continued
"Sir, while you reproach and Justly, too our
British ancestors for the introduction of this in
sttution upon the continent of America, | am, for
one, unwilling that the posterity of the present
inhabitants of California and of New Mexico
shall reproaoh us for doing just what we reproach
Great Britain for doing TO u.s. IL the citizens of
those Territories choose to establish slavery, and
| if they come here with constitutions establishing
slavery, I arm for admitting them with such pro-
visions in their consultations; but then II will be
their own work, and not ours and their posterity
will have to reproAch them, and not us, for FORM
| ing constitutions allowing the institution of sa-
| very to exist among them. These are my views
sir, and choose to express them; and care not
hnw artensiselv or nniysrsally thew are knAunu
Mr.. Davis Of Mssissipps said:
"Ihaye not proposed to compel Shareholders to
take their slaves to California, nor to revive the
| African slave trade. Neither was the construc-
ton warranted by my having used the word upon
which he hangs his argument did not use the
word introduction, nor suggest the idea of COM
| pulsion. The Senator has set up his own cob
house, to show how skilfully he could knock il
down-Iti is no fabric Of mine We maintain
that it is the right of the people of the South TO
carry this species of property to any portion of
the territories of the United States that it rests,
under the Constitution upon the same basis as
other property; but when speaking ofa compromise
| it was the ultimatum announced. Ii is strange
that the Senator from Kentucky should he 80
much surprised, it certainly was not new ques-
| tion with him, nor with his colleague, with whom
| on former occasion, similar proposition orgi-
mated. Ii is a partial recognition Of right we
claim to be co extensive with the territories of
| the United States but we are willing in spirit
of compromise, and in compliance with the past
acquescence Of the States. to restrict its extern
sion by the parallel of 800 30 north
SNOW, this is conceding a great deal II the
line were established upoa any great principle
arising from climate or productions, it would be
different then the line would not extend upon
the same parallel of latitude IL it were line
Of temperature, then, as the isohermal line bends
upward it would 90 north of that parallel Of lat
itude 1t il out of respect for the past, and from
anxious desire pesceably TO adjust most vexa-
tious and dangerous question, that we agree to
adopt this arbitrary line And this Compromise, |
upon which most of his fame rests originated |
under like circumstances, with the Senator who |
now with such settled purpose declares his oppo-
siton to fair application of its principle to the
present case Then all the territory involved |
that Of Missouri, was slave territory the Com
promise act prohibited slavery in a part of the
territory. Now, according to the position of the
Senator, slavery is excluded from the whole Ter
ritory of California and New Mexico. What
then, would the application Of the spirit of the
Missouri Compromise require2 Clearly, that in
running the line, the question should be put at
rest by declaring that below said line slavery
should be permitted II is common property Of
the States, and IL il be proposed to make divis-
ion, fairness and future peace require that the
rights and conditions of each part should be pre-.
scribed. Lees than this would but narrow the
ground and preserve the controversy. And un.
less that Compromise was founded In fraud, its
application in this case, where all is disputed, de-
mands express provisions on both sides of the
line We cannot agree to leave the question open,
especially after what has been said to-day. IL is
the effect and not the form which consider il
my duty TO examine. What matters IL whether
il be under cover Of the acts of the Mexican Gov
eminent, or by the operation Of Congressional
law, that slavery is excluded
Mr. King of Alabama spoke with much calm.
ness He said
"The Senator from Kentucky certainly must
have misunderstood the Senator from Mississippi.
The honorable Seoator from Mississippi never
could have intended TO shy that we sought to pro-
cure the passage OF en- ACT Of Congress establish
ing slavery in territories where the institution
did not already exist, or in Territories Of the
United States which we had right to govern by
Territorial Government prior TO the time OF
forming constitutions for themselves. The differ
ence Is this--that there shall be a security that
slavery shall not be prohibited. There is the diff
-&erence--not that II shall be admitted or establish
ed but that IL shall not be prohibited DO ] un-
derstand the honorable Senator correctly
"Mr Davis That the right shall be recog