The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-03-10

Of the Congress that passed the law in aid OF this psovs-
ion for in the act OF February ~. 1898. section g. the
and the place it0 whi the slave might escape Though
there was no express constitutional guaranty OF the right
OF the slaveholder. except IN State. they seemed
in Territory, and that the omission Of this word in
the constitution only proved that except IN the States no
power existed q pass . law in violation OF his right
II does not follow from this that Congress have no au-
thorty q e TO egslate for the Territones believe
that they have but the time allotted me under the
rule 81 The House nearly out and as the saoee, = ons
Of considerable Importance must reserve ior some
future opportunity the remarks had intended 70 SUNNI
And now. Mr.. Chairman. before take my seat. allow
ne 10 ask Suppose | am wrong in the opinions have
expressed-suppose that slavery is now prohibited IN
California or. admitting the absence OF any prohlonon
that we have the right to suppress ils expedent Is II
kumons 70 do so will not invoke sympathy for the
slaveholder l. would perhaps be vain Bnt have gen
smen pity for the slavet H. as ney politely tell u.s.
who are the victims OF this crime Let them reflect upon
the probable consequences OF penning up the slaves
he ssssnsd demand for Their abor-ths diminished in.
ducemsnt to good reatment-the war between the two
races likely to spring upand let them ask themselves
slavery than restrict i By massacre Of hs aapss?
But. sir, however indifferent to the fate OF the slave
may BE- OF the descendants Of those upon whose
however hereditary hatred Of the African race may
prompt them TO multiply upon the offspring the injuries
Inst inflicted by their fathers upon the earlier victims OF
which our condition has imposed upon the duty tc
protect, preserve, and defend them. We feel neither
sympahy respect for those who think themselves alb
solved from the practice OF humanity they applaud the
sentimsnt. We feel little sympathy or respect fo
thoss-and there such. but trust none in this
House-who see, in the contamination OF these designs
against the peace and safety OF the South, only new
occasion of profit, sources OF weath-who oppose
slavery extension from no lofty impulse Of patrolism-
NO tender prompngs OF sensbility-b but because New
England labor disdans competition with the pauper abo
ef Europe and the slave labor OF South Carolina
Really, sirif the subject be too solemn for rony
i dicut 10 know which most to admire. the civalrA
the effort or the disnterestedaess OF the motive 1heI
are not moved by the dangers that to encounter
Msv are disturbed by the losses that ue are to bear
They wonder, too that should exhibit 40 much reuc
ance 10 aid them their benevolent designs, and should
evncs much sensveness when they proposed
They call up the cherished membranes OF the Union
BY way Of alayng our discomfort and soothing " iniS
npon the success OF their schemes They know love
for the Union. and they seem to suppose that no demand
@ e ss Ss
his Egyptian enemy placed in the front OF the battle the
objects 81 their iiolaous worship. But SIR, they ask
shsd by he constitution cannot survive the destruc
ton Of the constitution. The Union, such as was de-
aligned to be, such as it has been--a Union Of equa
tinue when iii equally is subverted and The weaker par
forced into condition Of inferority and dependence
We cannot have what has ceased to exist What is nc
we cam % salm s . en- them
selves BY predictions Of danger TO the Union. from any
thing that rs may DO. Especially LET the gentleman
resolutions o southern legislatures and the DEGREES
southern convention. IfDisunion should ever come
and may God in his mercy prevent it-hs approach will
be ssnitky; his features will be masked he will be hrs
seen HEaE. in this hall. arrayed in the rappngs of
spurious Iegishton, and, like the strong OF the
Scriptures, when least feared throwing down the middle
and crushing those sOho only thought to make sport q
him.