The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-04-13


i5sjs e. @''''s' ~
In letter to John r. Mercer September Q, 1856. he
reiterated this sentiment:
should compel 70 ia 10 possess another slave ~ pun
chase, being among my first wishes 10 see some psai
adopted by which slavery In this country may be aDoshea
by law."-Qbid.)
And in letter to Sir John Sinclair, he further said
There are in laws for the gradual abolition
OF slavery, which neither Virginia nor Maryland nave =,
have, and at period not remote
II is unnecessary to multiply these extracts. So uni
versa these sentiments that Mr. Leigh In the con-
yenlion OF Virginia, 1882, did not hesitate to say;
~ ,hourht til very lately that was known every
body thar during the Revelation, and for many years AFTER
the abolition %sa SPS w m III s
schemes which wisdom or ingenuity could suggest for It's
omplishment"
gaded as established First that in 1857 The national
policy in respect TO slavery was one OF restriction ma
tion and encouragement. Secondly, that was gener-
ally expected that under the action Of the State govern
States.
Such was the state Of the country when the convention
met to frame the constitution OF the United States That
convention was sitting in Philadelphia while Congress
was framing the ordinance in New York.
II has been said in the OF this debate, that there
understanding between Congress and the con-
venton in regard to the question OF slavery That may be
So There u.s., however, nothng in history which proves
il, though circumstances do certainly to warrant
what did it relates Not certainly to the whole sub
ect OF slavery; for up to the time OF the PRONUNCIATION
Of the ordnance discussion had taken place in the
convention that subject except in respect 10 the ques
ton OF representation and taxation That question had
been discussed with considerable heat much. indeed
that some members declared themselves ready to break
the convention rather than consent 10 the representa-
ton OF slaves The exclusion oil slavery from the Ter
rtores by the ordinance may have had, and may have
casson il may be that members from the free States,
seeing slavery excluded from national territory and
supposng its extension be thereby forever nterdicted
slaves as temporary arrangement. which would cease
OF itself when slavery itself should cease or run out
period mot remote" But there is not particle
understanding between Congress and the convention
based upon the idea that slavery and freedom ent
tied equal regard in the action Of the government Far
from it. Whatever understanding there was, ii there
any must have been based upon the idea OF slavery
the fact that its extension prohibit
ed, and that its final disappearance was expected
The trainers OF the constitution acted under the inu-
ence Of the general sentiment of the country. Some OF
them had contributed in small TO form that
sentiment Let US examine the instrumen, IN us igh
What, then, shall we find in it The guarantees so
much talked Of Recognition of property in menu Stip-
and 81 sw ma No. M nothing ike il
We find, on the contrary, extreme care to exclude
these ideas from the constitution. Neither the word
There is single expression which charges the ma
tonal government with any responsibility IN regard to
slavery. No power is conferred on Congress either to
establish or sustain it. The trainers Of the constitution
left it where they found it. exclusively within and under
the jurisdiction OF the States Wherever slaves are re-
ferred to all in the constitutions in the clause
providing for the apporonmen OF representation and
direct taxaton or in that STIMULATING for the extradon
of fugitives from service in that restricting Congress
as to the prohibition of Importation or migraon-they
persons held to service having their condition deter
mined, under State laws We learn indeed, from the
debates in the constitutional convention that the idea OF
aA rrfth
Mr. Madison declared he "thought it wrong to admit
the constitution the idea that there could be property in
men."--(3 Mad Pap, 1927
with the conduct OF the States to slaves but ought to
be careful not TO give any sanction TO It's Mad Pap
l394) ae
Similar expressions were used by other members. But
need go no further. Multiplied words will not convince
those who will not regard the language of the constu
ton ITSELF Or the plain declarations Of its iramers
views expressed in the State conventions which convened
for the purpose OF considering the constitution with
view 10 It's ratification. Did they expect the extension OF
continuance OF slavery through the action or under the
10 establish Not at all - -
James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, had been leading
member OF the convention, and in the ratification conven
lion OF his State, when speaking OF the clause relating TO
the power OF Congress the slave trade after twenty
years, he said
Is more distant Than could wish IT, viii produce the
MA. The ae,s states which are 10 be formed
will be under the control OF Congress in this particular and
slavery will never be introduced among hem"(2 Eliios
Debates, 49,
In another place, speaking Of this clause, he sail:
presents with the pleasing prospect that the rights
of mankind will be and estab shed through
out Unon IL there other lovely feature In the
constitution but this one, would diuse beauty Tvs
whole coun,cnance Yet the lapse OF few years, and
q our borders I'd Eio,s Debates, asi) "'''
In The ratification convention OF Massachusetts,, Gen.
Heath said
" The migration importation, Sc, is confined to the
States existing only States cannot claim IL.
Congress- by their ordinance Tor creating Sates
time since declared that the States shall be republican,
and that there shall be slavery in them"-(2 Ellors
Debates, ll5)
Nor these views and anticpatons confined TO the
free States In the ratification convention oil Virginia,
Mr. Johnson said
Ing about enancp patton The principle has begun since
the revolution Let do what wi Ii will come round
Slavery has been the foundation OF much thai piey
and dissipation which have been much disseminated
would do much good."-(3 ElIiot's Debates, 8-asl
And Governor Randolph, while denying, and Justly
denying the power of the general government under the
constitution, interfere with slavery in the States re-
buked those who expressed apprehensons that its na
ence might be exerted the side OF freedom, by say
ing;
81 hope that there here who, considering the
subject in the calm light Of philosophy, will advance OBJ
lection dishonoabe 10 Virginia, that the moment they
securing the rghs oil their citizens there Is spark OF
hope that those unfortunate held in bondage may,
cy she operation o. ,hs general government be made free
Buf The peope were moi satisfied with the fart that M