Weekly national intelligencer., 1850-03-02
COMMUNICATION:
WAsHrseroN, FEBRuAax %, 1850.

number that the question: whether the citizens Of
the Slave States could carry their slaves proper
fy to the Territories of the United States, in the
absence OF prohibition by Congress, was only to
be settled by the Constitution. They insist that as
the constitution recognises slaves as property-as
the Territories are the common property Of all the
States, and as the constitution declares 81 that
the citizens OF each State shall be entitled to all
privileges and immunities of citizens Of the several
States, therefore they have much right to occu-
py then, with their property, as have the citizens
OF other States with theirs. They contend that the
removal OF their slaves from the Jurisdiction where
they are created property to any point within the
jurisdiction of the Constitution of the United States
does not change the nature Of their relation to them
All this is denied by the North, and thus an issue
u formed between the sections of the Union. How is
this issue to be tried The constitution settles But who
Is to judge Of the constitution Suppose this single question
were submitted to the present Congress- what would be the
result In all probability should the Of the
tire North on one side, and the votes Of the entire South
the other result either way, thus brought about would
e nothing but the question would be eR just where il
was before the vote taken. What them is the remedy
10 my mind it perfectly clear that there is but one and
that Is to eare it Just acere the constitution has IT, There
10 no positive necessity for doing in regard
this right If California shall be admitted into the Unon
she will have settled it far her institutions
cerned II the questions Of forming Territorial Governments
for New Mexico and California shall be deferred those Ter
rtores will certainly be subject settlement by all the c
Of the United States When those citizens shall get
there if the question Of what and what property shall
arise between them they alone have the power settle
when they shall into the Unon Until then they are
entitled representation in the Federal Government and
consequently cannot add political power the North
South II is only because that representation may ultimately
strengthen section Of the Union that the other section
justi6es itself for interfering in any way, with it, No ques-
ton, then, legimaey arise between the Federal Gov
ernment and the people of Territory in regard the right
Of property If the present state Of things permitted
man and citizen of Southern State shall emgate New
Mexico and take with him his slaves he of subjects
both himself and his slaves the laws existing there what
they may be, subject to the Constitution Of the United
States Between his slave and himself question may
whether the slave has become Free That the ,c
and constitution settle But who administers the law Those,
Of course who selected by the people Of New Mexico
for that purpose To this the of the slave cannot OBJ
jsc,, for he goes there Of his accord
In the present of parties is attempted anticipate
this question: and decide here before shall arise amongst
those who will have the ultimate right to decide and settle it.
This is mere struggle for power between the sections
Of the Union The North maintains its position by
ing that slavery does not exist in New Mexico, because it
abolished by the Mexican law before its cesson this
try The South denies this and insists that what called
law of Mexico the unauthorized Of usurper and is
therefore void She claims the right when she is called
say what the Mexican law the time Of the ceson
look the institutions Of Mexico and whether that
which purpos to be law is not Now, the practical
question which arises here this Have the North and the
South confidence in their respective positions o in other
words, do they beeue ,ohat they say? If they do, ape il
TO The a,c. If the law already existing excludes sarey
hy does the North desire to pass another laW If the law
already existing does not exclude slavery why does the South
hesitate single about deerrng the question Of ter
itoral organization, and leaving the law it is is
the North insists then the North has got all she asks for If
it the South contends then the South has got aha she
asks for. And when question, By merely letting aone
is easily settled this i, be possible tha. there
those who, after will continue agate for the
unAaowed purpose Of arousng passion and prejudice in
either part Of the Union Never did any utter sentiment
than did Mr.. CLAr, when he said that "passion,
passion-party, party--and intempvance" all that
be dreaded in the adjustment Of these questions Re-
the present high degree Of excitement from the minds Of
men, and let their judgment have due influence upon their
opinions and conduct and but little time would be required
settle all these territorial questions fully, fairly and sasac
tory But is they all less embarrassed by
the Of their discussion, both in Congress and in the
country They not only talked about but many
honest and goodmeaning in the North under the inu
of that hostility slavery in the abstract which const
tues part Of their education; and by many equally honest
and goodmeaning in the South from conviction that
the entire North disposed to assa their rights of property
and to interfere with their domestic institutions Both these
classes Of men wrong The Southern States more
responsible for the original institution of slavery in this coun
try than the Northern susceptible Of very clear histor
cal proof that established amongst them by influences
which they could CONTROL and against the strong
and positive Of several of them while they we're
colonies The African slave trade was, for many years. the
source Of immense wealth Great Britain, and history proves
no fact more clearly than that indebted for the nstu
ton Of slavery English cupdty The slaves being here
amongst people, the practical question in relation to them
has always been and yet is hat is to be done ~ them
No man whose opinions worth considering will say that
they are or that they be- the equal of the white man.
No man fit to be called aSatesan worthy Of social ecog
milton himself will assert that y should be placed upon
terms Of social equality with ourselves, with wives
daughters They cannot be turned loose upon
the world subsst upon its charities for those who have
very bountifuy them by those who make the ude pro-
essions of humanity In solving this question, then, it is
almost impossible any other conclusion than that
the slaves in better condition than they would be if
immediate abolition prevail in every Southern State.
do not here speak of the abstract question of personal
freedom but Of the actual condition of things, far as it
involves the supply Of physical wants and comforts.
It must be apparent therefore, every rejecting man, that
slavery exists in its present form ecestate rea