The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, 1850-04-02

Britain operates in behalf of liberty, and to pro.
tect the rights of the minority. 1t is in some
respects like the Presidential veto, which every
|body admits ought in certain cases to be exer,
lcised, though it does have the effect of defeating
the action of the majority. The Constitution
lof the United States, under which alone Con.
gress acts, provides that one-ftth of the mcm.
bers present may demand that the ayes and
noes shall be taken on any question which may
ibe submitted by the Speaker
1t is also provided that each House may adopt
tits own rules of order. Such rules have been
adopted already by the House of Representa-
!tives, and are, until modified or changed by the
House itself, as much binding on the Speaker
and every member as any constitutional provis-
ion whatever In accordance with these rules,
certain motions may be made, and the ayes and
noes taken from time to time. Under the Con
!stituton and these rules, one.fifh of those men,
bcr5 present have undoubtedly the power to
prevent the passage oflaws, and to prevent also
| the adoption of any motions for a change of the
old rules of the House. Unquestionably this is
Ia power in the hands Of the minority which
| might be abused; so, however, might any other
power granted by the Constitution, whether
! given to the majority, the minority, or to SIN
gle individual, as the president judge, or other
sofficer If the minority, for mere factious or
slight purposes, were thus to impede legislation,
this would, undoubtedly, be great abuse; but
!if that minority were, on the other hand, to re-
sort to this system only temporarily, and as al
matter of defence against a wcll-settled and
gross system of injustice and tyranny on the
lpart of the majority, then their conduct would
not only be no abuse Of its powers, but would
lin fact, be most praiseworthy and patriotic ac-
;ton for the protection of the essential rights of
their constituents. No citizen has q right to
strike another person; but if one is assailed
and beaten, then he is justified in striking the
Iassailant until he compels him to desist from his
|attack.
Since this mode of resistance was suggested,
lit seems to have been received with much favor
.by Southern men. From many evidences with
lin my reach, select the following passage from
a letter to me, which seems to present fairly the
lview taken in the South, so far as am able to-
understand it. The writer is not only one
whose opinion will have as much weight as that
1of any one in North Carolina, from his stand
ing and talents, but is entitled to the more con-
sideration from the fact that, during service of
many years in Congress, he was not less dis
for his moderation and conservative
I views than for the firmness and ability with
which he maintained them. AS the letter from
which make the extract was private one,
do not give the name of the writer, much as i
might, by so doing, strengthen the judicious
statement of the case made by him. He says ::
81 approve of your position to resist the pas.
sage of the appropriation bills until the slavery
Question is finally settled This is much bet
ter and more efectual plan than for Southern
members to leave their seats which | have seen
proposed in some quarters. Should the South
ern members merely leave their seats and return
home, it will produce no result; the North will
pocket the public money and laugh at them
The matter can be settled nowhere butupon the
floor of Congress, except by dissolution of the
Union, which nobody desires. If fifty of our
Southern members would lay aside all other
party ties and act firmly and openly together
;they can force the North to do what is right,
and what she ought to do without hesitation
Resist all bills for the support Of Government
until this subject is finally and satisfactorily
settled, particularly the annual appropriation,
the army and navy bills. Let it be distinctly
understood that you will oppose these measures
by every parliamentary tactic in your power
and that you cannot be bought off, forced of,
nor coaxed of, until justice is done the South,
and, in my judgment, success is inevitable. Al
all events, if were there would try the exper-
ment until March 4, 1851.
"The South has no direct interest in the pas
sage of these bills, and if the object of refusing
hem is understood, | have no doubt it will bel
cordial. approved. Should Congress adjourn
without passing these bills, there will very soon
|bc organized a powerful party in the North, to|
nut down Free Soilism and Abolitionism both.
Il do not think we should be plagued with either
again for sometime. In a movement OF It's!
kind every thing depends on its being carried
out by firm, honest, and true men, and hopeI
enough such may be found in Congress to un-
dertake it, in spite of all the clamor it will raise
in the North and among those who live by the
|Government 1t is harsh measure, but in my
opinion it is the only one left to save the Union
and protect the South Desperate diseases re-
quire desperate remedies"
Should this means of resistance be adopted
|bv the southern members, there would be, have
|no doubt excitement at first and anger in theI
North 10 allay it, however, if they are con-
sisteut and sincere in their expressions of devo.
tion to the constitution and laws. it would only|
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