The North-Carolina standard., 1850-04-03

pass any appropriation bills for the support Of the
Government The idea ef refusing supplies is not Of
the undoubted night Of the parliamens refuse at ts
own discretion, supplies to the executive. This right
too has practice from time TO time been exercised
to protect the rights and liberties of the people OF
England and has even been the means Of extorting
additional privileges from the British monarchs. ,a
Will it be pretended that the representatives Of
American eenen ought to do less to protect the es
sentia rights. and liberties even of the people whom
they represents In England, however, nothing. less
thana majority Of the representatives can do this but
under cur Constitutionthe minority may effect the
same object. Nobody will, apprehend, affirm that
the same act, per se, which would be proper when
done by the majority, would be wrong if effected by
the minority acting in the manner provided by the
Constitution itself. The act of the majority is only
effective because the Constitution declares; but
this same Constitution provides also that certain acts
when done by the minority, shall be effective This
difference between our Constitution and that of Great
Britain operates in behalf of liberty, and to protect
! the rights of the minority It is in some respects
like the presidential veto, which every body admits
ought in certain cases to be exercised though does
have the effect of defeating the action of the majority.
The Constitution of the United States, under which
alone Congress acts. provides that one-ffth of the
members present may demand ahat the ayes and noes
shall be taken any question which may be submit
ted by the Speaker. ~, Sys4@
It is also provided that each House may adopt its
own rules of order. Such rules have been adopted
ldHeduy ny Tue house OF representatives. ana dIes
until modified or changed BY the House itself, as
much binding on the Speaker and every member as
any constitutional provision whatever. naccordance
with these rules, certain motions may be made and
the ayes and noes taken from time to time. Under
the Constitution and these rules one-6fth of those
members present have undoubtedly the power to pre-
vent the passage of laws, and to prevent also the
adoption of any motions for change of the old rules
of the House. Unquestionably this is power in
the hands of the minority which might abused; SO,
,knA
sttuton, whether given to the majority, the minor
ty, or to single individual The president, Judge
or other officer. If the minority, for factious
slight purposes, were thus to impede legislation this
would, undoubtedly, be great abuse; but if that
minority were, the other hand, to resort to this
system only temporarily, and as matter of defence
against wellsettled and gross system of injustice
and tyranny the part of the majority, then their
conduct would not only be no abuse Of its powers,
but would, in fact, be most paise-worthy and pat
rotc action for the protection of the essential rights
of their constituents. No citizen has right strike
another person; but If one is assaed and beaten,
then he is justified in striking the assaant until he
compels Kim to desist from his attack. sess.
Since this mode of resistance was suggested, it
scents TO have been received with much favor by
Southern men. From many evidences within my
reach select the following passage from letter to
me. which seems to present fairly the view taken in
the South, so far am able to understand it. The
writer is not only one whose opinion will have as
much weight as that of any one in North Carolina.
from his standing and talents, but is entitled to the
moro consideration from the fact that, during
vice of many years in Congress, he was not less dis
nguished for his moderation and alive views
than for the rmness and ability with which he main
tained them. As the letter from which make the
extract was private one, do not give the name of
the writer, much as might, by doing. strengthen
the judcious statement made by him. He says:
of the appropriation bills until the slavery question
is finally settled. This is a much better and more
eectual plan than for southern members leave their
seats, which have seen proposed in some quarters.
Should the southern members merely leave their seats
and return home, it will produce result the North
will pocket the public money and laugh at them The
matter can be settled where but upon the floor of
Congress, except by dissolution Of the Union,
which nobody desires. If fifty of our Southern MEM
bers would lay aside all other party ties and act firm
and openly together, they force the North to
do what is right, and what she ought to do without
hesitation. Resist all bills for the support of Gov
ernnent until this subject is finally and satisfactorily
settled, particularly the annual appropriation, the
army and navy bills. Let be distinctly understood
that you will oppose these measures by every parlia
mentary tactic in your power. and that you cannot be
bought of, forced off, coaxed of, until justice is
done the South; and, in my judgement, success is
inevitable. At all events, if were there / would
try the experiment till March 4, 1851.
'AThe South has direct interest in the passage
Of these bills and If the object of refusing them is
understood, have doubt it will be cordially ap
proved. Should Congress adjourn without passing
these bills there will very soon be organized pow
erul party in the North put down Freesoilism and
Abolionism both. do not think we should be pa-
gued with either again for some time. In move
ment of this kind every thing depends on its being
carried out by firm, honest and true men, and hope
enough such may be found in Congress to undertake
it, in spite of all the clamor it will raise in the North
among those who live by the Government. II is
harsh measurse, but in my opinion it is the only one
left to the Union and protect the South. Despe-
rate diseases require desperate remedies"
Should this means of resistance be adopted by the
southern members, there would be, have no doubt,
excitement at 6rst and anger in the North. To aay
it, however, they consistent and sincere in their
expressions of devotion to the constitution and laws.
it would be necessary for US to remind them of their
own doctrine If we complain of the threatened ac-
tonof the majority, they advise to refer the matter
to the Supreme Court of the United States, which,
they say, is the great constitutional arber whose de-
cisons all good citizens who love law and order must
submit If they complained of this action of the
minority, we, of course should recommend them to
apply for redress the Supreme Court Should that
august tribunal decide, for example, that one fifth of
the members present had not the right to demand the
ayes aud noes, then it would doubles furnish to the
complainants such remedial process as the Constu-
on Of the United States and the laws provide in such
cases. Should northern gentlemen be so inconsistent
as to decline to await the effect of this slow process,
they would probably attempt to change the existing
rules Of the House. But as these rules have been
tried and approved by the American Congress for
many years. they are much reverenced In certain
quarters as were the laws of the Medes and Per-
slams in their day. In other words, southern men.
seeing how our country has prospered under these
rules, may not choose to have them changed in any
respect and may resort to the means to prevent
chance as those above indicated. Should the ma
jorty n that contingency, as i has been threatened
they will do attempt to substitute their rules,
arbitrarily adopted and to displace the existing Spea
Esr because Of his fidelity to the Constitution then
g E..1 e. L. nnAv up>