The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-17

shown that the federatve principle, i'm its present
Development, has the strength and virtue to pro-
Of the strong. History might awaken gloomy anti
cipations. The South has suffered oppression. The
South has borne vast dsproportion OF the burdens
government and been admitted to far less than her
share of its blessings. Yet ! would not, thus
early, yield to despair, break the connexon and
dash my fond hope of the efficiency of the fedora
tive principle / will still trust to its future devel
opment ofincreased virtue, and increased aptitude
to the high purposes Of social man. would not
surrender the South to oppression; would rather
strive for some expedient to alleviate her calami
ties, and give security for the present. to afford
time for the subsidence Of passion and the triumph
Of virtue and intellect--time for patriotism and
craftsmanship to push forward Improvement in the
profound and complicated science Of government,
until the federatve principle shall possess virtue
to lift our country to that exalted stale among ma
tons to which she was destined from on High. I"
Ifrankly confess, that in my search for this ex-
pedient, j have met with embarrassment and dis
enlargement unable to discover anything
satisfactory, have subdued my mind to accept of
an arrangement, which would extend some line
across the continent to the Pacific, South or
which we might repose in safety, IN the posses
sion Of our property; free from the annoyance OF
fanaticism and Aboltionism-secu from the arts
Of ambition, employing the fury of fanaticism and
Abolitionism. Circumstances have indicated 80
deg 80 min north latitude, as the line to be thus
extended. 1t has become common with certain
politicians, to treat as absurd proposition for
this arrangement, because they say it cannot be
obtained, and we must therefore take less. Moth
ing can be obtained by men who proclaim they
are ready to submit. But anything just can be
extorted from the world by nine millions of men,
determined to maintain their rights. The South
can obtain 36 deg 30 min. only, by deciding to
have 1t; when she makes that firm resolve, she
will get it.
But our submissionists habitually ask; ''Will
you insist on 36 deg. 80 min., or dissolve the
Union'' II this question be presented as an ar
gument, it involves the sophisln Of holding virtue
responsible for the evil entailed on the world by
vice. We demand nothing but justice. Justice
is virtue. The subniissionists urge, that, from
dread of consequences, we shall withhold the de-
mand that's under the motive of fear, shall submit
to injustice. Injustice is vice. We are then, by
this argument, through motives of fear-which Is
cowardice-to surrender justice and submit to IN
justice-which is to overthrow virtue and csab-
lish vice
The argument assumes, that good men must abb
stain from the assertion Of their rights, lest bad
men should refuse them, and in the struggle,
great evil shall befall the world, which involves
perpetual submission to the wicked, without an
effort to support the virtuous, which at once con-
dennis the world to despair.
The truth is, the question is unfairly put, and
its argument unfairly stated, because it implies
that the South tenders the issue of dissolution
whereas, we ask nothing but what we are enti-
tied to receive, by the very terms of our compact
of Union. Let the question be propounded to the
Abolitionists; "Wi you dissolve the Union
sooner than accord to the South a just consttu-
tional demand" | am persuaded it will be easy
to demonstrate that the line Of 36 degrees 30 min
utes is not only just and reasonnble but far below
what we might justly demand.
The circumstances attending our acquisition Of
territory from the Republic of Mexico are matter
A. II Al
suit of the Treaty of Peace. The War terminated
by that Treaty, was costly both in blood and
treasure. The cost Of the acquisition in money
cannot have fallen far short of the enormous
Of S70,000,000. II is difficult to ascertain with
precision the exact proportions Of this sum, con-
tributed respectively by the North and the South.
BY process OF reasoning, conclusive to my mind,
am convinced that the South, with one-ihrd of
the population Of the Union, pays at least two
thirds of the revenue derived from customs or du-
ties on imports. If this be true, the South, when
the debt shall be extinguished, will have paid
more than $46,OOO,OOO. But this will be contro
verted by the North; and for the purposes of the
present argument, shall assume the proportions
Of population furnishing the ratio of contrlbu-
ton, which will entite her to credit of $23 $685.,
1893, paid as purchase money for her interest IN
the territory acquired from Mexico-the North,
according to this rule, advancing S46 $3.50, 666:
We are enabled, by the archives of the War
10 the contribution OF volunteers; and the South,
with one-third of Interpolation, may be asserted
to have furnished 5,640 volunteers towards the
prosecution Of the war; whilst the North, with
two-thirds of the population, furnished only 49,
0S4 volunteers Thus stating the question in the
mode most disadvantageous to the South, she pre-
SCENTS claim for distrbutive share, supported
by the payment OF $23, 1888 1888, and furnishing
$3.50 volunteers; whilst the North presents a
claim supported by payment Of $685. 66,
and furnishing 23,084 volunteers. The amount
Of the Mexican acquisition in California and New
Mexico is ,078 square miles, Of which 32l,-
SOS square miles are situated north Of $50 go;
and 204 1888 square miles are situated south of
Of that line. Surely it cannot be deemed unrea-
sonable to expect the territory south of that line
as her just dstributive share, even her claim is
here exhibited But when the claim is fairly sta
ted, the moderation Of her demand becomes con-
spcuous She, in truth, furnished two-thrds Of
the money and two-thirds of the volunteers; and
yet in the partition she proposes to accede to the
North 321 ,695 square miles, content to receive
herself only 2O4,3s3 square miles.
The moderation of the demand becomes still
more striking, when examined with reference to
Or in connexion with former territorial arrange
ments and important historical events. Through
all the stages Of our colonial existence African
slavery was the general characteristic of British
possessions. This generally true down to
the date of the Declaration Of Independence. 1t
was an important element of the social system
throughout the six States situated South OF Ma
son and Dixon's line and the territory subject to
their jurisdiction. 1t had greatly deprecated in
the seven colonies north of that line. But they
were Of less territorial extent. Pennsylvania,
New Jersey and New York, with all New Eng
and, including the District Of Maine, presented
IN area Of I64,081 square miles, whilst the six
slave States with the territories subject to their
Jurisdiction, embraced an area Of 647,2O2 square
niles.
Let it be observed, then, and remembered, that
when the confederation was formed, the slave
States enjoyed q territory greater than the free
States by the amount Of 483, l2l square miles,
wanting only small fraction of being four times
IS large as the territory of the free States. Such
vas the condition of things when our political
was formed. II was at an eventful
:risis in the destiny of America. War prevailed:
We were engaged in mortal conflict for national
but not even the sense of press
ing, common danger could extingush IN the North
l spirit of jealousy Of the South and especially
jealousy Of Virginia. Her large possessions IN
- l.. dc he SiIb