Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1850-03-30
SALEM, CoLUMBIANA CO., OHIO, MARCH 30, 1850

You believe and think otherwise, and doubt
less with equal sincerity. We judge you
not, aud Hc alone who ordained the con-
science of man and its laws OF action can
Judge It's. Do we, then, in this conflict de-
mand of you an unreasonable thing in ask
ing that, since you will have properly that
can und will exercise human powers to effect
its escape, you shall be your own police, and
in acting among us as such you shall con-
form to principles indispensable TO the sccu-
r,y of admitted rights of iieenen? II you
will have this law executed, you must alleyi-
ate, not increase, its rigors.
Siaruy at He Capital.
Another feature in most Of these plans of
compromise is a bill of peace for slavery in
the District of Columbia; and this bill OF
peace we cannot grant. We of tho free
States are, equally with YOU of the slave
States, responsible for the existence Of slave
ry in this District, the field exclusively of our
| common legislation. regret that, ns yet, |
see little reason to hope that minority ia H.
vor of emancipation exists here. The Legis-
lature Of New York, from whom, with great
Difference, ] dissent, seems willing to accept
now the extinction Of the slave trade, and
waive emancipation. But we shall assume
the whole responsibility if we stipulate not
TO exercise the power hereafter when n ma
jority shall be obtained. Nor will the plea
with which you would furnish us be of any
avail. iii could understand 20 mysterious
a paradox myself, ! never should be able 70
explain TO the apprehension Of the people
whom represent how it was that on ubso-
lutte and express power to legislate in all ca
ses over the District Of Columbia was em-
barrassed and defeated by an implied condi-
ton not TO legislate for the abolitOnol slave
ry in this District. Sir, shall vote for that
measure, and am willing to appropriate any
means necessary TO carry it into execution.
And, if | shall be asked what did 10 embel-
lish the capital of my country, l will point to
her freedmen, and say, these are the monu-
ments of my muniiicence!
Ill was willing to advance cause that /
deem sacred by dsingenuous means, would
advise you to adopt those means of compro-
mise which have thus examined. The echo
is not quicker in its response than would be
that loud and universal cry of repeal, that
would not die away until the habeas corpus
was secured to the alleged fugitive from
bondage, and the symmetry of the free insti-
tutions of the capital was perfected.
Uiimoi Prouiso.
| apply the same observations to the pro-
position for q waiver of the Proviso of Free
dom IN Tcirifofiai charters. Tnils fim YOU
have only direct popular action in favor of
that Ordinance, and there seems even 10 be
n partial disposition TO await the action of
the people of the new Territories, as we have
compulsorily waited for il in California. But
must tell you, nevertheless, in cundOr and
in plainness, that the spirit of the people of
the free Suites is set upon spring that rises
with the pressure put upon il. That spring,
if pressed too hard, will give rccoil that
will not leave here one servant who knew
his masters will, and did il not.
You will say that this implies violence
Not at all. 1t implies only peaceful, lawful,
constitutional, customary action. | cannot
too strongly express my surprise that those
who insist that the people of the slave States
cannot be held back from remedies outside
of the Constitution, should so far misunder-
stand us OF the free States rs to suppose we
would not exercise our constitutional rights
to sustain the policy which we deem just
and bcneiicent.
Teras and .Nt,c .Nerico.
come now TO notice the suggested com
promise ofHe boundary Jeiigeea Ieras and .Neic
.Herico. This is judicial question in It's ma
turc, or at least question of legal right and
title. Ii it is TO he compromised al all, it is
due to the two parties, and To national digni-
ty as well as to justice, that it he kept scpar-
ate from compromises proceeding on the
ground of eXpediency, and be settled by it.
selfalone.
| take this occasion 10 say, that while do
not intend TO discuss the questions alluded
TO in this connection by the honorable and
distinguished Senator from Massachusetts, |
am not able to agree with him in regard 10
the alleged obligation Of Congress to admit
four new slave Stutes, TO be formed in the
State OF Texas There are several questions |
arising out OF that subject upon which am
not prepared to decide now, and which de- |
sire 10 reserve for future consideration. One /
Of these is, whether the Article of AnneXa- |
ton does really deprive Congress Of the right |
to exercise its choice in regard to the subdi- |
vision of Texas into four additional States |
II seems to me by no means so plain ques- |
ton as the Senator from Massachusetts assu-
med, and that it must be left to remain an
open question, as it is great question,
whether Congress is not purity whose future
consent is necessary to the formation of new
States out of Texas.
Necessity Of tie PrOpisO.
The argument is, that the Prociso is unae-
ceSsayy. ! answer, there, then, can be no er-
ror in insisting upon it. But why is it unne-
cessary? IL is said, .fist by reason Of eli
mate. / answer, if this be so, why do not the
of the slave Statcs concede
the Proyiso? They deny that the climate
prevents the introduction of slavery. Then
will leave nothing to a contingency. Bur,
in truth, think the weight of argument is
against the proposition. Is there any climate
where slavery hus not existed? Ii has pre-
vailed all over Europe, from sunny Italy to
bleak England, and is existing now, stronger
than i'll any other land, in ice-bound Russia.
But it will be replied, that this is not African
slavery. l reioin, that only makes the case