The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-25
THE REPU BLIC.
Hovsx ov REPRESENTATIVES,
March ~, 1850.

March y. 1850. !
To the Editors q the Rsyubise
GEsrLEmEs Your RsyuLhr Of "Wednesday con
tains speech Parporting 20 h.ss been dehysrsa ~
my colleague lMr. SrAsLvl la the House VI kep-
rcsentatives, March 9th, 1850.
On looking over Il find that II includes some
twenty or thirty extracts from speeches II mine de-
livcreda different time. within the las, hall isen
all that was said by my cQll0aEue The cosnsnenesd
by saying, that the day We rainy ono he would
advise gentlemen TO 90 10 some more oomfntable
place, he did not intend 10 speak fof te touss,
but for his constituents. In the course Of his re
marksi he stated that be had come extracts from
my speeches which he should print, bat which ~
did not intend TO read, lest his hour should expire
before he had concluded. Just before the cioss ~
bis hour, however, having ~ supposed gone over
the ground Of his speech, he began 20 read an en-
tract from Of my speeches, but after gosng
through few sentences. ne declared that, a. ms
hour was nearly over, he would print " and some
others. Until the speech appeared In your paper,
it impossible either for me- on for the memters
generally TO know what particular portions or even
what speeches he intended To read from Ia lat.
many Of his quotations refer 90 points TO which he
made no alluson whatever in the course Of his
speech. 1t will not, presume, be expected by any
body that should attempt reply on th. ioor ~ the
House could do SO with no appearance OF psris-
mentary propriety. Not only has so long time
elapsed that the matters really uttered by him have
passed out Of the minds Of members, but would
be compelled to ask the House to give me i.s car
new to the members generally, and having re-
ference whatever to the practical business Of iegs
lation.
If this matter he has had printed mcri,ed reply,
ii would doubtless be held sufficient for me, with
your permission, to publish answer In the same
paper he has selected as the medium Of his com.
munication to the country. On looking over the
speech, however, candor compcls me TO admit, that
it does not, in my judgment, contain any thing OF
sufficient moment to justify me in asking the use OF
your columns for reply TO it. In selecting parts
Of paragraphs, and sometimes parts of sentences,
my colleague has exhibited some ingenuity, and
seems TO have exercised much caution 10 avoid do
ing me justice and to misead his readers in rela-
tion to my opinions as formerly expressed As far
as have observed the custom that has prevailed
with members of the House since the adoption Of
the hour rule, though they sometimes enlarge the
argunentative parts Of speeches in the report they
studiousy avoid printing any thing that refers 70
the opinions declarations Of members, unless II
has been in fact uttered on the floor. By that
means opportunity is afforded gentlemen TO ex-
plain defend themselves, when it seems neces-
sary My colleague has thought proper TO take a
different course. As far as am concerned, have
no objection whatever to his bringing into review
my public acts and declarations in the manner
chosen by him. II would, in my1udgment, bow
ever, have been more appropriate for him to have
assumed ostensibly, as ne appears to have done
really, the character Of pamphleteer He seems
anxious to make it appear that there is discrcp.
ancy inconsistency in my opinions political
points, expressed at different times. Though en-
tertain no doubt but that, by making more copious
extracts from myspeeches than he has DONE should
be able to show that my opinions, expressed, have
not materially varied, yet cannot suppose that
the public generally feel interest in the subject,
since the hing Of would nU'
business. My own constituents have generally
seen my speeches at length and viii not therefore
apprehend, require any explanation from me
ing his constituents, cannot imagine. Should
any thing in the progress Of events in the futur.
| render il proper that should offer explanation,
shall enter on il with entire confidence In my abi
1 ity To make a successful defence.
Having disposed Of the speech OF my colleague
| / will now, gentlemen, as i have found IL neces
sary to resort TO your columns, take this occasion
TO advert TO certain other points Of discussion. You
have heretofore, while condemning ultra politi-
cinns thought proper in several Of your editorials
| to include me by name in that class.
But who are TO be regarded as ultra politicians
i with reference 10 the great issue pending? The
most ultra on the southern side of the question thai
know of, claim that slavery shall go into all the
territories Of the United States which common
property, until il shall be excluded by State con
stitutions.
An ultra northern man is he who claims tha
slavery shall be excluded from all the territory
IL one Of these views be ultra than the other
ii must be the northern one, because, even II thu
southern view were adopted in practice, northern
men might occupy any part Of the territory with
out being deprived of any legal advantage which
they possess in their own States, and would hav,
the further privilege, If they chose TO exercise II
Of holding slaves. II, however, slavery should b
excluded, the southerner would find himself de
Prvcd of certain advantages which he would en-
Joy at home.
Those men who, standing between these two
opposite extremes, arc willing that there should b'
an equitable division of the territory, may wei
claim TO be the moderate men. In this class vii
fall, as far as know, all the southern members o
Congress, well as the entire mass OF the southern
people. Whatever may be their views as 70 th'
powers of this Government the territory, theJ
are willing In fact, that there shall be fair div
sion.
The real question at issue therefore, Is not whether
the South shall have all The territory or even mor'
than the North, but whether il shall be permitted
10 possess any part OF il. For example, IL the Mis-
souri line of 36o 80 were extended 10 the Pacihc
then Of all the common property, viz the territory
not included within any OF the States, only one
sixth part lies south of that line; yet when, on be
half Of the South, insist that this comparatively
small part shall be left open To US, our claim Is de
nounced a monstrous pretension, as insufierabl'
With just as much fairness might the South b.
excluded from any share Of the public money anC
other public property. OF the sum annually
paid out Of the public treasury, a small part com
parativcy is expended in the sIaveholding States
This portion Of the disbursement the North nigh
insist on stopping with as good grace as they car
support their present claim. To prove that IL tina
| sum were also expended in the free States i
| would be productive Of greater good, they nigh
use just the same arguments that they now rcsor
TO- while the principle would be the same, too, in
each case, il is clear that the ultimate mischief Z
the South in the future will be much greater from
the exclusion from all the territory, than coulc
result from dcpriving of any share in the public
money.
II these new principles, which seem TO have beer
adopted by most Of the northern politicians, u
prevail; il this Government is TO acquire territory
by conquest or by purchase, and the southern
States are TO be required 10 furnish their full pro
portion of men and money, and then the fruits o
| victory are to be appropriated exclusively by th'
North, II is idle TO suppose that the South will gt
into any such partnership.
The southern people have been free too long Il
consent thus TO become the vassals of the North Al
their object is TO obtain recognition Of their rgh
10 participate fairly in the benefits Of the nationa
territory their opposition s not limited 10 partic
lar mode Of exclusion, as the wilmot proviso. Il
extends 10 all such action the part Of the Fedora
Government as places il always against them anc
their institutions IT. for example, when territory il
acquired in which slavery legally exists was th'
case with the Louisiana Territory, then the Govern
ment Is directly TO interfere, and by act Of Con
grcss TO abolish slavery, as il did in more thar
three fourths of that Territory; and when, on tho
other hand, acquisition Of different character
| is made, il is intentionally TO manage as 10 ex