The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-08-02

States, Is differently received and treated elsewhere.
According TO our notions and habits Of thinking, IL
| ID not only allowable, but incumbent upon q MEM
bd Of Congress- in the opinion Of many, TO follow
the instructions given by his own particular con-
sutuents, although his vote affects the interest, the
honor, the glory the renown Of twenty millions OF
| people. As an instance, sir, of the various views
taken OF this subject a question of MORALS may
refer to what happened in the Chamber of Deputies
OF France some years ago. perhaps while the hon
orable member from Michigan was residing in
Paris, but more probably shortly after his return.
| A gentleman, who was candidate for the Cham
Der OF Deputies in France, promised his constitu-
| ents that on a certain measure, expected to come
before the chamber he would vote as they required.
| They required him to vote and SO, and he said
| he would do it. Well, sir, he chosen and
| when he came to the chamber to take the oath Of
office, he was told: Not fast Objection was
made. The chamber said he did not come there
| a fair man he did not come impartial man,
to judge of the interests of the whole country upon
the great questions that were to come before the
chamber. He was pledged and trammeed he
had given up his conscience and promised his vote
and therefore did not stand on equality with
other members of that assembly who came un-
pledged and untrammelled, and bound to exercise
their own best judgments. In short they rejected
| him and whoever wishes to the most beautiful
disquisition upon political morals, and the duty OF
those who represent the people, that know of since
the time of Mr.. Burke's speech at Bristol, be
gratifed by reading Monsieur Guizot's speech
! on that occasion. The member came under pledges
made to few to give his vote for them, although
| it might be against the many and they held him
not to be worthy representative of France, ft to
act on the questions which concerned the interests
of the whole kingdom. For my part, sir, know
how easily we glide into this habit Of following in
structions. Although know, too, that members
of Congress wish to act conscientousy always,
and believe they wish themselves free from these
trammels. But the truth is, that, under the doc
trne of instructions, Congress is not free. To the
extent to which this doctrine may at any time pre-
vail in it, the two houses are not deliberative bo-
dies. Congress needs ''Witmot proviso," much
more than the snow-capped mountains Of New
Mexico, or the salt plains Of Utah. If the genius
OF American liberty, or some angel from higher
sphere, could hy over the land with scroll bear
ing words, and with power to give effect to those
words, and those words should be: 'Be it ordained
that neither in the Senate nor in the House OF Re
presentatives in Congress assembled shall there be
slavery involuntary servitude, except for crime
1T would be glorious crowning honor and felicity
to the Constitution of the United States. o thou
spirit of Nathan Dane How couldst thou take
mnch pains to set mems limbs and motions free In
the Territories, and never deign to add even
proviso in favor of the freedom Of opinion and con-
science in the halls of Congress.
Sir, am of opinion that every public sonsidera
ton connected with the interests of the State, one
Of whose representatives, and the most humble OF
them all, am, shows the absolute necessity of set
thing this question at once, upon fair and reasonable
terms; the necessity of Judging subjects according
to their real merit and importance, and acting ac-
cordingly; and that should not be carried away
by fancies of gorgons, hydras and chimeras dire,
TO the utter disregard OF all that is substantially
valuable important, and essential in the admins
Eauon of the Government. Massachusetts, one OF
the smallest of the States of the Union, circum-
scrbed within the limits of 900 square miles, of
barren, rocky and sterile territory, possesses with
| in its limits at this moment million of people
With the same ratio of population New York
would contain near ly 200 BOO people, and Virgins.
more than 100000. What are the occupations
and pursuits of such population on so small ter
| ritory? very small portion of them live by the
| tillage of the land. They engaged exactly in
those pursuits which fall under the CONTROL protec
ton, and regulation of the laws of this Government
These pursuits are, commerce, navigation, the fish
cries, and manufactures; every one OF which Is un
der the influence OF the operation OF acts of Con-
grcss every day. On none of these subjects does
Congress ever pass law that does not materially
affect the happiness, industry, and prosperity OF
| Massachusetts,; yes, and of Rhode Island, too,
Hooking at the Rhode Island Senator'S Is it not,
them Of great Importance to all these interests that
| the Government should be carried on regularly1
that II should have the power of action, OF motion,
| and legislation! Is il not the greatest calamity,
that it should be all paralyzed, hung up, dependent
upon one idea, II there object in govern
| mcnt, no use in government, no desirable protec-
ton from government, and desirable Legislation
| by government, except what relates TO the single
| topic of slavery?
cannot conceive that these great interests would
be readily surrendered by the business men of the
| country, the laboring community of the northern
States 20 distractions to naked possibilities, to idle
fears, that evils may ensue if particular abstract
measure be not passed. Men must live; to live,
they must work. And how is this to be done, if in
| this way all business of society is stopped, and
every thing is placed in state of sagnation, and
no man knows when to expect the hour of his re-
| demption TO draw nigh? Depend upon it, the peo-
pie OF the North wish to see end put TO this state
| OF things; they desire TO of concilia-
tion pass, and harmony restorcd and To be, again,
IN the enjoyment OF good government under the
protection and action OF good laws and that their
| interrupted labors may be prohtably resumed;
that their daily employment may return; that their
daily means of subsistence and education for them
selves and their families may be provided. Thers
has not been in my acquaintance with the people
Of this country, moment in which so much alarm
has been experienced 30 much sinking of the heart
felt at the state Of public aairs, in time of peace,
now leave II to others to Judge for themselves,
| who may better know public opinion; but, for my
part, believe IL is the conviction Of hve.sixths Of
the whole North, that questions such have occu.
pied us here should not be allowed any longer 10
| embsrrass the Government, and defeat the just
hopes of those who support the Government and ex-
poct TO live under its protection and care.
have alluded to the argument of my friend from
Connecticut because il is the ablest argument on
this subject that have heard; and have alluded
| TO his minated vote illustrating what consider
the evil Of instructing men, before case arises, as
To what shall be their conduct upon that case. The
honorable member from Connectcutis as indcpend-
ent any other man. and Of course will not under
| stand me 10 mean any thing personal IN what
have said. take bis case merely as an Illustration
| of the folly and absurdity of instructions. WIZ
should a man OF his strength Of intellect and while
| acting Tor the whole country, be controlled in his
judgment by instructions given by Others with lit
| tie knowledge Of the circumstances, and no view
| of the whole case?
! have now, Mr.. President said what think the
| North may gain, and what it may lose. Now let
us inquire how il is with the South. In the first
/ place, think that the South If all these measures
pass, will gain acceptable and satisfactory mode
for the reclamation of fugitive slaves. As 10 the
territorial acquisitions, am bound in caudor to say,
| taking Maryland example, for instance, that
| Maryland will gain just what Massachusetts oses,
and that is nothing at all; because have not the
| slightest idea that, by any thing that we can do
| here, any provision could be made By which tho
| territory Of New Mexico and tab could become
susceptible of slave labor and so useiulto the South
Now, let say, Mr. President. with great respect
| and kindness that wish southern gentlemen should
consider this matter calmly and deliberately There
are none in this chamber certainly, who desire the
dissolution of this UniOn in other house OF Con
qrcss But all the world out of doors not wise and
patriotic AZ the world within these wallis and am
quite aware that there those who raise the loud
| est camor against the Wilmot proyiso, and other
| restrictions upon slavery, that would be exceed
ingy gratfed, nevertheless, TO have that restric-
ton imposed. | believe there are those stretched