The republic., 1850-11-30

pther-of sustaining the Constitution striving to
perpetuate the Union, and upholding the laws oi
the land. All the eminent men Of both parues are
found as they ought be found, contributing thelr
utmost TO hold together in the elosest ties the seve
raj States ofour Coniederacy
You my friend and llow-ciuzen, are Demo
crat and are none the worse for that in your own
opinion. Let me ask you-Have you not united,
for thirty years past. In electng savehoiding
president Of the Republic? Have you not, with
Intensely national feeling, done the most you could
towards maintaining the honor and the power OF
the whole country, and have you not followed the
stars and the stripes OF our national flag whittier
soever they have gone!
You nv other friend and fellow citizen are a
Whig- and give you my hand on that. Let me
ask you Where you are to look for your strongest
and fastest allies in the struggle which expect,
but in the South? Is ii not To the Wings OF Loul-
siana North Carolina, Kentucky, and Tennessee,
that you 10 look for assistance in the great
measures OF protection which you seek to bring
about? And within the last few months, was 1t not
from plantation in the South that you selected
brave plain, honest. good old man, and placed
him by the side of Washington!
entreat and invoke you all, not on the one hand
TO cease 10 be Democrats, and OH the other hand to
cease to be Wings, but to come together in concert,
TO go back the old fundamental Issues Of the Con
sttution-to revive the ties OF olden tme il you
find them, and above all, to unite in determined
effort TO spare the country from the evil which
IN reatens t-a fatal division mere geographical
lines.
Fellow citizens there is one thing more on which
4
conscience of Boston, the conscience OF Massachu-
SETS the conscience of the Free States has duty
now to do. 1t has, heretofore, been inadequatcly
done. call upon you, my friends, by your con-
science, and on moral grounds. to do your best to
suppress the further agitation ofthis slave question
1t 10 the duty of all OF us 10 do 80 Our moral du-
ties not less than political interests command
to stand upon the platform OF adjustment estab-
ished at the last session OF Congress, and to dis
countenance any further agitation Of the question of
slavery. Individual thought, individual speech is
free Of course; but, repeat that our moral duties,
not less than our political interests demand that
we should accept the compromise measures, as the
Government has given them to US, and that hence
forward should suppress all agitation upon the
topics which they embrace. Political agitation, OF
course, mean
/ refer to any individual IN these remarks, but
ask you all my fellow citizens, If there be any form
or dev elopment OF fanaticism 80 outrageous and so
wicked at this day that which bids continue
the agitation of this slave question? Tremendous
cheers That such agitation contributes, or has
contributed to the good OF the slave, no man can
say that he certainly knows. That it has induced
evil feeling amongst the people of this country,
man of common intelligence can deny.
Bot my friend, the phianthropist, will reply to
me- that slavery great evil, and that his consci-
impels him TO do every thing in his yower for
It's abolishment. Let me ask HIM if he is quite
sure that it is the right sort OF conscience that
impels him now to agitate the question in this
country? Granting that an English, French.
or a German phauthropist is at liberty to preach
abolition, at any rate and at all hazards, Is al
American citizen at liberty to do the same? un
dertake to say that he is not. The people OF this
country have entered into various relations with
each other. The people themselves have the l.
troll of these relations, and may modify them il
they please But while they remain they are, it
is ihe moral duty of the whole people to observe
them. Is it because that the other States of the
Union are our sister States that we have right to
torment and harrass them-to drive pitch pine
knots into their flesh and set them on flre9 Is il
not rather because they our sister States, and
for that very reason, that we should refuse to do
any such thing!
Remember, gentlemen, remember, that on the
loftiest and profoundest considerations for the good
Of the people, all now living, and all who may
come alter US, that we have entered into this most
solemn, this most awful, this most sacred bond Of
relation with our brethren Of the southern States
the relation of country. To some extent with
gard to them, have shut ourselves out from the
highways and byways and field of philanthropy. II
wish to preach about slavery, or to abolish sla
very, let preach about and abolish it, If can,
In the island of Cuba, or under the line, or lust
wherever we choose TO take the risk. As for those
countries, we may do whatever We may please to
dare; but as to the Southern States, because
have entered into bonds and relations OF brother
hood with them, We must forbear. On considera-
tons, the lofIest and purest on earth, We have
tered with them into that hoest relation Of MARI
age. we have made certain engagements with
them-not for day, nor lifetime only, bat for all
time. engagements TO secure the largest amount
Of human good, by making into one great
ton almost countless multitude of people, by pro-
viding that the millions who inbsbt our territory
shall not be hostile tribes but united commu-
nifty And oh how much is implied in ths engage
ment entered into by the different sections of this
countryl it IA engagement between more than
two, or more than three, for more than natural
life IL is mutual promise 10 love, and cherish,
and respect, and honor each other, and to assidu-
ousy cultivate every idea and every principle which
can tend TO produce mutual good feeling and mu-
tual good will.
And, gentlemen, in this view ! again say, that
whatsoever English, French. a German
phan hropist may choose TO believe and TO preach,
We, by taking upon ourselves thvse relations with
southren brethren benceforth forbidden TO
agItate the question of their institutions. And ]
say TO the so-called philanthropists OF Massachu.
setts to-dsy-gentlemen, be 30 good AZ to hold your
tongues. tVociierous spplsuse.l II you want to
strike at slavery strike IL in Cuba Brazil. Let
your brethren in the Southern States alone.
But the philanthropist will tell me that there is
something unworthy in the view take that II IL
trivial, and not enough extended. Say you so, my
invisible, unknown and hope hereafter altogether
unheard- frend' Is the effort by which all thcsc
nations are held together in onc-which enables
millions TO live side by side in peace and friendship
lis this effort trivial and unworthy Why, fellow
citizens il has enabled first thirteen now thirty one
10 be fifty, and by and by hundred sovereign
States, with people full Of fiery blood, and only too
willing TO enter into the combat and the fight, 10
live together brothers in one family. What
vidual San compare with this achievement, or the
glory Of that who brings about this end' Sure
ly none-surcly none. To my young friends and
hearers appeal. To them IL belongs, by example,
by speech, by writing, 10 mould these separate
States into one grand whole. In the accomplish
ncnt Of that glorious work they will hnd their most
splendid rewards and their highest honors. Let
those rewards and those honors content them, ra-
ther than any laurel- which might be gained by
turning the bsyoncts Of brethren against the breasts
Of brethren.
Upon the conclusion Of Mr.. Choates remarks
repeated cheers called and given for the elo-
qoent speaker.
The question then called for upon the resolu-
tions, and they were adopted by one unanimous
AYE.
The meeting then adjourned with nine times
nine cheers for the Constitution and the Union.
South CARoLINA.-We see that by the present
constitution Of South Carolina, which was adopted
srty years ago, the qualification Of eligibility to the