Republican vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1857, 1850-02-18

coNCLuDEDa
Many Of the doctrines heard here, We're only to
be maintained by the assumption that Congress is
general depository Of the legislative power Of
the country-Aatit possesses certain defined pow.
ers and beyond those, some general underlined
right OF action. as ''sovereigns of the country
recipients OF all the authority which agreeably 10
the elementary writer's, results from the 'snaiure
OF government" representative Of its ''naiicna-
ty,N-"agen and trustee Of the States, all
which was to be brought into exercise when cir
cnmstanees >saight seem to require it, There
could be no greater political heresy than that,
There is 10 ''s,enera' grant of the right Of egs-
lation inihe constitution. lis provisions on that
subject are as cautious as they are clear al!
! legislative power herein granted" says our har-
ter, ''shal be vested iii Congress-" SC and
then, after some necessary provisions, concerning
its composition and proceedings comes the author
| ity to act, in these words: Congress shall have
power TO lay and collect taxes, Sc. to carry into
effect the enumerated powers Here there is no
recognition Of sovereignty in Congress- nor if there
were, is there any grant OF power attached to that
condition.
All this is an interpolation, and were it not that
it is one of the pregnant signs of the tines evinc-
ing proneness to seek, out of the constitution the
powers OF Government which ought to be sought
| for only within it, and the more dangerous when
exhibited by high men in high places, it would
not seem to call for grave refuiation. But the
heresy has still wider range. Who gave to Con
gress the attributes Of sovereignty or any egsla-
tive rights resulting theretrom, not to be found
expressly, Of by necessary Implication in the Con
stitution? In the people CT the United States,
resides the sovereignty of this country; and no
department Of their Government can claim that
high prefogaive, nor assume any functions arising
out Of it, not to be found in that great act Of the
| people, which brought them into political exist
ence. The elementary WRITER'S MIR. c. said had
been explored and exhausted, and all the curious
learning about ''soveregns" and 'ssovereignlies y
&c., &C., had been pressed into the service in this
controversy, involving only question Of domestic
power.
Writer'S upon international law are very good
| authority to ascertain what were our rights, as
soveregns, bnt very bad authorities to ascertain
how, and how far they are to be exercised by any
particular department Of our government You
might go to these elementary writer's, or to the
decisions of the courts, to determine the various
rights which the condition of sovereignty brings
with it, hut must 90 to the constitution to deter
mine whether the people have given to any de-
partment Ut their government the necessary power
10 exercise them. The attributes of the sovereign
might exist, but if the constitution does not pro-
vide the means for Its exercise, no authority but
that OF the people could call it into action. No
man denied our right to acquire territory but lis
disposition after such acquisition was the object of
present inquiry, and all the writer's and writings
IN the world, except the constitution itself, and
arguments to be deduced from it, were utterly
valueless in the decision of this question " hch
belongs to olr domestic policy. The right to &C
quire was one thing; the right to govern another.
a n 10 far t!,a
exercise Of the other was not, and it therefore be-
longs ''to the States respectively or to the people,
Alter an argument upon the twelfth reason Civ
| en- in the table above, Mr.. G. proceeded with the
twelfth, which he repeated The views express
ed therein were bequeathed by an ancient citizen
| Mr.. Adams. 1t had been long known that he
| kept diary OF passing events; and portion of
this daily record has been recently taken from the
depository, where it had better been shielded by
time and dust, and exposed TO the light of day by
a member of his family. This revelation adds
nothing to the claims which the deceased states
man had TO the consideration of his countrymen.
Strong prejudlces, not to say bitter ones, and a
temperament often i'll regulated aud always ex.
citable, were too frequently witnessed, especially
when men and measures Were closely connected
with that calm investigation. SO essential to the
exercise Of a correct Judgment. This record of
his feelings and opinions exhibit those traits of
character in bold relief. and was d mechanically
proof, that vigorous intellect may be overshad
owed by strange aherra ions, and rendered useless
and sometimes dangerous by Maynard views.
originating in passing impressions, and main
tanned with Characteristic pertinaciiy, and with
| little respect for the opinion of others In this
diary the compromise by which the constitution
was established, is denominated as a "bargan
between freedom and slavery" and it is pronounc-
l ! IL, I
harsh epithes and illogical Deductions little cred
liable to the jud gment of the author at any time
and least Of all at that time considering the posi-
ton in the government he then occupied and the
acknowledged claims he had to etill hehe: dis
ucton.
This condemnation Of the Constitution, as
morally vicious was left upon record by states
| man high in the estimation and honors Of his
countlymen. AT the very time he thus embodied
this opinion of the Constitution he was the second
officer Of the Executive Department Of the gov
erunent; and became ere long the first; and in
each Of these capacities, as in many preceding
one, he had voluntarily assumed, under the mos.
solemn sanction, the obligation to support this
| Constitution, thus stamped with the charge Of
moral and political vice! Mr.. G. took no pleas.
ure in the expression of thess views. But The
! document had been gve., 70 the country and re-
1tt anu HittSl i!da diitdty PdSSbu
into history, and could not escape the scrutiny Of
censure OF an age like this. Its tone Of moral SEN
timent was bad. The doctrine and the example
were bad That the Constitution is vicious
instrument, it seemed to Mr.. G.. that no right
minded American could hold The honors and
emolumenis might be sought and enjoyed, and its
obligations assumed by him who considers it liable
TO tbs grave censure, was certainly not reconcil-
able with any elevated standard Of morality; nor
was the opinion or example by which the posi-
ton is held under such circumstances, calculated
to produce salutary impressions upon the minds
of the American youth. And there We're other
portions of this resurrecsed paper equally obnox-
ious to the censure of patriotism and of TASTE
How different It's tone and temper We're from the
farewell address of Westinghouse monument OF
high moral and political feeling and afeclionate
interest, as we'll as Of practical WISDOM such as
no other citizen ever bequeahed to his country
men. The one appeals to the better feelings OF
onf nature, to the common ssname of Amerlcan,'
and bids hold on sSto the unity Of government