Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1850-03-21

other side of the Atlantic, that it was one
Of the greatest reproaches to human nature
| that wars were sometimes necessary. The
defence of nations sometimes causes a wal
against the injustice of Other nations.
Now, sir, in this state of sentiment upon
! the general nature of slavery lies the cause
Of great portion of those unhappy divis-
ions, exa,perations, and reproaches which
find vent and support in different parts of
the Union. Slavery does exist in the United
States. 1t did exist in the States before the
adoption of this Constitution, and at that
time.
And now let us consider, sir, for mo-
ment, what was the state of sentiment, North
and South, in regard 10 slavery at the ,;'ne
this Constitution was adopted. A remark
able change has taken place since, but what
did the wise and great men of all parts Of
the country think of slavery lin what es-
timation did they hold it then. when this
Constitution was adopted? Now, it will be
found. sir, if we viii carry ourselves by
historical research back to that day, and AS
certain mems opinions by authentic records
sill existing among us, that there was no
great diversity OF op mon between the North
and the South upon the subject of slavery,
and 1t will be found that both parts of the
country held it equally an evil, a moral and
political evil. 1t will not lie found that
either at the North or al the Soulh there
Was much. though there was some, invec-
tive against slavery as inhuman and cruel.
The great ground of objection io-it was po-
litical; that il weakened the social fabric ;
that, taking the place of free labor, society
was less strong, and labor was less prodnc-
t:ve aud therefore We find from all the en-
lnenl men OF the time the clearest express
ION OF their opinion that slavery was al
evil And they ascrlbed its existence here,
not without truth, aud not without some as
cerbiiy of temper and force of Ian Iuage, TO
the injurious policy OF the mother country,
who To favor the navigator, had entaiied
these evils upon the colonies. | need hard
ly refer, sir, TO the publications of the day.
They are mdtt,rs ot history on the record.
The eminent men, the most eminent men
and nearly all the conspicuous politicians
of the South held the same sentiments
that slavery was an evil, Light, blast, a
mIldew, IA s,ourge, and curse. There are
no terms of reprubatiun of slavery so We
hement IN the North of that day as in the
South The North was not So much excl
ted against it rs the South, and the reason
is, suppose, because there was much less
dt the North. and the people did not see, or
ihink they saw, The evils ST. prominently as
they were seen, or thought 10 be seen, at the
South
Then, sir, when this Constitution was
framed, this was the light in which the Com
ven,ion viewed II. The Convention reti,---
ted the Judgment and sentiments of the
great men of the South. A member of the
other House, whom | have rot the honor 10
know, in recent speech, has collected ex-
tracts from these public documents. They
prove the truth Of what | am saying, and
the question then was, how 10 deal with II,
and how to deal with 1t as an evil. W eli,
they came to this general result. They
thought that slavery could not be continued
IN the country If the Importation Of slaves
were made 10 cease, aud therefore they pro-
vided that after a certain period, the Inpor-
tation might be prevented By the act of the
new Government. Twenty Years was pro
posed by some gentlemen, a Northern gen
tleman, | think, and many of the Southern
gentlemen opposed it as being too long
Mr.. Madison especially was something warm
against it, He SAID 1t would bring too
much of this mischief into the country 10
allow the Importation of slaves for such Il
period. Because we must take along with
us, in the whole of this discussion, when
we are considering the sentiments and opIn-
ions in which this constitutional provision
originated, that the conviction OF all men
was that if the Importation OF slaves ceased,
tie white race would multiply faster than
the black race, aud that slavery would
therefore gradually wear out and expire
1t may not be improper here to alude To
that, had almost said, celebrated opinion
of Mr.. Madison. You observe, sir tina.
the term slave or slavery is not used Ia the
Constitution. The Constitution does hot
require that fugitive slaves" shalt be de-
ivered up. 1t requires that "persons bound
TO service IN one Stale, aud escaping INTO
another, shall be delivered up" MIR Madi-
son opposed the introduction Of the term
slave or slavery into the Constitution for
he said that he did not wish TO see it recog
nized by the Constitution of the United
States of America that there could be prop
erty in men. Now, sir, all this took place
at the Convention in 1857; but connected
with thIs-concurrent and contemporaries
ous-is another important transaction not
sufficiently attended to. The Convention
for framing this constitution assembled i'll
Philadelphia in May. and sat until Sep,em-
Der, 1877. During all that time the Con-
gress of the United States was in session at
New York. 1t was a matter of design, as
we know, that the Convention should not
assemble in the same city where the Com
gress was holding its sessions. Almost all
the public men of the country, therefore,
Of distinction and eminence, were in one or
the other of these two assemblies; and
think it happened in some instances that
the same gentlemen were members OF both.
If | mistake not, such was the case of Mr..
Rufus King, then member Of Congress
from Massachusetts, aud at the same time,
a member of the Convention to frame the
Constitution, from that State. Now, 1t was
in the summer of 1887, the very time when
the Convention in Philadelphia was framing