The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-24
those who suffer under it, should become re-

sponsibIe for it3 tgi III y
But we are told that there are other BRO
visions Of the bill by which We gain some
thingthat il gives US territorial Govern
ments in Utah and New Mexico, based on
the model Of the Clayton compromise. Yes,
sir, il gives it to us after the North have had
the start by two or three years in the sppor-
tunity to settle the country, and under cir
cumstances which render It doubtful to the
Shareholder whether he can carry his property
there. Does any man suppose that under
such a Government q STAKEHOLDER would
carry his slaves there, unless, in addition to
what is now contained in the bill, there was
something done to quiet all questions as to
his right 50 to do 1t is true that there are
many in the South who believe that the
Mexican laws do not exist there, but win the
owner Of his property be content. with that
Will he not inquire as to the opinion Of the
Senators from Kentucky, from Michigan,
and from Massachusetts, and will he not see
that the most distinguished Of the advocates
Of this bill all maintain that those laws do
exist and exclude slavery He would hardly
carry his property into country where his
title was to be exposed to the dangers Of
lawsuit, when there is 50 much territory va
cant in which his right to carry slaves is UNI
disputed. So that, in all probability, the
Southern shareholders would never settle
foot Of this territory. do not believe,
under the practical operation Of this bill, we
shall get a square inch Of it, but that we
shall lo3se all the country which we ,acqui-
red by the war with Mexico. And confess
feared, when this committee was formed,
that the South would be required to give up
and surrender this much but did not think
that an attempt would also be made to take
from her 10000 square miles Of Texas, to
which believe she is clearly entitled, in or
der to place it under the chance and risk of
being converted into free soil. In other
words, Mr. President, feared that the
South would be called upon to give up the
coat which was in dispute, but did not ex-
.pect that she would be required to give up
the cloak also As it now stands it is the
property Of Texas, and under the dominion
Of pro-slavery laws, and if we take it away
from her we at least run the risk of having
the Wimot Proviso applied to it. II is no
comfort to me to know that twenty-five votes
were recorded in favor of this proviso not
long ago in this body, thirty constituting one
halfo the whole number 1t is no warrant
for hope. with me to know that nearly all the
Northern States have instructed in favor Of
it, anG that probably large majority in the
Sther house are for it, and are restrained
with difficulty from applying it to country
where they are told slavery is excluded by
Mexican law, and on account Of natural
causes, but who probably would insist on APP
plying it to any portion Of the territory ever
said to belong to Texas. This feature Of
the bill, would, as it seems to me, lead to the
most bitter and intense excitement hereafter.
1t is now easy for gentlemen to excuse them
selves from voting the proviso as applied to
the Territories, on account Of the alleged
existence Of the Mexican law there, but It
will then be said, here is case for which
you can give no such reason. Northern
gentlemen will then be urged irrestibly or to
their own destru ;tion, to apply the proviso to
that territory, while, on the contrary, the
South will resist its application with the more
vehemence to territory which has once been
under the dominion Of pro-slavery laws, than
they would perhaps to any other portion Of
the domain of the United States.
But we are told in answer to this, that the
territory does not belong to Texas, and we
are also assured that she will get more 10
this way than in any other. Sir, if the ter
ritory does belong to Texas, as think has
been conclusively shown by her Senators
and Representatives, do not know how it
can be said that she will get more in this
way than in any other, unless we are to sup
pose that there is a majority here who have
the power and will to deprive Texas OF her
territory, whether she is entitled to it or not
And if this be so, why ask us to consult
here, or to reason on the subject; for in that
case 1t would be useless to show that the
right was on the side Of Texas, and that it
is a duty and justice to her to acknowledge
that right make no such presumption.
/ presume if it be shown that the territory
belongs to Texas, it will be declared to be-
long to her by Congress, and she will be
protected in its enjoyment. Now, that the
territory does belong to Texas, think we
are precluded from denying by our own
acts-precluded by the opinion Of our own
courts, and precluded also, was about to
say, in the opinion Of every honest mani
will not say that, however, because ! know
there is a difference Of opinion on that sub
ject between honest and able men on this |,
hoor-but believe, when the heat Of, the
moment and excitement Of the day shall,
have passed away, no man will lock on the
page Of American history which records TIE
fact that we disputed the title Of Texas under
existing circumstances without sentiment
Of regret, or it may be pang Of shame, that
the truth required it to be told that in mis-
guided moment we had been betrayed into
such an error. st 81 .,..l a..,
] do not 60 into that old question Of what
were the boundaries Of New Mexico before
the revolution in Texas hold that to be
an immaterial issue. Yet believe it can
be shown that at the time of the war, or Of
the declaration Of independence by Texas,