The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-02-21

| defend them in every emergency, and regardless
| OF consequences. He had been charged with being
bitterly opposed TO the North, and every thing be-
4 longing TO them. He admired the northern people
for their many virtues and good qualities but they
| had their faults, and gentlemen should not com.
plain if they could not those faults, that nc and
/ others did.
| He could not but remember that when the brave
and gallant Lincoln fell fighting for his country on
| the bloody field of Buena Vista, and his remains
were carried to Boston to be buried, that one MAJOR
General Howe, of the Massachusetts militia re,
fused TO order out the troops to pay the last SAD
honors to the deceased soldier He also remem-
bered that when the gallant Ransom, who fell while
storming the heights Of Chepultepec, and the sad
| tale carried to the land OF his regiment; and
when il was expected that tribute would be paid
TO his worth and gallant Deeds cold blooded devil
who edited paper there announced that Colonel
Ransom was soldier by profession, and had died
| in the midst Of his work. The regiment-thc gal
| liant ninth--expected more than this; and was it
| not almost enough to cause them to shrink from a
banner whose folds were in part the property OF
such section that whence came this response to
| news Of the death of their leader?
The great error OF the Senator from Kentucky,
| as well of others, was in supposing that any
| compromise was necessary. The Constitution OF
| the United States was a compromise. The South
was willing to stand by and abide by that as their
! bond. Why any further compromise! five are to
| go and make additional compromises, and COM
promise provision after provision OF the Constitution,
| it was much better to abrogate the whole at once
\ They had made one compromise; they were called
upon to make another, and they gave up hall oil
| their rights; another demand made TO Gem
promise half of what they still retain and thus il
TO go till the North had absolute and entire
| control. The South could do no such thing.
There remedy for all this-a severe one,
| perhaps, but il sure, and the only one in
| their power. The South asked no fayors; they
were not like Lazarus at the rich mans gate, ask
ing for the crumbs which fell from the table. The
South demanded her rights, and would maintain
| them.
| The Senator from Kentucky and the Senator from
Michigan, (Mr. CAss,) the latter in a prepared
speech, had favored them with pictures OF the con-
i sequences of disunion.
| Mr.. CASS said that the remarks made by him
the other day were the promptings OF the moment,
and were not prepared. , -
| Mr.. CLEMENS said it made but little difference.
They both had predicted war as certain to follow
| disunion. There was no necessity for a war. Let
| them part peaccably, saying TO each other, "Let
| there be no war between thee and me, nor between
| thy herdsmen and my herdsmen."
The question for consideration was, what are the
rights of the South, and whatever those rights were
| the South would maintain them without being de-
TERED or frightened by bloody pictures.
| Ii had become the custom now days to speak
| continually of Washington's farewell address, OF
his good advice; the name of Washington should
| be forbidden word in the mouths OF those who
propose any thing that is mean, base, and selfish
| Washington would countenance no wrong, and II
| living, it was well known on which side he would
| be found.
He had now said all he intended TO say on the
motion, and would take another opportunity OF ad-
dressing the Senate on Mr.. CLAWS resolutions.
Mr.. CASS asked the attention of the Senate while
he said few words in defence of himself. In con-
sequence of what had been said here and elsewhere
he considered it but just that he should vindicate
his consistency.
| Mr.. CLEMENS said he had not attacked the
Senator's consistency.
Mr.. CASS said the Senator had said that in his
speech on the Wilmot proviso, he (Mr. CAss) had
dealt only general principles. When he made
| that speech he had two objects in view, and
which he had carried out; was to show that the
Wilmot proviso was unconstitutional, and that, II
not unconstitutional, il inexpedient. These
grounds he certainly maintained to the utmost Of
his ability
The Senator from Mississippi (NIr. DAvIs) had
spoken of his being inconsistent During the trial
he had lately passed through, (and he wished his
greatest enemy no severer one,) letter writ
ten by him, commonly called the Nicholson letter
had been published In thatfletter he had taker
the same grounds that he had taken in his speech
There had been no change in his sentiments.
Ifany one mistaken in the Nicholson letter
then it was the readers fault; if any should b
mistaken hereafter, it should be his fault He be-
lieved the passage Of the Wilmot proviso TO be un
constitutional. He did not think SO at first; anc
when this subject was first introduced, he doubtless
would have voted for it, as he believed several in
stances ON record Of southern men introducing
bills with the provso contained in them. But afte
examining into the subject, he came TO the view
; that Congress had no power to pass it. When thu
Nicholson letter was about 10 be written he enter
q tanned great doubts TO the powers of Congress
= pass the Wilmot proviso; and il occurred to hin
that il strange that thu powers Of Congress
| the Territories had been 70 long undisputed. Ill
], then applied TO an honorable Judge of the Suprem
: Court, Judge Mclean, and communicated Il
. him his doubts on the subject, and the Judge tolc
him that his doubts were correct, and referred hin
= 10 an article the subject which had appeared in
the National Intelgenee'r few days before, which
| - kno.. al hvt he md binaelf hat ar
ticlc was read and sustai ed his impressions, ano
= then the Nicholson letter las written. That letter
: asserted four proposition LIST. The Wilmot pro-
:. viso unconstitutional2d Slavery did not exist
in the Territories 3d. Ths il not likely il would
! ever exist there; and II. That the question oi
= slavery or not queion for the people Of the
y Territories themselves toecide. The same views
- were expressed by him this speech The people
of the Territories have til right TO settle this sub
iect as all others for themves, and they will do il
- despite Of all your powet The world was full o.
- wilmot provisos; once it ime in the shape Of Ia,
~ on tea, and the people tided il. Whenever the
J sovereign power sets uf TO judge for the PEG
pie, that attempt TO act fdthem is proviso. Have
&c the thirty fifty thousar people who may be IN
0 your Territories no rights Are they subject TO YOU
disposal and TO your endments and regulations
:. | as well as the land onRhich they reside? III,
Nv Nv thought not. They have e power Of self-govern
~ ment, and they derive II pm higher source thar
Congress.
The Nicholson letter vi shown to several Of hi
~, friends, and some Of thenisapproved Of il; they
80 all knew its meaning.
200 Mr. CkSS then most a9uently deprecated thu
Gus undue excitement maniftd at the South and tn
re- North on this subject; an could not sympathiz
cas- with it; he sick of 1t. here wrongs q
ties Justify revolutions and wrongs which revolu
nd ton would redress Thetnator from Virginia, il
on his speech on the fugitive lave bill, while urginJ
a. its passage said he had hope of its being an,
Il good; that he despaired its being carried out
i've | and, although he did mob the exact words, i'm
;tv piled that the North vol vote for it, then turf
IRE round and violate il; in rt, would act like sc
by | OF knaves.
cen Mr.. MASON said he kver used any languag
like this. What he saiSas, that no law which
his did not meet the loyal srprt Of the people wou'
lion be productive Of much bdit.
bv Mr.. CASS said he wastk Of the cries Of IN
non wrongs Of the North ande wrongs Of the South
f,v He knew nothing Of the lth Of the South. III
moi was an American. He "a citizen Of the Union
icb. There we're fanatics Try where. The Sout
,res were not alone in their Ferings. Every natio
Or Of had It's fanatics ana eVesecuon Oh tne oountr
adj had It's share Of them. le North suffered fron
40 thenf They made war Pill their social and reli
,ab gious institutions. 80 fad this feeling on 10
adj slavery question been dcd, that at the Sout
was any man who did not dre that slavery was IN
here best INSTITUTION was L'uo anu a. VIC l'o'u
had whoever was not prepare run bayonet throug
-. | every stakeholder was abghface.
- IL -4.fl. IL.