The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-11-07
From he Zanesri!ls COZ Courier
President Fillmore,

Ever since this gentleman placed his official
signature 10 the bill known as the Fugitive Slave
law he has been the subject of the bitter de-
nuncntion by class Of politicians who live by ag
tation.
Our last paper contains a despatch from Wash
ington city, which says "The President has an
nounoed his determination 10 enforce the Fugitive
Slave law, let the consequences be what they NAV
II necessary, he will protect the u. s. marshals In
the discharge OF their duties by calling to their aid
the U. s. army"
The publication of this intelligence will, we
suppose. be followed by fresh attack upon the
President.
For our own part, we fully endorse his course
from first TO last in reference TO this whole contro-
versy. When be declared his purpose TO resist any
encruacbment Of Texas upon New Mexico. we be-
hcyed he right, and we said so. When he signed
the Fugitive Slave bill, we believed that he had
done no more than his duty, whether he believed
in the ezpedisncy Of the measure or not.
One Of the cardinal principles Of the party which
elected Mr.. Fillmore was, that the President ought
not intcrpose his tcH TO defeat the measures OF
the peoples Representatives in Congress, where
there was no constitutional i'm pediment, and where
there was nothing in dispute except mere question
Of expediency.
Under such circumstances, Mr. Fillmore not
only did not do wrong in signing the bill, but his
conduct would have been OF variance with his inn
Piled If not his eN pressed pledges and would have
been wholly inexcussbe had he failed to do so.
That measure now being the law Of the land and
the President having taken oath faithfully 10
support the Constitution Of the United Statcs-one
portion Of which declares that the President shall
sec that the laws shall be faithfully crecuted-he
cannot, without being guilty Of moral perjury,
stand by and the laws resisted, without putting
in requisition all the force at his command, IL ne
ccssary, to aid in their execution. We hope and
believe that but few, II any, instances will arise TO
render il necessary TO call out the United States
troops TO execute the lave Of the Union. Such a
state Of things would be highly dscreditsb bic to our
country, and would augur badly for the perpetuity
Of our present form Of government.
In .aying this much, we do not intend TO be un-
derstood as advocating this particular law. There
arc provisions in II that pretty stringent,
and unless they are rendered absolutely necessary
to the fulhlment Of our constitutional obligations,
we should be glad 10 zee them otherwise. We be +.
lieve however, that the necessity for this strin-
gcncy in the law has been greatly increased by the
conduct Of some of those who profess the most
dent friendship for the colored man; but whose
philanthropy has often been misdircctcd, and whose
zeal has been sometimes permitted 10 exceed their
discretion While ever any idp s in existence in
this country il ought to be faithfully observed. II
IL is found TO operate injuriousy improperly, let
IL be altered or repealed; but let there be no a
tempt at notification forcibe resistance TO It. II
would be very dangerous experiment, even II
those who undertake it were strong enough TO sue
coed. II one party should SCI, the example now, IL
may not be long before il may be used as pretcxt
by others If our Free-soil friends have right to
decide that this ia1 is void, because IL does not
meet their notions of proPriety, another class Of
men may claim the right 10 decide that the law
which protects their dwellings from the lighted
TORCH their persons from violence, is alec
and will not be regarded by them. Let such a
principle be fully established, and 1t may be that
some Of us may yet live TO the day when our
boosted "free institutions" which have 30 long
been our pride, as well "a our protection, will be
remembered oniu as things that mere; and when
either anarchy or despotsm may be established
upon their ruins