The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-02-21
THE NATIONAL ERA.
DRRATE In TILE SENAIR.
THE RIGHT OF OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES OF
THE UNION.
FEBRuARY llTu AND l2ru.

the Era last week.
Mr.. Dayton Of New Jersey said be was on ad-
vocste of the right of petition in its full extent
but he had yet TO learn that this right extended
to the destruction OF the sovereign power psti-
toned. IL was right limited to the redress of
grievances
But he sgrecd with the Senator from New
Hampshire, in his comments upon the reception
Of the proceedings of the meeting at Wilmington,
North Carolina That was a violation of the
usage Of the Senate, by which all such papers
coming from the North, had been uniformly
objected 10, and the question of reception then
laid upon the table When some time since a
memorial Of the kind was presented by the Sen
Stor from New York, (Mr. Seward,l the question
Of reception Was raised, and then laid upon the
table.
MIR Dayton very clearly showed the nature Of
the usage, and the readiness with which it had
been violated by the shareholders, as follows;
But, sir, let me say, with great respect, this
rule or usage ought to be lived up to, upon both
sides of the Chamber. Aud permit me to say that
1t has been violated, in my Judgment in the case
TO which the Senator from New Hampshire MIR
Halel has ref yr4d-,he CAGE # she .scsasrisl CO
the Senator from North Carolina, MIR Man
gum -in which the South has come before US to
agitate this question. The rule never, AZ | I'm
Congress was asked for some action One half of
these slavery memorials have been nothing more
than declaration Of opinion, an enunciation of
sentiments; and the reception Of those memorials,
whether asking Congress TO pass laws or limiting
themselves to the mere enunciatiOu OF opinion
were all laid upon the table, upon the rule and
practice of the Senate. Yet, here is a memorial
upon this very exciting subject which comes here
aud is received by friends upon the other side
Of the Chamber. Now, sir, the rule ought to be
applied. TO both sides of the question, and will
apply 1t to both sides Of the question This rule
has been adopted by me in good faith, with view
TO avoid the agitation of this question.
As to the petition before them, however, he was
opposed 10 receiving il at all.
Mr.. Cass thought the right of petition mpor-
tant but the ballot box much more important
In England all the people had left was the right
OF petition but the people here could change
their rulers, when they pleased. Petitions should
be decent in their language. and the action they
S-i iOr should be wiel... Ss tho consti-
tutional power Of Congress
five have no power 10 grant the prayer of the
petition, why should such petition be received
and our time thus profitessly spent might be de-
voted to useful and national purposes. | am not
speaking, cir, Of doubtful queston-of petitions
for measures Of doubtful validity, and about
which reasonable men may differ and do differ.
These should be respectfully received and consd-
cred. But speak of appl cations for the ex ercse
Of powers which We have clearly and undeniably
no right to assume-lke this for the dissolution of
the Union or for the annihlation of State of this
Confederacy.
II has been said sir--snd II has been said in
reprosch-that if we ought not to receive petit
tons asking us to do an unconstitutional act, we
ought not 10 receive petitions or circumstances
against such an act.
do not so understand our own duties or the
rights of the people. There ia a great difference
between proposition to do what we have no right
TO do, and remonstrance against doing it, when
there is reason TO apprehend it may be done. The
one asks us TO violate our oaths and the Con-
situton, the other to recClltct the obligations of
both
This petition asks MS to dissolve the Union
shall vote for rejecting it and if there were any
other mode by which our indignation at such a
wicked and foolish proposition could be more
powerfully expressed, | should adopt it with
pleasure.
Mr.. Cass then brancbed off into discussion
of the blessings of the Union, and the horrors of
DsuniOn, speaking with rs much fervency as if
the Union were really in danger from the petition
before the Senate
Mr.. Webster | am quite sorry that my friend
tition as THE, and shall be quite surprised if the
proposition to entertain il receives any favor in
this body. It would be, or at least appear TO be-
an assumption Of power--as if by some possibility
we could do something o-the effect and with the
tendency which this, | will say presumptuous,
petition contemplates Now, sir, | think the sub.
stance of the petition is such that to be proper,
it should have preamble In these words
" Gentlemen. mmb.yS Of Congress Whereas, at
rf 81
you took your solemn oath in the presence of God,
upon the Holy Evangests, that you would support
the Constitution now, therefore, we pray you to
take immediate steps to break up the Union, and
overthrow the Constitution Of the United States
as soon you can"
MIR Butler. IL seems to me that II is petition
for the right TO commit suicide, originating, will
not say with madmen, but presented by those
who have the torch in their hands to burn down
the temple, and then come here and preach SER
mons over the ruins of this country which they
have aroused into conf grafton, and attempt to
throw the blame upon others; yes, sir, men who,
when they have applied the torch, themselves
come here and preach sermons over the ruins
they have caused and throw the blame upon
others.
Mr. Hale This discussion has illustrated one
fact which gives me very great satisfaction and
that il, that the Senator from Michigan Mr. Cassl
has avowed principle of action directly contrary
to that which was indicated by his vote upon
petition presented by me only two or three days
ago, and to which desire to call his attention
The honorable Senator, in the discrimination
which he makes, says that he would reject those
petitions which ask for action such as the Senate
have no right TO grant--as in this case he con-
ceives that We have no power to receive such
petitions; but that if any of the citizens of this
country apprehend action upon the part of Con-
gress which they think will be deleterious TO the
interests of the country, they have right to re-
and that their circumstances should be
received
How frail ia human memory, Mr.. President!
1t was only on Thursday last that had the honor
to present precisely such paper as that of which
the honorable Senator speaks-a petition of citi-
zens coming here aud asking for no action what
soever, but merely requesting that Congress would
not admit any more slave States; and on that oc-
casion the honorable Senator voted against its re-
ception.
Mr. Case, Gnterposng) Will the Senator from
New Hampshire allow me? ] understand that
that petition prayed for the action of Congress 10
prohibit the introduction of slavery into new
States
Mr.. Hale. No, sir nothing like it 1t was
against action, and precisely within the definition
laid down in the speech of the honorable Senator.
IL asked for no action whatever. appeal, there
fore, 10 honorable Senators, whether was not
clearly within the rule established by the honora
bic Senators
Mr. Cass, Gnterposing) Was II not the object
Of that petition to prohibit slavery in California,
New Mexico, and such other States as might
hereafter apply for admission into the Union
MIR Hale No nothing of the kind IL was
a simple petition that Congress should not act for
the purpose Of admitting any State which should
hereafter apply for admission with savebolding
Constitution.
do not know what ii is that has called up such
n storm on this occasion ! have before me the
journal Of 1913 andl find upon the goth page that