Keowee courier. [volume] (Pickens Court House, S.C.) 1849-current, 1850-06-28

n common Government only those powers
should be granted which must affect all the
people composing it equally in their operation,
whilst all powers over all interests, local or
sectional should be reserved to local or sec
tional Governments, it is in danger of being
uprooted from their constitution. Local and
sectional interests absorb the time and bust
ness of Congress, and thus sectional despot-
ism, totally irresponsible to the people of the
south, constituted of the Representatives in
Congress from the nou-slaveholding States, ig-
uorant ofour feelings, condition and institutions
reigns in Washington. These are the fruits of
your past forbearancc and submission.
If we lcok into the nature of things such re-
suits will not seem to be either new orstrange
There is but one condition, in which one peo
pie can be safe under the dominion of another
people, and that is when then interests are
entirely identical. Then the dominant can
not oppress the subject people without op-
pre- sing themselves. The identity of interests
between them is the security fo- right govern
ment. But rs this identity can scarcely ever
exist between any two people, history bears
but one testimony us to the fate of subject peo-
pie. They have always been compelled to
minister to the prosperity and aggrandize-
ment oftheir masters. If this has always been
the case under the ordinary iiFcronce of inter
ests and feelings which eXisf Oetween States,
how much more certainly must the experience
of history be realized between the people of
the Northern and southern States. Hero is a
difference of climate and productions through
ont II territory stretching along the whole belt
of the temperate zone, affecting the pursuits
and characters of the people inhabiting it.
But the great dfference--the one great differ
encc-the greatest which can exist among q
people is the institution of slavery This
alone sets apart the southern States as pecu-
liar people-with whom independence rs to
their internal policy is the condition of their
existence. They must rule themselves or per
ish. Every colony in the world where African
| slavery existed with one exception has been
destroyed; and ifthis has been the case, under
the old and eifetc Governments uf Europe, will
it not prevail under the dominion of the rest
less people of the Northern tStatesl They do
not practically recognise the inferiority ofthc
African to the Caucassion race. They do not
realise, because the circumstances ofther con
dition do not compel them TO realise the impos-
sibility of an amalgamation between the races.
Exempt from the institution of slavery, it is
not surprising that their sympathies should be
against us whilst the dogma on which they
profess to build their system OF free govern
ment-the absolute rule of the majority
leayesno barrier to their power in the affairs
of the General Govcrnmet, and leads them to
its consolidation. Religion, too, false or real,
fires their enthusiasm against orr institution
which many ofits professors believe to be in
consistent with its principles and nreeepts. TO
expect forbearance from such apeople, under
such circumstances, towards the institution of
slavery, is manifestly vain If they have been
false to the compact made with us inthe Con
stitution, and have allowed passion and preju-
dice to master reason, they have only cXem-
plified that frailty and falibility of our nature
which has produced the necessity of all GOV
mt tt,I
duces wrong, The institution of slavery hay
ing once entered the popular mind of the nom
saveholding States, for action and CONTROL the
rest is inevitable. If unrestraincd byus they
will go on until african slavery will be swept
from the broad and fertile South. The nature
of things, therefore, independent of fexperience,
teaches us that there can be no safety in sub
mission.
TO submit to evils, however great,
whilst they are endurable, is the dispo-
sition of every people-especially of an
agricultural people, apart and association
in their pursuits. But the responsibility
of preserving a free government rests
with all its members, who have the pow
'er or the will TO destroy it. A minority,
by submission, may as much betray the
constitution, as a majority by aggression.
The constitution does not protect major
| ity; for they have all the powers Of the
governmental their hands and can protect
themselves The limitations of consti-
tuition are designed to protect tho i,;aori-
ty--those who have no power, against
those who have it. Hence, the great
motive and duty of sclf-protection Is pc
culiar to minority, independent Of that
faith to the constitution which they owe
in common with the majority. They must
protect themselves and protect the con-
stitution; and if they fail in this double
duty, they are at least as culpablea as those
who, in aggressing upon their rights,
overthrow the constitution. And the
public opinion of the world is in confor-
nifty with these views. The opprcssor
is hated but the unresistiagly oppressed
is despised. More. respect follows the
tyrant, than the slave who submits to his
power. The Southern States, therefore,
although minority, are not exempt from
the responsibility of preserving the CON
stitution, and, in preserving it. to protect
themselves.
In what way shall they preserve the
al.