The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-17

80
lie opinion Of the world. That these
assaults should have had their effect is not
surprising, when we remember that, as yet,
we have offered no organized resistance to
them, and opposed but little, except the iso-
lated efforts of members Of Congress, who
have occasionally raised their voices against
what they believe TO be wrongs and injustice.
! 1t is time that we should meet and main
tain an issue, in which We find ourselves in
volved by those who make war upon us in
regard to every interest that is peculiar to
us, and which is not enjoyed in common with
them, however guaranteed by solemn COM
pact, and no matter how vitality involving our
prosperity, happiness, and safety. It's time
that we should take measures to defend our
selves against assaults which can end in
| nothing short OF our destruction, if we oppose
no resistance to them. Owing to accidental
circumstances, and want of knowledge Of
the true condition Of things in the Southern
States, the larger portion of the press and OF
the political literature Of the wotld has been
directed against u.s. The moral power OF
public opinion carries political strength along
with it, and ifagainst US, we must wrestle
with it or fall. II, as we firmly believe, truth
is with us, there is nothing to discourage us
in such an effort.
| The eventual strength Of an opinion is to
be measured, not by the number who may
chance to entertain it, but by the truth which
sustains it We believe--nay, we know, that
truth is with us, and therefore we should not
shrink from the contest. We have too much
staked upon it to shrink or to tremble-a
property interest, in all its forms, of incalcu-
liable amount and value the social organiza-
ton, the equality, the liberty, nay, the exis-
tence of fourteen or fifteen States Of the Con-
lederacy-all rest upon the result Of the
struggle in which we are engaged. We
must maintain the equality o. our political
| position in the Union; we must maintain the
dignity and respec ability Of our social posi-
ton before the world and must maintain
and secure our liberty and rights, so far as
our united efforts can protect them; and, if
possible, we must effect all this within the
pale of the Union, and by means known to
| the Constitution. The union Of the South
upon these vital interests is necessary, not
only for the sake of the South, but perhaps
for the sake Of the Union. We have great
interests exposed to the assaults, not only Of
the world at large, but OF those who, consti-
tuting majority, WELD the power Of our
own confederated States. We must defend
those interests by all legitimate means, or
else perish either in or without the effort. To
make successful defence, we must unite with
each other upon one vital question, and make
the most Of our political strength. We must
do more-we must 60 beyond our entrench-
ments, and meet even the more distant and
indirect, but by no means harmless assaults,
which are directed against US. We, too,
can appeal to public opinion Our assailant,
act upon theory, to their theory we can OPP
pose experience. They reason upon an
imaginary state Of things to, this we may
oppose truth and actual knowledge. To do
this, however, we too must open up avenues
to the public mind; we, too, must have an
organ through which we can appeal to the
world, and commune with each other. The
want of such an organ, hereto, ore, has been
perhaps one of the leading causes Of our pre-
sent condition.
There is no paper at the Seat Of Govern
ment through which we can hear or be heard
fairly and truly by the country, There is a
paper here which makes the abolition of sla-
very its main and paramount end. There
are other papers here which make the main
tenance OF political parties their supreme and
controlling object, but none which consider
the preservation Of sixteen hundred millions
of property, the equality and liberty OF four
teen or fifteen States, the protection of the
white man against African equality, as para
mount over, or even equal to, the mainten.
nance of some political organization which is
to secure President, who is an object o.
interest not because he will certainly rule, OF
perhaps ruin the South, but chiefly for the
reason that he will possess and bestow office
and spois. The South has peculiar posi-
ton, and her important rights and interests
are objects of continual assault from the ma
jorty; and the party press, dependent as it
is upon that majority for its means of living,
will always be found laboring to excuse the
assailants, and to paralyze all efforts at resist
anre. How is it now? The abolition party
can always be heard through its press at
the Seat of Government, but through what
organ or press at Washington can Southern
men communicate with the world, or with
each other, upon their own peculiar inter-
ests' So far from writing, or permitting
anything to be written, which is calculated
to defend the rights Of the South, or state its
case, the papers here are engaged in lulling
the South into false security, and in man.
ufacturing there an artificial public sentiment,
suitable for some Presidential platform,
though at the expense of any and every in
terest you may possess, no matter how dear
or how vital and momentous.
This state Of things results from party OBJ
| legations and regard to party success. And
they but subserve the ends of their estab-
lishment in consulting their own interests,
and the advancement Of the party to which
they are pledged. You cannot look to them
as sentinels over interests that are repugnant
to the feelings of the majority Of the self