The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-08-22

views | propose 10 submit at this time within as sma
a compass possible
propose resume the review OF the operation oi
certain causes peculiar 10 system, and OF others Incl
dent 10 every republican free government, which ap-
pear To me 10 demand the serious attention OF the patriot
statesman al this time, and of every who holds any
position OF influence or authority in The government,
eculiye or legislative.
That there is spirit OF anacism at the North, re-
lgous aud phanhroplc, which closes the heart against
all human sympahies not Immediately connected with
the particular object which, for The time, absorbs the
lenhon OF the subjects OF IT, cannot be denied The char.
acieristcs OF this species OF ianatcism need not de-
scribe lDey are the same in every age and country.
The rack, the sword and The fago are the arguments
which they are ever ready to employ, when left to them
selves IN The choice o the means by which they would
carry out their plans OF reform is this class oil enthu
sasls who would be willing to every DIV elng in the
South in haneseyery field stained with the blood OF the
MASTER IN the execution of their phrensed schemes for
the emancipation OF his slaves We have representa-
tive OF this class o fanatics this chamber and happily
their numbers are mol formidable anywhere But there
is another class OF enthusiasts which cannot be justly
called ianatcal yet exercises far more extensive and
mschlevOus influence, These the subjects OF
bid sensiby, recluses. readers and authors Of senli
mental literature who cannot bear the contemplation Of
the ordinary ills and hardshps of real life, without a
shock 10 their nervous ysem they sigh for state Of
society where wrong and injustice can never enter.
Slavery at the South becomes the natural and favore
theme ot the tongues and pens of the sentimenlaiss
But In addition 10 these influences, cannot be disguised
that there deep and abiding ansIayery sentiment
pervading all classes at the Norm, the mode-
ate aud RATIONAL who devoted 10 the Union, and would
countenance of the constitutional securities
and rights Of the South.
But the fanatics and sentimentass OF the North, with
all the counlenance they receive from the just and
soher-mnded opponents OF the institution OF slavery,
would not have able to conure up this storm, but
for their alliance with other auxiliary and exciting ele
ments OF agation-seconal lealouses, the interests Of
party, and personal ambition
There is, Mr. President, anacsm of liberty, well
as OF religion and phanlhropy-a fanatcism exhibiting
itself in theories which admit no distinction Of races, and
.I. nrinl undn
theories which reject all practical useful schemes Of
government which have existed or can be devised
The French revolution gave the impetus to this species
OF fanatcism and 1t is curious fact that The war of
1872 without any forced deductions, may be considered
remote consequence OF the politico fanatic spirit
which prevailed at early period OF the administration
OF General Washington, and which gave coloring 10
the lines OF party divisions then marked out, and which
continued TO exercise decided influence upon the affairs
OF this country Tor more than twenty years It's another
singular circumstance in history that this fanatic
spirit of liberty, OF trans atlantic origin widely
dlused at the period OF which speak, at the South than
al the North. II is we'll known fact that the federal
constitution met with the most formidable opposition at
the South and this chiefly upon the ground that the
Liberties OF the people not considered sufficiently
guarded and secured by its prov while is strongest
support at the North, where the ground assumed
and more generally mantained that less vigorous gov
eminent would be incompetent 10 the ends of
rational freedom. Hence the opponents of the
siuons took the name OF republicans and It's supporters
that of ederallsts And when the OF contention
between Great Britain and the United States 10 the
were arrayed for and against the war, mainly upon The
principles which gave rise TO the division OF parties upon
the adoption OF the constitution The federal party sym
pathized with England In the commencement of her
struggle with France, upon the assumption that il
contest between law, order, and vigorous practical gov
ernmen on the one side, and OF anarchy and cenous
the other. The republican party, the other
hand, regarding the French The champions of liberty
and free government and Great Britain the uphoder OF
despotism and regal authority, gave all their sympathes
to France
The opposite sentiments and opinions thus nbibed by
the great parties in this country continued without
change during all the changing phases of the long
the OF 1912 had comparatively but few supporters at
the North and East, where the federal Engsh party,
il has been sometimes called, had its chief strength
in the South and West. Nearly all the leading cham
pons of the from the slave States nor could
the popular war-cry OF ree trade and sailors rights rec
once the section which then enjoyed the entire havsga
ting interest either TO lis justice or policy.
WE'LL sir, al the close Of the in 1915, the old fed
eTal party lound themselves entirely prosfaie The re-
publican party were triumphant everywhere The ee
mens of future party conflicts, however were not then
wantiAg. host OF influential chiefs, belonging 10 the
dominant party had established their claims 10 the public
gratitude and confidence in the various branches OF the
civil administration during the war but, among these,
five gentlemen claimed pre- emnenceone from the East,
(blr Adams, three from the South. (hr. Monroe, Mr.
Crawford, and Mr.. Cahoun,) and one from the West,
(Mr Clay) Each OF these, was natural and 10 be
peced in free government, looked TO the highest honos
Of the republic as the proper rewards OF his services
Mr. Mon0e, gentleman from Virginia, and who had
the prestige OF revolutionary associations Then came
almost unnatural u in political strife, but not
OF long duration Before the close OF Mr.. Monroes first
term, the Missouri admission question arose when gen.
tleman OF the federal party, emneDy distinguished for
his talents and public services, seeking TO establish the
fortunes of his party, for better purpose the
first TO invoke in this chamber, the spirit OF ianatcIsm
and sectional prejudice He emnently successful
The whole North almost to man, up al his bid.
ding, and into the support of his policy IN resisting
the admission OF any slave States. Sir, some OF
the facts connected with this movement deserve partcu
lar attention this time. There had been previous
agitation at the North. The movement.was sudden,
spontaneous, and almost unanimous. ~ excitement
became intense. Submission the part oil the South,
civil war, or peaceabe separation seemed Tor time
the only alternatives, fixed and obstinate the
anti slavery sentiment the North. Yet Missouri
and had been slave territory from the beginning But
this citation and excitement, threatening for time,
were allaye by compromise.
II has been said in this debate that in all the contro.
versies which have arisen between the North and
the South the North has had 10 submit to the terms die.
tated by the South. Ii is not true The Missouri Com
promise effected by the submission oil the Southa
submission which regarded by some at the time as
fatal the interests OF the South and II - now but too
nature as demand ything like equilibrium OF pow
er in the conlederacy then the time for the South
TO have stood by their rights then was the accepted time
to have made issue with the growing North IL was
during the peDdency of the Missouri question that we
heard for the hrsLme OF dough faces but the appica
ton then to southern members-southern men with
northern principles.
| Mr. CLAY shook his head.
/ Mr.. DAWSON Itis true.
Mr., BELL make the statement on the authority ol
traditional recollection and rumor only But, however
that may be, the South submitted, and Missouri was ad