The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-07-03


in the consideration Of the report of the select
committee appointed to investigate the connex
ion and relation Of the Secretary of War to the
claim Of the representatives Of George Galphin.
But even as things are, il is entirely competent
for the South to obtain territorial governments for
the Territories, stripped of the Wimot proviso, and
with ample restrictions ON the prohibition or es-
adjustment OF slavery. Union
And what advantage, pray, would that be to
the South, seeing that, in the opinion OF Mr..
CLAY and the most distinguished supporters of
the compromise the local laws now in force in
the Territories effectually exclude slavery there
from? Mr.. CLAY's views on this point were
thus referred to few days since, in the Senate.
by Mr. BARNwELL, of South Carolina:
"Thc Senator from Kentucky avows frankly,
that in his opinion tho South obtains not one foot
oftcrritory under the billthat the Mexican laws,
: still of force, excludes them effectualy the
| Wimot proviso. Ii is true, that he Is too gencr-
GUS gratuitously to insult well exclude the
Southern people; he would treat them with kind
and delicacy; yet he has often declared that
. they, in his opinion, derived no benefit from the
territorial part of the conpronise.'
We have General CAss's authority for the
statement, that several Senators, ,cho had pre-
Uiousiy roted for the Prociso, voted for 1.-The
ample restrictions in the compromise or the
prohibition establishment of slavery" by the
Territorial legislatures, so much lauded by the
! Union, because they believed that, slavery
being now prohibited by the Mexican laws, the
effect of such restrictions would be the certain
exclusion of slavery from the Territories, until
the people thereof should form State constitu-
tons, preparatory to their admission into the
| Union as States.
! We are far from believing that the policy of
allowing these Territories to come into the
! Union States without their having previ-
ously assumed the organism of territorial gov
ernments would be preferable under ordinary
circumstances. But the urgent consideration
which gives that policy force and propriety is
found in the sectional difficulties connected
with the question of slavery, and in the OBJ
vious fact that if any territorial bill can be
passed through Congress without the Wilmot
restriction, the adoption Of such a measure
must confirm and consolidate the organ-
zation of sectional parties, and open most
painful prospect of renewed, increased and
more embittered agitation. When it is said
therefore, in behalf Of the committees plan
that it proposes to form territorial governments
,cithom the propiso, the first question that
arises is, can it be done and then the second
question follows-if done, would it secure an
adjustment of the much vexed question which
now disturbs the country The third question
succeeds-woud it not enhance the agitation of
that question, and give dehniteness to the or
ganization of sectional parties
Mr.. BARNwELL gives it as his opinion that
if the measure should pass, and the decision
OF the Supreme Court should coincide with the
opinion of Mr.. CLAY, the Southern people who
expect some advantage from the bill will feel
themselves injured or deceived" and "their
dissatisfaction be increased rather than alIayed"
And if, on the other hand the decision of the
court should not coincide with the opinion of
Mr.. CLAY, which he says is the opinion of ga
vast majority Of the juriss Of the United States,
and vast majority of the people Of the United
States" would not the Northern people, who be-
licved with Mr.. CLAY, General CAss, Mr.. WEB
sTER, and other Northern supporters Of the mea-
sure, that under It's operation slavery would be
effectually excluded from the Territories would
not the Northern people, we say when they
saw the legality of its introduction established
by decision of the Supreme Court, feel that
then had been deceived" and would not their
opposition to the institution of slavery be there
by Increased, rather than allayedP Let the
court decide which way it might, would it
not result in impairing that sentiment Of loyal
confidence and afectionate veneration upon
which the power and usefulness of the court
dependl
The judicial department, weaker than any
other in the government in the elements of ma
eria strength, can only find its support, as it has
found it heretofore. in the hearts Of the people, in
that unquestionIng faith which attaches TO the
decisions of that august tribunal, because II
has been regarded as unapproachable by sec
tional or party spirit--because its judgments
have acted upon individuals and not upon con-
hcting communities. And is this serious evil to
be incurred-this ungracious office thrust upon
the court for the purpose of obtaining its de-
cision " a question which Mr.. Polk in his
last message pronounced abstract, rather
than practical, ;" which Mr.. CLAY, Mr.. WEI
sTEs, Mr.. CAss--the most distinguished sup
porters Of the bill. North and South, regard in
the same lightl How much safer and wiser
then is the policy Of the PRESIDENT, "seeing
that the question which now excites such pain
full sensations in the country will, in the end
certainly be settled by the silent effect Of
causes Independent Of the action Of Congress, y
to await the salu'sry operation Of those
causesl"
Whilst the boundaries Of New MEXICO and Texas
are yet unsettled, the military authorities Of the
United States undertake TO drive civil officer OF
Texas from ga mt f. - Tn,on.