The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-22

ence of slavery in the Territories, the fact that m
teen States of this Union THINK so is sufficient &c
convince every reflective and reasoning mind Of
the impocy, or defect of wisdom, in such inca.
sure. am aware that many patriots disdain any
and every thing like softness of speech or mldness
of action this question; they have been irritated
and provoked by the ncessant aggression of some
of the northern men upon what they have been
taught to consider as their rights. As long as il
was confined to a few misguided enthusiasts of the
North, large portion Of the southern people re-
NAMED quiet; but now that il has assumed more
serious aspect, by having engaged in its advocacy
large portion Of one Of the political parties Of the
country, headed as il is by an ex-President of the
republic, it is time for the conservative and just Of
all parties to meet the question as becomes those
who are friends of order and devoted to the Union
1t does seem, therefore, to one contemplating this
subject in all its bearings, and looking to the re,
suits that may be produced by unjust, impoitic,
and therefore unwise legislation that sage counsels
should prevail; and wherever the right is denied by
SO numerous and respectable portion Of the Con-
| federacy, its exercise should be abandoned. The
very fact that the proposed policy, indicated
above will tend to weaken, rather than strength
en-, to snap in twain rather than to unite the chords
that bind together, is of itself sufficient to show
that such policy is the result of frenzed iniatu-
alton, and that it is inconsistent with the public
good.
! large portion of the same political party, with
an ex-Vice President their leader, insist in the
settlement Of this question, upon the other extreme.
They, if have rightly understood their position,
contend that Congress shall not only refrain from
passing any law prohibiting slavery in the Terri
tories, but shall guaranty to the South the proec-
ton Of their property While the same argument
is applicable against this proposition against the
from the other extreme it is also unnecessary,
and will not answer the ends proposed Besides, it
endangers the successful settlement of the question
While the South have right to protest ganst an
interference the part of the North with that which
they hold to be property, and for the possession of
which they are not responsible, they should exer
else some leniency for opposition to the instiu-
ton of slavery in the abstract, of the results
of education. These Territories in dispute will, in
all probability, be settled by individuals from both
sections of the Union; and, while Congress should
refrain from prohibiting slavery to be carried there,
in justice to one of the parties to the compact
der which live, the other party to the same com
pact have right to insist that you shall not, by
any Congressional action, establish the institution
If the one is just, the other is not unjust. Again
if, is claimed by the South, the Constitution of
the United States protects the owners of slaves in
the right, title, and enjoyment of their property,
any Congressional action will not strengthen the
| title Such action may afford some security in the
expression Of opinion, but it add nothing to a
right already existing. While therefore it cannot
establish the institution of slavery the fact that
there fifteen States of this republic whose peo-
pie have been educated to believe that slavery an
evil, and whose feelings adverse to the system
| calls for moderation ON the part of the South-a
moderation essential to the settlement of this
question. The interference Of Congress may irri-
tate, without efiectng cure; and nothing is more
desirable for the peace of the country, than that
the adjudication Of this question shall be such that
neither extreme of the Union can claim a triumph
| II should be born constantly in mind that we are
one people, not only in BLOOD but in desire to Sc
cure, and promote, and preserve, and perpetuate
the happiness and prosperity of the several States
have chosen TO view this whole question as prac-
tical one; and hence have omitted to urge what
regard the stronger why il should not dis
turb the friendly relations of the two different
tons of the Union-namely, the almost established
fact that slavery never will and never can exist in
the Territories in dispute.
l come now to the other principle proposed upon
which this difficulty is to be settled-the hav-
ing the sanction of the Executive Department of
this Government-and that is, that the people of
the Territories themselves, when they TO form
State constitutions, shall decide whether slavery
shall or shall not form part of their municipal reg
ulations. need not go into history of the acqui
stion Of the Territory which has been the cause of
all the dificuty is it necessary 10 remind the
reader Of the relative position of the two political
parties on that subject. The question is not who
did this '-that answered by the people at the
last Presidential election. But il is how can IL be
settedl The mode proposed by the Executive
does appear, on looking at the question in all its
bearings and with all its difficulties TO be the most
just and feasible His plan is, that the people of
the Territories, pen they go into contention TO form
State constitution, shall decide for themselves
whether they will have slavery or not. II matters
not whether Congress organizes territorial gov
ernments not, that they leave this question Of
slavery 10 the people themselves. ] do not under
stand tho Executive 10 object TO the organization Of
Territories upon the principle Of non-nterference
and while many have endeavored to cast odium on
his policy by designating il the policy Of non
action, and others by calling il the Executive
proviso," apprchend that, when fully under
stood, il will be found beneficial to the whole
Union-and especially so TO the south-than even
the organization Of the Territories by Congress
sional Legislation without the Wilmot proyiso
or the disunion guaranty. Every one will
perceive that the proposition Of the Executive
precludos the possibility Of any agitation Of the
subject Of slavery in the Territoresfor there s no
power there competent TO decide whether slavery
shall or shall not exist in them; and Congress will
never interfere 10 prevent slavery from going
there, before they become organized Territories
under the sanction and authority Of its Legislative
enactments. II, then, the power Of excluding
those who may desire to go there with their slave
property cannot be exercised by the inhabitants Of
the Territories does IL not necessarily follow that
all sections Of the Union placed upon the same
footing, and that thor rights be leopard
ed or prejudiccd, either by the people themselves
the action Of Congress- until they arrive at that
| point where they 10 form constitution and
present themselves for admission into the sister
hood Of coniedorated republics Iapprcbend that
those who have seemed TO be the most ultra at both
ends Of the Union and who view this question apart
from its bearing AMI influence upon political par
tics, will not deny the justice of the doctrine, that
every section Of the Union should have an equal
chance; and can there be any other mode devised
| ls rc.,,lt ne