The southern press., 1850-09-07
-s REMARKS OF
MI. McCLERNAND, of Illinois,

-s'' REMARKS OF
Mr. MoCLERNAND, Of Illinois,
In the House Of Representatives, on the Tsras Bound
ary Bill.
Mr.. McCLERNAND, after explaining that his
motion for the previous question was to bring the
House to vote upon the bill from The Senate and
the amendment moved by the gentleman from
Kentucky, mr. BoYD, and that it was not his
design, unless circumstances should change, to
vote for the reference Of these subjects to the Com
mittee Of the Whole, but to exclude by that mo-
ton, in the contingency Of the failure Of the pre-
vious question, the introduction of dstraeting and
mischievous amendments, il any such should be
emplated-proceeded to say:
accord to the gentlemen who have participated
in this important and interesting debate the tri-
butte of my admiration for the learning, research,
and eloquence they have displayed in its progress.
Perhaps no question ever underwent more thor
ough and able discussion than the subject Of slave
ry, IN all Its aspects, has received by the Ameri
can Congress during the present session. Nothing
has been left unsaid; the subject, prolific as it is,
has been explored to its utmost limits; every ar
gument and probably every thought Of which it
is susceptible has been CLEANED and garnered. 1t
is now confessedly exhausted. We have now
been IN session some nine months, and the time
for action has arrived, and shall we not act' For
one, sir, am for decision-a final decision of
the several questions before us. IL California is
to be admitedif legal protection is to be afforded
to the Territories let il be known; If the disputed
boundary Of Texas is to be settled, let that, too,
be known. II. on the contrary, all these exgent
measures are to fall and the question Of slavery
in its application to the Territories is to be Left
open for further agitation and aggravation, let
that, too, he known. Let us atleast know where
we stand. We owe il to the people to disclose to
their view the real position of afairs-to forearm
them by forewarning them of the impending dan
ger. This, sir, is my view, and this will be my
After tho shin nf otato has haan lopor
tossed and torn by angry and tempestuous pas
slons, 1t is now high time, faithful representa-
tives, that we had reckoned her bearings and de-
termlned her true position.
We are placed, sir, in novel and most trying
postion-in position which appeals to us for the
exercise Of the highest patriotism. The title to
our Territories the peace of the country, yea, the
very existence of the Government itself, one and
all, are in no small degree dependent upon our
action. Under these circumstances, submit the
question, whether, in the event Of our failure TO
meet the demands Of the country to perform the
duties devolved upon us, should not resign
our places, and thus afford the people the earliest
opportunity to select other representatives, who
may be better qualified 10 perform the public busi
ness. Such course would be according TO the
theory and principles of popular government, and
would amount practically to reference of the
questions which had bafRed our efforts TO the
Judgment and decision Of the people themselves.
Such course would be equally disinterested and
exemplary on our part; and l submit again,
whether, in the last resort, it is not worthy Of
adoptions Let members and the country ponder
the question.
In the progress ofths general subject, extremes
have met. For proof of this need only refer to
the example of the gentlemen from Ohio, (Mr.
RooT) He avows his bject in moving the Will
mot Provlso to be (in his own peculiar language)
I" to smoke out the doughfaces on both sides Of
the line In other words, to force geographic
cal division of parties, and to hinge everything
upon the Proviso. And for what purpose would he
do this' For the benefit Of ultra pro-slavery men,
and ultra anti.savery men. Yes, sir, whilst he
assumes the Office of sponsor for both the slavery
and anti-savery parties, he also assumes the Office
of censor of all those who differ from both of these
parties, he commends the bodness and candor Of
the slavery propagandist, but denounces the man
VINO, holding the Proviso to be an abstraction,
useless and offensive III its application to our
Mexican acquisitions, would therefore abstain
from agitating it. AT least, so | understand him;
and, upon this assumption, what is the inference
to be drawn from his courae' Is it not that he
tavors extreme views, both for and against slavery
and Its extension-that he favors such views as
are irreconcilabe, and must, according to the
professions of the respective sides, lead to violence
and civil war in the end Is not this the inerence
But, sir, why should the gentleman from Ohio,
insist upon the application OF the Proriso to our
late Mexican acquistions' Is it because the
AslSA'SeH law slavery! lS ~ because the
climate and soil Of those acquisitions invite slave
labor? No: presume it is for neither of these
reasons. What, then, is the reason? God and
nature have traced an mmutable material law in
the lofty mountains and arid deserts Of that terri
tory, forever prohibiting African slavery within
It's limits: and besides this, suppose that the gen
tleman holds that the Mexican law prohibits sla-
very within those limits. Well, If this he so,
repeat, why should the gentleman insist upon the
Provlso: Is 1t to subserve any practical purpose
of freedom depending upon its applications Can
its application do any good' Will not it's appca-
ton as superrerngatory, and offensive act to
the South, be productive of much and serious
harm' fear, sir, There is room to suspect that
the purpose with which the Proviso is urged, is
not 80 much to advance the cause of freedom as
1t is to subserve the interests and advancement of
mad and relentless faction-a faction whose all
ment is excitement and strife, and who cling to
the Proviso as a drowning man would to a plank
"A plank which afforded him the only hope of
escape from an oblivious grave. Is not this the
visible and unmistakable object' Who can doubt
It! Slavery does not, nor can it, as think, exist
In Utah or New Mexico. The Wilmot Proviso,
therefore, in its appcationto those Territories, is
humbug and say, sir, down with humbucs
and down with all mschievous humbuggers The
triumph Of such men would be the triumph Of dis
order over order, and violence over Justice and
right
am not, sir, to be deferred from my propriety,
or from the even tenor of my course, either by the
imputations or by the threats of the gentleman
from Ohio. fear no influence or force he can en-
ploy against me. He could not harm me, sir, if
he would; of course speak politically, being un-
willing to suppose that the gentleman is personally
unfriendly to me, l have voted against the aSpli-
cation of the Proviso to our Mexican Territories
from the first. | shall vote against it now, trust
ing to the intelligence and patriotism Of my con-
stiuents to approve of my course. But should it
turn out otherwise-should they dsapprove of it,
whilst would regret the fact, still would not re-
lent Of what had done. And as their disappro-
baton Of what had done for. the good of my
country would not shake my faith, nor cause me
to wish to tread backward, so neither would their
previous instructions swerve me from an adhe-
renee to the obligations Of my allegiance and the
path Of public duty would stand firm, sir, and
take the consequences whether good or evil.
There are great occasions-crises-in human
affairs, when the safety Of State, or it may be,
the interests Of mankind, override all minor and
individual considerations; when the character of
the representative is merged into that of the citizen