The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-08-19
sATuRpAY, July G. 1880.

SATuRpAf, July b, 1850
Mr. BELL. Mr.. President, am not able to ex-
feel to the Senate for the extraordinary Indulgence
extended TO me on yesterday, in allowin q me 10
close my remarks this morning; shall endcayor
to repay 1t, by condensing the views propose to
submit at tllis time within small coiIlpass as
possible.
propose now to resume the review of the opera
ton OF certain causes peculiar to our system and
Of others incident TO every republican or free gov
crnfnent, which appear To me TO demand the seri-
Gus attention OF the patriot statesman at this time
and Of every one who holds any position of infu-
ence authority in the OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES or
Legislative.
That there is spirit of fanaticism at the North
religious and philanthropc, which closes the heart
against all human sympathes not Immediately
connected with the particular object which, for the
cannot be denied. The charac terstics of this spe
cies Of fanaticism need not describe. They arc
the same in every age and country. The rack. the
sword, and tile fagot, are the arguments which they
are ever ready to employ, when left TO themselves in
the choice OF the means by which they would carry
out their plans of REFORM. II is this class of enthl-
siasts who would be willing to sec every dwelling
IN the South in flames; every field stained with
the blood Of the MASTER in the execution Of their
phrenzied schemes for the emancipation of his
slaves We have no representative of this class of
fanatics in this chamber, and happily their num-
bers are not formidable anywhere But there is
another class OF enthusiastic which cannot be Justly
called fanatical, yet exercises far extensive
and mischievous influence. These are the subjects
OF morbid sensibiliiy recluses-readers and au
hors OF sentimental literature who cannot bear the
contemplation of the ordinary ills and hardships of
real life. without shock of their nervous system;
they sigh Tor state OF society where wrong and
injustice can never enter Slavery at the South be-
comes the natural and favorte theme of the tongues
and pens OF the sentimentaiists. But, in addition
TO these influences it cenno, be disguised that there
Is deep and abiding anti, slavery sentiment per-
vading all classes at the North, even the more mod
ata nd Eva1 H.. A. It :.
and would countenancc no invasion of the consti-
tutional securities and rights of the South.
But the fanatics and sentimentaliss of the North,
with all the countenance they receive from the
more just and sober minded Opponcn Is of the nsti
tuition Of slavery, would not have been able TO con-
Jure up this storm but for their alliance with other
auxiliary and exciting elements of agitaton-sec-
honal Jcalouses, the interests Of party, and per-
sonal ambition.
There is, Mr.. President, fanaticism of liberty
as well as of religion and philauthropy--a fanati-
cism exhibiting itself in theories which admit no
distinction OF races, and claims for all perfect
equality, social and political theories which reject
all practical or useful schemes of government
which have ever existed or can be devised.
Inc French revolution gave the impetus To this
species Of fanaticsm and it ia curious fact that
the war OF lsl2, without any forced deductions,
may be considered a remote consequence of the
politico fanatic spirit which prevailed at an early
period OF the administration of General Wash
ington, and which gave a coloring TO the lines
of party divisions then marked out and " whch
continued to exercise a decided influence upon
the affairs of this country for more than twenty
years. 1t is another singular circumstance in
history, that this fanatic spirit of liberty of
trans atlantic origin, was more widely dfiused, at
the period OF which speak nj the South than at the
North. Ii is well known fact that the Federal
Constitution met with the most formidable opposi-
ton at the South, and this chiefly upon the ground
that the liberties of the people not considered
as sufficiently guarded and secured by its provi-
sion-; while ITS strongest support was at the North
where the ground was assumed, and more gencr-
ally maintained, that a lcss vigorous Government
would DC incompetent 10 secure the ends Of ra
tional freedom. Hence the opponents of the new
Constitution took the name OF Republicans, and its
supporters that of Federalists. And when the
causes of contention between Great Britain and the
nited States came TO the issue of war in 1914 the
leading men of the country were arraycd for and
against the war, mainly upon the principles which
gave rise TO the division OF parties, upon the adop
TIN of the Constitution The Federal party sym
pathised with England in the commandment OF
her struggle with France, upon the assumption that
II was contest between law, order. and vigor- :
GUS practical government, on the one side, and OF
anarchy and hcentousness on the other The Re.
publican party, on the other hand, regarding the
French IA the champions of liberty and free gov
ernment, and Great britain the upholdcr of despot-
ism and regal authority, gave all their rympathics
10 France
The opposite sentiments and opinions thus i'm.
bibed by the great parties in this country con-
tnued without change during all the changing
France. Hence II happened that the war Of Is ,
had comparatively bot few supporters at the North
and East, where the Federal or English party, as
IL has been sometimes called had its chief strength
The stronghold of the Republican or French party
was in the South and West. Nearly all the lead
ing champions of the war were from the slave
States; nor could The popular wer-cry Of " free
trade and sailors rights" reconcile the section
which then enjoyed the entire navigating interest,
either to its justce policy.
Well, sir, al the close OF the war in 1915. the old
Fcdcrnl party found themselycs entirely PROSTATE.
The Republican party were triumphant every
where. The elements Of future party conflicts,
however, were not then wanting. 4 host Of inhu-
cntial chiefs, belonging TO the dominant party,
had established their claims to the public gratitude
and confidence in the various branches of the civil
administration during the war but among
these, five gentlemen claimed pre- -cmnencc-one
from the cast (Mr Adams,) three frun the south,
(Mr. Monroe, Mr.. Crawford, and Mr.. Calhoun, }
and one from the West, (Mr. Clay.) Each of
these, VIZ. natural and to be expected IN a free
Government, looked to the highest hunurs Of the re.
public az the proper rewards Of his services They
all yielded priority, with what grace they could 70
MIR. Monroe, a gentleman from Virginia, and who
had the prestige Of revolutionary associations Then
came almost unnatural lull in political strife
bat IL was not of long Duration. Before the close
Of Mr.. Monroc's hrst term, the Missouri admission
question arose, when "A gentleman Of tho Federal
party, cmincntly distinguished for his talents and
public services, seeking 20 rc-esabsh the fortuncs
of his party, or Tor better purpose, the first
10 HlNbht inc Fplflt nl
and sectional prejudice. lie was eminently sue
ccssiu The whole North, almost TO a man, rose
up at his bidding, and came into the support OF his
policy IN resisting the admission Of any more slave
States Sir, some Of the facts connected with this
movement dcscrvc particular attention at this time.
There had been no previous agitation at the North.
The movement was sudden, spontaneous, and al
most unanimous. Tho excitement became intcnse.
Submission, on the part of the South. civil war,
pcaceablc separation, seemed, for time the only
alternatives; 20 fixed and obstinate was the anti
slavery sentiment at the North. Yet Missouri vas
aud had been slave territory from the beginning
hut this agitation and excitement, 50 threatening
fJr time, was allayed by compromise.
II has been said in this debate that in all the con.
trovcrsics which have ever arisen between the
North and the South, the North has had to submit
10 the terms dictated by the South. u is not true.
The Missouri compromise was effected blythe sub
mission Of the SOuth-a submission which was re-
garded by some at the time fatal TO the interests
Of tho South; and IL s but too manifest that ii
the interests of the South Of such nature ~ to
demand any thing like an equilibrium Of power in
the Confcdcracy then The time for the South 90
have stood by their rights; then was the accepted
time to have made an issue with the growing North.
II was during tho pcndcncy Of tho Missouri ques-
ton that we heard for the fret tune Of dough faces
but the application was then To southern members