The southern press., 1850-09-07

rush. then. 10 the rescue Of our wise and free and
happy Government from the perils that bsleaguer
IT, Let no man stand back but let men of all par
ties, OF all sections-from the North and the South
the East and the West-from saveholdiDg and
non-slayeholding States-let all parties come for
ward in a spirit of Cancellation and compromise,
and make common sacrifices upon the altar OF their
beloved country for her preservation and glory.
Let us all do this. ! appeal particularly to the
members of this House to do so. appeal to them
| in the name of their fathers--in the name OF lib
erty and union-in the name Of humanity itself,
| to do so. g
| believe that the bill which is before the House
is one essential to the great interests to the peace
| and quiet Of the country, and desire II to be
passed, and not be encumbered with anything
which have passed the Senate shall (if have the
opportunity 10 give. my vote upon them) receive
my vote as separate and distinct measures. ] am
willing to vote for each one Of them but in case
they should not succeed separately, am willing
to vote for them all in one BILL But do not con-
slider that the best policy. ! am willing TO vote
for this bill, the territorial bills. the California bill
separately or together. l believe, however. that
each one Of them standing by itself, separately, ON
its own merits, will command more strength in
this House. Let us try at least the strength of
this bill, as it stands by itself, unencumbered with
we can do by connecting other measures with it.
Andwith the view ofthe House trying the strength
Of it, instead OF longer trying the strength Of
lungs and the patience Of the House and the coun-
try, move the previous question.
The Vicksburs Sentinel gives the following sy-
nopsis Of letter from Gen. Felix Houston OF La,
addressed TO the members of the Nashville Con-
yention.
The MILITARY STRENGTH OF THE SOUTHERN
STATEs.-Gen. Houston considers the Southern
States superior in military capacity to any country
on the earth. He says that proper views on this
subject are necessary, because by failing to adjust
the slavery question, the arrogant and overbear-
ing spirit Of the North win ultimately produce
hostile collision between the two sections, and
that correct appreciation Of the capacity of the
South for war, will lead to avert the conflict, or
inspire confidence in their ability to defend them
| selves.
He treats the present controversy n mere
contest for superiority. He asserts that the de-
sire for superiority is ruling principle of human
actions in nations as well as with individuals, and
that the North is act1ated by that principle in its
war on the South. He denies that the compara
tive strength Of nations consists In numbers alone
1t is dependent upon other various considerations
1t depends more on the spirit and intelligence Of
people, and the plumber of men they can maintain
in the field in proportion to their whole popula-
ton. In modern times, il is estimated that few
nations can maintain in the field soldiers more
than one man to eight left at home, pursuing in
dustral employments. He says that slavery at
the South, instead of being an element of weak
ness, is an element of strength. In war he in
quires, "What does it matter if portion Of those
retained in industrial pursuits slaves or free
men, II it be shown that the former are as safe
as the latteri"
This he proceeds, to show, and makes out a
strong case. He shows that the most war-like
nations of antiquity all held slaves in great num-
bers, the Greeks and Romans particularly; and
that although their slaves were more numerous, in
proportion to their masters, than the So Ithern
slaves, and not distinguished by difference of
color but one serious servile war ever took place
He maintains that the Southern slaves are as lit
tie dangerous as mules and horses. In the most
pOpulous slave districts the inhabitants sleep with
their doors and houses unlocked. They are mac
cesslble to the influence of the Abolitionists,
cept in the cities, and bordering on free Sates.--
The blacks are ignorant Of the Of fire arms,
and can never combine together, beyond two or
three plantations. Theyare contented and happy,
and all history shows that no general rising among
well fed and contented peasantry has ever taken
place. In time Of war it would be more impossi
BILE for the negroes to rebel than in peace. In the
revolutionary war the British entirely failed to in
Auence the slaves to revolt. Gen. Houston SAYS:
"Gen Greene spoke in the highest terms Of the
attachment and devotion Of the whig negroes to
the colonial cause, and his army was greatly in
dedted to them for their assistance in the summer
months, in performing labors which his troops
from colonies farther north, could not endure.
Such was the pride these faithful people took in
the course they pursued, that long after the war
was over, the whg negroes held tory negroes in
as low estimation as the white wings did the to-
ries.
He then proceeds to show the resources Of the
Southern States for war, and claims that having
three millions of slaves to stay at home and work
relieves the white population to devote all its en-
erges to the conduct of the war-and hence en-
o1,l kr,r a. Eatl
than otherwise they would be able to spare. He
adverts to the $50, 900 900 worth Of products of
the South, and very significantly says:
There heap Of soldiers, guns and bombs and
amuuion, In one hundred and fifty millions Of dol
lars per annum. Yes and large and .do,srishing
cities and tremendous steam nary into the bargain.
hazard the assertion that six millions Of labor
ers congregaed anywhere, have as much effect on
the exchanges, the navigation, the commerce, the
manufacturers, and the comforts Of the world, as
our three millions Of slave uborers have. Others
have climates and soils adapted to cotton, to rice,
to sugar and tobacco, but ,chat other country is felt
on Change as ,re are? You might blot out ten
millions of laborers in any country out OF Great
Britain and it would not make great sensation
in London the destruction Of our three millions
Of slaves would do.
He denies that, properly speaking, the ST. Do
mingo revolution arose from an insurrection of the
blacks, and points out a dissimilarity Of slavery
in the South with that which prevailed at Hayti
He claims that the South, in case Of violent
rupture of the Union, would not only be able to
protect herself, but that she would be more able
and likely to conquer the North than the North
to subdue her.
The address presents many novel and instruc-
tive views of the relative strength of the North
and the South. We regret that our. limits will
not enable us to give more copious extracts from
it. Our Eastern and Northern Abolition and
Free-soil neghbors would profit much by its per-
usal. 1t is evidently written under strong i'm
o a ~
rights with that confidence and courage which
just appreciation Of their resources should in
spre.
This address indicates one thing which the
North should give heed to, that the South is be-
ginning to see that the North makes more money
out of the products Of slave labor than the South
That in fact, slave labor builds Northern cities,
factories, ships and railroads. We are beginning
to study at the South how we can best make our
slave labor avilabe for all these purposes at the