The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-17
THE ADDRESS

duty OF preparing an Address TO the pe0-
pile Of The slareholding States upon the
subject of Southern Organ, to be estab-
ished IN the City Of Washington, put
forth the foilo,oing:
FELLow-cITIzENs A number Of Sena-
tors and Representatives in Congress from
the Southern States OF the Confederacy deep
ly impressed with sense of the dangers
which beset those States, have considered
carefully our means of self-delence within
the Union and the Constitution, and have
come to the conclusion that it is highly impor-
tant to establish in this city paper, which,
without reference to political party, shall be
devoted to the rights and interests Of the
South, so far as they are involved in the ques-
tons growing out of African slavery. To
establish and maintain such a paper, your
support is necessary, and accordingly we
address you on the subject.
In the contest now going on, the constr
tutonal equality of fifteen States is put in
question Some sixteen hundred millions
worth OF negro property is involved directly,
and indirectly, though not less surely, an IN
calculable amount Of property in other forms.
But to say this is to state less than half the
doom that hangs over you. Your social
forms and institutions-which separate the
European and the African races into distinct
classes, and assign to each a different sphere
in socety--are threatened with overthrow.
Whether the negro is to occupy the same
social rank with the white man, and enjoy
equally the rights, privileges, and immuni-
ties Of citizenship-in short, all the honors
and dignities Of society--is a question OF
greater moment than any mere question OF
property can be.
Such is the contest now going on--a con-
test III which public opinion, if not the pre-
vailing, is destined to be most prominent
force and yet, no organ of the united inter
ests of those assailed has as yet been es-
tablished, nor does there exis. any paper
which can be the common medium for an
interchange of opinions amongst the South
ern States. Public opinion, as it has been
formed and directed by the combined inhu-
ence Of interest and prejudice, is the force
which has been most potent against US in
the war now going on against the nstitu-
ton of negro slavery and yet we have ta-
| ken no effectual means to make and main
tain that issue with it upon which our safety
and perhaps our social existence depends.
Whoever will look to the history of this
question, and to the circumstances un-
der which we are now placed, must see
that our position is one of imminent danger,
and one to be defended by all the means,
moral and political, of which we can avail
ourselves in the present emergency. The
warfare against African slavery commenced,
as is known, with Great Britain, who, after
having contributed mainly to its establish
ment in the New World, devoted her most
earnest Efforts, for purposes not yet fully ex-
planned, to its abolition in America How
wisely this was done, so far as her own col
onies were concerned, time has determined;
and all comment upon this subject on our
part would be entirely superAuous. II,
however, her purpose was to reach and en-
barrass US on this subject, her efforts have
not been without success. A common origin
common language, have made the English
literature ours to great extent, and the
efforts of the British Government and people
to mould the public opinion Of all who
speak the English language, have not been
vain or fruitless. On the contrary, they
have been deeply felt wherever the Eng
ish language IS spoken; and the more
efficient and dangerous, because, as yet,
the South has taken no steps to appear and
plead at the bar Of the world, before which
she has been summoned, and by which she
has been tried already without hearing.
Secured by constitutional guarantees, and
independent of all the world, so far as its
domestic institutions were concerned, the
South has reposed under the consciousness
Of right and independence, and foreborne to
plead at bar which she knew had no iurs-
diction over this particular subject. In this
we have been theoretically right, but prac-
tcally we have made great mistake. All
means, political, diplomatic, and literary,
have been used to concentrate the public
opinion, not only of the world at large, but
Of our own country, against us; and resting
upon the undoubted truth that our domestic
institutions were the subjects OF no Govern
ment but our own local Governments, and
concerned no one but ourselves, we have
been passive under these assaults, until
danger menaces US from every quarter. A
great party has grown up, and is increasing
in the United States, which seems to think |
it Guty they owe to earth and heaven to
make war on domestic institution upon
which are staked our property, our social
organization, and our peace and safety.
Sectional feelings have been invoked, and
those who WELD the power Of this Govern
ment have been tempted almost, if not quite,
beyond their power Of resistance, to wage
war against our property, our rights, and
our social system, which, if successfully
prosecuted, must end in our destruction.
Every inducement-the love Of power, the
desire to accomplish what are, with less
truth than FEASIBILITY, called reforms
all are offered to tempt them to press upon
those who are represented, and, in fact,
seem to be an easy prey to the spoiler. Our
eqality under the Constitution is, in effect,
denied; our social institutions are derided