The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-06-17

ness that the other questions embraced in the com
promise will be adjusted as they come up.
Again: Will you allow a southern man, who re-
lies upon commerce, manufactures, and agricul-
ture upon Iairoads and schools, to maintain south.
ern indep, ndence and secure southern rights-one
who would resist the Wimot proviso as an unne-
cessary offensive violation of the rights Of equal
participation in the advantages Of the Union-will
you allow person entertaining such sentiments 10
state the paradoxical opinion that The southern States
should desire 10 carry siauery into California
or INTO any n't1 territory uDon the Pacific? Will
you indulge me in an argument in relation to il?
The slave power in the United States is limited TO
the present number of slaves and their natural in
crease. There can be no importation-llat would
be contrary alike to the Constitution and TO the in
erest of the slave holders The Of the present
slave States, including Texss is double that of the
present free States, including Iowa and Wisconsin.
Excluding the Pacific States, their relative area is
as 100000 square miles To, say, $4,000 square
miles. The southern slave States have thus area
enough 10 employ the 5000, 900 slaves and their
increase forever. That area comprises the whole
territory adapted to the production Of the world
staples, sugar cotton, rice tobacco. The non i'm
position Of the Wmot proviso will leave to the cit
liens Of future territories south OF the present United
States to apply the institution Of slavery whereso-
ever the staples referred to may be profably cult
waited. Now, the argument is this: The political
power Of the slave cannot be increased by transfer
ring him from Virginia to California, He is repre-
scented in the House Of Representatives here; he can
but be represented there. Slaves gain nothing in nu
merical representation by the transfer, May they
not loser In the present slaveholding States this ele
ment ofproperty is universally dffused all our citi
zens arc accustomed TO it. They hold have held, or
may hold slave propcrtyS they have Debtors credit
ors. friends, who hold this property; they look on it
with no aversion. The political influence of these
States is with the stakeholder Now, try the ex-
pertinent suggested by the ultraists of the South.
Take a number of slaves entitled to a representa-
ton in Virginia-say l00, 900; transfer them to Cal
ifornia; Virginia certainly loses representative
favorable to slavery. Does California gain one sup
posing the right of holding slave in bondage exists
there? Let see. Immigration into any new terrific
ry will be according to the proportions in which the
two rnces of black and white CO exist in the old
States-and this, exclusive of European immigra
ton. Now, this proportion ia about sir to one
nearly. The number of slaves transferred from
Virginia being 100, 900, would be met by say 300-
600 free whites averse TO slavery The slaves would
not be colonized in a body but scattered wherever
the pursuits OF their several owners might carry
them. They would be intcrmixed with the whites,
WIN "ctc oPPooeu W " anu tnub, tLOuRn the
title to the slave might be recognised, the nu-
rnerical representation Of the slave in Congress
would be practically nudity; because the repre-
sentative would be chosen by the majority of non
shareholders; he would owe his authority to their
votes, he would conform to their wishes Then
the slaves supposed to be transferred to California
would lose the numerical representation in the
House OF Representatives; the same causes would
defeat their influence in the Senate II seems to be
considered that if the right to hold slaves be recog
missed by the Constitution of State, that State be-
comes truly ally of the southern States, and its
Senatorial vote will be cast with them. II the fore
going reasoning be sound, it will be that the
popular sentiment Of the Pacific territories will be
adverse to slavery. The Senator must owe his APP
pontment to a coincidence in sentiment and prin-
cpe with the people of his State he must obey in
structions, or give place to who comedies with
the people The action Of the Senator cannot be
long adverse to the wishes of the State We may
then expect that, in all Pacific States in which there
Is large Notwithstanding majority, there will be
chosen Representatives in Congress cooperating
rather with the stakeholder than with the slave
holder IL may also be anticipated that such State
of public sentiment will elect Senators inclined to
sustain rather the policy Of the non saveholding
than that of the slaveholding States Indeed, docs
Texas prove that though the rights of the slave.
holder may be respected by the constitution and
laws of State, the political influence of such States
may be thrown in the scale of the free States? I
think, therefore, that, if the foregoing argument
be sound, it has established
/. That the Atlantic slavehoding States are in no
immediate danger from the free States, holding ms
they do double the territory occupied by them
2 That their territory comprises the whole
gion In the United States adapted TO the culture Of
the staples Of sugar, rice. cotton, and tobacco.
3. That this territory will be sufficient for the
employment Of the slaves at present in the United
States, with their increase for indefinite period
e. That slavery is more safe in the present slave
holding territory than it would be if carried into
nom lavcholding territory.
s. That the political representation of the slave
in the House Of Representatives could not possibly
be increased by transferring him to a Pacific ter
ritory, but that il might be cxtinguisbed and lost
by such transfer.
g. That the senatorial influence Of the Pacific ter
ritorics WILL more probably, be with the non slave
holding than with the saveholding States,
II these positions be properly deduciblo from the
argument, il seems perfectly plain that the propo
sition with which commenced must be correct:
that the slavehoding States should not desire to
me that position may be thus illustrated: the
slaveholding interest is besieged; il is perfectly
safe in its citadel; having abundant supplies and
munitions. il can hold out independently. II. how
ever, sends out detachments from its garrison
they may be cut off, and weaken the strength of lite
position whilst within its strong and we'll guarded
dcfenccs it must be perfectly safe from surprise
invasion.
Now, II upon pcrusal of this letter you should
think the last view Of importance or that it con-
tsins any novelty, would be glad that you would
cause il TO be brought forward in some newspa-
per, 30 as TO ascertain public sentiment in regard
to IT, regard il the duty Of every patriot to con-
tribute any suggestions which may attract public
attention 70 the true position of affairs. Often the
simple suggestions Of a private citizen may pre-
sent views which have escaped those whose pro-
vince il IL TO discuss deliberate upon national
questions. Probably the views, though original
with me, may have been suggested by others.
offer them for what they worth, merely mem
oning that they have been presented in aid Of the
policy of an Administration Of which was amongst
III