The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-09-13

ton self but there is no restricton-and challenge
the production OF it, il there be anyo the exercise o
the power OF Congress trade foreign and alien
the District TO which the District is not party Sir the
power repeat it, is to iegisale in all cases whatsoever;
and yethe argument against the power IS that there are
cases in which the legislative power OF Congress cannot
be exercised III there be such cases. they are to be found
in the limitations of the constitution, and these mia-
tons be produced aud shown TO be applicable 10
the grant OF power think therefore, that the power o
Congress this subject oil the slave trade in the Dis.
trct cannot be questioned The truth is, il is Congress
that has put il here, has been shown by the senator
from Maryland Il by the enactment Of the laws OF
Congress that the slave trade was permitted 10 exist 10
the District, and has continued TO exist here and Is il
possible TO maintain that Congress is incompetent to
peal its laws, TO pass enactment the effect OF
(which is 10 abogaie the effect OF these laws More.
over in regard 10 the future abolition OF slavery,
peat have always put II upon the ground OF good faith
towards Maryland We ought not, while the Institution
exists there, 10 disturb il within this District But in ref
for sale within the District far from acting in oppos
ton to what the ancient policy of Maryland, il
exact conformity to that policy; for her law declares,
has been repeatedly shown, that any person Of color
brought within the State shall be free That was the
law OF Maryland at the time the District was ceded to the
United States.
Sir, my friend from Maryland, and believe one
other member, yesterday spoke Of the embarrassment
WHICH they ie IN determining whether TO vote for the bill
aboshng the slave trade in the District OF Columbia,
the amendment offered by my friend on my right, Mr..
SEwARD They spoke OF being embarrassed and whether
they might well for that substitute for the
bill abolishing the slave trade Why, sir, what is the
difference between the two? The bill offered by the
from New York has for its object the entire and i'm
mediate abolition OF slavery within the District The bill
which reported by the Committee OF Thirteen does
not touch slavery in the District; il does not deal with
at all Il deals with very different subject IT de.
cares BY enactment, that il will be violation OF law to
Introduce slaves here 10 be sold In the market Well
what is the provision OF that bill Ii in contempt OF
Legislative authority slave shall be introduced what
shall be donel Why, that shall be done which was done
formerly in both Virginia and Maryland: that slave shall
in consequence OF his illegal ntroducton be free Now
gentlemen choose to regard this species OF emancpa
ton. Why, it is no such thing tbs penalty inflicted
upon the owner OF the property for violation OF the law
OF the land, introducing slave here Tor sale in con-
travenon OF express enactrhent and not only IS In
troduced penalty, but it is preferred to other penal
forms because ii is suitable, appropriate, 1t is
more efectua in preventing that slave trade which il is
The object OF the bill 70 prevent It's in conformity with
the experience OF two adjoining States, when they had
such provision in their respective laws. care not
whether that provision, stated by the senator from
Virginia, had io its object to prevent the accumulation
of particular race, whatever il the law was that
any slave brought within the limits OF Maryland or Vr
gna contrary to The enactment OF these respective laws
until these laws altered should be fee and was free
from the tune OF his introduction. And we under the
power which contend is equal in respect TO this District
because is power 10 leglslae exclusively in all cases
the introduction OF slaves here and
there be found Limitation, restriction upon
power in reference the subject before the Senate, in
any part of the constitution.
Well sir, | do hope and indeed am quite sure. that
if the honorable senator from Virginia will only confide
little more in his powers OF dlscrmination and apply
them to the before the Senatehe bill abolish
ing slavery itself and the bill abolshng the foreign slave
,radehe will in the exercise OF that capacity for dscm
nation--a capacity in which he may well conhde-per-
ceve all the dfecence in the world between the two
cases.
Sir do not mean at This time dwell longer npon this
subject for really am most desirous that we should
hasten to conclusion upon the whole subject and dis
pose OF according 10 the seuse OF the majority IN the
Senate The amendments which were incorporated IN II
at the instance of the senator from Maryland will come
review before the Senate when the bill reported
back TO the Senate and be disposed OF then according
10 the discretion of the Senate.
| MIR. SEWARD. MIR. President in submitting 80 grave
proposition this, that il would have been
no unreasonable demand the patience of the Senate,
that OF the country TO have asked Tor time enough 10
explain the policy OF the measure and to defend the form
in which submitted But there remain only nj
secular days OF this session OF Congress- and In my
Judgment the time has for debate TO cease and Tor
action go For this reason orbore IRON debate on
offering the amendment; and orbore, also, because, al
earlier stage OF the session, had discussed al all
the principles involved in the measure. had another
reason for that forbearance.
Speaking for myself alone, and impung no prejudice
and injustice TO others, may be allowed TO remark
lust and wise policy, provided il can be effected without
producing injury outweghing its benefits Opposition to
emancipation in the District OF Columbia, therefore,
bad cause betray itself. not mistaken, then,
in supposing that the opposition which my proposition
would encounter would prove its best vindcanon
Influenced by these considerations shall not ad
dress myself TO the broad merits OF the question: but shall
be content with simply adverting to the points which
have been made during the present debate The FIRST
ltMr DAwsos,l with the OF other
aiors ard CONSISTED in the improper bad motives which
they saw fit to mpute to the author OF the Sir
the great instructor in the ART OF reasonnng ord Ba
con) teaches that il is better always to answer TO the
"matter" OF an adversary than TO his person The I'M
putation OF motives does not fall within that rule, and
therefore il falls at my feet The measure have sub
milled is either right or wrong, II right no unworih.
ness of motive OF mine detract from its merits II
/ wrong, no purity OF motive redeem il.
The second point is that which has been so fully an.
swered by the honorable and dstng senator from
Kentucky tMr CLAr,l viz that Congress has power
to abolish slavery the District OF Columbia. lind that
power in the constitution, and il is defined by these
words ITO exercise exclusive legislation in all cases
whatsoever such district not exceeding ten miles
square, may, by cesson OF particular States, and the
acceptance OF Congress- become the seat OF the govern
meni Of the United States"
The District OF Columbia that district not exceeding
ten miles square II has become the seat OF the govern
men OF the States by OF the State OF Maryland
accepted by Congress II is OF the very nature OF the
power that is exclusive" and applies "to all cases
manner defined, the seat OF the government OF the Uni
ted States This, think, conclusive to the
argument OF the honorable senator from Kentucky that
is limited by implied understanding that II should moi
be exercised TO abolish slavery Neither could the State
OF Maryland make could the United States yield such
a reservation
An exclusive power is that power which is possessed
and may be exercised independently OF all other soyer
eighties on earth. Congress, then, having exclusive
power has absolute sovereignty unless cases be except
ed in which il shall not be exercised But such excep
ons excluded by the broad expression in all cases
whatsoever"