Litchfield enquirer., 1850-08-22

local objects for tie vain effort o,i th
 part of the South to maintain an e jli
 librium between the sections. Tht
 States of the West and South vest, have
 ever had, and will hereafter have a just
 and liberal consideration in this regard. But it is not uncommon 10 hear the
 men of the South say, that though we
 have nothing to complain of in the past or present, yet we fear. if the free States obtain a great ascendancy, ongress vii interfere with or attempt to abolisf slavery in the States. Nothing can b, more wild or chimerical than such al idea. The professed abolitionists of the North utterly disclaim any such purpose. Even the fanatics of the Garrison school, who go for an abrogation of the Consti> tuition and sa,byersion of the G overn- ment, do not pletend that any thing of the sort can be attempted,. much less done, under the Constitution. Ba the slaveholding States have ample guaran> ties against aggressive and unconstitution> al legislation in
 l. The improhability of obtsiniug a majority in either House, much less both, for any such measures.
 ?. The veto power with which the Executive is invested. and which the pre- sent Executive would exercise with alac- nty, if the case called for it, though averse to its use, or rather abuse, as fre> quently of late, by other Chief Magis- trates.
 The Judiciary, who will treat all unconstitutional laws as null and void. Is not the South safe with a majority of the Supreme Court from. and the resi- due by no means i'll disposed towards that section?
 4. The political sway which they can ever exercise, by joining any minority there may be from the free States a way which would not be less efficacious even though the number of slave States was considerably reduced. The South has a perfect bond of union in this great interest, and moving as one man, you will ever have the power of successful resistance.
 7 5. The right of revolution always n remedy when nothing else remains too often adverted to in Congress to be thought of but in the last extrem> ity.
 The slave States are, then, safe with- out the extension of the institution into territories now free. They have no in teres: in demanding what is contrary to the principles of our Government and the spirit of the age in which we live.
 cannot dismiss this branch of the sub. iect without adverting to the character and value of the slavery questions which have mado so much disturbance in and out of Congress for long time past.-- What was the importance of the contro> vers;es thence arising to the South, and to what extent were the true interest of people involved? The issues were made uP-
 l. On the right to petition Congress on the subject of slavery, in cases which it was supposed on one hand. and denied on the other, fell within the jurisdiction of that body. To exclude the exercise of the asserted right, the celebrated 2lst rule was adopted by the House If mis- take not) at the 25th Congress, and about the same time col olresponding rule or practice obtained in this chamber, which has been enforced with more or less rigor to the present. day. This rule accustomed in the House d heated dispute renewed from time to time-if which the late Mr. Adams took a conspicuous part, and much excitement and commo- ton throughout the free States. Hound this controversy raging when 1 first en- tered the Hall in the fall of 1889, and it was continued with much acrimony through tie 26th and 27th Congresses, grta ly interrupting the pnblic business. and som times producing scenes of dis order little credItable to our free institu> tions. have seen Mr. Adams on his feet presenting these petitions by huns dreds, and insisting on his right to do 50 with his characteristic vehemence. Twas at home during the 28th Congress, and the House had the good sense to sci aside the rule. Then were realized the truth and accuracy of the prediction. which had often addressed to my South ern friends. that ii they would only con- sent to receive the petitions d very fe" would be presented. On returning to my seat ut the opening of the 29th Con- yress, 1 found Mir. Adams in his seat, as quIet and inotfensive as lamb. heard nothing on the subject during the four succeeding years. Did the south suffer by the new policy? Have you been less secure in person or estate? Is there now any more danger Of q scryilc war than formerly? The House has to this day enjoyed entire repose. 50 far is this fruitful cause of disscnsiOn is concerned. No doubt the Fist rule cid infinite mis- chief. It never was of the slightest val- ue or use to the South and yet 1t would seem listening. us have often, to the vehement declnmAti0n Of members from