The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-07-11
THE NATIONAL ERA.
SPEECH OF Mr.. BINGHAM, OF MICHIGAN,
ON THE
ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA.
DELIVERED
In the House Of Representatives, June 4, 1850.

DELIVERED |
10 the House Of Representatives, June a. 1850
Mr. BINGHAM said:
Mr.. CHAIRMAN: Two years ago took occasion |
to express in this Hall my opinion Of the consti-
nationality and expediency of applying the pro-
visions of the Jeffersonian Ordinance to the ter
ritories recently acquired from Mexico. stated
nv belief that slavery was great moral and
political evil that it was an element of weakness
wherever it existed; that il was q hinderance to
the growth and prosperity Of State; that it was
wholly incompatible with that degree Of intelli-
gence which makes labor either respectable or
profitable; and that it was our duty to protect
these new and feeble territories, thrown upon our
care, from its dangerous and threatened encroach-
ments. | propose "to take no step backward
nOwn have seen no reason to change my opin-
ion. The vindication of slavery by its able
champions on this floor has given no attractions
TO its features, or rendered them any less odous
70 my view The argument to support the right
10 carry slaves into the territories and colonize
them under the Constitution, has proved entirely
unsatisfactory; for | regard it as exclusively
State institution, protected solely and only by the
laws Of the State and no susceptible of being
transferred TO the territories and protected by
the United States Government, than is the COM
- -
State Of Michigan.
Mr. Chairman in the earlier and better days of
this Republic, slavery was everywhere, North and
South, execrated and denounced as an evil and
curse Its introduction into this country was
made the subject of earnest protest, and its eman
cipation was regarded as an object which would
be accomplished at early day after the close Of
the Revolution, and as both desirable and
proper. Some weeks since, an honorable gentle
man from Ohio Mr.. Campbell, and more recent
ly an honorable gentleman from Maine, Mr..
Gerry introduced TO the notice of Southern gen.
tlemen, for the purpose of refreshing their recol-
lection the opinions of their ancestors. For the
purpose of my argument, | shall repeat a few Of
those precious extracts In an able exposition OF
the rights of British America, and laid before the
Convention Of Virginia, which assembled in
August, IVA for the purpose Of appointing dele
gates to the proposed Congress, drawn by Thomas
Jefferson, is the following extract
The abolition of domestic Si0peTy is the greatest
object Of desire in these colonies, where it was
unhappily introduced in their infant state. But,
previous to the REIMBURSEMENT Of the slaves, II
is necessary TO exclude further importations from
Africa Yet our repeated attempts TO effect this
by prohibitions, and by imposing dSties which
might amount to prohibition, have been hitherto
defeated by his Msjesty's negative thus prefer
ring the immediate advantage Of a fey Af-iASss,
corsairs 10 the lasting interests of the Ameri-
can States, and the rights Of human nature, deep
ly wounded by this infamous practice
ArchiusS, An series, U0l. ], p 696.
The Congress of Darien in the colony of
Georgia, passed the following preamble to series
Of resolutions:
awe the representatives of the extensive dis
trict of DareD, in the colony of Georgia, being
now assembled in Congress, by the authority and
free choice of the inhabitants Of said district
freed from their letters, do resolve"
Then follow several resolutions setting forth
the grounds of complaint against the expressions
of Great Britain, closing with the emphatic decla-
ration which will now read
"To show to the world that we are not infu-
enced by any contracted or interested motives but
by general philanthropy for all mankind, of
whatever climate, language, or complexion, we
hereby declare our disapprobatiOn and adherence
of the unnatural practice of slavery in America,
however the uncultivated state Of our country or
other specious arguments may plead for it)-a
practice founded in injustice and cruelty, and
highly dangerous to our liberties well as lives,
debasing part of our fellow-creatures below men,
and corrupting the virtue and morals of the rest,
and laying the basis Of that liberty we contend
for, and which we pray the Almighty to continue
10 the latest posterity, upon very wrong f0unda-
fion. We therefore resolve at all times 10 use our
utmost endeaDOrs for The mdnuBiiSSiOn of our slaves
in this colony upon the most safe and equitable
footing for the masters and themseives"-Am
ArchUeS, 4ih series, voL l, p. 1885.
In front Of the State-House, Phiiudel phiu, was
proclaimed the following sentiments:
We hold these truths 10 be Self euidsaa, that all
men are created equal that they are endowed
with certain iualenable rights; that among these
are life, liberty, and the pursuit Of happiness
Declaration IN Congress, July A, 1875 Thomas
JfersOn.
George Washington in letter to Robert Nor
ris, dated Mount Vernon, April 10Th, 1885, said !;
q can only say, there is not man living who
wishes more sincerely than do to see a plan
adopted for the abolition of it, (savery but there
is only one proper and effectual mode in which 1t
can be accomplished, and that is by legislative
authority; and this, so far as my suffrage will
20, shall never be nting"-Sparks'S Washing
ton 1856.
Again, in q letter to John F. Mercer, dated
September 9, 1856, he said:
" never mean, unless some particular circum-
stances should compel me TO it, TO possess another
slave by purchase, il being among my first wishes
TO see some plan adopted by which slavery in this
country may be abolished by law"
In his Notes on Virginia Mr.. Jefferson says:
(" think a change already perceptible since the
origin of our present Revolution. The spirit of
the master is abating-that of the slave is rising
from the dust his condition notifying, and the
way | hope, preparing under the auspices of
Heaven, for a total emancipation
Again, Mr. Jefferson says:
Nobody wishes more ardently than TO see an
abolition, not only of the trade, bat the condition
of slavery, and certainly nobody win be more will
ling to encounter any sacrifice for that object"
In the Convention which formed our Consttu-
ton Mr. Madison said
81 think it wrong to admit the idea in the
Constitution, that there can be property in man"
The suggestion of Mr. Madison was adopted,
and 30 jealous were the trainers of that instrument
to prevent color Of appreciation for the long
continuance of the institution, that not even the
term slave was allowed to find its way into the
Constitution.
In the Convention Of the State of North Car
olina, when the question of the adoption of our
Federal Constitution was under consideration,
Mr. Iredell, of that State, said
"Wheu the entire abolition of slavery takes
place, it will be an event which must be pleasing
TO every generous mind and every friend of hui
man nature
Mr. Parker, who was member Of the first
Congress under the Constitution from Virginia
during a discussion in relation to that provision
of the Constitution inhibiting the slave trade
held the following language:
"He hoped Congress would do all in their
power TO restore to human nature its inherent
privileges, and, if possible wipe off the stigma
which America labored under"
Mr.. Mason, of Virginia, while the same pro-
vision was under consideration in the Federal
Convention that formed the Constitution, said
1.-THE present question concerns not the i'm
porting States alone, but the whole Union. The
svil Of AaYiss slaves vac experienced 1saSs..Ae
late war Had slaves been treated as they might
have been by the enemy, they would have proved
dangerous instruments in their hands"
Again on the same occasion, after having said
many things which, il repeated now by any gen.
tleman from the free States, would in the opinion
of gentlemen from the South, entitle him to the
sobriquet of "AbOlitionist," spoke as follows: