The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-11-08

l"whereases. and the formal parts Of Presl-
dent WAsHIsGroN's proclamation, might be
IeNpected TO furnish an instrument almost iden-
tical.
From ae Union Of Norenber 7.
4 "Now, recur for a moment 10 the transactions in
Boston and compare them with the facts herein
set forth by President Washington. We have
| published the manifesto of the insurgents them
| selves Warrants TO arrest Crafts and his wife
| (fugtives) placed in the marshal's hands; the
Judge is called on by the friends of these parties
10 know what he has done, or Is about to do; the
marshal is notified not to execute them; his office
is besieged by large body Of negroes and whites,
l many of them armed some negroes, mounted on
horseback, parade the streets armed, and threaten
TO shoot the southern 'kidnappers;' the marshal,
his deputy, is told that the negroes have armed
and barrcaded their houses; Crafts is there, sur
| rounded by his armed protectors; the two gen
l tlemen from Georgia-one the claimant, and the
other his witness-are, in the mean time, repeat
edly arrested, thrown into prison, and put under
heavy bail, on false charges; these men are the
l sistants OF the marsha-are portion Of the func
tonares Of the law; they are hunted in the streets
l. by armed mobs-threatened with violence-their
carriages assailed-their private rooms at the no.
tel fraudulently entered by gangs of rioters; they
are driven from Boston by threats and menaces; the
II "a
hundred and fifty persons, who proclaim open
hostility to the law and to its execution; almost
every thing done, in a word, that is set forth by
President Washington. The warrants of arrest
| are a dead letter; the fugitive slaves are openly
living in Boston; the marshal and the judge awed
down by the Abolition mob, and wholly unable to
| discharge their duty. This mob, with arms in
their hands, and their houses barricaded are tri-
| umphant. What more was done in the whisky
| insurrecton What more must be done here to
| induce President Fillmore to issue proclamation
a tcarning against the violation Of the laws? :"
| Here we have the ''manifesto of the insur-
gents" as the first topic of grievance. By this
is meant, we presume, an advertisement OF
so called Committee of Vigilance, composed Of
Abolitonists and non resistants, who can hard
ly be called ''insurgents, and who can be taken
care of by the constables, without the interven-
| ton of the army or navy. This would hardly
justify proclamation, to precede the employ
ment Of military force.
But the "'judge is called upon by the friends
of the parties to know what he has done
or is about to do" 1t was rather impertinent
to call upon the Judge in the premises, mas
much as the friends must have known before
hand that he would hear and determine all
matters properly brought before him according
to law. But this is hardly insurrectionary,
though it may be uncivil and unnecessary. 1t
would not cut much of figure in proclama-
| ton.
The marshal is ''notifed" not to execute
the warrants This is rather vague. BY
whom notified? What does such nolifca-
ton amount to? ''Whereas the marshal has
been notified not to serve certain warrants"
&c. This is not matter contemplated by the
act of Congress for authorizing the President
to call out the military.
His office is besieged," &C. This is mill
tary and fgurative. There is not day in the
year when the sheriff's OF marshal's office in
any of our large cities is not surrounded by
crowd or mob, on some inducement or other;
but we never before knew the PRESIDENT To
be called upon to aid in dispensing or prevent
ing such collections.
'Some negroes mounted on horseback" Sc.
The original of this, we believe, is the fact that
drunken negro on horseback made his appear
ance in the streets There is no law against
negro's riding horseback in Boston, nor any
where else, as far as we are informed. But
does the Union imagine for one moment that
the good citizens of BOston-the police or the
judiciary in Boston-require the aid of proc
lamation to enable them to keep few riotous
negroes OF white men 10 entire subordnation to-
the law AS for threatening to shoot" and
all that-that is an offence against the criminal
laws of the State; which we have no doubt will
be duly enforced whenever the case is present
ed to the magistrates.
"The marshal is told that the negroes have
armed and barricaded their houses" If they
have committed any violation Of the State laws
by so doing, they will be punished for it no
doubt; but we do not know any statute of Mas
sachusetts which makes it penal offence; and
we certainly know nothing in the Constitution
or laws of the United States which marks an
offence Of this description as one which calls
for the direct interpOsition of the PRESIDENT.
So with regard to the two gentlemen from
Georgia. 1t does not appear that single act
Of violence was committed upon them; and no
proclamation could be issued which would pre-
vent from suing b, with or without cause, as
the case might be. II the gentlemen in question
were illegally restrained of their liberty, they
have their remedy by action. They were in
Boston for lawful though unpopular pur-
pose; and if they were insulted and misused
they Jared no worse than other citizens have
frequently Jared in pursuit Of their legal rights
; But we have never heard that there was call
on the President for proclamation on such
occasions.
All the matters, then, set forth in the mani
: festo Of the Union are for the consideration of
the local police and the municipal authorities
Of Boston. What would the Democratic Gov
ernor Of Pennsylvania have thought if Presi
{ dent WAsHINGToS, on the presentation of sucl
facts, had thought Of introducing the militia %
the neighboring States to keep the peace2
But to show how entirely the parallel fails
and how far removed the good citizens Of Bos
( ton are from state Of things resembling that o
. August, 1894, in Pennsylvania, the PREsIDENr
. before using military force. is required, by tn