The Middlebury register. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1850-1882, 1850-03-19


allow the importation Of slaves for such |
n period. Because we must take along |
with us, in the whole of this. discussion, |
when we are considering the sentiments
and opinions in which this constitutional |
provision originated, that the conviction
of all men was that if the importation of
slaves ceased. the white race would null |
tiply faster than the black race, and that
slavery would therefore gradually wear
out and expire. 1t may not be improper
here TO alude to that, had almost said,
celebrated opinion Of Mr. Madison. You
observe. sir, that the term slave or slave
ry is not used in the Constitution. The
Constitution does not require that "fugi>
tive slaves" shall he delivered up. 1t re-
qurcs that "pe'sons bound to service in
one State, and escaping into another shall
be delivered up" Mr.. Madison opposed
the introduction oi the term slave or slave
ry into the Constitution; for he said, that
he did not wish to see it ecognized in the
Constitution of the United States of Amer.
lea that there could lie property in men
Now, sir, all this took place at the Con-
vention of 1887; but connected with this
concurrent ard contemporaneous--isan.
other important transaction not sufficient
ly attended to. The Convention for fra
ming this Constitution assembled in Phil
adelphia in May, and sat until September
1877. During all that time the Congress
of the United States was in session at
New York. 1t was matter Of design, ms
we know, that the Convention should not
assemble in the same city where Congress
was holding its sessions. Almost all the
public men Of the country, therefore, Of
distinction and eminencc, were in one or
the other Of these two assemblies; and ]
think it happened in some instances that
the saine gentlemen were members of
both. If mistake not, such was the case
of Mr.. Rufus King, then a member of
Congress from Massachusetts, and at ihe
same time n member of The Convention
to frame the Constitution, from that
State. Now, it was in the summer of
1887, the very time when the Convention
in Philadelphia was friming This Const>
tuition, that the Congress in New York
was framing the ordinance of ISL
They passed that ordinance on the 18Th
July, 1857, ut New York, the very month
perhaps the very day, on which these
questions about the Importation oil slaves
and the character of slavery were debat-
ed in the Convention al Philadelphia
And so far as we can now learn, there
was perfect concurrence Of opinion be-
tween these respective bodies and it re-
suited ia this ordinance of 1897, exclud-
ing slavery as applied TO all the territory
over which the Congress of the United
States had Jurisdiction, and that was all
the territory northwest of the Ohio
Three years before, Virginia and other
States had made n cesson of that great
territory TO the United States. And a
most magnificent act il was never re-
! fleet upon it without disposition to do
honor and justice-and Justice would be
the highest honor-io Virginia for that
act of ccssion of her northwestern terri
tory. will say, sir, that it is one of her
/ fairest claims to the respect and gratitude
of the Uniied States, and that perhaps il
is only second 10 that other claim which
attaches to her that, from her counsels
and from the intelligence and patriotism
of her leading statesmen, proceeded the
| first idea put into practice for the fGrma.
ton of Il general Constitution of the L.
nitod States. Now, sir, the ordinance OF
1887 applied thus to the whole territory
over which the Congress of the United
| States had jurisdiction. 1t was adopted
]
of the United States went into operation
| because the ordinance took effect immeGi-
ately on lis passage, while The Conslitu-
ton Of the United States, having been
| framed was to he sent to the States to be
adopted by their Conventions; and then
Il Government had 10 he organized under
IT. This ordinance, then, was in opera
ton and force when the Constitution was
adopted and this Government put in mo-
ton, in April, l7s9.
MIR. President three things are quite
clear as historical truths. One is, that
there was an expectation that on the ceas-
! ing of the importation of slaves from
] Africa. slavery would run out That was
hoped and expected. Another is, that as
far us there was any power in Congress
to prevent the spread of slavery in ,he
! United States, that power was executed
in The most absolute manner and 10 the
fullest extent. An honorable member
whose health does not allow him 10 be
here to-day
A SENATOR. He is here. (Referring
to Mr.. Calhoun.)
Mr.. WEBSTER. am very happy 10
/ hear that he is-may he long be in health
and the enjoyment OF il TO serve his coun
try-sald the other day, that he consid-
cred this ordinance ms the first in the
series of measures calculated to enfeehle
the South and deprive them of their Just
participation in the benefits and privileges
Of This Government. He says very prop
erly that II was done under the old conled-
GRAFTON and before this Constitution went
into effect; bur, my present purpose is on
" 10 say, Mr.. President, that il was done
with the unanimous and entire concurrence
Of the whole South. Why, there it stands
The vote OF every Stale in llie Union wns
unanimous in favor Of The ordinance, with
the exception Of single individual vote,
and that individual was Northern man.
But, sir, the ordinance abolishng. or ralh-
er prohibiting, slavery northwest Of the D.
hlo, has the band and seal Of every Soulh-
ern member in Congress- The other, and
third historical truth is, that The COnven-
lion meant to leave slavery, in the States,
as they found il, entirely under The author
ily aud control OF the States.
This was the state ol things sir and this
the state Of opinion, under which those very
important matters were arranged, and
those two important things done that is,
the establishment of the Constitution with
a recognition Of slavery as itexisted in the
States, and The establishment! Of the ordl-
nance prohibiting, TO the full extent of all
territory owned by the United States, the
introduction Of slavery into those ter ories,
and the leaving TO those States all power
over slavery, in their own limits. And
here, sir, we may pause. We may reflect
for moment upon the entire coincidence
and concurrence Of sentiment between the
North and the South npon these questions