Eastern times., 1850-11-21
The Morality of Politics.
n o. TWO.

No. TWO.
1n a recent article, under the above title, we
hastily glanced at the inexpedieucy of relying
upon political action for the promotion of alb
stract moral questions, ard promised to revert
again to the subject, at our leisure
European civilization is said to be the con-
solicitation of christianity-in other words,
christianity is a principle, an influence that Is
ultimated in and produces civilization. The
one is the cause, the other the effect. The OBJ
ject of society and of human government being
the protection and welfare of its members, it
follows that any thing that leads to the attain
ment of these objects should be encouraged.
Thus, the influence of christianity is produc-
tive of virtue and morality, and where virtue
and morality prevail, good government is
found.
But notwithstanding the influence Of reli-
gious culture upon society generally, it is an
element that should never enter into a mans
political creed. We have only to refer to his
tory to satisfy ourselves of the dire results of
gious sentiments with the politics of country.
How much destruction of human life, in the
history of mankind, may be traced directly TO
the introduction of the religious element into
the political relations of society through the
interference of the clergy-both Protestant and
Papist.
In politics there is, and always must be, a
large infusion of material elements. The pro-
lection of property and the security of life
must ever constitute prominent parts of the
functions of government. Industry and labor
in every pursuit of life is incited by selfinter-
est, and the moving power in politics flows
largely from this influence and from the pas
sions of men. True, the rules and principles
of morality are of universal application, and
must enter to a greater or less degree into po-
litical action, but the mass of mankind are I'M
able to separate the abstract from the concrete.
Now, as every political combination, from the
very nature of things, and Of the human mind,
seems to create sort of necessity for an antag
onist demonstration, it follows that no partcu-
lar moral or religious movement could be car
ried on politically without inciting an opposi-
sition that would be degrading to a greater or
less degree. Take the question of Temperance
for instance. Has any thing ever been gained
to the cause by the efforts of its friends TO pro-
mote it through political action-by having
temperance tickets and temperance candidates
at every election, We think the history of
the last ten years demonstrates the utter i'm
practicability- positively injurious results
of such a course. Not only has the cause of
temperance not been promoted, but ii has been
seriously checked in lis progress, because of the
anti-temperance parties that were created
thereby.
So, by founding party exclusively upon
any moral basis-jnstead of elevating politics,
you debase morality. You stain and soil it by
coarse admixture and rude contacts. The or
ganization of an anti-slaverv party, as in the
case of a temperance party, only incites oppo-
sition and results in the organization of pro-
slavery party. The establishment of an abol-
tion press in our national Capital, has resulted
in ccUnteracting movement, and a Southern
press is now in full blast there. Now this is
the natural and inevitable result of such move
ments, and ia support of our theory, we will
add the testimony of the late DR.. Charming,
which will not be entitled to any less weight,
from his well-known zeal in the anti-slavery
cause We copy from his life, vol. 5, pp. 1877
and ISS.
"The anti-slavery cause" says he, "has
two aspects, first, the political; next, the NOR
al, religious, philanthropic. 1t must be pre-
sented, as think, under the last. The great
obstruction 10 its progress is, that people ha-
btually view it under the first. Its political
connections and bearings have got possession
of mems minds, and shut out the higher views,
which alone can free the slave
This diseased state of mind seems to me
To be strengthened by nothing so much as BY
bringing the subject before Congress. There,
The political aspect Of the subject takes prece-
dence, and, in truth. hides every other
There the whole South, in one phalanx, and
with unmeasured violence, takes the ground of
self defence, and sets up the cry of invaded
rights, Of unconstitutional encroachments, of
assaults on State sovereignty, &c. The ques-
tlon becomes a sectional and constitutional one,
not moral and religious one.''
'' Antl-slavery is TO triumph not BY force or
appeals TO interest, but by becoming living
part of the public conscience and region.-
Just in proportion as it is complicated with
political questions and feelings, it is shorn Of
its strength"
Another objection, in resorting to political
action, for the promotion of moral question s, is
found in the fact that third parties must be re-
lied upon, which, under institutions like ours,
are unnatural things, and cannot rest upon
any firm ground. True, in certain localities, "a
third party may hold the balance of power for
time, but there never can be but two great
parties in our country The strength of par
ty constitutes its means of usefulness. The
principal motive for political association is 10
accomplish certain results deemed to be use
ful, that could not have been gained by purely
individual action. A third party is, and
can be nothing more than faction, powerless,
for good, and powerful only for evil, as the
history, in our own country, of the anti-ma-
sonic, native American and free-soil parties
has fully demonstrated. These parties have
always assumed false positions, and from their
lack of any real power have occupied coouet-
tish attitudes of uncertainty-open to proposals