The New York herald., 1850-04-12

biased and that you have as great a stake as any
man in the preservation of the Union, and the main
Ienance of the government on its true principles
am, dear sir, with great respect, -,
Yours DASL. WEBSTER.
Commodore STOCKTON.
REPLY OF COMMODORE STOCKTON
PRINCETON, March p, 1880
DEAR SIR;-I thank you for your letter and
a copy of the recent speech delivered by you in
the Senate of the United States.
| need say nothing in commentator OF your
course, which has been generally approved, and
will proceed (wthout referring any difference Of
opinion that may seem to exist between us on the
subjec) TO communicate 10 you my candid and
long cherished opinions on the subject OF slavery
as II exists in the United States and the duty OF
the government and the people IN connection
with it,
In view of a national crisis in the affairs of Great
Britain, one of her eminent statesmen once said-
I" In order TO be prepared for the trials of these
fumes, we should be possessed of prompt facility
OF adverting, in all our doubts, TO some grand and
comprehensive truth. In a deep and strong soil
must that tree fix its roots, the height of which is
10 reach to heaven and the sight OF il TO the ends
Of the earth"
great crisis presents itself in the path of the
republic. Interests of incalculable consequence
are involved in ito you, 10 myself, TO every cit-
zen-consequences not limited 10 our times, but ex
tending onward TO all future generations; and, if
there is anything in the hopes that have been cher
ished of the universally progressive principles of
liberty, TO the world for ages 10 come, 'Ihere are
times, Gays another eminent person,) when the
assertion OF great principles Is the best service
man can render society,"" and this is such time.
We all called upon TO pause at the present crl-
sis, and consider well what the demands of du-
ty IL is no time TO palter about party distinctions
or sectional differences; now, If ever, II becomes
us 10 feel that we are Americans, only Americans.
1t is time 10 calculate questions of personal po-
pularity; that sacrifice which any citizen may make
~ as nothing, II il contributes TO his country.
A Jerseyman myself born on one of those proud
battlefelds where American liberty was pure hased,
bearing life devoted 10 the service of the Union,
/ can withhold nothing from the cause of that
Union with which solemnly believe liberty is
herself identified, Zone and inseparable."
II appears TO me that the polar truth to which the
view of our fellow citizens should be directed in
The present emergency, is this-That God works in
the affairs OF nations, and shapes them 10 his pur
poses; and that 10 ascertain His will, must study
IN the school of His Providences, and take counsel
from the observation of His ways to regulate
own The destlnes of men and OF nations are in
the bosom of the most High. He lives in the his
tory Of the past; He viii live in the history of the
future; and he who has most deeply reflected upon
the records of the past, has most clearly seen that
the great characteristics which have marked the
progress OF every nation in every age, have even
tually resulted in the accomplishment Of some
grand design, in which the hand of Providence,
though for time obscured by shadows, has been
at last clearly and distinctly seen.
OF this our own history furnishes luminous ex-
ample. The preparation for the erection OF the
great temple OF civil and religious liberty we now
inhabit, began in the discoveries and convulsions
ofthe 10Th century The materials for !, were
found in men schooled by provdeniial tnals, and
disciplined 10 the work they were TO commence;
and il as rational to suppose the world was the pro-
ducton ofchance, las TO suppose that the combination
ot events which led them TO this continent, which
cherished and protected their infant colonies, which
brought about the revolution and its results, and
has made us what We are, was the work of chance;
it is this which inspires me with hope. that He who
founded the republic will save it-that lie has
great purposes 10 accomplish yet, and that iheywl
be uniolded through successive years, for ages 10
come, IN periecting the institutions OF rational
freedom here and i'm extending them TO all other
continents.
Though men were the instruments, the Ameri-
can revolution was the work of an unseen power
the actors in il themselves looked back with as
ionishment AT the course they had taken, and the
results that had been accomplished. The greater
the event, the more clearly has the hand OF FRO
vidence always been seen in 1.-THE greater the
hero, the more heartfelt always has been his ac-
acknowledgement that superior destiny CONTROLLED
hs actions. The American constitution ~ the re-
suit Of fearful struggle. IT. full price was by no
means the sufcfincs undergone IN the conflict.
The series OF events by which Il was accomplished
now able 10 trace distinctly back, through
the priyatons and trials Of the early cooniss. TO
the days when popular freedom first began the con-
test with arbitrary power IN the civil wars of Eng
land and ITS pathway IS everywhere marked with
Iatient endurance and costly sacrifice.
Things permanently good are OF slow growth
the offspring Of hardship they. are made strong
through suffering. So universal IL this law, that
the most hasty minds have secret misgiving Of
the efficacy of has,y products aud We would az
soon expect undisciplned troops TO be equal to the
haTdships and Perls Of dangerous campaign, as
that an undiscplined community could triumph IN
that fercest Of all warfares, the warfare which
marks everywhere the pathway 20 national exist
ence, greatness, and virtue
More than two centuries have passed since the
events which were TO result in founding the re-
public were put IN motion and who does not per-
cciye. both I'm our colonial and constitutional his
tory, that the process by which We have. within a
comparatively few years, come 20 the full achieve
mcnt Of distinctive nationality. has been one
mainly Of forbearance and scli-denial : Nor have
we been the only sufferers. When our ancestors
came 10 this country, they found u in the possession
of another race. That race had had their day.
great continent. fitted by nature for large deyelopc
ments in the progress Of humanity. had been for
centuries committed 70 their keeping, and they had
proved faiihless TO the trust II manifest from
the commencement Of the struggles, that one Of
the two races must give way to the other and no
one doubts the henchcencc OF that Providence
which decided for the Anglo-Saxon race. Yet how
touching ~ the story OF the red mans wrongs We
commiserate his suiierings, while We clearly see
that the decree hy which his race wastes away be-
fore the advancing footsteps Of civilization. ~ the
hst Of Infinite Wisdom.
The same all-pcrvading Providence has brought
ns in contact with siill another racc--ihe African
but under widely different circumstances. Out OF
this circumstance. and the events connected with
it. the crisis We considering has grown.
Three millions Of that race. scattered through tf-
teen Of the States OF the Union. in the condi-
tion OF serimde. Individuals in the non-save-
holding States have not only been long in the habit
Of denouncinG the holding OF slaves as sin-as, in
deed among the worst Of crimes, but have insisted
on immediate and unconditional aboltion-haye
carried on the work of arftahon--haye encouraged
slaves 70 desert their masiers-have protected fugi
tive slaves from pursuit and reclamation, and have
even gene 80 Tar to declare that u was cause for
separating from the South altogether.
The general government has been agitated; com
promise after compromise has been made. aud
proved, as was 10 be expected, only the means Of
pCsiponing, rather than Of settling the question;
until al last things have reached condition that
real danger 10 the Union seems 10 be apprchended
NIA antaDU al.
II ~ Time ioI men now 10 speak out, calmly bat
featlcssy W Whatever has been wrong should be
made night, and the question settled now and for
ever. We should not meanly shrink from our just
responsibilities, and put them upon our children.
NOW. IN reference TO the relation cf master and
slave, II is proper should bear in mind that Afr
can slavery Was introduced into this country by no
act OF ours. For its introduction the American
people are in no lust sense responsible I,s ;ntro