The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-11-06
The EugltIvc SInNc Law.

This law still continues the subject of agitation
IN the North, while other parts of the slavery
promise afford food for excitement in the South.
We have no doubt but that many honest men, in
both sections. are sincerely opposed to portions OF
these different measures, and would rather have
had their own views adopted by Congress 1t is a
part Of our nature TO cling with tcnacity TO
own well formed opinions, and when dis
appointed in having them carried out feel some
thing akin TO dispeasurc and apt TO think that
other not wcll pre- pa red az ourselves
But this class honest men they are, and sincere
devoted TO the union Of the States and the perpe-
tuity OF free institutions when the feeling of disap
pointment wears of, lay asdc their preconceved no
tons, and heartily Join with good men everywhere
to uphold and main tain the laws of the country and
the integrity Of the Union. We notice that many,
very many, good and great men, have Joined the
Union party, and are determined TO preserve the
stars and stripes unsuled and untarnished.
But there is another class of men who live on
excitement. The moment any question of public
policy becomes fixed, they seek after
hobby, in order that they may maintain their influ-
ence with the masses The moment any measure
OF erpediency is adopted, they commence n hue
and cry against it, and arraign the authors of IT
before the people, as If in adopting it they had all
been under the influence of some power antagonis-
tic to the popular will What they lack in talent
they make up in wind They call meetings, make
speeches, denounce men as traitors, and seek to
promote agitation, that they may hold their infu-
ence with the people. The moment that agitation
ceases, such men discovered, and they have not
the ability to maintain their rank and position in
society.
II seems to us that if the Fugitive Slave law will
operate injuriousy affect the rights of any one,
time will work Men who counsel disobe-
dience TO law in n country where law should be
supreme, are not good citizens. The same influ-
enccs which are brought to bear against one class,
will in time affect another. The same prejudices
which are appealed TO to prevent the enforcement
of one law, may, things being changed, be worked
up against another, and where will the end be
Good men should reflect that opposition TO law, in
any other form than n candid and simple appeal TO
the people to effect n repeal in legal and constitu-
uonal way il nothing more nor less than mob law,
operating in eimple form, but having tendency
eventually to assume a shape that will be danger
Gus to the lives and properties of citizens of free
government.
In the particular case before us, should the adj
vice OF THE latter ciass of prevail and armed
resistance be made TO the proper officers of the law
the consequence will be chat the laws of tho Union
viii be maintained in their integrity. The army
of the United States would prove strong for all
the force that could possibly at this day be arrayed
In armed opposition TO a law OF Congress. There
will be found but few mon in the North who will
violate the plainest provisions OF the Constitution,
and array themselves in opposition TO the Govern
ment.
There features in the law which are obno1-
ious to probably nine tenths of the citizens OF the
North. Should thcse provisions, which we have
previously commented upon, in their enforcement
work evil TO any persons, there ~ simple remedy
easily applied and fully efiicacious. it ~ the will
of the people expressed through their constitutional
representatives, and in proper way In lite appli-
cation no citizen will be injured, no lives lost, and
no property destroyed. But should the counsel of
bad or foolish men prevail, the consequences will
assume another ehapc, and mpudcnt men will
suffer for their folly ia being induced to adopt VIC
lent measures to prevent the execution Of a law
legally and consttutionnlly upon tho statute hook
ILancaster (O) Gazette.