Hillsdale Whig standard. (Hillsdale, Mich.) 1846-1851, 1850-02-19

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10 wife her husband. do not mean to
touch dt all the question Of the right Of prop
erty in slaves amongst persons living wiihin
the District. the slave trade which proposed
TO prohibit was that which Mr.. Randol pin,
forty years ago, pronounced an abOminstion.
| II was nistake on the part Of the North, If
they supposed that the people of the South
! generally looked upon the slave trader, or his
occuparioD. with complaisance. The slave
! dealer was frequently excluded from assOci-
J alton with the respectable and worthy 10 the
/ South. He proposed that the slave trader
should 60 TO other parts TO pursue Ills call.
ing, that he should not be permittef TO erect
his prisons hare, and put on his chains, sns
sometimes shock the feelings by then usius
of manacled beings passlog through that sv-
enue leading from this Capitol to the house
Of the Chief Magistrate Of one OF the most
glorious Republics that ever existed. Ne.
thuulJ they bring them here. There WIS
no necessity for il, and il ought to be prohib-
tied | say let itterninaie, IL is an sbomna-
ton; thai there is no occasion toril, IL ought
no longer TO be tolerated.
The 7th resolution related 10 matter uow
under discussion in the Senate, aud he would
refrain from any moral remarks uP0n il. Il
was as follows:
9TH. Resolved That more ehectual proyis.
ions ought to be made by law requirements
of the Constitution. for the restitution and
delivery of persons bound to service or labor
in any State, who may escape into aUy other
State or Territory Of this Union.
The 9Th and last resolution provided 'hsl
Congress has no power 10 prohibit or oostruct
the trade ia slaves between the SlayehOldIDg
States; but that the admission or exclusion
Of slaves brought ftom one into another Of
them, depends exclusively upon their own
particular laws.
II was obvious that no legisatioH was in-
tended as a consequence of the resoluIiou; ii
merely asserted truth. lie had thOUghi
that. in looking al this whole subject, il was
6t aud proper to rcsou 10 great aud tu0da-
mental principles; to keep them before the
mind, that they right not violate them.-
These resolutions involved 10 sacIlfice of any
principle; they were founded upon basis Of
mutual torbearance and concessi0E--a con
cesson DOT Of matters Ot principle. but mat
ters Of feeling merely. He thought. 10 view
of all the circumstances, more liberal COO
cession might be expected from the Free
States than could be asked of the South
You are, said Mr.. c., IN point OF numbers,
however, greater, and greatness aud magma.
nimIty should ever be allied together.
But there are other reasons why 0oncess-
ion upon such q subject as this should be
more liberal, more expensive, coming from
the free than from the slave States. tits, as
remerked, a sentiment OF humanity and
philanthropy on your side. Aye, sir, and
when sentiment of that kind rs honestly
and earnestly cherished, with a disposition
10 make sacrifices TO enforce it, it is q noble
and beautiful sentiment; but, sir, when the
sacrifice is not to be made by those who
cherish that sentiment and inculcate 1t, but
by another people, in whose situation 1t IS i'm
possible, from their position, to sympathize
and TO share all and every thing that belongs
to them, must say TO you Senators from the
free States, it is totally different question.
On your side it is a sentiment without sacri-
fee, sentiment without danger, sentiment
without hazard, without peril, without loss.
But how is it on the other side, TO which, as
| have said. greater amount Of concession
ought to be made in any scheme ofcomprom-
! isp?
In the first place, sir, there is vast and
incalculable amount of property to be sacri-
feed, aud to be sacrificed, not by your shar-
ing IN the common burdens, but exclusive Of
you. And this is not all. The social inter-
course, habit, safety, property, life, everything
is at hazard III greater or less degree in the
slave States.
Sir, look at the storm which is now raging
before you, beating in all its rage piteously
upon your family. They arc in the South,
But where are your families, who're are your
people, Senators from tho free States! They
arc safely housed, enjoying alt the blessings
Of domestic comfort, peace, and quiet in the
/ bosoms of their own families.
Behold, Mr.. President, that dwelling house
now wrapped in flames Listen, sir, to the
] -, -. f.H
amid the crash; and the flames ascending
| higher and higher as they tumble down.
Behold these women and children who are
| flying from tho calamitous scene, and with
their sArieks and lamentations implorihg the
aid Of Heaven. Whose house is that 3
Whose wives and children are theyi Yours
i'm the free Statesl No. You are looking on
in safety, whilst the coniagration which |
have described is raging in the slave States
and produced, not Intentionally by you, but
produced from the inevitable tendency tho
measures which you have adopted, and which
others have carried far beyond what you have
wished
In the one scale then, we behold sentiment,
sentiment, sentiment alone in the other
property, the social fabric, life, and al that
makes life desirable and happy.
But, sir, find myself engaged much be-
yond what intended. when came this NOR
ming from my lodgings, in the expesit Oh
which intended these resolutions should 60
forth to the consideration of the world. l
cannot omit, however. before | conclude, re-
lating an incident, which occurred prior to
my leaving my lodgings this morning.
A man camo to my room-the same at
whose instance few days ago presented a
memorial calling upon Congress for the pur
chaso Cf Mount Nernon for tho uEa of the I
public-and, without being aware of what
purpose entertained in the discharge Of my 4
public duty to day, he said to me: ''Mr. Clay, /
heard you make a remark the other day
which induced me TO suppose that precious
relic in my possession would bo acceptable
to you" He then drew out of his pocket,
and presented to me, the object which | now
hold in my hand. And what, MIR. President,
do Won snnnnsn N ial Ii rs q framIneni of tho 1