The North-Carolinian. [volume] (Fayetteville [N.C.]) 1839-1861, 1850-03-09

whence they proceed.--But from a differ
ent source does danger now threaten US.
The lust OF civil power, and the desire of
political triumph are now the impulses that
prompt these attacks upon our property
our peace--and our domestic quiet. The
religious fanatics are but as torch bearers
for the political ince en,Iiaries, aud onl Y here
and there in the anti-slavery ranks is found
bosom burning with religious zeal, while
the fires OF hell warm the hearts Of the
masses Of those who constitute the anti
slavery army at the north.
1t is time, then, that we should speak; it
is time that we should warn one another,
ere we find ourselves SO entirely surround
ed, that we cannot escape, and so closely
pressed Upon by the foe. that our arms can
not be welded to advantage. Political
strategy is as dangerous the strategy Of
war, and there is period in both when
you are rendered powerless by your ad
versary, and it is the part of wisdom to act
before that period arrives. We must wait
until every post has been seized by the
enemy, and nothing is left US bat to sur
render at discretion, or fight at disadvan-
tase. But by taking our position in time,
within the yet mistaken fortress of the
Constitution, and manfully defending it
against the first encroachments Of the foe,
we may be able to preserve bothit and
ourselves. If we must perish, let US per-
ish under it's ruins. To give it up, or to
suffer one fragment Of it to be destroyed
without resistance, is the most certain way
to consummate that dsunion that we SO
much dread. 1t is to cry loud against
encroachments upon the Constitution, and
to declare our determination at every haz-
ard to maintain it. that we meet, and not
for the purpose If plotting against it. BY
thus acting, it disuniOn is forced upon US,
III the fair fields Of these States must be
fattened with the blood Of their sons--if
the swords of brothers must pierce the vi
tails Of each other--if the ties of blood must
association be dissolved, let US at least,
amid all the sorrows and troubles that must
follow, have the comfort of good CON
science, and looking upon the de>olation
that may surround US, be able to say of our
Northern brcthren--they would have it 50.
But never let surrender the COnsti
tuition, and the Uniun 1t secures, until we
can with truth say--they will have it SO.
But when that awful period arrives, if
come it must, let US be prepared for the
duties it shall demand, and with manly
hearts, to sacrifice every thing else for our
domestic affairs, the rights of our posterity
and our sacred honor.
Mr. President, rej"icc once more to see
meetings holden in our State without re-
spect of parties. 1t is almost the only
cheering circumstance growing out Of this
sectional question. that it brings US nearer
to each other at home. The sense Of COM
mon danger wakes up within US those
kindly feelings which party bitterness had
subdued. The danger which We are now
contemplating, and against which we are
endeasoring to provide, is in part the bit
ter fruit Of party strife. Year after year.
for many years, has party spirit been IN
creasing in bitterness; it has even marred
the relations of social life. 1t has destroy
ed those safe standards by which fitness
for Office ought properly to be tested-ca-
pacity and integrity. And men Of all par
ties have come to make availability the
only question in our elections. This is the
same spirit which leads on at the north the
heterogeneous army now making war upon
southern rights.
In conclusion, permit me to say that we
Of the south are not altogether clear in this
matter. To some extent, our blood will
be upon our own heads If the worst should
come. We have in a good degree, pam
dered to the factious spirit of local disti"c-
tions. In many respects we have acted
most unwisely and unjustIy to our breth-
| rem at the north, we have not made proper
allowances for the position Of public men
i'm that part of the Union. We have been
unreasonable in our demands upon them,
and have greatly diminished our own
moral force in the present controversy.
We need not wonder that the opinions Of
men take their hue from surrounding Cir
cumstances, and that there is tide in the
opinions as well as in the affairs of men,
and that both these tides have their ebb
and food. No incident SO much affects
| the opinions of men as their interest. This
matter Of slavety stands upon the same
footing with everything else. Ii it were
to the interest Of the greater part ot man
kind to dispense with the use OF horses,
and a very small portion Of men were lett
who found it to their interest to continue
their use, they woult: likewise continue as
the majority now do, to think that their
use was altogether ght and proper-per-
haps even praiseworthy. But that ma
iority would sonn come to denounce it as a
most f1agrant injustice to that noble animal
which God had made to enjoy his freedom
in the boundless plains and the trackles s.
wilds; and not to be subjected to The
drudgery Of the plough, or the cruel inflic
ton Of the whip and spur. And so w
who hold slaves in the strict sense Of tina
term. are in very small minority. al
though our slaves are III fact more free an,
happy ,han the larger portion Of the s.
called freeMen who are more truly slaves
The majority Of mankind have not foun'