North Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1850-1852, 1850-12-21
For III. North Carolina Standard.

To the Legislature Of North Carolina. /
GENTLEMEN 1t is neither from exhibition of
vanity want OF confidence in your intelligence
or patriotism that We now address yon. Far from H.
AS TO the rst, the very signature which we assume
secures us from snch unworthy imputation and
to the second we know many of you personality,
and the most by reputation, and we intend something
more than bare compliment when We say that
more Intelligent and patriotic body has seldom conve-
ned. Notwithstanding this we should be uncandd,
(and we hope we will be offensive) were we TO
say that we have some misgvings as to your course
upon all important subject which early attracted
your attention. You will at once understand as
abiding to slavery, and TO the means which you are
called upon 10 employ in order TO avert that war
which Northern fanaicism seems resolved TO wage.
At the very threshold allow us respectfully and
with all proper Difference say that there four
suggestions that naturally present themselves every
Southern First, What is the object of this end
less and harrassng agitation Have they (the Free
soiers,) the means OF accomplishing their purpose
What would be the Consequences to the South, were
they to succeed And lastly, has the South the
means of defence in their hands /?
To the first interrogatory there can be but
swer. They propose universal emancipation their
ultimate object, and Congressional Legislation the
means to attain IT, They propose, and have already
gone far in its accomplishment, surround the slave
States by Gordon Of free States, as to impair
their value cicumscrbe their spread to produce
thai very state of things alluded TO and openly avow-
ed in the Halls of Congress, as shall cause the
"ev to tester, ulcerate and gangrene In our midst
Tney do not propose TO attack the citadel by storn
but by the Slaughtered limitations which numbers
can impose, they expect to take It by stratagem In
plain words they propose by denying you your rights
the proper aliment which the Constitution affords, 10
SGrUe you into measures. 'f
Second. Have they the means of accomplishing
this obiectl They have not, if Gas will not
pect,) you are true 10 yourselves. Should you, how
ever, either lie passive and content yourselves with
little Congressional pap :" and occasionally sing
hosannas the Union, and do nOff'g nOre should
you (Which in its effect will be the same thing) suffer
yourselves to become alienated in feeling by your
former party divisions, you will but hasten the
catastrophe and prove recreant 10 the trust which
la generous constituencyh conded to your hands.
If then any thing like party has already mixed itself
with your deliberations, discard it from you you
would a viper from your bosoms If a community
of feeling cannot produce the strangling Of this mon-
ster. call your aid community of danger, and see
if Herculean strength is not impaired sufficiently no.
only for this hut for any, though they be the
closing scenes of the drama. 20 g..
There are some da myers serious in their
quences, that it would be manifesily imPoitc and
suicidal in the to allow them to gain strength
while you viewing them through the perspective.
They must be met than half way-they must
be looked in the face, in the language of emf
nent man 8. the odds will be against you, that you
fall asleep in watching its approach. Yes, there are
questions (of which this is one) that You must athrm
an unlimited control over, your very refusal for
titles and encourages those who assail you; for they
construe your silence either into cowardly tmeser
wing timidity or into kind OF political idolatrY'
which furthers their purposes equally well.
But let US proceed. What would be the conse-
quences ere they to succeed! response to this
need not occupy time; the history of ST. Domin-
90 is replete with instruction, and it may be well if
We profit thereby.
We CO lie now to the last suggestion, which is by
far important the series, for in it is found
the panopy of your defence. Yes, we with defer
ence affirm that we have the means of prevention in
our hands, although the carrying them out may
and will invoke loss TO all. This loss, however, is
not the question. The true question is that although
it may be great is it infinitely less than The con-
ion Of the purposes of fandtlclSm !! That this
is so YOU can have no doubt. w hat then the
means IN your possession for self defence They may
be classed as follows: Means preventive and contin-
gent and means unqualified and absolute. The first
consists in the Tariff of duties already before you,
and other stringent Legislation proposals the latter in
The right of =. secession A few words upon each,
and the subject shall be dismissed. PEDEE.
The Star, Register, and Times will please publish