The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-12-26

merce, conferred Dy tnese Pro'ioiVh7i wac WAN
plete--for coordinate jurisdiction between the
States and the Federal Government over the same
subject, would have resulted in conflict that
yould have defeated the purposes OF the grant
made to Congress. But to guard against all mis-
convention, section tenth Of the first article posi-
tiyely prohibited the States from exercising any
mower over commerce, except such rs was neces-
sary to the execution of their inspection laws
| ono State shall, without the consent of Con-
gress, lay any imposts duties on imports or ex-
ports, except what may be absolutely necessary
for executing its inspection laws; and the nett
produce of all duties and imposs laid by any
| State on imports or exports shall be for the use
of the Treasury of the United States; ana all
such laws shall be subject to the revision OF Con-
| gressO
MIR. Saunders's resolution proposes to lay an
impost tax upon articles brought into the State OF
North Carolina from the non-slaveholdng States.
The proposition is directly repugnant to each OF
the three clauses we have quoted from the Con-
stituton.
The first declares, that I" all duties, imposts,
and excuses shall be uniform throughout the
United States y and, according to the decision
Of the Supreme Court in the case of the passenger
Tax of New York and Massachusetts,, rendered
March, 1S49, q the constitutional uniformity here
epjoned is as real and obligatory upon the States,
in the absence of all legislation by Congress, as the
uniformity had been made by The regulation Of Con-
gressD
The proposition of Mr. Saunders is to violate
this constitutional uniformity, by discriminating
taxes against the productions of the nOn-slave-
holding States.
The second clause confers upon Congress the
power to regulate commerce with Foreign Ma
tons and among the Several States, and with the
Indian tribes Mr. Saunders proposition claims
for the North Carolina Legislature the power to
regulate commerce between that State and the
other States A claim for the Legislature of
power to regulate the commerce of that State
with Great Britain by laying prohibitcry duties
upon its imports, would be just as constitutional
and decent.
The third clause prohibits State from laying
imposts or duties on imports or exports except
what may be absolutely necessary for the execu-
ton of its inspection laws. Mr.. Saunders prop
ositon is to lay duties on the imports of the nom
slaveholding States, for the purpose of inhicting
ynaishment upon theaa for the o. Ssslasery move
ments Of some of their citizens.
We repeat, that were it not for our profound
~ceqas, CO. the ipdrweo, Of gentlemen vi" have
studied the resolutions of '9S and the platforms of
Baltimore, Nashville and Milledgeville We
should be tempted to pronounce the proposition
| of Mr. Saunders and all similar propositions,
come from what quarter they may, grossly I'M
constitutional in intent, as, if adopted they would
be impotcnt in effect. 1t is worthy Of remark,
that the editor Of the Union, who cannot get over
his indignation at the law of Vermont for securing
the benefit Of the habeas corpus to all her nhabit
ants, deeming it most atrocious act of nullifca-
ton, has not yet uttered note of dissent from
any of the fagrantly unconstitutional schemes
Just noticed.
AS to the project of taxing the goods of mer-
chants and traders 10 per cent ad ualorem, unless
they shall state oath that they are in part the
growth or manufacture Of slave State, it is al
most too trfing for serious comment. Carry it
into effect, if indeed this be possible and the peo
pie of North Carolina will be the principal suffer
ers Restrictions commerce apt to react
with fatal force upon the interests of those who
impose them. How it would promote the welfare
of the State Of North Carolina, to break down
some of her merchants, and make the people pay
more for articles of consumption than their
brethren in other States, perhaps the disciples of
Mr. Calhoun may explain-for we take it for
granted that their metaphysics are equal to any
impossibility.
But suppos, n law to carry into effect this
project be passed, AMI suppose the pedlers, and
merchants and traders, unable to evsde its provi-
sions and suppose the people should be so tame
as to submit to such oppressive taxation cuibono ?
what would be gained by it? 1t is not the classes
4 of wholesale merchants and manufacturers and
, pedlers in the non-sayeholdng States who agi-
tate the question of slavery. They might suffer
, somewhat from the suicidal taxes of North Caro-
lima, and feel periodically indignant at the anti
slavery people for occasioning any interference
with their craft. But, how could they help them
selves? Ii is not in the power of gold to exercise
: the good spirit The merchants and manufacturers
and pedlers, SO far from converting anti-slavery
men from their fsnatcal ways, would soon be-
gin to feel quite fanatcal themselves, and learn
to hate an institution that, like a blind CyelOps,
dealt its insane blows alike at friends and foes.
Another consequence of such policy would re-
suit sooner or later. The actual Shareholders in
North Carolina constitute but small proportion
of the entire white population. So, it might come
to pass, that as the non-slaveholders saw their
trade decreasing, and themselves burdened with
kind of war tax in time of peace, they might
begin to inquire whether system in which they
had direct interest had any right to make such
exactons of them, and compel them to pay the
cost of its vengeance against other States. Such
inquiries could lead to but one conclusion-that
slavery was costing them great deal more than
it came to.
|, WHERE'S THE TRICK?