The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-05

cannot be destroyed without subjecting the two
races TO the greatest calamity, and the section 10
poverty, desolation and wretchedness; and accord
pgy they feelsbound, by every consideration of
interest and safety, to defend it,
This hostile feeling on the part of the North to-
wards the social organization OF the South long lay
dormant, but it only required some cGnse to act on
those who felt most intensely that they were re-
sponsble for its continuance to call il into action
The increasing. power of this Government, and of
the control of the northern section all its de-
partments, furnished the II was this which
made an impression on the minds Of many, that
there was little or no restraint to prevent the Gov
eminent from doing whatever it might choose TO
do This sufficient of itself TO put the most ia
natical portion of the North in action for the pur
pose OF destroying the existing relation between the
two races in the South.
The first organized movement towards it COM
menced in 1885. Then, for the first time societies
were organized, presses established, lecturers sent
forth to excite the people of the North, and ncendi
airy publications scattered over the whole South,
through the mail. The South was thoroughly
resolutions adopted, calling upon the North to APP
ply remedy to arrest the threatened evil, and
pledging themselves TO adopt measures for their
own protection, If it was not arrested. At the
meeting of Congress petitions poured in from the
North, calling upon Congress to abolish slavery in
the District Of Columbia, and to prohibit what they
called the internal slave trade between the States
announcing, at the same time, that their ultimate
trct but in the States and throughout the Union.
At this period the number engaged in the agita-
thon was small, and possessed little or personal
influence.
Neither party in Congress had, at that time, any
sympathy with them, their cause. The mem
bers of each party presented their petitions with
great reluctance Nevertheless, as small and con-
temptibe as the party then was, both of the great
parties Of the North dreaded them. They felt that,
though small, they were organized in reference to
a subject which had great and commanding in
huence over the northern mind: Each party, on
that account feared to oppose their petitions, lest
who might do so, by favoring their petitions. The
effect was that both united in insisting that the
petitions should be received, and that Congress
should take jurisdiction of the subject for which
they prayed To justify their course, they took the
extraordinary ground, that Congress was bound to
receive petitions every subject, however objec-
tionable it might be- and whether they had or had
not jurisdiction the subject These views pre-
vailed in the House of Representatives, and partially
in the Senate and thus the party succeeded in their
first movements in gaining what they proposed-a
position in Congress, from which agitation could
be extended over the whole Union. This the
commencement of the agitation, which has
since continued, and which, is now acknow
lodged, has endangered the Union itself.
As for myself, believed at that early period, if
the party who got up the petitions should succeed
in getting Congress TO take jurisdiction, that agi-
tation would follow, and that it would, in the end,
if not arrested, destroy the Union. then SO
pressed myself in debate, and called upon both
parties to take grounds against assuming jurisdic-
! tion but in vain. Had my voice been needed, and
had Congress refused to take jurisdiction, by the
united votes of all parties the agitation which fell
lowed would have been prevented, and the fanati-
cal zeal that gives impulse to the agitation, and
which has brought us to our present perilous con-
| dtion, would have become extinguished from the
want of something to feed the flame That was the
| time for the North to show her devotion TO the
Union but, unfortunately, beth of the great par
anft hat rfiop infe mir pr
retaining party ascendency; that all other consid
eratons were overlooked or forgotten.
What has since followed are but the natural con-
sequences. With the success of their first move
ment this small fanatical party began to acquire
strength; and, with that, to become an object of
courship to both the great parties. The necessary
consequence was, further increase Of power, and
gradual taintng of the opinions of both the other
parties with their doctrines, until the infection has
extended over both; and the great of the pop
ulation Of the North, who, whatever may be their
opinion of the original Abolition party which still
preserves its distinctive organization, hardly ever
fail, when 1t comes to acting, to cooperate In car
! ryng out their measures. With the increase Of
their influence they extended the sphere OF their
action. In short time after the commencement Of
their first movement, they had acquired sufficient
influence to induce the Legislatures OF most OF the
northern States to pass acts which in effect abro-
gated the provision of the Constitution that pro-
| vides for the delivery up of fugitive slaves. Not
long after, petitions followed to abolish slavery in
places where Congress had exclusive power OF le-
gslation. This was followed by petitions and reso
utions OF Legislatures Of the northern States and
popular meetings, TO exclude the southern States
from all Territories acquired 10 be acquired, and
70 prevent the admission Of any State hereafter into
the Union, which, by ts constitution, does not pro-
hibit slavery And Congress is invoked TO do all tins
expressly with the view to the final abolition OF sa-
very in the States That has been ayowed TO be the
ultimate object from the beginning Of the agitation
until the present time; and yet the great body oil
both parties Of the North with the full knowledge
of the fact, although disavowing the Abolitioniss,
have cooperatcd with them in almost all their mea-
sures
Such is brief history Of the agitation as far as
has yet advanced. Now ask, Senators, what 10
there TO prevent its further progress until il fuhls
Sthe ultimate end proposed, unless some decisive
measure should be adopted TO prevent iti Has any
one Of the causes, which has added to its increase
from its original small and contemplate beginning
until il has attained its present magnitude, dimin.
ished in forces Is the original cause Of the move
mcnt, that slavery is a sin, and ought 10 be sup
pressed, weaker now than at the commencement?
Or is the Abolition party less or iniuen-
tal, have they less influence over, or control
over the two great parties of the North in eectons
Or has the South greater means Of influencing or
controlling the movement Of this Government now
than 1t had when the agitation commencedl To all
these questions but one answer can be given: No,
no, no. The very reverse Is true. Instead of being
weaker, all the elements in favor Of agitation are
stronger now than they in 1895, when IL first
commenced, while all the elements OF influence on
the part OF the South weaker. Unless some
thing decisive is done, again ask what Is 10 stop
this agitation before tbe great and final object at
which IL aims-the abolition Of slavery in the
Stses-is contaminated? Il H. then, not certain
that II something decisive il not now done 10 arrest
II, the South will be forced TO choose between abo
lition and secession! Indeed as things are now
moving, IL will not require the South 10 secede TO
dissolve the Union. Agitation will Of itself effect it,
Of which its past history furnishes abundant proof
as shall next proceed 20 show.
II is n great mistake tosupposc that disunion can
be effected by a single blow. The cords which
bound these States together in one common Union
are far too numerous and powerful for that Disu-
MON must be the work Of time. II js only through
long process and sovereignty, that the cords can
be snapped, until the whole fabric falls ssunder.
Already the agitation Of the slavery question has
snapped some Of the most important, and has
greatly weakened all the others, as shall proceed
20 show.
The cords that bind the States together are not
only many, but various in character. Some are
spiritual or ecclesiastica; some political; others
social Some apPertain to the benefit conferred by
the Union, and others to the feeling Of duty and
: obligation.
The strongest Of those Of spiritual and ecc lesi.
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