The republic., 1850-11-30

u.
action and the end of one class-the ground of ac-
ton being that there is fundamental in the
Constitution of the Government, and the end, that
the Government must be destroyed
Whatever else may be said of this, it cannot be
denied that it il open, definite, tangible, capable
of being seen and understood in its true proper
tons. They do not profess one thing and mean
another. They do not move blindly towards the
gulf of civil discord and national destruction.
They do not lead their followers towards it with
boastful assurances that the ground is safe and
clear They see treason, and they honestly sayso
and give their reason for it.
In my humble Judgment, it is time that reason
was examined. You may say it needs exami-
nation; the bare statement of the proposition car
ries its own refutation with it. So ! had supposed
| until recent events changed my opinion. do not
think it important to examine their reason because
entertain any hope Of influencing any of this class
Of men whom have mentioned. believe their
other larger class who acting with them,
many of whom, verify believe, do not see whittier
they are going These have not thrown of their ale
giance to the Constitution. On the contrary, many
Of them hold or have held public Office, and have
sworn to support the Constitution. Many more, If
We may judge from the recent ELECTIONS, desire ear
nestly to take that oath. [Great SAughter.] am
bound to think, and do think, that they have taken
this oath without any mental reservation. They
include in IT that article which promises that fug
tives from service escaping into this State shall be
given up. But ask your Free soil neghbors,
Will you give your support TO law which shall
fairly and fully execute this article? You are
dissatisfied with the present law, but laying aside
all questions about means and details, do you mean
that Massachusetts shall keep this promise or break
III" And depend upon it, if you get any answer
at all, it will be that it is promise not tit to be
kept.
| do not mean to say that all would answer.
| Some have not sufficiently probed their own con
sciences to know what lies at the bottom, and some
who have, may be willing to have this article exc
cuted. hope there are many such. But do be-
leve that when it comes to the practical question,
whether the promise shall be kept, many will be
found in the condition in which Sir William Black
stone says he was in respect TO belief in witch
craft For, says he in substance. inasmuch as both
the scriptures and the laws Of England recognise
the crime of witchcraft, cannot take it upon my
self TO deny that there has been such thing, though
Icannot give credit to any particular modern in
stance oft. rU.
So it is with some of these gentlemen. Inasmuch
as the Constitution, which many Of them have sworn
tives from service shall be given up, they cannot
take it upon themselves to deny, in the general,
that the promise is to be kept; but, to Its being
done in any particular way. or by any particular
| means, in any modern instance, they cannot
consent, and to prevent it, they arc ready to join
their best and utmost exertions to those Of the rst
class whom have named, though these latter all
the time declare that this distinction between the
abstract and the is too thin for their eyes
| TO see.
Now the real difficulty with both these classes OF
! persons is the The difference between them
is, that it and avows it; the other does not
see it, or is too prudent to avow it.
ls it not fit, then that this supposed difhculty
should be brought out into the light of day and
steadily looked att There ought to be no reiuc-
tance to do this If the difficulty be real it should
be acknowledged and due effect given to it. II it
be unreal it should be disspated. II the Constitu-
tion under which we live is as Is expressed in the
calm language SO well bcfitting the discussion of
subject deeply involving the welfare OF 80 many
millions Of people. if it be ga bond Of he'll" which
is The duty Of every just man to break we ought
| hope you will bear with me, therefore, fellow
citizens, while attempt to discuss this question.
4 am a Massachusetts man-born on her soil
this hour of tho blessings which, under Providence
A0w hom and are secured by ns laws and hope
| / am not unmindful Of the honor and the duty OF
the State. And feel, with you, common interest
| to inquire, whether, when this Common wealth en-
tered into this compact, and agreed that should
be the supreme law it made covenant of iniquity
Let me say at the outset that this is not ques-
ton TO be settled by calling hard names. II rs q
moral question-to be approached with calmness
and solved by the reason and judgment OF sober
men. And shall endeavor to statc, as well as
can, that course OF reasoning which has satisfied
my own mind.
Let me begin by asking you to keep in view
that Considering the rights and duties of a
civilized state The question Is, whether tins
in 1888, when il entered into the compact in qucs
tioni
At that time Massachusetts, was independent
sovereign State possessing, OF course, all the pow
ers over its citizens, in reference TO foreign
Statcs which constitute and arise from sovereignty
Among these powers, two only important
here the power to make binding compects with
other States and the power to determine what per
from abroad shall be admitted TO, or excluded
from, the territorial limits Of the State, and on
what terms and conditions any such persons shal
be allowed TO come or be required TO depart Both
thesc powers unqucstopable. For centuries @
succession of great minds have been employed
upon this subject Of public law. Beginning with
Grotius in the sixteenth century, and ending will
heat yha d,ad IN, sftty
two years ago, with Lieber, If you please, who
still lvcs, l believe there cannot be found any
where a set Of more profound, wise, humane, chris
tian morasts than these. Men Of great bodnes'
of mind restrained by no positive rules, seeking
the moral truth Of the great subjects they have die
cussed by the best lights of divine and human wis
dom.
Yet not one Of them, so far as know, has ever
doubted that the powers which have mentioned
riRbtfuy exists, and are necessary for the prcscr
vation OF every civilized state.
There il another principle equally clear, and tina
is, that every State may and should exercise ia
powers for its own preservation, and the advance
Incnt of the welfare of it's own citizens
Indeed, outside of this exciting subject, all tbest
principles not only unquestioned, but they have
been acted on by this commonwealth, over anC
over again, to the acceptance Of every body
As carlya 1893, this Commonwealth passed la v
prohibiting, under severe penalty, any shipmaste
IRON landing in this State any foreign convict;
this has since been, and is now, the Law. Whs
right had the State to pass this law? The right Il
protect Its pubnc peace, and the persons, and prop
erty, and morals OF is ctizens and to exercise IL
own discretion s TO what persons from abroae
might prove injurious to either.
In 1890 it was found Ireland was pouring upor
our shores tide of paupersm aud discase. 1h'
victims Of centuries Of oppression and wrong came
hithcr 10 Geek rcliefand succor. Poor houses anc
hospitals were empticd of their contents, which, a
the public expense, were transported bithcr. Die
any man doubt the rightful authority Of the Legis
lnturc TO put stop to thisi to say that these per
some, however ground down by oppression and dis
tress at home, must not be thrown upon our hands
| No one that ever heard Of doubted H. On the con
trary, very stringent laws were passed, which WI
have been ling ever since to maintain sgans
the exclusive power Of Congress over commerce
What right has the State 10 pass these sws' an
ever again, the right Of scif-protcction. The righ
to deter what persons from abroad shall be sd
mittcd to its territory; the right to its own dis
crction, and consult the safety and welfare Of IL
citizens, in admitting or excluding them.
Let me borrow illustration out of this yer,
subject of slavery. We all know that in ever,
slsveholding State there thousands of slave
who, from age, disease or inhrmity, mere bur
dens. Now, we have heard some angry talk abou
retalistosy Legislation. Suppose Carolina an,
Georgia should pass laws that IL any such aged