The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-22
The Question Of the p.x.

Whilst we maintain that the plan of adj
justment of the Territorial question, sub
mitted TO Congress in the PRESIDENTS
California message, is the most practical,
direct, and speedy mode Of settlement yet
suggested, we have forborne to offer any
objection to the compromises preferred or
proposed by others. The object of every
patriot is the settlement Of this vexed con-
troversy, the restoration of harmony, and
the return of peace. Any scheme that
can effect these objects deserves counte-
nance and support. We shall certainly
be satisfied with any such Congress may
adopt.
The principal merit OF the plan of the
PRESIDENT is, that whilst it settles the ques-
ton as completely as any other proposed,
it disposes of it in way to leave the least
possible wound behind. II should not be
desired that either section of the country
should triumph over the other upon a
question like this, if it can be avoided.
Neither section should taunt the other with
having backed out; for as certainly as such
taunt can be fairly thrown out against
either, will the halls of Congress be filed
with fanatics or ultraists from that section.
No reasonable and loyal citizen wishes to
see moiety of this Union laboring under a
sense of humiliation or shame; and yet
how many speeches have been made in
Congress by factionists and Bitter-enders,
in a bullying and offensive strain, to one
or other section of the country. These
speeches have had the worst effect for the
interests they were designed TO subserve,
admitting that they were not made on pur-
pose TO widen the breach: for we are
quite sure that the people of the North
and South could be brought closer together
by persuasive counsels, by reasonable APP
peals, by sense Of justice, and the du-
ties of good neighborhood, than by a
threatening, disparaging and defiant course
of remark.
A very little observation sdffices to con-
vince any one that both Northern and
Southern representatives have come here
committed to propositions which their rea-
son condemns. In the House of Repre-
sentatives may be witnessed the disgust
ing spectacle Of Free-Soiler, par ercel-
lence, moving the Wilmot proviso 10 a
proposition for mere mischief, and in an
insulting and triumphant strain calling
upon Northern gentlemen to "face the
music" as though they had, one and all
of them, rings in their noses, and could be
horned up to the trough at the instance
of any self-righteous propagandist The
chuckling and conceited air with which this
scene isrepeated from time 10 time, too sure
ly proves that fanaticism has been famed
into consequence by those who should have
crushed it. 1t demonstrates that an uni
versal and allowable sectional sentiment
has been prostituted by demagogues and agi-
tators to paltry personal ends. The North
is opposed to the extension Of slavery.
No one complains of this; but when a
sentiment, however honestly and extern
sively entertained, is warmed into fanati-
cal violence, is invoked to consecrate
attractions of law and TO excuse violations
Of constitutional obligations, is seized upon
to provoke strife, and is used as an apple
Of discord to excite anger and confusion
in the councils of the nation, it behooves
those who conscientiously entertain il to
see that it does not degenerate into per-
sonal chattel Of mere mischief mongers
and pharisaical pretenders.
And so of the South. Whilst the sec
tional sentiment Of the North has been