The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-07-02

ed your duty to protect them tbnk therefore, that
there = no difficulty in that aspect Of the case
III IN the settlement OF this question 10 effect any
results satisfactory to the people, we must deal fairly
with them. lnus say, strand say il without casting
imputations upon any onehat this want OF clearness
and fu understanding OF the terms OF adjustment cost
utes one Of the most Objectionable features of this
promise. The senator from Kentucky avows frankly
hat ~ his opinion the South obtains not foot OF
territory under the bill that the Mexican laws still OF
force, exclude them as eecualy as the Wimot Proyiso
II is true that he is too generous gauitonsly 10 insult
as well as exclude the southern peoples he would treat
them with Kindness and dellcacy; yet he has often de-
caed that they in his opinion. derived no benefit from
the territorial part OF the Compromise. But il the
measure should pass. and the decisions Of the courts
coincide with this opinion, will the southern people
who have expected some advantage from this bill feel
themselves injured or deceived Such in my opinion
would be the case and their dissatisfaction be increased
have already detained you too long, Mr. President,
and am myself unfit to discuss the merits of this
Compromise Dill Il has already, however. been much
discussed. and many lar more able than myself will |
doubt not exhibit the strong objections which stand
against its adoption M
II distinct partition could be effected upon the Mis-
soa Compromise line, this territorial question could be
adjusted but the great question Of slavery. which lies al
the foundation o these dltcueshow this great ques
tion is 70 be settled acknowledge cannot determine.
sufficient remedy for the evil Unless some great change
can De effected In the public sentiment OF the States with
which we OF the South associated unless they
o. induced g treat with iarness and justice those who
they can restrain their citizens from the punder Of
property The invasion OF our rights necessarily harassng
s with malignant aspersions. subtle and cruel devices 70
disturb our peace and edanse safety confess can
not tell what adjustment be effected OF one thing,
Mr. President feel secure: the abolitionis who hopes
from the dissolution OF the Union the destruction OF the
South hoping and expecting that the institution Of slavery
cannot be safely and wisely administered by people who
tor hundred years have made subseryent to their inter-
est and happiness is utterly mistaken There never has
been any nation whose security would be more assured
than that OF the southern States Of this coniederacy
forced INTO separate government Linked together
within BY the strongest ties Of community OF interests
and the congeniaty OF senimentwelded together from
without by caiumny and opposonihat spirit 0i devoted
patriotism which finds lis best nurture amid difficult
ties, trials met and overcome-that great principle of
national glory and national strength-woald tower TO
height far uanscendng that which has ever yet been
reached among them have no apprehensions for them
When, IN the history OF The world, has II been ever
known that nation possessing the wealth, intelligence
civilization, and strength OF the southern States OF this
coniedeacy was found incompetent to control IFS slaves
Ancient States stood secure, though similarity Of
tended TO confound the distinctions OF condition. and
weaken and endanger the authority OF the masters
Greece enlightened and Rome conquered the world
ing their organization poliiy upon this institution OF sa-
suit, and can, with unterred 'front.' look upon the com
ing danger lower il never so darky OF this, too, am
sure; there are those who seek 70 retain us in thus
wn hn prp0ss o. deadly hostility to our ns
him who. saying "An thoH in health, my brother !"
snoe his adversary under the filth nb--they, TOO,
doomed
they bid US prepare for the change that must come.
hear the answer not near, loud but clear and firm
We are setting house in order, not to die but live
beg pardon OF the Senate Mr. President, for having
Mr.. FOOTE Il with mingled sentiments OF regret
and surprise that find the honorable gentleman who has
Just taken his seat has not been Kind enough 10 enghen
US 10 regard 10 the points presented by relative 10 the
views OF his iliusrous predecessor, lMr CALHoUS,J
touching the respective merits OF the Missouri Compro
mse and non-ln!ervention We had right 10 expect
ground ~ favor OF the Compromise line OF SO deg 30 mn,
ne would have informed US whether he agreed with me
or not IN sapposng that, were MIR. Calhoun alive,
ne would IN his judgment. have preferred what he for
mery 30 much condemned 10 that which he formerly APP
proved most warmly, Any information upon point
so interesting as thus would have been doubtless most
gratefully received by the whole Senate But the hon.
orable gentleman has left us quite much in the dark
on this head as we were before he arose and do not
know what better the Senate can do than 10 take il for
granted that all that have said the subject is felt TO
be true beyond contradiction or argument Sir now
again challenge denial, from any quarter and especially
IRON the two worthy senators from South Carolina in
gard TO all that have this day asserted concerning Mr.
Calhouns opposition 10 the Missouri Compromise and
his sanction OF the inerventoa principle Upon the
basis OF rreutabe tesiimonyhe testimony OF recorded
speecnes-do | make this assertion, and hazard this
challenge and il not met as desire to be- will
hereafter claim TO be recognised as more faithful
disciple and expostor OF The great Carolina statesman than
those who had much higher claims than myself to his
confidence and kindness when in life tell honorable
gentlemen again that am upon the platform OF non.in
reared by the genius OF john &. Calhoun
and IL they will not stand shoulder 10 shoulder with
upon thai platform, shall feel authorized 10 refuse
10 them as his proftsscd followers.
The honorable senator 10 whom am specially respond
ing is fresh from the great theatre OF conventional action
In Nashville, where he has enjoyed opportunity OF in
sentiments and commingling opinions with
many ofhe most able, accomplished, and patriotic in
The nation, n regard 10 the great questions which now dis
tract the peace OF He knows well that n that
the views and wishes OF Mr. Calhoun were
held in the highest reverence and feel authorized
eousy TO demand OF him whether not he understands
Mr. Calhoun TO have preferred AT any lime, the Missouri
Compromise line 10 non-inervenlioni Well, sir, ii he
cannot deny that Mr.. Calhoun did prefer nonnterven
lion to any mere geographical fns would like TO know
spec for the wisdom of his lusous countryman which
we had right to expect hm TO exhibit who now occu-
pies the seat which Mr. Calhoun highly adorned
WE'LL sir, any rate, shall solace myself under the
siess sssament to which have been subjected OF late.
and especially IN the State Of South Carolina with the
Iact that II am IN error IN pfeerrng non intervention
10 the Missouri Compromise, err with John c. Cal
houn and Thomas Jefferson; and among those who
have proper regard for the opinions OF these illus
nous sages, | shall not be over hastily condemned
Tor supporting bill upon every clause OF which the
principle OF non-inervention s most plainly stamped
Sir, I am most profoundly astonished that the hon.
Drabe senator from South Carolina, Mr.. BARN
this occasion, should have undertaken to urge upon
he has done, that he should be contented with
congressional adjustment which does not accord TO
he South recognition OF the right 10 carry slaves into
vacant territories below SO deg 30 min Is this non
nterventon Il n-inteventon to exclude the South
above 80 deg 30 min Is II not better to open the whole
country equally 10 the North and the South, this bill
ants OF rther from any part of the Territory Is not
his a.te. plan al least the one which Mr. Calhoun ad-