Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1850-02-21


world, Of reason, and Of justice, that the
stairs of law, as it existed a, the moment of
the conquest or acquisition, remaIns until
altered by the sovereign authority of the
conqucring or acquiring power That is
a great principle, and you can scarcely turn
over page of the public law where you will
not find it recognized. The laws of Mexi-
co, as they existed at the moment of the ces-
sion of the ceded territories to this country,
became their laws still, unless they were al
tered by that new sovereign power which
this people and these territories came under
in consequence of the treaty of cesson To
the United States. | think then, sir, with
out trcsplssing further, or exhaustlng the
little strength have, and for which | shall
have ample occasion in the progress of the
argument-that may leave that part ofthe
subject with two or three observations only
upon the general power which, think, ap-
pertains to this government upon the sub
ject Of slavery within those Territories.
Bat, sir, before | approach that subject,
allow me TO say that, IN my humble Jadg-
ment, the institution of slavery presents two
questions totally distinct, and resting upon
entirely different grounds slavery within
the states, and slavery without the states.
Congress, the general government, has no
power, under the constitution of the United
States, To touch slavery within the states,
except in three specified particulars in that
Instrument; to adjust the subject of rep
reseataiion, to impose taxes when system
of direct taxation is made, and to perform
he dnty OF surFcndering, or causing to be
delivered up, fugitive slaves whea they es-
cape from service which they owe IA slave
states, AMI take refuge in free states. And,
sir, an ready to say that If Congress were
to attack within the sta.e, the InSt:-
tut:on Of slavery, with the purpose ct lie
overthrow or extinction Of slavery, then,
Mr.. President, " my voice would be Tor
waT." Then would be made a case which
woaId justify in the sight of God, and IN
the presence Of the nations OF the earth, re-
slstluce On tie part of the slave states
to such Al unconstitutional, usurped al
tempt as would be made under the sIpposl-
ton jhlt have stated. Then, SIT, We
shouli be acting in defence of cur rights,
of oar domIcils, Of our safety, of our lives.
Fhen. | think wolld be furnished case IN
which the Save states would be justified by
all tie considerations which appeFtAIn to
the happiness or security OF man, To employ
every INSTRUMENT which God or nature has
placed in or hands, 10 resist such an at
tempt upon The part OF th.s government-
Thea, SIR, II, unfortunately, civil war should
break out, we should present 10 the nations
Of the earth the spectacle OF one portion OF
this Union eudearoring TO subvert an lnsil-
tu;ion OF another portion, IN violation OF
the Constitution and the most sacred obli-
cations. We should present spectacle IN
which we should have the sympathy and
good wishes. and desire for our success, OF
all men Hholoye Justice and truth.
Ear different, fear, would be our case,
lfunhappiy, we should be led into war, into
civil war, If tie two parts of this country
should be placed in hostile positions towards
each other, IN 0fder to carry slavery INTO
new territories acquired from Mexico. Mr.
President, we have heard-ail of Us have
read-of the efforts of France to propagate
what on the continent of Europe! Not
slavery, sir, not slavery, bat the rights OF
man; aud We know the fate of her efforts
o. proparaudisn oil that kind But, If,
unhlppliy we should be involved IN war,
in civil ar, between the two parts OF this
con.ederlcy, IA which the eiiort upon the
one side should be to restrain the introduce
ton of slavery lato the new territories, and
upon the other side toiorce lis introduction
there, what spectacle should We present
TO the establishment OF mankind, lii an et-
fort not to propagate nights, but must
say il, sir. though lru>t 1t VIII De under
stood to be SAID with no desire To excite
feelings war TO propagate wrongs IN the
territories thus acquired from Mexico. 1t
would be Il war in winch we should have no
sympathy, no good wishes; IN which all
naaAind would be against US for, from the
{ ,iimencemeIt Of the Revolution down to
the present tine, we have constantly re-
preached our British ancestors for the NITRO
ducilon OF slavery into tins country. And
allow me to say, that IN my opinion, 1t Is
one of the best dclenccs which Gun be made
to preserve the institution OF slavery III tins
country, that ii was forced upon us against
the wishes of our ancestors-of our own
American colonial ancestors-and by the
cupidity of our British commercial ances-
tors.
The power, Mr. President, in my opinion
and extend il to the introduction as
we'll is to the prohibition of slavery in the
now terrilories-does exist in congress, and
think there is this Important distinction
between slavery outside Of the states and
slavery inside of the states; that all outside
of the states is debateable, and all inside of
the states IS not .debateable. The govern
ment has no right TO attack the institution
within the states but whether she has and
to what extent she has or has not, the right
TO attack slavery outside OF the states, Is a
question debateab!e, upon which most men
may honorably and fairly differ; and how
ever it may be decided, furnishes trust, no
Just occasion for breaking up tins glorious
Union of ours.
am not going TO take up that part OF
the subject which relates to the power OF
Congress to legislate. | shall have occa-
sion to make some observations upon that
sGblect in the course oimy remarks, wheth-
er Ia the District of Columbia, or IN the
territories; but must say IN few words
that think these two sources oil power,
either of which is sufficient, III my opinion,