The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-10-22

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violate no lag, to be sure but she will come
under the polcer given to him to suppress combi-
nations which cannot be suppressed = by the or
binary course ofjudical proceedings, or the power
vested In the marshas. " But the combinations
must be to arrest iairs, not to walk on land and
they must be too powerful for judges and mar
shas, before the President can interfere. How
are we TO know when they are too powerful for
the judicial officers and their assistants Why,
when they say so, and call for his help not when
he thinks so. CASES have been put to show that
the President might interfere 10 suppress conibi-
nations without any previous calproceedings.
Enough to say in answer TO these cases, that he
could not do so under this statute. With time, we
| would show that he cannot do SO at all.
I" But he has power, under circumstances, to
prevent Instructions to the laws Of Stale ter
iiiory." Again we ask, what State law has been
violated, save the law Of Texas, and that by the
President HIMSELF What territorial law has been
yiolated' The President points to none.
| But treaty is law. the President informs us,
and he has to see TO the execution of that. A
treaty is, in strictness, not law, but contract
but as ii is called a law in the Constitution, we
will not take exceptions to the name. Still, the
thing is not changed in its nature; and this is just
precisely such a !" Ia,c" as the President, in the
case before u.s. cannot enforce at all upon his own
mere motion. We will not stop to inquire when
he may enforce treaties. Suffice il to say, that
there is any thing settled in this world, it is that
treaty binds none but the parties to it, and nei-
ther can derive authority from il to interfere with
the rights Of third parties who had no voice in it.
But here is a prodigy in international law. The
President derives from Merico right to make war
| upon Texas, a province of his own country and
| to make war upon her for entering without his
| permission, upon the very territory which his
! country went TO war to secure to Texas. The
President believes this is all right, or he does not.
If he believes it, he oughtto resign his place inn
mediately if he does not, he should be pushed
out of it without moments delay. !" But Mr..
Webster believes it, and he is profound jurist !"
1t is not fair to argue against Mr.. Websters opin-
ions, until he has had time to change them.
Enough to say he is not the President. I" But the
treaty stipulaes that Mexicans remaining in New
Mexico shall be protected in the free enjoyment
| Of their liberty, property, and religion. And
was Texas going to interfere with any of these
rights? And if she was, did the treaty stpulate
that the President was to protect themt
Through column and half Of his message,
the President argues upon the assumption that the
disputed territory is part of New Mexico, and
therefore, having well ascertained boundaries, from
which he intends to drive Texas, and which he
cannot do without knowing what he is to drive
her from, and then he tells us that he had no
"authority to determine what was the true line of
boundary between Mexico and the United States,
before the treaty Of Hidalgo, nor has he any such
power, since the question has become question,
between the State of Texas and the United States.
So far as this boundary is doubtful, that doubt
can only be removed by some act Of Congress, to
which the assent Of the State of Texas may be
necessary, &c." But" he proceeds, "all must
now be regarded as New Mexico, which was pos
sessed and occupied as New Mexico, by citizens
Of Mexico at the date of the treaty" Here IS a
pretty batch Of inconsistencies to come from the
first officer Of the Government! He is going to
protect citizens within certain lines which he has
no authority to determine any thing about He
must recognize the orig inal boundaries of New
Mexico, by some old map that he had before, and
cannot recognize the map that was made to ex-
plain the treaty, and which filings all the disputed
territory to Texas. ''','.
From this profound course Of reasoning, he
comes to the conclusion that it is proper case for
amicable adjustment. 1t is adjusted, and about
three times much territory as was IN dispute, IS
cut out of Texas, extending four degrees and
! half below $3.50, and purchased by the United
States at the price of $40 OCT, 00O We have seen
that there was not the slightest ground for dispute
between the United States and Texas. Let us
now give the true version Of this outrageous trans
action. Here it is; Texas was large slavehold-
ing State, liable to be cut up into four more slave
holding States. This, an Abolition President and
Congress could not endure. A dispute was there
fore to be raised, and the alarm of civil war was
to be spread through the country, to prepare the
way for another of those insidious, deceitfu, pill
| fering things called compromises Heretofore
we ha, been compromised out Of the common do
| main only. Now, we were TO be compromised
out of well secured slave territory; and that was
to be turned into Free-soil Hitherto we had only
| compromised away rights; now we were to COM.
| promise away our own lard Heretofore we only
gave the Free-soilers much of the income Of the
partnership, upon condition Of their leaving part
for future disputes. Now we were to surrender to
them part Of our Capital and help them to pay
for it.
This is the true version Of the Presidents man
Guvrng; and it has succeeded. Thus closes
series Of aggressions and usurpations which would
move any other free people under heaven to arms,
but the "cHVALRY" of the South. California,
Utah, New Mexico, and tremendous slice of
Texas, all bathed with Southern blood, gone, and
forever gone, without a shillings worth to the
South, (save Texas and debt Of ten millions
saddled upon her to boot! All this In one session
of Congress, and all intermixed with the broadest
insults, the keenest sarcasm, the bitterest taunts,
the bodest dares, and the rudest reproaches, that
ever were heaped upon the heads Of an unoffend-
ing people since the world was made. But the
South is comfortable still. To be sure, there is
little twitchng Of her nerves, but shehas been ia
vorednpith law to help her to reclaim her slaves,
and though it cannot be enforced, it shows such
kindness on the part of her tormentors, that she
must be won to quietude by it., at least. And
some Of her blood-bought territory has govern
ment provided for it without an unconstitutional
condition to it; and last and best of all, she has
got peace, that gracious boon which the high
wayman does not always leave to his victim.
Has she been driven out Of California; That is
no ground of resistance" says Mr.. Toombs,
&c California had surely right to exclude slavery
from her soil if she chose.' True, friend Robert,
and she had right to defined limits and a terrific
rial government, three years ago; but she could
not get it, without interdct of slavery ncorpo-,
rated in it. It is not the right of California that
we complain Of, but the miserable iugglery by
which she was first postponed, and then pushed
pren,aturely and ANONYMOUSLY into the form Of q
State. The overlapping of all justice to keep her
out, until she came with her anli-siayery passport
in her hand; and the overlapping of all custom to
get her in, when she presented her passport. The
whole procedure is beslimed with anti-savery
filth; and therefore we object to it, as one Of a
thousand tokens, that we are to get nothing from
the Federal Government but injustice as long as
we remain under it. "Nothing wrong in Texas
selling part of her domain if she chooses to do
so," says Mr.. Stephens. Nothing, friend Alex
ander. But it is to the manner Of getting up the
l.. -. IL