The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1850-11-27

elections il the extent to which the pdlpit has been
degraded TO stump speaking on tAe slavery ques-
ton. With the strictest impardality, we must
exenerate the Catholic church. With equal dis
erection and good sense, il has kept aloof from our
political squabtles, and especially from the mis-
chievous agitation of this Fugitive Slave law
The founder of Christianity taught his disciples
neutrality in politics, and obedience to the laws;
but oflate years, too many of our Northern churches
have ngled in the dirty work of politics, and sell
dom to any good purpose. In the late elections,
their inter ddling has been absolutely mischie-
vous in its tendency in open violation of the law,
and in direct opposition to The safety OF the Union,
and the safety of society.
A Presbytery in the western part of Pennsylva-
MIA, and we believe the Presbyterian Synod of
Pittsburgh, have placed themselves in direct hos
tly to the Fugitive Slave law /; and instead of re-
commenting obedience and respect 10 il, openly
gave cOuntenance to resistance and bloodshed,
as the "hieher law' of conscience and religion
This monstrous and destructive heresy has
extended, more or less, through all the Northern
States. 1t has divided churches, societies, and
families, and has finally carried some of our
most important elections to the most deplorable
Issues. The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, of this
himself, recommends bloody reasonable resis-
lance TO the execution of the law; boodshed, and
even murder, being holy in his eyes, if resulting
from such resistance. How far these mischievous
and wicked doctrines, in the disguise of Soon
science" and religious duty, affected the elections
in New York, we have no means of judging; but
we have no doubt that they exerted a powerful
influence.
-. 4 ,I,a
9th instant, consisting of Methodist ministers of
New York, Brooklyn, and Williamsburg, they re
solved that the Fugitive Slave law was incon-
sistent with the constitution, the objects of the
Union, and "inquitous and unnghteous in its pro.
visions, and in fsgrant violation of the law of
Cod" but they do not go to the extreme of open
rebellion, urging only call wise and prudent
means for the repeal of said law" Their proceed
ines were, notwithstanding, mischievous inter-
ference in political matters, with which, as
church, they have no business to intermeddle at
all. AS citizens, they have full liberty TO pass any
resolutions they please; but as a church, they
ought to ABIDE by the limits of the New Testament.
In Massachusetts,, the doctrine of notification is
sort of religious principle, or fanaticism. The
same spirit of bigotry and intolerance which burnt
the witches and drowned the Quakers among the
the early Puritans, may be traced to the judgment
pronounced against Mr. Webster 10 the reelection
Of Horace Mann. The sermons of such preachers of
politics from the pulpit the Rev. Theo. Parker,
ofBoston, advising the bloody resistance to the
execution of the fugitive law, as Beecher and
Fred Douglass, have done the work. The people
of New England are a religious people-always
have been. But many have got that bright idea Of
modern philanthropy into their heads, that South
ern slavery is sin, and that higher law " than
the Constitution and the laws under which they
live and are protected, requires that they should
aid the fugitive 10 escape, or snatch him oil by vo
lence from his master, rather than submit TO the
law This is Christianity run into hypocrisy or
fanaticism, and conscience turned ,c treason. It
is this religious abstraction, preached in the
churches, that resistance to slavery is obedience
10 God, which has given the late extraordinary
impulse to notification in Massachusetts,, which
has carried the State elections, and in the issue
between MIR. Webster and Horace Mann, has
resulted in the prostration Of the great Statesman
uruu the vrIy 1i,ai or ,hU Cunstisution.
in the Western States, the same principle OF
religious ianatioism has contributed TO similar re-
suits. The defeat of Mr.. Buel. for Congress, in
the Detroit district, Michigan, is a striking exam
pie. General Cass resides in Detroit Mr.. Buel
represents that district in the present Congress.
A, the last sson he voted for the Fugitive Slave
bill, and, as the political and personal friend of
General Cass, il is understood that that vote
was according 10 his wishes. Coed faith to the
compromises, obedience to the laws, and the
harmony Of the Union, suggested the rc-elec-
tion OF Mr. Buel as the test Of the appreciation of
the people He was defeated by the nulliiers, who
settled upon the vhic candidate, pledged against
the law. The churches, with some exceptions,
took tie field with the nullihcrs. The re.clpiure
Of fugitive slave az Detroit added fuel 20 the
txcitGnent Sermons on The Sabbath day were
devoted 10 the condemnation Of the Fugitive law,
as violating the feelings Of humanity aud the IN
functions Of holy writ The doctrines Of irra-
son, and the instincts OF predjufce, thus clothed in
the drOpery Of religion, wer successful; and q iss
shared in Michigan The fate OF Webster In Mlssa-
chusers.
These two prominent cases are sufficient to show
the disastrous power Of the churches when they
become the blind instruments OF demlEogues and
fanatics, traitors and nulhiers in their political
schemes. Il is Degrading to the church and dan
gerous to the Safe to minge vita such allies in
eny political con;cst whatever. 10 these two cases
the mischiefwll soon he apparent Ifthe strength
notification, what reliance have the South in the
future forbearanco OF the Norlhl The fact of
the election Of Horace Mann, a ravug abolidonist,
and ufihe defeat OF Buell. the platform Of the COM
promises, with all the attending circumstances,
is better calculated 20 widen the Jealousy, dis
rssi, aud disuilecton 70 the Union, in the South,
than oil the other results o the late elections com
biued. Il will embulden the nulIiisrs to more
violent agitation in Congress upon the slavery
question. at time when the Southern temper il
not in the mood for udng II wcakens the hands
Of the lovers Of the Union, and leaves It, to gre
extent, to the mercy Of the ebolitionists. Had
Webster, Cass end Dickinson been sustained, the
case would have been widely different. ltwould
have enlarged the confidence Of The South, en-
oouraged the conservatives, and crirpled the ugi'a-
tors beg ond the power Of further mischief
But such are some Of the incidental evils OF