The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-11-03

From The Boston Daily Advertiser.
Letter from Hon samuei A Ehtss.
We take pleasure in laying before our readers the fol.
lowing communication from the Hon Samuel "A. Eliot,
explanatory OF his views the subject Of the fugitive
slave bill which received his vote on passage in the
aonse OF Representatives, in concurrence with the Sen.
ate IN winch boiy il originated We trust his constit-
uens and the public will do him the Justice OF giving II
careful perusa They will perceive that he has not
acted on his subject, as ne is incapable OF doing on
any, thoughessy or without satisfactory his
own mind, and such deserving of careful consid
eraon Those who may no, agree with him in his con-
clusons will least give him the credit Of having acted
independently, according 10 his own sense Of public
duty.
Mr. Hale: The peculiar circumstances OF the tines
and OF my own posltion induce me TO ask OF you the
OF the columns of the Advertiser for brief expla-
nation Of the reasons OF The course have recently par
sued do il in the hope, and indeed in entire confidence,
that my fellow citizens know well enOugh and have
known long enough, TO enable them 10 believe the
statement am about max g, and that they will impue
10 sinister or ambitious motive Tor wh al may not
have met with their appreciation. & t4 se8 ssl ~
II is rather striking circumstance attending the ex-
element of the present moment that among the several
subjects of importance which have beef brought the
attention OF the great community OF the North, the
which has reused all their lire and excited SO much sym
pahy and ingnaton precisely the only In regard
to which there existed any constitutional obligation All
the other questions TO be adjusted considerations
Of propreiy expectancy, but this upon the sense Of
duty alone The feelings are, at all times very had
guides Tor political action; and In this case il seemed
me to be imperative upon every claiming 10 act on
principle anG with due reverence for the constitutions to
SET aside every impulse OF feeling, and to consider
especially his obligations TO the government under which
he lives 4
In order to have clear and just sense Of The nature
and weight of those obligations deem Unnecessary 10
advert little to the history OF the period when there
no constitution of the United States; to inquire what
was the condition of things at that time what the
for forming the constitution, and the terms upon
which alone could be adopted is well known that
the state of affairs, both at the North and the South pre-
yous the adoption of the constitution was one Of I'm
equaled depression and misery The period Of the war
Of the revolution itself was less disastrous times Tor
war gave the exclusive possession o the home
ke al least and our own industry was supported BY
own consumption But with peace came the ntroduc-
ton of foreign commodities, at such rates of duty
each rival chose to xgeneray the lowest possible on
free.trade principles and, had little else than
corn, wheat and tobacco to pay with, compelled
to glut markets with very limited variety of
articles and thus depress prices for selling, we'll
those for buying. People were impoverished, dis.
hearened, miserable to such degree that the days
of the confederation between the close OF the war
and the adoption OF the constitution are universally
spoken of by historians, and were always described
by the men OF that generation whom we remember 70
have seen the darkest and most distressing period
of history Everybody saw and acknowledged
that the union OF these sovereign and independent
States into government was the remedy, and the
only remedy, for the existing evils There were great
difficulties in the way of such an experiment Il was
complicated arrangements embracing almost innumera.
BILE particulars But all might be arranged pretty well
except one Slavery had been abolished in some of the
Sates and sll existed in others. Here seemed an IN
surmountable incompability ol interests and nothing
perpexed the wise of that dayand they very
wise men-so much this topic. AT last they agreed
that the constitution should have nothing to DO with
III that the word slavery should be mentioned In
and that it should be left 10 the management snd con-
troll of the States themselves 10 establish, retans abo
ish it, just much after the adoption OF the conssitulion
before. But, in order TO the existence OF the
insiitoon those States who preferred it, il agreed
that persons escaping from labor to which they were
bound in one Commonwealth, and found IN another
ha 10 tha ntbir hod
The provision necessary Tor the preservation OF this
interest IN sdtu quo 1t did not exend slavery kept
where already was and where i could not have con-
tinued every slave who escaped to the North was at
once be free and iTreclamable The members OF the
confederacy from the South this distinctly. ard de-
beraely declared that they could not and would enter
into Union with States who would tempt away their
slaves with the prospect OF Immediate and permanent
freedom sa N. ~
slaves conservative measure only II simply did
not curta the extent OF slavery, rather Il did not
abolish it for such would have been the speedy result II
the United States bad guaranteed the freedom Of every
runaway slave. IL W
The question them for predecessors 10 decide was
whether was right and expedent to form Union with
sayehoders and promise them not to interfere with their
Isaveholding. They decided that II was az think we
should have done IL had been in their places They
decided that they could endure any longer the misery
which oppressed them every side the subiection to
the foreign merchant the slavery o themselves and their
children to the European manufacturer and tfader
The constitution adopted with this provision and
il could not have been adopted without It. The States
that had won their power 10 make constitutions for them
selves by co operating through eight long years of
hausiing war; and who had thereby acquired mutual
and attachment which could be created by moth
ing short of such tolls and sacrihces would
never without that provision have joined in political
union would never have the example OF the success
fu experiment OF republican government Tor sixty yeats
OF unparalleled growth and prosperity; and would never
have left 10 us the nestnable Inheritance OF wisely
contryed and balanced government TO- which we have
been indebted for so many privileges and advantages un
known to the OF the world and the prospect Of gseaier
and greater success with all advancing time, II we will
only maintain il in its original proportions.
Not only did our fathers bequeatb as this glorious con-
sttion but the precious inheritance Of their lame, their
wisdom their valor their PATRIOTISM and especially that
spoess reputation Of their great leader, the rst IN the
hearts Of his countrymenp shall not attempt eulogy
on that revered IL is not necessary Not true
heart beats in America tha, does not cherish bis renown
as large part otbe national glory, that does not love
as well as honor the name Of washington bm inefe
have OF late years sprung up parties who have 20 a
understood or forgotten, dsregarded the q
their fathers as introduce into the dscusnons o. Po
ca subjects the government OF me onneo 49, w.
ver tonic which was excluded from the consultation, ana
IN relation to which the government acting I'M
lar ran have no power and who, assuming reepu1
siby for the continued existence oil slavery wnicn
the famers OF the constitution expressly aDjused TOT
that government have felt themselves called upon 70
.crss he snbiect In very excited and violent man
nsr More than this they have forgotten (ot disfe-
gardedl The last injunctons and entfeaties Of the
Father of his Country They have formed geogfaphiI
cal party and by OF violent aneuage, and some
tmps by acts OF violence, they have nhaned the slsve
holding States ID the very which was ioreseen and
forbidden by the wisdom and patriotism Of Was,ngton
IN -