The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-10-19

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restitution, cease from aggression, o. Be liable
to reprisals of war. . & "a ,-1 - ~
Mr. Raymond said, In the New York lepislc.
ture, that ii we were separated, where one Alb
Oitionist now steals his way into the South IN
abduct slaves, five hundred would do so !; and he
pretty broadly limited tlat the whole North
would be turned into m abolition society, and
that there would be crusade against slavery
This would be war at once, which we will treat
of before we close. fsts..14 s s.
As to the inroads of Abolitionists, we think
they would cease, and be easily guarded against
We do not believe that many men seek martyr
dom, and when the false notion of Northern re-
sponsibty for slavery il taken away, we think
but few would be found who would ask the
consequences OF unlawful interferences with
different sovereignty. Should they do so, we
can prevent them by police regulations, and, for
a time, passports mi hit be required, as they are
on the Rhine; but the matter could and must
be regarded by treaty stipulations, and then the
Northern States would have to decide whether
they would violate the law of nations and risk
the consequences, or live with US in peace
When the matter is looked into, it win be dis
covered that all the aggressons of this character
which we suffer arise from perversion of tho
spirit and power Of the General Government.
One of the greatest objects we have to attain,
is to destroy the excuse which the North have
set up to interfere with our rights, and place
them in the position of lawless aggressors. 1t
is rather strange, that under the Constitution
framed by twelve, out Of thirteen slaveholding
States, claim of Interference is set up and acted
on, which would not for u moment be tolerated
by separated nations.
Another argument is, that there is no certainty
that Maryland, Kentucky, North Carolina and
Missouri will unite with us; and that other
Southern States will hold off, or join their arms
to the North against us. We cannot disguise
from ourselves that this is matter of uncer
tainty, and probably it is the strongest reason
why we should act ut once. We come to the
point. II Kentucky or Missouri is uncertain
now, is it not certain that they will be against
us ina few years, if we submit to Northern spo-
liation, and tarnish the honor of the saveholding
States ..-r
If those States are so much alienated from
| slavery, as to be Indifferent to the equality and
constitutional rights of the South at this time, it
is evident that II they are longer subjected to
the inroats of abolitOnism, and consequent in
security of their slave property, they cannot be
relied on at any future time; and, in fact, we
may, in a few years, expect that they will be
against us. Those States will do as they please
| We think that whilst they retain slavery their
honor is implicated well as ours, in resisting
insult and aggression and they are, politically,
rs much concerned to maintain political equality
as we are .a"s
We must determine for ourselves, and rely on
the many reasons which will operate Oh them to
unite with us--reasOns which operate more for
chilly now than they win hereafter.
We believe that those States cannot retain
slavery and remain in the Union because no act
Of Congress can reach the evil of slave abduc-
ton, and the efforts of organized societies, with
great talent, energy, and capital, acting from the
non-slaveholding States along border of several
thousand miles.
If they intend to retain slavery, they must
unite with us and it will be greatly to their
interest to do So they would have great advan-
tages, by adhering to US, which they would not
have in Northern conlcderacy, which they
could only join by giving up millions of dollars
worth of slave property, and by sacrificing what
we believe to be the feeling of their inhabitants
in favor Of the institution of slavery.
We can only say further, on this subject
that no one can expect that any great political
change can take place which is free from difficult
ties and dangers. This exists from the very ma
ture Of things, and should be weighed and re-
Elected on by.every patriot and statesman.
In our next we will allude to the probability
of war be. ween the North and South, in cast
the latter secedes from the Union. We will
show that there is, in reality, more danger OF
WIZ, by remaining in the Union, than by seccs-
sion, and that a war originating in the Union
would be of n much worse character than one
which should arise between separate nations.
The one would partakc of all the calamties of
a civil war, and 1t might, to some extent, of n
| servile war; whilst the other would be govern
| ed ty the law of nations, and would be freed
from all the hurry and embittercd feelings of
sudden uprisinuS. when the feelinps of n
wronged and outraged people seek vent by sud-
denly rushing to arms The difference would
be as between organized war and a mob And
we assert that more causes for war will exist in
the Union than out of it, and therefore there
will be more chance Of war.
CoFrEE.-Forty-two years ago, the annual
crop Of coffee in Brazil did not exceed 10000
bags. Even in 1920 it only reached 100000
bags. At that time the high price of coffee in
England, and the diminished production in Gu
ba, stimulated the Brazilian planters to extend
its cultivation, and in 1880, they sent to market
100000 bags, or 64,000,000 pounds. and in lS47
the enormous quantity of nearly 30o,Ooo,00o
pounds. ...
Frederick Goodale, member of Mr., Whites
school, Amherst Mass, a lad Of seventeen, on
Saturday the 18th, having a rifle in his hand.
loaded with ball, in sport placed the muzzle
under his chin, and said to another youth pre-
sent, "see how easy a man could kill himself"
at the same time placing his foot against the
hammer, pushing 1t back until it had nearly
cooked, when his foot slipping, the hammer fell
upon the cap, and the rifle disc harged The chin
was entirely blown away, and the ball passed
out through the back of his head.
TO EDITORS OF NEWSPAPERS.
H.. La, .,t.s 4