The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-05-09

these are the alternatives you present US We
demand an equal participation in the whole coun-
try acquired, or division Of it between the
North and the South. For very obvious reasons,
founded upon natural causes, we are less solicit
Gus about the extent of the privilege than the
recognition Of the principle The first would
most probably be boon without benefit; the
last is the vital spark Of whole political sys-
tenn whose extinguishment is death The North
now disavows the principle of division. After
getting more than two-thirds of Louisiana,
portion Of Texas and all of Oregon, under the
Missouri Compromise line Of division, she now
repudiates it, | am content. Let US stand Oh
original constitutional principles But let the
North remember, that when she repudates the
Compromise line, she is entitled to take nothing
by the legislative precedence based upon that
compromise With this reservation, she is not
only without precedent, as have already
shown, for our exclusion from any part of the
common Territories of the Union, but such an act
would beagainst all well-defned precedcnts, from
the beginning of the Government TO this day.
have presented you the case of the South as
strongly as am able to do it, as fully as the time
your rules allow me will permit. 1t is fortified
by principle, by authority, and by the immutable
principles of eternal justice. Ii is not only sup
ported by the principles of our own Government
but by the fundamental principles of every good
NiN'Sihmcus MI Juob SO'cEuHitut 10 uclfCu
from the consent of the governed, and all power
exercised without that consent is usurpation
The universal limitation upon all delegated power,
whether express or implied is that it shall be
rightfully s1d ;1e,1y ::sn1 Eer the common Aene6t
of those who delegate it. No honest, intelligent
man can believe, with the Constitution and its
history before him, that the slavehoding States
intended to confer upon Congress the power to
legislate against their slave property in the Ter
ritoriee or anywhere else. The day that you do
it, you plant the seeds of dissolution in your po-
| litical system. Then the house will be divided
against ITSELF and 1t mnst fall The folly of some,
the timdity of others, and perchance, the treach.
cry of others in the South, may roll back for a
season the wave that shall overwhelm and destroy
it; but it will be the reux of the advancing, not
the receding tide it shall gather strength from
every breaker and will finally accomplish its mis-
sion The first act of legislative hostility to sla-
very is the proper point for Southern resistance
Those in advance may fall--it is the common his
tory of revolutions-but the cause will not fall
with them no human power can avert the result;
it will triumph. Though hostile interference is
the point Of resistance, non-nterference is not the
measure Of our rights We are entitled to nom
interference from alien and foreign Governments
England owes US that much France owes us
that much Russia owes us non-intervention
You owe us more. You owe US protection With
hold it, and you make us aliens in our own Gov
eminent. Our hostility to it, then, becomes ne
cessty-a necessity justified by our honor, our
! interests, and our common safety. These are
stronger than all human government Your hos
tillty is aggravated by the causes which you al
lege in its defence We had our institutions
when you sought our alliance. We were content
with them then, and we are content with them
now. We have not sought to thrust them upon
4:
what you say, that yours are so much the best to
promote the happiness and good government Of
society, why do you fear our equal competition
with you in the Territories We only ask that
our common Government shall protect us both
equally until the Territories shall be ready to be
admitted as States into the Union then to leave
their citizens free to adopt any domestic policy in
reference to this subject, which, in their judg-
ment, may best promote their interest and their
happiness The demand is just. Grant it, and
you place your prosperity and ours upon a solid
foundation; you perpetuate the Union so neces-
sary to your prosperity you solve the true pro-
blem of Republican Government; you vindicate
the power Of constitutional guarantees to protect
political rights against the will of majorities
can see no reasonable prospect that you will grant
it, The fact cannot longer be concealed, the dec
laration Of members here proves it, the action o.
this House is daily demonstrating it, that We are
in the midst of legislative revolution, the Object
Of which Is to trample under foot the Constitution
and the laws and to make the will of the majority
| the supreme law Of the land. In this emergency
our d0ty is clear it is to stand by the Constitu
ton and laws, to observe in good faith all its
| quirsmSnts, until the wrong is consumma ed, un-
I'll tho act Of exclusion is put upon the statute
hook; it will then be demonstrated that the Con-
stitution is powerless for protection; 1t will
then be not only the right, but the duty Of the
slaveholding States to resume the powers which
| they have conferred upon this Government, and
to seek new safeguards for their future security
1t will then become our right to prevent the ap
plication of the resources of the Republic to the
maintenance of the wrongful act
The gentleman from Massachusetts Mr. Mann
says the volcano is raging beneath our feet, thai
thunders are rolling over our heads, and thai
thick clouds are surrounding u.s. If it be true
let the sggressor tremble; we who are contendine
for principle essential to our interest our safe
ty, aud our political equality in this Union, car
suffer no greater calamity than its loss. This i.
an appeal from the argument to our fears. An
swer that appeal in the patriotic language of
distinguished Georgian, who yet lives to arous,
the hearts of his countrymen to resistance Il
wrong When the argument is exhausted, w
will stand by our armsD