The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-08-07

greater excitement, perhaps civil war, would en-
sue And the honorable Senator must permit me
10 say that he did listen To the declaration Of tho
Senator from Maine
Mr. CLAY. | heard all that said by that SEN
ator and have listened to what others have said,
and appeal 10 the Senate If il ia not rarely that
do any injustice 10 any speaker! ] have thought
and have come 10 the conclusion that this plan only
Id likely To succeed. With respect TO the admis-
sion Of California, separately, know nothing more
than the Senator himself. lie knows what has been
threatened and what is likely to occur i'll the other
House. He knows, and believe every Senator
knows, that, with regard TO the employment Of
parliamentary tactics, and the management of the
calling of the House, and the yeas and nays, or
any other means for defeating the admission OF
California separately, they never met my approba-
ton. | stated the fact on information which the
honorable Senator from Tennessee and every other
Senator has in regard to il, and it was upon that
information that l avowed the opinion that this
plan was more likely to pass the House. and be well
received at the South and in all parts Of the coun-
try. have embraced the opinion have given
that, if 1t fails, other comprehensive scheme Is
likely to succeed.
MIR. BELL. These are sentiments which the Sen
ator from kentucky has repeatedly uttered But
had supposed, from many circumstances which
have recently attracted my attention, that the re-
solution had been irrevocaby taken, 'Here plant
myself; ] will do my duty to my conscience, IN
supporting this measure, and, If fail, will go to
the country with confidence and therefore hope
that the honorable Senator will excuse any remarks
that may scein TO be unjust TO him. j thought
had seen disposition in him and other honorable
Senators to say, "Jhis or nothing;" "Herc take
my stand, and, whatever may be the consequence.
will not be moved from it; will go to the coun-
try on this issue" And thought saw in the late
elaborate speech of the honorable Senator from
Michigan Mr.. CAss) an appeal to the country, in
anticipation OF the defeat Of this bill. was sorry
for il.
But this is not in accordance with the sentiment
| announced by the Senator from Kentucky (Mr.
I w fa-da / All hap tn nd
| misunderstood him; have only further to Say, to
the honorable Senator from kentucky, that when
| the Senator from Mississippi (Mr. FoorE) the
other day was denouncing the policy of extending
protection to New Mexico a. ainst forcible dismem
berment as murdcrous, and in violation OF State
sovereignty, regretted that he did not rise In his
place and announce his dissent from the sentiment.
Mr.. CLAY. Perhaps the Senator himself should
have done it.
Mr.. BELL. No, sir, l have taken no lead in these
discussions, but felt that after the high stand the
Senator from Kentucky had taken upon this point,
should have been happy to hear hun reiterate sen
timents which so we'll became an American states
man; and did not know how to regard his silence
when he heard an earnest supporter OF this bill ar
ragn the policy of the Executive in relation to this
point, and when his attention must have been called
| 10 it.
| The gentlemen from Ohio, (Mr. CHAsE,) New
| York, (Mr. SEwARD,) and New Hampshire, (Mr.
HALE,) talk about the cause of freedom. l wish,
sir, had the strength to speak as wish about the
cause of freedom. Paradoxical as it may appear,
this question is that concerns the Of free
dom in the South well in the North. 1t is mol
a question whether you will permit few slaves OF
the South to go and toll in California or New Mex
leo; but it is question of freedom everywhere; the
cause of freedom is wrapped up in the Constitution
and in the Union. These are the great bulwarks,
the Chinese wall of freedom. These once broken
down, anarchy and military despotism become our
inheritance. This is the stake, to some extent, at
issue now. five allow faction-fanatical or poiti-
cal-pI conceived opnions-preJudiceo or partiaiity
| for particular plans or modes OF adjustment to
sway our course, we strike u blow Mt the common
| liberty. No man can be justified before the coun-
try under such circumstances, in taking the posi-
| ton that he will accede to nothing but what his
own Judgment prescrbcs. have no favorite plan
1 for the settlement OF these questions, TO which
would adhere TO the exclusion of all others. have
expressed my readiness TO acquiesce in the plan OF
the President, connecting with 1t the settlement OF
| the Texas boundary. ! proposed a broader plat
/ form, containing all the questions likely 10
arise in the future out of the Texan ration
| solutions. have announced my willingness to go
for the Missouri compromise in its true spirit-an
allotment of territory TO be open TO the admission
/ of slavery ! have EXPIRE ssed the opinion, that,
/ had the great minds which have taken the lead
upon this subject resolved, either of these plans
| could have been carried. storm of agitation and
excitement would have ragged for time, but then
| we should sooner have had permanent quiet. That
| would have been healing of wounds within, and
no mere plastering upon the surface la securing
the adoption of such a measure, would not agree
with tue senator from IN
any recourse to extraordinary tactics in parlia-
mentary proceedings. ] would stand, in such a
cause, upon every privilege allowed by the letter
of the Constitution. | would fight the battles upon
these questions not in the field Of Mars, but in the
halls of Congress. Sir, ! shal be ready To yield
my concurrence 10 any measure which holds out
the remotest prospect Of restoring peace and har-
mony 10 the country. And whatever doubts msy
entertain of the efficacy Of the one now presented
for the decision of the Senate, ! expect TO give II
my vote, unless ! shall that some other more
acceptable measure is likely To find favor with
Congress