The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-09-12
THE SLAVERY QUESTION THE NORTH AND
SOUTH.
To the Editor of me National Era:

To me Editor Of me National Era:
DEAR SIR: Will you permit me to address
yoE=~readeTs :S=SagA IA c.S-1--- 5 ihe En-
on those aspects < >5.S s,o5STJ question whica
pc non, 40italjqO rcOuDfrp2 In dojno 80 Won
neeo not endorse my sentiments unless YOU mp
prove Of them. All that ask is merely TO be heard
on question, Ill the bearings Of which, | am
afraid, are not distinctly understood by the great
mass Of our countrymen. Besides where there
is free discussion Of truth there need surely be
no fear Of its discontinue or overthrow. Its in
herent power is sure TO triumph over all opposi-
ton, no matter how impotent inefficient may
be the means, agents, and instrumentalitics which
may be brought TO its support and elucidation
Believing this, do not hesitate to offer my views
on the present aspects of slavery, hoping that
they may meet with at least a respectful consid-
GRAFTON by all from whom am obliged TO differ.
The first topic which wish to pass under re-
view is that in relation to the extension Of sla-
very. Ought the North, under any circum-
stances, TO permit slavery 10 be carried 10 the
territories which we have recently acquired from
Mexico7 1t is known that this is the great
point for which the South is now contending
and, therefore the real matter at issue between
the two great sections of our country. Ii is
my sincere desire to present this subject in its
true light | wish to discover, and make clear
II possible, the real duty w5fos 40 derolves up
on the North and its Representatives in Congress
ia the exciting and threatening emergency-if
emergency it really be. If there Be danger to
our country, resulting from the portentous as
poets of this subject, it is not only right, but
duty, for US to endeayor 10 ascertain from what
causes il originates, The surest safeguard Of
our liberty is intelligence actuated by virtue for
without knowledge there is a continual danger of
our falling into error unawares.
Let US then inquire, in the first place whether
at all, and if 30, for what reasons, should as
sst the South flor without our assistance the
thing cannot be accomplshed) in this their re-
newed aud bold attempt to extend the unhslowed
domnons Of slavery an institution universally
admitted TO he, by the civilized and Christian
world, not only great evil, but curse, both to
the whites and blacks. Perhaps it may appear
upon due inquiry, that we have not only no rieh
to aid in the extension of this evil, but, on the
contrary, that we are actually forJiddtn, if not by
human laws, (which, think, ought to be the case
at least by those Of the Supreme Lawgiver and
also by the feelings and convictions of the whole
civilized world, from participating and co6pe-
rating in this most glazing iniquty and open VIC
ation of the most sacred rights "to life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness to which the AT
rican race and their descendants are Justly and
equally with ourselves entitled
In this controversy the South, il is known
claims, what it has seen proper to denominate
" an equal participation in the territories II
asserts that Congress has no right to lepisate ON
the subject of slavery, either for the purpose of
restricting or extending the institution" But
why notl To whom do the ternories belong, if
not to the mhole psopls? And how Can their will
| or feelings be better expressed than through our
national Congress? The Constitution OF the
United States has plainly conferred upon Con-
gres the right and duty "to make all needful
rules and regulations in relation to the terrific
-. "a
else their just powers Is SLAVERY so sacred nm
institution that everything must yield to il
Respecting its trpe character is it not universally
known that exactly the reverse of this is the
casef There seems 10 be and no doubt is, a moydi
curse resting upon all its developments and as
poets. 1t blights whatever it touches whether it
be the soil upon which it rests or the institutions
Of society into which it constantly infuses its
own virulent poisons. No society can remain
secure, or prove prosperous, which rests upon Us
basis there is a whitening moral simeon, like
that which sweeps over the deserts Of Sahara,
which accompanies 1t in all its hateful and insid
ous contortions. In its progress it overwhelms
| in its pestilential devastations all that is fair
and lovely, and noble, in the domestic relations Of
life, leaving behind it one widespread scene Of
desolation and woe, comprising the wrecks Of hu-
man hopes, and the torn and lacerated sanctities
Of affection.
have stated it, why should we then consent to its
extension But "the South the South the
injustice to the Southln is the error-stricken
cry which assails us on every hand Injustice to
the S0mh? Has the South, then really any
right to take its slaves to free territory On the
contrary, is not such preisnsiou, on the part Of
the South, the most glazing injustice to the
North IL IL not known to every person of in
tellgence, that free labor and slave labor cannot
co- isf m hp will a.
former2 What, then, il this, but an attempt to
deprive the non-slaoehOidmg portion of our coun-
trymen from enjoying their just and equal share
of advantage in the Territories Were the slave
holders TO cmigrate with their slaves to the now
free Territories aud thus succeed in establishing
this institution in California and New Mexico,
the Janrs of our country's history would indeed
be sad to contemplate. Every Christian | am
sure, must feel anxious TO zee the time arrive
when this miserable aud wicked traffic in the un-
paid toll and suffering Of the slaves shall cease.
Ii IL clear that the South have all the rights in
the Territories with the exception Of taking
their slaves there which we have already shown
to be r,gM at all) which their neighbors of the
North emily More than this they ought not to
expect Were slavery m Institution which
might be taken 10 the Territories without preju-
dioing the interests or the welfare of freedom
and the free people Of the North, then there
might be some shadow Of a pausibility for the
complaints Of the South But even this excuse
Is denied them. They insist upon taking their
local laws and customs where they cannot he in
troduced without producing the greatest injury
TO the other classes Of our citizens. This ought
not to be tolerated. As well ght the argument
that there is n land Of liberty be adduced ia JUS
LITIGATION OF any crime whatever.
There is but one plain course and duty before
the North. Slavery Is an evil Of such depth and
magnitude that we cannot consent TO see IL ex-
tended without mourning the most serious guilt
and responsibility Here is solemn obligation
resting upon every one, snd especially upon the
people ofthe North, to encourage and strengthen
the spirit Of liberty, and TO discourage aud de-
uounoe the spirit of slavery We ought to be
in advance Of all the world on this subject. Our
opportunities for acquiring the most enlightened
sentiments touching this matter, render II mex
cusable and in the highest degree censnrable for
us to be in the least behind Inc age on this point
As our article is already ofsuiIicen length we
must now pause. AT no distant day, perhaps, we
may have something more to say on similar
topics. o. II J.
Phiiadelphd, 1850