The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-02-23
WASHINGTON SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY

these honors or that elevation peg MIN 70 DC per,
suaded that, ii my wishes prevail, my name snail
never be used in competition with his. beg leave
| TO assure him that when my services are termi-
mated in this body-and hope that before the ex-
pration OF my present term they may De.my ms
sion SO far as respects the public affairs OF this
world and upon earth, is closed, and closed, II my
| wishes prevail, forever.
But Il is impossible for us to be blind to the facts
which are daily transpring before US. II IS mPos-
sible for not TO perceive that party spirit and fu
ture elevation mix less in all our affairs, IN
all our deliberations. At moment when the
White House is itself in danger OF contiagrationi
instead of all hands uniting to exnguish the f1ames
we are contending about who shall be its next oc
cupant. When dreadful crevasse has occurred
| which threatens nundation and destruction TO az
around it, contesting and dispuhng about
the profits Of the estate which is threatened with td-
| tai su bmersion.
Mr. President, il is passion, passion party party
and intemperance; that is all dread in the a.
justment of the great questions which unhappilyht
this time divide distracted country. At this
moment we have in the Legislative bodies OF tbs
Capitol, and in the States, twenty odd furnaceshn
full blast in generating heat and passion. and n
temperance, and diffusng them throughout the
whole extent of this broad land. Two months ago,
all was calm in comparison with the present mo-
ment. All now is uproar, confusion, menace to he
existence of the Union and TO the happiness aid
safety Of this people Iimplore Senator's entrtat
them by all that they expect hereafter and by all
that is dear to them here below to rcpress the ardor
of these passionsto look at their country at this
crissto listen to the voice of reason, not it shall
be attempted to be uttered by me, for am notso
presumpuous to indulge the hope, that any thing
can say shall deserve the attention have desird;
but to listen to their own reason, their own judg-
lment, their own good sense, in determining wlat
is best to be done for country in the actual ps-
ture in which we find it. To this great object have
my efforts been directed during this whole sessln.
have cut myself off from all the usual enjoymlnt
of social life. have confined myself almost exdu-
sively, with very few exceptions, to my own chan
Der; and from the beginning OF the session ur to
this time, my thoughts have been anxiously dirtt-
ed TO the object Of finding some plan, OF proposing
some mode of accommodation, which should olce
more restore the blessings Of concord harmony, md
peace to this great country. am not vain enogh
to suppose that have been successful in the accom-
} plishment of this object. But have prcsentd
scheme; and allow me to say to honorable Senatrs,
that if they find in that plan any thing which isie
fective-if they find in it any thing which is worhy
of acceptance, but is susceptible of improvemenby
amendment, 1t seems to me that the true and pari-
otic course for them to pursue is not to denouice
it, but to improve it, not to reject without e1ahi-
! nation, any project of accommodation, hayingfor
its object the restoration Of harmony in this coin
try, but TO look at it, and if it be sasceptbl OF
alteration or improvement, so as TO accomplishing
I object which indulge the hope is common toall
: and every of us-to restore peace, and quiet,
and harmony, and happiness to this country.
When came to consider this subject, there we're
two or three general purposes which seemed tdne
J most desirable, If possible, TO accomplish. lhe
one WIS, to settle all the controverted questbns
arising out Of the subject of slavery; and il seehed
10 me to be doing very little if we settled qes-
ton and left other disturbing questions unadjused
1t seemed to 70 be doing but little if we stopped
one leak only in the ship of State, and left cher
leaks capable of producing danger If not destue-
tion 10 the vessel. therefore turned my atterion
| TO every subject connected with the insttutio Of
r slavery, and out of which controverted questions
have sprung to see il il were possible or pracica
q BILE 10 accommodate and adjust the whole Of thin.
y Another principal object which attracted my
a.
of accommodation that neither Of the two chsses
of States into which our country Is unhappy di-
yided should make a sacrifice of any great Pnci-
. pie. believe, sir, that the series OF resolt tons
I. which have had the honor of presenting o the
= Senate accomplish that object
) Another purpose, sir, which had in vieF was
e this aware Of the difference OF opinio pre-
n yailing between these two classes of States was
aware that while portion OF the Union was puhng
Is matters, as it seemed to me, 20 dangerou ex-
n tremity another portion of the Union puhing
e them 10 opposite, and perhaps TO no lessran-
g gerous, extremity Iappeared 70 me, then, tAi il
! could be made Of the controverted questions be-
tween the two classes Of States, that adjustment
|, that arrangement could only be successful and
efectual by eIncting from both parties con
cessson, not Of prnciple-not Of principle at all
but Of feeling, Of opinion in relation 70 the matter
/ in controversy between them. believe that tn
resolutions which have prepared fulfil that object
/ believe that you. will find. upon that careful, ra
. think they deserve, that by them neither part,
a makes any concession Of principle at all, thoug
!. the concessions Of forbearance are ample.
Il In the next place, in respect 10 the slayebodn
h States, there are resolutions making concessions
)f them by the class oil opposite States without an
l. compensation whatever being rendered by ther
&c 10 the non -slayeboding States.
I, think every one of these characteristics whic
,. have assigned to the measures which propose
susceptible Of clear satisfactory demonstration,
e an attentive pcrusal and critical examination
d the resolutions themselves. Let us take up n
}. first. sir.
II The first resolution. Mr.. President AZ you ar
X aware relates 10 California; and II declares ths
of California with suitable limits, ought 10 be admit
n ted AZ a member Of this Union, without the impc
ston Of any restriction either 20 interdio 10 in
n troduce slavery within her limits Now, is ther
Z; any concession in this resolution by either party
! the other know that gentlemen who come iror
m the saveholding States say that the North gets
D. that IL desires. But by whom docs II get iH Doc
v IL get Il by any action Of Congress? II slavery
&c nterdcted in California, s IL done by Congress,
a this Government No, sir; The Introduction u i'm
posed by California herself And has Il not bee
70 The doctrine of all parties, that when State
about 20 be admitted into the Union, that State ha
a right % decide for itself whether IL will or VII
not have within its limits slavery The great prin
IA ciple which in cOntcst upon the memorable oc
A casion Of the introduction Of Missouri into IN
- | Union vas whether II was competent or was nc
- compctcnt for Congress 10 impose any restriction
which should exist after she became member {
/, the UnionG We, who were in favor Of the admis
y sion of Missouri contcnded that, by the Constitu
: ton no such restriction could be imposed. w
!, coptcndcd that, whenever she was once admitte
into the Union, she bad all tho rights and priv
,o cQes Of any prc-eSisting State Of the Union an
that of these rights and privileges, ono was 20 dc
IA eide for herself whether slavery should shoul
not exist within her limits-that she had muc
~ right TO decide upon the introduction Of slavery
upon i,s abolition, ne New York had right 10 de
eide upon the introduction or abolition OF slavery
"a and that she stood among her peers equal and in
:, vested with all the privileges that any one Of IN
orenal thirteen States and those subsequently ad
II mitted, had a right 10 enjoy.
,s And % thought that those who have been con
n tending with 90 much earDestness and with .
st much Perseverance for the Wilmot proviso, ough
of 10 reflect that even if they could carry their object
70 and adopt the Wilmot proviso, IL would cease th
le moment any State 20 whose territory IL appli
10 cable came 20 be admitted a member Of IN
le Union Noonc contends now--no one believes
is that with regard TO the northwestern states, 3
which the ordinance Of l7S7 was applied Ohio, In
is diana Illinois, and Michigan; one believe
hatany one Of those States, IL they thought proper
n do H. has not Just much right 70 introduc
,c slavery within her borders Virginia has righ
" 70 maintain the existence Of slavery within hers