The Port Gibson herald, and correspondent., 1850-08-09


reasonable mans judgment, the necessity ofthe
application Of this proviso to New Mexico is ap.
parent, why then there is value in il to those who
hold that the further extension Of slavery is TO
be resisted as matter Of principle. But if it
be not necessary, if circumstances do not call
for 1t, why, then there is no value in the Wilmot
proviso, and no sacrifice made in refusing to aD-
ply i, or declining to apply it. That is the
question.
Now, sir, allow me to say the Wilmot proyisois
no matter of principle It is a means 10 an end.
1t cannot be raised to the dignity Of principle.
The principle of the North take to be that there
shall be no further extension Of slave territory.
Let that be admitted, what then? Il does not
follow that in every case you must come down
with "a Wilmot" If there are other circum.
stances, true and veritable, such as influence
and control the judgments of reasonable men,
rendering 1t unnecessary, for the establishment
OF that principle, to apply measure which is
obnoxious and dsagreeabIe to others, and re-
celved by them as derogatory to their equality
as members Of the Union, then say it is neither
KIND. nor patriotic, nor just to apply if. Ny
honorable colleague (Mr. Davis) admitted the
other day, with great propriety and frankness,
that Il it could be made certain, or if it were
certain, that patura causes necessarily exclu-
ded slavery from New Mexico, then the restric-
tlon ought not to be inserted ia the bill! Did
understand him rightly? Mr.. Davis assented. |
Now, by certainty" | suppose my honorable
colleague meant not mathematical certainty,
but that high probability, that moral certainty
which governs men in all the concerns Of life.
Our relations 10 society, our duties to society.
our objects in society are all measured By that
high probability which is something short Of
mathematical certainty, but which we are bound
to act upon IN every concern Of daily life and of
public or private life. Now the question.
therefore-and / address myself 10 gentlemen
OF the N0rth-is this: Is the probability Of the
exclusion of slavery from New Mexico, By ma
tura causes, so high and strong and conclu-
sive as that we should act upon il as we act
upon the same degree Of probability applied
to other questions, in civil moral and social
life? | shall not recur to what | have said
upon this subject; for suppose that my friend
from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Cooper.) and my
friend from Connecticut, (Mr. Smth,) who
discussed this matter lately have left it as much
demonstrated, as any problem Of moral and
political nature can be demonstrated, that it is
true that New Mexico is not country in
which slavery exists, or into which it ever
can be introduced. If il be not so. if anything
further ls necessary to be added to that, here
we have laid before US an authenticate ex-
preston of the inhabitants of that country, who
It is agreed on all hands have the Ultimate RIGHT
Of decision upon the subject, that they are op-
posed to it. Well, then, what is it that is yie.
ded, but mere abstraction. a naked possibii.
ty, upon which no man would act, upon which
no man would venture a farthng now for a
great inheritance to be bestowed upon him
when slavery shall be established in New Mex
leo. Now, there is an authentic declaration
upon the subject, by the people of New Mxxco
| themselves, what is there that should lead ns to
| hesitate in setting this matter? Why should
we proceed on the ground of an abstract prin-
ciple--of adhearing to the Wilmot pfovso? |
must be permitted to say that as applied to this
case it is al! an abstraction do not mean to
say that the injunction against slavery in the
ordinance Of 1887 was an abstraction, but say
that the application of it to this case is a mere
abstraction. 1t does not affect the state Ofthngs
in the slightest degree. Every thing is to be
now and remain hereafter, with or without that
restriction just as it would the other way. 1t
is, therefore, in my Judgment mere abstrac-
ton.
am sorry, sir, that my friend from Connect-
cut, who has studied this case great deal more
than have-studied it while member OF the
other House with great diligence, and has de-
monstrated, beyond the possibility of any rea-
sonable doubt, that there can be no slavery in
the Territories about which we are speaking.
that the South are mistaken in supposinr it
possible 10 derive any benefit from it. and that
the North are mistaken in supposng that it will
ever need any prohibition there--I was sorry to
see that my very able friend, having demonstra-
ted the case, did not carry out his own demon.
stratinn. After all it was in opposition TO this
bill, and it followed one Of the clearest and
strongest demonstrations in its favor that ever /
heard from the mouth Of man. Well for what
reason? The gentleman said he was instructed
by his Legislature TO oppose it, and on the whole
he did not feel it his duty to depart from those
instructions.
1t has become, sir an object Of considerable
Importance TO the history of this Government 10
inquire how far instructions given, er parte, and
under one state ot circumstances, are to govern
those who are to act under another state OF cir
cumstances, and not er pa1fe, but upon a hear
ing Of the whole matter. The proposition that
member of this Government, in giving vote
to bind the country, is to take as his instructions
the will OF a small part of the country, whether
in his own State or elsewhere, is one that is
above or below all argument. Where men are
sworn TO act conscientiously for the good of the
whole, according to their judgments and onin-
ions. If an argument is propounded that they
are nevertheless bound to take the individual
opinions Of few, and be conclusiyely bound
BY them, why the question is presented, and ali
that belongs to it is presented, in the very state
ment. know that, in popular Government
like ours, instructions will be given and instruc-
tons will be sought for. pledges will be required
and pledges will be given, for il is in the nature
of the case. Public men in this country love
the people, and they love popular applause, and
they are willing to make promises; and we are
well told that ''when the blood boils the soul
gives prodigally vows to the tongue" This has
been our practice, especially IN some States,
where such Instructions are little bit of domes-
tic electioneering, and become constitutions, Of
ten above the Constitution of the United States.
for the government of people who come here to
transact public business and act for the country
Well, they ars often given under circumstances
very remote from what exists when they come
to act, and, am sorry to say, often given with
collateral views. will not say when or where,
but am very much inclined to think we should
find in the history os the country cases in which
instructions are readily given, or withheld, as
the few votes Of "a little fragment or section of
party may be or may not be obtained thereby.a
Sir it is curious enough to observe how this