The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-10-17


by certain terms of alliance. They regarded
the Senate as a convocation of States in their
sovereign capacities, like the Congress Of vi
emma, where the representatives of nations
met for conference upon the interests of those
whom they represented. 1t was the purpose of
the distinguished leader of these malcontents to
preserve the national equilibrium by giving TO
the States of the South an equivalent for the
political influence which enlarged wealth, and
increasing numbers, has secured to the North.
Herein lay his error. Regarding the States as
arlstocracles, he proposed to preserve their In
fiuence by International treaties, whereas the
true policy of the South was to have secured for
Constitution. In one word, the doctrine of the
malcontents was to regard each State as a
separate political entity, the influence of which
was to be preserved by skilful diplomacy. The
doctrine of the more practical school of the
South is, to regard the power and prosperity of
the Southern States as dependent upon the en-
ployment and increase of their population. We
think that the policy which we have attributed
TO the malcontents of the South has caused
much of the present embarrassment. That
| party has studlously sought every opportunity
to charge the Northern majority with an abuse
Of power
The tariff was an early and fruitful theme of
complaint. 1t was demonstrated that the tariff
made the "grass grow in the streets of Charles
ton"-the impoverished fields of South Caro-
lima were pointed to as the evidence Of North
ern taxation; at the same time that the con-
sumption OF cotton was increasing at home and
abroad, and Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama,
We're rapidly settling up with the emigration
| from other slaveholdng States, because of the
superior fertility of their lands or the quality of
| their staple. The politicians of the malcontent
| school, believing that the Federal connexion
with the Northern States operates to the in
jury of the South, seize upon the agitation of
slavery as another means of national alienation.
The Nullifier and the negropholist cooperate
| in the unholy cause of disunion with the same
| zeal that inspires some couple whose mutual
hostility harmonizes in petition for divorce.
We will suppose that their fanatical coun-
sells are successtul-that the brethren who have
so long dwelt in harmony together shall hence
forth hold each other as enemies. We propose
to consider the consequences of disunion to the
Southern States. We are satisfied that any
portion of the American people are adequate to
their own physical defence. We are satisfied
that any foreign foe would be repulsed by
| Southern valor, because the spirit of freedom
burns as brightly as it ever did in the South
l - IL
| ated by modern social habits, certain essentials
| to popular comfort which subjects the con-
suming nation to a dependence upon those who
produce, or who are the commercial carriers OF
| the important articles of supply.
l The Southern Atlantic States must be COM
lmercially dependent upon some nation which
has vessels and seamen. The profits of agri
1culture induce large proportion of the popula-
ton of those States to prefer that pursuit tC
l either manufactures or commerce Their hab
It's disincline them to the venturous avocatior
Of the mariner II may be true that a sufficient
nducement might be offered to foreign seamen to
navigate their vessels But difficulty remains
The Southern Atlantic States could not well fur
nish the assorted cargoes soessential TO commerce
The transportation Of cotton abroad would, OF
course, give employment TO their tonnage at the
period when that staple was ready for market;
but there would be no return trade adequate for
their profitable employment during the interval.
1t Is only because the great commercial cities Of
the world are the entrepots Of an universal com
merce-the marts TO which the merchants OF
| the world resort-that they maintain a shipping
interest by under-carrying other nations. Ii is
the constant and certain employment Of ship
1 ping that makes commercial interest," and this
cannot be expected in markets which offer but a
single staple for expectation, and which import
only their own consumption. This, we think,
would be the position Of the Southern Atlantic
States; for, we presume, in the jealous contest
for the commerce of the interior, which would
follow dissolution of the Union, New Orleans
would maintain its advantages, whilst the
Northern cities would rather transport the pro-
auctions Of the west upon their lines Of improve
ment, gratutously, than lose the factorage upon
those productions. We therefore infer that
the commerce Of the Southern ports would be
insufficient tomsintain carrying trade, and that
Il
some European commercial power to transport
their produce and deliver them supplies. Such
was the case before the adoption Of the Const
tution-such will be the case after it shall hav,
been abrogated. We leave to the reason of on
readers the condition Of State dependent upor
foreign nation for the great operation Of ex
portation and supply-its commerce liable {,
be interrupted by wars or treaties-lsble to b
seized, as in the spoliations under the Berlii
and Milan DEGREES. The commerce and IN,
commercial cities Of those States must, how
ever, be protected. This will require a navy
And the experience Of the Federal Govern
ment has shown that this is most expensiv,
arm Of the service. The policy of Europ
and America both point to a steam navy as es
sential to national independence. under the i'm
proved application Of steam 10 ocean navigation
: and the expenses Of this steam navy can
! | alone supported by combining II with the com