The Woodville Republican. [volume] (Woodville, Miss.) 1847-1853, 1850-10-15

uonol construction, there are different opin-
lions among the ablest and best men of ci.
ther section Hare we not seen nudge
of the Supreme Court abandon proper in.
ldlclal reserve, to convey to the northern
Ipubhc his opinion that the Wilmot proyiso
was constitutional Is there not now am
Executive who holds thu. opinion .trl
we sure that in the Executive department,
Ieyen now. there are none who believe that
congress has power TO prohibit the inter-
state slave trade, and TO abolish slavery in
The forts and arsenals, and in the District OF
columbia! Can it be doubted that states
men will be found to fill the Executive chair,
and eminent Jursts to occupy the Judicial
bench, who will honestly concur in the
same views of the constitution which the
North from time to time may hold, and un-
der sanction Of which they may seek to reach
our domestic organization with hostile leg
Iislation? There is no shield, then, for our
rights in the Executive or Judicial denart-
ImCnts, when the full control of the lcgisa.
tive department shall have settled down in
the North When that time comes the
whole unchecked power of tho Government
will be consolidated in the North, and the
South will hold her existence at the mercy
OF that dominant power. Nor can we rely
upon a sense of Justice to restrain northern
aggression so far as the slavchoding interest
Is concerned There will be two of the
most powerful motives of human actioni i'm
pelling them onward to assail us-lust of
power and ianatcsm. These two mhu-
ences combining to the same end, will drive
the popular mind of the North, unrestraincd
as it will be by any resisting force in the
Government, to a unity and determination
ofpurpose which no pubic man will be able
to stand up against. What do we see
already In the very anticipation of pow
er, so strongly does the current set in oppo-
sition to the just rights of the Southern
States, that upon every issue affecting the
slaveholding interest, the northern represen-
tatives are consolidated without distinction
OF party, against us in their votes. A few
noble individual instances TO the contrary
may and do exist. But while we honor the
few who stand out in bold relief from this
unholy crusade, can we blind ourselves to
the fact that they are acting in sacrifice of
themselves, and that the next wave of the
popular madness may sweep them from the
council hall which their presence adorns
2 | repeat, then, in all frankness, can we trust
; our rights upon confidence in the Justice
} of the North! Can the North trust itself?
Ought ace, when our very existence is staked
upon the issue, to trust to power which
) every inducement of sectional and political
advantage, OF sociaI prejudice, and of relig-
, ious zeal, will stimulate to legislative war
upon the largest property interest of the
South! Ought they, when they know the
+ Union must fall under the first act of open
$ assault, to desire to be trusted with this pow
| er -! Does our experience of the influence
/; which the ordinary human motives and pas
sions exert in the operations of Government
/ Justify such confidence Sir while in re-
spect to this question we ask to be delivered
: from evil, they should rs sedu!ousy desire
to avoid being led into temptation
: But does our experience of the past iusti-
: fly us in relying upon a stern faith in the
North The South has made three lead
! ing Compacts of Compromise with the
t North i'll the course of the history of their
= Union. The first was in the convention.
$ We bought for price the obligation on the
d part OF the North to restore our furitives
s from labor Have they kept faith in that
$ SO far from seeking compliance with their
d engagement, public opinion is arrayed OPEN
= y against the duty. Legislatures pass laws
c obstructing the operation of the constitution,
d and societies are permitted openly to exist
public boast is made of the number of in
l. stances in which they have helped to vio-
u late the stipulation. Sir, a notable admis-
h sion was that which one of the greatest
: statesmen of the North (Mr. Webster) made
r upon this iloor in late discusson-an ad-
G mission the record of which should be ell
c graved upon tablet of brass, as a lasting
h proof against northern faith Did YOU not
e all hear him admit that not an instance had
II occurred in Massachusetts of a successful
h attempt in the recapture of slave, nor
c had an instance occurred of a false claim
n for one
A The next great Compact of Compromise
+ was the Missouri Compromise. The South
d yielded there, for peace, to the establishment
c OF line of division to the Pacific ocean be
: tween the two interests. The North ha,
i taken all the benefts-has appropriated al
/ the territory north of it to the Pacific anl
it now does she yield us the benefit we paiC
,. the price for, on the south of the line
n The last instance was the tariff compro
= mise. She used the fruit Of it until the tern
It of limitation was exhausted and as soon al
0 our turn came TO enjoy the benefit, anothc
e law of protective tax was passed, nafc
S abominable than the bill of abominatf5h
Il which they had surrendered upon compro
s. mise. All yes, sir; bear i'll mind all the
e early evidences of anti.slavcry feeling in thu
d North, before and in the Federal conven
/ tidn-the utter disregard of the constitution
a al provision for the surrender of slaves-th
d extensive public organizations nthe North
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