The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-09-17
Mirabeau B. Lamar's Letter.
MoBILE, August IL, 1850.

Gvx,1EMEN Last evening | had the honor
20 receive vour communication, inviting me to
at,end Mass Meeting of those opposed to MIR.
Clsy,s COMPROMISE bill, and in favor of the Mis-
sopri line. to be held at Macon, on the 22d inst.
Coming as this invitation does, from many Of my
old friends, acquaintances, and neighbors, in
whose political SCI timents and purposes | usu-
ally sympathizc, it would give mo great pleasure,
were il in my power, which regret to say that
il is not, TO be present on that occasion, and to
take counsel with them upon the perilous cir
cumstances in which our country Is placed My
desire to attend is not diminished by the fact
that there would probably be a diversity of SEN
timent upon some points involved, or that
might not he able to coincide entirely in all the
measures approved by the assemblage. Still, as
we would have one end in view--that of decid-
ing upon the best means of securing the rights
of the South, and preserving the Constitution
and as we would feel equ lily the magnitude and
Importance of the crisis, we could not fail to
unite in fraternal spirit, and 10 separate as we
should meet, friends to each other, and foes only
to the foes of our country.
This am induced to say, because ] am not
so fortunate as to agree with you in all your
views, as infer from the tenor of your invita-
ton. With the essential objects of the meeting
fully coincide, so Tar as they are intended to
preserve the Constitution, and to oppose the
Free soil aggressions upon the rights OF the
South. In your opposition to the bill of Mr..
Clay, heartily concur But in the proposed
approval of the Missouri line of SO. 80, can
not unite. Nevertheless, | hope | may be al
lowed to express freely my opinions and senti-
ments to your assemblage, which will endeavor
to do with the frankness of a Georgian, and all
the spirit Of one who has no other desire than
to share the fortunes of his friends, however
disastrous, and to fall with his country, if the
occasion requires it. If know my own heart,
it is far truer to the cause Of our country, than
il is to its own tranquility and peace, and wish
il to beat TO longer when it falters towards the
land of its birth and affections. In the first
place, gentlemen, am opposed to all comprom-
Uses except the compromises of the Constitu-
ton When our Federal Constitution was
formed, it was based upon series of comprom-
Uses, nicely adjusted, and covering all the diver
sified interests of the country, and harmonizing
them in the only manner in which they could
then or thereafter co-exist The South at that
time conceded all that she could yield consist
emily with safety and honor, and received in eX-
cli: nge the guarantees Of the Constitution and
the plighted faith and solemn oath of the North.
At that time, this very slavery question was one
Of the great veyed and agitatng issues, and its
adjustment was one of the foundation tinbers
Of the Union. Its scttlement-exactly as pro-
,ided by the Constituton-was the very c0nsid-
Grafton of that instrument, without which il
would never nave been formed, and upon the
flilurc of which, it would of necessity become
void. Conflicting interests, peculiar institutions
social equality and general security, being thus
reconciled and established, and ms it was hoped
forever, the South felt herself MS safe in the en-
ioyment of her rights as any blessings can be
made secure b. human pledges. The Federal
Constitution became to her a sacred charter,
which, like Holy Writ, il would be proclamation
10 increase or diminish
This being so, how then can any compromise,
Californian or Missourian, which modify, warp,
or add to the relative duties of the North and
South, be tolerated by any friend of the Consti-
tuition or the country They 90 to build up ar
bitrary regulations, and to make our most sacred
rights depend upon the mere will-the caprice
of selfish and unrestricted majorities. They
change the whole character of the government
and afford full license TO the strong to devonI
the weak: the very evil which our federative
system was intended to avert. Surely the
Southern people cannot be content to hold Their
rights by no other tenure than this. DO they
fiitter themselves that there is more virtue in a
compromise than there is in the Constitution
and are they willing to cooperate with the Free
sellers in the substitution of the former? Yet
this they virtually did by their tame submission
10 the Missouri Compromise, and the very same
thing will they do again, more effectually if
they support, accept, or tolerate aiy OF tn,
Abolition Compromises now pending in Con-
gress.
When Missouri applied for admission into the
Union, the Northern States in Congress at
tempted to force her into Free-soilism. Finding
that they were not able to do this, they then in
troduced into the act of admission, a provision
that no future State which might be formed out
Of the territory of the United States above a
certain latitude, should be allowed to hold negro
property. This they strove to make part OF
the fundamental law Of the land, and to give it
a sanctity and warrant of continuance, they de-
nominated it compromise. Here was direct
of power to legislate over slavery
n brand of infamy and degradation stamped upon
he forehead of the South, in the eyes of the
world and n commencement of policy OF
legislation which it is now designed to continue,
and which, If tolerated, will never cease as long
as a vestige of the peculiar institutions of the
South shall remain If Congress has the right
thus to prohibit slavery north of $500, they
have the same right to exclude it south of that
line If we acquiesce in its exclusion ADORE this
visionary moral equator, for the cogent reasons
they advance, how can we, in opposition to the
same arguments, resist its prohibition belorc that
latitude! Once surrender the principle and we
surrender every thing. am therefore, opposed
to any recognition of that pretended compro-
mise. deny its validity and force. II was
most fragrant usurpation of power--a power In
tended to serve as foundation upon which the
great lever was to be placed that was to over
turn the liberties of the South. 1t was aimed
for her destruction; and that she did not give
to it that prompt and decisive repulsion which
a brave people should always give to every in
fringement of their rights, is to be attributed to
that lamentable disposition in the great mass o.
mankind to prefer the tranquility of despotisn
to that eternal vigilance and those fearful peri'
which are necessary to the maintenance of lib
crty. Whether the South will bear the presen
assaults upon her constitutional rights, with tn
same supineness that she succombed the Mis-
souri, aggression, is the question now to be dc
termined.
Besides these objections to both "Compro
misses" in question, there are others of a char
acter equally cogent and impressive. Neither
Nr. Clay's bill, or the Missouri plan, is com