The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-06-13
WHOLE NO. $50.

Win the chlet sources of information in his hands
the slave shut out from all the general sources of
knowledge and information, and doomed 10 labor
on till he dies
Now, sir have named the master and the slave
the two extremes in the slave States but do these
constitute a majority | mean. do the masters or
owners OF slaves constitute majority Of the people
in the slavehOding States when the next census
is completed, | hope we shall know the relative
proportion that the masters or slave-Owners bear
to the people Of the slave States but will assume,
what suppose to be the fact that slave-owners or
masters, in that sense Of the word are in a minor
ity, and largely So in the slaveholding States If
this is true what is the effect of slavery on the n-
| termediate class Of citizeNs2
[ can conceive Of the splendor ol a noble
| hearted and rich master he can move in sphere
| 10 crafty his ambition; he can exercise great
| and perhaps controlling influence around him; be
can perform acts of kindness and courtesy towards
his poor neighbors; but what are the general feel
| ings of those who cannot initiate him Is there no
| envy, no jealousy. no inward complaining l.
there no modification Are not this elass of peo-
pie more unhappy in slaveholding country than
| in any other2 ! know we'll that great distinctions
exist in the free free States but think they are
much greater in the slave States; and as the con-
diton Of this class renders il necessary for them
to labor, do they not feel that they are 10 GER
| tain extent associated with slaves, and can they
| look around them with the same complacency that
| they could in the free States May not with
emphasis ask again, does slavery create the best
| state of society,"
But, Mr.. Chairman, does slavery promote the
peace and harmony Of the country
know, sir, If the moral and patriotic sentiments
ofthe country shall sunber and give TO slavery all
those measures which seem to promote that interest
and especially, if the FREQ States will not question
the institution or the virtues of il If they Will
suppress every outbreak Of feeling on the subject
among themselves and help the slave States il
need be, TO Suppress envy such outbreak ia their
own Ste,eo o; r7~t iFthA" wR -.1.--1. 4 = --o-
and their patriotic sons on this subject, 1t would
seem that we might have toerably peaoeable times
But, on reflection, it looks 10 me as though there
might be doubt even then unless we take Pharaoh's
plan or some other to get rid of our infants for
even our growth in numbers appears to be an ag-
gression too ntolerable to bear and constitutional
| provision is already whispered, in some quarters
| to cut down the influence OF members What can
be done, what must be done to secure to slavery
| forever an equal influence with freedom Sir
must it be 80 that any institution, however mighty
and potent In its influence, shall overshadow this
| Government and control its measures Shall any
institution ever be suffered to extend until il shall
say to this Government, | am your master True
patriots became alarmed at the influence of the
United States Bank the iron arm of jackson
gave that institution its death blow, and the true
Democracy are, in my opinion, now called upon
TO awake and set bounds TO slavery. Ii those who
enjoy IL in the States regard il as good let them
have it, to their hearts content but let territory
now free remain 40 forever.
Mr.. Chairman, let me ask again, does slavery
shed honor on the American name and char
acer
What is the growing sentiment of the age ia
| 81. IL yl,.t nr a.
Of the Old World doing on this subject All
apprehend sir it is the pressure of this sentiment
that deeply affects the stakeholder. Every man
feels justified in his course by the example Of
others to certain extent but who does not know
that the spirit of freedom is the spirit of this age,
and while this sentiment is bursting from heart TO
heart, and spreading from city to city and from
country to country, can we protect ourselves from
its induence1 Nay, sir, ought we not rather to
] professions, as being the land, not only OF the
brave but the land of freedom Were we now
to enlarge the area Of slavery, and pave the way
TO take slaves to territory now free, how will the
history read fifty years hence Sir, how will it
read twenty or ten years hence, when the public
mind shall have conformed TO the spirit Of the
age7 Sir, we are forewarned by our national
honor and reputation to stop the progress of sa-
very AS we would save our own character in
the eyes of our children, before an enlightened
country, and before the Christian world let us
beware how we ,arnish the honor and glory of
our country, by extending this evil.
| But sir have one consideration more. What
claim has slavery for extension under the Consti-
| tuition
In the first article and second section II Is said
Representative and direct taxes shall be appOrtionsd
among the several States which may be included within
this Union according to their respective numbers which
shall be determined by adding 10 the whole number OF free
| n
years. and excluding Indians not taxed threefths Of all
| other persons"
Mr.. Chairman, need stop to argue that there
| il nothing in this provision OF the Constitution
that authorizes or contemplates the extension of
slavery Representatives and direct taxes shall
be apportioped, according to the rule here laid
down, by adding three-ffths Of all other persons,
| sides those before enumerated. The trainers
of this article call these last persons they do not,
| as the custom now is, call them slaves. ] doubt
not, they expected that these persons or their
descendants would, before this time oil be freed,
as they have been in several of the States. They
provided for an exigency that existed, TO give n
partial representation Of those other persons
and under this rule nearly twenty honorable gem
tlemen hold their seats on this foor-in my opin
ion a much larger number than the trainers Of
the Constitution ever expected. | cannot see the
FEASIBILITY Of any argument TO justify the extern
sion of slavery by this provision.
In the ninth section Of this first article Of the
Constitution, il IL said 1.-THE migration or i'm
pcration Of such persons as any OF the States now
existing shall think proper TO admit, shall not be
| prohibited by Congress prior 10 the year 1908"
Slaves were then imported from Africa, and,
doubtless, this method was considered the princi-
| pal one, If obtaining this kind Of labor The
| States desiring to pursue this traffic were guar
| antied the privilege until the year 1908. IL the
trainers of the Constitution contemplated extend
| ing slavery can we suppose thoy would have lin
tied this traffic to the period they did or that
they would have put my limit TO II at all Did
ihev look upon slavery blessing TO the African,
to bring him here and teach him civilization and
| Christianity No, sir, mol This prohibition, In
its very phrascology, shows that they had, then,
no fellowship with this traffic, and compromised
by permitting such States, then existing, as de-
sired TO pursue it, to do 70 until 1905 and the
inference is that they thought, after that period
slavery would die out, from State TO State, a. II
did in several of the Statas
There Is one more provision Of the Constitu-
tuition on which much Is said.
Ia the fourth article and second section It Is
said
.No person held 10 service labor In State under
the laws thereof escaping into ancher, shall In conse
Of any law or regulation therein be discharged from
such service labor but shall be delivered up on claim Of
the party whom such service or labor may be due"
Mr.. Chairman, whatever this may mean, think
no one can plead its provisions to justify the ex
tension of slavery This section contemplates
that the person, If he be slave, or whatever hi
be, IL he be held to service or labor, shall, wher
, taken by proper authority, and identified in I
proper manner, be delivered up-we reasonabl,
, suppose--to be taken back where the service OF
labor may be due; and whatever this section
proves, 1t does not, in my opinion, give the leas
|, countenance to the extension Of slavery no, sir
7 not the least.
Justify the extension Of slavery Representation
and direct taxes may be apportionsd, partially, b.
its provisions; the importatons of "such persons