The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-18

a Carolina regiments are called up, and they are
told that, though they have run hazards and shed
their blood freely, they must enjoy their rights
: they must return home, while they could see
their comrades marching to enjoy the fruits OF
their own valor. You may attempt to subject
this TO the cold precision of logical argument but
SIR, those who undertake. to deal with The great
concerns Of life, involving such sentiments, are
making experiments which the feelings of free
| people would revolt at. We are not, then, con-
tending for phantom. We are contendng for
the Constitution, and we are contendng for moth
thing else. Weare simply contendng for mod
flied equality, and when consent that California
shall have all above the line of $50 30 still ask
for the simple right that we may be permitted to go
If we-choose, below that line. | do not know that
we ever shall go there, but Ineyer can consent TO
any thing less than this. Depend upon it, that If
1 the experiments made, IL is hazardous one, so
far as can answer for others. know very well
that submission has been calculated on, that re-
sstance has already been denounced as treasona-
bic and criminal. Permit me 10 say that when
ever any people, in any portion Of the United
States, acknowledge that doctrines have been
forced upon them against their consent, and that
they are required to kiss the rod Of oppression,
inflicted by confident majority, they are no lon
ger worthy to be free people IN a free republic;
they have shown signs Of degeneracy which
would forfeit their right to a place under free in
sttutions. W ~ iaita "a
| have thus indicated my views and given ret-
| sons for them. We ask for but little: we ask
that the Constitution may be preserved. Neither
the Union nor the Constitution arein dangerifthe
majority would but stay their policy. They have
but to pause to avoid the resistance with which
they may be met. The Constitution was intended
as the shield of protection for minority but,
without the power Of enforcing it, it only serves
as colorado sanction for an INSCRIPTIONS major
ity. When assailed by majority, am referred
| to that majority for redress. Why, Mr.. President
| do not see Of what avail the Constitution is if
the majority can give it constructions. 1t is said
that the majority in republics must prevail A
majority breaks the Constitution, and asks to be
sustained in it by the submission Of the wronged
minority. How delusive and dangerous are these
| generallties, so often repeatedi
| There has been some security in the equilibrium
that has been maintained in the Senate, but that
| equilibrium is dissolving and crumbling every
day, under the fanatica spirit which prevails, and
too much influences the deliberations Of those who
occupy the responsible position and should dis
| charge the sacred trust Of statesmen. | have no
reliance on this mere equilibrium it is passing a.
way, and then what security is there forthe minor
| ity' The Executive is the only functionary that
will in theory be misrepresentation, off ofevery
! section. a-A aa
But every administration will have a strong
| temptation to throw itself upon the support of Il
majority at the expense of an unressting ,ninori-
/ ty. We'll, then, if a minority in this Government
4 finds itself subjected to majority, growing out of
consld eratons such as | have suggested, what is
to be its protection 1t must have some protec-
ton. Certainly the advantage Of the Constitution,
\ if it can get it, will be its shield But what other
/ protectons This Government has few OF those
| checks and balances that would give them a veto
operation. In the Roman republic the people felt
secure against their own mad violence in the veto
of the I'ribunes. That operated as the safety
valve. We have no such check, no such control
| ling power for protection against the danger Of
numbers. To what, then, will we RESORT Why,
| there was once provision in the Constitution
as II was before the Notwithstanding, in GER
tain cases, Il two-thpds vote to carry a measure ;
but, suppose, if should make such a PROPOSE
ton, 1t would be regarded reasonable one
At one time our wisest and best men thought such
a provision indispensable, and undertake to say
1t would be good provisions if it could be restor-
ed and It was a fatal compromise when it was
stricken out in consideration that the Southern
States should have the privilege, till the year 1903
to import African slaves. ! have no idea that any
provision that would control a majority can ever
be engrafted into the Constitution. And yet am
sure IT would give it strength, and the Union the
true element Of stability. The Union originated
| in very different state things from that exist
ing now. 1t had the spirit Of vitality, and had
fewer dlstracting interests. Common feelings
and fewer interests from extent of territory, were
tolerable guarantees. Now / take the liberty to
suggest one mode by which the South can preserve
themselves and the Union, too; and it is by a
union anne ,f1smseIves. That would be the ir-
bune to wliTs11f would resort to check the wild
i excesses of the power Of majority.
Yes, sir, If the Southern States were united
and they could make their Northern brethren un-
derstand that thus far they might go and no
farther, this whole Union would be safe and all
portions of it would hold their relations to each
other on safe and honorable terms II could
leave here with the satisfaction of knowing that
there was perfect adjustment for the time being,
| would he eu horn
would have stopped before it was necessary to re-
sist it, out of the Constitution. But Federal hon
ors have destinations that cannot well be resisted
! they carry with them the means Of dividing mi
nority, so far as it regards measures, and con-
sents to MAIN its own interests But might be
asked, shall such minority always be excluded, or
deny TO themselves the aspiration to such honors !?
Certainly not. But when it was ascerained that
by concerted action could divide majority
we might dictate terms for our security IF it.
could be felt as potential influence, it would
have the practical operation of a veto.
] am far from undertaking Federal honors
i They are the rewards, and ought to mould the
character of statesmen. When Southern men
cannot aspire to, or are excluded from them, you
will find no Southern statesman in Federal coun-
sells. TO make these honorable, they must be
reconciled to self respect.
l | hope this union among ourselves of the South
/ Is not TO be regarded subject of reproach
For If IT has come to that, submission is all that
t isleft. If that is the sacrifice, who will make it
1t is one that may not be made without fearful
contest. They who exact it may find that their
, temerty may conduct them to a precipice and
| that they may have to look over, when it is too
o late to escape from it, % ... d..
f | know there has been much said about the
I feeling of portion OF this Union as being ready
e 10 dissolve it. not to be terrified or con.
e troled by any lmputations of that kind, This
i Union has its uses, just according to the use thai
is made oft. 1t may be used as great trust to
: effect the greatest ends that time committed
It to human institutions; and it is in the power OF
I patriots and statesmen to make it subser7e these
ends. But when it shall be made a mere instru.
7 ment of partial legislation and to pander to the
f views and ends of hypocritical demagogues, it
will cease to be an object of yeneration, unless its
7 worshippers shall be like those of Juggeanaut
who regard as pious service to PROSTATE them
t selves and be crushed by the wheels of his car
believe am one of its real friends, and the charge
$ of criminal design upon its duration comes with
an i'll grace from those who have adhered TO sci.
I fish and unjust purposes. y .. -l.... 3D.. d.. .