The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-03-28

ehce beyond that can be drawn from il. How
gentlemen can infer from this clause that we are
bound to maintain the power Of the master over
his slave with our blood is another of those mon
strous assumptions which Shareholders are accus-
toned to make, but for which they can assign no
reason whatever
There is no action obligatory upon the free
States. They fulfil their whole duty by abstain
ing from action. Ohio does this, and | believe
all the free States do it, The last clause Of the
paragraph which, referring to the fugitive slave,
says. he shall be delivered up, on claim of the
person TO whom such service or labor may be due
has no reference to State legislation, State
ton. That proposition was rejected by the Con-
venton. The Supreme Court of the United
States have placed a construction upon il. They
hold that it refers to the individuals Of the State
imposing upon them the duty Of permitting the
master to take the slave, in the same manner that
we surrender up our friends TO the officers Of JUS
'tice. They have decided that it is the duty of
individuals not to secrete or to defend the slave
against his master They admit that the indi-
vidua may act in aid of the master, but deny to
the State all power Of acting on the subject.
Ii is worthy of remark, that this is the only in
stance in which Congress is authorized TO legs-
late in favor Of slavery. On this point it is con-
ceded that we may pass laws. But by this clause
of the Constitution we are only authorized to
legislte for the qrTed anil return Of Juguire shares
! II
further benefit of the master. Ii is left for us 10
act agreeably to the dictates of our own judgment
| We have the power TO pass further laws, or we
may repeal the law of Congress now in force on
that subject But il gives us no power 10 go fur
| Their in support of slavery, and TO pass laws
| for the protection Of that institution within the
States. Such Interpretation would be perversion
of language, and of the intention OF those who
| framed the Constitution IL was intende to give
! he a rio 10
and to Congress power to aid him in retaining
! such fugitive. Here the right and the power
end they extend no further Nor has the gen
tleman from Georgia Mr. TooMss Informed US
in what manner or by what rules of construction
he infers any power in Congress, under this
clause of the Constitution, to protect slavery
wherever our flag may float; or that 1t IS our
duty to protect r9h oHr biO0d
! The next compromise of the Constitution to
which the gentleman from Georgia MIR. TooMBS
refers is that of the slave representation pro-
vided in the 81 clause "a section of the LIST article
of the Constitution. In regard TO this article it
woul&ay2cg- 4 rs ysa difference Of opinion ssv'
possibly exist There can be no doubt that it
was intended to give the slave States an advan-
tage over the free States The slaves are not
represented in this Hail. nor can We legislate for
their benefit; but the Shareholders have n repre-
sentation here, in proportion to the number of
slaves they hold in bondage, counting FIVE slaves
! equal to three freemen. For more than sixty
years the slave States have enjoyed this privilege
! No man has ever denied it to be their right I'M
der the Constitution. But it is equally plain that
this clause was intended to give no further privi-
! lege 1t alludes TO no other subject and cannot
| be construed to give any other powers The gen.
! tleman Mr. TooMBs referred to it 10 show that
! this is a slavehclding Government; that We are
bound to maintain the masters power over his
slave with our blood and to carry slavery wher
ever our flag floats But the way and manner he
brings this clause to sustain his positions be has
failed to show us. | repeat, that the whole OBJ
ject and intention of this clause has been thus
far observed and carried out. South Carolina
has now three representatives on this floor more
than she wonld be entitled to, according to the
number of her freemen and twenty members
from the slave States are admitted here solely by
virtue of this superior advantage which the slave
States possess over the People of the North.
1t gives to the South an influence over our rights
and interests not according to their love of free
dom, but proportional to their disregard of lib
erty. The holder of five slaves exerts an infiu-
cncc in this Hall and in the Federal Government
equal to four citizens Of the free States; and the
owner of thousand slaves possesses political
powers equal to six hundred citizens Of the North
know of nothing more humiliating to the
! pride and dignity of our people than this inc
! quality of our political influence. We are pla-
ced in political position between the supercil-
! ious master and his crouching mental superior
to the one and inferior to the other. 1t was
compromise OF Northern honor. 10 gave a bounty
to oppression bestowed privileges upon those
who disregard sclf-eyident truth" and trample
upon the inaienable rights of man it has taught
Northern men to regard shareholders as roiiti-
! cllly entitled TO superior confederation; it has
| taught us suhjugation to slaveholdiDg dication.
IL was the force of this feeling which constrained
Northern members on this floor to surrender up
their own independence, and for years to unite
with the South in excluding from consideration
all petitions 10 relation to freedom passed your
gag rules struck down the freedom of debate /;
! sealed the lips of those who advocated the doc
trines of political equality and for many years
held the National Government suhservient TO he
slave power. IL was this principle which for
half a century caused Northern men to trcmhe
at Southern threats to dissolve the Union which
now calls together the timd and the irresolute in
our commercial cities, to pass resolutions against
the maintenance of our own rights. The same
feeling Of servility is also manifested by portion
of the Northern press, which is always ready to
advocate every slaveholdng policy. Yet, sir we
abide by the compact. The slave States, from the
adoption of the Constitution to this day, have
enjoyed this privilege of superior representation
in this hall and in the elections of President and
Vice President. No Northern man has objected
|
ers, is the most destructive to our interests and
wounding to our pride
But sir, this concession was never intended to
extend beyond what it plainly imports 1t gives
to the slave States other privilege than that of
representation agreeably to the number of their
slaves 1t imposes no obligation, whatever upon
| the people of the free States to maintain the
masters power over his slave with our blood"
nor does it impose upon Congress the duty "to
protect SLAVERY wheyeper our Fag floats" Nor can
any inference, whatever, be drawn from this
clause of the Constitution beyond its plain and
obvious apportionment Of representation and di-
rect taxation.
In order to establish the duty of this Govern
ment to sustain slavery weare referred to the OBJ
legation imposed upon us to protect each of the
States from invasion, and against domestic vio-
leneep
This provision extends to the free as well rs
to the slave States History informs us that the
rebellion in Massachusetts, was the occasion of
its adoption. MIR. Madison informs us that mem
bers from the slave States assured the Conven-
ton that they neither needed nor required any
provision Of the kind. But no man can mistake
the object and design of this section We
are bound to protect every State from invasion.
This protection is thrown around the STATE, inclu-
ding all the people therein the righteous and
the wicked, the bond and the free, the black and
the white, the hardeued assassin, and the inno-
cent child, are all protected And you may allCge
that this clause was adopted to protect pirates
and murderers, with the same propriety that you
can assert it to have been adopted to protect slave
holders or any other men of particular char
actcr.
The same reasoning applies to the suppression
OF domestic violence We are bound TO protect
the whole people of the State against domestic
violence We do not institute nm inquiry as TO
the character of the people, We do not ask
whether they are slaves or masters, white or
black, righteous or wicked The insurgents are