Democratic banner. (Bowling Green, Pike County, Mo.) 1845-1852, 1850-02-25

tied to his freedom, according TO the law
and facts, the master must he hsrrassed ane
forced into his liberation, by making it OBJ
Iligatcry upon the District Attorney to tak.
1.-THE case to the Supreme Court, whether the
petitioner is in his opinion entitled to his
freedom or not If ssthe court shall decide
"adversely 10 the application, or if relief
I''be denied to the applicant. on the ground
lethat he is slave held in servitude in said
I"Territory," the attorney is required to
take an appeal therefIom, and to give notice
thereof TO the Attorney General of the Uni.
ted States. Officers Of the General Gov
ernment, officers as much Of the slavehold-
ing as of the non-slav eholding States, are
thus required, without reward or the hope
thereof, to become the instruments of de-
lpriving portion Of the inhabitsnts of the
Union of their property guaranteed to them
by the Constitution. Why require this du-
ty of these officers? Why take fror, them
the exercise Of their own judgment, as to
the legal merits of the application, as well
as their discretion as to an appeal to the
Supreme Court? Why make it obligatory
in all cases to prosecute every application,
however unreasonable, from the lowest to
the highes, cour.'
We have statute in this State, aad a
similar one exists in every slave State in
the Union, by which slave may test his
right to his freedom; and like all other cases
tried in the inferior courts, questions Of law
arising therein may be taken to the Supreme
Court for final adjudication. But unlike
Col. Benton our law makers have not i'm
posed the burden Of prosecuting their suits
Of freedom upon our Circuit Attornies and
Attorney General. They have never yet
manifested such lore for the free negro, as
Ito give him rights and privileges over and
above any suitor in cur courts. No man in
Missouri would dare to vote for such law
as Col. Benton attempted TO engrsft on the
Icompromise bill-and If one so much tinc-
Itured with abolitionism could be found, the
men who now look with forgiveness upon
their Idol, would be the loudest and most
clamorous in condemnation Of such prop
osition. But "mcn not principles" is the
motto of these consistent gentlemen.
If YOU examine, Messrs. Editors, the pro-
visions Of this amendment, offered by the
Connecticut Senator, and keep in mind the
provisions of the bill introduced by Mr.
Clayton, and the object Of its introduction,
you cannot fail to coincide with me in the
opinion already expressed, that Col. Ben
toms vote for it, representing as he does a
slave State, is without justification, pallia-
ltion or excuse. It is an enormity which Of
itself would damn any other man in the
State to oimmortalinfamy. Under the guise
of provision for redI essing the wrongs of
"a freeman deprived of his liberties, it is in
truth law to deprive man Of his proper
liy,. not only without compensation and a.
gainst his will, but with ruin TO himself
lAsO III VI I've" McAI@
co would think of contending against such
odds as would be opposed to him. Itwould
be worse than idle to do so. The slave
backed and sustained by the General Cow
leroment through its officers, bound by the
law Of the land to litigate every case from
the lowest to the highest court, without the
hazard of paying costs. or being in any
worse condition if unsuccessful, would be
more than match for the master, compell-
ed to employ counsel, attend court, and in
any contingency liable for the payment Of
his own costs. The only safe alternative
which would present itselfto him would be
the Liberation of his slaves. To do other
wise, would involve him in endless litiga-
tion end trouble, and entail upon him last.
ling Pscuniary ruin. -, - 4.'
And for this amendment, which if adopt
ed would have inevitably produced these
results, and by the mover intended to pro-
duce them, Col. Benton voted sssolitary and
4