The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-03

arrangement 10 enable the States to remain III
union; and similar emergency seems now to re
quire some similar arrangement. If this Gov
eminent is willing and able to do justice, this il
that which we require. II is the position which
for your sakes and for ours, you ought to occu
py; but, If you deny us justice, reluctantly VIZ
acquiesce in this division OF the property.
But let us deal fairly and openly with
each other, not using doubtful or ambiguou,
language II ii is to be partition let it be made in
distinct and certain language. When we saw
however calling may be the utterance Of tn.
words, that to the north Of the line slavery shall
be excluded, we claim from you to say, in Ian.
guage equally distinct, that on the south side OF
that line all distractions shall be removed to the
admission and enjoyment Of our property in
slaves Even If there were constitutional difficulties
m the use OF this language, upon this adjustment
or partition no difficulty could arise Surely il
we exclude slavery on one side OF the line we can
guaranty it on the other. But acknowledge,
SIR, attach no importance to this asserted con
stitulonal difficulty. 1t seems to me to rest
mainly upon mere fallacy that the claim Of the
right to be protected admits also the right TO de-
stroy. L is certainly very strange doctrine, that
because demand from you that protection of
my person and property, which the Constitution
guarantees TO me, have thereby Empowered
you 10 tyrannize over my person and destroy my
property. When the distinguished Senator from
Kentucky, in negotiating the treaty Of Client, as
serted and maintained our right to be remunerated
TOR the slaves taken by the enemy, did he there
by acquire for this Federal Government any new
power in relation to slavery No, Mr.. President.
On the contrary, the more secure any institution
has been rendered from violation or change, the
more imperative has become your duty to watch
over and protect 1t. How is it with respect to the
trial by jury, or the habeas corpus act9 How
strictly guarded is your power with respect to
these great institutions, yet how absolute is your
right, how strictly enjoned your duty to protect
them think, therefore, that there is no diff
Guilty in that aspect Of the case.
If in the settlement of this question we are to
effect any results satisfactory to the people, we
must deal fairly with them. must say, sir
and l say 1t without casting imputations upon
any one-that this want of clearness and full
understanding of the terms Of adjustment consti-
tutes one Of the most Objectionable features of this
compromise. The Senator from Kentucky avows
frankly that in his opinion the South obtains not
one foot of territory under the BILL that the Mexi-
can laws, still Of force, exclude them as eectually
as the Wilmot Proviso. 1t is true that he is too
generous gratutously to insult as well as exclude
the Southern people; he would treat them with
kindness and delicacy; yet he has often declared
that they, in his opinion, derived no benefit from
the territorial part of the Compromise. But if the
measure should pass, and the decisions Of the
courts coincide with this opinion, will not the
Southern people who have expected some advan-
tage from this bill feel themselves injured Or de-
ceived? Such, in my opinion, would be the case,
and their dissatisfaction be increased rather than
alayed.
l have already detained you too long, Mr.. Pre-
sident, and am myself unfit now to discuss the
merits of this Compromise BILL 1t has already,
however, been much discussed and many far
more able than myself will, doubt not exhibit
the strong objections which stand against its
adoption.
If distinct partition could be effected upon the
A..
ton could be adjusted but the great question of
slavery, which lies at the foundation of these
difficulties-how this great question is to be set
tied, acknowledge cannot 6stermine profess
myself inadequate to the task of suggesting a
sufficient remedy for the evil. Unless some great
change can be effected in the public sentiment OF
the States with which we Of the South are asso-
ciated; unless they can be induced to treat with
fairness and justice those who are their equals
and must maintain that equality; unless they can
restrain their citizens from the plumber Of our
property, the invasion OF our rights, necessarily
harassing us with malignant aspersions, subtle
and cruel devices to disturb our peace and endan:
ger our safety, confess cannot tell what adjust
ment can be effected.
OF one thing, Mr.. President, | feel secure the
abolitionist who hopes from the dissolution Of the
Union the destruction Of the South, hoping and
expecting that the institution Of slavery cannot
be safely and wisely administered by people
who for a hundred years have made it subservi
ent to their interest and happiness is utterly mis-.
taken. There never has been any nation whose
security would be more assured than that of the
Southern States Of this confederacy forced into a
separate government Linked together within by
the strongest ties of community of interests and
the congeniahty of sentiment-welded together
from without by calumny and opposition-that
spirit of devoted patriotism which finds its best
nature amid difficulties, trials met and overcome
that great principle Of national glory and national
tower to height far transcending
that which has ever yet been reached among them
| have no apprehensions for them When, in
the history Of the world, has been ever known
that nation possessing the wealth, intelligence,
civilization, and strength of the Southern States
of this confederacy, was found incompetent to
control its slaves Ancient States stood secure,
though similarity of races tended to confound the
distinctions of condition, and weaken and endan-
ger the authority of the masters. Greece enlight-
ened and Rome conquered the world, resting their
organization polity upon this institution of slave
~. We are in no danger we are fearless Of the
result, and can, with unterrifed front, look upon
the coming danger, lower it never so darkly. OF
this, too, am sure: if there those who seek to
retain us in this Union with purposes Of deadly
hostility to our institutions, who clamor for its
preservation in the spirit of him who, saving cart
thou in health, my brother ?" smote his adversary
under the fifth rib-they, too, are mistaken.
They pronounce us accursed and doomed they
bid us prepare for the change that must come.
hear the answer, not near, not loud, but clear
and firm We are setting our house in order, not
to die but to live.
beg pardon Of the Senate, Mr.. President, for
having detained them so long.
Mr.. FOOTE. 1t is with mingled sentiments of
regret and surprise that find the honorable gentle
man who has just taken his seat has not been
kind enough to enlghten us in regard to the points
presented by relative to the views of his illus
trious predecessor, [Mr. CALHOUN touching the
merits of the Missouri Compromise
and non-jntervention. We had a right to expect
from him, after what had fallen from me, that on
taking ground in favor of the Compromise line Of
$50 30, he would have informed us whether he
agreed with me or not in supposing that, were
Mr.. Calhoun now alive, he would in his judg-
ment, have preferred what he formerly approved
most warmly. Any information upon point
so interesting as this would have been doubtless
most gratefully received by the whole Senate.
But the honorable gentleman has left us quite as
much in the dark on this head we were before
we arose. and do not know what better the Senate
can do than to take il for granted that all that
have said on the subject is felt to be true beyond
contradiction or argument. Sir, now again
challenge denial, from any quarter, and especially
fon, ,bo y,ortbv two Senators from South roI;,,.