The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-12-20

it could for the cause of the North in the recent
sctllement-after comparing it with the course
taken in forming the Federal and State Consti-
tutions, after showing that the South vas about
equally responsible with the North for the late
slavery agitation in Congress comes to complain
of the North
Here, if a sense of duty permitted, we would
gladly pause, but the signs of the times invite
to more extended review Of our Federal reli-
tons, and to a more distinct avowa of the posi-
ton we occupy. The country requires repose
Vain, utterly vain, are all concessions that fail 10
terminate this sectional controversy. Through
our Representatives i'm the Halls of Congress
we have long 'ombated the aggressive spirit of
Representatives of the notwithstanding States.
ut the sources of this turbid stream lie beyond :;
they to be fonnd in the midst of thei: several
constituencies.
alt is nominated in the bond that the peo-
pie of no State shall disturb the domestic tran
guilty. of any other. Georgia lays open the
volume of her history, and proudly challenges
her confederates to the abduction Of singlein-
cident voatve of this obligation. She does
more In all kindness, compatible with the as
serton of right, she charges upon the non-slave.
holding States infdelity to this stipulation in the
compact. She instances the existence within
their borders of organized societies, avowedly
devoted to the humiliation of an institution in
wrought with the frame work of her social sys-
TEN, and in no way modifying or affecting their
own; societies employing missionaries and sub
sldizlng the press to propagate their destructive
doctrines, and even to excite, within her own
limits, spirit Of dlsatfection among her citizens
and of INSTRUMENTATION among her slaves soci-
cites which have boldly entered the political
arena, seized upon the balance of power, and OBJ
truded their tanaticism into the halls of our
Federal Legislature. These measures of hos
tility are necessarily proposed and discussed, to
the interruption Of the legitimate business of
legislation; denunciations day by day uttered
against slavery and shareholders against con-
tederates and their institutions"
Is it not wonderful that the aggressive spirit
of Representatives Of the non-slavehodng
States" which has been SO "long combatted"-
that "thc non-slaveholding States" all guilty of
"ndelity to the stipulation" 10 the Constitution
for domestic tranquility should, with ma.
Ijority of Representatives aud allies, in both
branches of Congress, grant such lappy
settlement of the recent controversy, and abandon
the hostility to the extension of slavery they had
unanimously proclaimed BEFORE aud present an
arrangement which the South could so honor
ably and gracefully accept" or is it not rather
sanguine in the convention to expect that agita-
ton will nor cease after the recent elections in
the North, and after the storm that has. ragged
there, because one ri ght Of the South has been
adequately recognized in the statute book
The convention dwels on the Fugitive slave
law, and closes passage in reference to it in
: these terms
"-Nop is the grand test to be applied, whether
or not, in this age Of advanced civilizations and
in this boosted model Republic, law is potent
for the protection Of right, clearly Defined and
! solemnly guaranteed by Il written Constitution
If not, the experiment has tailed"
Well the law has been passed about three
months-ong enough to be tested There are
- millions of property it was designed to re-
cover. What is the value of all that prop
erty now under the protection of this law the
execution Of whic|, is here said TO be decisive
of tire fate oithe Union! Why it is not wortl
one per cent. on its price In point Of fact it il
worth considerably less than nothing, for thes,
and public meetings about the sanctity and eff
cacy of the law, may betray some simple
minded master into an attempt to recover some
> Of his property under t--an attempt attended
; with certain loss Of money, of time and peace
and great danger of loss of life
But Georgia will not, at least the Convention
: which says many things which she will, and vii
not do, does not say that Georgia will-do any
thing i'll consequence Of the nullity of the law
She will resist or secede, they nov say, only il
case Of its repeal or essential modification b,
Congress. But she is of the opinion that on it.
execution depends the preservation Of the Union
That is to say we suppose that in her opinion
: some other State more ultra than herself will in
that case secede.
The Convention protests against the aboli-
ton Of slavery in this district unless on the ne.
ttion, and by the consent Of the owners. There
are perhaps, five hundred owners. Would not
liberal pay have the same effect on them or a
majority Of them on Texas!
But we thought the institution of slavery here
affected fifteen States, whose character would
be put under the ban of the nation, by law to
abolish slavery here.
We are done. We are glad that we have
this authoritative exposition Of What is meant
by the resolutions of a State legislature almost
unanimously adopted, without distinction Of
party concerning State rights and State honor
We have learned the true meaning of language
An important lesson.
But we doubt whether another year will not
give us another version. We suspect that the
convention has so completely overdonc or I'M
derdone this thing that reaction will occur
and in that event words may become things.
If the Georgia convention had presented the
issue Of justice or secession, the North might
even yet have receded. But by this submission
another great barrier to the tide of Northern
aggression has been removed, and the torrent