The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-30

literature ours to great extent, and the
efforts of the British Government and people
to mould the public opinion Of all who
speak the English language, have not been
vain or ruthless. On the contrary, they
have been deeply felt wherever the Eng
lish language IS spoken, and tbs more
efficient and dangerous, because, as yet,
the South has taken no steps to appear and
plead at the bar Of the world, befose which
she has been summoned, and by which she
has been tried already without hearing.
Secured by constitutional guarantees, and
independent OF all the world, so far as its
domestic institutions were concerned, the
South has reposed under the consciousness
of right and independence, and foreborne to
plead at a bar which she knew had no juris-
diction over this particular subject. In this
we have been theoretically right, but prac-
tically we have made great mistake All
means, political, diplomatic, and literary,
have been used to concentrate the public
opinion, not only Of the world at large, but
of our own country, against US; and resting
upon the undoubted truth that our domestic
institutions were the subjects Of no Govern
ment but our own local Governments, and
concerned no one but ourselves, we have
been passive under these assaults, until
danger menaces us from every quarter. A
great party has grown up, and is increasing
in the United States, which seems to think
it a duty they owe to earth and heaven to
make war on domestic institution upon
which are staked orr property, our social
organization, and our peace and safety.
Sectional feelings have been invoked, and
those who WELD the power Of this Govern
ment have been tempted almost, if not quite,
beyond their power Of resistance, to wage a
war against our property, our rights, and
our social system, which; If successfully
prosecuted, must end in our destruction.
Every inducement- love Of power, the
desire to accomplish what are, with less
truth than FEASIBILITY, called "reforms
all are offered to tempt them to press upou
those who are represented, and, in fact,
seem to be an easy prey to the spoiler. Our
eqalty under the Constitution is, in effect,
denied; our social Institutions are derided
and condemned, and ourselves treated with
contumely and scorn through all the avenues
which have as yet been opened to the pub
lie opinion OF the world. That these
assaults should have had their effect is not
surprising, when we remember that, as yet,
we have offered no organized resistance to
them, and opposed bu: little, except the iso-
lated efforts Of members Of Congress, who
have occasionally raised their voices against
what they believe to be wrongs and injustice.
1t is time that we should meet and main
tain an issue, in which We find ourselves in
volved by those who make war upon us in
regard TO every interest that is peculiar to
US, and which is not enjoyed in common with
them, however guaranteed by solemn COM
pact, and no matter how vitality involving opr
prosperity, happiness, and safety. 1t is time
that we should take measures to defend our
selves against assaults which can end in
nothing short Of our destruction, if we oppose
no resistance to them Owing to accidental
circumstances, and want of knowledge of
the true condition Of things in the Southern
States, the larger portion of the press and Of
the political literature Of the wotld has been
directed against US. The moral power Of
public opinion carries political strength along
with it, and if against us, we must wrestle
with it or fall If, as we firmly believe, truth
is with US, there is nothing to discourage US
in such an effort.
The eventual strength Of an opinion is to
be measured, not by the number who may
chance to entertain it, but by the truth which
sustains it We believe--nay, we know, that
truth is with us, and therefore we should not
shrink from the contest We have too much
staked upon it to shrink or to tremble--a
property interest, in all its forms, of incalcu-
liable amount and value the social organiza-
ton, the equality, the liberty, nay, the exis-
tence of fourteen or fifteen States of the Con-
federacy--all rest upon the result of the
struggle in which we are engaged. We
must maintain the equality Of our political
position in the Union; we must maintain the
dig@ity and responsibility Of our social posi-
ton before the world; and must maintain
and secure our liberty and rights, so far as
our united efforts can protect them; and, if
possible, we must effect all this within the
pale Of the Union, and by means known to
the Constitution. The union of the South
upon these vital interests is necessary, not
only for the sake Of the South, but perhaps
interests exposed to the assaults, not only OF
the world at large, but OF those who, consti-
tuting majority, WELD the power Of our
own confederated States We.must defend
those interests by all legitimate means, or
else perish either in or without the effort. To
make successful defence, we must unite with
each other upon one vital question, and make
the most Of orr rolitical STRENGTH We must /
do more--we must go beyond our entrench-
ments, and meet even the more distant and
indirect, but by no means harmless assaults,
which are directed against us. We, too,
can appeal to public opinion. Our assallantj
act upon theory, to their theory we can op
pose experience, They reason upon an
imaginary state of things TO, this we may
oppose truth and actual knowledge. To do
this, however, we too must open up avenues
to the public mind; we, too, must have an
organ through which we can appeal to the
world, and commune with each other. The