Southern shield., 1850-05-25


 this nature; but we have not been commis- stoned to impute bad motives for measures which carry upon their face no taint of treason.
 The efforts of the Senate at compromise have thus far only resulted in the formation of a committee composed of thirteen mem- bers, into whose hands the slavery question, in all it's branches, has been placed for the present. It would be useless to speculate upon what that committee will bring forth. It would be idle 10 prejudge it's work. But we must be permitted to saythat whatever it presents 10 the Senate, the message of the President has alone made any measure practicable. That document has cleared the way of the "Wimot" on the one hand, and the "Southeln Convention" on the other. The field is open; the Instructions are removed. If the committee do tenth part as much in framing law for the coua- try as the President has in making way for the reception of any law, it will have per- formed noble duty. And in this connex- ion let us repeat what we have often before said. Whilst believing that plan which has doneso much to remove irritation would be the best to dispose forever of the causes which produced it, yet if Congress in it's wisdom sees fit to adopt another, or if the committee of thirteen presents one that seems calculated to give peace to the coun try, we shall not oppose it. The first thing in importance is the "settlement of the con- settlement. We think the Presidents the best yet devised; but as the method is of less consequence than the result, we shall not adopt the strategy of the optmist, and object to the cure of public calamity be- cause the medicines we think the properest are not administered.
 One word upon what has been done to check in some measure the popularity of the Presidents plan, which at one time bid fair to meet universal appreciation. The first objection to it came from the "Btter-end" opposition to his Administration. The sympathisers in the resistance to hispolicy, "no matter what face the future may wear" opposed the message in speeches in which
 they diSclaimed party, to give more effect
 10 their denunciations of the President as a usurper and the deviser of the "Executiye T pro2iSo" which fnrnneh the avnrdilllaa- -and- ; +
 regretted that the friends of the course re- commended were tardy in combating these .I gratuitous and illiberal reproaches, which
 had much to do in turning the current of public sentiment into party channels. This might have been expected of"Bitter-enders;~
 but so long as their Reclamation fell short of wounding the principle upon which the message was based, the policy yet made progress in the affections of the country. The most serious injury it treceived was from some of those who professed approval of the recommendations of the message. The representatives of the people whose pro- perty was alone affected, or supposed to be, by the slavery agitation, naturally grew suspicious when they saw professed agita- tors supporting one portion of the message in speeches in which they gave the country clearly 10 understand they would not stand up 10 the principle of the remaining portion, if the people of the Territory did not es- pouse their view of the slavery question. This, in practical sense, has a little mean ing as the "Wilmot' has; yet few persons deem it luxury to act in concert with those who chuckle over their cooperation as the infatuation of fools. We say that portion of the press, and certain members of Congress who enforce the recommenda- tions of the Presidents California message, do not disguise the fact that, if the remain
 ing Territory were to come to Congress for admission as State, without the 'Wilmot'
 in her constitution, they would not hesitate to vote the interpolation of that principle upon her fundamental law. This might be tolerated in "third organization" men-in Free-Soilers per Se-in AbolitIonists in faith. But this is not all-other indications have been garnered up. And when those writers who make 1t point 10 assail the highest in the Whig party for venturing sug- gestons of their own on this subject, again compute the measure of damage to the cause done by this or that man, may we ask them to cypherup the sum of distrust likely v to be sown in the ranks of any party by those who, when conjointly engaged in promoting plan of settlement of a ques- ton with many issues, in the act of taking their share of the arrangement, declare a higher law for their action than constitu- tons, oaths, compacts, agreements, or any contrivances of merely mortal obligation?
 WHAT AN INFLUENcE.-Therea are atleast three millions of mothers in the United States. These mothers, aside from older children, have, it is supposed, between two and three hundred thousand infants in their charge. No influence, at present, can reach these infant minds but that of mo- ther. These minds may be moulded at the will or discretion of these mothers. Ii this army of mnthers shnnld combine tO accom-