Jeffersonian Republican. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1840-1853, 1850-03-14
JOR PRINTING.
SPEECH OF MIR. II. STEVENS.
OF Pennsylvania,

OF Pennsylvania,
Ia the House Of Representatives. Wednesday Fe6 20
MIR. CHAIRMAN: I do not know that should
have troubled the committee al this time, could
see any reasonable prospect that the House would
devote its time to practical Legislation. But for a
considerable time after meeting, the orgaliiZa
ton OF the House was obstructed; and since or
eanIzed, large portion of its time has been occu-
pied by speeches on the subject of slavery, mostly
by southern gentlemen, when no PRACTICAL ques-
tion to which they could apply, was before the
committee. There no doubt we'll detened
object in this, partly TO intmidate Congress, and
partly 10 occupy its time, SO that no legislation
could be matured obnoxious to southern gentle
men. Indeed are not left to conjecture on this
point. The learned gentleman from North Caro-
lima, (Mr. Clingman,) who was selected TO open
the debate on behalf of human bondage, distinctly
notified us, that unless Congress, as a condition
precedent, submitted settle the slavery question,
according TO southern demands, there should be
no legislation; to the passage OF the ordinary
appropriation bills necessary TO sustain the Gov
ernment. And that such measures would not be
obstructed by meeting them in manly debate, and
voting on their merits; but by necessarily calling
The yeas and nays, on repeated and frivolous mo-
tions adjourn, until the end OF the session. Sir,
| doubt not that before he ventured on so high a
threat, he had full assurances from a sufficient
number of southern gentlemen to carry 1t into Ell
feet. For, if he had made il upon his own bare
authority, it would degenerate into contemplate
gasconade, which / am sure that discreet gentle
man would not indulge in. The scene of last
Monday in this House fully sustained him. and
showed that they had the will and power 10 exc
cute it.
Here, then, we have a well-defined and papa-
bic conspiracy of southern members combined TO
stop the supplies necessary TO the existence OF the
Government, disorganize and dissolve 1t, until the
,r4- .Io IL.
and, as a gentleman early in the session desired,
4" discord reigns." Well might the gentleman an
tcipate, that the country and Posterty would pro-
nounCe tins treason, rank treason against the ma
ton : Sir, doubt if there is another legislative
body in the world where such sedition would not
be followed by prosecution and punishment -
France has lately exiled members Of her Assembly
for similar offence. But in this glorious coun
try, where nearly thirds The people are free,
we can say anything within these walls or beyond
them with impunty. unless it be to agiate in ia
yor of human liberiy-that is aggression
Let us inquire, what is the grave Gffence, the
mighty wrong which can justify threat big with
such portentous consequences The refusal oil
Congress 10 propagate or 10 establish doubtful or
even admitted good in the Territories would
surely be no cause for rebellion and revolution
much less would the refusal to extend an evil, an
admitted evil, ali unutigated wrong. Will an in
telligent and free posteIty believe il when Impair
tal history records that the only cause Tor this
high threat was the apprehension that the Congress
of this free Republic would not propagate nor per-
nit TO be propagated, the institution OF human sa-
very into her vast Territories now free f! let
such is the simple fact 1t is proper, then, TO IN
quire whether the thing sought 10 be forced upon
the Territories at the risk of treason and rebellion
be a good or an evil. ! think it is great evil
which ought TO be lnterdicted that we should op-
pose it statesmen, philanthropisis, and as
morasts notwithstanding the extraordinary posi-
tion taken by the gentleman from Alabama tMr
Hilliard) 10 the contrary,
While thus announce my Interchangeable hoslil-
ity TO slavery in every place, also avow my de-
termnton to stand by all the compromises of the
Constitution, and carry them into faithful effect
Some of those compromises greatly dislike; and
were they now open for consideration, they should
never receive my assent. But find them IN
constitution formed in difficult times, and would
not disturb them.
By those compromises Congress has no power
over slavery in the States. greatly regret that
il is so; for il it were within legitimate con-
troll would go, regardless OF all threats, for some
inst safe and certain means for its final extinction.
But know of none who claim the right, or desire
10 touch il within the States. But when we come
TO form governments for territories acquired long
since the formation of the Constitution, and to
admit new States whose only claim for admission
depends on the vii. Of Congress, we are bound so
to discharge that duty, shall best contribute 10
the prosperity, the power. the permanency, and the
glory of this nation. Does slavery contribute 10
any Of these Is it not rather subversive OF them
all Let us first view il in the low light OF poht-
ical economy. That nation, suppose, is always
the most prosperous, all other things being equal
has the most industrious. aud the larger number OF
the producing classes. Those who merely con-
sumo the fruits of the earth, add nothing to the
strength O, the wealth OF a nation. Slave coun-
tries never can have large number OF indusin-
Gus freemen Shareholders form an untitled ariS-
tocracy, with numerous dependents indlvidoal
appropriate large tracts Of territory to themselves,
and thus prevent it from being thicky settled by
fTeemen. Their laborers having no ambition 10
crafty, no love Of gain 10 stimulate them, no pa
rental feelings to impel them to action, are idle
and wastefu. When The lash is the ONLY s'lm-
ulan,, the spuit of man revolts from labor.