Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1850-12-21
SALEM, CoLUMBIANA co, OHIO DECEMBER d. 1850.

my threshold, where il would be gross iu-
humanity, utter sin before God, to exercise
that right Surely, the slaves claim OH us is
equal. How exactly level to the worlds
worst idea of a Yankee, this pocket argu-
ment that the Commonwealth would suffer
by yielding to its noblest instincts! that
Massachusetts cannot now afford to he hu-
name, TO open her arms, a refuge, in the
words of her own statute of 1912, for all
who ply TO HER PROM THE TYRANNY AND
OPPRESSION OF THEIR Prosecutors In
1850. our poor, old, heavy-Iadcn mother
must leave that luxury to Turks and other
uncdtcufdting barbarians We Christians
must take thought for the morrow and
count Justice, humanity, and all that, mere
fine words!
But Is the slave foreigner? Not, surely,
when we pledge our whole physical force to
his master to keep him in chains Were
the surrender clause the only clause in our
Constitution relating TO slaves, Mr.. Curtiss
argument would have some shadow of claim
to. plnusibility. But Massachusetts has pedg-
ed her whole strength TO the slaves injury.
She, az member Of this Union, promises
the STAKEHOLDER to keep peace on the panta-
ton and II the slave rises to get his liberty,
she VIII, as Edward Everett once offered,
buckle on her knapsack' to put him down.
II is not for her now to turn round and treat
him like a foreigner in whose wrong or
welfare she has had no share. The slave
may well cry to her, Trea, me di,oays like
a foreigner; cease to enable my oppressor
by your aid, TO keep me in chains toke your
heel off my neck and then will not only
not ASK place on your soil, but soou will
raise free arms TO God, and thank him, not
for Massachusetts mercy, but for Massachu-
setis' Justice and consistency
But, granting the whole of Mr.. Curtis's
argument, he did not touch, or even glance
at, the popular objection TO the Fugitive Slave
Bill, which is not that fugitive slaves are to
be given up according TO its provisions, but
that its right name is, "A Bill for the more
safe aud speedy Kidnapping of free colored
people.' The law-abiding citizens whom
he addressed, complain that while every man
found on Massachusetts soil has right, un-
I'll the contrary is shown, to be considered
free man, this bill recognizes the right, not
IN The refaotesi manner alluded 10 IN The Consti-
tution, Of certain other persons to arrest and
transport him elsewhere, without judge,
warrant process, or reason. rendered to any
body aud even in cases of resistance TO this
allows such man to bc carried hence on ca
parte evidence, of whose manufacture he
had nc, notice, gotten up nobody knows
where, and by, nobody has authority TO in
Aud that we are called to
put imF,cn-c1 mdence M mC rsea!.~.y,. .~...--'
scientiolIs AMI striking reluctance Of slave
holders to treslass on the rights of others
that this loose law, this wide-open gate for
avarice and perjury, shall never be abused
And, further still, we are told not TO be anx-
ious about the checks and safeguards Of ju-
ry trial, since, when such uniortunates reach
Charleston or New Orleans, land, by the
way, what bond is taken that they ever shall,
and not be carried TO Cuba or Brazil first p
they, the mistakenly kidnapped citizens Of
the Commonwealth, shall have all the bless
ed privileges of a jury trial that tho slaves
of that paradise enjoy We ask bredd-a
freelnan's jury trial, II matter of right, not of
fhvor-by his peers-in the neighborhood-
with witDess-box open TO all men, white or
block-and the burden of proof on the
claimant to show his title Our statesmen "
offer us stOne-ihe Slaue's jury trial-not n
matter of right, but granted when he finds
some one willing TO run the risk of paying
single, perhaps double, costs, and, in some
Staies, only ii the Court pleases, even then
subject TO lashes if the suit be held
groundless-the jury-box filled probably
with slaveholders-a witness-boX closed
against all men of his own race--and the
burden of proof on him to show that the
clamant does not own him according to
Southern law Verify, gentlemen, our un-
professional eyes can see, or think they see,
a difference worth discussingp
Mr. Clay says, in his letter to the Phla-
delphia Union Meeting, that the question
now is, 'whether this agitation against
slavery shall put down the Union, or the
Union be preserved, and that agitation be put
down. There is no other ALTERNATIVE
What does he mean by 'agitation% lie
means meetings like this, OF men and wo-
men gathered together to do honor to an
honest man, to encourage each other in re-
sisting infamous and cruel laws, and to Join.
in ridding the land of the fetter and the
chain, Yes, il is the fetter and the chain,
the unspeakable blessings of slavery, for
whose sake reason is to be hoodwinked and
eloquence to be gagged The feter and
chain which, on the other side of the
ocean, trade has worn away by the benefi-
cent action of her waters, or Christianity
melted in the fervor of her indignant rebuke.
These, in Mr. Clay's opinion, il is our ap-
propriaie work to forge anew! We have not
SO read the scroll of our country's destiny
To the anointed eye, the planting of this
continent is the Exodus of the race out of
the bondage of old and corrupt institutions.
The serene and beautiful Spirit that leads il,
laughs with plying scorn at the efforts of the
mightiest Pharaoh to stay this constant and
gradual advance of humanity. Every blow
falls OH the head of the assaiants-they con-
sumo nothing but themselves.
Put the Union into one scale and free
speech into tie other lit needs no ghost to
tell which will kick the beam. 1t was the
love of free thought and free speech, burn
ing in this same Saxon blood of ours, Tint,
two hundred years ago, translated the Bible
out of dead tongues into living speech
Thot work cost the upsetting of one or two
Kingdoms, and the downfall of great
Church. Here and now, the same love of
freedom and the snine Saxon blood are en-