The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-06-27
Dali ".


men Of Georgia; that il is better TO serve one than
many masters
II the past history OF our country had furnished
no precedents to guide the Administration, Its IN
reference in the affairs Of California would excite
less surprise, and might be cliarltably imputed to
a misconception of its powers. But at least two
cases--strictly anaagous--are indelibiy impressed
upon our records; one (the acquisition OF Louis
lanai under the administration OF Mr.. Jefferson,
in 1903; the other (the acquisition of Florida)
der that Of Mr.. Monroe, in 162O-both of the first
magnitude in their day, entitled now to the high
sideration elected all the wisdom and virtue of
their respective eras, and more than all, because
they were established under the administration Of
our earlier Presidents = ia the purer and better
days Of the Republic. Both were acquisitions OF
territory from foreign powsrAsssettled by foreign
population, and acquired by treaty Of cession as
In the present case, and were subject to the same
laws, viz: the Constitution Of the United States,
the treaties of cessions and the private local laws,
not in conflict with either Did Mr. Jefferson
send political emissary to Louisiana to advise
the coniented Creoes, numberingabout 80 900, to
rise up in defiance Of the powers q Congress, and
establish revolutionary government subversive
Of the government de fScfo If THY had done SO,
would he have g earnestly RECOMMENDED y TO Con-
gress the immediate admission of that immense
territory, containing an area Of mdge than 100
900 squire miles, one State into this Union !
Onthe contrary, Mr.. Jefferson called congress to-
gether on the 18th OF October, 1903, hree weeks
earlier than the day fixed by the preceding Con-
gress, and submitted the country to It's iursdic-
ton.
A similar policy was pursued by Mr. Monroe,
who followed the illustrious example OF Jefferson;
from which the present Cabinet, though pledged
to initiate our earlier Presidents has been the
first to depart Irepeat, '.the first TO lepart,''
notwithstanding the differences which may be
drawn from the following sentence of thu mes
sage:
I" 1t is understood that the people of the western
part Of California have formed plan OF State
constitutions and will soon submit the same 7 the
| Judgment of Congress, and apply for admission
as State. This course on their part, though IN
accordance with, was not adopted exclusively in
consequence of, any expression of my wishes, I'M
| asmuch as measures tending to this end had been
promoted by the officers sent there by my prede-
cessor, and were already in active progress of ex
ecution beforeany communication from me reached
California,
Very true. Riley was sent to California by the
preceding Administration; but his proclamation
was not issued until the arrival Of King, and
1t was ascertained that the present government
had, "by anticipation" approved Of that meas
ure If Kings instructions had confcted with
Riley programme Of organization, of course the
proclamation would have been suppressed; for
King was at once recognized by the public fhnc-
/
| the Sultan's frman, from whom there was no
appeal, and no alternative but obedience or the
bow-string. The present Cabinet dare not make
| the charge directly that Mr. Polk gave counte-
nance to the scheme which has been so success
fully carried out under their administration. They
can only venture to say that measures tending
| that way had been promoted by officers sent there
| by Mr.. Polk, from which some may draw the IN
| ference that he approved the course adopted by
| his own subordinates. If made directly or infer
entially, should feel authorized, from an exami
nation of the subject, to regard it as a craven as
4 pension of the character of that eminent states
man, whose fame is now the fame Of his country
Of which you, and !, and all of us are the guar
| dams.
| In his annual message OF December 2jth, lS4s
the last official communication embracing this sub
| ect, we find his views stated with the dgniy and
] independence BETTING the importance of Ate sub
ect and his high official station. Unused 40 equ
vocation and untramelled by the restraints o.
political expediency, his opinion on the subject o
| the Wilmot Proviso was proclaimed To Congress
with the notifc alton that the enactment would b
resisted by the Presidential veto. At the SAM
| time, he urged that it was 90 the solemn duty 0
Congress to provide, with the least practicable de
lay, for New Mexico and California, regularl.
| organized territorial governments. Congress
| was further admonished Of the danger Of delay
and earnestly invoked, for the sake of the Union
g to adjust at its present session this, the-ony dang
| erous question which lies in our path.
These recommendations are too plain to be mis-
taken or n1srepresented, and are, in effect, a dis
clamer on the part Of the Executive of legisativ.
power, and reference Of the subject to Congress
| for its adjustment; they are condemnation Shy
anticipation" of the proceedings OF Riley anc
| King, and an unanswerabe refutation of the views
4 Of the present Cabinet. The whole policy o
| President Polk may be summed up in few word
the immediate adjustment Of this question by Con
/ eress ,citioM the Wiimof Propiso. This was an
| nounced in his first message after the acquisition
Of those territories, with singular felicity ant
power, and reiterated in each succeeding one with
1 an earnestness Of feeling and force of argumen
which increased with the mminence of the danger
A recurrence to the action of the late Executive Il
gratifying to his friends He did not look for thu
rules Of his conduct TO selfish expectancy, but t
the unchanging principles Of the Constitution
! He did not rely upon concealment or his opin
! ions for the success Of his Administration, blu
upon thorough understanding Of himself, hi
motives, and his principles, by the great mass o
4 his countrymen. 1t was his characteristic to NEE
danger with heroism, and to grapple with the pas
sions and prejudices hostile to the Constitution
and the Union, and overpower them by the IRE
sistible force of truth. In vivid and sublime con
trast with his successors, he sought safety neithe
/ in concealment of opinion or postponement 0
action. 1 am happy to believe that his country
men, forgetful of past party divisions, are nov
paying to his memory the tribute of their admira
ton and gratitude; that his posthmous fame is un
darkened by the mists which surrounded its morn
ing beams.
| An Administration which shuns responsibility
practises concealment, and resorts to the cunnin!
devices of political expediency, cannot long sur
| vive the public contempt. The present one, no
| yet year old, wears the aspect of effete ant
I imbecile senty. In the hour Of its conception
the seeds OF death planted in the heart Of tn
embryo, and the tbroes and agonies of its partu
rition were unmistakable evidences that they hal
terminated and would speedily ffuctify into a har
vest Of DEATH The living principle Of popula
support no longer gives sustenance TO its totterns
decrepitude It's recommendation Of inaction, ii
reference to the question which of all others de
mands immediate action, springs from conscious
ness of weakness, and is the wall of the sick oil
man, who begs for repose when the deepening
shades Of eternal night are closing around him
| But the hiss Of human passions by this queruIou
appeal cannot be hushed. Events roll on, castin.
their heightened shadows before them, threaten
ing, in their unchecked course the destruction O
the Constitution and the Union
| trust that the remarks have felt constrained
by sense of duty to make, touching the proposed
policy of the Administration, will in no degree b,
Il.