The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-27

fixing the ratio Of representation; and that which
provides for the recovery of fugitive slaves. That
is the whole extent Of the constitutional provisions
upon the subject Of slavery. 1t more instituted
slavery, or is responsible for its continuance or
its protection for moment, while it remains with
in the bosom of the States, than it is responsible
for the protection Of any other personal property,
depending for its protection upon the State and
not upon Congressional law.
Now if there is no power or right under the
Constitution, to carry slaves into a territory,
where is the right to carry property Of any kind,
or even to emigrate at all into one! There is
as much for one as for any or either. And if a
Mexican law can have the force to exclude one
kind OF property or persons from the U. s.,
territory why not all! The Constitution recog-
nizes all alike. Our Constitution recognizes
slaves, distinctly and in terms, both as persons
and property, as the basis of representation and
taxation. And we to be told that what our Con
stitution recognizes as destinct elements of our
political and fiscal system, the law of a conquer
ed territory may exclude? Why may it not ex-
clude any other element of our system? But
we are told slavery is excluded by half our own
States, and Mr.. CLAY says that if slavery has
the right to GO any where under or by our Con-
stituton, it may go into the free States. Well,
surely, if as he contends, slavery may exist
without the sanction Of our Constitution, it
may exist without that of Mexican law. And
if, as Mr. CLAY admits, our Government pro-
tects slavery on the high seas against foreign
attack or foreign law, because the vessel
bears our flag, it may be protected on land
where our flag floats or does Mr.. Clay think
that the flag or the Constitution has an efficacy
on water that it does not possess on lands Mr..
CLAY says that slavery on vessel would cease
if it entered voluntarily one of our free States
yes but why does it not cease when the vessel
is out at sea, and under the jurisdiction neither
Of free nor slave State, and is under the ex-
elusive jurisdiction of the United States? Is
not this a recognition Of it by our Constitu-
ton III .'EE
But il is said that since the Union consists Of
States that do not, as well as those which do
hold slaves, the Constitution over both is as
favorable to one as to the other and therefore
when free territory is acquired from foreign
States we cannot interfere against their institu-
tons. So that it is enough as practical an
swer to say that we have not done so, but divi-
ded Louisiana which was slaveholding between
our two classes Of States, giving the largest por-
ton to the North. But the Constitution of the
United States extends over territory, or Con-
gress could have no power over it, and that, as
we have shown, does recognize slavery, and
must take precedence Of Mexican law (which is
inconsistent with it when it forbids slavery.
Mr. Clay tells us that his Compromise, if
adopted, will put an end to agitation. We know
of nothing more likely to increase and aggravate
it. If the North can accomplish such vast re-
suits by agitation as this plan gives her, she will
find it too profitable business to discontinue
She will seize successfully every power Of this
Government to pervert it to her aggrandizement,
as she has the territorial power, until she can
find nothing left in the plundered and ruined
South to covet. Nor, will she respect even
such a Compromise as this, if submitted to by
the South, If Mr.. CLAWS example is to prevail
He. was a party to the Missouri Compromise
he now breaks that. He proposed the Tariff
Compromise. He sanctioned the violation of
that. The South has no peace nor security, ex.
cept in whatever of power she herself possesses
to enforce the Constitution. To show how
very faithful Mr.. CLAY is in offering Compro-
misses and regarding them, we take the. following
extract from this same speech ofhis, referring to
the Tariff Compromise of 1888:
Again, another instance of compromise which
was attended with the happiest efect-I mean the
compromise Of 1888 of the tariff. could name
a half dozen senator's who said then, as the
senator from New Hampshire says now, that
there would be agitation still upon the subject of
the tariff. 1t was said, HYou have adopted the
measure which will ultimately PROSTATE the prin-
ciple of protection. But they will come here at
the next session, and at every session, until they
get that compromise Of the tariff of 1888 removed.
Far different, however, was it's reception among
the great mass of the people of the United States,
and among the manufacturers themselves. made
tour Of New England in that fall The COM
promise passed in March think, and that au-
tumn made tour Of New England; and never
in my life have met with more demonstrations of
cordial affection and confidence than experienced
at the hand of New England, and above all at
the hand of the manufacturers. Sir, with regard
to that compromise, take the opportunity of say
ing that consulted with the manufacturers in
preparing that bil--not with the political manu-
facturers, but with Dupont and other friends of
the North, Mr.. Simmons, of Rhode Island, and
some others not now necessary to be named.
said to them" How will this measure operate
for your INTEREST,"" Admirably" was the re-
ply, "for seven years. until you approach the fall
Of the measure of duties down to twenty per
cent" | told them what believed, that be-
fore that period arrived, Congress would take
up the subject; and urged the Van Buren, ad-
ministration to take up the subject and remodify
the tariif--not to go back to the former high du-
ties, but to interpose degree of protection in
behalf of the interests of the country, beyond
the twenty per cent. They did not do it. They
suffered the thing to run out; and when they
came down to 1912, the twenty per cent. went in
to full operation, and the year before, believe,
it operated very dsadvanageously to the manu-
facturers. The tariff Of 1S42 would have restored
that interest to the North. The North, and not
the South, chose in the contest Of 1914 to bestow
their suffrages in way which led TO the passage
of the tariff of 1876.
The basis of that Compromise was reduce
ton of duties gradually for nine years, until they
arrived at 90 ppr cent 1d l0Iorp,D .t which they