The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-06-15

liar constitutions. Meantime. agitation would ex
clude the slave from those Territories as ef
fectually as the Wilmot proviso would"
With regard to this series Of conjectural re-
suits, we may briefly say
First. The assumption that the adoption of
committee would put stop to the agitation of
the Wllmot proviso controversy, is an assump-
ton merely We have yet TO see the first as
pect of a probability that such would be the re-
suit. We do not believe that such result would
follow. Thus far, Congress has not adopted
the PREsIDENT's recommendations upon this ex-
citing topic; yet we sec that the Wilmot pro-
vlso struggle is still ''kept alive, obstructing
the business of Congress" and 'harassing the
nation" 1t was the PRESIDENTS desire TO
keep it out Of Congress, if possible.
Secondly. The assumption that New Mex
leo and Utah, if left for the present to the gov
eminent of their local laws and usages under
the protection. of the military forces of the
United States, will come into the Union with
anti slavery provisions in their constitutions, is
another mere assumption, and nothing more.
But suppose the assumption well-founded, may
not the same result be as confidently antici-
pated from the adoption of the compromise
plan-the question, in both cases, of the ad
mission or prohibition of the introduction Of
slavery being left for ultimate decision To
! the people OF the Territory when they shall
come to form State constitution, preparatory
to their admission into the Union as State
Do we understand the Union to argue that,
under the Presidents principle of adjustment,
slavery will certainly be excluded from the
! Territory, while under the compromise plan il
will as certainly go there? That seems to be
the Unions meaning, and we, therefore, call
upon il 10 show how these different results will
follow as the natural consequences Of the adop-
ton of the one or the other of the two modes OF
adjustment
Thirdly-and here perhaps we have the sum
and substance of the Union's reasons on this
pont-thirdly, and it shall be our lastly, it is
assumed that ''meantime agitation would eX-
clude the slave-owners from those Territories as
effectually as the Wilmot proviso would
Here is another assumption which does not get
DcyDuu lllt ltlllltS vi al dSSuil IL Is very
well known that in the event of the passage OF
! the Senate's bill, the ultimate decision of the
questions of slavery or no slavery in the Terri
tories would be determined by the people them
selves in the formation of State constitutions
Shareholders going thither with their slaves
would 90 in full view of this contingency, which
would be as adverse TO them prospectively as
if the Territories remained as they are now
But we deny that the adoption of the PREsI-
DENTS principle of adjustment worid be fol
lowed by agitation; while it is almost certain
that the adoption of the compromise would
we do not think there is doubt of it. IT,
therefore. continued agitation will have, as the
Union alleges it will, the effect Ito exclude
the slave-owners from those Territories as eff
| tectually as the Wilmot provso would then
we say, let the South take heed of the estab-
lishment, even without the proviso, of terrific
rial governments over those Territories; for as
surely as such governments arc established, SC
surely will the agitation continue with increased
violence.