Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1845-1854, 1850-12-16

ly remarked, shat laws must be so ex- !,
pounde J or contracted as TO meet the ex-
igeacies Of society,"" alluding to the com.
mon law of England, no doubt. which was |
only adopted in This State, 30 far as it |
shpuld be found strictly applicable to our
condition.. 2
. iThe.case to which reference has been
made, determined so many yeare since,
cannot be considered as Of very binding
authority. Since that period, multiudes
Of monied and other corporations have
sprung into life, and their conflicting
claims with government and people, render
it highly expedient, that the rules hitherto
recognized, and claimed as placing these
institutions beyond the reach Of either ju.
dicial or legislative correction, should now
be revised, modified, and placed on foun.
dation more consistent with the spirit Of our
laws and the rights Of ell. '-'-@
Having thus, very briefly, referred to
certain subjects Of State policy, and some
Of the functions Of the Executive, as, in my
humble judgement, they ough. to be per-
formed, I could wish that nothing remain :.
ed, but to take the oath Of Office and retire
from this hall. But cannot do go, con.
sistensly with public expectation, without
] frank expression Of my views, on CUES.
ition now pending before the people, which
threatens the stability Of the Union, the
supremacy of the laws, ard to disturb the
good order and quiet which has hitherto,
! with very few exceptions, prssailed, since
the adoption Of the Federal Constitution in
l79O. ''
An excitement is spread over large
extent and prevudes every rank and condi.
ton in life, and unless nllayed and other
counsels prevail, collisions between govern.
ments and people may produce civil war.
Of which no one can predict tho conse.
quences to the General or State Govern
men,s, or 10 freedom Throughout, the world.
The question Of human slavery is, and
ever has been subject Of discord in the
relations the several States bear TO each
other and to the General Government,
which Is bound 10 pro,ec, the constitutional
rights and interests Of each.
The democratic party ever has and ever
will oppose either the diffasion or ex,en.
sion of slavery into any free territory oI
the United States. by every legal and con.
s,i,utional means; and would rejoice, ifany
mode no, deing violence 10 others, could be
devised ito overthrow and eradicate TIE
vile., er-... '.,... i
That Congress having by the Cons,i,u.
lion, authority to legislate for the Dis,ric,
of Columbia, sin al cases whatsoever -
may there abolish il, / entertain no doubt.
Congress is, by the Constitution, the local
legislature of The District, and all cases
within the legitimate sphere Of legislation,
are embraced within the terms Tin all ca.
ses whatsoever" as used in that ins,ru-
ment Congress appears TO me 10 possess
the same Legislative power over slavery,
within the ten miles square thar may
be exercised by the legislatures OF the slave
States over it, within their jurisdictions:-
and that it has been considered, in those
States, a proper subject of legislation. their
history furnishes the most satisfactory evi.
dencs. -Asa. s...,.. .... 49,. /.
have viewed the abolition Of slavery in
the District, not only measure Of sxpedi
ency, but of absolute natural right to The
colored race. The South would doubtless
noquisce in such measure for il we. OK.
pect to remain ono people, there Is an alb
solu,e necessity of ndherins to the decis
ions Unconstitutional mnjorities within theil
legitimate spheres Of action. -, 81,
But tho abolition Of slavery in the Dis
triet ,of Colombia, and in the the slave
Statesr in my opinion stand upon difieren
ground as to the power Of Congress over il.
The Executive of Vermont in his la L
Message to the General Assembly, init.
mates that Congress may abolish slavery in
in the States where II now exists. How
far the opinion prevails am no. informed
but believe the exercise OF any such auothr
ity by Congress, would be followed BY
dissolution Of the Union. The Soulf
would then be driven to i, to preserve thei,
peculiar institution under their own loca
authority. ,sa.s, s s1...s .-.- .i.5
| The entire South, and believe, the
entire North, would look upon such action
as an unwaranted usurpaiion by Congress.
for which there is no authority, expressed
granted or fairly to be implied, from the
constitution of the United States,
! | U0 6ACIIoiuoub " WulSu O0iOI0 IUt0f'
red, appears to have entirely grown out o
the passage, approval, and partial execu
ton in few instances Of what is called
the Fugitive Slave Law by Congress.
Conventions have denounced it as uneonstitu
tional, the Clergy have declared it in opposition
to the higher law Of God and therefore void
The slave and the citizen have been advised and
invited to arm and oppose the execution Of this
law to the shedding Of human blood, and all this
is done in the peaceabls and orderly State of o.
hio and think it is the result ofmistaken judg.
ment if not, and the law is actually void, they
are right, and could justify the noble impulse
which prompts interference between freedom and
servitude in opposition to Law, whether white OF
black. Ia 2.,eyss--.szss ss.. e.. tr-asjs.-
( But let Us for o moment search after truth, and
if we find it, acknowledge its force. Let the
ground We occupy, at least be we'll considered be-
| fore we hasten the results calculated to weaken
public confidence in the supremacy Of our laws,
and the wisdom and stability of our institutions.
There is, think, no doubt that the Superior
Court of the United States will sustain every
provision of this law as eonstifntioaol when the
occasion shall arise One of its Northern mem
bers has already done so in the case of Garnett.
| Tho decisions of this tribunal ara absolutalv