Sunbury American. [volume] (Sunbury, Pa.) 1848-1879, 1850-03-16


Returning to the question Of the admission
OF Texas, he related his own position thereon,
quoting from his speeches and acts, 10 show
that he had always been opposed TO it-be-
cause he knew that whoever possessed
Texas, it wsuld be- slave territory, and ne
was unwilling to extend that instituiion. He
had time and again expressed himself as be.
ing strongly opposed to the introduction OF
any new slave States, or the acquisition OF
slave territories. Upon that point he knew
no change in his sentiments at the present
time. TSensation.l He had, on one occasion,
he believed, expressed himself against The
acquisition Of any more terriory--north south
east, or west. He had expressed his belief
ip the Spartan maxim 'improve, adorn
what you have--seek no further" Butwhat
was our present conditionl Texas had been
admitted with all her territory, with the In
siitltion of slavery, ard an irreparable law,
by which, il new States were erected out of
any portion Of her territory, they should be
slave States; and he wished lit 10 be distinctly
understood that he considered this govern
nent solemnly bound by law to create new
slave States out Of Texas, when she shall
contain the necessary population. Slavery
was excluded from California and New Mex
leo by the law of nature, which had erected
impossible barriers TO its Introduction there.
This he considered as fixed fact That
that country was 10 be free, was settled by
the arrangement OF Providence, and could
not be changed. Regarding this as fixed
fact he would say that he would not vote
for the insertion into any bill giving terrific
rial governments 10 the new territories any
provision prohibiting slavery ihere-any re-
enactment of the will of God. He would put
into it no Wlmot Proviso- nothing that was
so useles, and nugatory. He meant 10 stand
or fall upon the proposition that every foot Of
The territory in this country has a character,
fixed and irreparable, and which cannot be
changed in any way.
In this connection, he said that the Pro-
yiso, in the case Of Oregon, was nugatory and
senssless, and observed that if there was any
of the Northern democracy who now desired
to pu, a Wilmo, Provi,o into an act giving
government to California, he supposed that
the same man would feel it necessary to as
sert the same principle for the purpose of
saving the saow-clad hills of Canada from
the foot Of the slave, in case she shall be an
nexed. (Laughter,) The provision would
be quite as necessary and proper in the one
case as in the other. In the next place MIR
Webster proceeded to consider the complaint
made by each section of the Union against
the other--beginning with the complaints of
the South, and passing over that in relation
to the manner of collecting and dsbursing
the revenue. He alluded 10 the difficulty
arising from the failure of the North to give
proper aid in the capture and delivery of fu-
gitive slaves. In this, he thought the North
in the wrong and the South right. Ii was a
cause Of complaint upon the part Of the South,
and one which the North ought to remove.
The duty was imposed by the Constitution,
and it was not consistent with morality for
Northern men and Legislatures to attempt to
evade this provision. Congress ought 10 pass
some law removing the evil. For one, he
designed supporting the bill (Mason's) now
pending in the Senate, having that object in
view. In connection with this point, he
made some remarks upon the propriety of
Legislative instructions, objecting TO them,
and saying, in effect, that if instructions
should be sent 20 him in relation to any mat
ter affecting the interests Of The country he
should pay ne more regard 10 them than
he would if appointed an arbiter to decide
some matter in dispute between individuals,
to lhs instructions OF him who appointed him.
Considering, in The next place, the agitation
in the North, complained Of by the South, he
said he had no doubt but that during the last
twenty years money enough had been sub.
scribed in the North for abolition presses, So
cieties and lecturers, to purchase the free
dom OF every slave in the land but, unfor-
tunately, he believed the sympalhies of these
societies had never been extended in that di.
rection. - rr . .....-
He valued highly the freedom OF lhe press.
yet it was too true, that the press was fire.
quenlly prosiituted, and evil articles were
scluoAAiJ iOthu iu INC pdPeisj HdNiilS u MIS-
chievous and irritating tendency, as there
were such expressions in many speeches
made in the houses of Congress. Indeed, he
must say, that the vernacular of the country
had been greatly vliated and depraved by
the character of the speeches in Congress-
lLaughter.) After administering rebuke to
persons for having compared the absolute ig-
norauce of slavery with the independent,
educated free labor of the North, he elo-
1uenily considered the question of the disso-
luton Of the Union, scouting the idea OF
peaceful secession. Could any man be Sc
foolish as TO expect such miracle Could
any one dream Of the breaking up of thi:
great country, without terrible convulsions
AS swell might we look for the upheavings o.
the waters of the mighty deep without dis
turbing the surface. But what was 10 bt
the resul, of disunisn! Where and how
was the line 10 be drawn! What was it
become of the Sialesl What was to become