North Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1850-1852, 1850-11-30


counteracted by the violence and folly Of the abo-
litionists They have done infinite mischief They
have NOT only brought the Union into imminent peril,
bn shey have inflicted the grea test evils both on the
slave and on the free negro-she avowed objects OF
their regard.
Let me, then, call upon your powerful and inau-
entail meeting, as they value the Union of these
States, the greatest political blessing eyer conferred
nv bountiful Providence upon man-as they value
The well being OF the slave and free negroas they
value even the cause of regular and constitutional
emancipaton-to exert all their energies put down
the long-continued agitation In the North against
slavery in the South. Is it unreasonable that the
South should make this demand The agitation
has reached such height that the Southern people feel
their personal security TO be involved. It has filled
the minds of the slaves with vague notions of eman-
cipalion, and in the language of General jackson
threatens s. to stimulate them to insnrrection and
produce all the horrors of servile war; Although
any such attempt their part would be easily aud
speedily suppressed, yet what horrors might not in
the mean time be perpetrated! Many mother now
retires to rest night under dreadful apprehensions
of what may befall herself and her family before the
morning. Sef-preservation is the first instinct OF
nature and therefore any state of society in which
sword of Damocles is all the time suspended over the
heads of the people must at last, become ntoleabe
To Judge correctly of relative duties towards the
people of the South, We ought place ourselves in
their position, and do unto them would they
should do unto us under similar circumstances. This
is the golden rule. 1t under its benign influence
that our constitution of mutual compromise and con-
cession framed, and by the same spirit alone
can it be maintained. Do the people of the North
act in this Christian spirit, whilst siigmazing their
brethren of the South with the harshes epithets and
inputing them high degree of moral guilt because
slavery has been enailed upon them by their orefa-
theirs and this, too, with knowledge that the con-
sequences of these assaults must be place in peril
their personal safety, and that of all they hold most
dear earth. l repeat that this constant agitation
be arrested by the firm determination and reso-
lutte action of the vast majority of the people OF the
orth, who known to disapprove it, the sacri-
flee of glorious Union may and probably will be
at last the consequence.
shall proceed to present to you some views upon
the subject of the much-msrepresented fugtive-slave
law. 1t is evident, from all the signs of the
times, that this is destined to become the principal
subject of agitation at the session of Congress,
and TO take the place of the Wilmot Proviso. It's
total repeal lis material modification will hence
forward be the batecry of the agators of the north.
And what is the character of this law! 1t was
passed TO carry into execution a plain, clear. and
mandatory provision of the constitution, requiring
that the fugitive slaves who fly from service in one
State to another shall be delivered up to their mas
tiers. This provision is explicit that he who runs
may read. No commentary can present itin a stron-
ger light than the plain words of the constitution. 1t
is a we'll known historical fact that without this pro-
vision the constitution itself have existed.
How could this have been otherwise! Is tpossibe
for moment believe that the slave States would
have formed union with the free States if under it,
their slaves. by simply escaping across the boundary
which separates them, would acquire all the rights OF
freemen! This would have been to offer irresst-
able temptation 10 all the slaves of the South to pre-
cipitate themselves upon the North. The federal
constitutions therefore, recognises in the cieaest and
emphatic terms the property in slaves and pro-
teets this property by prohibiting any State into
which slave might escape from discharging him
from slavery, and by requiring that he shall be de-
livered up to his master.
But, say the agitators, the fugitive-slave law,
framed for the very purpose of carrying into effect
express provision of the constitution. is itself
constitutional. shall not stop to argue such point
at length, deeming this be wholly unnecessary.
The law in every of its essen ial provisions, is
the very same law which passed in February.
! 1893, by Congress, many of whose members had
come fresh from the convention which framed the
federal constitution. and was approved by the Faith
er of his Country. If this be So it may be asked,
whence the Necessity of passing the present law B.
! Why not rest upon the act of 1893! This question
is easily answered. The of 1893 had intrusted
its own execution, not only the Judges of the cir
cult and district of the United States, but to
all the State magistrates of any county, city, OF
town corporate. The decision of the Supreme court
of the United States in the case of Pgg the Com
monwealth OF Pennsy lvania deprived these State
magistrates of the power of acting under the law.
! W hat was the consequence Let take the State
of Pennsylvania for an example. There but
three individuals left in the whole State who could
judclally execute the provisions of the of 1893
the circuit judge and two district Judges. Two of
these judges reside in Philadelphia, and one of them
in Pttsburg-a distance of more than three hundred
Ihes apart, II Is manifest, therefore. That the law
in many-lndeed. in most-cases could not have
been executed, for want of officers hand. Ii
thus became absolutely necessary for Congress to
provide United States officers take the place of the
State magistrates who had been superseded. With
out this, constitutional right would have existed
with no adequate means of enforcing it. The fugi-
tive-slave bill was passed chiefly remedy this de-
feet, and to substitute such officers, instead of the
State magistrates, whose powers had been nulli6ed
| under the decision of the Supreme Court.
1t is worthy of remark that several of northern
legislatures availing themselves of the decision of
the Supreme Court, and under the deep excitement
produced by the agitation of the Wimot Provso,
passed laws imposing obstacles the execution of
the provisions of the constitution for the restoration of
fugitive slaves. ain sorry, very sorry, to state that
Pennsylvania is among the number. By our act of
Sd March, even the of public jails is denied
for the safe custody of the fugitive; and the jaler
who shall offend against this provision is deprived of
his office, and Is punishable with heavy fine and
disqualification ever again to hold similar office!
The two principal objections urged against the fu-
gve slave law are, that it will promote kidnapping,
and that it does not provide trial by jury for the f
give the State to which he has escaped. The very
same reasons may be urged with equal force against
half a century without encountering any such OBJ
jectons.
In regard to kidnapping, the fears of the agtators
are altogether groundless The law requires that the
fugitive shall be taken before the Judge or commss
ioner The master must there prove, the satisac-
ton of the magistrate. the identity of the fugitive
that he is the masters property and has escaped from
his service. Now, ask, would kidnapper ever
undertake such task Would he suborn witnesses
to commit perjury, and expose himself to detection
before the judge commissioner, and in presence of
the Argus eyes of noL-slavehoding community,
whose feelings will always be in favor of the slave
No; never The kdnapper seizes his victim in the
n fhn inhf 1o,eo, -of,,.