The Woodville Republican. [volume] (Woodville, Miss.) 1847-1853, 1850-11-19

came rom land ana the iandhOIdCrS Teprg
sented the productive power of the nation
From tins system proceeded the whole pa,
history of England. Thence sprung tha
2 magnificent Common Law, broad and sun
IN It's foundations a. the soil, and as varie,
and prolific in its rich results-thence ros
that life OF exquisite civilization, the pro
duct OF past energy and present cultivation
and thence only can come the power to pre-
serve, whence came the vigor to create
England is to be the free monarchy of il
! past history, it must be the England of land
holders. And the logical consequences ar,
limited representation, and the corn laws
The other reasons thus: England has falsi
fed the conditions of feuda life-the basi.
of her empire is no longer English soil-hel
colonaI territories represent no connection
Of landlord and tenant--the crown no long
er draws its revenue from loyal forests-the
sails of Liverpool, and the looms of Man
chester symbolic the relation of capital
and labor. From this new relation must
England's future history flow; thence must
spring the controlling power Of foreign mar
kets; the mighty trade of EngIands wider
empire; and thence only can come the Wig
or to create, whence comes the power to
conceive. If England is to be on empire of
the future, she must be the England of man
utacturers. And the logical consequences
are the reform bill and the repeal of the corn
laws. But iatai as is such a struggle to the
efficiency and character of national action,
even in It's mi'dest shape, there are condi-
tions of political society liz which the con
tllct Of vast and sectional interests, concen-
trates into the porteutous issue of mortal
strife. The conlederacy of the United
States has reached this period in It's history.
The legislation of the present Congress has
effected political revolution. 1t has de-
stroyed old relations and rejected established
compromises. Basing its action upon
principle recognized only by a portion of its
constituency; the government, in becoming
the exponent of one class, becomes necessa-
riiy also the enemy of the other. And hav-
ing, in violation of traditional faith and con-
stltutlonal securities, achieved its purpose it
tolsts an unknown language into its COM
mentary upon the constitution and forces
upon half the commonwealth the bitter al
tentative of becoming subjects or rebels
The California bill and its kindred meas
ures have been passed the policy of the
federal government firmly and distinctly de-
clared, and the institution of slavery so far
as by any possibility of constitutional con-
struction it can be compassed, is outlawed
Under these circumstances, whether the
South recognizes or rejects recent Congress
a1fN -
view our position. For if we remain in the
Union, we are bound by new conditions
stand in very altered attitude, and should,
at our earliest opportunity, learn to know
our place. The object of these pages is,
therefore, simply to ascertain what is the
position of the South and what course of ac-
ton it .behooves us to follow in the dis
charge of our duties os a slave-holdng peo-
pie.
The vindication of slavery is no part of
our purpose. We know that Providence
has placed us in the midst OF an institution
which we cannot as we value national ex-
istenCe, destroy. 1t has solved for us in the
wisest manner, that most dangerous of soci-
al questions, the relation of labor to capital,
has developed the physical wealth of the
country in its highest, that is, its agricultu-
raj branch, in Unprecedented proportion. 1t
has created a civilization combining in ad-
mirable measure energy and refinement. 1t
informs all our habits of thought lies at the
basis of our political faith and of our social
existence In a word, for all that we are,
we believe ourselves, under God, indebted
10 the institution of slavery--for a national
existence, well ordered liberty prosper
Gus agriculture, an exuIting commerce,
free people, and a firm government. And
where God has placed MS, there, without ar
gument, are we resolved to remain between
the graves of our fathers and the homes of
our children. The only questions open now
for our discussion are. what are the dangers
we have to meet, and what are our means
of meeting them. As historical truths af-
fording prompt answers to these questions,
we submit to the attention of every South
ern man who desires to do his duty at this
periIous crisis, the following propositions
l. That all legitimate government is but
the larger development Of the same princi-
of a nation and that therefore the test of ma
tional health is perfect sympathy between
national government and popular institu-
tions.
2 That the institutions of the slave-hold-
ing States are peculiar in their nature, differ
ing in most essential features of political
character from the political system OF the
rest of the country
8. That this difference has excited sec
tional jealousy, which, in the political histo-
ry of the country has deepened into section
al hostility, and that by recent legislation,
the Federal Government has declared itself
the ally of the North and Northwest against
the institutions of the South.
4. That in such political crisis the only
safety Of the South is the establishment OF a
nolitical centre within itself: In simpler