The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-31


do not think that eleven persons whom do no
know--whether they are Wings or Democrats
friends or foes-hays right TO discuss my "igno
rance" so freely, or call me home To such, mi
letter is alone directed, and TO SUCH wish it onIl
to apply.
AS your manner more than your matter, callet
forth this reply, might well pass over your ar
guments; however, Twill notice one or two o
them and then say something of your facts. 70,
suppose that now, since the Nash vile Convention
has spoken, ought to conform to their views
Why so' Was Louisiana or even the South Car
olina settlement represented therei How mucl
of the South was represented there' Was ma
jority Of the people Of single State, except per
haps, South Carolina represented there, Do yo,
really think that address Of that Convention, ant
the illustration OF it by its author in his speech
when he returned home, calculated to lead M
and others to embraceiti Do you believe that one
tenth Of the free people who sustained it woul.
have done so, if they had anticipated, it woult
have taken the dsunion turn which Mr. Rhett',
address and speech have given it,
| When you quoted the remark in my speech
about loosing our " foothold in California, yo,
ought to have taken enough of it to have it un
derstood, and not to have garbled it. What
did say. speaking Of the Clay ton Compromise
was
81 believe that that compromise was entirely
satisfactory to the Southern people. IL placed vi
in position to obtain security for such rights al
we actually possess, and which We have not OBJ
tanned since. What has been the consequence Il
us Of the rejection of that compromised! What il
our condition now with respect to the State O
California; We have lost all foothold there ant
we have lost it in consequence Of the fact that tina
compromise was defeated.
What reason have we to believe that we shall
1 gain any thing in the South by defeating this
| compromised We have lost by Just such
course heretofore; and we shall lose by it now
if we persist in it. Our principle is as true nov
as it was then. Time changes not truth W.
| are in minority
| How then can we regain our foothold there by
rejecting the compromise bill' Slavery is prohib
tied there by the State constitution, and so j
will remain, whether we admit her or not Blu
you would have all or none. Not 80 with m,
and the people of the South, generally. con
TESS, and so do they, when fire is raging that ha,
already destroyed half my property, will extin
guish it if can before it destroys the other half
And now for some Of your facts
| L. 1t is not a fact as you allege of the compro
mise, that
ga few Of you from the Southern States form
ing decided minority of their delegations in Con
gress, stand up for this measure, so obnoxious a,
it is, and thus keep alive the divisions unhappily
existing"
Or that '.the Southern people have, in the mos,
uneq1iivocal manner, put their seal of condemna.
ton upon the measure"
No Southern legislature has condemned the
measure in terms. There have been more ap.
prevails Of il given by distinguished men, and pub
lie meetings, and the press in the South, thar
against it, These expressions have been more
unanimous in Louisiana, than ever known on any
other subject. And in the Senate (the question
has not been taken up in the House) where there
are thirty Southern Senators, thirteen are known
to be for it, and eleven against it !; and of the re
naming six there is reason to believe that at leas
enough Of them will ultimately go for it to make
majority Of the thirty. At any rate no man ID
authorized to say that majority Of them is
against it.
2. tits not fact as you allege that am in favor
of abolshing the slave trade in the District of Co.
lumbia: there is nothing that have said or done
that authorizes you to say sO--that provision is no
part of the Compromise bill proper. ! voted
against it in the Committee and shall vote and
speak against it in the Senate.
3. 1t is not a fact as you alege, that by the
bill Congress assumes to enter the States and
legislate for the slave between him and his mas.
ter" There is not word about the rights of the
slave in the bill, and the clause which was recon-.
mended by the Committee--to be added to the
Fugitive Slave bill, was acceptable to Mr.. Mason.
the author of that BILL and all the Southern men,
bers on the Committeeman was considered by
all an advantage TO the South which the Northern
members would dispense with if we did not de.
sire it.
a. It is not fact as you allege, that the g osi
of Texas by the bill is enough to form two large
States She looses nothing by the bill but wha
is in dispute and what she is amply paid for. And
what is this given up for fair Compensation, /.
not the bill changed in its character us to slavery
And besides this whole clause has no effect wthou
the consent Of Texas, and think her interests arr
likely to be safe in the hands Of her Senator'S ant
her legislature, ms in those Of men who subscrib,
to and read the South Carolina papers only.
S. 1t is not fact us you aege, that 1 said in
my speech, I" that large States should submit t.
aggression, insult and wrong" | said no sucl
thing.
In a curious and involved sentence near thu
close of your letter, you insinuate that have in
timated something to Democrats, that is g unwor
thy Of one who bears the name Of Democrat
and hurl back the implied accusation" Will
you be good enough to inform me in your mex
epstle, if you should honor me with another
from what part of my speech you draw such al
inference, or where you find in it any attemp
on my part to make party question out Of the
| subject under debate, and, as you have so many
I" Wigs" and " Democrats, y in this sentence
would greatly crafty my curiosity to be informe'
to which Of the two parties, or whether to neithe
| or TO both, the signers Of the letter belong.
| Respectfully your Obedient Servant,
s. w. DOWNS.
WAsHiNcroN july 29th 1850