The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-12-19
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every Department of the Government
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Resolutions have been introduced into the Lee
gls,asace of N ortn carnnna, sttst, = .igSI "a
secession Why not assert the right Of revolu-
ton No government constitutional or despotic
contempates its own subversion, and provides for
it. The Constitution of the United States estab-
lished form of government which was to 90 into
operation, whenever nine States agreed to its rati-
fcation, and be binding upon them Thirteen
States ratified it, and became bound by it and
since then, eighteen more have ratified it, and
become bound by it.
This Constitution is the supreme law of the
States "This Constitution, and the laws Of the
Union, which shall be made in pursuance thereof,
shall be the supreme law of the land, and the
judges in every State shall be bound thereby,
anything in the Constitution or laws Of any State
to the contrary notwithstanding"
The obligation assumed by each State on adj
mission into the Union, is plain and positive 1t
stands solemnly pledged to regarl the Constitu-
tiOu, anu tue laws III tuc III pursuance tntTtOl MS
supreme. 81 long as it remains in the Union this
obligation cannot be thrown off. II the const-
nationality of law be denied there is const-
tutional tribunal for deciding the question; and
its decision is authoritative The chief Execu-
tive is bound to enforce it in other words, to see
that the laws be executed, whatever may be the
form of pposition-whether that of Lynch law
or State law.
But, has n State no right to seeded Not by,
or under, the Constitution. That instrument has
made provision for it's peaceful amendment, not
its violent subversion. Whenever two-thrds of
both Houses Of Congress shall deem it necessary,
Congress shall propose amendments; or whenever
twothirds of the States shall request it shall call
a convention to propose amendments; and, in Ell
Their case, the amendments when ratified by the
Legislatures or the State Conventions of three
| fourths Of the several States, shall become part
of the Constitution. But no provision is made for
releasing State from its obligations in the Union,
or its connection with the Union On what prin-
ciple, then, can it secede2 The principle on
which the American Colonies separated them
selves from Great Britain, viz: that, whenever
any form of government becomes destructive
of life, liberty, and the pursuit Of happiness, ait
is the right of the People to alter or abolish it,
and to institute new government, laying its
foundations on such principles, and organizing its
powers in such forms as to them shall seem most
likely to effect their safety and happiness
That is the principle on which rests the right
of secession 1t is revolutionary, not a coastitu-
tioaal right. A government that should author
ize violence against itself, would be (elo de Sc.
The question comes up-do these Southern
Legislatures which deem it proper now to affirm
this revolutionary right, propose seriously to ex-
ercise il? We commend to them another princ-
pie, found in the same Declaration of lndepend-
ence, in which we find the principle of secession
or revolution laid down:
Prudence, indeed, will dictate that govern
mcnts long established, should not be changed for
light and transient causes and, accordingly, all
experience hath shown that mankind are more
disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than
to right themselves by aboishing the forms to
which they are accustomed. But when long
train Of abuses and usurpa' ions, pursuing inva-
Tiholy tus btmV o'yoS' S'ihsNo " uSo' q" w
them under absolute despotism, it is their right,
it is their duty to throw of such government, and
to provide new guards for their future security"
so awful is the right Of revolution, such de-
structon of life and the substantial interests Of
Society always attends it's use, that our fathers
felt the impossiblty of jastifying their resort to
il, in the sight of God or man, unless they could
Il L., ~ al nd
pursuing invariably the same vhjece md eviaoing
| a design to reduce them under absolute despot-
ISM
The authors Of the Declaration OF Independ-
| encc made out their case TO the satisfaction Of
mankind and in the contest for independence
that followed, received the sympathies Of the ma
| tions of the world When slaveholiers can pre-
sen. similar exhibition Of grievances, it viii be
time enough for them to threaten revolution and
separation. What long train of abuses ana usurpa-
tions on the part Of the Federal Government can
they point tol What has it done to Cypress
them or impair any of their rights They have
enjoyed since the foundation Of the Government,
so far, more than their share OF its responsible
offices, and they have for the most part determined
its course Of policy. This is unden'ab'e " the
Federal Government has committed abuses, they
are responsible for them; if it has been guilty OF
usurpation, they are the usurpers II 1T has
eyinced a design to reduce the South under alb
solute despotism," they are chargeable with it
because in this very Government they have al
ways exerted controlling influence.
Another question belongs to this subject. We
can easily understand why, should all Of the
Southern States unite in the project Of separating
from the existing Union and organizing Southern
Confederacy, the Federal Government might feel
iudisposed or unable to resort to forcbe measures
against thcm Bot suppose single State, South
Carolina for example, attempt to exercise the
revolutionary right Of Secesson, the same reasons
for abstaning from the interposiion Of force
might not exist South Carolina might assert the
right to secsde; but the United States might MS
| sert the right Of self.preservation. To allow