The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-02-09

ment, and for debt is dragged 10 prison. Our city
was converted into trap 10 catch strangers. Such
a law might suit the Roman notion of liberty, but
not his own. Last year petition was sent TO Con-
gress to abolish the slave pens; he glad that he
did not sign it. We all know what AN excitement it
produced. Congress has right 10 abolish these
pens, but he would not give up this without an
equivalent. Let us wait and see whether Mr. Doug
lass bill gains any countcnance, whether il il
such as calls for action. He thought that on
the subject OF slavery We safe in the hands Of
Congress. With Mr.. Clay's modification, in his
speech one Of his resolutions he believed that il
would be breach of faith TO do away with sla-
very without the consent of those Immediately in
terested. Should we not wait and see the probable
action Of Congress on this subject!
Mr.. Dow. Would the Shareholders not have the
power to abolish slavery without the consent of
Congress-
Mr.. LENox Undoubtedly not. Congress could
not abolish slavery without the consent OF the peo
pie, but the people would not have the power of
themselves because the District is the property of
the whole Union; and the public harmony might be
disturbed.
Mr.. Dow. / do not think that Congress has the
power, with the consent Of the people.
Mr. LESox said that this was question for flu
ture action. The agitation now was premature.
1t did not become this meeting-two hundred in
number-to take the responsibility of moving in
the reform He had TO meet with single indiyid-
ual, who was not connected with the call, who APP
proven Vi IT,. All buOuiu nave Decn anu not
merely those who in favor of the memorial.
fthis had been done, there would now be larger
assemblage of citizens.
Mr.. CARLISLE. Will the gentleman say at what
time it will be expedient to agitate this question:
Mr. LENox We say that this is the all absorb
ing topic. The proposition is of an infiammatory
character. We find now that even the declaration
Of American independence is made mockery and
farce. II ask for Territorial Government,
does any one suppose that Congress will act ON the
subject? Are we prepared, before Congress adj
journ, to prepare constitution, and carry it
through the form of an election? What advantage
is TO be gained? The Wilmot proviso might be at
tempted, as attachment Does any one believe
that the southern members would transfer from
Congress legislation the District when this,
next to California and the territories is the pivot
the entering wedge of the controversy? No terri
torial or municipal bill can now be passed. The
question to the District of Columbia is to be set
tied with the other questions. II fanaticism goes
far to act the subject of slavery without the
consent of the people, then he prepared to act.
Applause If they proposed to pass any act Of an
insulting character, he was for treating il null
ty. He believed that all these questions will be
settled Let wait until then, and hereafter rally
the subject judicial reform.
Mr. b. b. FRENCH explained his position. He
never signed the memorial, but the call He was
told that the object of the meeting to discuss
the subject of Territorial Government, as Mr..
DoUGLAs, in the Senate, had presented a bill to
establish one. As TO slavery, he thought that it
dertase TO abolish it, as long it exists in Mary
land.
Mr. J. A. M. DuNcA SsoN thought that we ought
TO wait until Congress adopts something tangible,
before act upon the question. We cannot agi-
tate, without bringing up the subject of slavery.
If we throw this matter into Congress, we deprive
ourselves of all our right to take action. We
should not move in the matter of reform until the
questions which now agitate the country settled
by Congress. He could see no necessity for alter
ing the laws We are acquainted with them now,
and new ones would occasion us trouble
Mr.. BRADLEY. ! really congratulate the gen.
tleman. As he is the only person who knows what
the laws are, he will me the trouble, because
can learn from him what they are. Laughter
He made no apology for signing the call. He saw
that which was inevitable--a movement on the part
persons for Territorial Government or something
else The question is, whether the citizens Of the
District of Columbia will sit quiet and let some half
dozen persons act for them, OF whether they will
act for themselves. He had told the gentleman who
handed the memorial to him that he was opposed to
Territorial Government. II il were true that four
hundred persons had signed it. was it for to take
no action? Soon there may be another secret meet
ing; and are we To sumber?
Mr.. DUNoANsoN. Is it supposed that the memo
rial of this character signed by four hundred per-
sons, will be acted on!
Mr.. BRADLEY. If the gentleman does not know
the effect, you and do, Mr. Chairman. Laws are
sometimes passed on the recommendation of a
smaller number ! care not who the signers are;
care not as to their motives. But the question is
shall we sit quietly, when bill has been referred
in the Senate for Territorial Government for this
District? II is probable that this meeting origi-
mated in the desire of Senator Douglas who has in
troduccd the bill vitality interesting to US
| Mr.. Dow. The proposition of the Senator was
merely one Of inquiry, as ] saw in the papers.
| Mr.. BRADLEY. The scheme have in view is
that the people shall have the authority TO speak for
themselves.
] Mr. LENox. The resolution declares that it il
inexpedient to have a Territorial Government.
! Mr.. BRADLEY. We all wish the same thing
| egisation best for the District. Ii we now ad
ourn other meetings viii be held, not quiet private
| ones-not of friends, but of foes.
MIR. LESox When we find that injudicious memo
rails are sent in, will it not then be time for TO
act?
Mr.. BRADLEY Has not this been done already?
Who has seen the memorial signed by four hun
dred peopleY
Mr. JoHs WILSON 1t is an old memorial.
Mr.. BRADLEY. No man is a more ardent admirer
of Mr.. Clay than am, but differ from him.
Slaves are Just rs much property now as when the
District was ceded BY the cession, all the rights
of the people were transferred with the inhabitants,
and guaranteed 10 them under the Constitution.
I.deny the right of Congress to abolish slavery in
the District. II is asked, will you add fuel 10 the
flame, no necessity for IL. II the abolition of
slavery is to depend on majority Of the people OF
the District, there is danger Of the result. When
neither increase nor diminish the agitation,
is it wise 10 let irresponsible persons 60 in their
course' Should we not make known our position
and close the door against such proceedings
Mr.. JOHN WILSON said that there three
points presented first, as TO the old laws second
ly, as 10 the abolition and thirdly, TO the me-
mortal. So far the last was concerned, should
rcpudiate IL. IL sounded like strange doctrine TO
hear the abolition of slavery spoken OF without the
consent of the people of the District. II Congress
has not the right to deprive persons Of their pro-
pcrty, surely the majority Of the people cannot
We know that nothing can be done, no measure
proposed, without the Wilmot proviso being APP
pended. If go TO Congress, we place ourselves
bstwcen two fires, without having single individ-
ual there to explain the rights aud opinions of the
people, and we will be sure TO get the worst Of IL.
He thought that the memorial should be repudiated
lie had seen one Of these memorials. The sigma
lures printed, and il signed far back a.
1924. A voice: +" 1851
DIR. JONES moved amendment TO Mr.. Waiter
ston's resolution, adding "And that all represen-
tations 20 the contrary are not authorized in the
opinion of this meeting, by public sentiment"
Mr.. CARLISLE. How far we say that My
object is TO present this subject TO the whole people
Mr. Dow. five say that the petition for a Ter
ritorial Government is inexpedient now, say
that il will be expedient at some other time