The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-08-17
SPEECH OF
Hon. II. A. HARALSON, of Georgia,

10, 1850.
The House being in Committee Of the Whole
on the state of the Union, and having under con-
sideration the Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation
Bill
Mr.. HARALSON addressed the committee as
follows
Mr.. CHAIRMAN So long as there was any rea-
sonable prospect of an adjustment OF the ques-
lions in controversy between the North and the
South, was satisfied to remain silent upon this
floor, content rather to hear the opinions of other
gentlemen than. to express my own ! had
hoped that s6pe proposition might be submitted
by the Senate (Which, if could not cordially
concur, / might at least feel disposed TO ac-
quiesce But the recent action of that body
known to this House aud the country, has we'll
nigh deprived me Of all hope that any settlement
of these questions, to which can give my assent
will be made.
would not be understood here as giving my
assent to the settlement upon the original pro-
position reported by the Committee of Thirteen
appoint in the Senate but rather desire it should
BIZ understood that dissented from almost all
the propositions submitted by that committee.
hoped that the bill, in its progress, might as
sumo such shape as that | could give it my
support This hope, as have said has we'll
nigh passed away and desire now to address
Ia the committee some observations in relation
70 these various questions respecting the admis-
sion Of California rs n State into the Union, the
territorial questions, and also the question of
boundary between the United States and Texas,
which, / trust may fall upon the ear of the
House, and make some impression. !.
II is not necessary that should indulge in any
excited debate on this floor The people whom
] have the honor to represent here are already
sufficiently excited | do not propose on this
occasion TO endeavor, BY anything may say, to
increase that excitement beyond the point which
il has already attained. would rather address
myself to the sense of justice OF the committee
aud of the nation, in order that if possible, they
may vet do justice, in the adjustment Of these
questions, to that section of the country from
which come.
Mr. Chairman, the constitutional view of the
subject has been so frequently brought to the
consideration of the committee, that it seems
almost superhuous in me to make any re Iarks
upon it; yet that may not appear to have reg
lected that branch of the question altogether,
desire to say few words in relation to it.
The people whom represent have been wont
to look to the Constitution as the palladium of
their liberty-the great source of their political
blessings. They rightly appreciate it--because
it secures their rights and provides for their
safety against foreign and domestic foes-against
those who would Cypress them from abroad or
ut home because even the minority, when
danger threatens their rights, may point to its
provisions and demand of the majority, too often
arrogant in its strength, ''thus far mayest thou
no, bur no further" This is one of those beau
titul features in the Constitution of this Union
which distinguishes it from the tyrannies OF the
a W. .,I ,.yft, oil, OF ib,t
its strength, its justice, its equality and general
benefits, which it was intended to secure and
confer, endear it TO our whole people, make it
Justly the theme of praise by philanthropists
everywhere, and the wonder of all civilized M
tons.
In country like ours, covering so great an
urea, including such varieties of soil and climate
it was but reasonable to expect much difference
of opinion and feeling among the people, as
we'll as Of habits, interests, and institutions.
The North chose to lend her energies more
particularly 10 commerce and to manufactures
the South TO agriculture mainly. Happily, in
the formation of the Government, the peculisu
interests Of all sections were respected and
protected far powers were granted; and
where no power was given, the local interests
of each State was left to be controlled by itself
Such powers only were intrusted to the General
Government as were necessary to it as the agent
af the States, to be exercised for the mutual
benefit of all, and the protection of all. The
authority under which it acts was derived from
the States No State yielded the power &c
regulate her own domestic concerns, or To pre-
scribe for her the direction of her industry, OF
what should or should not constitute property
On the contrary If is certain the Constitution
rightfuly claims no power over it. or duty In
respect TO it, save that of protection, which il
one Of its essential elements. That species Of
property now constituting the bone Of contea-
ton between the North and the South, not only
existed at the time the Constitution was formed
IN most OF the States, but was made As much
the subject Of the care and protection by the
Government as any other. Indeed no other
property seems to have been so carefully guarded.
IL is not only recognized in terms, but especial
provision il made for its restoration when es-
Gaping from those to whom its labor is due.
Taxation, when resorted to directly for the pur-
poses of the Government and representation in
Congress, are regulated with especial reference
10 that species of property In at least three
separate and distinct clauses Of the Constitution
Il Is made the subject of its provisions, and is
noted and respected.
That these provisions were the subject OF some
difficulty in forming our Constitution, will not
be denied. and that that instrument would never
have been formed without them will be readily
admitted by all the least acquitted with the his
tory of our Government and the true condition
of our country respecting that property, at the
time. 1t is enough for our present argument TO
know, that so the supreme law was written for
tue North and for the South-for the whole
country bond of agreement solcmnly entered
into between the States, rs they severally rati-
fed the Constitution, which has not been altered
in any Of its provisions touching the subject to
this day. Some Of its provisions were intended
TO establish equality among the States in rcpresen-
tatiou and taxation; some especially 10 do justice
20 the slayeholding States, others as reasonable
concessions TO those States, in turn for others
received BY the other States. OF this latter class
might be named the provision that the African
slave trade should not be abolished for twenty
years-done in view of the wants OF some Of the
Southern or plantation States. The statesman
looks in vain in the Constitution for any author
ity In Congress TO legislate in respect TO sla
very, except TO provide for the surrender Of per.
sons bound to service who shall escape into Other
States. lie viii find much 10 sustain that insti
tution, and a positive prohibition against the
General Government doing anything calculated