The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-06-27
ADDRESS OF THE NASHVILLE CONVENTION.

GRAFTON tnat the convention was not a lair repre-
sentation of the slaveholding States, and had nc
authority to speak for them. Its opinions and
acts must be regarded as those of few restless
politicians dissatisfied with the existing relations
between the two sections of the country, but
without clear understanding Of what they them
selves want
We must, however, present general view Of
the Address.
1t commences with survey of the agitation
of the Slavery Question for the last sixteen
years Before this period, the Northern people
gave no just cause of offence to the South; but
sixteen years ago, slavery began to be agitated
in Congress and assailed by "our sister States"
The means of agitation first resorted to was, Pc
titioning the object being the abolition of Sla-
very in the South, although the memorials were
confined in terms to the removal of the institu-
ton from the District of Columbia and Territories
and the abolition of the internal slave trade. To
meet this evil, resolution, sustained by large
per S;S.rs,s Xxx s 5s :,
against the reception Of all such petitions but in
December, 1s44 it fell before the unanimous voice
of the North, and thus the unlimited power Of in
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in Congress was asserted.
But agitation in Congress was not the only
grievance Anti-slavery publications were issued
at the North, anti-slsvery lecturers were en-
ployed, organizations were got up for running off
slaves almost every Northern Legislature passed
laws designed TO battle the constitutional prov-
sion for the recapture of fugitiyes.
The result was, universal agitation in Congress
and out of it, with a view to the overthrow of an
institution over which the States maintaining it,
had exclusive control--as injurious as it was in
sulting to the South.
The Mexican war broke out--the subject of
slavery was thrust into that question by the
North-the war terminated in the acquisition of
Territories, and the North proceeded in their
threatened design to exclude therefrom the
Southern people. Its policy was not the off
spring of mere lust of power, but of a deter
mnaton to effect the abolition of slavery In the
States. The Southern States through their
Legislatures protested, but the North abating
none of her pretensons, Convention became
necessary.
In what condition has the agitation placed
the Southern States2 Ia Congress their Repre-
sentatives are insultcd and reyiled-that body is
little better than a grand instrument in the
hands of the Abolitionists. In the North, instead
Of respect and sympathy, they meet with denun-
citation and hostility In the Union the attempt
is made to arrest from them their common prop
erty and put upon them the brand of inferiority.
And the worst feature of their condition is that
it is progressive. Yield now to the demands of
the North, and all is lost. In fifty years, twenty
new non-saveholding States will be added to the
Union, whilst many now slaveholding will join
them. The non-slaveholding States will then
have the power by two-thirds of Congress
and three-fourths Of the States to amend the Con-
stituton, and consummate their policy.
The North has been emboldened by the for
bearance and non-action of the South until "a
sectional despotism totally irresponsible to the
People Of the South, constituted of Representa-
tives in Congress from nOn-slaveholding States,
ignorant of Southern feelings, conditions, and in
stitutions, reigns at Washington"
Where the institutions and interests of two ma
tions are identical, one may be safely subject to
the other. But, slavery makes the Southern, a
peculiar people, with interests and institutions
different from those of the Northern People, and
hence the vital necessity of independence in rea-
ton to their internal concerns. They must rule
themselves or perish
The North will not recognise the inferority of
the A frican to the Caucasian race, or the impos-
sibility Of amagamation between the two races.
Its sympathies naturally are not with the South I;
and its dogma-the absolute right of a majority 10
gOuern-prostrates every check upon power, and
leads to consolidation. Its faithlessness to the
compact of union is not surprisng-it is only an
other complication of the frailty and falibility
of our nature.
Hence, there is no safety for the South in sub
mission. Being in the minority, it must protect
itself and preserve the Constitution. But how
Not by the ordinary measures of the Government.
Not by changing its Representatives, for how can
that affect the majority Not by the ballot-box
that is powcrless in the South. 1t cannot
send a majority Of Southern Representatives to
Congress. In fact, the majority against the
South in the present Congress is greater than
ever while in the Northern States no indications
are afforded Of reviving respect for the Consti-
tuition.
The Address points TO no mode by which the
South can protect itself and preserve the Consti-
tuition. All ordinary means, it pronounces worth
less-the extraordinary means 1t does not desig.
nate but leaves to be inferred.
1t then proceeds to examine the scheme of ad-
justment or compromise reported by the Commit
tee of Thirteen in the Senate and II objects to it,
first, that it proposes to exclude the South from
the whole of California, which by its Constitution
has prohibited slavery. This Constitution was
the work of individuals, not people, and IL Con-
gress sanction it, it only enacts the Wilmot Pro-
viso in another form. 1t is enough that the out
rage is commtted-the form Is of no consequence.
There is nothing in this mode Of extending the
Proviso to abate the indignation of the South, or
to battle its determination to redress the wrong
In the second place, the scheme takes from
Texas enough territory for two large States, and
transfers it to New Mexioo-and the effect will
be the accession of two free States. Texas ought
TO be Quoted as to her boundaries but this should
be done by "A law Of Congress recognising them.
The transfer proposed 10 be made, il the bill be
carried, will place tier Of free States On the
western boundary of the Indian country, now
slaveholding, and on the northern and western
frontiers of Texas Thus the Southern States
will be hemmed in.
In the third place, il objects to the proposed
abolition Of the slave trade In the District IL
Congress may declare free slave, imported into
the District 1t may declare free, those already
in Il.
| Fourthly as 10 the fugitiye hill n nronoaaa