The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-05-23

stiiueais May 3, 1850.
wKsT NEWTON May 3, 1850
To the Hon James Richardson, CisUeioHd, ami
John Gardner, of Dedham; Hon ID. a Simmons,
John J. CLarke, Francis Hlliard, and George X.
Russell, Of ROzbory &c.
GENTLEMEN Having been called home on &C
count of sickness in my family, have just receiy.
ed at this place. your kind invitation TO meet and
address my constituents of the Sth Congressional
District and to give them my q p'oS and opinions
yDOa The question of the immediate admission 81 Gait
f6rRia and othsr questions now 6foTe Congress aus
Tag out Of the acquisition Of territory by the treaty nun
Merieo"
request from so high a source has almost the
force of a command Yet dare not promise to
comply. | am liable at any moment TO be recalled,
and instead OF speaking here, TO vote there, upon
the Question to which you refer. | might be
summoned to return on the day appointed for us
90 meet TIE only .tssr1a.Sye therefore, which
/. left me. is to address you by letter This will
do IL | can find time. ] shall thus comply with
your request, in substance, if not in form.
- 3n many ,iseSN,.,s, nS,e ,ne eatr~mest reiuc-
lance to appear before the public on the present
occasion. My views, on some vital questions,
differ most materially from those Of gentlemen for
whom have felt the profoundest respect and
for some of whom cherish the strongest personal
attachment But | feel on the other hand, that
my constituents, having intrusted to me some OF
their most precious interests, are entitled to know
my "views and opinions" respecting the hopes
and the dangers that encompass them. l shall
not therefore take the responsibility Of declining
| will premise further, that my relations to
political parties, for many years past have LETT me
us free from all partisan bias "as the lot Of human
ity will admitn For twelve years held an office
L L.. hat; frnr, aal
tive cooperation in political conflicts and that
duty was 80 religiously fulfilled, that to my
knowledge, was never charged with its violation
During the Presidential contest Of lS4S, those OBJ
legations of neutrality still rested upon me. For
a year afterwards, was not called upon to do any
official act displeasing to any party amongst US
This interval | employed in forming the best
opinion could of public men and measures and
their influence upon the moral and industrial in
terests of the country. had long entertained
most decided convictions in favor Of protecting
American labor, in favor of cheap postage and of
security to the lives and property of our fellow
citizens engaged in commerce. But new ques-
ton had arisen,-the great question of freedom or
slavery in our recently acquired territories,-an
this question deemed for the time being, to be,
though not exclusive Of others, yet paramount to
them. Or rather, saw that nothing could be 30
favorable to all the last named interests, the
provide for the welfare of mankind must first
provide for their liberty.
Sympathizing, then, on different points with diff
ferent parties, but exclusively bound to none,
Stood in reference to the great question Of terri
torial freedom or slavery, in the position of the
true mother in the litigation before Solomon, pre-
ferrug that the object of my love should be spared
in the hands of any one rather than perish in my
own
Our present difficulties, which, as you we'll
know, have arrested the gaze of the nation, and
almost suspended the Legislative functions of Con-
gress, pertain to the destiny of freedom or Of sa
very, to which our new territories are to be con-
signed. After the acquisition Of Louisiana, and
Florida, and Texas, for the aggrandizement and
security of the slave power; after the aboriginal
occupants Of the soil of the Southern States have
been slaughtered or driven from their homes at an
expense of not less than hundred millions of dol
lars, and at the infinite expense of our national
reputation for justice and humanity; and after
the area of the slave States has been made
almost double that of the free States, while the
population Of the free is about double that Of the
slave; the reasons seem SO strong that they can
hardly be made stronger, why the career of our
Government as lsvery-extending power, should
be arrested. On the other hand, the Oigarchy
who rule the South, seeing that, Notwithstanding
their rich and almost illmitable domain, they are
rapidly falling behind the North in all the dis
tinctiye elements of civilization and well-being-
industry, temperance, education, wealth, mot
only defend the Upas that blasts their soil, as
though it were the Tree Of Life, but seek to
transplant it to other lands. With but about
three slaves to q square mile,-three millions Of
slaves to nearly million Of square miles,-they
say they are too crowded. that they feel sense Of
suffoeaton, and must have more room, when all
their weakness and pain proceed, not from the
limited quantity, but from the bad quality of the
atmosphere they breathe Hence the war with
Mexico, commenced and prosecuted to add slave
territory and slave States to the Southern section
Hence the refusal to accept propositions Of peace
unless territory south Of latitude SO deg 30 min.
THE Missouri Compromise line, 80 called should
be ceded to US Hence when the Mexican nego-
tators proposed to insert prohibition of slavery
in the treaty of cession, and declared that the
lnquisition would not be more odious to the
American people than the renstitution of slavery
to then our minister, Mr.. Trist, told them he
would not consent to such prohibition, though
they would cover the soil foot deep with gold
hnd hence, also the determination Of portion Of
the Southern members Of Congress, to stop the
whole machinery Of the Government, to sacrifice
al the great interests Of the country, and assail
even the Union ITSELF unless slavery shall be per.
United TO cross the Rio Grapde and enter the
the Mississippi and the Sabine
Even in 1916, when the war against Mexico
was declared all men Of sagacity foresaw the pres
eht conflict. Could that question have been
decided on its merits; could the institutions TO
De planted upon the territory we might acquire
be determined by the unbiased SURFACES Of the
American people, no war would have been declar-
ed ana no territory acquired. But the great
political leaders Of the South expected to make
up both Tor their numerical weakness and for
the injustice OF their cause, by connecting the
question Of slavery with that of future
Pres'dentai elections and with the strife Of par
ties. They promised themselves that thew could
draw over leading Northern men TO their supnort
by offering them the Tautalus Gun Of Presidentia,
honors and then by the force Of party cohesion
and discipline insure the support of the whole
desoend'ng-scale OF Office expectsnts. Early in
the present session of Congress- lit was distnc,Iv
declared from high Southern source, that m,
South must do most for those Northern men who
would do most for them A few words will make Il
apparent how faithfully this plan has been adhered
TO- aud how successful it is likely to become.
No Northern Democrat, opposed to slavery
extension, could expect the support Of tn,
Southern Democracy. Hence, Gen. Cas- step,
promptly forward and declared in his Nicholson
letter, that Congress had no power to exclude
slavery from the territories This has beer
technically called his "bd,n or his " first bid" Il
was deemed Satisfactory by the South; for, &C
coraing totheir philosophy the relation Of master
ana slave isthe natural or normal relation Of man
nad and therefore, where no prohibition Of 4
en"s slavery dows into free territory, - watel
runs down hill This Avowal Of Gen Cas- VA
rendered more signal and valuable to the South
esosuse Tor the greater part Of his political life
ne nad taken oaths held oficsa and administers
avs 10 undenisble contradiction TO the declars
aoo then made The Ordinance of 1887 WA
expressly recognised BY the First Congress, hello