The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-06-20

do, by legislation. TO enforce the Constitution, it
only does its duty 10 the South. There can be no
concession favor 70 the South in giving her only
what she has a right TO have under the Constitu-
tion-unless indeed, the Constitution for her has
existence. The bill, then. Is, in the first place.
quite inadequate " restore 70 us our fugitive slaves
but what she is entitled TO- ii this all, there
would be nothing in the bill for which we should
concede any thing u the North but 1t Is not all.
Under the prctext VI bestowing On I'd benefit, 1T
perpetrates usurpation on the reserved rights of
The States. 1t provides that slave may arraign
his master, by the authority Of laws made by Con-
gress, before the courts Of the States and of the
United States, to try his right to his freedom. IL
Congress can legislaie at all between the master
and slave in u State, where can its power be
stayed? II abolish slavery in the States. Thus
power is assumed in the bill which virtually ex-
tends the jurisdiction Of Congress over slavery in
the States And this is a benefit TO the South I'm
der guise Of benefit, the bill is useless a rem
edy-and worse than useless III its usurpations.
Such the various measures which constitute
this coinpromsr.
We do not believe that many of the politicians,
and still less that the people OF the South who have
expressed a Willingness To support II, were aware
Of It's purport We fully appreciate and duly honor
the motives Of those who would restore tranquility
TO the country, nor shall we impugn in any form
those who have assisted IA frame or who have
yielded support 10 the measures. But, if our view
Of its provisions correct instead OF '.compro-
mise" IL Is comprehensive scheme OF eInancipa-
tion and if passed by Congress will only heap new
indignities upon the South. So far from pacifying
the people Of the slaveholdng States II should
arouse them renewed efforts to vindicate their
rights and institutions. Why the non slavehold.
ing States do not support these measures, We are
unable TO understand, unless II De that naughty
fanaticism, Inflated with success disdains accom-
plishing its object by indirection. IL these
sures, however, were really compromise in which
the South had equal gains with the North il would
be OF doubtful expediency Tor the South to propose
it. Three times in Congress, during this contro-
versy, the South has proposed the Missouri compro-
mise, which has been three times rejected by the
North. Twice she has proposed compromise by
which she consented to lease il 10 the courts of the
United States TO determine her rights. Instead of
requiring sternly their recognition by Congress-
fifteen sovereign States have consented to be car
ried into the courts OF the country, and there to
submit their sovereign rights in Territory be-
longing To them to their final arbtrament. Their
humiliation did not win the respect or confidence
of the North, and the proposition twice
jected.
The South, in our opinion, might accept one
other compromise, not because it is co-extensive
with rights, but because it has been twice
toned by those who have gone before If the
North offers the Missouri compromise, to extend to
the Pacific ocean, the South reject it, pro-
vided distinct recognition Of our right to enter
the territory south OF 80 deg 80 min north latitude
is expressed in the compromise. We should take
this line, as partition line between the two
tons of the Union; and, beside this, nothing but
what the Constitution bestows Although the
northern States would acquire by this compromise
three ourths of our vacant territory, they will
have renowned the insufferable pretension Of re-
stricting and preventing the extension of the
South, whilst they should extend indefinitely.
Having thus, fellow-citizens, laid before you a
statement OF your condition, your rights and the
remedy which, under present circumstances, you
should accept, we leave you for brief space of
time. Until Congress adjourns, cannot know
what it will do or will fail to do. We must, there
fore, meet again after It's adjournment, to consider
the final condition in which it will leave you. We
recommend to you, and exhort you to send dele
gates from every county and district in the south
| ern States to meet US when again assemble. IL
is no ordinary occasion which has assembled Us to-
eether. The Constitution and the Union it cre-
ated, so long dear to your hearts, to be pre-
served, and your liberties and your institutions
maintained.