Gallipolis journal. [volume] (Gallipolis, Ohio) 1837-1919, 1850-12-05
DAD. CIsy,. speeeh ., Franlfer..

Thus, Mr.. Speaker, trust and be
Elieve that Of all the numerous threat
ening topics connected with SLAYER
: at the commencement of the lat
session of Congress, one only re
mains to create interest and solici
} tude,and that isthe fugitive slave bill
} Narrowed down to that singl
ground, the slave holding States vii
occupy the vantage position.
The constitution is with them, an,
! If its execution shall be opposed o
attempted to be thwarted by force
that State which makes such an op
position will place itself clearly, man
ifestly and iadisputnblyin the wrong
occupying such a ground that tht
slaveholding States may fearlessly
and consistently await the issue. Il
was not to be expected, nor did
expect that the measures adopted al
the last session Of Congress would
lead TO immediate and general &C.
quicsence on the part of the ultras al
the North and at the South. They
had been impelled by such violent
and extreme passions, that it was too
much to expect that they would ST.
lently and promptly admit their er-
rors. and yield to what had heen
done for the best interests of our
common country. Accordingly, we
perceive that at the South that Sec
ond edition Of the Hartford Conven-
tion has again assembled, and is la
boring to stir up strife and conten-
ton, and in several of the slavehol-
ding States the spirit of discord and
discomfort is busily engaged in its
unpatriotic work, but confidently
anticipate that all their mad efforts
will be put down by the intelligence,
the patriotism and the love of Union
of the various slavehoIding States.-
And here, Mr.. Speaker, let US make
a momentary inquiry as to what
would have been the condition OF
the confederacy, on the subject of
slavery, if unhappily it had been sew
cred.
Assuming that the line could have
been drawn between the slavehol-
ding and the non-slaveholding States
all north of the States ol Maryland
and Virginia and all north Of the
Ohio river would have become for
eign independent sovereign power;
contrast, if you please, our present
condition with what it would have
been under that order of things. At
present, we have right if any slave
escapes from service to demand his
surrender. We have a right to take
the Constitution and the law in our
hand and to require the surrender.
| do not believe there will be any
open or forcible resistance to the ex-
ecution Of the law-the people of the
North have too strong a sense OF the
propriety OF the obedience to the law;
but if there be any such resistance,
we have the right to invoke the en-
Ployment of any part of the militia
Of the United States, or the Army or
the Navy of the United States, to
enforce the Execution of the law
And, although | have no power to
command Presidant Fillmore 10 any
specific line Of duty, Ihave known
him long, well, and intimately, and /
feel entire confidence in him as a man
Of ability and honesty, and of pat
who will perform his duty,
and his whole duty, in seeing to The
effectual execution of the laws of the
and, TO which pledge the support
10 the utmost ofmy poor ability.
In the exciting state Of things, we
doubtless shall not recover all our fu-
yitive slaves that escape. We shall,
however, recover some, and the
Courts and Juries in the free States
rave demonstrated their readiness TO
give. by their verdicts and judg-
nents, ample indemnity against those
who entice, seduce away, and harbor
BUR runaway slaves. But how
would the case stand in dismember-
I'd Constitution Of the Confederacy? /
Then we would not have a right
% demand solitary slave that might
,scape beyond the Ohio, into what
would then be foreign power.
Ifall the slaves Of Kentucky, in
hat contingency, were to flee be-
1ond the Ohio river, we would not
lave right to demand one OF them
Il the absence of extradition treat
es, and no such treaties would ever
Do concluded with respect to slaves.
We should have no right to demand
surrender of one Of them. Moth
ng is clearer in the whole public law
Of Nations than that one Independent
oreign power is not bound to surren-
Ter fugitive who takes refuge in an
other Independent foreign power,
We have recently seen this great
International principle acted upon
oy the Sultan of T1rkey in the case
II Kossuth and bis Hungarian com
1anions. who took refuge in the Sui