The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-09-26
waive the objection, it would give me pleasure to
modify the nlRn accordinnlu

| Is, then, adequate aud equal
Thirdly, the plan is not violent nor capriciOus,
but is deliberate and prudent; for it makes this
solemn transaction to depend upon a canvass 10
be continued not less than three months, nor
longer than six months, among the people Of the
District.
Fourthly, the plan is Jroad enough. | am in
formed by what believe credible evidence that
the number of slaves within the District, rs as
certained by the census male and female, old and
young great and small, is about six hundred and
that their value is estimated by those who regard
them as subjects of traffic. as certainly do not,
at three hundred dollars for each person, and in
the aggregate one hundred and eighty thousand
dollars. The amendment appropriates two hun
bred thousand dollars If the sum is too great.
nothing will be lost lift is too small the deficiency
can be now or afterwards supplied.
But my honorable friend from Massachusetts
Mr.. WINTHROP objects that the amendment
contains provision for the support of the slaves
of any of them after their emancipation. Sir It
could admit that this objection had weight, II
would he a sufficient answer that in the judg-
ment Of other Senators, such a provision would
only tend to defeat the object IN view.
If honorable SeRatOrstbink ! err in this, LET
them submit such provision, and if it do not
embsrrnss the bin, it shsH receive ny vote
But | think che objection itself is not we'll
grounded The slave is held in bondage, not for
his own support and for his own benefit, but for
the support and benefit of his master 10 is the
slave then, that supports or contributes to the
support of the master and not the master that
supports the slave. IL is not in humanity that 1t
should be otherwise Relieve the slave, then,
from the support of his master, and his whole
energies will be directed TO making provision for
himself and his own family. The instincts of the
common nature which he shares with US will do
the rest But you may reply that these persons
ha IA m 10 nf
themselves On the contrary, it is in this Dis
trict that the institution assumes its most cheer
full or least repulsive aspect. Here, in the centre
Of the Union in the capital of this free empire
the frican race has been held in bondage from
generation to generation through period of near
two hundred years. We all trust, we all believe
that the ultimate result of the transfer of this
foreign population 10 our own shores is to be the
! bringing of them to a condition tosupport them
selves, and TO exercise the privileges of self-gov-
eminent lii sad commentary upon the opera
tiOns of our own institutonsto say that two hun
drcd years have not been end0gh TO bring these
six hundred persons, under such favorable aus
pices to the capability of providing for their
daily w9W-g A.'7. .,-.--, - ~ r e. "a
The next objection TO the measure which |
shall notice is, that il is an indiscreet one This
think, was the language of my honorable friend
from Massachusetts,, Mr.. WINTHROP The OBJ.
lection implies assent to the justice and wisdom
of the measure itself and takes issue only upon
the time, occasion, or circumstances in which it
is proposed. IL comedies, moreover, that il
would be proper at a different time, on some 9TH
er occasion, or in some other circumstances.
Let US see, then, wherein the indiscretion con-
sists. And first as to the occasion. One honora-
BILE Senator Mr.. WINTHRoPl says that by sup
porting it on his occasion we should incur the
risk of losing the bill itself which is proposed to
be amended, and thus losing the abolition Of the
slave trade within the District of Columbia. Sup
pose we do. What would be the loss 2 The
amendment before you secures the abolition Of the
slave trade, for it sbolishes slavery altogether
When slavery falls, the trade, which is only an
incident of it, must instantly cease But the Sem
ator is afraid that between the two both will be
lost. That cannot happen. The passage of either
will accomplish the object in view.
If the amendment shall pass, you will have
better law than the bill Of the Committee Of Thir-
teen. Ii the amendment shall fail, you will still
have the bill of the Committee of Thirteen.
But the bill of the Committee of Thirteen is not
put in jeopardy. 1t is lost, or worse than lost to
us already. it had not been, should not have
offered my proposition rs an amendment. The
abolition of the slave trade indeed remains in the
bill but conditions have been annexed which
cannot be accepted, and which compel US of the
free States to reject the bill itself One of these
conditions is, the converting into felony, pun
ishable with ten years Imprisonment, the act Of
aiding favoring the escape of n fugitive slave,
or even the act of harboring slave with n view
to aid his escape. The punishment already de-
nOunced by the law is severe enough, in my
Judgment, for an act that is wrong not be-
cause it il erroneous in itself, but only be-
cause it is declared by the statute TO be wrong
The second condition which has been annexed to
the bill is the comforting right upon the corpo-
/ tha IN
upon which freed men shall be allowed to enter
and remain in the District, or depart from it in
other words to proScribs free men, who are citizens
of the United States and of the free States
BY the addition of these conditions, the bill
has been converted from a law meorating slavery
within the District into a law to fortfy slavery
and prescribe free men. When that was done,
my last hope my last purpose, my last thought of
supporting the bill, was gone. And yet this bill
is the bill which the honorable Sen,t from
Massachusetts complains that ] am putting in
jeopardy This, sir and nothing other or differ
ent from this, is the boon which he says just
within our grasp, and which have struck down
TO the earth Sir, when my amendment shall
have been rejected this bill will still remain !
wait to see whether he will embrace it, and take
it to his bosom | shall not harbor it it would
sting me to death.
SO much sir, for the occasion And now for
the indiseretion, so far rs it depends upon time
and circumstances think it wrong to hold men
in bondage at any time and under any circum-
stances | think it right and just therefore, to
abolish slavery when we have the power, at any
time, at all times under any circumstances. Now,
sir 80 far as the objection rests upon the time
when this measure is proposed, beg leave to say
that if the present is not the right time, then
there must be or there must have been some other
time, and that must be a time that is already
past or time yet to come Well, sir, slavery has
existed here under the sanction of Congress for
fifty years undisturbed. The right time, then,
has not passed Ii must, therefore, be future
time. viii gentlemen oblige me and the country
by cling us how far down in the future the right
time lies2 When will il be discreet to bring be-
fore Congress and the People the abolition Of sa-
very in the District Of Columbus Sir, let not
Senators delude themselves. had the honor to
submit to the Senate some weeks ago PROPOSE
ton to admit New Mexico as State. IL was re-
jected then by vote unanimous except my own
those who were in favor of the measure voting
with its opponents, because it was not the riyM
time They said the Constitution had not been
officially received. IL was not fit occasion The
measure was offered as an amendment TO a bill
Well sir, the Constitution WAS officially re-
ceived yesterday, and the Senators of the State
were in waiting But New Mexico, in the mean
| time had been organized as Territory, and her
State Constitution is not even honored with
reference There is no right time, no fit occa-
sion for New Mexico to enter the Union as a
free State So sir, 1t will be with the abolition
of slavery in the District of Columbia. The
right time, il it be not now, will never come Sir,
each Senator must judge for himself Judging
for myself am sure the right time has come.
Past the middle age of life, it has happened to
me now, for the first time, to be legislator for
slaves. believe it to be my duty to the people
of this District, to the country, and to mankind,
to restore them TO freedom. For the performance
Of such duty, the FIRST time and the FIRST occasion