Eastern times. [volume] (Bath, Me.) 1846-1857, 1850-10-17
EASTERN TIMES.
Bath, Thursday, Oct. II, 1850.
A National Party.

rortending evil, are oftentimes over-ruled for
good. The elevation to power. of the wing
party, for instance, may subserve a good pur-
pose, as we have the frankness 10 admit is OBJ
servable at the present time, in its being
forced. from its position as the party at the
head of the Republic, to assume a national
character. A degree of responsibility must ever
attach to po,rer, and the party upon whom the
duty devolves, by design or accident. of admin
istering the national affairs of the United States
must be in theory and in practice national
partu. If, then. the sectionalism and narrow
minded sel6shness that the wing party, from
policy and instinct, have ever manifested.
should be rooted out, even at the expense of a
few years of national misrule, a great object
would be achieved.
The democratic party, from its long ascen-
dancy in :he councils of the nation, has ever
sustained a national character, while the wing
party, aware that their only chances of success
Law in the divisions of the democracy, have
tempered with and humored sectionalism to
such an extent as to endanger their own ma
tional existence. Hence we see the attempt of
portion of the whig party of New York and
Massachusetts,, to preserve their national iden-
tity-and the prospects are that a general
breaking up of the wing party, Gf it was not
completely broken up by the election of Gen.
Taylor) will be the result of this movement.
The following remarks, from the Boston
Times. ably sets forth the true position of the
whig party and the objects of its leaders:
whether for good or for evil, the wing
party is at the head of the republic Its
leading men see aud comprehend that they
must act as national statesmen, however i'm
prudently some of their number may have
acted while filling the parts of opposition
leaders, and anxious above all things 10 pull
down the democratic party, the only parry
capable OF carrying on the government COM
tinuously. Sectionalism cannot find favor
with men 10 whose hands the reins of the
United States Government are placed, no
matter wha, may have been their previous
conduct Were William Lloyd Garrison
made President TO day, and Wendell Phillips
Secretary of State, they would dismiss their
sectional abolition notions at once, if not
forever, at least for the time, and perhaps
they would prove more essentially federal
in their ideas and conduct than would the
warmest of their opponents in The same po-
siions. This comes from the operation of
an immulable law, against which ii is idle
for any man or-paiiy 10 strive.
The more eminent whig statesmen-we
by no means assert that they are in all cases
the most able men OF the wing party-are
not only extremely DESTROYS Of perpetualing
their party ascendency, but also have the
good sense TO see that the end can be attain.
ed only by utterly disregarding sectional no.
tons and practices. On the other side,
there are a number of wings, such men as
William H. Seward and Horace Mann, who
know, or at least believe, that the ascenden-
cy of their party in certain states can be
maintained only by it's adhering 10 sectional
ideas. Therefore they will adhere to them.
lost of these men have no hope of ever ris-
ing to eminence as national sta,esmen.-
They may obtain, occasionally, seat in the
Senate, or places in the House; but it is in
the states that they principally hope to achieve
any thing OF consequence. Mr.. Seward is
an exception to this remark. He unques.
tionaby aspires to the Presidency, and is
sanguine of reaching that great but thankess
place. 1t is by the aid of the anti slavery
sentiment that he expects to achieve his ends.
to all men whose mental vision is clear from
the misrs raised by oveTweenins ambition or
an attachment TO impractcable things.
There can never-at least, not IN our day
be an abolition President of the United States
elected. The question of the morality of
slavery has nothing to do with the NATTER
The slaveholding interest is properly in.
teresI, counting its property by hundreds OF
millions, and it is hardly necessary, in this
fifty ninth century OF the worlds existence,
TO demonstrate that where dollars are con-
cerned, men are likely 10 act in manner
that does not in all respects harnonize with
their professions. To reach slavery,--Io car
ry out 10 success the purposes of Mr. Sew.
ard, it would be necessary 10 dissolve the
Union, and then FOR the free states TO COM
inence civil war for the subjugation OF the
slave states, and the emancipation of tie
slaves. Mr.. Stewards friends and supporters
contemplate nothing of This kind, though the
carrying ont of their principles to their egil-
innate results would lead to it, We do not
say that they are not opposed TO slavery; they
have talked SO long about the subject, that
they have really convinced themselves of
the propriety aud feasibility of their notions,
but at present they are not inclined TO do
anything that is Hkeiy 10 eIIect more man
local political triumphs. They are likely
enough, however, to have more earnest sue
cessors. They are Girondsts; the Jacobins
will come in due time. This MIR. Seward
knows, and though the dissolution of the
confederacy would follow inevitably from
the formation of an anti slavery party at
once great and jealous, and ambitious OF
rule, yet he is just the mall to ride princi-
pie over the heads and through the hearts Of
all mankind. He is the Robespcrre of
his party. We make the comparison in no
offensive sense, for Robespierre was no or
binary man, whether regarded from moral
or an intellectual point of view. He was
possessed of consummate talents, and was
honest 10 the utmost extent of fanatcism-
Jealous even unto staying, as MIR. Seward,
also man of vast intellectual endowments,
would prove himself