The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-06-21

set of resolutions which he denounced then
as unconstitutional
To show how completely this somerset is
made, we publish also to-day an article from
the Richmond Enquirer, Feb, A, last, on
Mr.. Clay's resolutions; and we beg orefer
to this article, and to make it part Of our ar
gument against the attack of the Enquirer
on us sand against his latest demonstrations
in favor of Mr.. Clay's bl-and striking
Illustration ofthe want Of such press as ours
OF course we do not question the utility
Of political parties, nor are we engaged IN
any quixotic attempt to destroy them. All
we insist is, that there are higher obligations
than those Of party; and SO the Enquirer
thought last winter, for he hailed the position
assumed by Virginia and the South, on the
great question, as one taken wifhout DIS
tinction Of party.
But if those who aim to be the leaders Of
any party at the South desire to preserve a
mere Northern party connection by the sur
render or desertion Of the rights OF the South,
let us assure them they are too late. The
time has passed for that game to be played.
The South is aroused.
But it seems to US that the editor OF the
Enquirer has an erroneous and exaggerated
notion of editors and newspapers. He
seems to regard the views of an editor as OF
immense and primary Importance. We do
not, and shall not act on any such theory.
1t is the main object Of this paper, at least, to
present a full and impartial account Of what
is going on here and elsewhere, affecting
the South. We will vindcate her cause
against her enemies. AS to any differences
of opinion among her friends, as to the
policy she ought to adopt, our columns are
open to them all Their speeches and COM
mlnications shall be freely inserted, and we
merely reserve the same right Of presenting
our own. The South will thus have, through
this paper, the views and actions Of both
parties fully presented, and on these her
people can form their own judgment. They
are, we trust,. too independent and ntelli-
gent to be led by the authority Of any editor
or any man. Such is the aspect which our
paper will present to our friends, whilst to
our enemies, it will, we trust, present EVIL
dence to enlighten their judgment, correct
their prejudices, and 10 repel their aggres-
sions.
From the Richmond Enquirer OF June 10, 1850.
"TnE SOUTHERN Press. when the PROPOSE
ton was first made to establish this paper al
Washington, under the superintendent of sixty
three members of Congress, we felt delicacy
las the address recommending its establishment
contained most Liberal and unjust attack upon
the Editors Of the Union in expressing our views
fully to the propriety of the movement, and we
did not wish to do any thing which might be con-
strued into desire part to fOrestall Opin-
ion in respect it before its prospectus was fairly
before the public. But the prospectus has now
been nearly month in circulation and we feel no
longer restrained from expressing our views
freely.
1t is proposed to be a Southern paper exclusive
ly, and to be conducted without reference to the
old party lines of Wing and Democrat. 1t is to be
strictly sectional paper, and its inevitable ten
dency will be ssthe formation Of parties coinci-
dent with geographical lines" against the mis-
chiefs of which the fathers of the republic,
Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Jackson,
have most earnestly warned their countrymen.
As decided as this objection is, there Others
scarcely less 80. Wedo not think that members OF
Congress should have any control over the politi-
cal press. The safety ofthe Republic requires
that their conduct should be open to the free criti
cism Of an untrammeled press. 1t has frequently
been objected, and if we not greatly mistaken,
by some Of the chief projectors OF this enterprise
that editors of newspapers should not be elected
printers Of Legislative bodies for fear of the inu
rious effect it would have upon their independence.
With what infinitely greater force does not the OBJ
lection apply when the press is to be under the
immediate control Of the members of such bodies.
But to dismiss these grave, and as 1t seems to
us insurmountabe, objections to this scheme, we
are free to say, that in opinion it will be ut
terly inefficient even for the purpose for which it
is designed. Ii such press is established, IT will
be expected, OF course, to take a pron4nent and
decided stand upon all questions before Obngress,
affecting Southern rights. But if we are to judge
of the future by the past, paper under the joint
control Of Wing and Democratic Members of
Congress, will always be silent upon those occa-
sions when there will be the strongest necessity
for it to speak out. Let us see. Suppose it had
been in existence at the time the fierce controversy
ABOUT the SlSt rule, eNCluulnS aDOtlOn petltiOnS,
it would have been compelled to be mum, for Mr..
Clingman and other active promoters of "The
Southern Press" were opposed to that rule and
considered it most unwise, while still others of
the sixty-three members Of Congress were friendly
to it, and considered it Of the highest necessity.
Suppose it had been in existence ut the time of the
discussion of the Texas question, it could not
have moved peg for those who are to control
it, differed radically and entirely about the expe
diency Of annexing Texas, and still more as to
the mode in which it should be done. Suppose it
had been in being at the time of the rendering of
the Clayton Compromise, ought it not to have
taken ground either for against it Yet it could
not have done so without raising row among its
patrons. Suppose it had been in full blast at the
time of the meeting of the Southern members of
Congress and of the issuing Of their address, could
it have said word on either side Mum would
still have been the word, for while portion of
its patrons were friendly to that movement, others
were decidedly hostile.
But, above all, suppose il were at this moment
i'm the full tide of successful experiment, what
course would it take relative to the Senate bill of