Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1850-12-07

and my gratitude for the cooperation which they a,rd me-
And moreover if my name and my exertons have contr
pued any degree TO decide strengthen the good dpo
son OF the army, Of which, by the Of the constitution
possess the sole CONTROL have, and boldly say render
ed service to. the country for have upon all occasions
thrown my personal influence upon the side Of order The
nvsrabe rule Of my political life will be, in all circumstances
TO DO my duty-nothng but my duty. AT the present mo-
ment every person. with the exception of myself is allowed
the wish for prompt revision of fundamental
hw II the constitution possesses faults and dangers you
are at liberty 10 expose these faults and dangers the public
eyes aone bound OATH confne myself within the strict
limits which il has marked out great number Of the ge-
neral councils have expressed desire to the constitution
to the legislative power As for me- elected by the people,
holding OF the people only will conform the popular
will legally expressed" CA few members interrupt here the
reading with ordinations Of tres bien Others exclaim,
uery tcise of you, this "The doubts which hang over
the future give rise, aware, to many apprehenaons
while they excite many hopes. Let all learn sacrifice
these hopes TO coun good and busy ourselves only
with its interests" Tres bien bravo j eff during the
present session. you vote revision Of the constitution,
suent will meet to amend fundamental laws and fix the
fate OF the Executive power Hyou do IT, the people
In 1852 will make known the solemn expression Of its new
will But whatever may be the solutions Of the future, let
US understand each other to the end that the desnes Of
great nation may be settled by passion, SURPRISE
violence Let US Undue the people with love Of epose by
conducting our own deliberations with calmness let US
bue the people with sacred respect for the law by de-
parting from ourselves and then, believe me- the pro
gress In political morals will afford ample compensation to
he danger inherent institutions which have had their
birth in days Of distrust and doubt Be assured that what
am most socous about is not to know who shall govern
France IN 1882 but to 80 employ the time that remains for
to dispose Of that the transition whatever may be-
shall take place without agitation, without troubles Tres
ben The nobest object and the worthy Of an eleva-
ted mind not when in possession Of power to be seeking
expedens for its perpetuaon but watch without ceasng
the Of consolidating for the good of all these prin-
and the instability of the laws
have freely opened to you my heart. You will respond
by your confidence to my ankness by your cooperation
my good intentions, and God will do the rest.
Receive, messeurs, the Of my high esteem,
LOUIS NAPOLEON BoNApARTE."
This conciiatory and eloquent conclusion was
received upon nearly all the benches with loud and
repeated applause. 1t surprised all by its modera-
ton, and seemed to disarm all but the extreme Left
Will this effect be but temporary? Will next
month, next week, perhaps, afford almost daily
occasion to try the sincerity Of this advance of the
President and if sincere, the strength of these good
resolutions Alas yes, yes / have small faith in
view of the characteristic acts of M. Bonaparte's
administration-ofhis whole life, may say-in the
sincerity OF his professions and still less conf
dence in his ability to persevere in presence of the
thousand tokens of suspicion and hostility by which
he will be surrounded. Is it possible, in view of
me numerous grossly UNCONSTITUTIONAL anu antl-re-
publican laws which he has recommended and
sanctioned, to accept as unfeigned that extremely
puritan respect for his oath which will not allow
him even to speak upon the subject Of an amend
ment Of the constitution which might make possible
the legal continuation Of his own authority! Why
his oath binds him, if it bind him at ALL to faithfully
execute the laws, and to do nothing in violation Of
the constitution. But it does not bind him to seek
no change Of that constitution by legal means. Il
is rather his duty to suggest changes, if any
to him expedient for.the public interests. If he
thinks that the stability which would result to Gov
eminent by extending from four to ten years the
Presidential term Of Office, and by abolishing the
clause prohibiting reelection, desirable, he is as
free as any one to propose such changes, and is
perhaps, as chief executive functonary, more bound
than any to propose them. These amendment.
must not necessarily enure to his own benefit.
is the Presidents power, not M. Bonaparte's, tina
would be extended. The Executive power exer
cised for ten years by Gen. Cavagnac would rem
der Government stable, quite as surely as if exer
cised by NJ. Bonaparte. The excessive egotism o.
NJ. Bonaparte prevented this only correct view o.
the subject from occurring to him, prevented his
drawing attention to possible extension of Presiden
tial authority which should not be also an extension
of NJ. Bonaparte's.