Burlington hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington, Iowa) 1845-185?, 1850-03-07

De aQmltteQ lntO the Ouiotl, LIE Otatc mas
a right to decide for itself whether it will
or will not have slavery within its limit. ?
1Here the confusion arising from the
pressure Of the crowd was so great that
It was with difficulty Mr. C. could be heard.
And he suspended his remarks until the
lobbies had been sufficiently cleared to Sc
cure restoration Of order.
Mr. Clay resumed. The great princi-
pie, sir, which was in contest upon the
memorable occasion Of the Introduction Of
Missouri into the Union was, whether it
was competent or not competent for Con-
gress to impose any restriction which
should exist after she became a member
Of the Union We who were in favor Of
the admission of Missouri contended that
no such restriction should be imposed
We contendcd that, whenever she was
once admitted into the Uuion, she had all
the rights and privileges Of any pre-exist-
ing State in the Union, and that among
these rights and privileges was one to de-
eide for herself whether slavery should or
should not exist within her limits; that she
had as much right 10 decide upon the
introduction Of slavery or its abolition Of
slavery and that, although subsequently,
admitted, she stood amongst her peers
equally invested with all the privileges
that any one Of the original thirteen
States had a right to enjoy. And so sir
l think that those who have been contehd-
ing with so much earnestnees and perse-
verance for the Wilmot provlso ought to
reflect that, even ifthey could carry their
object aud adopt the proviso, 1t ceases the
moment any State or Territory TO which
it was applicable came 10 b7 admitted as
a member of the Union: Why, sir, no
one contends now, no one believes that
with regard to those Northwestern States
to which the ordinance Of 1887 applied
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan-no
one can now believe but that any one of
those States, ii they thought proper to 1T,
have just as much right to introduce
slavery within their borders as Virginia
has to maintain the existence of slavery
within hers. Then, sir, If IN the struggle
for power and empire between the two
classes of States decision in California
has taken place adverse to the wishes of
the Southern States, It is a decision not
made by the General Government. 1t is
decision respecting which they can
utter no compia!nt toward the General
Government. 1t is decision made by
California herself; which California had
unques,ionably the right to make under
the constitution of the United States.-
There is then, in the first resolution, ac-
! cording to the observations which made
some time ago, case where neither par
ty comedies where The question of slave.
ry, neither its introduction nor Introduction
is decided in retrfenas to the action ofthis
Government and il it has been decided
it has been decided by different body
by different poverty California itself
who had right 10 make the decision.
Mr. President, the next resolution in
/ the series which have offered beg gen.
tlemen candiilt now to look ct. l was
aware, perfectly aware Of the perseser'
ance with which the Wilmot proviso was
insisted upon. I knew that every one o
the free States in this Union, without ex'
cep,ion, had by its legislative body passed
resolutions insttucting their Senators anc
requesting their Representatives to gel
that restriction incorporated in any
territorial government which nigh
be established under the auspices o.
! Congress. | knew how much, aud
regretted how much the free States hat
put their hearts upon the adoption Of thi'
measure. In the second resolution, cal
upon them to waive persisting in it.
ask them, for the sake Of peace and in th'
spirit Of mutual fofbeafance to other mem
bers Of the Union, TO give it up-to NJ
longer insist upon ito see; as they mus
see If their eyes are open, the danger:
which lie ahead if they ,persevere in in
sisting upon IL. When called upon then
in this resolution to do this, was | no
bound 10 offer for surrender Of that "a
vorite principle or measure of theirs, SOM
compensation, not as all equivalent by an,
means. but some compensation in th
spirit of mutual forbearance, which ani,na
ting one side, ought at the same time Il
actuate the other side. Well, sir, what i
it that is offered them? II is declaration
Of what l characterized, and must still
characterize, with great Difference to al
those who entertain opposite opinions, a
two truths, will not say incontestible
but to be clear, aud l think they ought t
be regarded as indisputable truths. Wha
are they? The first is, that by law slave
nv no longer exists in any part Of the &C
quisiions made by II. from the republie o
Mexico, and the other is, that in GU
opinion, according to the probabilities o
the case, slavery never will be introduced
into any portion of the terrtorie, so ac
onired from Mexico. Now, have heart
il said that this declaration Of what cal
these two truths is equivalent to the en-
actment of the Wilmot proviso | hav'
heard this asserted, but is that the case
if the Wilmot provso be adopted in Ter
ritorial Governments established owe
these countries acquired from Mexico, j
would be positive enactnheas-a prohiLi
1 tion-an iMerdiction as 10 the introduction
of slavery within them, but with regard tt
these opinions had hoped, and shall still
indulge the hope, that those who repre-
| sent The free States will be inclined iioi I,
insist-indeed it would be extremely diff
cult to give 10 these declarations the form
Of positive enactment. I Had hoped tina
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