The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-06-19

II
These remarks are not drawn from us by any
disposition for verbal criticism, or excessive
anxiety TO have no other words than our own
put into our mouths. But there is method and
purpose in the Union's taking the sectional dis
tincton which we did not take. Ii is part Of
its tactics 10 maintain and excite discord be-
| tween different portions of the Union Ii aims
TO rally hostility in one region against the pro-
tective policy, on the ground that il is designed,
and will have the effect, to promote the spe-
cia interests of the other if not To inure exclu-
sivey to its benefit We, ON the contrary, adj
vocate that policy, as being eminently calculated
| 10 harmonize, not conflicting nterests--for we
recognise no real diversity Of interest between
South and Norul--but conflicting notions, on
both sides, Of supposed interests and rights.
| Nor did the Republic give the least color for
the idea that supply ofiron, not from the North,
but from american forges, was at all contingent
upon the South's being g made to pay suffi-
GENTLY increased sum-" We anticipate no
such consequence from securing the American
market from the fluctuations of foreign prices.
We advocate no measure for the purpose Of
taking money from the pockets of consumers
who include the whole people, and, in this in
stance, the North much more than the South,
because it has made and is making more rail
roads-to transfer il to the Golfers of favored
class of producers We believe that a perma-
nent diminution of the cost of production can be
secured by transferring the manufacture OF rail
road bars TO the vicinity of the men who raise
the breadstuffs that are eaten, and the cotton
and wool that are worn, by those who mine
and smelt and roll the iron Are we TO tax
the great mass of the agriculturists of our coun-
try for the benefit of few manufacturing CAPT
talists ?" asks the Union. No, never. Prove
a tariff, distinctly based upon the principle of
projections, to operate as a tax ON the industry
of some for the advantage of others, and we
shall not be found among its friends or apollo
gists.
But, meantime, let the Union turn its atten-
ton TO its own partisans, who will tolerate no
change in tariff, framed upon the idea of eff
fecting taxation primarily, and protection only
as an incident. Put the question to them. and
call on them To answer like men and go for
direct taxation, or concede that they dare neither
means effectual TO that end, instead of consoling
themselves for consenting to do a work which
| they denounce as evil, by the reflection that
they have made botch of it.
If we contemplate the interest OF any class
rather than that of another, in measure that
we regard as promoting the common and equal
benefit of ALL il is that of the agricutursts, be-
IL q ln,,
view the interests Of one section more than
another, il is that of the South because it is
most purely agricultural. The drift of our ar
ticle was to invite the attention of the tillers of
the soil 10 the truth, that iron, in the form of
railroad bars, represents only the raw material,
which exists as well in our soil as in that of
England--in Tennessee as in nnsylvania-
the lime stored in the same soil, and the bread
stuffs, the meat, the butter, the cheese, the
wool, and the cotton, necessary to the susie
nance and clothing of the laborers who mine
and work them.
The Union asks whether il be right TO com
plain that iron should be taken in exchange for
breadstuffs or other agricultural products. By
no means Ii il must be taken in exchange for
them whether it be of native or foreign pro-
duction. the only question is, whether it is wise
for the farmer who raises wheat in Ohio. worth
there seventy cents per bushel, or corn in Hi
nois or Tennessee, worth twenty five cents, 10
carry it TO England, have il incorporated into
the labor which makes almost the entire value
of iron, at a cost there of more than dollar for
the one, and seventy-five cents for the other
10 repurchase them thus transformed, at this
heavy increase of cost, re-import them in the
shape of iron, thus paying transportation both
way, when he might have the exchange effected
al his own door, at a nominal charge for trans
portation. This is the real question, and with
this the Union does not care 10 deal.
But is il right-asks the Unio',-at this
time, Of all others, when railroads are neces-
sary To develop the resources of the South2
Certainly, if any thing can extenuate the evil
Of this double transportation of agricultural pro-
ducts for the sake getting them into the shape
of iron bars. il is the fact that the bars are TO
be- laid down in railroads. and thus diminish
for the future the expenses Of that transporta-
ton. Certainly, if any choice is 10 be exer-
cised as To the place of their location, it is de-
srable that il should be at the South. where in
ternal improvements are, under the policy of
the Union, most backward, and the greatest
waste incurred in the charges Of inland trans
portation. It's, in our judgment. desirable, for
another reason, that railroads, next TO manufac-
tories, tend 10 make men see the folly of de-
pending upon foreign markets for the products
Of their fields and plantations. Their exien-
sion is the last thing that the Union, and those
who think with it, ought to desire. For our
part, we look upon their progress. as on that Of
manufactures, with pleasure and hope. We
regard both as silent but potent allies Of the
Wing party and its reconciling national policy,
and we shall omit no opportunity TO announce
every new development Of Southern resources
by such means, for the qualification Of North
ern Wings who see nothing but good to all in
the welfare of their Southern brethren.