The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-11-27
From the Philadelphia american and Gazette.
The President's Letter to DIR. Collins.


strangest and most far fetched objections which
have fallen under our observation is assaiiing
it as ''comproInise of official dignity" because
the President thought proper to answer the re-
spectful application of private citizen. Now, we
take leave to differ entirely from this opinion and,
instead ofregarding the course of the President as
involving any compromise of his high position,
consider that he has furnished the best evidence
of that simplicity which should characterize the
Chief Magistrate Of a Republican Government, and,
at the same time, of that energy and vigilance in
supervising the faithful execution of the laws,
which should commend him to the best confidence
Of the country While the propriety of appealing
TO Executive interference, in trivial matters, may
well be doubted, and while the President should
not be expected to divert his attention from affairs
of State to the examination OF personal complaints
and causes, belonging more appropriately to the
heads Of Departments, whom he has called around
him as advisers, there instances which prop
erly require his direct Intervention; and that now
under consideration in one in point.
OF all the acts passed at the last session of Con-
gress, the Fugitive Slave Law has challenged most
comment and excited most feeling. The esprit in
which these discussions have been conducted has
not been calculated to bring about good under
standing between the opposing opinions, to unite
South in just appreciation of the existing embar-
easements or the application Of judicious remedy.
Popular prejudices have been invoked, instead of
reason; and by this communities, as well
individuals, have been placed in false positions
by the deliberate misrepresentation Of unworthy
persons who seek toproft by temporary clamor.
One ofthe first cases under this aw-and, by the
way, the which has attracted the most no.
tce throughout the country-occurred in Bos-
ton, to which city Dr. Collins had sent his agents
to reclaim alleged fugitive slave named Crafts.
The public is already sufficiently familiar with the
disturbing incidents connected with that mission.
1t became the topic Of angry controversy in the
newspapers throughout the whole country, and
necessarily attracted the attention of the authorities
at Washington. 1t was under this condition ofcir-
cumstances-which should be kept in view--that
DR.. Collins addressed letter to the President re-
citing the facts attending the efforts of his agents to
reclaim the alleged fugitive, and propounding
tain inquiries in regard to the execution of the law
as well as to the remedies which he might claim
under an assumed violation of his legal rights.
This case, from the publicity and popularity of
all the incidents connected with it, had assumed
public aspect; and, such, when properly pre-
sented to him, the President was in duty bound to
treat it. The country desired to understand his
views on this subject, and he took, in our judg-
ment the most acceptable mode of communicating
them frankly. Any other course, in the present
iniamed state Of feeling in the South, might have
been attended with injurious results, and would
undoubtedly have subjected the President to the
severest reproach. We honor him for the candor
which he exhibited, and less for the disregard Of
that official assumption with which some of our
Democratic brethren would clothe the Executive
office.
So far as the doctrines and principles advanced
in this letter concerned, il has met ms il de-
served TO meet, general concurrence. The Pres.
dent declares that it is his duty, under the Cons.
tuition, to see the laws faithfully executed" as
they exist; that it belongs to the judicial tribunals
TO apply and expound them; that Congress alone
can repeal, modify, or amend the laws; and that,
In the event Of resistance TO the laws he is ere
solved to perform his duty by employing all the
means which the Constitution and Congress have
placed at hi. disposal TO enforce them. This last
sentiment applies with equal force to any overt act
Of violence whether il be treason in the shape of
notification, fragrant resistance to the consti-
tuted authorities in the discharge Of their duty.
But while the President makes .hesc DECLARE
tons, be takes occasion, noby and justly, to pro-
claim taat he has more reliance on the patriotism
of the people for the successful execution of the
laws than on the employment of force; and that
the misguided real of excited individuals ought not
to be considered as rejecting the sentiment of a
community. There is truth and patriotic good
sense in these declarations; and it would be well
for those who have allowed themselves to become
unnecessarily nervous on this subject, to view it
with the composure and wise discrimination which
the President has exhibited.
The Washington Union and other prints have
repeatedly called upon the President to issue pro-
clamauon threatening the military power of the
Government, upon the ground that the absurd and
improper proceedings in Boston justified such a
recourse--as much the whiskey insurrection in
this State did fifty nine years ago, when mobs tar
and feathers, personal outrage, and the loss of life
were the results Of an attempt TO enforce obno1
ious law. IL ia not worth while to draw contrast
between cases which so widely separated, and
" bich present no recognizable parallels. No case
has occurred under the present law warranting the
in torposition Of the Executive; and consequently,
70 occasion has occurred for proclamation The
complaints of the partisan press, therefore, are
wholly unfounded.
The constitutional obligation 10 restore fugitives
owing labor and service has been recognised in
every respect, first by the act Of the legislative
body in passing the late law; secondly by the judi
cial Interpretation put upon il by Judges Mclean,
G rer and Kane and, thirdly, by the declaration Of
the President Of his intention TO enforce IL. The
three departments Of The Govcrnmcnt-Legislative
Judicial, and EIecutve-hsve all contributed the
weight ofther authority and the influence Of their
co operation; and there be no doubt that the
law. loving people Of the North will do their part
with equal patriotism and fidelity. The Executive
has right TO interfere in the execution Of the
laws by the employment Of military force, until the
contingency contemplated by the Constitution ac-
tually occurs. Americans jealous Of the exercise
Of that power, under all circumstances, and have
been taught TO regard IL as the ultima ratio II il
within his discretion TO remove a negligent pub
lie officer; and he may inorpose TO suppress INCUR
rcciion, upon the application Of the Executive Of
State or its Legislature. But such application
was made in this case; and interference, without
| il, would have been gratuitous and deserving OF
censure. Popular opinion may render the oxecu-
ton Of the laws defective; but long this opin-
ION docs not assume an embodied resistance, or be-
come insurrectonsry in its character, it must be
endured, however much il may conflict with the
true spirit Of our institutions. The principles upon
which our Government IL founded, demand that it
should be respected, or be overcome by the inhu-