Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1850-09-21
DEBATE IN THE SENATE.
SLAVE TRADE IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA


The Senate having under consideration the bill to suppress
the slave trade in the District Of Columbia the debate
continued as follows
Mr.. SEWARD. Mr. President, in submitting so grave a
proposition this am that would have been no
unreasonable demand the patience of the Senate that OF
the country, to have asked for time enough to explain the
policy of the measure, and defend the form in which
submitted But there remain only fifteen secular days Of
this session Of Congress- and in my judgment the time has
for debate cease, and for action 60 For this
reason orebore from debate offering the amendment;
and oebo ALSO because at earlier stage Of the session
had discussed at large all the principles involved IN the
measure. / had another for that forbearance.
Speaking for 0ysaf alone, and mputng prejudice and
injustice TO Others may be allowed 10 remark that the
abolition Of slavery any where seems 70 ms just and wise
ouweighing its benefits Opposition to emancipation in the
District Of Columbia, therefore seemed to to be bad
cause, and is the nature Of bad cause 70 betsy itself
mistaken, then, In supposng that the opposition
which my proposition would encounter would prove its best
yindicaion.
Influenced by these considerations shall address
myself the broad merits Of the question: butha be content
with simply adveing to the points which have been made
during the present debate The first point made by the
honorable Senator from Georgia, (Mr DAwsoS, with the
of other Senator's and consisted in the i'm
proper bad motives which they fit to impue to the
author Of the Sir the great instructor in the art
of reasoning ord Bacon teaches that it is better always to
the matter of adversary than to his
The imputaon of motives does not fall within that le and
is either right wrong right unworhiness Of motive
Of mine detrac from its merits; if wrong purity Of
motive can redeem it.
The second point that which has been fully answered
by the honorable and distinguished Senator from Kentucky
(Mr CLAY,) that Congress has power to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia. find that power in
the constitution and is defined by these words "To
else exclusive legislation in all whatsoever such
district exceeding ten miles square, may by cesson
of particular States and the acceptance Of Congress- become
the Of government ofthe United States. |"
The District Of Columbia that district not exceeding ten
miles square has become the Of the government Of
the States by cession Of the State Of Maryland accepted by
Congress- is Of the very nature Of the power that It is
s'excusive and applies to all whatsoever" when
the district becomes in the manner Defined the
seat of the Government Of the United States. This,
think conclusive the argument of the honorable
Senator from Kentucky, that it is limited by implied
desandng that should not be exercised to abolish slavery
Neither could the State Of Maryland make could the
United States yield such reservation.
An ercaue power is that power which possessed and
may be exercised independently Of all other soveregne
EARTH Congress- them having "exclusivs power" has
absolute sovereignty unless cases be excepted in which II
shall not be exercised But such exceptions are excluded BY
the broad expression g in all whatsoever"
Those who framed the constitution fully aware OF the
of the power which it conferred Mr. Madison thus
describes it in the 43d number Of the Federals:
The indispensable necessity of complete authority the
seat of carries its evidence with it is
power exercised by every Legislature of the UnonI might
say Of the worldly virtue Of its general supremacy
Yes, sill. it complete, not imperfect power. It is
power the District, equal to any authority which
be exercised by any Legislature Of any State in this
Union," by any Legislature Of any State nation n the
ord. It is power described in the philosophy Of govern
within the region Of its exercise complete absolute universal
Now, every Legislature in this Union, every sovereign
thory in the world has the to abolish slavery More
than half of the States in this Union have abolished prh
bted it. France England and Mexico have abolished and
prohibited it. Congress do in the Dstrf of Columbia
what they have done within their respective domnions.
dwell upon this point only moment longer Slavery
within the District of Columbia exists only by the action Of
Congress Instead Of pursuing the argument further prove
that Congress has the power to make man, demand
proof that Congress possesses the power to make sve
hold man in bondage.
All the oher points which have ben raised apply not to
the merits of the proposition for emancipation, but only the
form and manner of carrying it into effect Such the
objections raised by my honorable and esteemed friend from
Connecticut, (Mr. BALDwIs) and my no less honorable
and esteemed friend from Massachusetts, (Mr WINTHRoP
It will be once that hess objections concede that the
principle Of the is light Nevertheless, without
holding those gentlemen tbs concession, but leaving them
judge and act for themselves shall be content to reply to
them, far only sindicae the plan Of emancipation
embodied in the amendment What, them the FORM and
what the manner proposed The amendments declare that
slavery shall forevf in the District of Columbia and
that all Aed in bondage therein when the shall
20 into effect sal be Free 1t directs the Secretary of The
Interior to p the damages which any person holding slaves
within the District shall incur by Of its passage, and it
approprses two hundred thousand dollars fund for that
in whch the qualified and competent citizens of the District
shaT express their appreciation dsapprobaton Of the
Ifhey disapprove, it shall be void and Of no effect
submit sir, in the first place. than the plan adequate.
It will secure the abolition Of slavery within the District If it
obtain the consent of those who particularly
cerned in the question. have learned from either of
honorable friends that he in favor of emancpang the slaves
without the consent of the people in the District and
have all heard other honorable Senators insist upon
seat as Indispensable do not insist upon for myself
have only surrendered much to their objections; but if
majority Of the Senate should waive the objection would
give me pleasure to modify the plan accordingly.
Secondly the plan is equal one While it restores
the slave the nesmable right Of freedom it awards to him
who by authority Of Congress- has hitherto held the slave in
bondage just remuneration and indemnity for his loss
is then, adequate and equal.
Thirdly the plan not violent caprcious but de
6ernte and prudent for it makes this solemn transaction
to depend upon be continued less than three
months longer than six months among the people of the
District
Fourthy, the plan is broad enough. am informed by
wnat believe credible evidence that the number of slaves
within the District, ascertaned by the census male and -
"ae ola and young great and small is about six hundred
nat 'he value is estimated by those who regard them
suoecu OF traffic, as certainly do not three hundred dol.
or eacn person, and in the aggregate hundred and
esny nousand dollars The amendment approprates two
nundred thousand dollars If the is too great nothing
will be lost il be too small the deficiency can be now or
afterwards supplied. - = A0' =
But my honorable friend from Massachusetts, (Mr WYr
THRoP) objects that the amendment contains no a.,
the support OF the slaves any Of them aer their
cipaon. Sir, could admit that this objection had ue;oh,
1t would he sufficient that in the ;udoment of ,he,
Senators, such provision would only tend to defat The oh
ject in view.
A. IL c. d