The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-10-18
THE REPU BLIC.
w AS HIN GTON:
FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER IS. 1850.
what will the North lose by Disunion.


The destruction of all, We may, however, ad-
vance the general principle that those States
which, by the fertility of their soil and the in
dispensable character of their staples can main
tain themselves at home, will be more indie !
pendent of change of government than those
whose welfare depends upon commercial in
tercourse with others.
In the event of dsunlon, the Southern States |
would have to bear the expenses Of separate
sovereignty. This would prevent them from
carrying out the systems of modern improve
ment to much advantage. Still, the Southern
States may maintain themselves; they will
scarcely retrograde. Deprived of the Union,
howeyer-compelled 10 contend with the world
for the commerce of which they now have a
monopoly-met in the markets, which have
been heretofore their own, by a system of reve-
nue. and tonnage duties that may discriminate
against them, we fear that dsunion will be
most serious to the industrial interests of the
Northern States, dependent as they must be
upon foreign consumption. The value of the
Union to the shipping interest of the Northern
States may be estimated from the fact that, at
the adoption of the Federal Government, the
foreign tonnage employed in the transportation
of American productions was to the domestic as
four to one Under the protective tonnage du
ties, and sustained by the prestige Of the Amer
lean name, that proportion has been reversed.
We do not propose to squabble about the
causes of this important result. We only
affirm facts to show the value at stake. If the
Union shall continue, this interest--which now
exceeds that of any other nation in the world
will be increased. 1t will be always sustained
by domestic freights, whilst, under the recipro-
city treaties negotiated by the Federal Govern
ment, the ships of the United States may enter
the ports Of England duty free, in consideration
of the empty privilege of allowing British ships
TO compete with American vessels for home
freights. We consider the prosperity of this
immense interest staked upon the permanence
of the Union. Another interest which Northern
enterprise has built up, is the manufacture
of almost every article of consumption required
by the wants of civilized man. That this in
terest owes its existence to the American sys-
TEN is alike the boast of its friends and the re-
proach Of its opponents. We have no inten-
ton even to restate the arguments upon the
subject. The results of the system indicate, in
our opinion, the wisdom and patriotism which
founded 1t. But is not the interest which that
system has created Of infinite importance to the
North? The domestic supply of the South
gives to the Northern manufacturer an assured
market. Protected by the revenue duties ofthe
Union, these duties must, from the annual in
crease of the national expenditures, amount to
an adequate protection upon large class Of
manufactures. IL the Union be DESTROYED ,
the Southern States will make those very
articles of consumption pay the expenses
of the separate State governments. Possibly
they will increase those duties for the protec-
lion of their own domestic manufactures If
dsunion occur, caused as it will have been by
the most wanton and fragrant malevolence of
feeling, the ruling motive with every Southern
legislator will be TO embarrass those interests
which under the Union are cordial, congenial,
and reciprocal. Why, then, should the handi-
craft manufacturers Of the North-why should
the owner of, or operative in, a cotton factory
encourage this agitation We find that South
ern men who are endeavoring to preserve the
Union are at the same time encouraging the
manufacture of Southern supplies, or recon-
mending self-denial TO the consumers. Is
it prudent to scom their efforts7 A people
whose interest and whose pride are alike in
volved may achieve successes which will aston
ish themselves. There is no doubt but that whilst
the American system demonstrated the folly Of
sending raw material and provisions to England
to be returned TO the United States for con-
sumption, it has also rendered it probable that
the Southern States can manufacture their own
expectation TO the Northern States-cheaper
than the Northern States can manufacture for
them. This seems to be probable from the fact
that whilst some Northern factories are closing
and working short time, the cotton facto-
res in the Southern States are dividing
good profits and increasing in number We
cannot, therefore, see the wisdom Of leopard
izing the immense industrial interests of the
North by prolonging the excitement. We
may, without condemning the motives Of
those who are deeply interested in the man
ufacturing prosperity Of the North, be allowed
TO ask, are they not somewhat responsible when
they manufacture every thing used in the EN-
poyment Of slave labor from cotton gin to
cowhide2 Are they not somewhat responsible
when they freight their vessels abroad with cot
ton, sugar, rice, tobacco, flour, and in return
bring nearly the whole foreign merchandise
consumed by the Southern States2 How can
there bean immortality in the production Of a sta
pie which is not impaired to every act from its
purchase To its consumption If there be any
reason in the logical dogma that the "receiver
is as bad as the thief" give TO our Southern
fellow-citzens the harshest appellation that we
may choose, and the same eplthets are clearly
and inseparably applicable alike to every sec
ton Of the Union. Ifslavery has degraded one
half the Union, it has contributed to enrich the
other
There are other advantages invaluable to
theNorth The Union has built up her CONNER
4 IL. l.