Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1850-03-20

with this document, which is a declaration
two wears older than the Declaration Of
independence itself. The ou, side pres
sure of public opinion on the subject OF
slavery. expressed at the various primary
meetings Of the people themselves. some
of WHICH have referred TO. required. as
preliminary step 10 the contemplated re-
sistance, solemn pledge that slavery
should go no further; and it must be borne
in mind that these fathers carried with
them the same spirit and the same design
when they subsequently, entered into more
formal articles. passed the ordinance Of
1887, and formed our present Constitu-
ton.
Georgia was not repre- resented in the Con-
tInental Congress, as YOU will observe
The reasons which prevented represen-
tation | need not detail Still the patriots
Of that province III that good Old time. un-
like her misguided but no doubt sincere
representatives on this floor. were deter
mined no, TO be behind the other colonies
in the ir eifOrts to secure to themselves and
to extend to those in slavery the blessings
Of freedom.
Georgia proclaimed her sentiments on
the 10Th Of January, 1875, after the ad-
ournment of the Continental Congress.
page 1850
eve, therefo fore, the Representatives, of the eN-
tensive District OF DH len, in the colony OF
Georgia, having now assembled III Congress, by
authority aud free choice of the inhabitants of
said District, now freed from their letters, do re-
solve. To shoU the rorH tint tce a. moi in
Huenced by aoy conrncfei or interested mott ces.
Int general phLinM ropy tor MANKIND Of
LriHfereT CfiHIdfe, L4RrUGge, cDiIDLrEtOH, we
hereby declare on dIsapprobation and ahhorrenc
Of the unnatural practice of slavery in America,
(however the uucultIvated state of our country.
or other specous arguments may plead for il a
practice founded III injustice and cruelty and
highly dangerous to liberties, as we'll as
lives,) debasing part of our fellow creature be
low men, and corrnpting The virtue and mora Is
Of the rest, and is laying the basis of that bert y
we contend for, (and which pray the \ J.
mighty 10 continue, to the latest po-terity.l up
very wrong foundation. We there lore
Resolve, at all time TO use our utmost endeavors
for the nianumission of slaves in this colony
upon most safe aud equitable footing for the
master ana themselves.
Such was the acton-,hcse were the
sentiments upon this question of mora
/ and political right. when the foundation OF
our great supefstructure was laid. and
which WAS subsequently ccmented with
the blood o: our heroic ances1o~s.
SIR. | have offered the testimony cXclu-
sivcly southern. not OF northern provinces
| would that we could but summon here
those veterans 10 give US with Il living
voice their opinions Just they are here
recorded. Would w ashingion be scout
ed from this Hall as a recreant to the bes
interests OF his country! Would the \r
ginian denounce Jefferson as a traitor
because he said slavery was an execrahlt
practice: or Patrick Henry as "fanatic'
because he avowed his devotion to tho
cause of human freedom, in that eve
memorable burst Of eloquence in the Nir
yinia Convention. closing with Give me
HberlY, or give me deatht'
Suppose this hall was now occupied by
the old Continental Congre~s-ths ques
ton raised, and they unanimously de
clare slavery a moral and political evil
would the honorable gentlemen from Ala
bama. Mississippi. North Carolina. an(
Georgia denounce them as rccreauts I,
their country! On! no. Why. then. dc
they disavow the principles they pro
claimed! Does not The experience of tht
last half century prove that they truly fore
saw the blghtng effects of this evil o
which they desired to rid themselves
The rapid increase Of the States. where
slavery does not exist. in power and
strength. and everything calculated 10 rem.
der life agreeable, establishes the wisdo on
Of their determination.
Some of the States who were parties tc
this obligation have redeemed theirpledges
We now propose to carry out. as far as We
can. their original purpose.
Mr.. Stanley. To abolish slavery in the
States,
Mr.. Campbell. We will not do tha
where under the Constitution it exists
We leave that matter for YOU TO attend tc
as you like; but we. having power over the
Territories. intend 10 follow these whole
some counsels from the founders OF the
Government. and exclude slavery from
them forever by the power Of public sent
ment-by the power Of law--and. if ne
cessarv. in m aintaining the majesty Of the
law. bv the power OF the sword!
Mr.. Bowdon. VIII the gentleman from
Ohio show us the power in the Consti,u
ton TO pass such law
Mr.. Campbell. have much to saw ve
in the little time that is left me. | have
spoken by time before. and if regarlet
the constitutional question as doubtful
would not now 90 into it. If the honora
BILE gentleman desires discussion Of tha
question with me. | will meet him on an,
stump either in Alabama or Ohio ate1
Congress adjourns. 1t will save som;
money to discuss II in that way. For the
present. content myself bv saying tha
the question of power has been decided
in our favor by Congress. and by the va
riouS administrations from the organiZa
ton of the Government TO the present time
and il will soon be settled again. no;with
standing the threats Of dissolution Of the
Union! If the gentleman intends 10 De
bate that question here. desire to be in
/ formed in what article Of the Constitute,
is the power found which enables YOU Il
stretch wire on the line of So 80. YOU
proposed compromise. and leeislaie II