The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-05-09
THE NATIONAL ERA.
ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA.
SPEECH OF Mr., R. TOONBS, OF GEORGIA.
~ THE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVE.
FEBRUARY %, 1850.

W.T. CHAIRMAN: mere IL general discomfort
among the people of fifteen States of the Union
against this Government Popular dsconteuts
are rarely i'll founded. Ii is almost impossible in
free popular Government, for any considerable
portion or the people to become alieuated from the
government Of their own free choice without n
substantial reason propose, as Representative
OF portion of the people who participate largely
IN TINS dlscontent TO inquire into its cause and if
II oe well-founded, to ask you to remove it, Ii is
based upon well-founded apprehension of a & xed
purpose on the part of the MISUNDERSTANDING States
OF the Union to destroy their political rights; to
put their institutions under the ban of the empire
ny excluding them from an equal participation in
the common benefits of the Republic and thereby
to bring the powers of their own Government in
direct hostility TO fifteen hundred millions of their
property This brief statement suggests the pro-
Prlety OF the Investigation upon which now pro-
pose to enter What is the true relation of this
Government to property in slaves We are now,
sir, in transition state heretofore the disribu-
ton ofpolitical power under our system has made
sectional aggression impossible. | think it would
have been wise to have secured permanency TO
such distribution by the fundamental law IL was
not done. The course of events, the increase OF
population in the Northern portion of the Repub-
lie, aud the addition Of new States are about 10
give, if they have not already given, the non
slayeholding States a majority in both branches
OF Congress, and they have large and Increasing
majority of the population of the Union These
causes have brought us TO the point where we are
to test the suficiency of written constitutions to
protect the rights of minority against ma jority
OF the people. Upon the determination Of this
question will depend, and ought to depend, the
Permanency of the Government. The union OF
these States had its birth in the weakness of its
separate members; without that single controlling
element its early history amply demonstrates that
its creation, in its present FORM would have been
an impossblity. 1t contained uncongenal ee-
Taents, and perhaps discordant interests 1t left
local, yet great and important interests, of what
was even then seen would be numerically the
weaker section of the Confederacy, without any
security against the stronger, except from parch-
ment guarantees Our fathers did not initiate the
wisdom of the great Grecan ambassador, who de-
cared, when entering into treaty with the adj
YeEsaries of his country ] will except no other
security but thIs-rnat you shall not have the
pO'0ey to injure my country, if you wish to do it.
Our security, under the Constitution. is based
solely upon good faith There is nothing in its
structure which makes aggression permanently
impossible. 1t requires neither skill nor genius
nor courage, to perpetrate it it requires only bad
faith. have studied the histories of nations and
the characteristics mankind to but little purpose
if that quality shall be found wanting in the fu-
ture administration of our affairs. Our present
Constitution was not baptized in the blood of the
Revolution.
The old Confederation, which was found strong
enough, under sense of common danger, to carry
US triumphantly through the war of the Revolu-
ton, upon the return of peace was supposed to be
insufficient for the wants of the country. Dele
gates met in convention at Philadelphia 10 amend
1t; the present Constitution the result of
their labors. The journals and debates of that
convention attest the fact that the delegates from
the slavehOldng States saw the danger of submit
ting their rights to property in slaves to the hos
tile legislation of the proposed new Government
They foresaw that they would be in minority ;
strong hostility to that interest was openly man
ifested in the Convention they were wise enough
not to expect mn abatement of that sentiment and
therefore they demanded special guarantees for
its protection. The inilexiblc pertinacity with
which some of these guarantees were insisted up
on, on more than one occasion during the deliber-
ations of that assembly, threatened the loss of the
whole plan Of Union. They were conceded, be-
cause the Union could not have been formed
without their concession. These special guaran-
tees were
lst An exception of the African slave trade
from the general power of Congress over COM
MERGE for twenty years
ID Representation for slaves in this branch of
Congress.
3D. The right to demand the delivery up Of fu.
gitives from labor escaping to the nOn-slavehold
ing confederates.
4th. The obligation of the General Government
TO suppress instructions.
These special securities together with the res.
ervation to the States respectively, or TO the
people" Of the "powers not delegated to the
United States by The Constitution, nor prohibited
by IL to the States were supposed by those who
granted them and those who accepted them to be
amply sufficient to protect property in slaves from
any hostile action in this Government In this
sense was the Constitution received and accepted
by the people of the United States. The only
defect in these guarantees results from the fact thai
the execution and faithful observance of them de.
ponds upon the good faith of the Government in
themselves honestly adhered to- they are full
ample, and sufficient
The history of some of them is curious and in
structing. At the time Of the formation Of the
Constitution, Virginia and Maryland had prohib
tied the African slave trade. North Carolina
had laws trammelling and restraining it, South
Carolina and Georgia insisted upon further i'm.
portations These two States bargained with
New England, and part of the consideration
was, that New England was to vote for the con.
tinuance of the African slave trade for twenty
years, and Georgia and South Carolina were to
vote to place the general commerce of the country
under the control of "a majority of Congress in
stead of two-thrds, which had been passed by the
convention. The understanding was fairly car
ried out on both sides and thus the African slave
trade was made lawful commerce under the flag of
the Union, by the votes of New England against
the vote of slaveholding Virginia and Maryland.
The North have enjoyed in security her part of
the bargain, and she was none the loser by our
part of the contract, as she did the carrying aud
received the profits Of the speculation in slaves
Yet in the face Of these facts, and in defiance OF
these provisions ofthe Constitution, we are told on
this floor by New England Representatives that
slave property is out of the protection of the Gov
eminent Thousands of these slaves thus intro
duced rs lawful commerce are still held by the
people of the South other thousands, which were
sold for taxes and other debts due this Govern.
ment, are thus held, the money is or may be in
your treasury, liable to be paid out for your pei
diem pay. Your Government has direct or i'm.
perfect liens upon other thousands in the shape OF
official or other bonds. We have the right to call
on you TO give your blood to maintain these thou.
sands and all the rest of the slaves of the South
in bondage. 1t is $50 nominated in the bond ,
Yet, with these obligations resting upon YOU We
are told by you that slave property is out of the
protection of the Government. Gentlemen, de
ceiye not yourselves you cannot deceive others
This is pro-slavery Government. Slavery il
stamped upon its heart-the Constitution. You
must tear that out of the body polite before you
can commence the work of its eradication.
have heard in this Hall, within few days
past, fierce and bitter denunciations from North
ern lips, of fbolitionists-those of the Garrison
school, who sometimes chance 10 meet in Faneui
Hall In my judgment, their line of policy is The
ftrest, most just most honest, and defensble, Of
all the enemies of our institutions. And such
will be the judgment of impartial history. "They
shun no question, they wear no masko They
admit some, at least, of the constitutional obliga
lions to protect slavery. They hold these obliga
tions inconsistent with good conscience, and they
therefore denounce the institution as q covenant
at gula g.. .t