Weekly national intelligencer., 1850-03-02

One would mink the HrSt question would be
(supposing that any legislation of the Federal Gov
4 ernment could plant or uproot slavery, which, 70
reasons have limited at, do not believe,) is sla
very good or an eUa to the community to whcI
it is given! If it be good, then, by all means
confer il where you can. If an evil, what excus,
can any State of the Union give-free or slave
for infictng 1t upon new popuation-for incor
porating il in new society! Is not that question
good or evil, an open question to the discussion o.
every citizen in the land? Is there stakeholder
in this Coniederacy, or the inhabitant of slave
State who, believing social slavery to be curse OF
an evil thing, could maintain himself before the
world as wise or a just statesman, whilst he per-
suades and insists upon, and, by all means in his
power, contrves the nfctien of this curse or evil
upon any brotherhood or dependency of his fellow
citizens in any new or remote section of the Ma
tional domain! There can be but one answer to
this question consistent with the good sense of him
to whom il is addressed. And again-why should
we suppose that this question: of the good or evil
of slavery, point of debate only between North
and South? Is it not question which every
where raises conflicting opinions in the South itself?
Might it not, indeed, have been safely left by the
whole North, to the discussion it would have re-
ceved in the whole South! Slavery is better un-
derstood in the South and its advantages and dis
advantages, whatever they are, are more astutely
observed, and more judicousy treated there than
they can be in the North. There was time when
the South would have very calmly and wisely ads
Justed the question of slavery slavery in the
Territories. They did so in 1897 and so in 1920,
and many times between these dates, and later still,
have exercised control over the subject. They
are manifestly not so calm and deberative now.
The change in their temper on this point is one
of the accursed fruits of the fanatical abotionsm
of the North to which have alluded. But for the
A.I e
societies, but for the denuncatory presses but for
the stump orations of abolitonism, but for the
taunng, insulting, inhammatory resolves of State
Legislatures, and the incessant pouring down of
Wrathiul and malignant petitions, emancipation
would before this day have done much effective
work in some of the States; slaves would have
been spared many unpleasant restraints and the
whole South would have been trusty and consi-
derate arbiter of these very disputes touching the
Territories
can appeal to some high authorities on this
point and perhaps the citation Of them may serve
yet to restore both parties TO some measure of
wholesome equanimity amidst our present dstrac-
tons. | think, if the fact were investigated it
would turn out that, setting aside the excitement
and its effects, there have been, and perhaps are
now, in the Southern States, as large number of
persons who honestly and soberly believe slavery
an evil, as there are of the opposite opinion-many
more than those who think it a positive good If
such be the actual state of the Southern mind, the
disclosure of it cannot but take off much of the
edge of that asperity which is supposed just now
to'threaten the existence of the Union. For
tainly the reasonable men OF the South will not
consent to see the Union subverted because large
portion of the country, even though it be geographic
caly separate from themselves, is disposed, under
some nisinterpretation (as the South may conceive
it) of the power of Congress, to affirm by legsla-
ton what their own most cherished and virtuous
citizens affirm without legislation. | must repeat,
to avoid being misunderstood, that | am myself
fully persuaded that all legislation on the sub ject
must be futile. Others think otherwise and, sup
posing they right, l address my remarks to
their view of the case. .s.,
In the pursuit of my object, it is not my purpose
to say any thing on the constitutional questions
which have been raised-the power TO prohibit, or
establish, or regulate slavery in the Territories
abandon all constitutional arguments in despair and
eschew them the most variable Of worldly things
They are more changeful than the tide-more un-
certain than the wind. | only know that the power
has been exercised from the beginning down to this
day. In that abide. Somebody must be right
and, for want of better guidance go, for the pre-
sent, with the Founders of the Constitution, and
more than half century Of their successors. Sixty
years practice satisfies me. Besides, is it not now
CdllOH Oi WHeIl
there is acW there is always way? Do we not
know that high and authoritative practice has set
tied the point that, whatever is deemed desirable or
necessary to be done by party in the majority,
may always be done under some power, expressed
or implied, interpreted to be expressed and i'm
piled and that what is deemed necessary to be
prevented may be prevented by denying what is
expressed or implied. And is there not, also, this
new invention of salus populi'' to patch the Con-
sution wherever its texture is loo thin? trust
to these and other authorities, and so dismiss all
concern on this head. l do not want to perplex
my subject with these constitutional subtleties,
which have become the tactics Of the day. We
know the South well enough to believe that if tley
had adopted the opinion that slavery great
evil to the Territories, anG had found motive to
bring the restriction prohibition Of it within the
scope of their policy, they would have had no great
difficulty with the logic of the matter to demonstrate
the constitutional power. say this with all defer
ence and respecto the integrity Of the South. Their
habits of analysis and synthess is an idosyncrasy.
We remember that Mr.. Jefferson, and all his
compatrots who acted with him, held that there
was no power to annex Louisiana that the pur-
chase was unconstitutional But since that act
was done we have recognised the right of annexa-
ton as fundamental law, and have accordingly an
nexed territory whenever it has been found conve-:
nient We consider the constitutional power set
tied. Where, them is the offence now in the large
numbers Of the American people who consider this
question relating to the regulation, the prohibition,
or allowance Of slayery in the Territories as also