Columbus Democrat. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 18??-18??, 1850-03-02

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who claim its exercise mus, point it out Where
in the constitution Of the United States will he
found the gran, Of power to interfere with the sub
ice, Of domestic slavery in the States' Ii eanno,
be found, without indulging in a liberali,y Of con-
struction, which would leave but lew subjects OF
legislation for the several states, now composing
the coniederacy, 1.-THE committee on the lede.
raj relations Of the State Of Mississippi, should
succeed in establishing the power contended for
tation in saying that they will have discovered a
new vein in toe constitution; the writer's upon
constitutional law heretofore recognized will be
laid aside, and many Of our renowned statesmen
must lay aside their Anticipated learning, and take
new lessons from the Gamalicls Of cur State
Now admitting that state has not the right to
exclude slavery, we presume it would follow as
necessary truth that, no state had the right to es.
tablish the institution Of slavery within its limits.
We must, therefore, hereafter look to the Con,
gress olthe United States alone to legisae upon
all matters relative to the SUBJECT of slavery.
Its not a little remarkable that this discovery
should have been made either in Georgia, or the
State Of Mississippi. Both have been somewhat
distinguished for their close adherence to the doc
/ trinc of State Rights, and of course opposed to Il
4 aIitldinarian construction OF the powers OF the
/ federal Government But still most strange that
the discovery should be made at period in our
| history, when we are invoking the doctrine Of
/ State Rights to protect lis in the full enjoyment
OF our domestic institutions. 1t IS to be feared
that we shall find but little sympathy among the
| Caliiornians.
What is the South TO gain by opposing the
admission Of California II her application for
admission is rejected, and no territorial Govern.
mont is formed for her, her constitution will re.
main as il is now. Tho whole power oflhe fed.
cml government could not annihilatc her pres. ,
ent constitution.
Congress failed, through the efforts Of the alb.
olilohiss, ,o create for her territorial govern
meht at its last session. The foul aud murder
Gus spirit Of abolition might be equally success.
iul at the present session. But even suppose
that a territorial government should be formed by
/ Congress at It's present session, upon the prnci
/ pie ofnon.nelvention with the question Of slave.
| ry. Have we not every reason to think that
slavery would be again excluded from California
so soon as the people Of The country again assem-.
in Convention 10 form State Constitution
We will conclude our remarks upon this sub.
jecl, by quotation from the late speech Of Mr..
Cass delivered in the Senate Of The United
States.
81 have heard good deal said upon this sub.
lect of uncontrolled legislation over the Terrific.
rcs, which is the very paraphrase Of what was
said by Lord North, Mr.. Dundas, and by other
members Of the ministerial party in England
three.quarteis OF century ago The lessons OF
experience are indeed too soon forgotten, but |
did not suppose that the lessons taught us by our
revolutionary fathers would so soon fade from
the memory Of the present generation. A great
principle is involved in this coniroversy--the !
inseparable connection between legislation and
representation. And what paramount necessity |
calls for its vioatonl Are not the people Of the |
Territories competent 10 manage their own in
tena affairs Are they not Of US, aud with u.s. |
bone OF our bone and flesh Of our flesh the |
same people, with the same views habits and IN
ielligence; all, indeed, which constitutes nation
al identity lay sir, and exhibiting by the very |
act of emigration a spirit Of enterprise which |
4 IL IL.
not such people administer their own govern. |
mcnt safely and wisely Experience says they |
can. They have in every instance proved their |
capacity for sclt.goycrnnent, and life, liberty and
property have been as well protected by their |
laws as by The laws Of the States. 1t is clear,
then, that there is no necessity for Congress TO /
legslae for the Territories. They have never
legsIaed exclusively and the very few instan. /
ces of the exercise OF such a power upon the /
statute book were not only unconstitutional, but
were acts Of supererogatlon, which the terrto' I
rial legislature was much more competent than
the national legislature to consider and deter /
mine to the satisfaction Of the people OF tho Ter
ritory. il may be said, sir, that some Of the re-
cent acquisitions contain considerable popula.
ton foreign to our political institutions, and not
or naturalized citizens, who are familiar with
their operations. But sir, this objection, which,
however, does not touch the principle, is entitled
to no consideration as Il practical one. There
is not a territorial government we shall organize
in which the majority of the active population
will not be American citizens, emigrants from
the oder states, and in which this class Of per-
sons will not exercise preponderating influence
controlling all public measures. What, them
have we to fear! The great issues Of life and
death are left to the people No calls this in
question And to the same trust may be COM
mitted, with equal safety, all the other objects OF
internal legislation.
And the late proceedings 10 California to or.
! ganize government, and the constitution, which
has been the result, are the best proofs that
J r. L 4. T.