The Madisonian. (Canton, Miss.) 1850-1855, 1850-07-25

forms Of government, if men generous,
elevated intelligent, and vlrtuous dc
not grow under them, what true value
have theyl These are the TRUE test Of
the Institutions, and you compel US to
use language which might be deemed
vaingloriousand boastful did not your
scornful reproaches and attempts to
degrade us force itfrom US. 1 deny
that there are, either in ancient or mod
ern times, any nation which have pro-
duced men more Distinguished for all
that gives true dignitylo character than
slave holding states-aye, than the
slaveholding states Of this Union.
And now, having detained you fan
beyond my intention in the discussion
Of this great slave question which, hows
ever, has very important relations with
the subject more Immediately under
discussion I come to the question of
the Missouri Compromise.
do not understand that that tt1ea-
sure is sought by the South. 1t cera
tainly is-not by the state which have
the honor IN part to represent. That
state stand uponthe ground ofequality.
She claims for her citizens protection
Of al their rights; that their property
shall be protected wherever the flag of
this Union Aoats-on the sea, or on the
land, This is their right to have, this
Is your duty to bestow. But if you are
compelled to succumb to spirit which
| will not characterize, forI desire to
avoid all harshness Of language, but
which makes itselfknown here by acts
Of deep injustice towards the South; if
compelled BY this spirit Of prescription
TO forego your rights and duty; il you
a unable to administer this greatlrust
Of government over the territories. and
cannot secure to the citizens Of all the
States those equal rights which belong
to them all; # you are obliged to abro-
gate the authority Of a government and
treat these territories as property, then
as an extreme concession, the South, as
far as know their opinions, are will
ing to make this Missouri Compromise
line the line of partition. Not thatIhis
makes an equal division hne-very far
from 1.-THE advantage is altogether
with the non slavehodiug states; but
because it has more than once been
adopted, and has met the acquiescence
if not the approval Of the people. Al
low me to say, sir, that in so doing, ]
consider the adjustment to be effected
without any warrant from the Consllu-
tion. have never been able to recog~
nize the constitutional right Of forlning
the original compromise. 1t is not the
appropriate occasion either to condemn
or to approve oflit. The emergency
seemed now to require some such ar.
rahgement to enable the States 10 re-
main in union: and asmilar emergency
seems now 10 require some similar arsI
rangement. If this Government is will
ing and able to do justice, this is that
which we require. 1t is the position
which, for your sakes and for ours, yonI
ought to occupy; bnt, if you deny US
justice, reluctantly we acqunesce iGthis
division of the property. But let US
deal fairly and openly with each other
not using doubtful or ambiguous IanS
guage. If 1t is to be a partition, let itI
be made in distinct and dcertain language
When we say, however calling may be
the utterauce of the words; that to the
North of thelihe, slavery shall be ex4
cuded, we claim from you to say, in
language equally distinct, that on the
South side of that line, all distractions
shall be removed to the admission and
enjoyment Of our property in slaves
Even if there were con: titutional diff
cullies in the use of this language,
upon this adjustment Of partition no
difficulty could arise. Surely, if we
exclude slavery on one side of the line,
we can guaranty it on@the other. But
| acknowledge, sir, | attach no impor>
tance to this asserted constitutional
difficulty. 1t seems I'd me to rest main
ly upon mere falacy; that the claim Of
the right to be protected admits also
the right to destroy. 1t Is certainly
very strange doctrine, that, because
demand from you that protection ofmy
person and prof. erty which the consti-
tuition guarantees to me, | have thereby |
empowered you to tyrrauize over my
person and destroy my property. When
the distinguished Senator from Ken |
lucky, IN negotiating the treaty Of
Client, assured and maintained our
right 10 be remuneratet for The slaves
taken BY lhe enemy, did we thereby
acquire for this Federal government
any new power in relation to slaverylI
No, Mr.. President, On The contrary
the more secure any institution has
been rendered from violation or change
the more imperative has become your
duty to watch over and protect It,
How IL IL with respect 10 the trial bV |