The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-02-06

country in question: the diplomatic representatives o he
Mexican republic urged the sbhorrence' with which
Mexico would view the introduction Of slavery into any
portion OF the territory which she about to cede 10
the United States But prohibition OF its introduction
was not inserted n consequences Of the firm ground taken
by Mr. Trst and his declaration that II utter i'm
possibility even 10 mention the subject take it. then,
for granted, srayaing myself OF the benefit OF the dis
cussions which took place upon this topic at aformer
the impression Of the existence Of slavery in the
ded Tcrrcries take It for granted that what have said
will satisfy the Senate Of that first truth-that slavery
does not exist there by law unless slavery carried
there the moment the treaty was ratified by the two
parties of the treaty. under the operation OF the cons
tuition Of the United States. .1
insfant upon the consummaion Of the treaty, the
stituton Of the United States spread itself over the
quired ccrny, and carried along with the institution Of
any reason which possess, that hardly know how
to meet it Why, sir these United States consist Of hir
~ States In fifteen Of them there was slavery; in a.
teen slavery did not exist How il be argued that
the fifteen slave States BY the operation Of the constitu
ton OF the United States carried into the ceded country
their institution Of slavery any more than it be
hs same the sssn se sass eaed
which they from policy have chosen to adopt within
that Mexico had never abolished slavery there al all Lei
suppose that il was existing there, by virtue of law,
from the shores Of the Pacific to those of North Mexico
the treaty in question With what patience would gentle
men, coming from the slayeholding States listen to an ar
gument which should be urged BY the free States that
notwithstanding the existence OF slavery within those
Territories The constitution Of the United States the
moment operaed upon and took effect within the ceded
Territories. abolished slavery and rendered them free
moey Of the States are free and he other oisy are slave
holding States, that the principle Of freedom which pre-
walls in the class shall operate as the principle
cn yoa eos Il q
Of principles and Of Legislation. which prevails in the
two parts Of the Union--can you come to any other
cluson Of the public law oi the world Of reason, and Of
justice that the status OF law, il existed at the moment
Of the conquest acquisition remains unaltered by the
powerF That great principle. and you scarcely
turn over page OF the public law where you will not
find itrecognissd The laws Of Mexico, as they existed
this country became their laws STILL unless they were
altered by that new sovereign power which this people
and these Territories under. in consequence Of the
President without espassing further exhaustng the
little stock OF strength which have, and for which
shall find ample occasion in the progress OF the argu
menhat may leave that part OF the subject with two
or three observations only upon the general power which,
think. apperains 10 this government upon the subject
OF slavery within those Territories.
But sir. before approach that subject allow me to
say that, in my humble Judgment the institution OF
slavery presents two questions totally distinct and rest
ing upon entirely different grounds; slavery within the
States and slavery without the States Congress the
general has power, under the constitution
Of the United States TO touch slavery within the States
except in the three specified particulars in that nstru
e sa' ss
lvered up fugitive slaves when they escape from the
service which they owe in the slave States, and take
refuge in the free States And, sir, | ready to say
thatif Congress attack within the States the in
sttuton Of slavery, with the purpose of the overthrow
the ~ed ss Of MD %ss.
which would justify in the sight of God and in the
presence Of the nations of the EARTH resistance on the
s :. an ne
sition have stated Then. sir, we should be acting in
defence Of rights. Of domiciles, Of property
81 ou, safe'y, Of our lives Then ! think would Be
justified by all the considerations which appertain to the
happiness security Of man. to employ every instrument
which God or nature has placed in our hands, toTesis
such an attempt upon the part OF this government
Then, sir IT, unfortunately, civil should break out
should present TO the nations Of the earth the specta
Gle OF portion OF this Union endeavorng to subve
institution OF another portion, in violation Of the con-
stituton and the most sacred obligations. We should
present spectacle in which should have the sympa
thy and good wishes. and dese for our success Of all
men who love justice and truth.
Far different would. fear, be our case II, unhappy,
we should be led into war, into civil war, If the two
parts Of this country should be placed in hostile posi-
new Territories @ acquired from Mexico IN M Prssdsni, %
we have heafd-all Of have read-of the efforts of
France to propagatewhAt on the continent Of Europe
MOI slavery bihveIy, rl8n8 OF ana
know the fate o her efforts Of popagandism OF that
kind But II, unhappy, we should be involved In war,
in civil war between the two parts Of this conederacy.
in which the effort upon the side should be to
strain the introduction OF slavery into the Territories
and upon the other side to force s Introduction there
what spectacle should we present TO the astonshmente
mankind in an effort not to propagate rights, butt must
say it, SIR though rust will be understood to be said with
no design to excite feelings war TO propagate wrongs in
the Territories thus acquired from Mexico Il would be
war in which we should have no symPaihes. no good
wishes In which all mankind would be against us; in
the oil the revolution down to the present
for the introduction of slavery into this country And
deences which be made 10 preserve the institution OF
the wishes OF ancestorsof our American colo
nia ancestorsand by the cupidy Of our British COM
mercial ancestors.
The power. then, Mr.. President, in my opinion
extend to the introduction as well as to the prohibition
OF slavery in the Teutores-does exist in Congress-
and think there 10 this important distinction between
slavery outside Of the States and slavery inside Of the
States that all outside OF the States is debaiabe and all
nsde Of the States is not debsabe The government has
right to attack the institution within the States but
whether she has, and to what extent she has has not
the right to attack slavery outside OF the States, is
a question debatable, upon which men may honora-
bly, and fairly differ; and however may be decided fur
nishes trust no Just occasion for breaking up this go.
rious Union OF ours.
not going otake up that part OF the subject which
relates TO the power OF Congress to legisate shall