Eastern times. [volume] (Bath, Me.) 1846-1857, 1850-12-26

tne same purpose VIZ. TO effect the immediate
emancipation of the slaves in the Southern
States. They differ only in the means to be
used. One branch of them proposes to accom-
plIshed emancipation by what they call " means
by law: "a the other proposes 10
do it,by destroying the Union they holding 'lha,
that secession from the government is religious
and political duty."t But both concur in one
object, VIZ. immediate emancipation. That is
to say, these societies, composed of citizens o.
the free States, aim at the overflow of an in.
stItutlon, which exists by the laws of States O
wnlch they are not citizens. They have beer
engaged, for these eighteen years, In stimulat
ing the people of the free States into the belle
that slavery is a sin, and therefore that the laws
OF the States where it exists must be forthwith
changed, although the people of the free State:
did not make thoss laws laws, and cannot un
mike them, except by a Revolution.
All this agitation has had its effects: and one
OF It's effects has been, that men have carried
their opinions and feelings on the subject o
slavery to the balot-box. Thilher, polltlcians
candidates and political parties have followed
them, with Mefr opinions and feelings, sincere
or inslncerc; SO that now, the right or the
wrong ot an institution which exists only by
power, has come to be disturbing element in
the politics OF every free State in the Union
la consequence of this, we are brought in some
States-l am sure II is 50 in Massachusetts-di
rectly and palpably to the issue, whether the
clause In the Constitution of the United States
which requires the surrender OF fugilIves from
service, shall be obeyed or dIsobeyed.
THIS, and nothing short of this, has been, il
1t is not now, the issue In my own State ,on this
exciting subject for no man who knows the ell
ements OF the agitation there, and the purposes
Tor which 1t has been carried on, aud who
means to speak honestly and plainly, can affect
TO doubt, that if the lately enacted law had
been ditfarent In lis provisions, 1t would have
had to encounter much the same resistance ano
opposition that there would have been the
same tamperlng with the peace of the country
by politicians, the same headlung disobedlenct
10 law, by maGmen and fanatics. But | All
glad to express the belief, that public opinion
In that State Is every day becoming sound OF
this subject.
We see, then, to what the political agitation
of the subject OF slavery has conducted US. Ii
my opinion, 1t Is time we had ascertained
whether we are TO 90 any farther with it.
Is time we knew, whether there remains for Ii!
single step, on the subject of slavery, which
we can take, without endangerlng the peace o
our country and the stability OF It's constitution
undertake TO say-and upon this am willing
that the Soundness of my opinion should b,
judged by the Judgment of sober aud good men
that since the peace measures of the last Con
gress become laws, there Is no single point OF
which the general government can touch The
stlAt. of 81 Il
without putting the Union Ia imminent and ex
treme danger. should go farther, if ii wer,
necessary 10 make stronger appeal to pru
dence and torbearance; for think. that ther
is now left no single point, on which the gov
ernment of the United States can undertak
practically 10 do anything on the subject of sla
very that will not, IN all human probability
cause dissolution of the Union. These opin
ions are not formed under the influence O
threats uttered in one quarter or another, o
solely u on the evidence afforded by the resolu
lions OF conventions, or legislatures, or publ
meetings. They are the result of a careful
and deliberate survey of the whole subject, an,
OF much study OF the constitution of the coun
Try, lis history and spirit.
Let me ask you To consider little la detail
In what modes the general government CA
touch the subject OF slavery at all, now or here
alter. l. Congress can repeal the Fugitiy
Slave Law. =. 1t Can abolish slavery In tn
District of Columbia. 3. 1t can apply TN
w Iimot ProvisO To the territories of Utah an,
New Mexico. 4. Ii can refuse to receive int
the Union any new slave State, that NAV b
formed out OF part of Texas in pursuance q
the resolutions by which that country was an
nexed 5. 1t can prohibit the sale of slaves b
a citizen of one slave State to citizen of anotl
er slave State; tins Is what is called abollshin
the interstate slave trade. These are the on
practical points, upon which Congress- Ca
touch the subject OF slavery, with pretenc
that they are within the limits of the constltu
ton. do not say all these things are with
their constitutional power. Far from it. Bu
walvlng for the present the consideration {
power, | suppose all will agree that these ar
the only practical measures that can be sugges
ed. | know thar there are those who talk
bout putting the general government actively o
the side of freedon. But this means, If
mears anything, putting the general govern
ment In an attitude of decided hostility 10 tn
institutions OF the slave States. When this
dune there can be no doub, what will become
the Union.
Now, which of these measures would yo
have adopted Which Of these can you adop
without enhancing the dangers to the stablilt
of the Uulon thousand fold Will YOU 9
back and repeal the Fugitive Slave Lawl
is notorious that that law was passed to carr
out an express provision of the Constitution.
is equally notorious, from the kind of oppoS
ton that has been manifested, since Its euac
ment, to the erecuti0n of this law, that it hs
become question whether the Constitution
TO be obeyed or disobeyed, whether the fugitv
is to be given up or not The question abou
the details OF the law has become entirely sui
ordinate to the question of whether the rcquis
ton OF the Constitution is TO be complied witt
| feel, therefore, justified in saying, and as a
honest man feel bound 10 say, that if this la
cannot be executed peaceably in any State, tn
rest of the country will have right to thin
that the provision Of the Constitution, whlc
the law was enacted to carry out, will not
obeyed, in that State, save under the force an
power of the country. Ii this is true, it
much the more true, that a repeal of the law
the votes of a majority of the States, would b
conclusive proof of determination TO max
this provision of the Constitution dead lette
for no man can suppose that the repeal of tn
law would ever be followed by any substitute
When this result has been reached, think th
no man in his senses can suppose that the Unic
will long survive.
Will you abolish slavery in the District
Columbia, | entertain no doubt whatever
the power of Congress to do this. But que
tion Of power is one thing; question of e,
pediency. of safety, of prudence, and wisdom
a totally different thing. The time may conn
| hope it will, when the people of the slav'
holding States, feeling entire security that tn
action of the Federal Government would sto
there, feeling, from long experience OF succe'
S,vo al that tho Government wa