Eastern times. [volume] (Bath, Me.) 1846-1857, 1850-12-26
NO.27.

South, even more than they are alarmed and
excited now. submit to you, that the object
to be gained is by no manner Lf fmeans commen-
surate to the risk, and that wise men will not
dare such danger for purpose so Compare
lively unimportant.
Will you go back and apply the proviso to
Utah and New Mexicoi pass the practical
question, whether slavery can ever enter those
territories, although | believe, on testimony
that seems to me abundant, that they are inca
pable of sustaining slave labor. But let us sup
pose 1t otherwise. Let US suppose that some
small part of them is fitted to receive slaves and
to make their labor profitable. How stands the
case now! The Congress of the United States
has organized territorial governments over those
countries, and has left it the people who shall
hereafter inhabit them, To adopt Just such insti-
tuilons as they shall see fit to adopt, when they
form themselves in o States. In other words,
! Congress has implicitly said, that the people
who shall inhabt those territories shall have
the same right to form their own institutions as
the people of California have had. California
came into the Union, with Constitution which
she had formed for herself, in which slavery is
not allowed. Why should not the same privi-
lege of forming their own Constitutions, be CIV
en- to The people of Utah and New Mexico =
If you fern those Constitutions in advance, if
you say TO the people of the South who might
wish to migrate thither with their domestcs or
their agricultural servants, you shall not carry
with YOU this form of labor, YOU say what must
be felt by them practical exclusion of them
selves and their posterity from those countries.
Your constitutional power to do this, if it now
exists, can be no answer TO this feeling espec-
tally if it should be exerted in opposition to The
declared convictions of all the greatest states
men in the country, Of both parties, that there
is no necessity for its exercise.
Will you say in advance that no slave State
that may hereafter be formed out of part of
| Texas shall be received into the Union In my
opinion, this would be to announce to the coun-
try determination TO break a compact that was
made with Texas when she was admitted for
II is beyond all power of controversy that the
Resolutions of Annexation authorize some ad-
dltlon of slave States, out of a part of Texas,
if they are ever formed Whoever is prepared
to announce such determination, is of course
prepared for what would follow.
Will you enact law prohibiting the sale and
delivery of a slave by citizen of one slave
State 10 4 citizen of another slave State; or
prohibiting the emigration OF planter with his
slaves from one State 10 another will not
t say that you have the constitutional power to
do this /; but | can conceive of nothing that
would more swiftly and surely convince the peo-
pie of the slave States, that the time had come
for separation, than serious proposition TO en-
act such law.
These, then, are the only practical points on
which the general government can touch the
subject of slavery; and there is not one even of
them, where the constitutional power is free
} from diffiuty, where action would not now be
followed by state of alarm, of excitement,
, suspicion and jealousy, that would render The
: preservation OF the Union impossible. do moi
say, that one or the other of these things would
justify the South in entering upon a course that
would be terminated only by revolution and
civil war; but | do say that, with or without
complete justification on their part, consequen-
r ces would follow, for which we should be large
ly responsible.
There is therefore reason and occasion for
these gatherings of the friends of the Union,
from out Of the ranks of parties that usually
act IN direct opposition to each other. We de-
sire peace and rest, and sense Of security
We desire a restoration of that old kindly feel
ing between the distant members of this confed-
: eracy, that is SO essential 10 their prosperity,
their safety and their repose. We mean TO Sc
cure the restoration of that feeling by proving
on all occasions and in all modes, that the Union
OF tneS6 SldlcS 10 TIE OUeCt vi our
, regard, and that we hold ourselves bound by the
most solemn obligations 10 discharge every du-
ty which the constitution of our country has
imposed upon US. We mean, by every means
that we can properly use, to dlscountenance and
discourage the further agitation of that danger
Gus subject. which involves SO instantly and in
tensely The passions and prejudices Of men, and
to set our faces against those who fan the flames
Inf a cnrt nd al
Genilemen-I am not here, and you are no,
n here, to aid in the formation of political par
I ty, or to set up candidates for office. If iha,
f were the purpose of this assembly, should be
e a very unfit person TO take part in it. My life
: is passed in professional avocatIons, and IN the
: studies that are akin to them and If | had
n come from my home TO assist IN the formation
/ of party, | should have come upon an errand
: for which am wholly unsuited. But 1t is moi
e who ly foreign TO my habits of thought and act
S ion, 10 form and 10 express opinions upon the
If great subject on which have veniured TO speak
To you. think that this country is passing
, through period of its story which Is 10 Wit
ness the greatest trial of the strength and dura-
> bll.ty of Its constitution of government that has
= occurred since that constitution was established
, This trial is more severe than all previous trlali
, not simply because the subject that now fills mems
:, minds is of an exciting nature, but because Il
presents constant temptations 10 act, IN spirl
diametricaly opposite 10 the spirit and desigI
: and purpose OF the Constitution itself. The
: Constitution was formed in spirit of compro
] mise. Ii em5odies certain very distinct and pal
pable compromises on this very subject OF sla
) very, which rest upon great moral necessities
existing when it was formed, existing now auC
likely 10 continue 10 exist. The spirit and ton,
y of action which we hear everywhere urged ,ant
:, to which this dangerous subject affords to muci
! temptation, is 10 discard all compromise, to re-
/ ect ali idea of concession and TO stand fiercely
I and with defiance upon some single principle o
a right or duty. The Constitution was formed II
\ judicial aud impartial temper, and thai is the
: temper that was breathcd into 1t by lis trainers
:, 1t looks upon the institution of all the States
J ! alike. 1t regards slavery with no favor and
. no dislike. 1t pronounces no Judgment upon
. the moral right wrong OF that lnstltutioh'
, but takes it, as it exists, fact. But the point
ical agitation that has 50 long been carried on,
:, upon this subject of slavery, IS perpetualiy
y tempting men 10 violate this calm Judicial spirit
of the Constitution, and to bring the institutions
of one class of States and the feelings and
'f principles which they create into contrast and
,f collision with those of another class. Finally
g. the Constitution is designed to be, and Is, the
: supreme law of all mems political duties, the
!, absolute positive rule of all mems social obi.
}, cations, on all the points on which ii speaks
; This is the office and prerogatiye Of every con-
stituton of government in free country. Ye
? as if it were possible in any mode short of rev
: olution, to set up another rule of duty, we set
, a..