The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-06-19
Washington, "Wednesday, june 10, 1850.

to embarrass. 1t could not operate as law
now or hereafter. 1t could not bind our sue
cessors upon this floor. II had force simply
as an expression Of our own opinion. He
would give his assent to it as disconnected
and single proposition, and he saw no parti-
cular objection TO its being adopted as an
addition to the amendment Of the gentleman
from Missouri, Mr.. GREEN,] which could
then be rejected. To make his meaning
more clear, he would suggest modification
of it, so that it should read:
"That no State which may hereafter apply for
admission into the Union, and which shall be in
other respects entitled to such admission, ought
to be excluded for the that its constitution
does or does not tolerate slavery
This was his doctrine. II went upon the
ground that the people Of State, in forming
their constitution, had right to determine
this question for themselves. 1t was true
that Congress had the po,oer to exclude them,
for this or any other reason. But the fact Of
their decision either way in regard to slavery
was not sufficient cause for the exercise of
that power. The only requirement of the
Constitution with regard to the government
Of new States was, that it he republican i'm
form. Such he believed to be the long
established doctrine Of large majority Of
the people he represented. TIE contrary
principle--the position that we will exclude
States from the Union for the sole reason
that they do or do not tolerate slavery-was
subversive Of the spirit, if not the letter, Of
the Constitution Its prevalence would have
prevented the formation OF the original Con-
federacy Of free and slaveholding States un-
der which the battles of the Revolution were
fought, and our1iberties achieved. 1t would
have defeated the formation Of our present
Union and our present Constitution. 1t
would have prevented the admission Of every
slayeholding State which has been added
since the Constitution was adopted. If now
adopted, he feared it would 60 far to unsette
and render insecure the foundation Of our
existing institutions.
He was in favor of the admis ion of Cal
ifornia as she is, with her present bounda-
ries, and her present constitution. He
would prefer to admit her by herself, uncon-
nected withnany other measure. This was
the usual ard legitimate mode Of proceeding.
But if, for causes existing here or else
where, it should be found impracticable ito
procure her admission by herself--if that act
was, when finally acted upon, to be coupled
with some other measure or measures, he
should not withhold his support from it, in
that form, for that reason alone. His vote
would then depend upon the nature OF the
measures with which it should be connected.
While desiring the admission Of Cahfor-
MIA as State, he was no friend Of that poli-
cy which would leave the remaining Terri
tories without civil governments. He was
for their organization. Want Of time, as
well as the obvious and urgent nature of the
reasons for this policy, would prevent his
attempting an enumeration Of them now.
Others had fully and forcibly done that work
before him. These Territories were now
free. 1t was evident that very Urge ma
jority Of their inhabitants desired them to
remain so. He was opposed to the extern
sion Of slavery over them.
1t was our clear constitutional duty, and
ought to be our choice, to leave that institu-
ton in the States where it exists, without
assault or interference either from the peo-
pie or governments of other States, or from
the General Government He knew that a
contrary spirit prevailed among certain peo-
pie, though he believed of comparatively
few in number, especially in the free States,
that different course had been pursued
The course Of these people, or Of portions
of them, however designed, had been pro-
ductive Of. great and unmitigated mischief.
They had done more to exasperate the peo-
ple-the two sections Of the country against
each other--to make worse the condition of
the slave, to tighten his letters, and to re-
tard the cause of emancipation, than any
othe: one cause, if not more than all others
combined.
The extension of slavery into territories
now free, was another matter. He believed
in the power Of the Government to prohibit
it. If this question Of power was ever one
of doubt, the long-continued and almost uni
form practice Of the Govey6ment had settled
it. The course of those gentlemen on this
floor who favor and demand the re-enact-
ment Of the Missouri compromise in respect
to these Territories, was an admission of
this power--was call for its exercise at
this time. What is the Missouri compro-
mise The prohibition Of slavery by the
General Government north Of certain spec
cited line, leaving it to the decision Of the
people at the time Of the formation Of their
State governments south Of that line. If it
is constitutional for Congress to exclude sla-
very from part Of this territory, it cannot
he Unconstitutional to applv the same lepls-
laton to all Of it. The question, then, is
one Of expediency, simply. The people
whom / represent (said Mr.. H. } believe it
to be expedient so to exclude it, and ask it
at my hands, so far as my vote isconcerned.
This is authority enough for me, and will
determine my course. upon this point. II
prescribe no man, denounce no man, North
or South, because he differs. from me upon
this subject. submit to no mans proscnp-
ton on account Of my position, and presume
it will not be attempted.
Should this restriction Tail to be adopted |