The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-07-24


dication Of her rights! Will not those be disap-
pointed who expect her TO como forward ignonin-
iousiy, with another ''extreme concession" or to
give up ALL at the bidding of political aspirants for
power and place, in the drunken saturnalia Of an
other Presidential election'
From my retired position, may be mistaken
in the true aspect OF things; but not such is my
reading of the political heavens l think the air
feels hot and heavy, and no rays of the setting
gild the blackness Of the horizon j think
free on the stupidity, ignorance, and insoence OF
the North, the exact counterpart OF Brltiah states
men in our Revolution, who would heed nothing
and learn nothing, until the thunders OF revoiu-
ton burst upon their heads and broke the sceptre
in their hands over the fairest empire God ever
gave to the dominion of any people. i think see
in the South the akening Of the bonds OF party,
the awakening spirit OF liberty, the gathering re,
solve TO be equal in the Union, or independent
without it, whilst the long endurance Of indgnity
and wrong, like suppressed hre, gives deeper in
tensity to their determinations; There is often a
moral, as strong as physical necessity. which
controls the affairs Of men. One step leads to
another by inevitable consequence. To begin, is to
20 on; and 10 go on, is to 60 to the end 1t has
been 80 in all revolutions; and events which at the
time they occurred appeared to be Of little mo-
mcnt, have been fountains of bitter waters, or Of
healing to the nations When Christopher Gads
den, in our revolution, first denounced from the
steps Of the Exchange the tyranny of England, and
advocated resistance, spirit was abroad which
nothing but redress revolution would satisfy.
And SO believe il must be- under the contingencies
have supposed, in the South She will have re-
will be one OF those great events which will mark
the beginning Of mighty changes.
My friends! All changes in governments are Sc
rious things. Nothing will Justify free people in
changing their government, but conviction that
it does not fulfil the purposes for which it
ated We must all take part in the important
transactions now going on amongst u.s. for good or
for evil, under the weghty responsibility all repub
lican governments impose on their citizens. in
vite you calm and serious consideration of your
condition in the Union, in order that you may pro-
" dn rf he dram pf tta
luton, which, 1t appears to me, must take place at
no very distant day.
The great object of free government is liberty.
The great test of liberty in modern times is to be
free in the imposition of taxes, and the expenditure
Of taxes To these tests there is another peculiar
to country where the institution of slavery pre-
walls, personal protection and security from the
dangers necessarily involved in his'insttution /
propose to take up each of these points separately
that you may judge how far you are practically
free and protected under the Government OF the
United States now administered.
And first, are you free in the imposition Of the
taxes you now pay to the General Government?
There are people in the world who ought 80 tho
roughly to understand, or so highly appreciate the
great principles Of freedom involved III taxation
the people Of the United States. Its vindication
was the one great cause of our revolution. Our
fathers boldly asserted that for people TO be free
in the imposition and payment of taxes, they must
lay them through their representatives. If they
were laid by any other authority than their own,
they political slaves. Hence, when they were
called upon by the government Of Great Britain to
pay taxes laid on them by the representatives OF
the people of England in Parliament, they refused
TO pay them. Nor could they see any difference in
the principle between no representation and rep
resentation inadequate to protect them in the lay
ing of the taxes Great Britain offered them rep
rescntation in the British Parliament, but that
representation would be minority, it could not
control the Legislation Of Parliament; and conse-
quenty, the taxes laid them by Parliament
would still be practically taxes not laid by their
representatives, They would still be ruled by
her not ruI thCl m he Ia xcs
imposed. They would, therefore, not be free and
rather than submit TO the political slavery, the pay
ment OF such taxes established over them, they
drew the sword of revolution. Now, in what re-
spect do the taxes you now pay to the General
Government differ in principle from those our
fathers resisted' Did your representatives lay
them. And II II was in their power or yours 10 re-
book
The tariff act of 1916 is but modification of
the tariff of 1910, passed in Congress against the
vote OF every representative from South Carolina
IL contains, from beginning 10 end, discrimna-
tions in the taxes imposed, to benefit northern
manufactures and productions; and differs, there
FORE In this principle in respect whatever from
the tariff of 1910. Ii is ten per cent higher in it's
exactions than the tariff of Great Britain, the
tariff of 1888, coerced by South Carolina. Such a
tariff, II was and is the unanimous opinion Of
your representatives in Congress, is unconstitu
tional; and you are nearly unanimously of the
same opinion. Here, then, taxes laid upon
you by the representatives of other States, not
only against your will, but without any warrant
in the Constitution. Are you any better of than
your fathers would have been, had they been
represented in Parliament, and the British rep
resenatves, to further British interests, had passed
the taxes imposed upon them? Are you free in
the payment of such taxes' Do you rule your
selves in these exactionsl And when you come
10 analyze the purposes for which these high taxes
are laid, they are infinitely worse than the taxes
our fathers refused to pay. They refused to pay
them, although they were laid in part to discharge
the national debt incurred TO defend them in the
"
ern man or southern planter in the duties laid
by the act of 1916 TO benefit the northern peo-
pie in their pursuits Of industry So far the
law Accompanies lite object, and the consumption
Of northern productions is forced on the southern
consumer, by excluding the foreign commodity, it
Is just 30 much money taken from him, and given
TO the northern producer IL lie naked robbery. 1t
il real republicsnism far more flagitious scale
than is demanded in France There, all that is
quired Of government is bread, or employment 10
labor, which will give bread. Poverty and starva-
ton afford some semblanoe of right for ertorting
support, through government, from the property Of
others. But here, il is not bread the people of the
North require. TO be wrung out Of US by the taxes
OF the General Government they impose, but wealth
and power and dominion. We their colonies
in a more obsolete and oppressive sense than the
colonies of England are to the mother country. For
whatever may be the prohibitions on the trade Of
the colonies imposed by England, she in fact fur
nishes to her colonies the cheapest manufactured
commodities in the world, whilst che s the best
consumer of all their productions. The prohibit
nominal. The case is widely different between the
southern and northern States. The northern peo-
pie do not and cannot consume the productions Of
the South, whilst they compel Va, by the tariff Of
the General Government 10 consume theirs. Our
natural trade Is thus interrupted or broken up, to
the immense loss Of the South. Arc you free under
such system Of tarationl Do you enjoy that lib
eriy in taxation which your fathers bequesthcd TO
you in the Constitution, and 10 obtain which, they
toied through the seven years war Of our revolu-
ton
But let us turn TO tho next great test Of liberty in
ta1ation-thc expenditure of the taxes. As the
taxes should be laid by tho tax payer for hs benefit
20 they should be expended by him for his benefit
So far az the civil list, and the army and navy Of
the United States arc concerned, the taxes may be
said to be expended in conformity TO our rights, al
though they all go in their expenditure 10 swell the
prosperity OF the North. But there is branch Of
expenditure unjust in it's operations IL is
constitutional, which after long struggle, repeat
edy arrested by the veto of the Executive, may now
be considered part Of the settled policy Of the Gov
ernment-1 mean appropriation for internal inn
provements. The free States in the North and West
have at length combined to carry out this policy;