The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-04-13
THE UNION.

InE u
made, Congress would have had no power to institute
slavery; that is to say TO enforce, BY is laws the sub
lection OF one man 70 the absolute control and disposal OF
another man for such power 10 conferred by the
stuton, and the action Of Congress must be restrained
within its delegated powers Bat the amendment . an
express guaranty OF personal liberty II is express
prohibition against its invasion SO long ii remains
part OF the constitution. and obeyed slavery cannot be
where BY the legislation Of Congress Il must depend
and depend wholly upon State law, both for existence
and support Beyond State limits within the boundaries
slave.
Here may pause have rapidly sketched the rise Of
the American government and the American Unon 50 lar
their relations to American slavery involved, from
their origin in the Association OF l774 TO the establish
ment Of The Constitution in i7s7. One spirit psrvaded
one principle controlled all this action-a spirit OF pro-
found reverence for the rights o. man as manhs pn
ciple OF perfect equality OF men before the law,
Animated BY this spirit and guided principle the
Association bound all its members TO discontinue the slave
trade IL any OF them continued It, (and some OF them
did, the guilt their own heads only for the Asso-
citation had power to enforce the covenant When the
American Congress resolved on independence, they
solemny announced the great doctrine OF nalienable
rights the basis OF the national political faith and the
Of al u sea Ss waf q
the contest which they had waged in defence OF
the rights Of human nature When the acquisition OF the
carrying into practical application their exalted pn-
cples, they did not hesitate, but established them
forever as the basis of all laws constitutions and
governments, within its limits When the confederation
proved inadequate to the exgencies Of The republic and
the people undertook the work Of reforming their political
ished the new constitution upon principles which made
the ensavement OF men by the government under the
constitution legal mpossbility Let those who are n-
cned to murmur because no more was done ask them.
selves by what people, in what age besides, has much
been done for the OF freedom and right Up TO the
time Of the adoption Of the constitution there was not
any law OF the United States Had the policy Of the
founders Of the republic been pursued and had the pn-
cples which they established been faithfully carried out
in legislation and administration, there would have been
now no slave anywhere under exclusive national juris
dcton, probably no slave within the boundaries OF the
Unhappily, however, the original policy Of the gov
eminent and the original principles OF the government
IN respect to slavery dla not permanently coniIG Us
FIRST but becoming more and more marked and decided,
until nearly total The honorable senator from Massa
chusetts in the OF his late speech, noticed this
change and ascrbed it to the rapid increase in the pro-
duclion Of cotton Doubtless sir, this was leading
cause The production OF cotton in consequence Of the
invention of the cottongin increased from pounds
in 1793 to 627630O pounds in 1885, and continued to in
crease very rapidly afterwards or course the market
OF slaves advanced and masters were less inclined
But the increase OF the cotton crop was not the only
nor, in my judgment the chief cause OF altered public
structure OF the government which introduced into
branch OF the legislature and into the electoral college,
representation for slaves constituted. think far more
potent will sketch the progress Of the power
derived from this sources for think mportan, that its
practical operation should be understood admit that
Mr. % Ss honorable senator allow
me TO ask .lI hi i'm question: question:
giving as for adherng to the institution Of slavery
the part of southern statesmen, that the constitution
allowed the slave population to form basis OF represent
alton. Does the senator give that as reason why they
adhered 70 the institution OF slavery, and became more
attached 70 IL
Mr. BoRLAND Then can say to the senator tina,
his argument, to me, confutes itself for the
counted whereas. being retained slaves, only three
iths OF their number are brought into the computation
Mr. CHASE. Undoubtedly. Mr.. President, if the
slaves were free they would be eckoned at their full
Der in the basis OF representation; but the influence OF
ment would be wholly changed There would be no
Mr. cortland. Free negroes are represented.
i Mr. CHASE. | am obliged to the senator from Ar
kansas for the information he gives me; had learned
the fact he states from the constitution Why, sir, is
not quite obvious that in district where the number OF
slaves is considerable. if suffrage be universal, the
number OF votes must be propotonably reduced And,
nasmuch as Shareholders are usually the chief landhod
1t quite obvious that they will generally be able to
WELD the political power OF the district Destroy the
slave representation, and their power is gone Enfran
chse the slaves and there are slavehoders. and Of
course no slave power Enfanchisemen will doubtless
increase the political power Of the State but it will ami
hiate the slave power Irepea, Mr. President and they
who think me wrong may refute what say, if they can
that there must have been adequate
for the remarkable change OF feeling and action in regard
to slavery which began to manifest itself about this time
and that these causes. in my Judgment first, the
political power derived by shareholders from the repre-
senaton OF hree-fths OF their slaves; and, secondly the
augmented value Of slaves arising from the sudden in
crease Of the cotton culture The last OF these
qures no further consideration; but wish to direct at
tenion somewhat more particularly TO the first.
frat by fifuttn
convention Regard was had, doubtless, 10 the three
ffths rule in determining the number Of representatives
assigned to each State, but cannot ascertain how
many allowed for the slaves The census supplies
the means OF asceanng the precise quantum OF slave
representation in each decennal period the first ap
portionment now propose to submit to the Senate
liable which exhibits at view each decennal period
since the adoption Of the constitution; the number OF
habtants required for representatives the number oil
slaves reckoned al hree-fths OF their actual number
and the number Of representatives for slaves during each
period.
Decennia Representative Three Gois Of Representatives
/ period number. slaves for slaves
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