The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-05-19

poses Of the most rigorous justice o. powers toenucsi
which hsys a.s.sd yca ssss ssssay witnessed scene.
clues the submits Of your aims and the echoes OF
your valleys. have Iesonnded wh camofs OF violated
he exercise by Gen. In 1871 OF powers ncom
pabls with ell ins,iiuons-it 10 the ption
question was involved and i Is no small sss
action that enabled refer you those very
for psooi that from the frat day thar called
your public councils have held the government OF your
Union 10 be Of limited powers that Congress
could lawfully any powers gsanted them
by the people IN the constitution and that powers in them
selves OF transcendenai nature caLnot be assumed by
as 10 the expressed OF appa
81. import 80 much more limited than themselves
Among the citizens who in 1903 and 1894 voted for all
these laws relating 10 Louisiana, there who,
apoa Questions q aI iniero, magnitude according % my
constructive II Is not for either question
their motives Or 70 reconcile their opinions with them
Indeed think Mr. President, that all candid men will
acknowledge that the vital principle OF popular sovereign
quite distinctly asserted in the last OF these resolutions
introduced in the year lS49 by Mr. CahouH which, with
view OF Strengthening my attitude. if possible. in the
estimation OF the senator from Florida, will now read
Il runs thus:
Rssousd, That IL is fundamental principle in poiti-
cal creed tha people 10 forming constitution, have
which they may think best their liberty prospect
spS 81 ss on
in order 70 be admitted this Union, that It's
other Sy Congress Would not ONLY be il VOCATION OF hs co
siituton direct conflict with the principle which
our political system rests.
Now. Mr. President think we see here pretty plainly
what the doctrine OF the republican party OF 1898 At
that time Mr. Adams member OF it, as have area-
dy said and highly esteemed as such We see on what
principles he acted when in the Senate Of the United
States We see plainly that Virginia, and throughout
the Union at large when there was great cutlery in IA
Of what is called the stale rights doctrines" Mr.
Adams's letter recognised entirely unexcepionabe
in its character. No man then considered mailman,
or traitor to the South who adhered to and asserted the
great Fundamental principles Of civil liberty TO these
remain such 10 the end OF my public career and will
add. that could renounce these principles even
wnbv 70 u y supo q e wh ssn e
here, and who have been pleased TO support my humble
efforts to serve them upon this floor with degree OF APP
probation OF which far mefitorious than myself
might be justly proud.
shall not press upon the attention Of the Senate
the sound principles OF constitutional law contained in
this letter OF Mr.. Adams IL is unnecessary for he has
so distinctly presented Them and cogenuy enforced
them als0, that whose mind is properly consti.
tuied and who friendly At heart oour Tree institutions
fail TO accord TO them his hearty homage and support
But II The doctrines promulgated by Mr. Adams in 1928
republican presidential candidate are thus entitled 10
favorable considerations, should like 10 know how it
happens that hf gentlemen, who profess belong 10
the State rghs-srct construction school, claiming Tor
Congress not only authority establish territorial gov
ernmens but authority also to enacl laws designed have
the effect the Territories OF the Union either OF mpar
ing additional force and dignity TO rights already amply
secured BY the constitution selfor which, il not SO
patbihty with that sacred instrument How is il that
gentlemen who have been heretofore so Jealous of ali at
smpts on the part OF Congress 70 egsIae on the subject
African slavery and who have with good too,
professed 10 fear that act Of legislation upon this del
icate subject however trivial and unmporan in its char
acter, might forerunner to OF aggression
upon the rights Of The South Of the most appalling and
naure-how is il, say, that these very gentle
men, or that even single OF this class of persons.
demand the hands Of Congress positive legislation OF
most substantial and vital character which, if it shall
once take place with the sanction of the South, either
express or implied, must inevitably draw after IT. and
without much delay, too, sweeping congressional
actment, that will utterly extermInale our fayore |
domestic institution. and plunge the whole South in
essed strict construchonsts contend Tor the exer
cise the part OF the federal government OF power
public has ever produced has never been able TO show
had the least possible claim to exist even as an over
strained implication confess that find myself totally
incapable OF understanding the course OF certain honorable
gentlemen at this moment and do most seriously fear
that they not fortunate perfectly understand
themselves. and clearly to descy the natural and inev
table consequences of their acts as would be desra
BILE they should be able 10 do full Of danger
to the South and to the whole Union More especially
is the conduct OF these gentlemen surprising, when all
that they seek obtain the hands OF Congress- by
unconstitutional enactment, will be so much more easily
and legItimately obtained from the territorial govern.
menis when they shall have been duly organized; whose
prosperous vitality to all rights OF property OF whatever
Kind or description, not incompatible with the consttu
ZION oi Tue Onittu ctdes LUIS ooikauoh W pro-
lection to rights OF property in general will OF course
have peculiarly forcibe application 10 those rights Of
property specially guaranteed by the constitution itself
Mr.. COOPER, OF Pennsylvania, (from his seat) sug-
gesied remarkable coincidence between the recent
speech OF General Cass and the doctrine Of Mr. Adamss
letter.
Mr.. FoOTE. Yes, sir, ii is true that such coincidence
does exist and much struck with II almost 10
feel some surprise at learning from my honorable friend
from Michigan that he had not recently Mr. Adams's
letter. and that he had indeed no distinct recollection OF
having ever read AT all should have suggested this
coincidence myself but for the fact that regarded by
having overweening admiration for the dis.
tngushed senator from Michigan, and very particular
sympathy in his political fortunes.
Mr. President expect TO be assaei account OF my
having undertaken thus frankly and unreservedly de.
clare my views apon this profoundly interesting and i'm
portant subject Ii is almost impossible that shall be
fortunate to escape attack both here and else
Thank Heaven, though am prepared TO meet all such
hostility; let II but come IN courteous and parliament
tary form, and shall gladly encounter IT, My conduct
about this whole matter has been open and undsguised
and undertake 10 say has been marked with much
consideration for tie opinions and feelings OF others
could reason be demanded Feeble are my powers
debaier, ] feel that ready TO defend myself
and my opinions against all who may choose TO wage
war upon either. My motives know beyond ques-
on and do not dread any scrutiny which may be nstiu
ted in regard 10 them profess to be Conservative in
the most expanded and most exalted meaning Of that |
Term. perceive plainly that raism In both sections Of
the confederacy beginuing 10 put aspect dec
dedly menacIDg j have learned through the Union
OF yesterday thar systematic Effort will be probably
made 10 induce the Nashville convention 10 demand GER
tain constitutional amendments known to be impossible
OF attainment as sis qua to settlement OF exist
ing differences between the North the South But
tho