The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-08-22

written, that some were faithess TO those pledg-
es-ttst they sacrificed principle and honor to
propidate power. There are not three men from
the free States on the opposite side of the House.
who, when elected were not understood by their
constituents to be in favor of legislative action
against the extension Of slavery. The same is
true Of a large majority Of the Democrats.
know of some who gave their solemn pledges in
writing, to stand by the principle to the last and
against all compromises, who have publicly de-
clared their purpose to abandon it. This, sir, is
shameful yet it is by such treachery as this, that
slavery Is to gain triumph. IL the Ordinance Of
freedom is to be thus defeated it is not by the voice
of the people it is defeated by the betrayal Of
their representatives. And is such betrayal OF
high trusts to be dignfed with the name of COM
promisep Do gentlemen expect such settle
ment to stand Is this the way in which peace is
to be resored to the country? Are the people to
be cheated, and then called upon to thank as pub
lie benefactors those who defrauded them? A
distinguished Senator--he again who treads no
step bacAward'-in recent speech, labored ear
nestly to prove that it was the duty of repre-
sentativeto violate his instructions, to disregard
opinion, the pubno veal wOuNd DE promoted there
- .-~ , - - = ~ 81 $500
tive-he who religiously observed his pledges,
who faithfully and honestly, by his speech and
votes carried out in these Halls the views of his
constituents-wasa slave himself, and that pro-
viso was needed TO free such one from bondage.
Sir, neither great talents, nor exalted position,
can sanctify such doctrines. They strike at the
foundations of our system of Government They
are anti-republicau, anti American. The Sena-
tor himself gave us shameful example of their
mischevous influence when he turned his back
upon the unanimous instructions of his own State.
| subscribe to no such sentiments. | tolerate no
such doctrines, in politics or in morals can re-
spect, nay more, can applaud the man who votes
for slavery, when believe he is fairly rejecting
the principles and feelings Of those he represents ;
but have only loathing and contempt for him
who, by false professions, obtains high place,
and then betrays the confidence reposed IN him
Mr. Chairman, do not desire agitation but
cannot consent to avoid it, by a tame and silent
submission to wrong | will not see, without
struggle to avert it, this Government established
by the price of blood, upon the great foundations
Of Freedom suhverted to the accursed purpose of
the extension OF slavery. Its power shai o,,e. 80
welded to such ends, if by any humble efforts of
mine can prevent it, So long as there can be
SAxed .eqa mea 10 Abe Nnrtb ~ the VentssY,an
finn Illinois to stand here and do the work Of
slavery, so long there will be agitation-an sgita-
ton that by-sudby, will reach the constituents
Of the gentleman, and light up the fires Of Truth
and Freedom in his district. When that day
comes, as it surely will come, shall hear no
more of the gentleman from Illinois, and the like
of him.
great truth cannot be tramped in the dust
great principle Of right cannot be broken down
Freedom will live-truth and justice will live
live in the hearts of men-live in the attributes
of God-live forever
This Government is not a government of sla-
very, but Of freedom We hold that slavery is
not national instituton-that it should be kept
within the limits of the States where it is tOlera
ted and these are doctrines which no pretended
compromise can crush-no political combinations
put down
In the last Presidential contest, the South
brought to bear the influence Of this sixteen hun
dred millions of slave property. She declared
that no man should receive her support for the
Presidency who did not bow down in abject and
slavish submission to this mighty power of the
South. Northern aspirants for that high office
BUNDLED themselves in the dust, but they failed
of the reward. The price Of shame and Of humil-
iaion was not paid, and trust in God that it
will be paid The ambitious and aspiring must
learn that they cannot reach the Presidency by
base bowling down to the power of slavery. This les
son it is the duty of the people to teach them.
This is the only remedy for doughfaceism--it is
a sure and certain cure 1t is constitutional, a
peaceful remedy-the remedy of the ballot-box.
shall not fear TO resort to it, whenever occasion
requires its application.
Mr. COBB, Of Alabama, MIR WLMoT yield
ing the iioor) wish to ASK the gentleman II he
would vote for any man for the Office of Presi-
dent who was the owner Of slaves.
Mr.. WILMOT. Certainly sir-most cheer
fully, il he agreed with me in principle. make
principle the guide of my political action. Prin-
ciple and principle alone, controls my votes; not
the location of candidates, or the nature of the
property they may hold.
Mr. COBB. Would the gentleman own slave
himself?
Mr.. WILMOT. have no wish to be the own
err of one God forbid that should ever be placed
in circumstances where my interests or convent
ence should tempt me to become the owner of one.
Upon this subject confess that my moral sensi-
bilities are not as keenly alive to the wrongs of
slavery as they ought to be- am not so good a
man as wish was. wish that could feel for
the wrongs of others as keenly as feel wrong
when inflicted upon myself | make no preten-
sion to any such exalted virtue. Gentlemen who
have done me the honor to listen to my speeches
upon this subject, will remember that have new
err discussed this question in its moral aspects.
That task | have left to Others better able to do
it Justice have examined it as political ques-
tomas a question affecting the rights Of the
people, and the policy and character Of the Gov
eminent. Apart from all moral considerations, |
am opposed to the further extension of slavery,
as political evil Of the first magnitude. Slavery
is ant-republicanit is arstocratic in all its ten
denotes and results-t is subversive of those great
principles which lay at the foundation Of all free
Governments. II is great moneyed interest
a vast pecunisry capital, with the heartless in
stipcts Of capital, and am deadly hostile to the
control of capital in this Government Ii is in theo
ry, and should be in practice, Government Of
the people. 1t belongs to the free masses of
the country tits theirs to enjoy, to defend They
have right to mould it to their pleasure, to de-
termne its policy to direct it to the advancement Of
their happiness and prosperity Slavery seeks to
WELD it to its own selfish ends-to the support
and perpetuation of its vast capital in human flesh
and blood oppose the extension Of slavery, be-
cause it is an element of weakness in States. |
speak with no feelings Of unkindness towards the
South, but utter my earnest convictions when
say, that the South is weak-weak in all the ele-
ments Of strength and greatness-weak to resist
foreign foe, and only weak because Of the insti-
tuition Of slavery. Ii is the men who perform the
labor Of country that must defend IL in the hour
OF danger The men who perform the labor of
the South are slaves You dare not place the
means Of defence in their hands. You dare not
give them arms and teach them their use, lest
they turn them against yourselves. IL your
young and abe-bodied men 90 to the field in large
numbcrs you leave your families, your women
and children, exposed to terrible enemy at home
II is an element of weakness in States, and for
this reason ] am opposed to it's extension.
Another reason notwithstanding the vast in
crease of slavery in the last sixty years, | enter
tain the hope ardenty cherished by our fathers,
of its ultimate extinction | look forward to some
day--renote it may be-when the Sou,h, In its
own way, and by its own voluntary action, will
set about the great work Of emancipation, and the
separation of the two races; in which work |
trust the North will cooperate to the full extent
Of its resources and power. The day must come,
or there will be night of terror and of blood