Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1850-02-02

every man coming from the slave States when say let
terminate, and that is abomnaon that there
cason for il it ought no longer TO be tolerated.
The seventh resolution relates to subject embraced in
bill under consideration by tho Senate 1t sas follows
9TH. Resolved That eectual provision ought be
s and Of bonns ~ ser
labor in State who into any other State
or territory in the Union.
Sir that is evident and has been clearly shown by
the debate which has already taken place on the subject
| / have not now occasion to add another word.
The last resolution Of the of eight is as follows
And sth Resolved That Congress has power to pro-
hb obsruc the trade in slaves between the slavehodng
States but that the admission exclusion of slaves ought
from into another OF them, depends exclusively upon their
own particular laws.
is obvious that legislation is necessary intended to
follow that resolution. 1t merely asserts truth, established
by the highest authority of law in this country, and in
formty with that decision trust there will be universal
acquescence
should not have thought necessary embrace in that
resolution the declaration which embraced In it, but that
thought might be useful in treating Of the whole subject
and in accordance with the practice of our British and Amer
lean ancestors, occasionally resort great fundamental
principles and bring them freshly and manifesy before our
eyes, from time to time, to avoid their being violated upon
any occasion.
Mr. President you have before you the whole Of
solutions the whole scheme of arrangement and accommoda
ton Of these dracng questions, which have to offer, after
having bestowed these subjects the most anxious intense
" anxious consideration since have been in this body
How far may prove acceptable to both or either OF the
parties these great questions, Is not for me to say
think ought to be acceptable to both There is no sacrifice
Of any principle proposed in any Of them, by either party
The plan founded upon mutual forbearance, originating in
spirit of cancellation and concession not Of principles but
Of matters Of feeling AT the North s know that from
feeling by many least cherished being dictated by
sderations of humanity and philanthropy, there exists
sentiment adverse to the institution Of slavery
SirI might think-slhough believe this project con-
about equal of concession and
both sdes-have asked from the free States of the North
liberal and extensive concession than should be asked
from the slave States And why, sir With you, gentle
Senators of the free States what An abstraction,
senment-a sentiment if you please Of humanity and
philanthropy noble sentiment, when'dected rightly, with
sinister party purposes aocious sentimena de-
estabe sentmentor rather the abuse Of n-when directed
to the accomplishment of unworthy purposes said that
might ask from you larger and expansive concessions
than from the slave States. And why You are numeri-
cay powerful then The slave States Not that there
any deence-for upon that subject cannot go along with
the ardent expression OF feeling by of friends coming
from the same class Of States from which that
there any difference in valor in prowess in noble and pa
oc daring whenever is required for the safely and saliva
ton Of the country, between the people Of class Of States
and those of the other You in point of numbers how
ever greater and greatness and magnanmy should ever be
allied together.
But there are other why concession upon such
subject this should be LIBERAL expansive,
ing from the free than from the slave States. 1t is,
marked, sentiment sentiment of humanity and phi'an-
hropy your side Aye sir and when sentiment Of that
kind honestly and earnestly cherished with disposition to
sentiment hut, sir, when the sacrifice is not to be made
by those who cherish that sentiment and ncucate it. but by
another people, in whose situation 1t impossible from their
position sympahze and to share all and every thing that
belongs them must say to you Senators from the free
States, it is totally different question On your side 1t is
sentiment without sacrifice sentiment without danger,
sentiment without hazard without peril without loss But
how The other sde which, have sad greater
amount of ought to be made IN scheme OF COM
promise
In the first place. sir there and ncacuabe amount
of property to be sacrificed and to be sacrificed not by your
sharing in the burdens, but exclusive Of you And
this all The social intercourse, habit safety proper
, life, every thing, at hazard in greater or less degree
in the slave States.
Sir look at that storm which is now raging before you,
beating in all its rage pessy upon your family They
in the South. But where your families, where your
people, Senators from the free States They safely housed,
enjoying all the blessings of domestic comfort, peace, and
quiet in the bosom Of their own families.
Behold, Mr.. President, that dwenghou now wrapped
in flames Listen, sir the raers and beams which fall in
succession, amid the crash and the flames ascending higher
and higher as they tumble down Behold those and
children who flying from the calamous scene, and with
their sheks and lamentations imporing the aid of high
Heaven. Whose house is that Whose wives and chill
dren they Yours in the free States No. You are
looking in safety and security whilst the confagraon
which have described raging in the slave States and
duced Intentionally by you but produced from the in
evabe tendency OF the which you have adopted,
and which others have carried far beyond what you have
wished.
In the one SCALE then, behold sentiment, sentiment,
sentiment alone in the other property the social fabric, life,
and all that makes life desirable and happy.
But, sir, find myself engaged much beyond what in
tended when this morning from my lodgings, in the
exposition with which intended these resolutions should 60
forth the consideration Of the world cannot omit how
ever before conclude relating incident, thrilling in
cden which occurred prior to my leaving my lodgings this
morning.
A man came to my room-the at whose instance
few days ago presented memorial calling upon Congress
for the purchase of Mount Vernon for the Of the public
and without being all Of what purpose entertained
in the discharge Of my public duty to-day, be said to me-
"Mr Clay heard you make remark the other day which
induces me to suppose that precious relic in my possession
would be acceptable you He then drew out Of his pocket
and presented me- the object which now hold in hand
And what Mr. President do you suppose it is frag-
of the coffin Of Washngton-a fragment Of that coffin
in which repose in silence, in sleep and speechess all
the earthly remains Of the veneraed Father Of his Country
Was porentous that should have been thus presented to
me Was sad presage Of what might happen to that
fabric which Washingtons virtue, patriotism, and valor esa
bshed No. sir, no. It warning voice coming from
The grave the Congress session to beware to pause
to reflect before they lend themselves to any purposes which
shall destroy that Union which cemented by his exertons
and example. Sir, hope an impression may Dc made on
your mind such that which made on mine by the
reception Of this precious relic.
And in concusion now ask every Senator entreat you,
gentlemen in fairness and canIor, examine the plan Of
accommodation which this series of resolutions proposes and
against them until convinced after thorough
examination. that the resolutions be read and
ceved
The resolutions were then read fufowst
being desirable for the peace concord, and harm of
the Union of these States settle and adjust amicaby all
listing questions of controversy he arising out OF
the institution of slavery upon Affair." equitable and just bass
Therefore, ts 5#e
lst Resotued That California with suitable boundaries