The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-02-21
LETTER FROM Mr.. WILMOT.
WASHINGTON CRY, January 20, 1850.

w Viii, Sufh0Fy 50, loJu.
DEAR SIR: read with surprise and regret
an article in your paper Of the 18th inst, taking
exceptions to my course in the election Of Speak
err. am surprised that any constituent of mine
should have doubted for q moment that would
continue to occupy with frmness the high ground
in defence of Freedom upon which stood in the
late Congressional canvass, when received your
generous support. Did not declare my open and
uncompromising opposition to all nominations
made under the degrading test Of slavery propa'
gandism Have |, since my election, done any
thing Inconsistent with that position IL not,
then wherein am obnoxious to censure Have
betrayed any trust confded to me, or abandoned
any principle to the support Of which | stood
pledged, either expressly or by implication You
recognised me as Democrat, and supported me as
such at my late election In what respect have
changed or varied my position from what II then
was, which authorizes you at this time to speak
doubtingly, and with disparagement, of my stand.
ing and character rs Democrat! You Will,
believe upon reflection, be satisfied that you have
done me injustice and if so satisfied, know that
your magnanimity will be prompt to redress the
injury.
There is not a Representative from the South
upon the floor of Congress, of the Democratic
party who is not free TO declare that under nopolit
ical necessity whatever will he vote for a man for
any Office or place under the Government, who re-
siss by legislative action the extension Of slavery
into the free Territories of the nation. Are my
constituents willing to be thus prescribed Or
are they content to enter an idle and Intellectual
protest against it, giving sanction and support to
this outrageous wrong, by eleyating, in so far as
they are able, the men who perpetrate the wrong,
70 all the high PLACES in this GoyerDment3 Are
they prepared to endorse the doctrine, that sup
- 49,. IL al
only qualification for office Are they willing
thus to stultify themselves and their children ?
If the South be wrong, then is it not right to re-
sist the wrong2 And to make the degree and
measure of resistance extensive as the wrong it.
self and adequate to its overthrow
You seem to think that attach too much i'm
portance to the great issue between Freedom and
Slavery Are not the interests of Freedom and
of free labor high and holy as the interests Of
Slavery Do attach more importance TO this
struggle than do the South? They deem the in
terests Of Slavery of such magnitude as to over
ride all other questions, and even to justify dis
solution Of the Union May not regard the in
terests Of Freedom as of sufficient moment to
warrant q departure from the dictates of caucus
controlled by slaveholders2 Is the South alone
to be permitted to maintain its principles by acts
and votes, and the freemen of the North be con-
Which interest Freedom or Slavery, do you
think would triumph in conflict conducted upon
such principles Southern constituencies never
condemn their Representatives for standing too
firm or going too far in the support of Slavery,
even where the demands of Slavery are clearly
unjust yet it seems that you hold me culpable
for q too jealous maintenance Of principles
which you admit to be right.
You impute to me as an error that have q suf-
fered myself to be wholly carried away with the
theme of the Pfoviso!" Have suffered myself
to be carried as far as have the entire Southern
wing Of the party? Yet you have not underta-
ken to excommunicate them from the Democratic
fold. Where is the justice in this? Or do mum.
bers control the great principles of right and
wrong? Have | been carried 80 far by the
4" theme of the Proviso," as to abandon any ofthe
great principles which make up the Democratic
creed Am less a strict constructionist-les
an advocate of free trade-less hostile to monopo-
lies and special prvileges-less anything that
the Democrat, because | resist the
tension Of slavery But refused to support the
caucus nominations for Speaker and Clerk! Do
my constituents desire that my voice and vote in
the national Congress shall be controlled by
caucus that openly trsmples their principles I'M
der foot? Allow me to present an example.
You endorse the Democracy of Mr.. Cobb, in
the very article in which you call mine in ques-
ton. lie and substantially agree upon all
questions except the great one which now alb
serbs public attention, the extension of Slavery.
Now, as we are substantially agreed upon all
points except this one, does his advocacy of sla-
very extension constitute him the better Demo-
,rat ? Or doea my refusal to support him in the
face Of his declaration that "under no political
necessity sssslI he support me, give hsm the
preference over me as an orthodox partisan
You may say that we are both wrong If so, are
we not equally wrong2 And by what measure
of Justice do you endorse him, and condemn mel
But hold that we are not both equally wrong.
III who has been driven to his position in the
maintenance Of just cause, is right; and he who
took wrong position to uphold an unjust cause,
is wrong and wholly in the wrong. To reason
otherwise is to confound and obliferate all dis
tinction between right and wrong
My vote for MIR. Root is particularized as spe-
cally Objectionable Mr.. Root opposed General
Taylor's election and is as decided an opponent
of the present Administration as myself, or any
other man in Congress. He and stood together
in support of Martin Van Buren, and Charles F.
Adams. He had broken loose from his previous
party relations, and uniformly refused to support
any of the Administration candidates for Speaker
and am unable to see the wrong of my casting
a vote for him. The only importance that can
Justly attach to my course in the election Of
Speaker arises from my constant refusal to vote
for Cobb. This justify as right, and just what
my constituents had reason to expect and demand
at my hands.
Permit me ia conclusion again to express the
surprise and pain which your article gave me
both because value your good opinion, and be-
cause could moi feel that had justly merited
your oensure. My respect for you has induced
- ,yh; ak I T.lt
called upon to adopt towards the Pennsylvania,
in its recent malignant and systematic assaults
The editor Of that paper seems maddened by his
late disappointment. lie gives expression to his
long cherished personal hatred of myself, in
charges rdicuously false as to obtain no credit
with those who have observed my course as pub
lie man. Malice is blind and impotent--so or
dered by kind Providence, as "a shield to the
innocent, and a punishment to him who allows it's
poison to corrupt his heart. For Mr. Forney's
character entertain no respect, and am indffer-
ent alike to his censure or his praise. But | am
not Indifferent to the good opinion of my constit
uents, at whose hands have received such great
and unmerited favors; nor can submit in silence
to the charge OF having betrayed their interests
or disappointed their just expectations. | have
ever dealt frankly and sincerely with them, and
have no fears that they will deal uniustly with
'HO' ho'O e"He" Poet'ou uPou puDHC
questions with decision that left no room to
doubt where stood la my conscience | stand
acquitted of ever having falsi6ed my professions
by my acts, or disappointed any just expectations
arising out of my position when candidate for
popular favor
| haveswritten with earnestness but with no
feelings Of unkindness and beg you to credit
my sincerity in the assurance give of my con-
inued friendship and esteem.
Truly, yours, ID. WLMoT
To o q. Hampstead,