The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-10-19
From the Mississippi Free Trader.

MARK A. COOPER.
From the Mississippi Free Trader
SECESSION OR SUBMIssIoN-In our last, we
alluded to the wide difference between the utras
and those who approved of the adjustment BILL
We think that there is this marked distinction
to be made between the course we recommend
and that recommended by our opponents. In
the first case, we have nothing to encounter
which may not be met by energy, and overcome
by trmness and courage, such as all nations have
had to undergo who resisted aggression and
struck for independence On the other hand, if
we submit to Northern supremacy, being now
in minority, and the North hiving all the terri
tories, and increasing with rapidity, whilst we are
nearly stationary, we are pOweress and place
ourselves in situation in which we are subject
to the will of Others, and hold our rights by the
mere tenure of Northern forbearance.
If our ancestors resisted unjust taxation, and
sustained themselves against the power of Great
Britain, we certainly are justified in resisting
Northern power unconstitutonaly obtained, be-
cause we are not only subject to unequal and
unjust taxation and legislative oppression, but,
in the background, we see the abolition OF
slavery, the desolaton of our fair fields, and our
children driven from their homes in beggary and
disgrace
1t is a fact that slavery cannot or will not go
to California the territories it is evident that,
in the course of time, they will be formed into
non-savcholding States, and the territory is suf-
ficiently large to make twenty-five States over
the medium size. When third of that number
is admitted into the Union, the nOn-slavebolding
States will have two-thirds majority, and the
power to amend the Constitution, do away with
the three-fitths basis of representation, and
abolish slavery.
1t becomes simply, then, question of time
as to when this power will be attained. We
think that eight or more States will be admitted
into the Union in less than eight years but
what does it matter whether it is eight or twenty
years !-it is thing which is certain to happen.
Now, we ask any patriot, any father, whether
he is willing to subject his children to the chance
whether the non-s laveholding States viii or will
not abolish slavery when they attain the consti-
tutional strength requisite to do so If the
North adhere to the principles they have over
and over asserted, they will do so and we have
no right to suppose that they will act contrary
to their professions.
But suppose they, for a time, forbear to
exert the power they have to abolish slavery,
will they not hold it over the South IN terrorem
and will not the very fact that such power
exists, of ITSELF produce the same result! We
think it will The border slave States will sell
off their slaves and abolish slavery. The ne
groes will be crowded down on the extreme
Southern States, and having no room for expan-
sion, and looking to the North for encourage
ment and support, such state of affairs will
arise as will drive us to determination, and abo-
lition will wind up the scene.
In twenty-five years, there will be six millions
Of negroes in the South, and we feel certain that
one or other OF these results will take place in
thaf ipna oifhar thu Nnrfb bo1pr he
will abolish slavery, or other causes, arising from
Northern preponderance, will effect the same OBJ
ject. We say that the children who are now
playing around us will not grow up, and be pre-
pared to enter on the active scores of life, be-
fore this dreadful calamity will overwhelm them.
And these are things which we cannot avert, if
we submit to Northern aggression and being ex-
cluded from all the territories.
But our opponents ask if we can better our
selves by secession; will not these calamilies
be more certain to befal us out of the Union
than in it!
The question is fairly put, and the answer to
it involves the most important considerations
ever decided on by man.
We believe that all the dangers which threaten
slavery arise from the perversion Of the powers
of the General Government, and that, as sepa-
rate people, we have nothing to apprehend from
ourselves Our opinion is, that the moment we
assume the control of our own destiny, we will
have security under the Law of Nations which we
do not have now, and that our own courage and
strength are fully ample to guard our rights, and
give us national Importance. We have no other
hope, and false is the doctrine that would lead
gallant people to have any other reliance than
on themselves.
We will now allude to some of the most
prominent arguments relied on by our opponents;
they are of two characters-those addressed to
our love Of Union, and those addressed TO our
fears.
AS to the first, we can only say that we cannot
profess attachment to Union which has SUBJ
jected US to insult and outrage for twenty years,
and which threatens to bring the most dire ca
lamities on US and our children. Euloges by
Southern men on the Union, at this day, are mere
fancy sketches Of what the Union once was-or
ought to be; they have no real foundation in
facts, as they now exist, or will exist hereafter
The Union which our fathers framed has ceased
Z has departed; and we have made our lamen-
tations over it, and put off mourning.
AS to the other class Of arguments, they are
grave and important considerations which no
wise people ought to disregard, although we
confess that we have little sympathy with the
spirit with which they a!e actuated who urge
them. .,.. ... .,.a.t.-, .-..s... ,r1
1t is said that il we separate, the abduction
of negroes from the border States will increase,
and that abolition societies will not cease, but
that they will annoy us with increased force and
bitterness. We think otherwise the pretext of
abolition is that they Of the North are implca-
ted, by their connection with US, in the sin of
slavery, and when we are separated they will
have no pretext to interfere with US they will
be restrained by the law Of nations, and will be
subject to the penalties Of that law--to make