The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-08-18


ocean between the Two interests The North has taken
iii ihs bsne6ts-hss appropriated an the territory north Of
n IN The Pacific and does she yield US the beneh
we paid The price Tor, on the soulhof the line
THE last instance the tariff compromise, She used
,bs flit of il until the term OF Limitation exhausted
and AS turn to enjoy the benefit another
law Of protective tax was passed more abomlaable than
the bill OF denominations which they had surrendered upon
compromise All yes, SIR bear IN mind all the early
evidences OF an-savery feeling in the North before and
in the federal conventional utter disregard OF the con
sttutousI provision forhe surrender OF siavesthe ex
ensive public organizations in the northern States for the
ayowed object Of upon this feature ia the internal
cisl structure OF the Soutbhe unirendy and even dis
courteous spirit OF the resolutions which from the
northern States TO this body-he general conpaciness OF
the adversary northern vote in both houses upon all
tons that involve the security OF the slave interest the
extension of the sayeholding Staesand tell me il there
are not TO check our conndence' Has not almost
every northern State IN some form or other, declared
against the admission OF any slave States Is there
northern statesman who venture TO now, here
this day. and say he believes that his constituents will
favor the accession OF another slave State TO the Union
Can We then, agree to surrender the whole power
of government to the Morrill, BY the passage Of this bill
with the knowledge that in doing the doom OF sub
lection in the Union becomes rreversible'
The senator from Pennsy vana, MIR. CoopER1 who
supported the late Compromise bill in elaborate argu
menl its favor frankly stated the advantage gave the
North Ia what he said lay The whole philosophy Of the
anything else which the North wanted, contained
in the bill The bill gave them the control of The egs
Lutips department That secured all else would follow
That the prize he and the other northern friends OF
the bill sagaciousy for. The ADMISSION OF CALI
yoRNA: That accomplished, in any way most easy TO be
done. all else wsud follow the pleasure of the North
But was referring to him TO quote his words ad
monhon to the South coming from the frank lips OF a
northern senator. He declared as the advantage he
looked from the BILL that by the admission OF CalifOr
MIA they secured "A PREpoNDERANcE THE FREE STATES
in this body and the ability it true to themselves
PREVENT FURTHER ACQUISITION OF SLAVE TERRITORY
OR THE EXTENSION SLAVERY BEYOND ITS GUARANTEED
LIMITS"
But why should the North thus violently seek to secure
extension Of slave territory, and the growth and
sion OF slave States There only two possible
motives which can govern her in the purpose: either TO
ming up within fixed limits, aggrandze their own
political power by securing settled asceDdency in all the
departments OF the government II IS not TO promote the
comfort OF the black racefor their comfort would be
best promoted BY dispersion II IS nor 10 diminish the
multiplication of slaves, because their numbers only
added to by natural increase, which will still go on.
The purpose, them is either fanatical politca-to
destroy this property exists in the southern States
to destroy the political weight OF the South the Union
in other words emaRcpate slaves property or
subordinate States section. Whichever Of
these be the object we cannot submt for either OF them
must be fatal 10
also AGGRESSIVE. and not defensive She has fixed and
unaterable majority the House of Representatives and
in the electoral colleges, and the control of the Senate
therefore unnecessary TO her defence And if aggressive
TO what point do her aggressive designs tend Plainly
the attack Of slave property; for il that which chiefly
divides the interests and sympahies of the sections
section
Ia every aspect in which can consider the matter
feel nerved to the issue and inspired to the duty Of
tending 10 the last extremity Tor the preservation of the
political balance of the two sections in this Union
conscentousiy believe that when that is gone nothing
the compsc, Of Union can Inc f haony Of tbs
States Here then, plant myself and until provision
IL conceded, under the effect OF which the South may
have assurance OF being able 10 add counerbaancine
State the Union, consent TO the admission
OF northern State. This concession sought in the
last clause of the substitute have offered, which pro-
poses territorial government south OF the parallel OF SO
deg 80 min the Pacific coast with express provs-
ion for the security Of slave property
This priacipe Of an equality or balance Of the two
sections in this body, idea has been lately
pretended. II is idea old the Union and is com
mendedby settled practice beginning with the first years
of the republic and extended 10 the presen, time
| will not say that the adjustment of power, in the
convention which formed the constitution, had direct
reference to equilibrium between the savehodng and
States II CHANGED that BY the order
OF Providence this equilibrium in fact existed nearly
possible, and, the probability of any disturb
OF not to have been apprehended il
made point The Tree and slave States equal as
nearly odd number would admit The North had
the odd number and this gave her slight present prepond.
ence but the South had the best founded expectations Of
growth and there was therefore, occasion for alarm
This existing and admitted equilibrium and balance il.
distinctly advered TO in letter of Mr.. Madison Mr..
Edmund Randolph upon the subject of the proposed ne
organization month before the convention assembled.
1t will be found published in the volumes of the Madison
Papers In discussing the prospect Of inducing the States
10 make neH UNION more character, ana
the federal government supreme BY change in the
principle OF representation. which should regard the ea
i've population OF the States, instead of their equality
soveregns, he says
The northern . be reconced to il by the actual
superiority their populousness the southern by their
sxpscfed superiority on this point
This extract establishes, upon the authority of Mr.
Madison, that the distinction between NORTHERN and
soUTRERs States--he northern and sotUiern section
northern aud southern power-northern and southern
polcywere ideas which, at that day, and prior to the
constitution had lodgmen IN the minds and hearts of the
OF America and 1t further establishes, that although
the then had and superiority the
South sxp<efsd TO ou,grow IT, upon this balance
that Mr. Madison founded bis expectation of agree
msnt 10 dscard the plan Of confederation, and to sub.
IN the federal representation evident he counted upon
the near balance OF NORTHERN POWER and SOUTHERN
PowEa disspate any fear for the peculiar interests OF
their respective sections the part OF the North the
South II this existing equilibrium which favored the
union which secured the union and which made
cary ths distinct discussion OF balance OF power be-
tween these But the wachfulness Of both
bons before the constitution, and slnce in respect to
this very consideration Of political power between the
NoRTH and the SouTH-he slavebolding and slave
holding inierests demonsrable by distinct and we'll
political power openly declared by either section
in the first stages of history But when contem-
plata the several occasions OF sectional division and
struggle, il be clear TO every candid mind that the
uOlive. the impulse, the consideration which guided
either section, and gave the impetus 10 their effort
the idea OF the relative political power OF the SECTIONS
The signa instance to which will refer OF struggle
between the sections, prior 10 the constitution,
in respect to the navigation OF the Mississippi river in