The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-04-11
WHOLE NO. III.

COhsuIuuonally introduced anywhere or maintained
Iny Nne'e oy the lcgislltOn Of Congress IL must
SePchn' ana depend wholly, upon State law. both
,o' tN's.ence ana support Beyond State limits
Whih me Doundanes oi the United States there can
! be consiiluuOnally no slave
mere ! may pause. ] have rapidly sketched the
| rlse OF the American Government and the Americs,
| Union, 50 far as their relations TO American sla
are involved from their origin in the Association in
lff TO the establishment Of the Constitution in I7e7
One spirit peryaded one principle controlled all This
action-a spirit of profound reverence for the rights
OF man as mantle principle of perfec; equality Of
/ men before the law.
Animated by this spirit and guided by this ornci
| pie the Association bound all its members 10 discon-
nue the sla, etrade. If any of them continued u.
and some OF them did, the guilt on their own
neads only iDr the Association had no power 10 en-
force the covenant. When the American Congress
resolved on independence, they solemnly announced
the great doctrine Of nalienabe rights as the basis
OF the national political faith and the foundation of
an Jnst government. When the war of the Reyolu-
ZION was over they renewed the declaration that the
contest which they had wagod in defence of the
rights Of human nature. When the acquisition OF
me northwestern Territory presented an opportunity
oil carrying into practical application their exalted
principles they did not hesitate, but established them
isrever as the basis Of all laws, constitutions and
governments, within its limits. When the ConEed
Grafton proved inadequate TO the exigencies of the
Republic, and the people undertook the work of re-
forming their political SYSTEM they constituted the
new Government and established the new Constitu
ton upon principles which made the enslavemen, of
men by the Government under the Constitution a
legal impossibllity. Let those who are inclined 10
murmur because no more was done ask themselves
by what people, in what age besides has so much
been done for the cause of freedom and right Up
to the time Of the adoption Of the Constitution there
was not single slave in America, made such or held
such, under any law of the United States Had the
policy of the founders of the Republic been pursued
and had the principles which they established been
faithfully carried out in legislation and administration
there would have been now no slave anywhere under
exclusive national Jurlsdicton--probably no slave
within the boundaries OF the Republic.
Unhappily, however, the original policy of the
government and the original principles of the Gov
10 respect TO slavery did not permanently
control lts action. change occured-almost inn
percepubl1 al first, but becoming more and more
marked and decided, until nearly total The honor
able SenetoE = h"ssechnse,,s in the coursa,aC.
ms late speech noticed this change and ascrlbed il
TO the rapid increase in the production of cotton
Doubtless SIR, This was leading cause. The pro-
duction OF cotton, In consequence of the invention
OF The cotton gin, increased from 467 600 pounds in
1893, TO 6,276,3OU pounds in 1896 and continued 20
increase very rapidly afterwards. OF course the
market value OF slaves advanced, and masters were
less inclined 10 emancipation.
But The increase OF the cotton crop was not tina
only nor in my Judgment the chief cause of altered
public sentiment and governmental action The
change In the structure of the Government which
into one branch of the Legislature and
into the electoral college, representation Tor slaves
constituted, think, n far more potent cause will
sketch the progress of the power derived from this
source, for think II important that It's practical
operation should be understood | admit that a il
conferred by The Constitution but
Mr.. BORLAND. Will the honorable Senator
allow me TO ask him question
Mr.. CHASE. Certainly.
Mr. BORLAND. l think understood the Sen
itor as giving reason for adherng 10 the institution
Df slavery on the part of Southern statesmen hat the
Constitution allowed The slave population 10 form
basis OF representation Docs the Senator give that
rs reason why they adhered TO the institution of
slavery and became more attached 10 in
Mr.. CHASE / believe that was one of the rea-
sons.
Mr.. BORLAND. Then can say TO the Senator
hat his argument, II seems 10 me, confutes itself;
Tor me reason that If the slaves were liberated each
would be counted whereas being retained as slaves
only lhree-flihs OF their number brought into
the computation, and we lose two-fhhs
Mr.. CHASE. Undoubtedly Mr.. President II the
slaves were free they would be reckoned at their full
number In the basis Of representations but the inu-
Mr.. CHASE. / am obliged TO the Senator from
Arkansas for the information he gives me; | had
learned the fact he states from the Constitution.
Why sir, Is IL not quite obvious that In district
where the number OF slaves is considerable even II
suffrage be universal the number Of votes must be
prop0ftionubly reduced And, inasmuch Us slave
holders usually the chief andhoder and proper
~ holders, and have common interest," is II not
quite obvious that they will generally be able TO WELD
slave representation, and their power is gone. En-
franchise the slaves, and there are Shareholders,
and of course no slave power. Enfrnnchisement
will doubtless increase the political power Of the
State. but IL will annihilae the slave power. j re-
peat, Mr. President and they who think me wrong
may refute what say, II they can that there must
have been some adequate causes for the re-
,narkable change OF feeling and action In regard to
slavery which began to manifest itself about this
time and that these causes, In my Judgment, were
first the political power derived by Shareholders from
the aton of three Of their slaves and
secondly the augmented value Of slaves arising from
the su fden increase OF the cotton culture. The last
of these requires no further considerations
but wish 10 direct attention somewhat more par
ticuarly to the first
The first apportionmont was made by the Consliu-
ton Convention. Regard was had doubtless, 10 tho
three flths rule In determining the number OF Repre-
sentatves assigned TO each State, but cannot now
ascertain how many were allowed for the slaves.
The census supplies the means of ascertainng the
precise quanium Of slave representation in each de-
ccnnial period since the first apportionment now
propose to submit 10 the Senete table which exhib-
its at one view cnch deceDnal period since the adop
iion Of the Constitution; the number of inhabitants
required for ono Repr sentative; the number of sayes
reckoned al three ihs OF their actual number; and
the number OF Representavnsfor slaves during each
period
Decennial Representa-. Three. hftbs Rsprsssnts-