The spirit of democracy. [volume] (Woodsfield, Ohio) 1844-1994, 1850-12-25
INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
TcoNcLUDED.

certain subjects Of State policy, and some
of the functions of the Executive, as in
my humble judgment they oughtto be per-
formed, could wish that nothing re-
mained but to take the oath Of Office and
retire from this hall. But cannot do so
consistently with public expectation, with
ou: frank expression of my views on q
question now pending before the people
which threatens the stability Of the Union,
the supremacy of the laws, and to disturb
the good order and quiet which has hith-
erto, with very few EXCEPTIONS. prevailed
since the adoption of the Federal Consti-
tuition in 1890. n sy
An excitement is spread over a large
extent, and pervades every rank and con-
dition in life, and unless allayed and other
counsels prevail, collisions between gov
ernmsnt and people may produce civil
war of which no one can predict the con-
sequences to the General or State Govern
ments, or to freedom throughout the world!
The question of human slavery is, and
ever has been, subject of discord in the
relations the several States bear TO each
other, and to the General Government,
which is bound to protect the Constitution
al rights and interests of each. G
The Democratic party ever has and ev-
er will oppose either the diffusion or ex-
tension Of slavery into any free Territory
Of the United States, by every legal and
constitutional means; and would rejoice
! if any mode, not doing violence to others,
could be devised "to overthrow and erad-
icate the evil"
That Congress, having by the Constitu-
ton, authority to legislate for the District
of Columbia, Sin all cases whatsoever"
may there abolish it, entertain no doubt;
Congress is, by the Constitution, the local
Legislature of the District, and all cases
within the legitimate sphere Of legislation
are embraced within tho terms, sin all
cases whatsoever" as used in that instru-
ment: a9aaHa
Congress appears to me to possess the
same Legislative power over slavery within
the ten miles square, that may be exercised
by the legislatures Of the slave states over
lii within their jurisdictions; and that it has
been considered in those states, proper
subject of legislation, their. history furnish
es the most satisfactory evidence.
| have ever viewed the abolition oi
slavery in the District, not only measure
Of expediency, but OF absolute natural
right to the colored race. The south
would doubtless acquiesce in such meas
ure; for if we expect to remain one people
there is an absolute necessity Of adhering
to the decisions of Constitutional MAORI
ties, within their legitimate spheres Of ac-
ton as
But the abolition Of slavery in the Dis
trict Of Columbia, and in the slave States,
in my opinion, stand upon different
grounds as to the power Of Congress overit.
The Executive of Vermont, in his late
message to the General Assembly, init
mates the opinion that Congress may
abolish slavery in the States where it now
exists. How far this opinion prevails am
not informed, but believe the erercisc oi
such authority by Congress would be fol-
lowed by dissolution Of the Union. The
south would then be driven to it, to pre-
serve their peculiar institution under their
own local authority. lcs
The entire South, and | believe large
majority of the North, would look upon
such action as an unwarranted usurpation
by Congress, for which there is no author
ity, expressly granted or fairly to be i'm
piled, from the Constitution Of the United
States.
+ The excitement to which have before
referred appears to have entirely grown
out Of the passage, approval, and partial
execution, IN few instances, of what is
called the Fugitive Slave Law. by Con-
gress. !i6
Conventions have denounced it as un-
constitutional. The Clergy have declared
it in opposition to the higher law Of God,
and therefore void. The slave and the
citizen have been advised and invited to
arm and oppose the execution of this law,
to the shedding Of human blood, and all
this is done in the peaceable and orderly
State of Ohio, and | think is the result Of
mistaken judgment; if not, and the law is
actually void, they are right, and could
Justify the noble impulses which prompt
Interference between freedom and servi-
ltude, in opposition to law, whether white
or black. But let US for a moment search
after truth, and if we find it, acknowledge
its force. Let the ground we occupy, at
least, be well considered, before we hasten
10 results calculated to weaken the public
lconfidopoA ,r, the s,,nram acv of our 1aucc
and the wisdom and stability Of our inst.
tutions.
THERE'S, | think, no doubt, that the Su
preme Court of the United States,will sus-
tain every provision of this law, as consti-
tGtional, when the occasion shall arise.
One Of its northern members has already
done so, in the case Of Garnett. s4 s
The decisions Of this tribunal are abso-
|lutely conclusive on all others, on ques-
tons growing out Of the constitution ofihe
United States. 1t is the national tribunal,
and ia oninions final. There il NO an