The Woodville Republican. [volume] (Woodville, Miss.) 1847-1853, 1850-12-03

csntativc. Tor any ~ otho P1f~
- ne an opportunity thus sunma1iy 20
5,snose Of -oaseIess ISLANDERS against me.
The responsibility offs Representative Is
Cor the course he has pursued the issue De
tween him and his constituents must De-
that Of approval or disapproyal; the inquiry
il involves is, did he truly represent those
cor whom he acted2 was lie right or wrong.
To know what he would DO in the future,
the ease must be distinctly stated other
wise ne might answer to one supPositlon'
when the inquiry was directed 70 another.
Il would require the gift Of prophecy to teb,
what remote consequences may now from
the acts Of the late session OF Congress, and
without such gift, 40 one could assume to
saw what he might hereafter believe should
be done. When a people lose the power
10 maintain their nights and protect their in
terests under the existing form OF govern
meut. Ordinary prudence requires that they
should seek such chance, as viii secure
them against the destruction Of both The
character Of The aggression, the degree and
imminence cf the danger, will prescribe the
means and Indicate the necessity. To the
debates Of the Senate and such Of my pub
lie addresses as you may have heard, since
nv return to Mississippi, l refer you for the
cause and reasons of my opposition to the
measures adopted at the last session of Con-
gress. You ask me if | am 'in favor Of any
and what kind of resistance te those acts.
As your representative, / declined to enter
on that branch Of the question in the United
States Senate in that capacity took the
position, that it was not for me to make an.
issue for the State. Your question is not, l
think, ON which directs itself to my official
position, but as intend to answer, it is UNI
necessary to argue that point, and mention
it as leading to the statement, that it is ass
citizen, not as a Senator, Of Mississippi that
| give You my opinion Of our duty, in the
present crisis.
I am in favor of the execution Of the plan
indicated by the State Convention of Octo-
Der, 1S49, the address OF that Convention 70
the slaveholding States, and by the Legisla-
ture Of the State at its last session, which |
consider may be stated thus; to submit the
question to the people, in a law, for the as
sembling Of a Convention of the State, to
consider of and decide on our present con
dition and future prospects, and the meas
ures which should be adopted. Toprepare
for the defence of the State, armed if need
be. To propose a Convention of the slave
holding States, to b~escomposed Of formally
elected delegates, which should unite al
those States who were willing to assert theil
equality, and right to equal protection in,
and equal enjoyment fthe common proper.
sty. The States thus united should, in my
opinion, demand of the other States, snch
guarantees as would secure to them the safety
the benefits, the tranquility which the Unior
was designed to confer. Ii granted, the mi
nority could live in equality under the tenn
pie of u federal compact; If refused, il
would be conclusive evidence Of the desigr
Of the majority, to crush all paper barriers
beneath the heel Of power the gulf Of deg
radiation would yawnb before us. The equal
ity to which we were born being denied. ane
the alternative of slavish submission or man
ly resistance being presented to Us, 4 shall
be IN favor Of the latter. Then, il tull pro
vision has been made, in the preparation Q
arms, Of munitions of war. Of manuiacturins
establishments, and all the varieties Of agri
culture to which our climate and soil ar
az pied, the slaveholding States, or even tn
planting States. may apply the last RENE
dv,-the 6nal alternative OF separation, with
out bIoodshed 0 r severe shock to CONNER
cial interests. Painful under any circum
Stances it must be those, who have througl
life cherished the hope Of perpetuity to on
Union, to see it destroyed but faithful his
tory will record our many sacrifices to pre-
serve it, and the responsibility Of its destruc
fion must attach to those who, by assailmen
of the constitution, which they had the pow
er TO violate and not the will to observe
have stified in the Union the breath OF il
existence. Almost unfair attempt has bee
made to put in the fore ground the questio
of Union or Disunion, by those who wer
violating or s%urrendering our constitutions
rights. To yield to aggression is to prodnc
certainly in the future that condition from
aE VIM dASrOidbi0t1 iifQctl anu EiNiI Wui HlQEd
bly, will spring; unless il be assumed, tina
the Southern minority win hereafter consen
to occupy such position, towards the North
eTn majority, as the colonies Of North Amer
lea, on the 4th Of July, l776, determined no
70 hold towards the Kingdom Of Great Brit
ain. e1he destruction of that equilibrium
which would have prevented the overthrov
ofthe constitution by the construction Of Al
interested majority, may be charged To- th
generous concessions Of the South in cedin!
the North-West territory, in permitting III
Missouri Compromise, and by other less nc
ted acts which accumulated power in til
North, by transfer in the South. Conces
sion and sacrifice have not secured to us tn
good feeling Of the North submission i
wrong will not more probably conmanl
their respect. To preserve the Union, til
principles, the spirit Of the constitution mus
be preserved. do not think the North la
given rs reason TO expect this service frof
that quarter; how shall the South effect II
j Ihis. TO my mind is fhh n,aSfi,n ~ xvh;n