The North-Carolinian. [volume] (Fayetteville [N.C.]) 1839-1861, 1850-09-07

FAYETTEVILLE n c., SEPTEMBER l. 1850.

this STATE of facts, no collision between the
laws of Texas and the laws Of the United
States could possibly occurr. But as on
this point the friends Of the President have
taken issue, and maintain that our treaty
stipulations are tantamount to congress
sional Jaws, let me bring to the attention Of
the House the joint resolution for the
anne xation of Texas, which is undoubtedly
possessed of the'judicial cogency Of a treaty.
| do not refer to these resolutions now
with the purpose of establishing and
making good the title in Texas, but for
another purpose much more to the point.
maintain that these resolutions con-
template a division Of all territory east
Of the Rio Grande into four new States.
which States are to be established with
the consent of Texas and it is further
contemplated that these new States,
when SO established, by and with the
consent Of Texas, shall be admitted as
sisters Of the great American confelera-
tion. These resolutions do not indeed
partake of the force of civil Or
dinance, but most assuredly should be
entitled to the respectful consideration of
the President of the u. States and am
much surprised that when the President
and this Cabinet were IN deep consulta
tion on the subject Of their duty, as it re-
CARDS New Mexico. they had not at least
given to these resolutions passing notice.
l am greatly surprised that it never enter
ed into the conception of the Cabinet, that
as State governments were to be establish
ed in this country with the consent of Fex-
as. it was the duty Of the Executive rather
to have upheld than to have opposed the
ultimate consummation Of these measures
under the direction of her Government.
This law, the highest, the greatest. the
supreme law of the land, empowers Texas
to establish State government over this
country. The President Of the United
States, as soon as she makes the first de-
monstration of her intent to fulfill the law.
to execute the purposes OF the high and
solemn compact, steps forward, puts him
self astride of her path, and issues his pro-
nunc,amento that he will resist any full
fiIment of the law effected by Texas,
with the whole military authority of the
United States. Who in this case is the
real obstructor of the law-that party which
makes the attempt, takes the initiatory
step to execute the law, to fulfill the pur-
poses of the compact; or on the contrary,
that which obstructs and prohibits the ex-
ecution Of the laws
Sir. l charge the president as being the
actual, the real violator of the law, and
that by the arrogation of authority not vest
ed in him by the Constitution or the laws,
and therefore unwarrantably usurped
Sir, if the peace Of the country is destroyed
If the lurid light of a civil conflagration
illume our happy and prosperous land, the
President is the Sylla. on whose head the
parricidal crime will rest. He may in
deed, like his great Roman prototype. fiat
himself that cit is ouly few rebels that
he is punishing.'' but his experience. the
direful experience of his country, will but
too fearfully attest his mistake.
| On former occasion stated that a con
tention between Texas and the United
States would inevitably involve the tw"
great antagonistic interests-North and
South Could any southern State contem-
plate in peace and'quiet the issue Of such
a struggle? Would not the subjugation Of
the State Of Texas be the prolosuc of
their own destinies?-Let US suppose tor
moment s'the deed DONE" and what
would be the relative situation of affairsl-
The subjugation of a state must be accom-
panied with destruction of its republican
existence. 1t could no longer be consid
cred as a sovereign State, but must occupy
the position of conquered territory; and
what would be the fate of Texas today.
"according to the principles set forth and
arrosated in this COMMUNICATIONS. might
be the doom Of any other State OF the Un-
ion tomorrow. If the President can.
without the action Of Congress, deter mi ne
upon a casus beli-if it is in his power to
prescribe the appropriate orbit in which q
State is to move, and to punish any devia-
ton from that circle Of motion by the force
of the military authority Of the Uuion, what
other attribute does he requ're-wouid he
stand in need Of. to establish a consolida-
ted despotism? Understand me, Mr. Chair
man, impute not to the President any
such reasonable design, but it is my objec
to hold up to public reprobatioE the prin
cipies ayowed in this communication. !
is my duty to do SO, sir There is mucl
truth in the aphorism. ''that the price o
liberty is eternal vigilance " Republics
in this enlightened age, have nothing to fea
from open aggression; but it is the insld'ou'
approach Of despotism. under the color q
law and authority. that should arouse th'
patriot from his slunbers.
/ am well aware that an attempt ha
been made to justify the tenor Of this mes
sage by comparing it with the proclamation
of Gen Jackson: and this attempt shouI'
impress upon our minds the great and live
ly necessity Of condemning the promulga
ton by those in authority Of impolitic an
anti-republican principles at all times, an
under all circumstances. However we
meant that proclamation Of Gen. Jackso
may have been. yet it contains principle
| ca anti rp puhiIc 2 n that if <hov chouId o We