The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-01-31

O"aSV ioooi NJ OuNdplg as poSSloieS "hhO NV ~
borer in bringing his wares to market, is anxious
to command the very highest price. Hence, as a
general rule, when labor is cheap money Is high,
and when money is cheap labor is high From
the efforts Of capital TO impose unequal burdens
upon labor has arisen the contests in Congress
during the last twenty years on discriminating
tariffs, national bank and all kindred questions.
The opponents Of the Democratic party, whether
marching under the name of federalism, Nation
al Republicanism, or Whgsm, in the free States
have often PROGRESSED to be profoundly ignorant Of
the reason Ehy the poor lahorer Of the North
should rOt6 RRh fhs Southern shareholder A; and he
has not unfrequently been derided as a dough-
face, and supporter Of Shareholders, for his party
associations. But the reason of this party alliance
is very plain one. The free laborer, who earns
his bread by the sweat Of his brow, supports pub
lie measures, and the enactment Of laws, which
in his judgment must benefit labor that being
all be has to bring to market and the slave
holder, who owns the laborers themselves, neces-
sarily becomes his ally, aud in all legislation af
fecting capital in money, commerce, and manufac-
lures, as antagonist to capital in labor votes and
acts with him.
Whenever the questions of tariffs and currency
have been discussed and acted upon, from the ad-
ministration Of jefferson 10 the present moment
the bond of union between the owner of his own la
Dor and the owner of labor ia his slaves has been
alliance for the protection Of labor against the
constant encroachments aud extortions of capital
The union was natural, and party organization
and concert necessary to success and to this
union-this organization and concert between the
Northern Democracy and their Southern allies
the country owes the overthrow Of the United
States Bank, and all the progress yet made to-
wards just and equal tariff and other liberal
legislation.
But the question of the laborer's right TO be his
own master is very different matter The free
white ahorer of the North while he o0nscien-
tiously abstains from interfering with the rights
OF his Southern ally guaranteed TO him by the
Constitution, insists upon il that slavery is the
! creature of special legislation and a local and
State institution, that shall not he extended into
the free Territories Of the common domain. where
il is not He regards il as a curse entAns-', Myon
the country while colonies of Great Britain.
Spain, aud France - siTse;s and w,, .S.Si 40;
upon its non-extension, by the action of the G en-
eral Government, into free territory, whether ac-
quired by purchase from the Indians, or by treaty
from Mexico. On this point, the Democracy OF
the free States are tr,d stars, whose light viii
guard and protect free soil for the inheritance OF
generations of free men and free labor. To their
Southern allies they say
| "You must be satisfied that we allowed the
Louisiana and the Florida purchases, and the
| Texas acquisition, to come into the Union az
slave territory and that when Cuba desires to
come, as such, We will not object, nor seek to dis
turb her domestic institutions any more than
those Of Louisiana, Florida, and Texas You
need not ask it at our hands, for we will never
consent that any portion of the existing territory
of the Union, or any future acquisition now free,
or free when acquired, shall become slave terrific
| ry nay, more, ;rs rW Rerer alton n.
9 We love the Union, purchased by so many
sacrifices of blood and treasure and cemented to-
gether by so many honorable compromises, but we
will never disgrace the memory Of Jefferson and
his associates, who deprecated slavery as the
curse of curses and tolerated its extension only
because they could not prevent it, by extending the
ARA Of Us boundaries. To its present limits we
will confne IT, leaving its continuance or abolition
there to the free white population, to dispose of
as they may deem proper and right; and from
this position threats of violence, threats of
the dissolution Of the Union, shall drive us. In
mere matters of expediency we will make many
and large concessions and sacrifices Of opinion,
for the sake Of peace, and to cool your hot blood
but dear az the sound Of the word Union is to us
the word LIBERTY Is far dearer. These words that
have been nearly synonymous for sixty years, you
threaten violently to separate and for what
Not because we threaten or even seek to interfere
with your local institutions but because we will
not allow yon 10 curse the common inheritance
now free, with the evil of slavery. You threaten
to dissolve the Union. In your cooler moments
we do not believe you would dissolve it if you
could, and we know you could not if you would.
Where would you draw the lines of dissolution,
if we would allow of dissolution Besides, we
know as well as you do that your three
millions of slaves would not be worth three red
cents were the Union dissolved; or, rather we
should say you know il as well as we do is,olve
| II + = I.
the home of the oppressed of all nations--the
throne of liberty, and its hope throughout the
world-because you cannot make California and
| New Mexico the inheritance Of Slavery You
dare not--niHa not CANNoT-SIIALL NOT do
it," INDIANA.