Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1850-02-02
THE EVIL OF THE DAY.

No man, whose eye rests upon the heading oil
this article, will doubt for single moment what is
the subject to which, breaking the silence we have
hitherto for long time imposed upon ourselves in
regard to it, we are about to ask the attention OF
our readers. II is one which the mind OF the Peo-
pie in nearly all quarters of the country the Press
of every political cast, the Legislative Assemblies
of several States, have for year two past
been much occupied with. 1t has acquired in
the halls of the Capitol itself such an influence
as for whole month to obstruct the organiza-
ton of the popular branch of Congress for bust
ness, by preventing choice of its officers, and in
the Senate as we'll as in the House of Representa-
tives TO have become the all-absorbing topic.
The rights and wrongs Of the Institution OF
Slavery, as exists in several States of this Union,
and forms part of the structure Of the General
Government, have for many years been suffered to
occupy much more than they ought to have done
of the time Of Congress, considering that it is a
relation over which Congress has no jurisdiction,
and could exercise no power beyond that of pro-
taefng tho rights Of the People among whom it ex-
ists and that of prohibiting, after fixed period, the
further importation of slaves into the United States.
The subject of existing slavery in the United
States has no business in the Halls of Congress.
1t was first introduced there by harmless enthu-
siasts, whose amable weakness led them to in
terpose in matters beyond their reach, and whose
interference was treated with tolerant civility only
because it was obviously prompted by sense of
religious obligation, unmingled with any of the
dross of interest or ambition. In the First Con-
gress after this Government went into operation,
the question presented itself, in the shape of
memorials to the House of Representatives from
the Annual Meetings of Friends in New York
and Philadelphia, held in October, 1889, in ODE
dience to duty which they said they consi-
dered incumbent upon them as religious bodies, to
attempt to excite the attention of Congress, !" ear
nestly desiring that the Infinite Father of Spirits
might so enrich their minds with his love and truth,
and so influence their understandings by that pure
wisdom which is full of mercy and good fruits, !"
as to induce them sincerely and mpartially to in
quire whether, notwithstanding seeming impedi-
ments," they could not produce the abolition of
the Slave Trade" meaningfhe Foreign Slave Trade.
These memorials were of course dictated by zeal
without much knowledge, the g seeming impedi-
ments'' being the introduction by the Constitution
OF the passage Of any law, at earlier period than
the year 1908 prohibiting the importation of slaves
into the United States. Though these petitioners
were treated with general respect, they did not
escape entirely the of being Intermediates
in what did not concern them and, even at that
day, and on this question, one of the Members from
Georgia expressed his apprehension that, :" if,
through the interference of the General Govern
ment, the Slave Trade were abolished, it would
evince to the people disposition towards total
emancipation, and they would hold their property
in jeopardy; and that any extraordinary attention
to this petition might have the same effect" &c.
The memorial and the whole debate upon it may
be found in the first volume of the History Of the
First Congress, beginning at folio 1925. 1t was
only few days after this that memorial was pre-
scented to the House from :" the Pennsylvania So
ciety for promoting the Abolition of Slavery &c.,
(signed by BENZ FRANKLIN, President,) praying
to the extent of the most exciting abolition memo
rial of the present day. This memorial was grave
ly rebuked, though in decorous terms, by that
worthy gentleman, (who afterwards for many years
filed the office of Treasurer Of the United States,
THOMAS TUDOR TUCKER, then one of the Repre-
sentatives from the State Of South Carolina.
He desired the memorial to be thrown aside"
because it contained an unconstitutional request
He feared that the commitment Of il would be a
very alarming thing to the Southern States for it
would be considered as an interference with their
rights" He expressed his surprise to see such
memorial "signed by man who ought to have
understood the Constitution better" Mr.. BURKE,
of Georgia, followed he "was certain that the
commitment of the memorial would sound an
alarm, and blow the trumpet of sedition in the
Southern States" Mr.. ScoTT, Of Pennsylvania,
stood up stouty for the object Of the memorial,
concluding his speech by saying that, eff he was
one Of the Judges of the United States, and those
people were TO come before him and claim their
emancipation, he did not know how far he would
go, but he he would go as far as he could
To which Mr.. JACKSON, of Georgia, replied, re-
peating this last observation of Mr. ScoTT that he
believed his judgment in the case would be Of
1short duration in Georgia; perhaps even the ex-
istence OF such Judge might be in danger" The
debate in short became as spicy as the debates in
both Houses Of Congress on analogous questions
generally are at the present day, and would furnish
materials for such, there any dearth Of them.
Mr.. MADISON, with his usual good sense, poured
oil upon the waves, and advocated the commitment
of all these memorials, which was agreed to by
yeas and nays, 43 to Ia, the Southern votes being
divided on the question. The debate, and subse-
.ha he in