Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1850-07-13


should boldly proclaim-'I abhor slavery il
every form, most of all that which make:
men, women and children marketable com
modities--l regard the negro as a man and
brother--I am in favor of immediate and
unconditional emancipation '-he is (hear, q
Heaven and give ear o Earth y doomed
man; upon him will be visited the vengeance
Of Lynch law; for him the dungeon yawns
and, peradventllre, he must die a leiOn's
death
Why this prohibition of free speech? Why
this murderOus treatment, in case that pro-
hbition is nanfuIly disrcgarded? Precisely
for the same reason that exists for the sup
pression of thought and speech in Europe
| Tyranny will not, cannot bear investigation,
whether at home or abroad.
The thief doth fear each bush an officer
So much for the South There is nothing
in Italy, nothing in Austria, nothing in Rus
sia, more ierocious or more terrible in its op-
position TO the spirit of liberty, than exists in
the slaveholding States.
| How is it with ourselves, on Puritan soil
in the old Bay State The excitement
the confusion, the wild uproar, created among
us by free discussion of this question of sla-
very-what does itindicate? Have we right
to speak Our own thoughts, or not? Rcmcm-
Der, am not talking about the Southern
slaves, but cndeavoring TO ascertain whether
we have nny rights Of our own.
BE the consequences what they may, we
are here TO protest against slavery--who
doubts il? We are here to advocate the
cause of impartial liberty-who doubts it p
We are here for the purpose of completing
the revolution begun by our fathers, aud left
by them to be perfected by their descendants.
SO far as they struck for Independence, aud
trampled the tyranny of the mother country
under their feet, they did well. But alas
they did not break every yoke; the f6tters of
their own bondmcn remnined heavy and
strong. II is for us to perform what they left
undone, aud TO decree that there shall not be
tolerated OH the American soil despot or
slave.
Sir, as people. we are free to criticisc the
deeds and institutions of nations far removed
from us. We critrse their manners and
their morals-strongly deuounce what we
deem unjust, and warmly applaud what we
lind worthy of commentator, among them.
Whether IL be tho monarch on the tlsreney e,s
the minister in the cabinet, we record our
opinions of him and his acts in plain terms,
and with all possible freedom. Now, where
in is our justification TO be found for this in
termcddling? What right have we to talk
of persons out of our own country? How
dare we to rebuke, ay, to anathematize the
tyranny of Russia and Austria? We dare to
do this, because we claim to be freemen, and
maintain that despots are every where to be
eXecrated. We are ffeemen, and therefore
are not afraid of the Austrian Emperor or
the Russian Autocrat. We IRE not afraid of
any body outside nf our country-not we !
Are we afraid IT any body inside oft?
Again, ask, what right have we to med
die with the affairs of other nations? Yet il
will be recollected that, only a short time
since, the most distinguished leader of the
Democratic party, General Cass, stood up in
his place in the United States Senate, and
made an earnest and eloquent speech in vim
dication of the right of the American govern |
ment TO manifest its nbhorrence of Austrian !
despotism, in most pointed form. He mo-
we'd that our diplomatic intercourse with Aus
tria be suspended, and forcibly urged the du-
ty and importance of registering a strong
moral protest, in relation to her sanguinary
treatment of the noble Hungarians. lie |
maintained that, il we could not directly in
ieriere, there was one thing we had right
to do-to raise II note of remonstrance, that
would cause even Haynau TO cover, and
the despot of Russia to tremble. Such a tes-
timony, he said, would sink deeply into the
heart of the civilized world. General Cass !
was right, in this estimate of moral power:
he did not exaggerate the potency of a recti- !
fed public sentiment arruyed against afro
cious cruelty.
Mr.. Chairman, five may travel out of our
country with all possible freedom around the
globe, and assume the right 10 concern our
selves with affairs in which we are not i'm
government we are not responsible; if we
may do this, say, and no one be found TO
raise his voice against it, may we not eXer-
else as much liberty in examining our own
institutions, as we do in reviewing those of
other countries? If it is not impertinent, if it
is not improper, nay, if il is commendable
and patriotic, for us TO censure what is cruel
and despotic in Austria, is il impertinent, is
il improper, is it not equally commendable
and patriotic, for MS TO denounce what is
atrocious and indelensible in this republic ?
In all such matters, il seems 10 me that it is
most fit that we should first look at home
As an apostle of old said, Let Judgment be-
gin at the house of Cod
Sir, we are living under despotism,
most appalling dospotism; under power
which does not take away political rights
merely, but, so far at least as one-siXth por-
ton of our teeming population is concerned,
all that belongs TO manhood Yes, millions
of our countrymen are i'll chains Tonight
You know that they are held as property, and
bought and sold like beasts. You know that
it is illegal to give them even the rudiments
of education. You know that they are driv-
en- to their unrequited toll with the blood
stained lash, and subjected to every priva-
ton. You know that, if they attempt to es-
cape by flight, they may be legally hunted
with blood-hounds, and shot down with ri
fies. You know it all. And l ask, has il
come to this, that we are not, even in Fan
euil Hall, to protest against such injustice, to
denounce such barbarity, TO execrate such