The Port Gibson herald, and correspondent. (Port Gibson, Claiborne Co., Miss.) 1848-18??, 1850-01-25
The Missouri Compromise.

Mr.. CALHOUN AND Mr.. ADAMS DIARY.
1t is in the memory, we may presume,
of most readers of newspapers, who notice
the decision Of political questions, that, in
the Senate Of the United States some Ume
ago, question was raised touching the
existence Of certain papers, in he Depart
mtnt Of State, being the replies Of Messrs.
Adams, Calhoun, Writ, Crawford, and
Thompson, members of Mr. Monroe's Cab
met, in 1920, to the questions submitted
TO them bv that President, concerning the
constitutional power Of Congress over the
institution Of slavery, in the instance Of the
Missouri compromise. The papers them
selves could not be found on the files the
Departments; but an extract from the diary
Of the late John Quincy Adams was pro-
duced, affirming their existence and de-
scribing their character Mr.. Calhoun
disputed the accuracy Of he extract, at
the time, and again in his published reply
TO Mr.. Benton.
Mr.. Charles F. Adams poSsessor Of his
fathers diary, has been induced, by these
remarks Of Mr.. Calhoun. to make public,
through the columns Of he Evening Post,
all that appears in the diary relating to the
controverted subject. rs part Of the po-
ltlCal history Of the country, we publish so
much of the extract as $ necessary for the
reader 10 form an opinion of how far the
diary of Mr.. Adams rc5uts the statement
Of Mr.. Calhoun.-N. Q. Delta.
Ertracfs from the Diary 9fJohn Q,eio-
cy .4dams.
1920, March B. When came this day
to my office, found a note requesting me
to call at one o'clock al the President 5
house. 1t was then one and Immediate
ly went over. He expected that the two
bills for the admission of Maine, and to en-
able Missouri to make a constitution. would
have been brough. to him for his signature
and he had summoned all the members d
the administration, to ask their opinions in
writing to be deposited in the Department
of State, upon TIVE questions: first. whether
Congress had a constitutional right to pro.
hibit slavery in territory; and second
whether the oth section Of the Missouri
bill, (Which interdicrs slavery toreUer il
the territory North Of 3Gal latilude,) was
applicable only tothe territorial state. As
to the first question, it was unanimously
agreed that Congress had the power 10 pro
hbit slavery in the territories, and yet nei
ther Crawford, Calhoun, nor Writ, coulc
find any express power to that effect giver
in the constitution; and Writ declared him
self very decidedly against the admission
Of any implied powers.
The progress Of this discussion has 81
totally merged in passion all the reasoning
faculties Of these shareholders, that these
gentlemen, III the simplicity oftheir heart:
had come to conclusion in direct opposl
tion to their premises, without being aware
or conscious Of Inconsistency. They insist
ed upon it that the clause in the constitu
ton which gives Congress power ''to dis
pose of, and make all needful rules ant
regulations respecting that territory an(
other property of the United States" haC
reference TO It only as land, and conferred
no authority to make rules binding upor
its inhabitants; and Writ added the notabl,
Virginia objection, that Congress coul'
make only needful rules and regulations
and that prohibition Of slavery was no
needlul. Their argument, as Randolph
said of it in the House, covered the who'll
ground, and their compromise, measured
BY their own principles. is a sacrifice @
what they hold to be the constitution.
had no doubt Of the right Of Congress t
nterdict slavery in the territories, am
urged that the power contained IN tn
term '.dispose Of" included the author.t,
to do every thing that could be done wit
it as mere property, and that the additions
words, authorizing necdlul rules and rcgu
lations respecting it, must have referenc
to Gcrsons connected with it, or could hav
no meaning at all.
AS to the force of the term "needful,"
observed it was relative, and must alway
be supposed to have reference to some enc
Needful to what end!-needful in the cor
stitution of the United States, to any of til
ends for which that compact was formed
Those ends are declared in its preamble
''to establish Justice" for example. Whi
can De more lGeulul ~ llC NStuollohIlOi
of Justice, than the in'erdlction of SLAYER
where it does net exist! As to the secon
question, my opinion was, that the inte
diction Of slavery in the Sth section Of tn
bill, 'toreUer," would apply and be binc
ing upon the State, as well as upon tn
territory, because by its Introduction in til
f territory, the people, when they come
form constitution, would have no right
sanction slavery. Crawford said tha:
the new States, which have been admitte
into the Union upon the express conditio
that their constitutions should consist wit
the perpetual interdiction of slavery,
might be sanctioned by an ordinary act
; their Legislatures.
| said, that whatever State Legislatul
might do in point of fact, they could nc
] by any rightful exercise of power, esta
lish slavery. The Declaration Of Ind
f pendence not only asserts the natur
f equality of all men, and their inalienab
; right to liberty, but that ''the only ju
} powers of government are derived from Il