The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-12-22

i vlve
Win you abolish slavery in the District Of Columbia
entertain no doubt whatever of the power OF Congress.
/ 10 do this. But question of power is one thing
oyy IL. %sy
hope il will--when the people OF the saveholdng States
feeling entire security that the action Of The federal gov
OF successive administrations, that the government
in the hands of those who would bold il in its true
stuiiona orbit.mght consent 70 the gradual rfmopal
OF slavery from the District of Columbia. But submit
TO you fellow countfymen, that that time has not come
and cannot be distinctly foreseen. submit 10 you that
and ali the effects oi the late agitation still
burning in the minds OF men, this thing could not be done
without alarming the Tears and exciting the jeaonsies o
now. submit oyou that the object 70 be gained s BY
@sRes gs saSSss es =
comparatively unmp0rtant ,ft
Will you 20 back and apply the provso 70 Utah and
New Mexico pass BY the practical question, whether
slavery enter those Territories, although be-
incapable Of sustaining slave labor Bnt let sup
pose otherwise Let suppose that small part Of
them s fitted to receive slaves and to make their labor
profitable How stands the nows The Congress OF
the United States has organized territorial governments
over those countries, and has left il to the people who
shall hereafter nhabit them to adopt just such nstu.
tons as they shall see h 70 adopt when they form them
selves into States. In other words, Congress has i'm.
pedly said that the people who shall nhabt those Ter
a. s people o caOa
came into the Union with constitution which she
had formed for herse in which slavery is not allowed
Why should not the same privilege Of forming their own
constitutions be given 10 ihe people OF Utah and New
Mexico' II you form those constitutions in advance-if
you say to- the people Of the South who might wish to
servants, You shall carry with you this form Of labor
you say what must be felt by them practical exclu-
sion OF themselves and their postey from those coun.
tries Your constitutional power TO do this, il i now
exists be answer to this feeling; especially ii Il
should be exered in opposition 10 the declared convc-
tons of all the greatest statesmen in the country, OF both
hiatt fhara M v fnPt i'm d
Will you say in advance that slave State that may
hereafter be formed out of part OF Texas shall be
ceved into the Unon In my opinion, this would be TO
announce 10 the country determination to break COM
pact that made with Texas when she was admitted
for is beyond all power OF controversy that the resolu
tons OF annexation authorize some addition Of slave
States out OF part Of Texas, If they formed
Whoever is prepared to announce such determination
is OF course prepared for what would follow.
vii! you enact law prohibiting the sale and delivery
OF slave by citizen OF one slave State to citizen OF
another slave State. prohibiting the migration OF
planter with his slaves from State to anoher will
say that you have The constitutional power 10 do ths
but can conceive of nothing that would more swiftly
and surely convince the people oil the slave States that
the time had come for separation than serious popos-
ton TO enact such law.
These, them The only practical points which the
general government touch the subject of slavery
and there is OF them where the coRstitu-
tona power is free from difficulty, where action would
suspicion, and jealousy that would render the preserva
ton of the Union impossible. do not say that or
the other Of these things would justify the South in
revolution and civil war; but do say that. with with
out complete justification their par consequences
would follow for which We should be largely respon-
sibe.
There is therefore, reason and occasion for these gath
erngs of the friends Of the Union. from OF the ranks
OF parties that usually act in direct opposition TO each
other. We desire peace and rest and sense of secu
nty We desire restoration OF that old kindly feeling
between the distant members oil this confederacy,
that is essential TO their prosperity. their safety, and
their repose We 10 secure the restoration OF that
feeling by proving all occasions and in all modes,
that the Union OF these States is the paramount object OF
our regard, and that we hold ourselves bound by the
most solemn obligations to discharge every duty which
the constitution OF country has imposed upon
We mean by every means that can properly TO
dscountenance and discourage the further agitation Of
that dangerous subject which involves instantly and
intensely the passons and preudices OF men, and TO set
faces against those who fan the flames OF discord
and stir the waters OF strife.
Gentlemen, am not here, and you are not here, TO aid
in the formation OF political party or TO set up candi-
dates for Office II that the purpose Of this assem-
bly,, should be very unfit person 10 take part in IT, My
life is passed in professional avocatlons and in the
studies that akin to them and il had come from my
home 10 assist in the formation OF party. should
have come upon an errand Tor which am wholly un;
suited. Buti is not wholly foreign to my habits OF
thought and action 10 form and to express opinions
upon the great subjects which have ventured TO
70 think an. wn G 'Ga" % passing
greatest trial OF the strength and durability OF It's con-
stution Of government that has occurred since that
constitution was cstaDllSned. nir more
than all previous trials, not simply because the
subject that now fills mems minds is OF an exciting ma
iure because presents constant temptations 10 act
in spirit diametcaly opposite TO the spirit, and design.
and purpose OF the constitution itself The constitu.
ton formed in spirit OF compromise. imbodles
ceran very distinct and palpable compromises this
very subject Of slavery, which rest upon great moral
necessities existing when II was formed existing now,
and likely to continue TO exist The spirit and tone OF
action which we hear everywhere urged and 10 which
this dangerous subject affords much temptation, is TO
discard All comprotnse all idea OF concession,
and stand ereely and with defiance upon some single
principle of right or duty The constitution was formed
in judicial and impartial temper, and that is the temper
that was breathed into il by s trainers II looks upon
the institutions OF all the States alike II regards slavery
with no favor and with dislike. II pronounces no
Judgment upon the moral right wrong OF that institu
lion, but takes il as il exiss-a fact But the political
agitation that has been long carried on upon this sub
ject OF slavery is perpetually tempting men TO violate
this calm judicial spirit Of the constitution. and TO bring
the institutions Of class OF States and the feelings
and principles which they create into contrast and col
lsion with those OF another class Finally, the consttu
ton was designed be, and is, the supreme law of all
mems political duties-the absolute, positive rule OF all
mems social obligations all the points on which i
speaks This is the Office and prerogatlve OF every con-
sttuion OF government in free country Yet, as II II
possible in any mode short OF revolution, 10 set ny
another rule OF duty, we see men constantly urging
themselves and Others under the exciiemens of this Pc
cua subject 10 disregard and dssbey the supreme law
OF the land upon the notion that there Is something else
by which political duties can be regulated
Now, all this and much TO which need not ad-
ver is at this moment subjectng the constitution OF tins
country 10 trial OF extreme peril know not how Is
sumount that peril, unless the people OF the country
inust TO the keeping OF those who will administer