Lewistown gazette. [volume] (Lewistown, Pa.) 1843-1944, 1850-03-22
THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
REMla&s OF WIZ. BADGER,
nm Mr. Claws compromise Resolutions


involved In these resolutions should have
given rise 10 q warm and animated discus
eussion, and much excitement. lie did
not design to add 10 that excitement, but to
consider the subject in that spirit OF concil-
iation and good feeling in which the Union
was formed. The subject was one of great
importance-as great as that of the pre-
seryation of the Union itsclf-and should
he considered with moderation, grave de-
liberation. justice, care and conciiiation.-
He concurred fully with those who had
said there could be no pcaceable separation
of the Union. Such separation was I'M
possible from the nature OF the case; tle
character of our institutions ana country
and from the nature of our form OF govern
ment itself But even II there could be
such peaceable dissolution, the state OF
peace in which the States might separate
would speedily and inevitably be ended,
and war must follow, which would have
no termination in settled peace until the
superiority of one section or the other had
compelled suspension Of hOstilities-until
the vanquished should have had an oppor-
tunity to recuperate their energies, and pre-
pare for a renewal of the conflict.
Mr.. B. proceeded at some length to con-
slider the value of the Union and the evils
of separation, before considering the cues
ton whether there was a possibility of any
action bv Congress which could lead to
disunion; and if there was such possi-
bility, was there a probability OF such
state of things He was no alarmist, but
lnCI ;pc 10 III :, i D;oy, , = . GOOD 90 = % r,o ri nI
against everything which threatened lis
perpetuitv, he must say that no one who
looked upon the proceedings here, and the
commissions throughout the country, could
doubt the probability that a separation might
follow 4 certain course of legislation.
This being the case, there was just as
much reason for careful consideration, con-
ciliation, and care, IN our action here, as
though the certainty of disunion, as the
result of such action in certain contingen-
cies, was presented. In reply to Mr.
Seward, he went into an argument, de-
duced from the Scriptures, 10 show that
slavery, though II might be an evil, is no SIM
He defended North Carolina from the !
charge of having passed laws unjustly, dis
eliminating between whites and blacks, in I.
cases of insurrection.
Then proceeding to the consideration of
the merits of the question under discussion, 7,
he said that the South had d right, in the /,
first place, to ask an adequate measure for !
the arrest and recovery of their fugitive
slaves, that must lie at the basis of any
compromise. Withoutit, settlement would
be like a house built without any founda-
ton. This was a matter of right, guar
ranteed by the Constitution. If there was
anv one thing clear and undOubted in the
Constitution, il was the right of the slave /
holding States to have their fugitive slaves. |
This provision was as binding as that which /
provides for the arrest of fugitiycs from
Justice. An innocent man fleeing from an
unjust prosecution, was not morally q fugi-
tive from justice and yet under the Con
stitution, if charged with crime, no matter
how falsely. he is such fugitive, and must
be delivered up to be returned TO the place
where the charge is made, there to yindI-
cate himself. So with the fugitves from
labor-though he may deny the assertion
that he is slave-he must, under the con-
sttutional provision, be delivered up and
returned to the place from which he has
fled, there to submit to an investigation of
the question, whether he is slave or
freeman.
He reviewed at some length the views
expressed by Mr.. Seward, and said that if
the sentiments expressed by him were
those of the Northern people generally,
the Union was scarcely worth preservation.
lie did not believe, however, that that Sen
iator represented the views of the D'0rth
generally, and of any State in that quarter.
The position assumed by Mr.. Seward
would render the execution of any and all
law uncertain. According to it, the Judge
upon the bench might refuse to pass the
sentence under any law, because he did
not believe the penalty to be just.
Proceeding to consider the propositions
for the settlement Of the question in con-
troversy between the States, arising out of
the institution Of slavery, he expressed his
decided preference for the extension of the
Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific.
This plan recommended itself the more
strongly, because It's principle had already
been established and was fixed in the
minds of the people. The WilmOt Pro-
viso ought to be dropped altogether. Even
admitting, for arguments sake, that Con-
grcss had the constitutional right to pass
such an act, it was highly reprehcnsibie
and entirely useless. 1t was bad plan
10 adopt the rule Of demanding and excr-
cising the right to do everything that we
have the power and right to do. The as
sertion of extreme right was always odi-
ous, and when adopted, must inevitably
lead to despotism.
But it was generally admitted that sla-
very did not, and could not exist in the
new territories and the passage of the
proyiso by the North, under such circum-