The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-05-31


within any estimable period Of time
| Why sir, are you aware, do southern gentlemen
remember, that what called the slave States OF
this Union, Texas to the Rio Grande being in
| cluded, contain about nine hundred and forty
| thousand square miles of territory, with white
population, by the of lsi0, Of considerably
less than five millions OF people! Allow, il you
please, that this population has increased, during
the last ten years, sufficiently TO bring up the
whole existing population, slaves inciuded to nine
persons, black and white, bond and Free to a square
mile of territory! Ia there not room enough here
for every degree of expansion which can be pre-
dicted, upon the largest calculation, for century
| to come!
"A Meantime, sir, do not forget, that the free
States, with population, by the census of 1910, of
more than nine millions and half, and which
must now have run up to not less than thirteen
fourteen millions, have only about four hundred
| and fifty thousand square miles. In other words,
the free States, at this moment, have thirty per-
sons to square mile, while the slave States have
| only ten!
l exclude all the territories in this calculation
But it is striking fact, that if all the Territories
without exception, not included within the limits
OF any State, were added to the free States, and
| proportion then instituted between the num-
Der of square miles occupied by the free schits pop
ulation of the two classes of States, 1t would be
short of their full share And this, sir, without
making any allowance for the uninhabtable de-
serts and frozen wastes and mountains OF rock and
ice, by which these territories so greatly cur
\
purposes OF occupation or enjoyment are concerned
| l repeat, then, MIR. Chairman, il is not with the
vain idea of crowding slavery out of existence that
adhere to the principles of the ordinance of 1857.
| Nor is it, sir, upon any consideration of local
power, with any view of securing sectional
preponderance. For one, see in the Constitution
Of the United States ample security against any
/ real aggression which either section Of the Union
| could be tempted to commit against the other
And even if it were not SO, there is a peculiar tie
Of common interest among the slave States. grow
ing out of this very institution of slavery, which
| always has made them, and always will make
| them full match for any number OF free States
which may be included within the limits of this
Union. In our local competitions and party diff
ferences they will find ample room for the exercise
of controlling influence. am not sure that it is
not their destiny always TO hold the balance Of
power among States and between parties, and thus
to be able to adopt the proud motto pr0es cui adj
h1reo- which may be literally interpreted she shall
be President to ichom adhere"
Sir. the territories which have come under
guardianship are, in my Judgment, OF more worth
than to be made the mere make -tceights iii the
scales of sectional equality. They entitled to
another sort of consideration than to be cut up and
partitoned off, like down tro Jden Poland in order
to satisfy the longings and appease the jealouses,
of surrounding States. They are-they ought GER
tainly-to be disposed of and regulated by US, with
primary regard to the prosperity and welfare of
| those who occupy them now, and those who are
destined to occupy them hereafter, and not with
the selfish view of aug menting the local power
or pride Of any of us.
| Mr.. Chairman, see in the territorial possessions
this Union the seats of new States the cradles Of
new Commonwealth, the nurseries, ii may be, of
new republican empires. see in them the future
abodes Of our brethren, children, and our chill
dren's children, for thousand generations. see
growing up within their borders institutions upon
which the character and condition of vast multi
tude of the American family, and of the human
race in all time TO come, are to depend feel that
for the original shaping and moulding of these in
situations, you and ], and each one OF us who oc-
cupy these seats, are in part responsible. And
cannot omit to ask myself, what shall do, that
may deserve the gratitude and the blessing, and
not the condemnation and the curse Of that poster
ity whose welfare is thus in some degree commit
ted 10 my care?
AS pursue this inquiry, sir. look back instinc-
lively TO the day, now more than two hundred
years ago. when the Atlantic coast was the scene
Of events like those now in progress upon the Pa
cifc; when melted, not indeed by love of gold,
but by devotion to that which is better than gold,
and whose price is above rubies, the forefathers OF
New England planting their little colony
upon that rock bound shore. l look back to the
day when slavery existed nowhere upon the Amer
lean continent, and before that first Dutch ship,
Z" built in the eclipse and rugged with curses dark"
had made its way to jamestown with cargo OF
human beings in bondage. j reflect how much
our fathers would have exulted could they have
rested the progress of that i'll starred vessel and of
all others Of kindred employment. / remember
how earnestly the patriots Of Virginia and South
Carolina again and again pleaded and protested
against the policy of Great Britain in forcing slaves
upon them against their will
recall the original language of the Declaration
OF Independence itself, first drafted by Thomas
Jefuson, assigning II as one Of the moving causes
for throwing of our allegiance TO the British mon
| arch, that " he had waged cruel war against hu-
man nature itself, violating its most sacred rights
OF life and liberty in the persons Of distant people
who never offended him, captivating and carrying
them into slavery in another hemisphere or 70 in
miserable death in their transportation thther;
and that, determined to keep open a market where
men should be bought and sold, he had prostituted
live
tempt 70 prohibit 10 restrain this eSecrabe com
MERGE"
remember, too that whatever material advan
tages have since been derived from slave labor in
the cultivation Of crop which was then unk nown
20 our country, the moral character and social in
iuences Of the institution still precisely what
they were described 10 be by those who understood
them best in the earlier days OF the Republic. And
| see, too, az no man can help seeing, that almost
all the internal dangers and domestic Discussions
| which cast doubt, a shadow Of doubt, upon the
perpetuity Of glorious Union have been, and
still are, the direct indirect consequences " the
existence OF this institution. And thus seeing, thus
| remembering, thus rejecting, how can do other
wise than resolve that IL shall be by vote Of mine
that slavery shall be established in any Territory
where IL does not already eIistl
These, Mr.. Chairman, the considerations
| which influence and control my action the ques
| tons before ! do not ask what the northern
States what the southern States night find most
| agreeable 10 their feelings, or most advantageous
10 their interests. ask only what y right, what
as just, what ~ best or The permanent welfare Of
| the people Of those future common vealths whose
foundations now about 10 be laid, and whose
| dcstinies about 70 be determined And all
my observation, all my experience, all the convic-
| tons Of my mind and Of my heart, unite in reply
ing TO this question, that slavery h not only in
justice and wrong 10 those who under ia inn
mediate yoke, but that IL IL evil and an injury 10
the highest social, moral, and political interests of
any State in which IL exists.
Here, then, sir, bring these remarks 10 a close.
have planned, 10 the best Of my ability, the views
which entertain Of the great gtssstions If The day.
Those views may be misrcpresented hereafter, as
they have been heretofore; but they ~ mis-
understood by any who desires, or who u even
willing, 20 understand them. Most gladly would
have found myself agreeing more entirely with
some Of the friends whom I around me, and
with more than Of those elsewhere, with whom
have always been proud 70 be associated, and
whose lead, on almost all occasions, have reoiced
20 follow.
One tic, however, | am persuaded still remains
20 us ALA common devotion 10 the Union Of these
States, and a common determination 10 sacrifice
every thing but principle TO ito preservation. Our
responsibilities are indeed great. This vast Re
public, stretching from sea, and rapidly out
growing every thing but affections, looks ans-
ousy 70 ms, this day, 10 take that II receives
no detriment Nor u Il too much 60 say, that the
eye. and the hearts Of the friends Of constitutional