Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1850-01-05

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Message, with the doctrines of which those of the
Jackson school are drawn into contrast. We state
in his own language, and as briefly possible, the
doctrines of President TAYLOR in regard to our
Foreign policy:
Peace with all the Nations of the World, and to
maintain with them relations of amity.
An independent position towards all foreign
Powers.
In disputes between conflicting foreign Govern
ments, il is interest, not less than our duty,
to remain strictly neutral.
So long as acts of Congress enjoning the use OF
the National force to preserve neutral relations
shall remain on the statute-book, the President
will faithfully obey its injunctions.
Scrupulousy TO avoid any interference IN the
wars and contentious which have recently dis
tracted Europe.
To do every thing in the power OF the Govern
ment to strengthen the relations and establish
mutual and cordial spirit of amity between
the United States and other Governments
whose territories border on the coast OF the
Pacific.
These leading features of the Foreign Policy
of the Administration shall not place in contrast
with those which characterized the Administration
of President JACKSON. Our object is not here to
arraign his Administration of the Foreign Relations
of the Country, but to vindicate the doctrine of
President TAYLOR on the subject. The quotations
which we have made from the Message speak for
themselves and there is, we presume, no states
man, nor any fair politician, who will say aught
against them. They are, in fact, unassailable.
The doctrines of President TAYLOR which stand
distinctly in contrast, great between light and
darkness with the recorded doctrines of President
JACKSON, are those, to which the g. Post" adverts,
which relate to Constitutional Lar.
President TAYLoR's doctrines on this head, as
recited in his Message, are these
Our Government is one of limited poWers.
Its successful Administration emnently depends
on the confinement Of each Of its coordinate
branches ,cithin It's appropriate sphere.
The Executive has authority to recommend mot
to dictate) measures to Congress.
The check provided by the Constitution in
the clause comforting the qualified veto he
will never exercise, except IN the cases con-
fempiated by the Fathers Of the Republic.
By cautiously combining this remedy within the
sphere prescribed to it in the contempora-
neous expositions of the trainers of the Con-
stitution, the aciA Of the People, legitimately
expressed on all objects Of legislation, ,ciH
hare its full effect.
the STATES and the People is guaranteed by
the Constitution and they o,ce no responsi
biity to any human po,oer but their con
stituents.
With equal we should study to defend
the rights of the Executive and Judicial de-
partments.
Our Government can only be preserved in its
purity by the suppression and entire einnina-
tion Of every claim or tendency Of one CO.
ordinate branch to eacroaclt'nentalpon another.
From different documents under his own hand
we hastily collect together certain remembered pas
sages Of public record showing the opinions which
President JACKSON at different times delivered and
acted upon, and which together may be taken to
embody the " doctrine" of THE JACKSON SCHOOL"
on Constitutional Law.
| In the face of decision by the House Of Re-
representatives., by more than two-thirds vote, ex-
pressive of the opinion Of that body to the effect
that the deposites Of public money ought to CONT
nue. with the Bank of the United States, President
JACKSON removed those deposites from the Bank
Of the United Staes took them into his own keep
ing, and rested his justification OF the act upon this
reason:" Whatever may be the opinion of others,
| the President considers his reelection TO the
Presidency decision Of the people against
the Bank"-that is, Notwithstanding the known
sense of both Houses of Congress to the contrary.
And, again, in the same paper, (his Manifesto of
September Is, 1885,, showing his contempt of the
Legislative authority, he says to his Cabinet Con-
gress being to assemble within three months and
the Bank charter having then yet nearly three
gears to run) that Being bound to regulate his
course by the laws as they exist, and not to anti
cipate THE INTERFERENCE OF THE LEGISLATIVE
POWER for the purpose of framing new systems,
it is proper for him seasonably to consider, -
his consideration ending, as above stated in re-
moval of the public money from the Bank in de-
iance of the Legislative authority.
The following passages from the Messages of
President JACKSON to Congress assert powers and
prerogatives some of them not pretended to be au-
thorized by the Constitution, but derived By anal
ogy from Monarchical Governments
That a Bank Of the United States, competent
to all the duties which may be required by the
Government, might be so organized as not to IN
fringe on our own delegated po,Ders, or the
: reserved rights of the States, DO NOT ENTEV..
TAIN DOUBT Had THE EXECUTIVE been called
upon to furnish the project Of such snsf'f't-
tion, the duty would have been chesffuly per-
formed. In THE ABSENCE OF SUCH CALL II was
obviously proper that he should eonflne himself to
pointing out those promnent features IN the act
presented which, in his opinion, make It incom-
: patibie riM the Constitution and sound policy.
Bank Veto Message July 10, 1882.