Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1850-05-09
EXTRACT FRO.i THE SPEECH OF
Hon. J. r. Giddings,
OF OHIO,
On The California Message deEiaered in The Hous'
of Representatives March 18Th.

Of REPRESENTATIVE sHdrch ION.
1T is constantly asserted that, by adopting
the Wilmot proviso, we shall exclude the peo
pie of the South from emigrating to those terri
tories with their property" They charge us
with attempting to create distinctions between
the people of the free and those of the slave
states. These arguments are unfounded. The
exclusion Of slavery Is for the express purpose
of pernlttingaIl mea, of every state aud nation,
and kindred, and tongue and people under heav
en-, to go there upon terms Of perfect equality"
We propose to give to all the same protection,
the same security to life, liberty and property, to
admit of no distinctions except those Of moral
worth.
{ 1t is the equality of political rights to which
Southern men object, and not to the want of it.
Their excitement arises from the fact that we
recognize no distinction, that we will permit no
man to hold the body Of another at his disposal,
to deprive him Of liberty to beat and scourge,
to degrade and brutalze him. Such are our OBJ
jects, and suchare the objections to them. If,
sir, we permit slavery to establish itself in these
territories, we shall show ourselves unequal to
the discharge Of our duties as statesmen, and in
sensible to our obligations as christians
shall deserve and must receive the ccnsure, the
condemnation, Of the civilized world. 1t is not
my purpose on this point to travel over ground
already occupied.
The moral turpitude permitting slavery and
slave markets 10 be established on territory
hitherto consecmted to freedom, has been ably
examined by other gentlemen. There is how
ever an abstraction, first advanced within the
last two years. Bnt now advocated BY ndvdu-
ais Of both p6litica parties, denying our right TO
prohibit savery,in those vast regions. be
! lieve The devoees of this new theory admit that
owninglhe lands and holding the sovereignty Of
those territories in our own hands, we may pro-
hlbt the robbing man Of his money, his watch,
or his horse but if the robber goes farther, and
commits the greatest of all possible crimes, by
robbing his feIlow-man of his wife and children,
Of his liberty, his intellectual enjoyments, his
future hopes-ot himsef--such robbery must be
permitted, and we have no power to prohibit it.
| have stated that theory was novel. 1t has
certainly been discovered since l776. Then
our fathers declared that Governments were
established for the very purpose of securing 10
the people the enjoyment of life and liberty.
Now it is said that, in establishing Government
there we must leave the question of liberty out
of view, to be determined by the people of that
country. Whddo gentlemen mean by the peo-
Pile? do they ilAlude all persons who now live
ia REV O1eSipo, who shall hereafter go there
Do they intend that each human being shall
have voice and vote OH the Question of his
own liberty will they by Legislative enactment
secure the right of such vote to every man p
No, sir; such is not the intention Of gentlemen
who use this language.
They intend that one portion Of the people
shall determine whether they will rob onnher
portion of their liberty and hold them as proper
ty. Such is the effect Of this policy; yet gen
tlemen are unwilling 10 come out before the
country and avcw his intention in undisguised
language.
Again, it 10 urged that slavery cannot exist
there. Ia the opening Of my remarks showed
that il had existed in California and Oregon, and
that it now exists in Deseret, and, if We can
credit accounts apparently correct, 1t has exist
cd in New Mexico. In my opinion the mines
in New Mexico will furnish as profitable EN-
poyment for slaves as can be found on the face
of the earth That, If permitted, those mines
will be filled with deuse slave popuoton -
And such we know to be the opinion of slave
holders generally, and they arc competent judg-
es.
Sir, regard these arguments as merely apol-
ogies for leaving this question precisely as slave
holders desire it 10 be left. Time will not per.
nit for me to examine these points further a,
the present time.
While commenting on the compromises OF
the constitution, spoke of the slave representa-
ton In Congress-the political position in which
IT places the treemeR of the North that this DO
sltlon was intermediate between the supercil-
lous master and his abject slave. I then called
attention to the effect which this degrading po-
sltlon had had upon members of this body, upon
the Northern press, and upon the timid and IT.
resoIute men Of the North, generally. The
question now propounded to US is, shall this po-
lltlaal inequality between ourselves and slave
holders be extended and increased? Shall we
consent or permit the holder of thousand slaves
IN the mines of New Mexico to WELD the same
influence IN this government, and exert the same
control over our commercial and national rights
and interests, that is held and eXerted by six
hundred OF our intelligent farmers OF the North
Now, sir the motto of our Northern people is,
no slave territory no more slave states" We
intend to permit no increase of slave power.--
We will oppose it now, hereafter and at all
times-under all clrcumstances-and in all lie
gal and and constitutional ways; by every hon.
orable means. Tho Northern man who hest.
tates to oppose the outrage upon the interests,
the honor, and the constitutional rights of the
North, we regard as 4 traitor to freedom and
humanity
But, sir, the most insidupuS treason against
freedom and the North is tina. which upon us
the propriety OF leaving this question of slavery
entirely to The electors of the territories. If they
establish 1t, and form state constitutions of a
slaveholding character, then they urge that each
should be admitted as slave state--and every
holder OF five slaves be entitled 10 all influence
over our national rights and interests, equal tc
four laborng men of the North. He who EN-
braces this insiduous mode of degrading to Nor
lhern character, adds to his moral and poitica
treason, the baseness of duplicity and of coward
ice and is far less entitled to our respect thar
ne who comes out openly, and frankly declares
That Northern labOrers are less entitled to re
spect, and less qualified to discharge politica
duties, than are the shareholders of the south.
Mr.. Chairman, when we say il is our inten
ton to admit no more slave States, to hold M
slave territory, we mean what we say On THU
point we discard the doctrine lately advanced
IN another part OF the Capitol We totally de-
ny that we are under any moral political, or con
stitutlonal obligation to admit another slave
state from Texas. We deny that any con,rac
exists between us and that state. There wa.
a contract proposed, and submitted to the only
power in this government capable Of contracting
--thatis, the treaty making power. That pow
or rejected it. Texas came into this Union witt
full notice and full knowledge of these facts
She will not be deceived or disappointed en- thi
subject, if We refuse to admit a new slave stat
from her territory,
She came in by joint resolution, and not b.
contract ! then denied, and still deny, tina
even the treaty making power could impose Of
US union with foreign slave state upon sucI