The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-08-16

lorllallon oil new coniedeTacy. lhey VIII de-
mand the most solemn and irrevocabe engage
ments from the people of the other States act
ing IN their highest political capacity through
similar conventions. But il is manifestly i'm
without a full understanding of all the terms
upon which the members of the new conied-
eracy are to stand with each other. Such ne
gotations cannot be carried on by deliberatve
bodies remote from each other, and hence il is
obvious that general convention of the States
disposed to entertain the project must be as
sembled. Little else would practically result
from the deliberations of the Georgia conven-
ton, than a recommendation for this object
Suppose such a convention assembled, ii has
first to ascertain what States will, upon any
terms, consent to dissolution of the Union.
Which of them will then consent to make itself
frontier State?
Suppose il agreed on that upon some terms
new Union can be formed, and the discussion of
those terms is reached a new Federal Govern
ment is to be erected and its powers defined. Is
il not obvious that the new government formed
in contemplation of antagonstc relations with
the present must be invested with moro ample
powers The complaint is that the powers of
the existing government have been exceeded !;
will men seeking remedies for such an evil find
them in comforting enlarged powers upon new
agent2 But advancing step farther, after all
these difficulties are overcome, the new consti-
tuition must be submitted to the States for rati-
fication by them individually, and the whole
question in all its relations must again be can
vassed before the people at large
There is but one of two conclusions to be
reached either Georgia must determine to
withdraw from the Union alone, or protract-
ed series of measures, each of them requiring
time and prolonged discussion, and admitting re-
peated opportunities for the reversal of previous
judgments and the calming of excitement, must
intervene before secession can become fact.
That man who can say that secession in either
mode is inevitable, must have an idea Of the
extent of his prescience that will hardly be
shared by any other, or, what is more probable,
believes that revolutions among a people Of
Saxon blood, and scattered over an immense
cility, and in the same rapid, melo dramatic
style that they are played off in the streets Of
Parls-affairs of extemporaneous barricades,
and patriotic songs adapted to the music of the
last opera.
We have kept entirely out of view the con
tingency of a struggle with the Federal Gov
eminent. There is an obvious purpose in slim
ulating the pride and fraernal feeling of the
neighbors of Georgia, by enisting their feelings
in her defence by anticipation. But we take it
for granted that Georgia viii not secede, rely
ing solely, for being joined by other States, upon
her being attacked. Thg, surely, who assert
the right of secession should keep in view the
chance of that rights being respected. They
should want to know Of the sister States, not
will you Join us if invaded, but will you join if
left unmolestedl That question will require
more calm deliberatior to answer, and Georgia
must submit to the deliy which it will involve,
as we have endeavoreA to indicate, or proceed
without any light on the point. 1t is because
this is felt by "IIampden," we cannot help
thinking, that he rs anxious to convey false
impression Of the tenor of the recent message Of
the PRESIDENT, and to have il construed as an
Executive menace against any State which
shall secede. If he is really deceived, it ex-
hbits a remarkable want of discrimination not
to distinguish between the PRESIDENTS views
of his duty in maintaining the laws in district
which, whether part of Texas or of an unor-
gained territory, is still within the acknow
lodged jurisdiction Of the Federal Government,
and those which he may entertain in respect to
a state which wholly abjures its allegiance.
These we have not undertaken to anticipate,
the surmises Of Hampden to the contrary not
wthstanding. We have indeed copied from
the proclamation of President JACKSON the
views Of a Southern statesman upon this point,
such views as in his judgment, the South itself
approved-such as, il must be conceded, will. in
every Southern State, with perhaps a single
exception, find adherents in such numbers as to
render it extremely difficult, if not impossible.
10 commit their divided people to new combina-
tons.
No man can fail 10 see that the clash Of in
terests and conflicting legislation must soon
bring on collisions between the seeding States
and the others. No sober minded man will act
without weighing well the evils they would
involve. Whether occurring before or after
secession should be accomplished, in the theory
of its advocates, is a matter of little practical
consequence. II was the declaration Of General
JAcgsoE, that, in view of those inevitable con
sequences, every one must see that the other
States, in sef-deience, must oppose it at all
hazards" Ii would be to regard the people Of
any State as madmen TO conceive that they will
not contemplate most seriously the horrors Of
civil strife, and that they will not hesitate long
before taking the first step towards bringing
them upon themselves and their brethren.
We are not prepared TO believe that the men
| of the South in Congress. TO whom " Hamp-
den" addresses himself, will take for granted
that secession is inevitable-and unless it is in
evitable, his argument for the perversion Of
rules Of order framed to facilitate the progress
of business into Instructions, and Of the provi-
oinp ,f4 bo eacurinu IN ppa 6ftb 90