The Evansville daily journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ia. [i.e. Ind.]) 1848-1862, 1850-03-23

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believe. it was upon a principle OF compro-
mise: first. that the ordinance should contain
a provision similar to the one put in the con-
stitution with respect to fugitive slaves; and
next. that it should be inserted in the consti-
tuition and this was the compromise upon
which the prohibition was inserted IN the
ordinance of 1877. We thought we had
an indemnity in that, but we made great
mistake. OF what possible advantage has 1t
been to us? Violated faith has met US on
every side, and the advantage has been alto
pether in their favor. On The other side, 1t
has been thrown open to Northern pOpula-
ton to the entire exclusion of the Southern.
This was the leading measure which destroy
ed the compromise, of the constitution, and
then followed the Missouri compromise which
was carried mainly by Northern votes, altho'
now disavowed and not respected by them.
That was the next step, and between these
two causes the equilibrium has been Lbro-
ken.
Having made these remarks. let me say
that took great pleasure in listening TO the
declarations of the honorable Senator from
Massachusetts upon several points. He puts
himself upon the fulfllment of the contract
of Congress in the resolutions of Texas an
neXation. for the admission of the four new
States provided for by those resolutions to be
formed out Of the territory of Texas. All
that was Just. manly, statesmanlke and cal
culated to do good, because Just. He went
further; he condemned, and rghtfully con-
demned, and in that he has shown great firm
ness, the course of the North relative to the
stipulations of the constitution for the resto-
ration OF fugitive slaves; but permit me to
say, for desire to be candid upon all sub
/ iects, that il the Senator, together with many
]
confidence in the bill which has been reported
here, further to extend the laws of Congress
upon this subject, it will prove faIlacious 1t
| is impossible to execute any law Of Con-
gress until the people of the States shall CO.
operate.
heard the gentleman with great pleasure
say that he would not vote Cor the Wilmot
proviso for he regarded such an act unneces-
sary, considering that Nature had already
excluded slavery. As far as the new acqui-
sitions are concerned, | am disposed TO leave
them to be disposed oil as the hand of Nature
shall determine 1t is what | always have
insisted upon. Leave that portion of the
country more natural to non-slaveholding
population 10 be filed by that description Of
population; and leave that portion into which
slavery would natural Y 90, 10 be filled by a
slaveholding population-destroyin artificial
lines, though perhaps they may be better
than none. Mr. Jefferson spoke like proph-
ct Of the effect OF the Missouri compromise
line. l am willing to leave it for Nature to
settle; and TO organize governments for the
territories, giving all free scope to enter and
prepare themselves TO participate in their
privileges. We want, sir, nothing hut JUS
tice. When the gentleman says he is will
ing to leave it to Nature, understand he is
willing to remove all impediments, whether
real or imaginary. 1t is consumate folly to
assert that the Mexican law prohibiting
slavery in California and New Mexico is
in force and have always regarded it so.
No man would feel more happy than my
self to believe that this Union formed by our
ancestors should live forever. Looking back
to the long course Of forty years service here.
; | have the consolation to believe that have
never done one act which would weaken it !;
! that have done full Justice to all sections
And il | have ever been exposed to the i'm
putatIon OF a contrary motive it is because
have been willing to defend my section from
unconstitutional encroachmeuts. But ! cam
not agree with the Senator IRON Massachu-
sets that this Union cannot be dissolved
Am | to understand him that no degree of
oppression, no outrage, no broken faith can
produce the destruction of this Union? Why,
sir, if that becomes a fixed fact, it will itself
become the great instrument Of producing
oppression, outrage, and broken faith. No,
sir, the Union can be broken. Great moral
causes will break it II they go on, and it can
only be preserved by justice, good faith, and
a rigid adherence to the constitution.
/ MIR. WEBSTER. Mr.. President, a single
word in reply to the honorable member from
South Carolina. My distance from the hon
orable member and the crowded state of the
/ 4I,o II,
of his remarks. have only one or two OBJ
servatous to make and to begin, first no.
tlce the honorable members last remark He
asks me if | hold the breaking up of the
Union, by any such thing as the voluntary
secession OF States as an impOssibility. |
know, sir, this Union can be broken up every
Government can be; and | admit that there
may be such degree of oppression as will
warrant resistance and a forcible severance.
That Is revolution. That is revolution /! Of
that ultimate right of revolution | have not
been speaking | know that that law of ne
cessty does exist. forbear from going fur
Their, because | do not wish to run into
discussion Of the nature of this Government.
The honorable member and myself have
broken lances sufficiently often before on that
subject.
Mr.. CALHOUN. have no desire to do
it now.
Mr.. WEBSTER. Ipresume the gentle
man has not, and have quite as little. The
gentleman refers to the occasions on which
these great acquisitions were made to terrific
ry on the Southern side. Why, undoubtedly
wise and skillful public men, having an object
to accomplish, may take advantage of occa-
slons. Indian wars are an occasion; a fear of
the occupation of Texas by the British was
an OCCASION; but when the occasion came,
under the pressure of which, or under the