Daily Richmond times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1849-1850, 1850-06-04
From the Union.
LETTER OF GOV. TAZEWELL.

Qidy OWL, lcoo' O1>C Oc L LIE EOI LIZ.
. From the Union.
LETTER OF GOV. TAZEWELL.
NORFOLK May 81, 1850.
My DEAR SIR: have to acknowledge the receipt Of
instant and reply to it speedily
as the inmities OF age viii permit me to do Let
me begin this reply by assuring you that apology
was necessary for any communication you may choose
to make to me at any time, especially in regard to
any question that you may think of public mpo
regretto be compelled to however, that my years
and the secusion in which live, keep me very far
behind the times, the facts which every statesman
should always keep in view when called upon to act
or to express opinion in relation to matters
of practical politics. still retain strong prediction
for politics science and not unfrequenty review
the theories formed, in reference to it, when
much younger man. Occasionally, indeed, compare
the conclusions to which these theories lead with those
that announced as the opinions of others; and
when they do not concur take it for granted that
some facts unknown to me the disturbing causes to
which the discrepancy ought to be referred.
But there is one class OF political questions
ing which the professor in his ecure.room and the
statesman id his cabinet ought not to disagree mean
questions involving the construction OF the constitu
ton. These and ever must be mere distractions.
+ Whether be guilty OF some spec flied crime is
entitled to some property which he claims, may in
vove facts of great practical Importance the parties
but the nature OF the crime with which is charged,
and the truth of the principles upon which the claim of
depends, are pure distractions, that will remain
equally certain whether be guilty not guilty, or
the claim of be affirmed denied. So, too, in re-
gard to the constitution. Grant that yam particular
power is conferred by it upon any department Of the
government and the question whether the granted
power ought to be exercised becomes question of ex-
pedency, be decided by practical statesmen
ding to the circumstances OF each particular
But admit that the constitution does copcede such
power, and the question OF expediency never
arise
Under this aspect only have ever considered the
questions presented by the report OF the Committee of
Thirteen, suggesting the plan of compromise. have
never seen that report " IN eTtenso, and have too
little knowledge of many of the facts to which it must
necessarily refer to Justify in forming any opinion
as to these facts But far the subject involves the
construction of the constitution, far it presents
question of constitutional law, apart from any inquiry
as to the expediency of the proposed compromise +
have carefully examined it, and have formed very
decided opinion This opinion is that the constitution,
does not confer upon Congress any authority to enlarge
contract its grants OF power, by any concessions
compromises, or other means
Although can readily conceive the expediency and
proprety of adjusting questions OF interest by compro
misses, and in many other modes, freely ackno Wedge
that have never yet been able to comprehend how
questions OF constitutional rights could properly be so
treated, especially by those endowed with fducary
powers only lis supposed that the results ola COM
with the provisions OF the constitution itself, then the
compromise is in truth amendment of the constitu
tion-an amendment of this instrument, too by those
TO whom it has positively denied the power of making
any amendment whatever. And if the compromise
has not such effect but is regarded mere legs-
lave act which, like all other such acts repealabe
|
comes temporary expedien to postpone troublesome
subject, until the majority, by means Of this very COM
promise shall acquire sufficient strength to enforce
OF her and to them better bargain In the case
it is gross assumption ofpower not granted but de-
nied and in the other, it would be perpetual abandon
ment OF important rights, in consideration OF suppo-
sed security OF comparatively inconsiderabe
The Missouri compromise furnishes strong illustration
| Of this truth
There are many other serious objections to the plan
Of the proposed compromise, if understand rightly
have neither time strength sufficient to enumerate
these. There is one, however, so strong in itself to
render such an enumeration unnecessary, think. It
would be palpabe violation OF the public tath pledged
to Texas at the time OF her admission into the Union if
proposes to strip her, without her consent of large
portion OF territory admitted 10 be hers in order exc
ut the promised consideration to the South and her
previous consent to such ACKNOWLEDGMENT be required
the time and mode of giving it are left to Texas So
that the contemplated compromise, while is to be exc
cuted at once tar as Injuries the South left con-
ngent and executory far as the South may hope to
derive any benefit from it hereafter.
Entertaining these opinions could never yield my
assert compromise, whatever might
think OF its expediency and policy | am well aware,
however, that the notions of abstractionist will never
have any influence upon public opinion, in regard to
Questions supposed TO involve great public interests. All
men feel, athoug but few reason and with the mass
the impulses of the passing hour will ever overrule s
most wise suggestions as to an unknown future. Hence
while, for my own amusement merely, continue to
build my own "ehateau en- Espagne" it is with such
conviction of the inutiity of the work, that have long
ceased trouble anybody else with explanation of
its object design.
An ardent friend of the union of the States, and at
one time sincere believer in the efficacy Of the fede-
raj constitution to preserve that unlon and with the
freedom of our citizens, long since discovered that
neither the the other of these objects could be
attained by any mere paper guarantees. Unwilling,
however, to abandon entirely my original convictions
next INDUCED the hope that the dversities existing in
the social organization OF the different States would
bind the minority together by the strong cement of ST.
niar interests, and would enable it to resist success
fully any important encroachment upon its equal rights
that the majority would certainly attempt. But when
fanaticsm reared his head among us, no human sa-
gacity its force, lost all confidence in my
former calculations; and am convinced that al
though this government, under temporary mod i'll
cations of it, effected by construction, compromises and
concessions will last beyond the short space of the life
of very old man. the next generation will surely wit
ness its humiliation.
In the Old World in the New political power is |
always stealing from the many to the few. There is
this difference, however, in the two There the
many who despoed are but small portion of the
whole while here, it is the whole who robbed for
the benefit OF numerous interested majority. YOU sir
are young enough to witness probably, many OF the re-
suits of such transition. In its first stage, it will
hibit the simple government OF unchecked majority,
acknowledging restraint upon its absolute wl-of |
majority procaimng that there law higher than the
constitution they have sworn to support OF which higher
law thew the only true expoSltors. But nv paper
warns me to bring this dull pressing to an end.
These, Sir are the deliberate opinions of old man.
with whom time has long since extinguished all interest
in the practical administration OF public affairs. They
are given to you only because you have requested em
and pray you to the very awkward manner in
which they are expressed But write with great diff
Guilty. and should delay my reply to your letter too
long, if was to copy it.
BILE servant, LlTTN w. TAZEWELE.
Hon. H. S. FooTE, of the Senate of the United
States.
ACARD
+aka m stating that the difionlty