Shepherdstown register. [volume] (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]) 1849-1955, 1850-01-15
PU BIC OPINIO n.
Ry REV. HENRY GILES.

this point and to avoid all that might,
possiblv, seem to be invidiOus, and like
wise, as more suited 10 the spirit OF de-
liberate discussion, my illustrations shall
be drawn from the past, and not from the
topics of our own day.
Public opinion is not an inlalllbIe test OF
truth or right, even when II has combined
in It's favor all the circumstances that usu-
ally act with greatest force upon the PoPu-
lar Judgment. The prevalence at various
periods of wrong. absurdity, falsehoOd,
and cruelty, it would be sufficient for our
purpose simply to indicate: : but we will
bring forward an instance which cOncen.
trates the whole principle within single
case; which presents to our view the pub
lie iudgmentin most perverted condition,
while all that gives not only the most aw-
full strength, but the most venerable sane
ton to opinions is on the side of that per-
version. For what, let me ask, are tine
circumstances that give the greatest power
rs well as the most venerable sanction to
opinion! The authority Of numbers, the
authority of great names, the authority OF
time. Take the case, then, of witchcralt.
It was once fully sustained by this three
fold authority; and, yet, now men would
Ianch TO scorn a pretensiOn to it, and that
for which they once made the heavens red
with human flames, and the air groan with
human agonies, if asserted now, they would
~. Loono &c worthy 2 contradiction.
81 would not, therefore, adopt an opin-
ion, because it is public opinion; and, IN
deed, on that very account, | would scrutl-
nize it all the more cautiously. There
are cases in which, what is called public
opinion, wants the first conditions OF any
real mental Judgment. For what are the
first conditions of an ac,ual, an impartial,
in fact. any mental decision! Why free
dom of enquiry-freedom of discussion
freedom of expression. If | am hlndered
of these, though IN but one particular; in
that particular, can have no opinion. And
the influence of this slavery extends be-
yond the reserved question; 1t INJURIES the
general fairness and activity of mind. Let
but one subject be interdicted, and that
subject will in itself become the centre OF
a tyranny, boundless in It's ramifications.
[ am not really free-and, if my thoughts
are at all awake upon this subject, which
must not openly discuss, feel that am
not free; feel that my mind Is IN bond
age, and that chains are upon my soul.
You tell me in vain, that III every thing
else, have liberty. This is not true.
Put a fetter on one foot of a man, and you
restrain his entire body, clasp manacIe
on his wrist, and the gall of the iron pinch
es him in every nerve. Turn me away
from one question, that | CONCEIVE 1t my
right to examine and discuss, and you en-
barrass all the workings of my whole III
teIectual constitution. Place me in a
house, and debar me from but one apart
ment in it, and all my movements are by
that single caution rendered uneasy. You
tell me in vain that | am free to all the
others: | am not free; | am constrained
throughout; | am a captive on every spot
on which | tread it is a Bluebeard man
sion to me; the door of the forbidden
chamber haunts me wheresOever | may be
in the house; | tremble when | pass it,
and yet desire to open it; the key is III my
hand: you give me leave to enter, but
with the leave, YOU inform me that my life
shall be the forfeit. What liberty is this {!
And what, | ask you, does ii signify to me,
whether am thus constrained by a ma
jority or by monarch! Where is the real
difference Neither does it much signify
what kind of penalty the restriction is en-
forced. You may fine, you may imprison,
YOU may scourge, or you may kill me-Or,
not going thus far, you may cOnline my
influence; circumscribe my talents injure
my name; deprive me of reputation; de-
bar me from office rob me of friends;
Danish me from home starve me by sys-
tematic neglect or withe~ me by passive
resistance. One class of penalties Is nearly
as effective as the other. | admit that a
true man must at any cost express his
opinion, but martyrs are never so numer-
Gus as to constitute a public, and if they
became public, they would, then, be no
longer martyrs. Penalty is directed against
expression, because expression is all that
it can reach; and even this, no power en-
deavors to control, exceptin specific cases,
and always under the plea of social ne
cessity. The most absolute tyrant does
not pretend that lie can hinder thought; he
assumes merely to regulate language
The most absolute tyrant does not imagine
that he can entirely control the formation
of opinion; he assumes merely TO inter-
fere with its publication. To prevent
or to punish it, includes all
the claim he urges. And, if he has any
enlightenment, he does not press his des-
poiism in an arbitrary spirit; on the con-
trary, he often tolerates wide latitude OF
speculation; it is only when speculation
enters on forbidden ground that he makes