Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1850-08-17
From tho Lowell American.
Southern DictatiOn In the Senate.

the south controls the legisl0tlon OF the
country. Mr.. Seward proposed an amend
ment TO the Compromise Bill, viz: that at some
fixed time, after the President has ascertain
ed that the constitution Of New Mexico is
republican in its character, he shall have
authority to issue his proclamation, admit
ting her into the Union. Mr.. Pratt rose in
q towering passion, and charged that the
amendment was violation of the Constitu-
ton and could only come from Senator
who had pleaded that there was a higher
law than the Constitution, and in conflict
with it. MIR. Seward distinctly and calmly
disclamed Mr.. Pratt's version Of his remark.
Mr.. Pratt replied with new violence, and
declared that Mr.. Seward ought TO be ex-
PEELED from the Senatel Mr.. Baldwin of
Conpecticut rose and read the Objectionable
sentence from MIR. Stewards speech, and
defended il. Mr.. Hale did the same, and
said that il an agreement with MIR. Seward
in such an opinion was an offence for which
a Senator deserved expulsion, he MIR. Hale)
and some others would be expelled. Mr..
Prutt replied that he would include him in
the motion with great pleasure. Mr.. Atch-
ison of Missouri and MIR. Foote expressed
their opinions, agreeing with Mr. Pratt. Mr..
Chase of Ohio did not like to hear these dec
larations Of offensive purposes; he would
rather sec an attempt made to carry them
out The correspondent of the N. Y. Her
aid says that "Mr. Foote had retort and a
look from Mr.. Chase, which constituted the
most powerful argument of the days debate.
We hive seen nothing like the instantaneous
effect which il produced"
Mr. Cay's assault upon John Davis was
in similar spirit with Pratt's attack. MIR.
Clay was arguing that the great staple ar
ticles of the South would not be cultivated
in New Mexico, and hence slave labor would
be valueless there. He then went on TO
say: But the Hon. Senator from Massa-
chusetts, (Mr. Davisl has found out new
object of temptation in respect to slaves
in New Mexico. He has employed an ex-
preston which filled all of us with profound
regret, on account of the dignity, the char
| acter Of the Senator and the high stations
which he has occupied. He spoke of New
! Mexico being adapted to the breeding Of
slaves. He has had the good taste to omit
that expression IN his printed speech aad %
Substitute for II tbe stfaiic in cloves. Here
Mr.. Davis, in his seat, remarked, 81 believe
| I did not use that expression" MIR. Clay re-
piled, .The Senator did employ il, for it
was heard and noticed by more than my
self" Mr.. Davis again said that according
to the best Of his recollection he used the
word traffic" Clay went on
"Tbat is the language of the gentleman's
speech as printed; but the word breeding"
was used by the gentleman, or never heard
word of the speech. Several Senators
took note of it, and we expressed how much
we were shocked and surprised at il. il
was one of the principal topics of the Sena-
tors speech, TO talk about the cotton power,
the cotton interest, and the breeding of
slaves. Now if the Senator had put il on
the ground of lupstis lng'uG from the heat
of debate or the ungarded character of de-
bate, l should not insist upon attributing it
to him, but the expression was used by him
and remarked il, il was fixed upon my
memory, aud very much did regret that he
made use of il. This talk sir, about the cot
ton power, the lords of the loom and the
breeding of slaves, will do for the bar-rooms
of cross-road taverns, but j never hoped or
expected to hear upon the floor of the SEN
ate such epithets applied to the great manu-
iacturers of the North or the cotton growers
of the South" ...li... ~, n ~.
Then he proceeded to tell how he had
struggled by the side of Mr.. Davis, for pro
tective tariffs, and how many Southern men
and Southern States had stood with them,
and how the Northern Locofoco States had
gone the other way, and how MIR. Davis
WOuiu HUI get DfOtCChOu " iiiotiuAoStttNS ~
| throwing out such taunts, in relation to the
cotton power or the slave-breeding interest.
And with great deal more of this solemn
kind of humbug, he wound up as follows;
"This charge upon the slave-holding
States, OF breeding slaves for market is utter
ly false and groundless. No such purpose
ever enters, believe, into the mind Of any
slaye-holder. He takes care of the slaves
| A. nx.I ahaFu Otlan with
the tenderness of his own children. They
multiply on his hands, he cannot find en-
ployment for them, and he is ultimately, but
most reluctantly and painfully, compelled 10
part with some OF them, because of the in
crease of numbers and the want of occupa-
ton. But to say that il is the purpose, de-
| sign or object Of the Shareholder 10 breed
| slaves as he would breed domestic animals
| for foreign market, is untrue in fact, and
unkind to be imputed or ever intimaied by
any one. And il is not by such reproachful
epitbets. rs .lords of the loom" "lords OF
the plantation" I" the slave power" and the
q money power" that this country is to be
harmonized, especially when we are debating
upon these great measures which are essen
tial to its onward progress, and TO Its present
and future prosperity" ,.q ~. -.
And John Davis submitted to this scourg-
ing as a plantation "nigger" would submit 10
AogRing from an overseer. lie uttered
moi word. What cause was there for Clay's
grossly offensive attack3 We suppose that
i is as notorious, lin spite of MIR. Clay's de
nialO as any fact in the world, that the "breed
inga of slaves is made a business in some
parts of the South--a matter of calculation
: the sale of human flesh and blood. II
such a fact too delicate to be alluded TO q
all, or is the word breeding" too ofiensiv
for delicate Southern ears7 The word Is
good one; it expresses precisely the fac