The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-03-15

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ioreseen, when we must forcsee il. Ii is directly
before US Its shadow is upon US. Ii darkens the
Legislative halls the temples OF worship, and the
civil, ecclesiastical, however foreign to the sub
Ject OF slavery, brings up slavery as an Incident
and the incident supplants the principal question.
We hear OF nothing but slavery, and we can talk
Of nothing but slavery. And now, it seems to me
that all our difficulties, embarrassments, and dan
gers arise, not out of unlawful perversons of the
question OF slavery, as some suppose but from the
want OF moral courage to meet this question of
emancipation as VIC ought Consequently, we
hear on one side demands-absurd, indeed, but yet
unceasing-for immediate and unconditional
| abolition OF slavery, as If any power, except the
people Of the slave States could abolish it, and as if
they could be moved to abolish it by merely sound
ing the trumpet violently and proclaiming eman-
clpation, while the institution was interviewer with
all their social and political Interests, constitutions,
| and customs.
On the other hand, our statesmen say that "sla-
very has always existed, and, for aught they know
or can do, II always must exist. God permitted IL,
and he alone can indicate the way to remove it,
as If the Supreme Creator, after giving Us the in
structions of his providence and revelation for the
illumination OF our minds and consciences, did not
leave Us in all human transactions, with due invo-
cations Of his Holy Spirit, to seek out his will and
execute ii for ourselves.
Here, then, is the point Of my separation from
| both Of these parties. | feel assured that slavery
must give way, and will give way, to the salutary
instructions OF economy, and to the rpening infiu-
ences OF humanity; that emancipation is inevitable,
ana Is near, that may De naSteneti or numbered;
and that whether it be peaceful violent depends
| upon the question whether il be fastened him
dcred; that all measures which fortify slavery or
extend 1t, tend to the contamination of violence all
that check its extension and abae its strength tend
4 to its peaceful extirpation But will adopt none
/ but lawful, constitutional, and peaceful means to
secure even that end; and none such can or will
! forego. Nor do know any important or RESPONSE
| BILE body that proposes to do than this. No
free State claims to extend its legislation ntoa free
State None claims that Congress shall usurp power
TO abolish slavery in the slave States. None claims
that any violent, unconstitutional, unlawful mea
sures shall be embraced. And on the other hand,
if VIC offer no scheme plan for the adoption Of
the slave States, with the and cooperation of
~ Is only because the slave States are UNI
willing as yet to receive such suggestions, even
TO entertain the question Of emancipation in any
State.
But, sir, ! will take this occasion to say, that.
while cannot agree with the honorable Senator
from Massachusetts in proposing to devote eighty
millions OF dollars to remove the free colored pop
uation from the slave States, and thus, as it APP
pears to me. forify slavery there is reasonable
limit to which am not willing to go in applying
the national treasures TO effect the peaceful yolun
tary removal of slavery itself.
have thus endeavored to show that there is not
now, and there Is not likely to occur, any adequate
cause for revolution in regard to slavery. But you
reply that, nevertheless, you must have guarantees
and the first is for the surrender Of fugitives
from labor. That guaranty you cannot have, as
have already shown, because you cannot roll back
the tide Of social progress. You must be content
with what you have. II you wage war against u.s.
you can, at most, only conquer US, and then all you
can get will be treaty, and that you have already
But you insist on guaranty against the aboli-
ton of slavery in the District of Columbia,
! Well, when you shall have declared against
u.s. what shall hinder from Immediately decree
i ing that slavery shall within the national
caRitali
You say that you will not submit to the exclusion
of slaves from the new Territories. What will you
| gain by resistance? Liberty follows the sword,
although her sway is one of peace and benefcencc.
Can you propagate slavery, then, by the swordl
| You insist that you cannot submit TO the freedom
with which slavery is discussed in the free States.
| Will war-a war for slavery-arrest or even mod
crate that discussion No, sir. that discussion will
not cease; would only inAamc il to a greater
height. IL is part of the eternal conflict between
truth and error-between mind and ysical force
the conflict Of man against the obstacles which OPP
pose his way 10 ultimate and glorious destiny.
II will go until you shall terminate il in the only
| way in which any State nation has termi-
mated it-by yielding to it-yielding in your own
time, and in your own manner, indeed, but never
theless yielding TO the progress of emancipation.
You will do this, sooner or later, whatever may be
your opinion now; because nations which were
i prudent, and humane, and wise you are, have
done so already.
Sir, the slave States have no reason 10 fear that
this inevitable change will go too far too fast for
their safety welfare. Ii cannot we'll go fast
or too far, IL the only alternative is war of races
But IL cannot GO too fast. Slavery has n reliable
and accommodating ally in "A party in the free
!
is in many respects, party of progress, finds its
sole security Tor Its political power in the support
and aid Of slavery in the slave States. OF coursc
do not include in that party those who
! operating in maintaining the Of freedom
against slavery. am not Of that party Of progress
in the North which thus lends its support 10 slavery
/ But IL Is only just and candid that should bear
witness to its fidelity TO the interests Of slavery.
/ Slavery has, moreover a more natural alliance
with the arstocracy Of the North and with the arts
tocrsoy Of Europe. SO long as slavery shall pos.
the cotton heds, the sugar fields and the rice.
fields of the world, long will commerce and cap
ital yield Il liberation and sympathy. Emancipa-
ton IL democratic revolution. II IL capital that
arrests all democratic revolutions. II was capital
that IN asnge rolled back the tide Of revolution
from the base Of the Carpathian mountains, across
the Danube and the Rhine into the streets OF Paris
II is capital that s rapidly rolling back the throne
Of Napoleon into the chambers Of the Tuileries.
Slavery has n guaranty still stronger than these
in the prejudices Of caste and color, which induce
large majorites in all the free States 10 regard
sympathy with the slave act Of unmany hu-
initiation and self abatement, although philosophy
meckly expresses her distrust 81 the asserted nau
raj superiority Of The white race, and confidently
denies that such superiority, IL Justly claimed
, could give title 10 oppression
There remains one more guaranty-one that has
seldom failed you, and will seldom fail you here
after. New States cling in closer alliance than
older ones 20 the Federal power. The ooncentra-
ton Of the slave power enables you for long periods
10 control the Federal Government with the aid u
the new States. ] do not know the sentiments Of
the representatives Of California, but my word for
il, II they should be admitted on this floor to-day
against your most obstinate opposition they would
on all QUESTION really affecting your interests be
found at your side.
With these alliances 10 break the force Of eman
cipation, there will be no dsunion and no seces-
, sion. DO not say that there may not be disturb
. anoe, though DO not apprebend even that. Also.
lutte regularity and order in administration have
not yet been established in any government, and
unbroken popular tranquility has not yet been at
tanned In even the most advanced condition Of hu.
, man society. The machinery OF our system u no
ces-srily complex. pivot may fall out here-a
\ lever may be displaced there bot the machinery
n will seon recover lie regularity and move on lost
ne before, with even better adaptation and adjust
ment 70 overcome new obstructiOns
b. There are many well disposed persons who arc
alarmed al the occurrence Of any such disturbance
. The failure Of legislative body 70 organize is 10
their apprehension n fearful omen, and an extra.
constitutional asscmblage 70 consult upon public
J affairs IL with them for desperation. Even
Senators speak Of the Union II Il existed only by
e consent, and, II seems 10 be implied by the AZ
sent Of the legislatures Of the States On tho con.
q trary. the Union was not founded IN voluntary