The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1850-06-05

asf slavery covers the whole OF H. Now, sir II Is not
worth while 10 hug to ourselves the deluson that we are
passing upon matter OF little or no moment whateyer
may be The consequence wna.svsr may DC me results
The honorable senator from Iowa. Mr.. DoDGEl whom
do in his seat took occasion TO say that he
press any fears regard TO slavery going into the Terri
tories. would ask that honorable senator IL he places
any confidence in the decaIaoDs OF southern gentlemen
who Tell will go there Does he believe in the SIN
ceTty OF the honorable senator from Mississippi, the
way, [Mr DAVIS when he tells us that be believes the
country about the Ga is one that is calculated for slave
sincerity of the honorable senator from Virginia the
way, [Mr. MAsos,1 who believes that IN the mining
country slave labor is worth from four TO six thou
sand dollars year. and who thought but Tor lis resrc-
ton, would enter these territories Is that deception
these preiencesl or are these gentlemen playing
gamesl Now, when honorable senators from the slave
States get up and tell that these constitutional rights
they claim they intend to exercise and that there one
that is emnentiy valuable TO them-how idle il is for
us to pretend that is matter of comparative ndier
ence and insignihcance and about which need not
trouble ourselves al all Sir is the question DO not
talk TO me about banks tariffs protection TO iron or any
he ssa ana o. .ns
eminent and OF the population OF these immense terri
tories forever Is II 10 be passed by Of indier
ence and lnsgnifcance and oil no practical utility Sir
TO my mind every other question sinks into insight
hcance. You may make tariff in 1912, repeal il 1885,
and alter i in the year 1850. You may make and
make banks; you may fx upon any system regulating
any Of these quesiions-they the mere questions
the day. and may away and present themselves under
new phases this year. next year, or some future time
But settle these questions once, and mans sagacity
can foresee the time when the consequences OF the dec
sion we now make shall 10 affect the millions who
are to occupy this country through all the ages which
1t is TO exist No, sir the imagination shrnks from the
attempt TO conceal the immensely OF the interests that
at stake as 10 the result 10 which, in hedelberaions
in which we are now engaged, we may come. under
take 70 say sir that these are questions, compared with
which none OF such importance has engaged an
American assembly since the question whether
TO be free or slaves in the Continental Congress-
II is libel upon the intelligence OF the Tree States to
tell them il is matter OF ndeencethat it is matter
o. no consequence--thal II is matter OF no moment
Sir II there be any snglef there be any series of sub
jecs about which the men Of the free States than
any other have been engrossed is this one Go over
some Of them favor revolution the one way, and some
the other, upon the subject Of the tariff Some are in
favor and some are against protection but upon this
the laws OF these Territories, they speak but voice
They dissolve all distinctions diverse the dislinc
tons Of the political partes-eetween wings and demo-
democrat They are one--they speak one sentiment
they give utterance language--they entertain
opinion What is that II is sir, that is the bounden
duly Of this Congress 10 adhere in $780, to the principles
upon which the constitution went into operation in 1850
tits that the principle which has marked and distinguish
the present shall be mananed and that we shall not
driven by any considerations from standing up to the line
OF our constitutional duty, which has been marked out by
fathers and adhered to from that time down the
Now, sir. undertake say that know something of
the state OF public opinion in these Sates-I mean The
northeastern States and mean to say, sir that ali
have said is poor and faint and feeble deineation Of
the feeling which regns paramount in the breasts Of that
people. ! say they will be willing 10 compromise any,
thing and everything else but this. You may make
high tariff or low one; bank sub-treasury, any
thing that relates to our mere purses, and the people OF
these States will compromise and compromise literally
Literally sir, they have done in all times past
But when you come to ask them to do violence to their
own convciions.when you ask them 10 lrampe upon
upon their heartsyou will find that they not made
Of that stuff; they compromise upon such SUBJ
given and always will give everything Thai can be right
fully claimed under the federal constitutions and under
take TO say sir that ii there has been doctrine that has
been taught by southern statesmen in times past upon this
subject OF human slavery, that il local State
institution, with which the federal government had
nothing to do But when gentlemen stand here and talk
OF property in slaves as il were property that was
recognised universally by this constitution by the law
OF civilized society, can turn to their courtsher
, ss, sn ns oIn ,eaa nere from
and the assertions made in Congress- and pronounced
upon their benches, that this very article of property in
slaves depending for its existence entirely upon the
local law in which Is established that il has none OF
the general characteristics OF property in the sense in
which we use H. Why, air. with the same propriey might
ognsed such in the States where penilentares exist
claim the authority OF the general government for the exer
else, safety and protection over that property elsewhere
as that gentlemen should come forward and claim that
slave labordependent for lis existence upon the local
legislation OF the place where is-shoud be protected
Now, sir, il the gentleman wants TO compromise upon
this subject the constitution has made one (and by that
let us adhere and that is, TO keep your slaves In your
own States, where we claim right 10 interfere with
them, and wherethe constitution is supreme; but when
you claim TO go outside OF your State with property
which is dependent upon the local jurisdiction OF that
Staie you ask TO do that which, say the least was
not asked little while ago.
Besides, this question is full OF embarrassment prac
cally. What amount OF slavery does the constitution
carry into the Territories Doesit carry Virginia slave
", or Delaware slavery Does il carry the slavery OF
Kentucky, or that OF other States Does carry
slavery which may be abolished by emancipation or does
carry slavery that cannot be abolished BY
unless the legislature CONSENT Why, air.
oil this sort may be multiplied indefinitely TO show the alb
surdIty oil such proposition ths hut will not dwell
upon IT. arose merely to say, that | looked upon the
question OF transcendani Importance and feel N.Y.
sell bound by every consideration which can address H.
sell TO me- TO resist and forever and at all times
anything that looks like the legislation OF this country
authorizng and permitting the transfer OF this local inst
rton into territories subject TO the jurisdiction OF the
/. United States -
Mr.. WEBSTER. wish TO say one word, sir and
that look upon this question: raised by the amendment
OF the honorable member from Mississippi Mr. DAvIsl
and not BY the proposed qualification OF the honorable
member from Ohio, lMr CBAsE,1 10 be OF no practical
importance. That is my opinion. My opinion ia sir
that II il question at all OF slavery no slavery NV
opinion is well known 10 be- that II slavery were per.
mtted and encouraged in the Territories could not
My opinion 10 well known to be, that there is no neces
sty for any legal prohibition OF slavery the Terrific
RES acquired from Mexico. That s my opinion. and
act according to it, As to the chance Of being proved