Southern shield., 1850-06-29

l take the aciH of the President as the rule of it's decision; for, if it should, no valuable purpose could be obtained by the action of the Senate. Suppose the Senate should decide that the officer shall not be remov- ed-say the Secretary of State; he is sent back as the first confidential adviser of the President, who has already pronounced him unworthy of confidence, and not fit to be trusted. What kind of Cabinet will YOU have, made up and forced 10 remain to- gether, of such materials? Should the Secretary ot the Treasury, in the absence ot the Senate, be about to secrete all the money of the Government, will it do to wait to take the advice of the Senate as 10 his removal! In time of danger and con- test, the Secretary at War is in the act of betraying the armies of the United States into the hands of the enemy-shall the President wait and ask the Senate what is to be done? The Secretary of the Navy is about to deliver up the whole navy to the enemy-shall the President possess no pow CT 10 displace him, but sit quietly by until his advisers shall convene?
 MT. c. then examines the history of eve- ry administration. Among others, lie pro- duces the fact that "on the 9th January, loO2, Mr. Jefferson nominated twenty-three persons to the Senate, 10 fill vacancies oc- casioned by removals made by him. and concludes thus: "I have selected the cases referred 10 for the purpose of showing that every President has exercised the power, now contested for the first time since I7S9, and no question was ever raised in the Senate except upon the nomination of Mr. Meigs as Postmaster General, and then a majority of the Senate decided that the President could not be questioned upon the subject.''
 If the Senate be dissatisfied with the Presidents course, they have the power to control him. If they dislike either his re- moUM ot an old officer, the nomination or the appointment of new one, they may reject it-just as they have properly done so, and by an unanimous vote, the nomna- ton of the consul-general to the Barbary States.
 One other extract from this "lucid" speech of Mir. Grundy, which, in the opinion of the present editor of the Union, "settled the question:" we beg leave to refresh his recollection with. Mir. Grundy said
 "Why is it that we hear so much com plaint on the subject of removals from office! It is owing to a congeniaity of feeling among office-holders, State and Federal, throughout the whole countrv.- They have common interest in giving pub lie opinion a direction in their own favor. Hence, whenever a removal takes place, all, or most of them, unite in condemning it,, and they have succeeded in giving currency to the idea that there is an actual owner ship of office in the possessor; and they speak of their offices as they do of lands and other property, which they have bought and paid for; when, in truth, q speak of Executive offices,) the offices are created for the public benefit; and officers are employ ed as mere agents 10 perform the duties, so long as their services will be more advanta- geous to the public than others who can be employed; and so soon as others can be engaged who will, in the opinion of the appointing power, better promote the pub lie interests, they ought to be displaced.- Much has been said about turning men out who are unable to make livelihood in any other way. When hear this, know that right has been done. In this wide extended country, furnishing such variety of means for mental and manual employments, if an individual cannot live without office, pro- nounce him unfit for that. If this idea, which is so earnestly pressed, is to prevail, unn (r f>r the support of prodigals and spendthrilts, who, having destroyed their own substance, will claim employment and support from the public treasury It is also urged that some are removed who have been many years in office. think the error lies in furnishing this argument 10 them, by having retained them so long. The offices held by these individuals have either been advanta- geous and profitable, or otherwise. If the first, they ought not to monopolize the benefits for too great period; they should give place to others, and not exclude all their contemporaries during their whole lives. If the office has been disadvanta- geous, they ought to be relieved from the burthen.
 ''Gentlemen say it is an imputation on the character of an officer, to be deprived of his office. It is not so, except so far as officers have made it so, by pressing it is an argument retaining theirplaces. It only proves that there is another man as well qualified as he is to perform the duties; and that the Government can be administered without his aid.
 "After all, consider this subject of re- moval as a matter wholly between the Chief Magistrate and the people, with which the Senate has nothing to do, except to see that unworthy men are not appoint