Daily Richmond times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1849-1850, 1850-02-01
Friday Morning, February list, 1850.
MIR. CLAY's PLAN OF COMPROMISE.

iooh AOi VIC WHICH loOh
place, in the Senate of the United States, on Tues
day, upon the introduction of Mr.. Clay's resolu-
tons for the settlement of the slavery controver
sy, we give place to as much of il as columns
will admit to-day. In the very limited space left
at our own command we may remark, in general
language, thatthe Substantive propositions embraced
in the plan, taken as whole, appear to us to be
far more acceptable than the inducements which
are alleged for the adoption of some of them by
Congress.
These propositions are, LIST, to admit California
as State, with Suitable boundaries" 2dy to
institute territorial governments in the remaining
territory acquired from Mexico, without imposing
any restriction or condition on the subject of sa
very; 3dly, to purchase the claim of Texas to the
part of New Mexico that lies east of the Rio
Grande, by assuming the payment of her public
debt; 4th, to declare it s'nexpedient" to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia, whilst that
institution continues to exist in Maryland, without
the consent OF Maryland, and without the consent
of the people Of the District, and without COM
pensation to the slave-owners; 5thly to declare it
expedient to prohibit within the District the trade
in slaves brought into it to be sold therein, or TO
be transported beyond its limits; 6thly, 10 provide
more efectually by law for the restitution and de-
livery fugitive slaves; and 7hly, to declare that
Congress has no power to prohibit or obstruct the
slave trade between the slaveholding States.
It's much to be regretted that Mr. CLAWS resolu-
tons were not confined to the simple affirmation
of these propositions; for then we should deem
them favourable ground work for the construction
OF satisfactory compromise. They certainly
possess the high mert>of attempting to give the
South Just guarantees against the interference of
Congress with slavery as it exists in the District
of Columbia, and with the slave trade between the
States and for the more effectual execution of the
constitutional right to recover fugitive slaves
They, moreover, would establish the principle of
non-intervention to slavery in the Territories !;
but the reason adduced for thus staying the hand
OF Congress, is one to which the South cannot
subscribe. We cannot admit that we are now
prohibited from entering the Territories, byvirue of
the Mexican law, OF consent that it should receive
active force by this species of Congressional en-
dorsement. The war with Mexico was proclaim
ed and fought under one sohereas,' and under
another, the settlement of Shareholders in the pub
lie Territories may be effecually prevented as
if it were specially prohibited.
The word 'inexpedient,' in relation to abolition
in the District, rather too much of neeu-
tine pregnant. Itmay be construed to admit the
constitutionality of the measure, which few South
ern men are willing TO do. The word impro-
per- % UNJUST" which is BETTER would neither
violate Mr.. Clay's opinion of the constitutional
question, nor commit the South to a surrender of
its legal position, on this subject
In regard to the proposed arrest of the trade in
slaves brought into the District for sale there, or
to be transported from it, we are free to say that
we entirely concur in the sentiment of Mr.. Foote
that we "have objection to it, provided is done
in a delicate and judicous manner, and is not
concession to menac es or demands of factonists
and fanatics" Indeed, we should be well pleased
to see proposition Of this kind incorporated in
general and final settlement of the whole slavery
controversy. The maintenance of Southern rights
does not require that the Federal Capital should be
made mart for slaves in which its inhabitants
have no interest, thus furnishing perpetual re-
proach upon the institution of slavery in the eyes
of Northern men in Congress, who, seeing only
its greatest evil, and knowing nothing of it's
ameliorations and benefits are perpetually melted
to dangerous and offensive agitations in the halls
of the Capitol. Mr. King, of Alabama, we'll said
in the debate, on Tuesday, after declaring that an
act of Congress, abolishing slavery N the District
would be as gross aviolation Of good faith towards
Maryland and Virginia. as if it had been expressly
prohibited in the constitution, as long as those
States remained slavehoding States
"With regard to what's called the slave trade | have
the day-and Senators are of it, pre-
sume from the course have pursued heretofore
willing pass law for the purpose of break
ing up those miserable establishments that exist under
the very eyes of Congress ITSELF and offensive to
many gentlemen, who feel perhaps more sensitive on the
subject than do | am free 10 say that | am the very
last man who would be willing encourage such estab
lishmens"
Upon the whole subject, we may add, that Mr.
Clay's scheme, if Invested of its acknowledgment
of the validity of the Mexican law against slavery
and couched in language less equivoca as to the
power of Congress over slavery in the District
would be more satisfactory to us than the general
principle of ''non-nervention, which has been
so much advocated as Southern policy 1t would
give us, in the Territories, all that non-nervention
would accomplish, and itwould secure u.s. as far as
legislative guarantees can, against direct agrees
sions through the District and the internal slave
trade. But, as we remarked in our article of
Tuesday morning last, we are prepared to take
stronger ground than this. We are ready to in
scribe on the Southern banner, not only 'FINAL1-
TYP but equality also. And to that end, we
think the South should demand of the North as
condition precedent to the admission of more free
States, satisfactory guaranty that the terms of
the annexation resolutions, to the prospective
subdivision of Texas, will be carried faithfully
into effect. At present, it is well known, the
Northern cry is that no new slave State shall ever