The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-16

grandchildren These facts are staring us in the
face distinctly as the sun in the heavens at
MONDAY. Northern men not only admit it but,
in their public speeches. avow it to be
their purpose to produce this very state of things
II we express alarm at the prospect, they seek TO
amuse us with eulogies on the blessings of the
Federal Union, and ask us to be still for time.
They do well, for il is true that communities have
usually been destroyed by movements which, in
the beginning inflicted no immediate injury, and
which were therefore acquiesced in till they had
too far to be resisted They have, too,
constant examples in the conduct of brute animals
that do not struggle against evils until they begin
to feel pain. They are doubtless, also, encour-
aged to hope for orr submission account of our
acquiescence under their former wrongs They
know that the evils already inflicted upon us, To
which have referred, greatly exceed in amount
any injury that Great Britain attempted when she
drove the colonies into resistance. Besides, sir,
their aggressions have infinitely less show OF
constitutional right or color of natural Justice
But what they now propose is too palpahle even
for Southern generosity II having been free for
seventy years, the Southern States were to con-
sent to be thus degraded and enslaved, instead of
the pity, they would meet the scorn and contempt
ofthe universe. The men ofthis generation, who
would irresponsible, ought to be whipped through
their fields by their own negroes thank God
that there is no one in my district that think
so meany of, as to believe that he would not read
lily come into whatever movement might be neces-
sary for the protection of our rights and liberty.
tell Northern gentlemen, who are in hopes that
the South will be divided, that we shall not have
half as many traitors to hang, as we did Tories
in the Revolution
If gentlemen mean that the Union, upon the
principles of the Constitution, is desirable, will
not controyert that opinion. But the Union never
could have been formed without the written Con-
stitution. So, if you now, by your action, prac-
call tha ;,,r
athletic resist, will not submit. That instrument
was ordained, in its own language, to " establish
justice, insure domestic tranquility, and secure
the blessings of liberty " to all parties to it
namely, the freemen Of the Union. If, therefore,
under its form, gross injustice is done, insurrec-
tons excited and the citizens Of part of the States
politically enslaved, then the Union ought not to
stand, as an instrument Of wrong and oppres-
sion.
There is throughout the South strong attach
ment to the Union OF the States This sentiment
rests not so much upon any calculations of inter-
est as on historic associations and the recoections
of common ancestral struggles and trumphs. Our
people take pride in the name of the United
States, and in being members of great republic
that furnishes cheering example to thefriends of
liberty throughout the world. But the events of
the last few years are rapidly weakening this
feeling Seeing that there appeared to be settled
purpose in the North to put them to the wall
many of our people, regarding dissolution Of the
Union the inevitable result of this aggression,
have looked forward to the consequences of such
a state Of things.
will tell Northern gentlemen, in the hope that
many of them are not yet past the point Of rea-
son, what is the view presented in prospect to
many of the highest intellects in the South. 1t
is well known that the existing revenue system
operates hardly on the South and the West. The
Government raises upwards of thirty millions an
nuay by duty of tax upon imports But this
| system acts very unequaly on the different Sec
tons of the country. For illustration Of the
mode Of operation, will take a single article
Railroad iron is produced in England at so cheap
a rate, that it can be brought to this country and
sold we may say, for $40 per tons This is
much cheaper than our people can afford to make
it at. They therefore ask the Government to re-
quire the payment of $50 per ton by way of duty.
The importer, therefore, instead Of selling for
$40 per ton, must ask $50, TO reimburse him
self for what he has paid out abroad, and to the
Government. Every person, therefore, in the
United States, who purchases railroad iron, has
to pay $40 more for each ton There are, how
ever, some advantages to counterbaance this
loss. In the first place, some of our people,
| finding that they can make profit by selling
| railroad iron at $50 per ton, engage in the manu-.
| facture, and thus find employment While sc
engaged, these persons consume the produce OF
! the farmers and others, and thus make home
however, that the loss Of $40 per ton falls on all
those in any part Of the United States who may
consume the iron. But the benefit is confined to
those persons who are engaged in making iron,
and those who live near them that they can
conveniently get their produce to the factories.
In fact, this sort of manufacturing is confined to
the State of Pennsylvania, and perhaps few
other localities. But my constituents can no
more pay the manufacturers of Pennsylvania for
iron in the production of their farms, than they
could the British iron-masters. IL is therefore
to our advantage, as we must pay for it in cash,
to get the iron at the lowest rate. This is true
Of the Southern and Western people generally.
This illustrates the effect of our revenue and pro
tective system. The burden is diffused over the
whole country, but the benefit is limited to the
manufacturers and to those persons who reside so
near as to have thereby better market; very
little more than one-third Of the Union gets the
benefit Of the system, in exclusion mainly of the
South and West
1t is not easy to measure the precise extent of
this burden. 1t has been estimated that two
thirds of all the articles which would, if imported,
be subject to pay duty, are produced in the
United States. To return for ready illustration, to
the case of railroad iron. 1.-two ofevery three tons
of iron consumed in the United States were made
in this country, it would follow that the person
who consumed those three tons of iron, while he
paid twenty dollars to the Government on the ton
imported, would pay forty dollars to the home
manufacturer; and if he lived so far from the
manufacturer that he could not pay him i'm pro-
duce, it would follow that, in fact, while he paid
the Government but twenty dollars, he would
lose sixty himself on account OF the duty. When,
therefore, the Government gets, as il is doing,
thirtythree millions of dollars revenue, the whole
burden to the consumers of this country would be
one hundred millions of dollars; Of this amount
the South pays, according to its population and
consumption, forty millions Of dollars. This sum
think too low in fact In the Patent Office Report,
made to the last session Of Congress, (the last one
published, it is stated by the Commissioner, Mr..
Burke, Northern man, that the annual value of
articles manufactured in the United States is five
hundred and fifty millions of dollars. This state
ment does not include iron, salt, coal, sugar, wool,
the products of fisheries, and other articles on
which aduty is coIected adding these, swells the
amount TO nearly seven hundred millions. Our
imports for that year were unusually large, on
account of the famine abroad Nevertheless, all
the articles imported, on which dutyis collected,
including the above omitted in the statement OF
manufactures; are in value only one hundred
and eleven millions one hundred and fifty flour
thousand three hundred and fifteen dollars. II
thus appears that the amount manufactured in the