The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-08-02

After this decisive public verdict in its favor.
several Wings from the South voted for II; il had
become amere question of time and terms Of annex
alton. Their constituents were deeply interested
IN the terms. then approved and now approve
their course. The tariff Of 1912 fell by the same
means; hostility to il was inscribed upon those
same banners; ii became cardinal principle Of De-
mocratic faith; 1t was promulgated by the same
party convention, in which the whole North WINS
not only represented, but in which it had an over
whelming majority. If the net of 1886 is under
mining Northern industry, it is no fault of ours.
and every other Southern Wing, except my
friend from Alabama, Mr.. Hillinrd voted against
1t. l have never yet given sectional vote in
these halls. never will. Whenever the state
Of public opinion in my own section shall deter
me, or the injustice of the other shall incapacitate
me from supporting the true interests Of the whole
nation and the just demands Of every part Of the
Republic, will then surrender trust which 1
| can no longer hold with honor Neither are the
consequences Of the act Of l846 justly chargeable
to Texas. Where was the Empire State when
that battle was fought and ost' Where was New
Hampshire, Maine, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois
Yes, sir, where was Ohio? Your journals vii
show they were in the ranks or those whom the
gentleman now chooses to consider the enemies Of
Northern labor II the overthrow Of the tariff OF
Ie42 has parayzed the arm of Northern labor,
the suicidal blow was stricken by its own hands.
To return from this digression Our next and
last acquisition was California and New Mexico
They are the fruits of successful war. We have
borne our full share Of its burdens--we demand
an equal participation in its benefits. The rights
of the South are consecrated by the blood of her
children. The sword is the title by which the ma
ton acquired the country. The thought is sug-
gestive; wise men will ponder upon it-braye men
will act upon it. foresaw the dangers Of this
question; warned the country of these dangers
From the day that the first gun was fred upon the
Rio Grande, until the act was consummated by
m N IF al
all acquisitions Of territory. My honorable col
league before me MIR. SrEPHENs] and myself,
standing upon the ground taken by the republ-
can party in 1876 against Jays treaty, voted
against ssPgroP9riatng ,he money 70 carry on. the
port from the South, and but half dozen votes
from the North. saw no good prospect Of adj
justing fairly the question which the acquisition
would present. | therefore resisted the policy
which threatened the ruin Of the South or the
subyersion of the Government, And to-day, men
Of the North, these are the alternatives YOU pre-
sent us. We demand an equal participation in
the whole country acquired, or division of it
between the North and the South For very OBJ
vious reasons, founded upon natural causes, we
are less solicitous about the extent of the rrvi-
lege than the recognition of the principle. The
first would most probably be a boon without n
benefit the last is the vital spark Of our whole
political system, whose extinguishment is death
The North now disavows the principle of dvi-
sion. After getting more than two-thirds of Lou
isIana, portion of Texas and all of Oregon under
the Missouri Compromise line Of division, she
now repudates it. | am content Let us stand
on original constitutional principles. But let the
North remember, that when she repudates the
compromise line she is entitled to take nothing by the
Legislative precedents based upon that compromise
with this reservation she IS not only without
precedent, as have already shown, for our ex-
cluslon from any part Of the common territories
Int si,c Am OF ha
well defined precedents from the beginning Of the
Government to this day. have presented you
the case or the South as strongly as / am able to
do 1t, as fully as the time your rules allow me will
permit It is fortified by principle, by authority,
and by the inmutable principles of eternal us-
tlce. 1t is not only supported by the principles
OF our own Government, but by the fundamental
principles of every good government. All just
government is derived from the consent of the go
verned, and all power exercised without that con-
sent is usurpation. The universal limitation upon
al delegated power, whether express or implied,
U.s. that shall be rghtfuly and justly used for the
common benefit ofthose who delegateit. Nohonest,
Intelligent, man can believe, with the Constitution
and its history before him, that the slaveholding
States intended to confer upon Congress the power
to legslate against their slave property the Ter
rltorIes or any where else. The day that you do
II, you plant the seeds Of dissolution in your po-
litica system. Then the House will be divided
against itself and it must fall The folly of some,
the timidity of Others and, perchance, the treach
cry of others in the South, may roll back for
season the wave that shall overwhelm and destroy
II but i will be the re1ux Of the advancing, not
the receding tide; it shall gather strength from
every breaker, and will finally accomplish its mis-
sion. The first act Of legislative hostility to
slavery is the proper point for Southern resistance
Those in advance may fall---it is the common his
tory of revolutions-but the cause will not fall
with them no human power can avert the result
yuyIll trim nnh
the point of resistance, non interference is not the
measure of our rights. We are entitled to non
interference from alien and foreign governments
England owes us that much; France owes us that
much; Russia owes as non-intervention. You owe
us more; you owe us protection. Withhold it, and
you make us aliens in our own government Our
hostility to 1t, then becomes necessity necessity
justified by our honor, interests, and our COM
mon safety. These are stronger than all human
government .la iaEa2a2 taf bn1Ea
Your hostility is aggravated by the causes
which you aege IN Its defence We had our in
stltutions when you sought Our alliance. We
were content with them then and we are content
with them now. We have not sought TO thrust
them upon you, nor to interfere with yours Z II
you believe what you say that yours are so much
the best to promote the happiness and good gov
ernmcnt of society, why do you fear our equal
competition with you in the Territories' We only
ask that our common government shall protect
both equally, until the Territories shall be ready
to be admitted, as States, into the Union, then to
leave their citizens free to adopt any domestic pol
icy in reference to this subject, which in their
Judgment may best promote their interest and
their happiness The demand is just. Grant it,
and you place your prosperity and ours upon
solid foundation; you perpetuate the Union, so
necessary to your prosperity you solve the true
problem Of Republican Government !; you vindi-
cate the power Of constitutional guarantees to pre-
tect political rights against the will of naiori-
ties. can see no reasonable prospect that you
will grantit. si-,a rr8r4. a g..
The fact cannot longer be concealed, the decls-
ration of members here proves it, the action of
this House is daily demonstrating it, that we are
in the midst of Legislative revolution, the object
OF which is to tramp!e under foot the Constitution
and the laws, and to make the will of the majority
the supreme law of the land. In this emergency
our duty is clear; it is to stand by the Constitu
hon and laws, to observe in good faith all ofiisre
quirements, until the wrong is contaminated, until
the act of exclusion is put upon the statute book;
It will then be demonstrated that the Constitution
is powerless for our protection; it wthen be not
only the right but the duty of the saveholding
Stata thaxrh otf