The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-08-20


3. Tho unequal distribution 70 the South Of the
benefits Of these duties. Mr.. Rhett admits, that 50
far a. the army and the navy and the operations Of
the civil list arc concerned, the South cannot with
justice complain But in the appropriations for in
ternal improvements he sees dangerous inroad
upon the Constitution. He seems to forget that
many OF the greatest and cearest minds in all
parts OF the country north, south, east, and west
neutrality-suspicious. Inappropriate money
for internal improvements Was not this princi-
pie recognised by the very founders of our govern
ment Has it not been recognised by almost every
administration! Has not South Carolina reaped
benefits from appropriations made TO improve her
harbor facilitiesi matter presenting difference
of principle, since all South Carolina becomes richer
in having such port of entry Charleston, in the
same manner A. Indiana or Illinois does by having
the Ohio and Mississippi rivers kept in navigable
condition. Has not the Constitution empowered
Congress "to provide for the common defence and
general welfare?" And in the name of reason and
conscience would ask, docs not the clearing out
aud making nsvigable Of the numerous rivers of
our country promote "the general welfare'' These
are facts and differences which arc tangible and
conclusive; and yet, in the face Of these, Mr. Rhett
wraps the mantle Of infalliblty about him, and in.
Inmates that here he for dissolution Of
the Union.
Where ignorance and indiscrction commit blum
ders, they may be excusable; but when man of
acknowledged talents, like Mr. Rhett, scizes upon
such prctex as this TO bring about dissolution, it
is but lamentable commentary on the frailty of
human nature. II demonstrates that the best of in
teects through force of passion and ambition, can
be prostituted to the viest and most terrible pur-
poses 1t shows that there is something beneath,
something reasonable, which is not yet ready to
raise it's dastardly head.
g. A refusal on the part of the North to allow tho
South an equal participation in the territory lately
acquired from Mexico We shall show that this
objection Is untrue, and, therefore, groundlcss.
But first let us consider at whose door lies the fault
of the original transaction. Who laid the train
which threatens to blow up the citadel of the Union
Who is responsible for this acquisition of terrific
ry9 Is it the North? Did not the Wing party
steadfastly oppose its acquisition Did not both
parties at the North uniformly and decidedly ind
cate 10 the South that in the event Of its acquis
ton, slavery should not enter its limits Was it
not in the power of Mr.. Rhett and the party with
which he acted to prevent this, and thus have
avoided this great controversy? Did not Mr.. R. J.
Walker Mr.. Cass, and Mr.. Buchanan declare that
slavery never would go beyond the Rio Grande,
because the laws of nature would prevent it, and
also because the people, through their territorial
governments, would prevent it? With whom,
them rests the responsibility of the present crisis
1t is Mr. Rhett and those with whom he acted.
They sought the annexation of Texas this brought
on the Mexican war, and the purchase of territory
followed n consequence. Having thrown the
country into this condition against the solemn in
functions of large portion of the people, they
propose to destroy the country unless allowed to
do just as they please. Such arrant hypocrisy and
utter rccklessness should receive the stamp Of con-
domination by all who have any regard for honesty
or their country. failure to meet the emergen
cy in an open and statesmanlike manner, with the
spirit OF Cancellation and harmony, shows that, al
though MIR. Rhett and his friends may be splendid
architects of ruin, yet they want those high and
commanding qualities which are necessary to ex-
tricate nation surrounded by impending dan
gers.
We have endeavorcd to show that the objections
against the Union which Mr.. Rhett advances are
untrue and groundless We have shown that they
arc not sufficient to warrant extreme measures.
They are but drop in the ocean when compared
with those real grievances which alone would JUS
tify dissolution. All governments have their evils.
Government itself is a necessary evil. No country
ever did exist, and probably ever will exist,
where perfect satisfaction and contentment could
oc ieil Oy all Dut search history DdCk into tue re-
motest antiquity, examine the most enlightened
and liberal constitutions of the Grecian republics,
go to republican Rome and reflect upon her learned
calculations of the great principles of civil poty,
enter the archives of Gothic nations, or stand
in reverentia awe before the benehcent work
ipgs of the Magma Charta Of British rights,
and we shall find nation, no constitution, no go
vernmcnt, no institutions where the rights of per-
sons, the rights of property, every thing which
tends TO liberaiize and adorn man, are more amply
secured and protected than under the noble govern
nent with which this people is blessed. Are we,
then, to sport with this contamination Of all that is
great and good in the past' Will we allow party
passion and party prejudice TO strike at IT. Will
we suffer the indefinite general charges of ambi-
tous aspirants 10 those sacred tcs which
should bind US in indissoluble bonds TO the great
heart OF our Confedcracy? Shall lofty patriotism
skulk behind the robes of demagoguism, and fear
TO raise lite head in manly defiance? Mo- it cannot
be-wc will not believe il. The virtue Of the Re-
public still exists; IL will burn with more ardent
glow; it will show itself in indignant frowns, and
If necessary, will glare amid sabre stroke and the
cannons roar; it will rise above the dangers of the
day, and sweep the cowardly plotters against the
Union into the bottoless pit of political oblivion.