The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-03
Washington, Wednesday, July 8, 1850.
Senate Debates.

The Senate having under consideration die bill
Tor the admission of California into the Union,
the establishment of Territorial Governments for
Utah and New Mexico, and making proposals to
Texas for the settlement of her northern and
western boundaries, and the pending question be-
ing upon the amendment offered some days ago
by Mr. SouLE--
Mr.. BARNWELL said: Mr. President, am
very reluctant to trespass upon the attention Of
the Senate In this stage OF their proceedings
Dlsuse and Discrimination combine to increase
this reuctsnce nor is it lessened by the conscious
ness that the illusions which have been made
TO my great predecessorinvite comparisons which
cannQt but be unfavorable TO myself 1t is not
my intention to enter upon the discussion Of the
opinions entertained and expressed by that great
statesman; but, in expressing my own opinions,
may perhaps illustrate by rejecting his@ Not
that my recent intercourse with that distinguished
senator was of so intimate character as 10 en-
able me to speak of his private opinions, or to
nave formed my own upon them, but because it
was impossible for any South Carolinian, deeply
sympathizing with the people Of that State in the
unbounded affection and confidence which they
manifested towards him from the beginning to
the close of his ilustrious career, not to have
his political opinions greatly modified by1@hose
OF that distinguished Statesman. II is something,
If we cannot equal excellence, to possess power
to discriminate, and freedom from jealousy to ad-
mre it.. r"
i turn now to the consideration of this Mis-
souri, Compromise line. l doubt not but that the
position which my distinguished predecessor oc-
cupled In relation to this matter was not widely
apart from that which now occupy. With nv
self, he maintained that the slaveholding States of
this confederacy are the equals Of the other States
with which they are associated. / speak not
now Of equality in wealth. in morals, or intellec-
tual culture l speak Of equality Of political
rights. Entering into this confederacy' upon
terms of perfect equality with the other States,
/ nothing N their hisfnr,
condition which has justly forfeited this their
rghtful position. They have fully, faithfully,
and with patriotism discharged the duties which
their relation towards the other States imposed
upon them. deny that any proof can be offered,
from the past or the present, of such marked in
feriority as to Justify the withdrawal of any Of
the privileges exercised by any other portions of
the confederacy. | might well go further and
appeal to the intellectual and moral condition Of
the saveholdng States, manifestly indicating that
they have not at all degenerated from those whose
alliance you eagerly sought, association with
whom you earnestly desired. Where is your
warrant, then, for endeavoring to fix the brand of
inferiorlty upon such people And yet such is
the design which you have recently prosecuted,
and are about to consummate Because
their social condition differs from your own be-
cause the institution Of slavery exists among
them, to which experience as well as habit has
strongly attached them, and upon which their
whole civilization rests, implicated with it by
ties so deep and strong that their dissolution must
place In most imminent peril all things which as
men and patriots they should value and protect
the recollectons of the past, the happiness of the
present, and the hopes Of the future because
they will not, at the dictation Of others, abandon
this institution, they have been denounced with
the most unsparng bitterness.
Nor let 1t be said that this may be borne as the
clamor Of fanatcism. Not So sir. Those whom
the people have elevated to posts Of honor, mem
har, ILL.,. L
to the slaveholding States, which, it deserved
would justly condemn them to the adherence of
the civilized world, even here in this grave Senate
and elsewhere in a far greater degree. If we are
willing to attribute this bitterness political ami
mosties, and seek further back the fair opponents
! Of popular sentiment, what is the language of
many of the State legislatures More vitupera-
tive, more vlndictive, with actions indicative Of
deeper-seated hostility And if we penetrate still
deeper, and seek the symptoms of the disease in
social life, even deeper malignity is exhibited
the strong bonds of religious union are broken
asunder, and the deep, fixed rules of morals
openly violated, and their violation justified
This it is which makes this conflict mighty one
This it is that makes our discussions here so
deeply important. These territorial questions are
but the indications Of the disease. There is
war steadily prosecuted against us; carried on
necessarily, insdously; the most cruel, the most
relentless; by which we are to be stigmatzed, de-
based, degraded, and destroyed. 1t is the per-
ception of this deepseated hostility in large and
increasing party in this country, already swaying
our councils which makes it the imperative duty
of the South to insist upon strict justice in the dis
position to be made of these territories 1t is not
that they are valuable; it is not that they covet
the gold of California; but because they regard
their exclusion from this territory a stigma to
be stamped upon them.
Did not the distinguished Senator from Massa-
chusetts contend that, however distant might be
fl h,,h Q,r 81 H.
Of every American citizen should be secured be-
meath its foldsi Why, then, if we be your
equals, should not our property receive this
equal protection, by land and by scar Why
should we alone be singled out, and forbid to
transport our property into these territories,
common property Are we, indeed, such disre-
putable members Of your community that we
not be admitted into equal association with you
1t is this injustice, this attempted discrimination,
which has deeply moved the heart and mind of
the Southern people; and if they were not deeplyi
moved, they would deserve the inequality in
which you have placed them, and the degradation
to which you have doomed them.
trust that the Senate will pardon the desultory
character Of these remarks, as until very recently
my pursuits have been entirely removed from any
active participation in political affairs.
But to proceed. When the citizens of the
Elaveholding States claim the right of admission
with their property, upon terms OF perfect equal
ity with other citizens, into the territories re-
Gently acquired, they met by the difficulty that
foreign laws prevail there, by which their rights
of property are endangered. Such is not my
opinion; on the contrary, it seems to me that if
under the Constitution you can make no law pro-
hibitng slavery in the territories, preventing me
from taking my property into them, so neither by
treaty can you subject my property or myself to
restrictions which you could not impose by your
own authority. Whilst, however, / entertain this
opinion, and would certainly act upon it without
hesitation in politics, cannot but recoect that
many eminent statesmen and lawyers have
expressed their judgment against these views.
know how sensitive is property to risk, and think
therefore, that as we have the right, so we ought
to demand that the authority Of those adverse
laws pretended, as judge it to beg should be
formally abrogated, and all mpediments removed
from the free admission and entire enjoyment of
our property.
1t is important, for true estimation of the
great issues which depend upon our right decision
Of those questions which have relation TO the nsti
tuition Of slavery, properly to appreciate the feel
ings and opinions Of the saveholding people in
reference to it. The Senator from Massachusetts,
in that great speech which we all have read with
admiration, refers to this subject, and expresses