The southern press., 1850-09-02
From the .arkaasas Stale Democrai.
SPEECH OF
Hon SoLON RORLAND, on the Slavery
Question,
DELIVERED AT LITTLE ROCK,
FRDAY, August 10, 1850.
(CoNCt

Question,
DELIVERED AT LITTLE ROCK,
FRDAY, August 10, 1850
a (cosoLUpEp.)
IL is needless to dwell upon this any longer.
The merits Of the whole question are before you.
knowing the interest you have in them, and APP
precaling your competency to judge of them, l
will not trespass upon your patience, by suggest
ing reflections which cannot fail to arise in your
own minds and lead you to just and safe conclu-
sions. f-F
Such as have exhibited them to YOU, plainly
and briefly as could, the provisions Of the
bill reported by s'the Committee of 49," called
"The Compromise II has been presented to the
country as the means and mode Of adjusting the
unhappy controversy, between the North and the
Somih, which has disturbed the public mind, so
much and SO painfully, for the last few years.
We have seen Its features, and examined its provi-
sions. Do those features and those provisions,
meet your expectations, or receive your APPROVAL
But, will not Insult you with such question.
Meet your expectations or receive your approval!
How can theyi Impossible! You, and every
other Southern man, have declared, reiterated and
reaffirmed, your opposition to the WIlnOt Pr0pis0,
whenever, wherever, and under whatever form or
guise it may appear. This opposition is
tonal and substantial one, not limited to the mere
aoords, but directed to the character, the purpose,
and the effect of the measure.
But we have seen--it is clear as demonstra-
uOn can make any trutu, thal III no single feature
or provision, does this whole bill fall short Of or
prove less offensive and injurious than the Wiimoi
Proriso, in its purpose and effect; while, in one of
its provisions, it is inftely morse Has any man,
in this assembly, failed to see that this is so I
Does any man doubt il? Ii any one, let him speak
for with him | differ. No one speaks. With
none, then, who are here do differ, in relation
to this bill.
| clam, then, to have verified the belief with
which set out, that the difference between us, up
on this subject had no foundation in fact, but was
seeaMing only And rejoice in the confidence Of
having realized the hope, most pleasing to public
servant, which have already expressed, that
stand, side by side, with my constituents, ''upon
the same platform Of political equality, guided by
the principles of justice, actuated by the same
motives of patriotism, and inspired by the same
feelings, of love, veneration, and attachment, for
the true interests and honor of our common coun-
try, and to the Constitution and Union, as the best
and surest, if not the only means Of protecting
those interests, and preserving that honor "a
And yet, this bill which we have examined,
feature by feature and provision by provision, and
found in every respect, unconstitutional, unjust,
oppressive, injurious and insulting, without re-
deeming trait--this bill has been called sCompro-
mise, - and as such, commended to our favor, nay
urged upon our acceptance! A Compromise What
Is Compromise, in its true and only allowable
sense? Does not every one understand it to be a
settlement between contending parties, whereby
each yields something to, and in return, gains
something from the otherl An adjustment, where
by the matter in dispute divided by middle line
and all meet upon common and equal ground ?
Such is a Compromise in it's true meaning; and, as
such, commends itself to the common sense, and
good feeling, of every fair minded man. Had this
bill provided such settlement as this--had it OF
tered such an adjustment of the matters in dispute
would have taken from, and given to, the North
and the South, equally--had it, indeed, a single
feature which could be construed into anything
like u Compromise, hazard nothing in saying that
you, and |, and every man in our State, would
have received it with open arms, and hailed it
blessing to our disturbed and distracted country.
But, repeat, it has no feature, not the first sem
bIance of Compromise; for it fakes all from the
South, and yields all to the North.
That this is so, beyond all question, re-
capitulaie: The only point in dispute--the on
Iy issue, between the South and the North,
is ths--shall the Wii,not Propiso be adopted by
Congress ?that is, shall he legislation Of Congress
Te ict African slavery ,cithin its present limits, and
forever, ercde it from all the other territory belong
ing 10 the United Siaies? That's the question:
Vary its terms, disguise it, as may that is the
only practical question, to be decided. To this the
South says No! and the North says YES! Now,
how does this bill answer it? We have seen that
in the clearest, strongest, and most certain terms
and manner, il pmposely, fully, and efsciualiy, an
swers YES! with the North. That this is so, has
been proved. 1t is, then, no Compromise II takes
everything from us, and yields nothing to u.s.
When you give up everything for which you have
contended, acknowledged that you have no rights OF
equality, under the Constitution, with the people
Of the North, that all you have said on these sub
ietts for years past has been idle defamation and
" SO,aher1, Gdscoaade when you are prepared TO
change places with your negro slaves, and humbly
submit your necks to the yoke of Northern superb
ority and sectional dominatioii--wheny you rea-
dy and prepared for this amount of degradation,
then you can approve this bill, and avow your
satisfaction with il, as a Compromise But not
beEre. A1l
One remarkable thing, here, occurs to me-
Take this bill, in detail, and present each one OF
its provisions, separately, to any Southern man,
and l have yet to find one, who will say il yields
any thing to the South, or that, sngly, he would
OF The South ought to, accept it. Yet, join all
of these unfair, and unacceptable provisions to-
gether--make one bill Of them, and 10 miracle
IA miracle |! Out of rottenness and decay, a
seen'ly fabric has sprung! /" This coruptible has
put on incorrption!" But a glance within dis
closes a g whited sepuchre!'' fear me, much,
that the days Of Alchemy have returned upon the
earth, in these latter tines and that TO its arts
the arena of politics. has proved less attractive,
and even more fruitful of success, than did the
arena Of nature, sin days Of yore. ]" bill
which iransmutes Teras bonds worth only ten,
cfnts the dollar, into premium stocks Of The Uni
ted Saies, to the amount of aeen millions Of dollars
is, indeed A." philosophers stone, " worthy Of tht
science Of the nineteenth century, and shames into
Oblivion the humble tube and crucible Of ancien
times! rs ,& S@ .r'
l have, now, done with the provisions Of the so
called Compromise bill, satisfied that in regart
is character, its purpose, and it's effect. there il
no difference OF feeling, sentiment, or opinion. be
tween us.
There are two other measures embraced by the
report of the committee of 13, but presented in the
form of seperate bills, of which, if had time.
would speak at length. But as l have occupied
yolir attention long while, and as these matters
are not Immediately, pending in Congress, will
pass them, with single remark, to indicate my
opinion; deierrng, to some other opportunity,
which hope, yet, to have, my reasons for it.
These two measures are, lst. An alteration OF
She law Of Congress in relation to fugitive slaves
ID A bill TO abolish the slave trade in the District
of Columbia. am opposed TO both fthese; and
upon the ground. alike, that they violate the Con-
sttution, dissarage the rights, and injHrously af
feet the interests Of the Southern men.
Having to the extent of my present purpose
dnc he Of fta al In,