The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1850-06-27
THE R Ep u B Il G
SPEECH
OF
,y nE pEx> EssE II,

June lOM, 1850.
The House being in Committee of the Whole, and
having under consideration the Presidents mes
sage In relation 20 California,
MIR. GENTRY addressed the committee as ioi-
lows
Mr. CHAIRMAN: Congress has been in session ak
months, occupied almost exclusively with the ques-
ton now before this committee. Other questions
Of public interest, various and important IN their
nature, strongly claim the7,ttention OF the legisa
tive branch of The Government, but are excluded
from consideration BY war with Mexico We
have acquired vast territories. By the treaty OF
Guadalupe Hidago we have bound ourselves TO
protect the people OF those territories to secure to
Them all the rights Of citizens Of the United States;
and in due time admit them, as States, into the
Union. Repeated efforts have been made To redeem
plghted faith in this regard, but IN every IN
causes, which will develop in the course OF
any remarks, have prevented Legislation. We be-
gin realize the truth that the policy OF aggressive
war--conquest and colonizaion--s not suited to
the genius of our government. With our conquests
there cones upon Us the question, shall Congress
prohibit admit slavery in the Territories we have
acquired II question fraught with discord and
danger. II has, IN great degree, alienated the
northern aud southern States, and made disunion
familiar word in our political Vocabulary. II has
paralyzed the Government, and Threatens its de
struclion The wises statesmen and most san
gune patriots trenible for the safety OF the Repub
lie. What policy has brought us into these dan
gers! Who is responsible for the existing state of
Ihingsy Who forewarned the country Of this cri-
SIS! Who-what political party is il that, being
soleninly forewarned, nevertheless bindly and
rccKlcssy persevered In steering the ship OF state
in,o its present periious condition. These ques
tons which propose TO discuss with candor.
intend to speak what think.
In debating 30 grave subject would not, il
left TO choose for myself, introduce questions
nected with party politics But the course which
gentlemen on the other side OF the House have
thought proper TO pursue leaves me no choice in
this respect They have debated the subject for
ak months, and nearly all who have spoken on that
side Of the House have laborcd to fix the response
bity for the existing state OF things on the Prcs
dent OF the United States Differing widely to
the particular acts which alleged TO have pro-
duccd the present state OF affairs, they agree
cribng them to him. While gentleman urges
that the existing difficulties are attributable to the
position which he occupied when candidate for
the Presidency, another ascrbes them to the advice
which he has given to the people of California since
his election; and others contend that all would have
been well with il he had announced in his an
nual message bis purpose to veto any bill that might
pass the two Houses of Congress inhibting slavery
in the Territories we have acquired from Mexico.
The brief hour TO which am limited by rule of
the House will not permit me TO rcpel, specifically,
these discordant iInputations; but will endeavor
10 vindicate the President by exhibiting the true
OF the present state Of affairs, and by fixing
the responsibility where justice and truth require
recognise the right of representative Of the peo-
pie in the Congress OF the United States freely TO
canvass the official conduct of the President, and
every other Executive functionary, and hold them
TO rigid responsibility for their official acts II is
right limited only by such restrictions truth,
justice, and honor impose II these virtues have not
lost their influence upon the public mind, the
dict OF the country will be, that the President is in
degree responsible for producing those evils
which now excite the public anxiety.
To explain thoroughly and fully the causes
which have produced the sectional cxctcments
and aninosities which now disturb the harmony Of
the Union and obstruct the legslation of Congress-
il il necessary 10 go back TO period when the rep
resentativss of the slaveholding States, nistakng
the true policy Of the South violently and vche-
nenflu lfH he recp nfip nd ~
ons for the abolition of slavery in the District Of
Columbia, emanating from northern abolition so
cieties, and finally succeeding in procuring the
adoption, by this House. Of rule prohibiting the
reception and reference of those petitions. Prcvi-
Gus TO the period 10 which refer, efforts to aei-
tate the public mind the subject of slavery were
confined to few fanatics IN the non -slavcholding
states, who organized into abolition societies,
in the habit of forwarding to Congress, at every
successive session, petitions for the abolition OF sa
very in the District Of Columbia, where, as they
contended, Congress had full power over the sub
iect. They were few in number, and the great
body Of the northern people, of both political par
ties, neither sympathzcd co-operated with
them. But the unwise course pursued by southern
representatives with respect to their petitions i'm
parted TO that handful oil fanatics power and in
huence over public affairs which has largely con.
trbuted 70 bring the country into its present
diticn. Petitions the same subject had from
carly period OF the Government, been from time
TO time presented, received, and referred creating
no excitement in Congress or among the people.
"a ID
treating such petitions had been continued.
But, unfortunately, the southern members Of
Congress- under the lead OF the late distinguished
SenaIor from South Carolina, (Mr. CALHouS,) op-
poSed the reception and reference Of those petitions
placing their opposition, If ! remember correctly
upon the ground that the Constitution did not con
Ter upon Congress the power to abolish slavery in
the District Of Columbia and that the reception OF
petitions praying for such an object would be an
implied assertion OF the power 10 grant the prayer
oi the petitioners; that 10 admit the existence OF
such power in Congress would be fatal 10 the inter
ests and rights OF the slavehodng States; and that
therefore the petitions ought not TO be received.
Their arguments prevailed; and the rule prohibit
ing the reception OF such petitions was established
Al that time, the late ex-President John Quincy
Adams wa a member of this House. Descended
from sire who had made himself iustrious by his
public services in the Revolution himself eminent
Tor high ability and extensive acquirements-yene-
rated, especially by the people Of the northern
States, for bis private virtues and public services
he put himself forward upon this hoor with all the
weight of influence naturally attaching TO ono ~
characterized and distinguished, ss the champion
Of the constitutional right Of petition. Distinctly
declaring himself opposed TO granting the prayer
Oi the petitioners, he nevertheless contended that
was the right OF the people under the Constitution
'pcaceably TO assemble and petition for the re-
dress Of grievances; !" and that il the duty o
congress To respectfully receive, refer, and con.
slider their petitions. With une1ampled inferi
biity of character, he devoted all his powers to the
contests and, alter struggle characterized by the
m"e' ebSiNo anu ulsOroerly ceDatcs on this nOOr
and protracted through a period Of several years
that rule was rcscinded Since then, abolition pc
utlons, az in the oden tme have been received and
referred every day, or at least whenever any mem.
Der has chosen ~ present them, without a lorma
motion, and without creating the least excitement
here or elsewhere.
In the progress Of that struggle thousands, aye
hundreds Of Thousands, Of the people Of the non
sayeholdiDg States, who had previously scofed AND
derided the Abolitionsts, found themselves brought
into sympathetic association and jealous co-opera
ton with them. The unwisc opposition Of the pub
lic men of the South TO the reception OF their pet
lions had raised the Abolitonists into respectable
and honorable associations, and enabled them "a
appropriate 70 their objects the seeming champion
snp OF Mr. Adams, and 10 identify themselves viii
question that addressed itself powerfully to pOpu-
lsr sympalhies. Aided by the circumstances 10
winch have referred, they were enabled 70 give
such direction TO political discussions tended 10
deepen, and strengthen, and drfTuse far and wide
the abstract sentiment Of hostility slavery pre-
existing IN the minds Of tho northern people
Mean~ hile, southern dcmsgogu.s, under the i'm.
pulse Of motives not di1simiisr TO those which ac.
iusted the Abolitonists, had been equally energetic
and successful in srousing sectional passions and
GREETINGS hostility. Evsswhen derna gogue,
and iabatics had thus ibhsned and excited the
prejudces and passions Of the North and the South
that The nj MI