The North-Carolina standard., 1850-04-03

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rates. reasonable deduction viii be made to those WHIT
advertise by the year. s8
Letters to tho Editor must come free of postage.
Letter from Mr.. Clingman.
Housr o. Rrrar.rrrArrvE..l
March 90, 1850.
To the Editors Of tie Republic
GENTLEMEN: Your Republic Of Wednesday con-
tsins speech purporting to have been delivered by
nv colleague (Mr. S,anly) in the House Of Repre-
sentatves, March 9Th, 1850.
On looking over it find that it includes some
twenty thirty extracts from speeches Of mine de-
livered different times within the last half dozen
wears. On the day of its delivery, think, heard
all that was said by my colleague. He commenced
by saying, that as the day was rainy one he would
advise gentlemen to 60 to some more comfortable
place, as be did not intend to speak for the House.
but for his constituents. In the Of his remarks
he stated that he had some extracts from my speeches
which he should print, but which he did not intend
to read lest his hour should expire before he had
concluded. Just before the close of his hour, how
ever, having as supposed gone over the ground Of
his speech, he began to read extract from one Of
my speeches, but after going through few sentences,
he declared that, as his hour was nearly over, he
would print it and some others. Until the speech
appeared in your paper, it was impossible either fol
me, for the members generally, to know what par
tcuar portions even what speeches he intended to
points which he made allasion whatever in the
course of his speech. 1t will not, presume, be
pected by any body that should attempt reply on
the floor of the House; could do with no appear
ance of parliamentary propriety. Not only has 90
long time elapsed that the matters really uttered by
him have passed out Of the minds of members, but
would be compelled to ask the House to give me its
ear when replying to things not spoken there, wholly
new to the members generally. and having no refer
whatever to the practical business of legislation
Al: L. l.l .stoAa n1u
itwould doubtless, be held sufficient for me- with your
permission, to publish answer in the same paper
he has selected as the medium of his communication
to the country On looking over the speech, however,
candor compels to admit, that 1t does not In my
Judgment, contain any thing Of sufficient moment to
Justify me in asking the use Of your columns for a
reply 10 it. In selecting parts Of paragraphs. and
sometimes parts of sentences, my colleague has ex.
hbited ingenuity. and seems to have exercised
much caution avoid doing justice, and to mis-
lead his readers in relation to my opinions az formerly
expressed. As far as have observed the custom
that has prevailed with members Of the House since
the adoption Of the hour rule, though they sometimes
enlarge the argumentaive parts of speeches In the
report, they sudiously avoid printing any thing that
refers the opinions declarations of members,
less it has been fact uttered the floor. BY that
means opportunity is afforded gentlemen to explsn
defend themselves, when it seems necessary. My
colleague has thought proper to take different course
As far as am concerned, have no objection what
ever to his bringing into review my public acts and
declarations in the manner chosen by him. 1t would
in my judgment, however, have been moro apProPri-
ate for him have assumed ostensbly, he appears
to have done really, the character of pamphleteer.
He seems anxious to make it appear that there 10
discrepancy or Inconsistency in my opinions on po-
cal points, expressed at different times. Though
entertain doubt but that, by making more copi-
Gus extracts from my speeches than he has done, l
should be able to show that my opinions, express
ed have not materially varied, yet l cannot suppose
that the public generally feel interest in the sub
ject, since the establishing of my consistency would
not in any manner affect the progress Of legislative
business. My own constituents have generally seen
my speeches at length, and will not, therefore, aP-
prehend, require any explanation from me. But what
advantage he can derive from misleading his own
constituents, cannot imagine Should any thing In
the progress of events in the futute render proper
that should offer explanation, shall enter on it
with entire confidence in my ability to make sue
cessful defence.
Having disposed of the speech of my colleague,
will now, gentlemen, as have found il necessary to
resort to your columns, take this occasion to advert
to certain other points of discussion. You have here
tofore, while condemning ultra politicians, thought
proper, in several of your editorials to include me by
name in that class.
But who are to be regarded as ultra politicians with
reference to the great issue pending! The most u-
ira on the southern side of the question that know
OF, claim that slavery shall go into all the territories
of the United States which are common property,
until it shall be excluded by State constitutions.
An ultra northern man is he who claims that slave
y shall be excluded from all the territory If ono Of
these views be ultra than the other it must be
were adopted in practice, northern might occupy
any part of the territory without being deprived OF
any legal advantage which they possess in their own
States, and would have the further privilege, if they
chose to exercise it, Of holding slaves. If, however,
slavery should be excluded, the southerner would
fndh of z1v nj irh he
would enjoy at home.
Those men who, standing between these two OPP
pose extremes, willing that there should be an
equitable division of the territory, may well claim to
be the moderate In this class will fall, 40 far
as know, all the southern members Of Congress, as
we'll as the entire Of the southern people. What
ever may be their views az 70 tho powers OF this
Government over the territory, they are willing, in
fact, that there shall be q fair division.
The real question at issue therefore, 10 not whether
the South shall have all the territory, moro
than the North, but whether it shall be permitted
possess any part of it. For example, II the Missouri
line Of $50 80 were extended to the Pacific then Of
all the common property, vx the territory not inclu-
ded within any Of the States. only one-sixth part lies
south Of that line; yet when on behalf Of the South
we insist that this comparatively small part shall be
LETT open to u.s. claim is denounced - monstrous
pretension, az insuferable southerp arrogance.
With Just as much fairness might the South be ex-
cluded from any share Of the public money and 9TH
puoHc properly. vi the sum annually paid out
OF the public treasury small part comparatively is
expended in the slaveholdiag States. This portion
the disbursement the North might nsist oa atopp.
ing with as good grace as they can support their
Present claim. To prove thatif that sum were also
expended In the free States it would be pFoduc-
1--WE OF greater good, they might Just the sas are
sumen's that they now resort 70. While the pinci-
pc would Oe the same, TOO, ID each case. = clear
@ 1arA sss ~ 81
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