The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-10-11
l~VTtccI5oHucuCcO VI tHt 1rIOUue.J
SUMTER Co. Ala, Sept. asst

l
SUMTER
| il that doesn't make some of the gentlemen
:" in the cotton and sugar line" think twice be
| fore they attach their names TO u call for
Notification" meeting, we have greatly miscal
culated.
| To the Editors cfthe Southern Press
New YoRK, October 5, 1850
You will probably, before you receive this letter
have seen that the conventions Of the two grea,
parties in this State, which assembled at Syracuse
separated, one in great apparent harmony the
other in open discord. The proceedings Of these
two bodies protesting to represent the people Of
the State of New York, and their declarations OF
principles, merit the serious attention Of those OF
the South, and especially that portion Of them
who profess to depend on the moderation and
forbearance Of either party in the North in their
future course in relation to that great question
which involves the repose, the rights and the ex-
istance Of the Southern States.
You will perceive that there was perfect una
nimity among the members Of the Wing conven-
ton, in approving, without exception, all those
measures OF the c0mpromise--as by courtesy it is
| called-which have excited the Indignation of the
South, and that the only real difference arose
between the adherents of Mr.. Fillmore and Mr.
Seward. II was not difference as to principles
but as to men. Both sections of the convention
| recognized and sanctioned the course pursued by
Congress in what is denominated 'The happy adj
justment of all sectional differences, and the on
ly question on which they differed was virtually,
who should be their next candidate for the Presi-
dency, Mr.. Fillmore or MIR. Seward The sec
ton which has assumed the distinction of the
National Wing party was willing to sanction
the ''honest purposes of Mr.. Seward, but de-
cined to approve his acts, at least all in lump.
They went so far as to bear testimony to his mo-
tives, but that was the extent of their condescen-
sion. He is, they admit, an honest man, aciuated
by honest mOtives-he means well--but on some
occasions his conscience gets the better ofhim, and
he plays the rogue very much as e he had no con-
science at all. He might possibly rob church
or set fire to a barn, and thus become Barnburn-
err on some future occasion; but then he would
doubtless do it with "honest purposes, and an
der 'higber law, than that Of the Constitution
This is about the substance of the endorsements
The other section Of the Wing party, consisting
OF nearly two-thirds of the members of the con-
vention, on the contrary, insisted on an out and
out endorsement, both Of the acts and motives of
MIR. Seward and Notwithstanding tie supremacy
Of the lately revived doctrine Of passive obedience
and non-resistance, announced by Messss. Clay,
Webster, and Benton, the minority actually sE-
cEDED from the convention, bidding defiance to
the despotism Of the majority. The majority,
consisting, as before stated, Of nearly two-thirds
of the convention, and representing, ispresumed
a like proportion Of the Wing party in this State,
has accordingly identified itself with Mr. Seward
and the Itra-aboliton fanatics, ard sanctioned all
his doctrines, from the Wilmot Proviso to that
"higher law" which absoves all members Of Con-
gress, all senators of the United States, every
President and every public functonary from the
obligation of his oath to support the Constitution,
whenever his interests or his conscience Interfere
with any Of its provisions.
The minority, however, protesting to represent
the National Wing party" and TO be the organ
Of its principles, dIdnot 90 quite ''the whole hog
but refused to swallow him, brstles and ALL They
only certified to his ''honest purposes, in assert
ing that any man not only had the right, but was
bound to violate the laws and Constitution of his
country, whenever they did not square with his
opinions, his will, or his interests, personal or po-
litcal. don't wonder they stuck at that for
what would be the consequence Of the general APP
pcation of this doctrine not only to public affairs,
but in private life Should this dogma be adopted
and practically carried out, every would be-
come his own Iawand own judge. The rights of per-
son and property instead Of being secure under the
protection ofgeneral laws applicable to all and I'M
derstood by all, as being founded on those princi-
Piles of reason and justice implanted in the hearts
Of al. mankind in every stage Of society, would be
at the mercy of what men call their conscience
that is to say-their passions, their interests and
their will, which nine times in ten become substi-
tutes for that divine impulse which admit, when
not deceived or misled by the besetting tempta-
tons Of this world, is in reality the voice Of God
whispering to the soul Of man those high COM
mands which it is his first duty to obey.
But nothing would be more fatal to the pur-
poses for which civil society is Instituted than for
for all, or any portion Of that society, to place
their conscience above those laws to which they
have voluntarily given their assent, or which, as
in the United States, they themselves have estab-
lished by their sovereign authority. | have not
time or space to trace its consequence here; but
tho 10 E,<I
that it must invariably and inevitably bring us
back to that state of nature from which it is the
great object of all social organizations TO rescue
mankind; where every man is his own judge; and
where his own conscience, that is, his own pas
sions and his own selfishness the only guides,
and force the sole restraint. There never was a
more n,ischievous and dangerous ncendary in civil
society than legislator whose conscience is
above all law, or citizen, who in his intercourse
with his fellow men, assumes the right to violate
the laws Of man under color of obeying the law Of
God | do not wonder that Mr. Seward, perceiv-
ing the indignation every where excited by his
declaration of principles, rescrted to the only
refuge of cowardice by denying what he Ind said
in the presence Of that body, every member of
which heard the woros he uttered. But to return
TO the conventions
1t will be perceived th Il the representatives OF
"a the Wing party of the United States, - sane
ton all the measures that have grown out of the
Abolition excitement. They applaud The course
of Mr. Fillmore, in declaring wag against Texas
for maintaining those rights which the United
States had first inserted by the sword, and after-
wards guaranteed by solemn compact. They
declare themselves siernly opposed to the extern
sion of slavery in territories which are the common
property of the several States and assert the con-
sti,utional right OF Congress 10 prohibit su h ex-
tension; they rejoice over the admission of Call
forna as fee State" repreparei to acquiesce
in the action Of Congress for the settlement
Of the boundary line between Texas and New
Mexico, and the creation Of Territorial Govern
ments for Mexico and Utah, in the confident belief
that these ACTS coScnIArIoNl will result IN the
exclusion Of slavery from all the territory ceded
by Mexico To the United States" Who doubts
IT Who doubts that when the time comes for
the admission Of these hopeful bantIngs, if neces-
sery, the same Abolition excitement, which it is
Affirmed has been successfully allayed, now,
henceforth, and forever, will be revived, and the
" confident BELIEF Of these gentlemen complete y
realized
You will thus see. that both sections Of the
Wing convention unite in approving the funda.
mental doctrines Of the Abolitionists and endors.
nvt hc,r hrt, ocf Roth I,