The Woodville Republican. [volume] (Woodville, Miss.) 1847-1853, 1850-11-19

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90 the shores Of the Pacific.
g. Al these causes. operating c%onlointly
would limit the afca Of slavery 90 a low OF
the South Atlantic and Cuff stntes-whcre
the lands would soon become exhausted
where slave labour would cease 10 remunor.
a,e-where the slaves themselves would be
worthless, and the Institution become a tar
upon the people.
~. The final result Of the whole matter
would be, that the owners would be com.
PEELED to abolish sirUcry in selfdelence-be-
cause the property itself win become value
less. aud they would have no mean left 10
support il!
"Here, then, are some Of the curses Of dis
solution and, in our candid opinion, If the
Union is severed, il will not require a quar-.
ter of a century 10 consnmmate this grand
scheme Of mischiefand ruin
Our analysis Of these objections will d.
vide them INTO Two classes:
4. That a secession Of the Southern States
cannot be effected without war, civil or ser
yile-perhaps both. 2. That, il effected, it
would not answer the purposes OF its forma-
ton.
The first objection is not a Legitimate one.
II is simply a selfish unwilIingness to suffer,
in order TO succeed. II the rights in ques-
ton are worth a struggle, the necessity Of
the conflict is no argument against the pro-
prety Of action. If the duty Of the citizen
is clear, the perils Of the strife become pat
riotic privileges, aud the fact that war is in
evitable only proves to what an extent we
have endured before we have ventured to
resist-only demonstrates the power of that
unrighteons authority against which we are
forced to arm. We say nothing in mitiga-
ton Of the unimaginable horrors of a civil
war-dangers are not disarmed by selfde-
ception, aud if these terrors lie direct in cur
path, look at them full but firmly; but there
are more terrible disasters than war, and in
the perpetual cry of peace, peace, there is
as much selfshness as sense. This world is
not one OF peace-its wiscst and highest
teacher brought into its troubled life mot
peace but u sword" and nothing Of a ma
tional greatness or individual good has been
achieved without sacrifice and sorrow. 1t
lisa truth of history, Untouched by an excep-
ton, that no nation has ever yet matured its
political growth without the stern and scar
ring experience Of civil war. The God Of
this worlds history is indeed the God of
Hosts, and he who shrinks, in the plain
path OF duty, from that last appeal to arms,
is not more holy than he is wise. But, while
prepared for any consequence, where is the
probability of civil war resulting from South
ern secession In the first place, what mo.
tive would influence the North to an inva-
sive war! II there be any truth in the pro-
tests OF our Northern b%rethren--if slavery
be a burden TO their consciences, why inter-
iere against an Exodus which would carry
with it the p~lague-why not let the South
and slavery 60 together! 1t can only be
because the industrial prosperity OF the
North is, toa great degree, dependant upon
Southern labour aud Southern consumption.
II this be so--and every financial document
proves tiff this be so, the question SUBJ
mltted to Northern statesmen may be stated
thus As a nation, we draw our wealth, in
great measure, from the Southern production
OF cotton and the Southern consumption of
our manufactured cotton. Federal legisla.
ton enabled us to benefit by that producr
ton and to control the remuneration on that
consumption. The South has seeded, our
relations are broken in what way can they
be restored? Shall we fight! To do so
we must make up our minds to stop our
manufactures to give up our supply Of cot.
ton to surrender our Southern market, for
n time at least, to English rivals-bear up
against the financial embarrassments neces-
airy on such n state of things, and undertake
Mt the same time, the maintenance of a cost.
ly army and navy, and the support o. a dis
tant war: for we must act Extensively. Will
this pay, if it succeeds, and is success certain?
The present army aud navy would, to a large
extent, be unoilicerd, the whole body Of
Southern officers having reSigned-among
them experienced, efficient, able men, fitted
to organize Southern forces. Then the wal
of the revolution aud the wal of 1912 have
proved that Southern armies subsist them
selves on their own soil, with half the trou
BILE and expense that foreign forces mus
employ. The military experience of tn,
country points to the South as emphaticall,
the region of soldiers; can such a war b
I. protracted for a period sufficient 10 efTec
: Southern spirit, without the interference c
those great foreign powers whose commerc
' is controlled by the cotton manufacture, an
: who would be most materially injured by
: suspension of American trade? Who cal
for a moment, doubt the conclusion at whic
Northern sagacity would arrive? Ii tn
South acts unitedly, the apprehension {
civil war is the idlest of fears. As to n sci
!, vile war, we have scarcely patience to rcfc
= to it, We do not believe that any MAI
= born and bred at the South, reared anon
negroes and familiar with their habits, c,
er entertained such an idea. We have pas.
: ed through two wars, and we have yet t
read the record of one servile insurrection {
any military consequence, and may in a
2 justice decline reply to an argument whic
4 cannot base itself on even a respectable pre-
liability.
III be confi8uci serl ,recl.