Weekly national intelligencer., 1850-03-02
COMMUNICATION:
WAsHINeroN. FEBRuARy %. ls5o.

WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY %, 1850.
Messrs. GALES & SEAToN: | stated in my last
number that the question, whether the citizens Of
the Slave States could carry their slaves as proper
ty to the Territories of the United States, in the
absence of a prohibition by Congress, was only to
be settled by the Constitution. They insist that, as
the constitution recognises slaves as property-as
the Territories are the common property of all the
States, and as the constitution declares 9. that
the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all
privileges and immunities of citizens of the several
States" therefore they have much right to
Py them, with their property, as have the citizens
OF other States with theirs. They contend that the
removal OF their slaves from the jurisdiction where
they are created property to any point within the
jurisdiction of the Constitution of the United States,
does not change the nature of their relation to them.
All this is denied by the North, and thus an issue
formed between the two sections of the Union How
this issue to be tried The constitution settles it, But who
Is to judge of the constitution Suppose this single question
were submitted to the present Congress- what would be the
result In all probability should the votes Of the
tire North on side, and the of the South
the other result either way thus brought about would
ei nothing but the question would be left just where it
was before the taken. What them the remedy
10 my mind it perfectly clear that there but one and
that is to eare it just ,oere the constitution has L There
Is no positive necessity for doing in regard
this right If California shall be admitted into the Union,
she will have settled it far her institutions
cerned II the questions Of forming Territorial Governments
for New Mexico and California shall be deferred those Ter
rtones will certainly be subject settlement by all the c-
of the United States. When those citizens shall get
there the question Of what is and what property shall
arise between them. they alone have The power to settle it
when they shall come into the Union. Until then they
entitled to representation in the Federal Government and
MI
South 1t is only because that representation may ultimately
strengthen section Of the Union that the other section
just6es itself for interfering any way with it, No ques
ton, then, legmatey arise between the Federal Gov
and the people of Territory in regard to the right
Of property the present state of things is permitted to
main, and citizen Of Southern State shall emgrae New
Mexico, and take with him his slaves he of subjects
both himself and his slaves the laws existing there what
they may be- subject to the Constitution of the Cned
States Between his slave and himself question may arise
whether the slave has become Free That the c
and constitution Settle But who administers the law Those
Of course who selected by the people of New Mexico
for that purpose To this the Of the slave cannot OBJ
ject, for he goes there of his accord.
In the present of parties it is attempted to anticipate
this question: and to decide here before shall amongst
those who will have the ultimate right decide and settle it.
This is mere struggle for power between the sections
Of the Union The North maintains its position by
ing that slavery does exist in New Mexico, because
abolished by the Mexican law before its cesson this
try The South denies this and insists that what is called
law of Mexico the unauthorized of usupe and is
therefore void She claims the right, when she is called
say what the Mexican law at the time Of the cesson to
look into the institutions of Mexico and whether that
which purports to be law not. Now the practical
question which arises here is this Have the North and the
South confidence in their respective positions; Or in other
words do they bekere ,ohat they say? If they do, eave
to The aU. If the law already existing excludes slarery,
hy does the North desire to pass another aU? the law
already existing does not exclude slavery, why does the South
hesitate single about deferrng the question of
oral organization, and leaving the law is fiji
the North insists then the North has got all she asks for
it the South contends then the South has go all that she
asks for. And when question, By merely letting alone,
easily settled this, it be possible that there
those who, after reflection, will continue to agtate for the
unhaowed purpose Of arousing passion and prejudice in
either part Of the Union Never did any utter sentiment
true than did Mr.. CLAr when he said that passo
passion-party, partyand inemperance," all that
be dreaded in the adjustment Of these questions Re-
the present high degree of excitement from the minds Of
men, and let their judgment have due influence upon their
opinions and conduct and but little time would be required
settle all these territorial questions fully fairly, and satisfac
toy. But is they all less embarrassed by
the Of their discussion, both in Congress and in the
country. They only talked about but decided by many
honest and good meaning in the North under the nfu
of that hostility to slavery in the abstract which cons-
tutes part their education and by many equally honest
and good-meaning in the South, from conviction that
the entire North disposed to assa their rights of property
and to interfere with their domestic institutions Both these
classes Of men wrong The Southern States
responsible for the original institution of slavery this
try than the Northern 1t susceptible of very clear histor
cal proof that established amongst them by influences
which they could contro and against the strong
and positive Of several of them while they
colonies The African slave trade was for many years. the
Of wealth to Great Britain and history proves
no fact clearly than that indebted for the nsttu
ton Of slavery English cupdy. The slaves being here
our people, the practical question in relation to them
has always been and yet is, hat to be done ac them
No man whose opinions worth considering will say that
they are or that they be- the equal of the white man.
No man fit be called statesman worthy of social recog
milton himself will that hey should be placed upon
terms of social equality with ourselves, with wives our
daughters or our sons They cannot be turned loose upon
the world subsst upoa its charities for those who have
lived in the North know that charity not dealt out
very bounuy them by those who make the bud pro-
fessons Of humanity In solving this question, then, is
amos, impossible any other conclusion than that
the slaves are better condition than they would be il
immediate abolition to prevail in every Southern State
do here speak of the abstract question of personal
freedom but Of the actual condition of things far as it
involves the supply Of physical wants and comforts
must be apparent therefore, every rejecting that
slavery exists in its present form ecessate rea