The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, 1850-06-14

iured portion that all was right, and fair, and
honorable.
It seems, then, that principle Of good faith
nnd honor party faith and honor-binds the
conductor of an organ either to give up his po.
sition, or serve his party on whatever conditions
the party may require. And if good faith were
an insufficient guaranty, the high pecuniary ad.
vantages involved, would render a breach OF
party faith next to impossible.
Reflect upon this, fellow citizens, and see
how ridiculous it would be for you to turn from
your own responsible Representatives and COM
init your rights and liberties to "Party Or
gan" at Washington! TO an editor more de-
pendent on your enemies than on you--who
dares not offend your enemy lest he should be
forced to drink the cup ofpoverty to its dregs.'
But do not understand Inc to intimate that
you have anything like CERTAIN assurance in
the fidelity of your Representatives. They are
but men, and some of them not tile best speci-
mems of men. More of them, however, are
weak and vain, and intirm, than positively dis.
honest and false There is delusive imagina
ton that, as member of the House represents
10000 people, he is, therefore, magnified TO-
600 times in his intellectual and moral proper.
tions. That, enlbudying in himself all that he
represents in Others, he is by plain rule Of
arithmetic, 10000 times wiser, more virtuous
and patriotic, more interested in and devoted
to the rights of his constituents, than any one
private individual. This is a great delusion.-
Being member Of Congress in no degree en-
larges ones moral proportions, or invigorates
his patriotic impulses. He differs from one of
you only in this, that he is under great tempta-
tion, aud has it in his power, as you have not,
to make a living and reputation, by becoming
false to you. Nor is his interest in the proper
ty of his constituents equal to that of all of them
put together. His interest is in that which be-
longs to him Individually. good office that
belongs to him, is worth more to him than all
the property in the world that does not belong
to him. You have scarcely ever had a Presi-
dent who would not have made good bargain
to have exchanged all his property for the Presi-
dency. Since the days of Jefferson, there has
been perhaps but one exception. General Tay-
lors fortune is probably worth more than the
office he holds. And if he were forced TO make
present sacrifice of the one or the other, it
might be better to sacrifice the office. But it
must be remembered that the questions that
now agitate the country, do not threaten the in
slant and entire destruction of Southern proper
ty, but only place it in jeopardy; and great as
the jeopardy is, all must atmit that the emolu-
ments Of the Presidency are four-fold com.
pensation for the risk run. say nothing Of
the honor and distinction conferred by Office; /;
obiets as eagerly sought after by most men, and
more SO by some men, than property ITSELF
These observationsar are made not with view
to reflect on any President, or any set of pub
lie men, but simply to make you sensible OF the
extreme folly of supposing that your rights and
liberties are safe in the hands of any set of of.
fce-holders or Office. seekers, dependent for the
highest Offices upon Northern majority, who
are hostile to you, and who believe it their in.
terest to destroy you.
Except tie proposed paper be sustained by
YOU, do not know how it will be possible for
YOU to be correctly informed of the state Of af.
fairs at Washington, or, as to what it will be
necessary for you to do in orderto defend your
selves against encroachments by your enemies,
or betrayal by those to whom is committed the
defence of your rights. The debates in Con.
eress can be relied only to a limited extent
They are restricted by rules of propriety to the
discussion of questions before the body, and are
also limited in duration by the necessity of
coming to decision upon numbcrless bills and
resolutions in the course of single session.
There is, too, great variety Of matters to which
it would be indelicate for a member TO allude
in debate, and which, yet, it is all important
should be known to the public.
So far as tie House of Representatives is
concerned, it is hardly correct to say that the
privilege of debate exists at all. The previous
question" is employed to cut off debate when.
ever it suits the majority to do so, and the ma
iority never fails to do what it suits them to do
/ now venture to predict that the friends of the
so.called "Compromise Bill" fatal as that is
destined to be to the South, should it become
law, will attempt to "whip it through" the
House under the gag. But where the ".previ.
Gus question" is not employed to stiie debate.
the rules Of the House limit each member to a
single speech upon question, and limit each
speech to single hour, and whether member
shall be allowed the floor at all rests with the
presiding officer The consequence is that the
most unwarrantable assertion and the grossest
misrepresentation go uncontradcted for weeks
or months. And when opportunity is afforded,
as it frequently never is, member will find that
he has not time to discuss the question under
debate in manner creditablc to himself or sat-
isfactory to his constituents; much less to re-