The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-24

OO0XTG49s
danger TO the Union from the question Of slavery
ia our Territories viii be over; although the sub
ject OF slavery itself would still continue in other
forms TO be agtated in Congress, and in the
| Northern States. The Convention was unani-
nous in presenting these alternatives; but ! cam
not suppose that great deal of our unanimity,
sprung from the belief that the North would
! yield us one or the other OF them; and would not
persist in the unjust and insulting pretenslon of
sezing all of our Territories for themselves. II
was understood that the most distinguished states
man Of Pennsylvania-one whose patriotic coun-
sells have ever been in favor OF the Union and the
constitutional guarantees which it rests, had
expressed himself IN favor of the Missouri Com
promise line of $500, extending to the Pacific
Ocean, as a method Of adjustment WHICH the
South should demand and the North should yield.
II Pennsylvania could be brought TO aid the Just
demands of the South, the controversy could be
brought to speedy and peaceful end. Such
views, doubt not, influenced the Convention in
coming to their unanimous conclusions. Batif;hey
shall not be realized, the unanimity OF the Con-
ventlon may by no means be guarantee of una
nlmity on Interior measures We at least should
not be deceived, and thus be weakened by false
expectations. Truth is strength and wisdom 49,
Let us therefore boldly look consequences in the
/ face, and bring determinations lip to the most
probable results. Hgf8I 'l4 pa .t3
And frst--will the senate's Compromise be-
come a law Certainly not, l think, in the pre-
sent state of things When the true nature of the
measures 1t proposes, comes to be fairly under
stood by the people OF the South its adherents in
Washington from the South must relax orgive up
the support they have heretofore extended to it,
But should II pass the Senate, It cannot, am sat
isfed, pass the House of Representatives There
the anti-savery bigotry OF the North most pre-
dominates. II will take nothing equivocal, even
in appearance, but demands the Wimot Proviso
in Territorial Bills--or the Wilmot Proviso in the
Constitution of States to be presently formed out
<,Q a a.
ground to fear, that alarmed at the attitude Of the
South, or convinced that the Senate's Compromise
sufficiently subserves their interests-the North
may make a rush In its favor, and pass il into a
law. AT present, however, they more strongly
oppose it than the South. But will a partition Of
our territories on the line proposed by the Nash
vile Convention, be adopted by Congress, This
measure in my opinion is more desperate Of sue
cess than the Senate 3 Compromise The North.
am satisfied will never permit the South to
occupy any portion Of our territory lying OIL the
Paciflc, sufficient to make State, with aSouthern
border, open to future extension. This would
endanger their whole policy Of mastering the Con-
federacy and colonzing the South, by multiply
ING free States, and admitting no more slave States
into the Union. Lastly, will the South be admit
ted TO an equality in our territories including
California by territorial laws passed by Congress-.
10 hope for such legislation is to hope against
hope. If then all these expedients Of adjustment
| fail IN Congress, where are we? We are in the
beginning of revolution.
know that it may be said, that the North will
recede before extremities are reached. But when
| in these latter days, has the North receded from
any policy which her interests or her preudices
have demanded and when, in any age, has fano-
tcism calculated consequences, The very high
and honorable prerogative Of yielding under the
pressure of circumstances, belongs, believe ex-
| clusyely to the South Will the South now give
back and fall an issue which involves not mere
\ Inf
will she fearlessly and firmly stand erect and
move on in yindcation of her rights? Will not
those be disappointed who expect her, to come
forward ignominiously, with another ssextreme
concession Or to give up all, at the bidding Of
political aspirants for power and place, in the
drunken saturnalia of another presidential cleo
tion' From my retired position, may be mis-
taken In the true aspect of things but not such
is my reading of the political heavens. l think
! the air feels hot and heavy, and no rays of the
setting sun guilds the blackness of the horizon
think see in the stupidity, ignorance, and inso-
lence of the North, the exact counterpart of Bri-
fish statesmen in our Revolution, who would heed
nothing, and learn nothing until the thunders Of
revolution burst upon their heads, and broke the
scepter In their hands over the fairest empire God
| ever gave to the dominion of any people. think
! see in the South--the weakening of the bonds of
party-the weakening spirit Of liberty-the gath
| erlng resolve to be equal in the Union, or indie
pendent without it, whilst the long endurance Of
lndignity and wrong, like suppressed fire, gives
deeper intensity to their determinations. There is
often moral, as strong as physical necessity,
which controls the affairs of men. One step leads
to another by inevitable consequence. To begin,
1 is to- go on and to go on, is to go on to the end
1t has been SO in all revolutions and events,
| which at the time they occurred, appeared to be
j OF little moment, have been fountains of bitter
waters, or OF healing to the nations. When Chris
topher Gadsden, in revolution, first denounced
| nom the steps of the Exchange, the tyranny
| of England, and advocated resistance, spirit
was abroad which nothing but redress or revolu-
ton would satisfy. And so believe it must be
under the contingencies have supposed in the
South. She will have redress or disunion and
/ the Nashville Convention will be one of those
great events which will mari. the beginning Of
mighty changes!
My friends! all changes in governments are
serious things, Nothing will justify free people
| in changing their government, but conviction
that it does not fulfil the purposes for which it
was created. We must all take part in the inn
portant transactions now going on amongst us,
for good or for evil, under the weighty respon-
sibility all republican governments imposes on
their citizens. invite you to calm and serious
| consideration OF your condition In the Union, in
order that you may properly do your part, in the
grand drama of its dissolution, which it appears
to me, must take place at no very distant day.
- lhe great object of free government is liberty.
The great test of liberty in modern times is to be
i
ture OF taxes To these tests there is another,
peculiar to country, where the institution of sla-
very prevails-personal protection and security
from the dangers necessarily involved in this in
stltuton propose to take up each of these points
separately, that you may judge how far you are
practically free and protected under the govern
ment Of the United States, as now administered.
And first, are You free in the imposition Of the
taxes you now pay to the General Government
There are no people in the world who ought so
thoroughly to understand or so highly appreciate
the great principles offreedom involved in taxation,
as the people of the United States. Its vindication
was the one great cause of our revolution Our
fathers boldly asserted that for people be free
IN the imposition and payment of taxes, they
must lay them through their representatives. If
they were LAID by any other authority than their
4 own, they were political slaves. Hence, when
they were called upon by the government of Great
Britain, to pay taxes laid on them by the repre-
sentatves of the people in England in Parliament,
they refused to pay them. Nor could they see
any difference i'm the principle between no repre-