The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-07-16

than would be the foreign article when transport
ed there. Ii is also true, however, that in great
many cases the consumer loses even more than
the whole duty, because he is not only obliged to
pay ii to the manufacturer or refund il TO the inn
porter, but also profit or per cent. on this duty
TO each trader through whose hands the article
passes before it reaches him. In other instances,
the price is intermediate between what it would be
without any duty, and that which il would amount
to by the addition of the duty Want Of accurate
of all the facts renders impossible to
determine precisely the effect which our revenue
system produces; but that il is most powerful
and controlling cannot be denied The Govern
ment actually raises more than thirty millions per
year by these duties. The manufacturers, who
certainly interested in selling their productions
at high rather than a low rate, and who under
stand their true interests, attach the greatest inn
portance TO the tariff system, and attribute to its
operation effects even greater than have stated
them To be. There has been less complaint
among consumers, because the cost Of most man
ufactured articles has been diminishing from time
to time. This fall Of prices, however, is partly
attributable to the great discoveries made during
our day in chemistry, mechanism, and the arts
generally, by which these articles are produced
with much more facility. 1t is also attributable
to the comparative repose of the world, which has
directed capital and labor, formerly consumed in
wars, to industrial pursuits. Hence, though
there is gradual reduction Of prices in the United
States, yet it is still more striking on the other
side Of the Atlantic. In Great Britain particular
ly, as well in certain portions Of the Continent,
such is the accumulation of capital, and so great
the number Of laborers who are obliged to work
for mere subsistence, that prices are at the low
est possible rate. We have right to take advan-
tage Of this state of things Just as the Europeans
do of our cheap production Of cotton. Instead of
giving us half dollar pound, they used to do,
they, as well as the people Of the northern States
seq N ppt 1 i'm fva IN
consequence of our over production of the article.
We have, therefore, a natural right to purchase
their productions ut the lowest rate at which we
can obtain them, to counterbalance the disadvan-
tage we suffer from the accumulation of different
kind of capital and labor. To alleviate this bur-
den, we of the South get back very little in the
form Of protection. Why, then, have Southern
men been willing to submit to system so une-
quail in its operation! Because, as have for
merly had occasion to state, in the Convention
which made the Federal Constitution there was
bargain made between the North and the South,
that, provided they would allow our slaves to be
represented, to permit importation for time, and
to deliver up fugitives, the South would, on its
part, agree that majority of Congress might have
power to pass navigation or tariff laws As the
gift of the power under the circumstances neces-
sarily implied that it was to be exercised, we felt
bound in honor to acquiesce in the action Of the
majority. Because, in the second place, protec-
ton to such extent as might give ourinfant manu-
features fair start, was calculated to advance the
interest of the nation as WHOLE though for the
time ii might bear hardly on us. And because,
thirdly, we hoped that the Southern States would
after time get to manufacturing themselves, as
their interest required them to do, and thus escape
the burden. II was thus that Southern gentle
men, even after the North had partially failed to
pay Its share fthe consideration, with great mag
nanimity continued to sustain the system.
The manner of disbursement is also adverse to
our interests OF the forty odd millions which the
Government purposes to disburse this year, do
not believe that five millions will in any way be
expended in all the slaveholding States North
Carolina, for example, is burdeThd to the extent
OF not less than four millions, and yet does not
get back one hundred thousand dollars in any way
from the Government. The clear loss, in pecu.
MARY point Of view, on account of the action of
the Government, may be sci down at not less than
three millions annually. The Southern States
generally are in the same situation
What would be our condition if we separated
from the NORTH 1t is difficult to determine the
amount of the exports of the slaveholding States
because it is not practicable to arrive at the exact
value OF that portion which is said to be the free
States. But the amount of our leading staples
being pretty well KNOWN pean cotton, rice, to-
bacco, sugar, &c.-we can arrive at the whole
value of our exports pretty nearly. They canno,
fall short of one hundred and thirty millions Of
coed that sum. This is nearly as much as the
whole Of the exports of the United States to for,
eIgn countries. Ii must be remembered, however
that though the free States furnish part Of our ex-
ports, yet that which they do afford is scarcely so
much as the portion of our own products which
goes to them for consumption. If, therefore, we
were separated, our whole exports TO the North
and to foreign countries generally, would be equal
to that sum. Ofcourse we should import as much ,
and IN fact do at this time consume as much. A
duty of thirty per cent. on these imports land
most of the rates of the present tariff law are
higher) would yield revenue Of nearly forty mil
lions Of dollars AS the prices of almost all man
ufactured articles are regulated by the production
Of the great workshops of Europe, where the ac-
emulation of capital and labor keeps down pro-
duction to the lowest possible rates, have no
doubt but that sum would be raised without any
material increase Of the prices which our citizens
now pay. We might therefore expend as much as
the Government Of the United States ever did in
time of peace, up to the beginning Of General
Jacksons administration, and still have on hand
twenty-five millions Of dollars to devote to the
making railroads, opening our harbors and
rivers, and for other domestic purposes. Or, by
levying only twenty per cent. duty, which the
Northern manufacturers found ruinous to them,
as they said, under Mr.. Clay's compromise bill,
we should be able to raise some twenty five mil
lions of dollars. Half Of this sum would be suf
fcient for the support of our army, navy and civil
government The residue might be devoted to
the making Of all such improvements as we are
now in want Of, and especially chequering our
country over with railroads Subjecting the goods
of the North to duty, with those from other
foreign countries, would at once give powerful
stimulus to our own manufactures We have al
ready sufficient capital for the purpose.
But if needed, it would come in from abroad
English capitalists have filled Belgium with facto-
ries Why did this occur' Simply because pro-
visions were cheaper there and taxes lower than
in England. The same motives would bring them
into the Southern country, since both the reasons
assigned are much stronger in our case. II has
already been proved that we can manufacture
some kinds Of goods more cheaply than the North.
In New England, too, owing to her deficient agri-
culture, every thing is directed to manufacturing,
and the system is strained up to point which is
attended with great social disadvantages, so as TO
retard population. In the South it need not be so.
The climate and soil very favorable to agricul-
tural pursuits. Our slaves might be chiefly occu-
pied on the farms, while the poorer class of our
population, and portion of our females, could be
ad vantageously employed in manufacturing. We
should thus have that diversity in our pursuits
which is most conducive to the prosperity and