The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1850-02-14
THE GREAT QUESTION At lSSUR.

MEssRs. EDIToRs VIII YOU allow me a little
space In your columns 10 notice one OF two fea
lures OF the important question which now agi.
tates our country | do not wish 10 presen, anv
political views for such would be altogether
out, of place in your paper; but rather to state
the elements of this issue stripped of all political
and partisan character.
1t is conflict for power. 1t is strife between
the progressive freemen OF the North and the
conservative freemen OF the South for tie scepter
of the nation and Slavery in the Ststes-Slave-
ry in the District of Columbia aud Slavery in the
Territories are the alphabet, or signs with which
| the problem is to be worked out or rather we
should say, they are the incidents, circumstances
or facts which impart form and life To the mo-
mentous issue, and with its decision they must
rise or sink. Let us then not gaze so fxedly
upon any particular limb, or feature that we for
get the individual nor let us be so engrossed
with the issue OF Slavery in the Territories, for
instance, that we lose sight of the overwhelming
stake at hazard.
OF all the truths uttered by the history OF man
kind, no one is more emphatically stated, than
that the struggles for power have been the most
bitter and the most terrible. These haze sha ken
the earth 10 Its center and drenched its surface
with blood. The mind, the heart, nay, the whole
soul of men seem TO have been stirred I'D in these
contentious. Yet 1t is no less true, that they
have been followed with wonderful benefits to
the race of man. They have rent asunder IRON
bound prejudices broken down oppression, ty-
ranny and injustice, and so swept away delusive
opinions and false principles beneath which man
kind bad sheltered themselves as breastpla,e oil
brass, that the heart has become sofened and ava
kened to the benign and gentle influences of new
truths Let II not then be thought that this contest
between the free and the slave-holding States can
be brough, to an end in moment; or tina, it will
be carried on without bitterness and wrath OF
that it will not be followed by good fruits.
The institution of Slavery in the Southern
States is an interest of such preeminent mpor.
lance that it subjects all others to its welfare
A more powerful bond does not exist in the nation
than that which binds these States together The
Tree States have nothing like il. Their bonds OF
union are no other than such as attach them
4 escuy toxic Ssuthern States ann, f,s eart, other
The Southern States then, whose most valuable
internal interest was in its existence, at deadly
hostility 10 al! the noblest principles of human
liberty, united themselves 10 a confederacy which
is based upon the broadcast principles of freedom
Here is Scylla on the one hand il not Chary bds,
or disunion, on the other. No course was left to
the save-holding interest but to rule the confed-
eracy, or at least preserve barrier for sef-prod
lection, or abide the day of its own downfall.
But our limits will permit us TO notice only the
great and leading source from which the slave
holding States derive their power and where they
encounter assaults with the most envenomed des-
peration Their great source of power consists
in the manner in which Congress is constituted
In the House of Representatives the slaves are
represented as we'll as their masters in the
Senate where the States are represented the
Southern States have preserved an equality be-
tween the representation from the free and the
Slave States.
In apporiioning the representation in Congress,
FIVE slaves are counted as equal TO three white
freemen. Rut by the census OF 1910 the number
of slaves was returned at 2, 4S7 1855 they are
therefore of equal weight in determining the
number of members of the House of Representa-
tives with l,4924I3 free white persons As
70,G80 persons are entitled to one representative,
the addition made to the representation from the
slave-holding States in consequence of their
slaves, is twenty. one members. This is equal TO
the entire representation of New England with
the exception OF Massachusetts. The free State
OF Ohio sends only twenty-ohe members. Penn
sylyania sends only twenty three members, which
is only two more than the slaves send. The
great States OF Indiana, Illinois and Michigan,
, together, send less than twenty-on members.
Let us take one or two instances in detail,
= whicl will show what prolific source OF power
this regulation is to the slave-hodng interest
South Carolina by the last census had free
population of 267, 1863; this entitled her 10 three
members of the House of Representatives and
left an overplus OF $500 persons. Four men,
beers were awarded To her on the basis of her
white population. Her slave population was
327, 02S 1hree-ifths of these slaves was
l96, 222 this divided by 706S0, the ratio of repre-
sentatlon would give her two members, with an
overplus of 54,SG2. She has in the House seven
members, and must therefore have been awarded
four members on The basis of her free population
! nd IN baEI nE her unt h..
whole seven were elected by her free population
if therefore we divide 267, 800 by the number OF
members, II will be seen that in South Carolina
every 80, l94 Tree persons send representative
to Congress while in the free States only
70,680 persons elect member. Thus the slave
holding interest has nearly double the represen-
tatlon in the House that the same number of citi-
zens of free State have.
Florida, by the last census contained SAL
persons;, OF whom 25,7l7 were slaves. The free
population was therefore only %, 760 and yet il
has Representative in Congress and two Sena-
tors In the Senate these o. 700 persons have
as much political power all the inhabitants OF
the largest State in the Union. II the State of
New York sent member 10 the House of Repre-
sena,ves for every 2S 100 persons of her inhabt-
ants instead of having thirty-four members as
at present, she would have eighiy-iour
Now apply the same fact 10 the election OF
fTcslucHt rhCil Cdsts ds many VOICES az "
has Representatives and Senators in Congress.
Florida with 2S,7G0 free white persons gives
three votes, whilst New York with 2 42892l in
habitants at the last census gives only thrty-six
votes, The inequality in the vote of the two
States is as one 10 Twelve, whereas the inequality
in tie free inhabitants is one 10 eighty-four
Delaware presents another instance OF great in
equality, and Texas another.
Take another view OF the question Of power
In the free States 10 $50 persons send one Repre-
sentative TO Congress. Now The number of slave
owners is estimated at nearly 100000. These
persons therefore send twenty.one Representa-
lives TO Congress through their slaves. This is
in the proportion of one member TO ID 2S5 persons
Again, six New England States send now
thirty-one members 10 the House; three Middle
States sixty-lhrce, and six Western Free States
send fouy-fve whilst fifteen Slave-holding
States send ninety-one members. Deduct twenty
one members sent on the score OF slave represent
tation and the number OF members sent by the
free white population of the South is seventy. In
other words, the fifteen free States send TO the
House one hundred and thirty-nine members, and
the free population OF the holding States
sends seventy MEMBERS whereas TO the Senate
the fifteen free States send thirty Senators, and
the fifteen Slave-holding States send thirty Sena-
tors. In whose hands is the scepter OF the
nation
Now the proposition which at present agitates
the country, is, in effect, that there shall be no
more Slave States added 10 the Union; and conse-
~. r. A.. I'D a ii.