The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, 1850-11-25

gerous to them when the States and the Gov.
eminent of the Union are at variance Let us
drop our party distinctions while contending for
the rights, interests and independence of our
bleeding country. Let US all be Southern men,
while these great questions are pending. How
can we be otherwise! 2 Is there a man in this
assembly who will not admit that those who
hold all power at this time under the Govern
ment of the Union, intend to use that power to
subvert the institution of slavery, on which all
other Southern interests hang, our peace, our
lives, our honor and the whole wide spread soil
of the South, reckless of the miseries that will
follow? Can there be man, then, in this as
sembly, who is not disposed at any and every
hazard, to resist this nefarious and barbarous at
tempt! The only question is, what shall be the
mode and measure Of resistance | have said
secession is the only practicable remedy We
have seen that there is not the slightest hope of
any remission of the efforts of our opponents TO
destroy us. Non-consumption of Northern
manufactures has been mentioned but this
would be only nibbling at the sub ject; a mode
unworthy of the subject and of independent
States and all effective resistance must be the
work Of the independent States in united eff
fort. This mode contcmplates our remaining
/ i'll the Union undera government which can pass
what laws it shall please, which can shut our
ports, II they please, until we renounce our petty
resistance. Under the protection of that gov
eminent, the commodities of the North will be
poured into the Southern States and put
temptation before the people, which ought not
to be put in their way. Non-consumption was
tried before the war of independence but while
1t may have exhibited proofs Of individual pa
trlotlsm, am not aware that it did anything
more; nor will it now, if adopted by us. II
will subdue the spirit of the people, and bring it
down from that of great national resistance to
an exhibition Of this little war of spite Our
opponents have been embroidered to act as they
have done, by belief that we cannot be kicked
| into national resistance. No! If we cannot
resist as Il nation, we are subducd as a nation
| In the meantime, we shall do nothing while the
enemy will he providing for our subiuoation
The delay will be dangerous say, With Lord
Bacon, 1t were better to meet some dangers
half way, though they come nothing near, than
to keep too long watch upon their approaches
for if man watch too long, it is odds he will
fall asleep" | fear we have already watched
too long and are fallen asleep
Is it the fear of our inability to resist, or our
love and value of the Union that makes us
doubt and hesitate, or is the measure Of insult
and injury under which we suffer not yet full?
OF the value of the Union shall speak hereai.
ter. If there is any one who thinks that the
measure of our injuries and insults is not full,
| will not reason with him, but leave him to
wait for that last kick which, the witty Sydney
Smith has said, will make even the kicked re-
sist. will now speak Of our ability to resist
by secession, should it be opposed. If Virgil
MIA shall lead, have not the least apprehension
that any blood will be split In that case, | take
it to be morally certain that at least, North
Carolina, Tennessee, South Carolina, Georgia,
Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, Mississippi and
Texas will Immediately unite with her, and in 4
little time, every other slaveho!ding State will
join them, except, perhaps, Delaware, because it
will be their interest to do So If Virginia sh1l
submit, which it seems impossible to believe,
the want of unanmity may emboldcn the Gov
eminent to try coercion. The power of the
Government of the United States to subdue any
two or three considerable States, seems out of
the question. 1t is hard to subdue free pco.
pie The difficulties of the Government of the
Union in accomplishing that object, will be
found to be insurmountable The expense will
be enormous. It's revenue will be DESTROYED,
its commerce will be subject to capture by our
privateers. Our cotton, rice and tobacco will
be carried into British and other foreign YES
sells. Our supplies will come to US by the same
channels. Their manufacturers will find no
market, or a bad one. If they attempt to in
wade us, where is their army! They will not
.
draft the militia from their own territories,
think of the expense and delay Of their equip
ment, Of their transportation, of the effect Of
our climate upon them. Nor is it probable that
even their own militia will serve with zeal in
such cause. Is it certain that their army and
navy will obey them? They are not Abolition
lists. If they shall deem it necessary to borrow
mo:ey, will capitalists lend it They must pay
the interest on the national debt provide for the
payment Of the immense expenses of Govern
ment, which, under their rule. have been greatly
increased, with war expenditure of immeasura-
bic extent added to them. Where will the rev.
enue come from, when they can no longer put
their hands into the pockets Of the South =
They cannot injure us by sea ; for the 'glori-
Gus Union" has given them monopoly of the
commerce Of the country
t Will they blockate our ports. Foreign nations
who want our raw produce for their manufac
lures, will not sufferit. Will they take our sea-
port towns All the naval and land forces they
shall be enabled to employ will find it difficult to
take Charleston, or Savannah and, if taken
what would they do with them? If they adj
vance into the country, they will probably be
defeated. If they conquer, can they hold the
smallest State in the Confederacy, subject to
their dominion for six months? They have been
computing the bill they will have to pay without
their host Oh! But their friends, the slaves
will fight their battles Will they? They will
really add to our strength. They will build our
Notifications they will till our fields, while their
masters are in arms; and they could be made.
without hazard to our safety, even to aid us in
battle, were aid wanted; but it will not be- We
want but union among ourselves, and 'the enc
my are ours When this war is ended what
will be the result! This Union will be, thank
| God, for ever at an end. We ought not. and
cannot, live in union with AboIitionists, or men
of mean, but ferocious ambition, who are deter
mined to be our governors and taskmasters.-
But we shall be willing to live with them as
brethren in peace, with commercial arrangements,
and even in national confederacy like that which
preceded the Union. They will desire, and we
ought to grant it. They will not then encour-
age our slaves to desert, and they will restore
them with aacrity if they fly to them. They will
no longer talk of trial by jury, and Habeas Cor
pus, but of the danger of violating stpuations,
the execution of which it will be their interest to
enforce.