Southern sentinel. [volume] (Plaquemine, Parish of Iberville [La.]) 1848-1858, 1850-08-03
Daniel Webster.

The name of this great man-hoW great
when in juxtaposition with him mentioned De-
low-has perhaps made his last speech in the
Senate Chamber of the United States. 1t was
uron the Compromise Bill, and one OF his no
blest efforts. We are sorry that from its length
we can only give the concluding paragraphs
/ What do they speak? OF what do they tell
Where would we seek for a truer patriot!-
Where find one whose breast was so wholly
| composed of enthusiasm and love for our glo-
rious Union!
But now, Mr.. President, to return to the prac-
teal and important question before u.s. What
are we to do, and how are W. to bring this lm-
portant measure to an end and issue? The main
question is important. That l admit. But here
we have been seven months and a halt, dispu-
ting about questions which, in my judgement,
after all, are of little Importance to one or the
other part of the country. Are we to dwell for
ever on q single topic, a single idea! Are we
to forget all the uses for which government was
instituted, to dispute about that which appears
to some wholly unimportant! ! think the coun-
try calls on US to settle this question; that it
Seil'o IOuutI anu IiuPCidtIhS cay, Niiu 1 tiiiIAn la
that the whole world is looking to see whether
this great republic eaa get through such a crisis.
We are "the observed of all observers" 1t is
not to be disputed that the eyes of Christendom
are upon US. We have stood through many
trials; can we stand through this, which par
takes so much of the nature of a sectional
controversy! Why, sir, there is not a reading
man in all Europe who does not ask himeslf
that question every day, when he reads what Is
done here every morning. Cannot this coun-
try, with one set of interests at the North and
another at the South, cannot it see, cannot its
people see what is so evident to every phlloso-
phic mind that the Union is nevertheless one!
Will they not see that, and maintain the Con-
%stitution established by their fathers! That is
the question. Iagree that it requires something
more than common virtue. | agree that these
of division are to be put away, that they
are to be overturned as we'll as all those excited
and bellige!ent feelings which lead us to say, |
you do this, | will do that, which tend to get
up an intestine war, first of opinion, then of
belligerent legislation, and then Of arms. The
question is, whether we have virtue and patri-
otism and Americanism enough in our hearts
to avert and avoid these evils. For the solution
Of that question the whole world is now look
ng at us with extreme anxiety.
For myself, | propose to abide by the princi-
which | have avowed. Ishall stand by the
Union and all who stand by it. shall do JUS
ice to the whole country, according to the best
If my ability, in all l say, and shall act for the
ghoe country in all l do. propose to stand
m the Constitution, and l need no other plat
l shall know but our country. The
'nds l aim at, by the blessing of God, shall be
ny country's, my Gods and truths. | was
'orn an American, l live an American, and l
hall die an American. But | Ilean, to the eX-
ent of my abilities, to perform the duties in
umbent upon me in that character, whether
public or private, to the end of my career, and
mean to do this with absolute disregard of
%'ersonal consequences. What are personal
onsequences! What is the amount of all the !
rood or evil that could betide an individual, in
with the good or evil which, in a
like this, may happen to a great nation!
Sir, let the consequences be what they may to
ne, | am careless. No man can hardly suffer
much, and, no man can fall too soon, if he
alls in the defence of the liberties and the con-
titution of his country.