The North-Carolina standard., 1849-08-01

admit the preparation of elaborate opinions
if any such had been given, it is impossible that
should forget and toimpossibfe thatt should
so long have remained concealed from the public:
AS to the insinuation, that am the only member o
the Cabinet Mr. Monroe, who has since been Sec:
retary of State; and all otherSof like character pass
them with the silent contempt due to their baseness
and the source whence they came. ear ...f5;e =
There is, besides, fact which clearly shows that
there had been considerable change of views from
the 4th to the 9th March. Iaude to the fact that the
draft of the letter intended for General Jackson was
1t is inferable from the fact, that there
is such letter to be found among his papers, after
the most diligent search. lis not improbable that
the same change of circumstances which caused the
striking out and inserting, and which induced him
not to finish and transmit the letter to Gen. Jackson
intended, induced him also finally to dispense
with written opinion, and will account why no such
opinion is found, on file. ~ .lss Z .I- i .sssss
But, suppose the case to be as, Col. Benton con-
tendedof what Importance is it, or how does it ena-
BILE him make out his charge, that the resolutions
which-h so Yehementy denounces, were introduced
for the purposes of disuniQn! The opinions of the
Cabinet, whether for against, whether unanimous
or divided whether written or unwrtten were given
under circumstances which would entle them to but
little weight. In the first place., there was no time
for consideration. But one day elapsed from the time
the questions were put and sent to the members of
the Cabinet, until final decision was made In the
next place, the subject little understood and had
at that time received but little consideration. The
great point in the discussion of the Missouri question:
was whether Congress had right tompose any other
limitation on the admission of State into the Union,
than that prescribed by the Constitution The ques-
tion of its power the territories did up
until the end of the discussion; and according to my
recollection, was scarcely notlceds much less dis
cgssed So loose, indeed, the prevailing opinion
at the time, that the power-of legisatng over them
was believed to be derived from that portion of the
Constitution, which provides s'that Congress shall
have power to dispose Of and to make all needfu rules
and regulations respecting the territories and other
property belonging to the United States" Such it
would to have been the opinion of Mr.. Monroe,
Judging from his of propoundng the question.
He puts it in language borrowed from the provision
' to make regulation prohibiting slavery in the
rtores" and not to make q ialo TO prohibit. But
since then, careful examination has established
beyond all reasonable doubt, that this provisonwas
intended to be limited to the disposition sand regula
tion of the territories, regarded simply land or
property; andsthat it conferred power whatever
bey ond, much less that of prohibiting slavery under
such circumstances. Even if it could be made out be-
yond shadow of doubt that the Cabinet was unani-
nous, and that its members gave written opinions in
the affirmative, it could have little weg<in settling
the constitutional question; and yet COL Benton,
his zeal to strike me, and through at you and
your cause, insists that the opinion of Mr. Monroe
Cabinet forever foreclosed the question against the
South. To establish doctrine absurd, he, by
implication, lays down rule that the opinion of
Congress, any department of the government once
expressed constitutional question, settles it for
ever; and this, too, when 1t is well known that 1t
was in direct contradiction TO the he pursued
in reference to the Bank of the United States. The
right of Congress to charter such bank had again
and again been sanctioned by Congress- and by every
department. of the government. That he did not con-
slider all this settling the constitutional question:
he long he waged against the institution proves
:onclusively. -.t. ...
1t is his fate to involve himself in demmas at eve
y step he takes, and which he is either too blind to
ee or reckless regard He has labored through
ool, hiatt fho ahi Of l.
oe unanimous in favor of the-power of Congress
exclude slavery from the territories, and that they
rave written opinions 10 that effect, In order to prove
hat the real and responsible author of the Will
not proviso without apparently percelving, that IT
lie could succeed, it would destroy his conclusion
or if the Cabinet unanimous, how could Ealonel
,e responsible! He seems to have felt the dilemma
er he got into it, and has made desperate effort
esca pc from it. For that purpose, he had to fasi
the Constitution and to that the veto power
vas vested in the Cabinet and not in the President,
when that instrument expressly provides, that the
Executive power shall be vested in the President, and
hat every bill shall be presented to the President for
lis approval disapproval; and that if he approves
# it, it shall become law and if he disapproyes, it
hall not, unless passed by twothirds of both hous
IS of Congress. He follows up this false asser-
ion by another, that | had one-fifth of the veto
,ower in my hands, when,> in fact, had no part,
md when the paper which he relies to make /
,ut his charge, shows its face, that the Cabinet
consisted of six and not five, and of course, If 1t had
he VetO pOWeTs OuL part Was NeSLeu III me-
3ut this double mistake is not sufficient of itself to
support his charge. The question would still re-
main; how could be solely responsible, when ac-
ording to his showing, l had but fifth of the
,ower? Upon what principle of justice could be
made responsible for the of the other three, or
IS the fact really is-he other four! TO escape from
his dilemma he attributes to me the most command
ng influence over the sCabinet-so commanding as t
o be able TO draw over to my side sufficient num-
er of members to make a maority and this too,
vhen it is apparent from the paper from which hel
raws his statement, that Mr.. Monroe had no doubt
S TO- the power of Congress. l then, in order to
majority, would have had TO control three
ther members against hun, which Col Benton
Gems to think could have done very easily if Iad
h fought proper. He seems to have most exalted
pinion Of my abilities-far more SO than have of
is. Wherever am placed, whether in Mr.. Mon
oe's or Mr. Tyler's Cabinet whether in the Sem
te or the House of Representatives, in the chair
the Vice President, alone, in his opinion, am res
onsible, on all questions. -, ~
have now traced him through the long process
Y which he attempts to prove that the author of
he Wiimot proviso, and, by consequence. of all the
Mighty evils that have followed in its train and which
e exhibits with so much parade; butafter all, nigh
as he represents them to be, they are SO much
o as to prevent him from declaring himself TO be
Vimot proviso man. He follows up his charge,
t the Cabinet by Mr.. Dix; Introducing the paper,
ompelled to close my lips, abandon my resolu-
ions, and to give up my Intention OF making them
ne sdbjec of general debate at the next session,
nth the intention, to use his own language, to make
chance for myself at the next Presidential election,
Y getting up-a test which no Northern man could
land. All this is just erroneous, both as to facts
nd inferences, his statements and reasons,
is vain attempt to make me the author of the Will
lot proviSo. (, i. -. .,.s - .s.;t,- i
If by abandoning my resolutions. he means that it
ompelled me to abandon their principles, on sin
le position taken by them, be silent, as to the