Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1841-1853, 1849-06-21
81 commencement Of nulIi6eali0a


Drive him to the schedule and tho country will
have peace
My opinions" They are wanted. Heretofore
the public acts Of public men have stood for their
opinions; it has been only the new men, unknown by
their acts that have been subjected TO political cate
chism. Thirty years, almost, have been in the
Senate; and during that time have rays been
voter, and often speaker this subject of slavery;
and commenced with it in my own State was PO-
lltically born out of slave agliatlon--ou OF the
Missouri restriction controversy. and have acted
open part II from the time il began TO the present
day. My writings had some influence on the foma-
fion Of the constitution in this State. They
pretty well known then, though forgotten They
contributed keep off restriction, and TO insert the
clause in the constitution for the sanction Of slavery
urged the putting it in the constitution, for the
press purpose of giving security 10 property, and pre-
venting agitation. wanted peace from the question
home, and contributed provide for ii, by contrib
uting 10 put that clause in the constitution and
it is hard thai should have agitation inn ported,
or transported upon US TO harass US about slavery,
when we have taken such 10 keep out agitation.
Ny votes in Congress have been consistent with my
conduct at Observation-Disclosures, no agitation
security TO property-and tranquility to the people.
In thirty years have not given vote that has been
complained of. / have voted thirty years, avoiding
all extremes and giving satisfaction. The old gene
ration and the generation that has been borne during
ika me ought to consider this, so far to let II
stand as the evidence of my opinions. But it will
not do. Finding nothing in the past to condemn,
some people must GO into futUrity, 10 see If anything
eau be found there and even into my bosom, to see
if anything is hid there, which can be condemned.
Very good; they shall know my opinions And first,
they may them in my public acs-in my propo-
sails for the admission of Texas, FIVE years ago. in
which proposed TO limit the western extension of
slavery by longitudinal line. believe the 1O0dih
degree of longtude--next IN my votes upon the
Oregon bill, in which opposed the introduction of
slavery there--and, again in my letter 10 the people
of Oregon, in which declared myself to be no prop
agandist of slavery. These were public acts. But
you want public declarations of personal sentiments;
very good you shall have them. My personal senti-
mens, then, are against the institution of slavery,
and against its introduction into places IN which It
does not exist. If there no slavery IN Missouri
to-day, | should oppose lis coming In; II there was
none in the United States should oppose Its coming
into the United States; there is in New
Mexico or California, against sending it TO those
territories and could not vote for such measure
declaration which costs me but little. the whole
dispute being about the abstract right OF carry
ing slaves there without the exercise of the right.
No one asks for law for the exercise of the right.
and cannot ask it in the face of the dogma which de-
MES the power 10 grant it. States do as they please.
These are my principles, and they reduce the differ
ence between Mr.. Calhoun and myself to the differ
ence between refusing and not asking. And tor this
the Union is to be subveried. Oh metaphysics.
political metaphysics! far better stick to the innocent
business of amending the constitution by putting
three States and river together.
If any one wishes TO know still more about nv
principles on slavery viii give him reference he
NAV find them in fuckers edition of Blackstone's
Commentaries, (appendix to the second voume.)
where imbibed them forty -four years ago, when
students law, and have held fast to them since
all but the remedy; and the difficulty of that is
one of the evils ITSELF of slavery, and one of the ar
guments against one set of people putting II upon
another. and distant set Of people, and especially
while they are lifting their imPlcring hands against
To finish this personal exposition, have to
that my profession and condOct-no unusual thing
with ffail hnnany-Go not agree. was born 10
the Inheritance of slaves, and have never been with
out Them. / have bought some, but only on their own
Ienreaty, and save them from execution sales;
have sold some, but only for misconduct | have had
two taken from me by the aboonisis, and never IN
lquired after them aud liberated third who would
not go with Them have slaves now IN Kentucky,
who were elevated to the dignity of real estate, by
being moved from Missouri 10 Kentucky; and will
have to descend next fall to the low degree of chat
tel interest," in spite of the laws Of Kentucky, when
shall remove them back TO Missouri. And have
slaves in Washington City-perhaps the only member
of Congress that has any tbere-and not the least
afraid that Congress viii pass any law TO affect this
properly either there or here.
/ have made no slave speeches in Congress, and do
not mean 10 make them Properly is timd. and slave
property above ALL II is not light to disturb the quiz
OWDeT--lO
apprehensons. 1t is private wrong to disturb
single individual, by making him believe, untruly,
that his property is insecure 1t becomes public
evil 10 disturb a whole community. IL creates gen.
eral uneasiness generates animoses deranges busi-
ness and often leads to hasy and improvident legs-
laton. have seen danger to the slave property
of any State in this Union by the action of Congress-
and cannot contribute to alarm the country by
gaging in discussions which assert or imply danger.
But have still higher reason for not engaging IN
these discussions. We republic-the head of
that form of government-and owe great example
to struggling and agonzed world. All the Ameri-
can States of Spanish Origin 10 spite OF the difference
of religion, language, manners, customs, have imI
tated our example. Europe is now attempting TO
initiate it. Liberty is now struggling In ancient en-
pres. and her votaries looking TO for the ex-
emplifcaton of the blessings of which she is in
search, and for an argument in favor of her efforts;
what do they seel wranging and strife, and bitter
denunciations, and threats of separation. They
a quarrel about slavery. to them strange and in-
comprehensive cause of quarrel They see slavery
aud disunion coupled in eternal wrangle They
see US almost in a state Of Observation-Disclosures
ton paralyzed-distant territories left without gov
ernment-insuf, violence, outrrge the floors Of
Congress disunon threatened Their hearts are
chilled this sad spectacle; their enemies rejoice at
it, and by every mail ship that leaves our shores the
representatives of the crowned heads Of Europe send
forth the record Of debates TO encourage the
mics and to conound the friends of freedom. France
all parts Of ltalyeven the papa States; all parts
of Germany-even the old and gloomy empire of
Austria ell, all struggling for liberty. and turn
ling anxious looks TO us for aid and succor, not by
arms that they know be impossible but for the
moral aid of grand example. They look in vain.
Our example is against them; and If the present
struggle for liberty shall again mscarry in Europe.
may take TO ourselves large share of the blame