The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1849-03-17

Those who made them ought TO have con-
sidered Of the time, that they had no power
to make them, except for themselves
| They must stand to them now with the
best grace they can. On some, should
think, the thing would sit rather awkwardly.
| The truth is, a great variety OF motives
Influenced the people Of Kentucky in de-
msnding this Convention. Some desired it
on one ground. some on another. But
every man Of any reflection must have
ioreseen, that the whole question Of new
Constitution being opened. every sort OF
amendment and reform, which any large
body Of the people might desire, must be
considered. 1t is idle, therefore, to suppose
that those who very strongly wish TO carry
any measure of reform, will not endeavor
to do il, If they see any reasonable pros
pect of success. The whole matter has
been thrown open BY the people them
selves; not by such as affect to be Leaders
who had now better get out Of the way
and every qualified voter has right to
propose anything that he pieases, within
the limits to which the people OF Ken
lucky are restricted by their relations TO
the other States and to the General Gov
eminent. And to my mind, those who
forbid the advocacy Of any such reform, no
matter what--upon the ground we have
been considering-simply make themselves
ridiculous. and will be laughed at for their
pains. | am happy to observe, gentlemen,
that in the conclusion Of your remarks oil
this point, you exempt oil persons from the
obligation OF this agreement, except those
who entered into it, You say. 'these con-
siderations do not affect those who have
been heretofore entirely uncommitied on
this subject" You may rest assured that
many Of our fellow-citizens are not only
uncommited. but really favored the call Of
a Convention, with a view to this very
thing. And my opinion is, that if this had
not been so, the Convention had not been
called. The remodeling of the Constitu
ton Of State is very serious matter. A
very large portion Of the people have al
ways been avsrse to such a work. And
although many desired changes in the Con
stitution on other subjects--and many de-
sired a change favorable to the perpetuaton
of slsvery-msny also desired to have
something done, more or less, against slavery
as a perpetual institution in Kentucky
, These last for this reason, more than for
any other, voted for the Convention. But
for this, they had voted against it; and in
, that case, il had not carried. And now, il
, these things be so, with what face can any
man say, that this large class, in seeking TO
: persuade their fellow-citizens To fix time
t, when slavery shall cease. are violating
r good faith; are breaking the compromise by
Q which il was generally agreed that the sub,
= iect Of slavery should not be opened!
8 You urge another reason against this
E movement in these terms:
e "Besdes, we believe that there are other
! changes in the Constitution OF great i'm
0 portance, which will be lost sight Of if this
d question of emancipation is thrust into the
b movement. Ii is a question OF so great
magnitude that il will engross the whole
attention of the public, and other changes
will not be made. Indeed, the sentiment
of The State will not be had on constitutional
reform generally, if this subject is made
prominent.
d Gentlemen, have read this paragraph
I over and over again to be sure that under
!. stand you. Do you mean to urge the i'm.
portance Of the question rs reason against
1 the consideration Of it! Do you mean,
q that because il is so great-so much greater
Il than any other--so much more important
!. than all others-therefore we ought to lei
q II lone? | never heard such reasoning
r beforel II never occurred to me as the de
d mand of r., >son, or the dictate Of wisdom
( that small ma. .ters should take precedence
E of such as are trcrly great. ] never i'm
agined that sound polrt" requires the hrs
> and highest interests OF the Slale 10 give
place to those which are sec, ndary' anc
comparatively unimPortant, And least o.
all-if you had not so enlightened Ia
t would ever have supposed, that the ''greal
! magnitude" Of public interest may afford
the conclusive and final reason against at
tending to it. Gentlemen, if you were not
democrats, should doubt your confidence
in the people. should really question
, whether you are willing to trust US. And
even as it is. beg you TO allow me to
, suggest that you had better examine your.
selves on this point. You may perhaps
find within you--much TO your surprise-a
lurking distrust Of the public virtue and
intelligence. You may thus discover the
ground Of your reluctance TO lay all this
matter open before the sovereign people,
and let them settle it.
There are doubtless, as you say, other
and very important questions OF constitu-
tional reform to come before the people and
J the Convention. But the people, to whom
it all belongs. are capable Of considering
every part Of the matter. They will, il
the subject is fairly presented to tn EN-, duly
consider them all, and give to each such
relative weight as they think it is entitled
to, and to all, such direction as they deem
: wise and Just. | cannot, therefore, see the
danger, which you suggest, Of one question
swallowing up all the rest. But if il
should, il will be because those whose pro-
vince it is to determine everything in the
case, will agree with you that this ono is
more important than all others, and viii!
Judge il to be sufficient to settle this one in
such way as it pleases them, at this time.
and bid the others wait-and you and ]
, ought to be satisfied. But if we were moi
satisfied. out of the republican. spirit Of