The North-Carolina standard., 1849-02-14

i The votes In favor of these measures were confn
: ed to the members from the nothern States. True
there are some patriotic members from that sectio
who voted against all of them, and whose high
f of justice is duly appreciated who in the progres
o of the aggressions upon the South have, by thei
votes, sustained the guarantees of the constitution
0 and of whom we regret to say many have been sac
!, riiced at home by their patriotic course % s.
We have now broughta to close narrative of tn
series of acts of aggression and encroachment
nected with the subject of this address, including
those that are consummated and those still in pro
gress. They are numerous, great, and dangerous
and threaten with destruction the greatest and mos
vital of all the interests and institutions of the South
Indeed. 1t may be doubted whether there is single
provision, stipulation, guaranty of the constitution
intended for the security of the South that has moi
been rendered almost perfectly nugatory. Imay ever
be made serions question, whether the encroach-
ments already made, without the aid of any other
would not if permitted to operate unchecked, end in
emancipation, and that at distant day. Be that
may, it hardly admits of doubt that if the aggres-
sions already commenced in the House, and now in
progress, should be consummated, such in the end
i would certainly be the consequence.
Little, in TRUTH would be left to be done after we
have been excluded from the Territories, including
those to be hereafter acquired after slavery is abol-
shed in this District and in the numerous places dis
persed all over the South, where Congress has the
exclusive right of legislation, and after the other
measures proposed are contaminated Every out
post and barrier would be carried and nothing would
be left but to finish the work of abolition at pleasure
/
! ces over which Congress has exclusive power of
legislation would be asylums for fugitive slaves,
where, as soon they placed their feet they would
become, according to the doctrine of our Northern
assaiants, free; unless there should be some posi-
tive enactment to prevent it. .7 . =. sts. = go
! Under such state of things the probability is,
that emancipation would soon follow, without any
final act to abolish slavery. The depressing effects
of such the white race at the South and
the hope they would create in the black of speedy
emancipation, would produce state of feeling incon-
sistent with the much longer continuance of the
listing relations between the two But be that as it
may, it is certain, if emancipation did not follow, as
matter of course, the final act in the States would
not long be delayed. The want of constitutional
power would oppose feeble resistance. The great
body of the North is united against peculiar in
stitutlon. Many believe it to be SINFUL and the
due, with inconsiderable exceptions, believe it to be
wrong. Such being the case, it would indicate a
very superficial knowledge of human nature, to think
that, after aiming at abolition systematically for
many years. and pursuing it with such INSCRIPTIONS
disregard of law and constitution, the fanatics who
have led the way and forced the great body of the
North to follow them, would, when the finishing
stroke only remained to be given voluntarily suspend
it, or permit any constitutional scruples consdera
uons of justice to arrest it. To these may be added
an aggress ION, though not yet commenced long med-
ated and threatened-to prohibit what the abolition
lists call the internal slave trade meaning thereby the
transfer of slaves from State to another, from
whatever motive done, or however effected. Their
object would to render them worthless by
crowdlng them together where they are, and thus
hasten the work of emancipation. There is reason
for believing that it will follow those now in
progress, unless, indeed some decisive step should
be taken In the mean time to arrest the whole.
The question then is, Will the measures of aggres-
sion proposed in the House be adoptedl
They may not, and probably will not be this ses-
sion. But when take into consideration that
there is majority in favor of of them, and
strong minority in favor of the other, far the
of the House has been taken; that there will
be in all probability considerable increase in the
next Congress of the vote in favor of them, and that
it will be largely increased in the next succeeding,
Congress under the census to be taken next year,
amounts almost to certainty that they will be adopt
ed, unless some decisive measure is taken in advance
to prevent it.
But, if even these conclusions should prove erro-
neous-if fanaticsm and the love of power should, |
contrary to their nature, for respect constitution
al barriers, or if the calculations of policy should
tard the adoption of these measures, even defeat
them altogether, there would be still left one certain
way to accomplish their object, if the determination
avowed by the North to monopolize all the terrific
res, to the exclusion of South, should be carried into
effect. That of itself would, at distant day. add
to the North sufficient number of States to give her
threefourths of the whoe when, under the color of
an amendment Of the constitution, she would eman-
cPate our slaves, however opposed might be to its
true intent
Thus, under every aspect, the result is certain, if
aggression be not promptly and decidedly met. How
it is to be met, 1t is for you to decide. r...
Such, then, being the case, it would be to insult
existing relation between the free and serve races
at the South would lead to consequences unparallel-
ed in history. They cannot be separated and cannot
live together in peace or harmony, to their mutual
advantage, except in the present relation. Under
any other, wretchedness, and misery, and desoation
would overspread the whole South. The example
of the British West Indies, blighting emanc-
patton has proved to them, furnishes very faint pic
ture of the calamites it would bring on the South
The circumstances under which it would take place
with would be entirely different from those which
took place with them, and calculated lead to far
more disastrous results. There, the government of
the parent country emancpated slaves in her cooni-
al possessions-a government rich and powerful, and
actuated by views of policy, mistaken they turn
ed out to be,) rather than tanaticism 1t was, be-
sdes disposed to act justly towards the owners even
the act of emanclpang their slaves, and protect
and foster them afterwards. 1t accordingly appro-
priated nearly $lOO,OO0,O0O a compensation to
them for their losses under the act, which sum- al
though it turned out to be far short of the amount
was thought at that time to be liberal. Since the
it has kept up sufficient military and
naval force to keep the blacks in awe, and number
of magistrates constables, and other civil officers,
keep order in the towns and plantations and enforce
respect to their former owners. To considerable
extent these have served substitute for the po-
lice formerly kept the plantations by the owners
and their overseers, and to preserve the social and
political superiority of the white race. But, not
all this the British West India posses
sions ruined, impoverished, miserable, wretched
and destined probably to be abandoned to the black
race. Very different would be the circumstances
under which emancipation would take place with US
If 1t should be effected, it will be through the
agency of the federal government, controlled by the
dominant power of the Northern States of the con-
federacy, against the resistance and struggle Of the
kIz-- i