Democratic banner., 1849-06-11
tne rieLt of Congress 10 admit, or pros

lDH lIc lI8It u
Lhibit slavery in a misunderstanding re
prohibition to be a violation OF the Constr.
tuition of the United States-an insult to
the sovereignty of the States-and tending
to the dissolution of the Union. Sad con-
!tradiction this when the same remedy Is
both to cure and to kill! and although the
Ipolitical doctors may prescribe both, yet,
surely, the political patient who has taken
one, has the right to talk a little with the
doctors before he swallows the other.
Yes, citizens! Congress has the power
Ito leeislate upon slavery in Territories, and
to admit, or prohibit, its existence; in fact
to compromise it. She has the constitution
al power, hut can never hereafter exercise
it. The new dogma of, no power in Con-
|gress to legislate on the subject, has killed
all compromise. Those who deny the pow
er cannot vote for it: it wouldpbe a breach
of their oath: those who want no slavery in
the new Territories will not vote for COM
promise, and thus extremes meet-com.
Ibine against the middle-and defeat all COM
promise. The resolutions of Mr.. Calhoun
have done this: and to tslk about compro-
mise now, is to propose TO call Methusalem
from his tomb. The effect, if not the de-
sign, of his new dogma, was TO kill compro-
mise; and dead it is. The constitution will
not permit him and his followers to vote for
any compromise line; opposition to the sx-
tension of slavery will not permit northern
men to do it: and thus there is no chance
for any line. Principle cannot be compro-
missed. The Missouri compromise was not
of q principle. but of interests after the
principle was established. The first ques-
Ition put by Mr.. Monroe to his Cabinet was
as to The constitutional power of Congress
over the subject. That being established
in the affirmative, the application of the
principle was matter Of detail and Of exps-
diency.
/ have shewn that Mr.. Calhoun supported
the abolition of slavery in the Territory Of
Louisiana; ! have nov to shew that be did
the same thing in a State-in the State Of
Texas. The case was this: In the session
lof 1S44--'45,. two resolutions were adopted
for the admission of the State of Texas, one,
single and absolute, with the Missouri COM
promise in it: the other authorizing nsgo-
~tiations with Texas for her admission on an
equal footing with the original States. The
Senator from South Carolina was then Sc
cretsry of State, and virtual President Of
1.-THE United States; and in that capacity he
seized upon the absolute resolutions, se.
ilected it, and applied it to the State of
Texas, and thus ran the Missouri com.
promise line though that State, thereby
abolishing slavery in a State-in a part Of
q Stato-making one part of the same State
free soil, and one part slave soil, and 50 II
stands at this dsyi Before that act of Mr..
Calhoun, the whole State of Texas was
slave soil-msde SO by the laws and consti.
tuition of Texas. The question with our
Congress was. how to admit her consistent.
Ily with her rights as a sovereign State {?
The House resolution imposed q restriction
AN abolition, in fact, of slavery, IN all her
territory above Sod. 30m., and that was .
great deal for the State extended in one
pert to AZ degrees: the Senate's amend
ment imposed nothing, but proposed to treat
with Texas, and to admit her upon agreed
terms. Mi. Calhoun seized upon the House
resolution, adopted it, and thereby adopted
the Missouri compromise, and imposed il,
mot upon q Territory, but upon a State. He
abolished slavery in q State! and in this he
carried abUlitionism further than any Barn.
burner every proposed; for they limit their
|abolitionism to Territories. This MIR. CAL
|houn did, and did as late as March Sd, 1916.
There is no dispute about It. Gen. Hous-
ton charged him with il in bis Circular Ad.
dress to his constituents ct the late session
of Congress. Every body was struck with
the force of the accusation, and looked out
anxiously for Mr.. Calhoun's reply. They
looked in vain. He did not reply, and could
not. Confession would do no good, and
denial would make It worse. The fact was
notorious, and was of public record. He
could not throw the blame upon Tyler, forl
he had often boosted in the Senate that he,
had selected that resolution.
/ repeat: I do not cite this conduct oil
Mr. Calhoun in a~bolishing slavery in a partl
Of Texas as authority to justify abolishine
in States, but to show that he went
further than any northern fanatic has ever
proposed to go; and, further, that up toI
that date, March Sd, 1916, he had not in.
his new doctrine of no power in
Congress to legislate upon slavery in Ter.
and, still further, to show that up
the same period, he had not felt the
pIicking Of that new point of hopor-the
m ARIA - Nh~ AI-~.-