The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1849-06-16

slructions Of the previous Legislature, ahith !
Lad recsiYsd and hsysd. mol aaly-ia Ihis siisI
but tn the >pfrt.- fhese ore thsy =.
fSIoint Pesoiufen in feIalteh 20 the Missouri
Compiomise Act, Of fes,0.s II =. II
"ResoIned, Thai the peace, permanency and
welfare of our naliopi UnioB, depend upon a I
strict adherence tc the letter and spirit Of the
9Th section of the act of Congress the Unit
ted States, entitled, "An act TO authorse the
people OF the Missouri Territory TO form Gen.
stitutiou and State G overninent, for the adms- i
sion of such State into the Union on an equal
footing with the original States, and 10 trohita /
sIapery in certain Territories" approved March |
9Th, $780, .g 49,. ii
aR,colsed, That our Senators in the Congress |
OF the United States are hereby instructed and |
cur Representatives requested TO vote in accord.
snce with the provisions and the spirit Of the
said eighth section OF the said act, in all the |
questions which ~ ay come before them in rela-
lion to the organisation of new Territories, or
States out of the Territory now belonging TO
the United States, or which hereafter rlay be
acquired, either by purchase, by treaty, or by
conquest"
The resolves paused the General Assembly of
Missouri on the 18th day of February, 1871
lust four days before Calhoun brought into the
Senate of the United States his fire-brand reso-
Iutions which | denounced upon the spot
which have been adopted by the Missouri Leg
islature at the last session, and from which i
now appeal TO the State-the whole State. How
different-how Theoretically hostile 10 each
other-the two sets Of resolutions! One makes
the peace, permaneney and welfare Of cur ma
tIonal Union, dependent upon strict adherence
to the spirit and terms of the Missouri Compro-
mise, in its application TO new territory that is
10 say, upon the constitutional right, and the
equitable exercise Of that right, TO egislaie upon
slavery in the new Territory, and TO admit il in
part, and prevent in part; the other makes the
dissolution OF the Union dependent upon the
same platform Of fact and principl e-denying
the right of Congress 10 permit, or prohibit,
slavery in Misunderstanding its prohibition
10 be a violation Of the Constitution Of the Uni
| ted States-an insult TO the sovereignty of the
States--and tending TO the dssoui of the
| Union. Sad contradiction this, when thu same
| remedy is both TO cure and kill and although
the political doctors may prescribe both, yet,
surely, the political patient Who has taken one,
| has right TO talk little with the doctors be-
fore he swallows the other.
Yes, citizens! Congress has the power 10
Iegislate upon slavery In Territories, anC to ad-
init or prohibit, its existence, in fact, to com
promise it, She has the constitutional power,
but can never hereafter exercise IT, The new
dogma of NO power in Congress to legislate on
the subject, has killed all compromise. Those
| who deny the power cannot vote for it: ii would
be breach Of their oath. Those who want
| no slavery in the new Territories, will not vote
for compromise; aud thus extremes meet.-com-
bine against the middle-and defeat all COM
promise. The resolutions Of Mr.. Calhoun have
dome this; and to talk about compromise now,
is TO propose to call Methusalem from his tomb
The effect, If not the design, of his new dogma,
was TO kill compromise-and dead il is The
lconsttution will not permit him and his fol-
lowers TO vote for any compromise line. OPP
position to the extension of slavery will rot per-
init northern men 10 do il; and thus ,here is no
chance for any line. Principle cannot be COM
promised. The Missouri Compromise was not
of principle, but Of interests after the princi-
Pile was established. The first question put by
Mr.. Monroe TO his Cabinet, was, as TO the con-
stitutional power of Congress over the subject
That being established in the affirmative, the
application of the principle was matter of de-
tail and Of expendency.
have shown that Mr.. Calhoun supported
the abolition OF slavery in the territory oil
, Louisiana; | have now TO show that he did the
same thing in State--in the State Of Texas
The Ease was this; In the session of l5I4-'45
two resolutions were adopted for the admission
of the State of Tesas-one, single and absolute
with the Missouri compromise an il: the othei
authorising negotiations with Texas for her ad.
mission on an equal footing with the origina
v
= then Secretary OF State, and virtual Presiden
of the United States; and in that capacity h,
seized upon the absolute resolution, selected il
. and applied it TO the State OF Texas and thu,
ran the Missouri compromise line through tina
State, thereby abolishing slavery in a State-ir
a part Of State-making one part of the sam.
State free soil, and one part slave SOIL and so
stands at this day! Before that act Of Mr.
Calhoun, the whole State Of Texas was slay,
l. A.
Texas. The question with our Congress was
how TO admit her consistently with her rights Al
a sovereign State The House resolution i'm
, posed a restriction-an abolition, in fact, o
slavery, in all her territory above Sod 3Om.
and that was great deal; for the State extend
ed in one part to az degrees; the Senate amend
ment imposed nothing, but proposed TO trea
with Texas, and 10 admit her upon agree,
terms. Mr.. Calhoun seized upon the Hous,
resolution, and adopted it, and thereby adopte,
the Missouri compromise, and imposed il, no
upon territory, but upon State. He abol
ished slavery in a State! and In this he carrie,
abolitionism further than any Barnburner eve
: proposed; for they limit their abolilonism {,
territories, This Mr.. Calhoun did, and did Al
late March the Bird, lS45. There is no dis
pute aboutit. Gen. Houston charged him will
IL in his circular address, to his constituents a
the late session Of Congress Every BODY wa,
struck with the force of the accusation, anS
looked out anxiously for Mr.. Calhoun's reply
They looked in vain. He did not reply, anC
could not. Confession would do no good, an,
denial would make it worse. The fact was no
toriOus, and of public record. He could no
; throw the blame upon Tyler, for he had offer
boosted in the Senate that he, himself, had sc.
lected that resolution.
L repeat: do not cite this conduct of Mr.
, Calhoun in abolishlng slavery in part of Texa.
. as authority, to justify abolishing slavery il
, Suites, but TO show that he went further thar
. any " Northern fdR0tie' has ever proposed u
go; and further, that up TO that date, March 3
lsi5, he had not invented his new doctrine O
no power in Congress TO legislate upon SLAYER,
in territories; and still further, to show that, u
to the same period, he had not felt the pricku
Of that point Of honor--the insult to the 81, ~
State. in being excluded with their prop, ri
from the soil which their common blood an
treasure won. Texas was all won, as wa
North As South Of go 30 by the SAM, bIoo
. and treasure-the taxes Of the people and IN
blood Of Goliad, the Alamo and San Jacin,c
And yet there were citizens of the Same Sta,
excluded, by the act Of Mr.. Calhoun. from, "a
moving with their property from one part of !
to another
} And now have arrived ut point which claim
psttieuiar attention. IL will be remembered b,
all that after the rejection of the Texas treaty. !;
"a, various propositions were admitted in c.
gress for her admission, and that every nro,,o.;
, ton contained some plan for dividing her mi,
| free and slave territory. Every body will 70
member this Now, do not recolect singI,
instance in which the constitutionality of sncI
propositions were disputed, or single ;nstspc,
IN which ii was deemed an insult ~ ,ha- -.