Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, 1849-03-07
FOR rHE SPECTATOR.
THE WILMOp PRoyIso.

| GENrLEMEH-IIaving in a recent No. of the
Spectator advanced practical remarks in Tela-
ton to this absorbing question l. will with your
permission, hazard several additional Suggestions
which appear to be worthy of consideration.
1t seems to have been generally assumed by those
Who affect to be the peculiar guardians of Southern
rights, that the Prohibition of Slavery in the newly
acquired territories by the General Government,
would be an Infringement upon State sovereignty !;
and hence they appeal directly the several States
In which slavery exists, as injured and insuhted par
ties whose pride and jealousy should slumber no
longer. Bet fs it true that Virginia OF. any of her
coniedefates, as States, and members of the Union
would be sacrificed by such prohibition? These
territories the acquisition of the Government for
the benefit OF the people of ill the States and all
the rights enjoyed by any STATE, assuch, must be
right TO equitable share Of the benefits to be de-
rived from the sale of public lands, and fiom the
customs collected in the ports of those tetriores-
The right,o emgrae ihither, is not State right !;
II is purely personal one. So far from being
prerogative of State sovereignty, it is an individual
right of expatriation which can only be exercised
by sacrificing all Chains to State protection II is
therefufe strange anomaly-a singular feature in
the 'srange, eVenlful history" OF this great ques
tlon, that the Southern States should contend for
the right Of their citizens to abandon them with
all their wealth for other chimes, as q right apper-
tanning to them, in their sovereign capacity!
IT these views are correct, no State right would
be nfringed by the W;lmot Proviso, if Congress
should be SO unjust as 10 pass it. Nor would any
State interest suffer. The Southern States would
continue TO Share as fully rs ever in the revenues
derived from the territories TO which il might be
! applied. II may even be contended with patisib-
ny that check put upon emigration would ind-
rectiy benefit the States affected by it. Virginia,
Tor one, has already suffered, intellectually, as
State, from the inducements presented to her SONS
to forsake her. and from the consequent stagnaon d
her affairs. The spirit of exparia,on, if carried
much further, must eventually impoverish and ruin
the Oldest Southern States and make them rrelan
cholv monuments Of their own suicidal policy
But we are told that the Southern people are I'M
willing 10 admit the principle contended for by the
! advocates Ofthe Proviso. THIS istrue. The South
orn emigrant has his rights, as well as the North
ern emgran. If no restriction is laid upon the one,
an equal liberaiy should be extended to the other
we can conceive Of nothing more unjust, or more
insulting, on the part Of Congress, TO the Southern
emIgrant than 10 single him out, and prohibit him
TO carry with him part of his inherited property
But he suffers an individual. His right to emf
Crate with any species of recognized property, APP
pertains to him as citizen of the Union, and not
as citizen OF any particular State and his redress
lies in the constitutional tribunals of the Country
III he seeks i remedy elsewhere, he thereby admits
that these tribunals must be against him.
IL seems well therefore 10 ask whether the States
are called upon to vindicate, in advance, right,
which has not yet been assaed, and violation of
which would not, in the least degree, affect their
sovereign inlegr,y2 The Wilmot Proviso would
operate Inuriously on comparatively few and these
few must be persons who anxious to forsake the
very States that are jealous in their behalf
| Would II not therefore be wise in the Southern
States TO pause, before they pledge themselves to
course which might be fatal, not only 10 the Union
but 10 Liberty itself? 1t will not do to organize re-
sistance whenever Congress transcends its powers.
Better submit to the unequal pressure of constiu-
tonal authority than venture out upon an expert
ment as full OF perils as ocean unexplored
Are we asked, what shall be done? Let the
people in their primary meetings, protest Let
them deny the principle of the Proviso in language
solemn, and emphatic, as operating unjustly on the
Southern emigrant, and making invdious dstinc-
lions between the two sections of the Union. But
let them not go farther and organize disunion, or
revolution 1t they are ouiveted, let them submit
and moi proceed IN their madness, like the blind
Sampson Of old, to pull down on their own heads
the very pillars of the temple. All that our revo-
lutonary fathers asked of Great Britain was repre-
sanitation Had they enjoyed this, the inequality
OF their Legislation would not have suf1ced to in
duce them to revolt. Shall we, then, for the nom
inal privilege of carrying slaves TO the Pacific, tear
up the very charter Of our liberties and plunge into
the unimagined horrors of CIVIL and seruile war O.
| There comes solemn warning from many page
| OF history, and from each new revolution In Eu-
rope, 10 deter us from such step, and to persuade
us TO submit to unavoidable injustice, rather than
perish in resisting it. MADISON