The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1849-10-06

these men ignorant of their owr riahtsi Were
they men who w.ald ~ ;hlessly Invade the rights
Of other men7
But "faere misi BE- security GgaiRst he re-
eurTeRes Of agifation." What kind of security I
Does The writer mean that measures should be
taken to suppress freedom Of s2eechl Would
he have the act Of speaking or writing against
slavery made penal ofencel Would he make
it criminal to pablish opinions against negro
slavery in Kennrcky7 Would he establish a
system of slavery for tho free white men Of the
State that the slavery Of the black man may be
adequately guarded Surely the writer cannot
wish 10 have any such Russian feature inc orpo-
rated In the new constitution. And yet. this
seems to be evidently the import of his words.
He takes ground in favor of "suppressing tman.
ciPation and the emancipation agitation" and
fears that the delegates will not fulfil their Piled.
ges, but will "fai 10 take security against the
recurrence Of that agitation" To guard slave
property" as ii is at present guarded Is not sufi-
cient in the estimation Of the writer. Eruanci.
patiOnis;s must be prohibited from sgitating the
slave question, and how they can be prohibited,
except by force, surpassss our comprshe nsion.
No. Wearo wrong. There is another mode
Of prohibiting them. Let an emancipation
clause be inserted In the Constitution and all
fearful agitation of the question would be- at an
end. Bat this mode the writer in the Journal
would hardly recomme nd, and we are Obliged
10 fall back upon the other alternative and sup
pose that torei6ls prohibition is intended. So
abhorrent, however, is such a thought, SO 10th
should we be TO attrihats such u scheme to any
citizen of Kentucky, thnt, rather than be- guilty
of the injustice of aitributing it wrongfuIy to
the writer in the Journal. we will plead ignor-
ance, and confess our utter inability to under
stand his meaning.
For the credit Of the State, we hope no effort
will be made to punish men for the crime OF
thinking aud speaking agreeably to the dictates
of conscience, and the suggestions of all en-
iightened reasoni for thinking and speaking as
Washington and Jefferson thought and spoke.
Bat as Emancipationisss, anxious TO see the
complete and universal triumph of freedom, We
would ask no greater favor than law to fetter
the tongue and the pen of freemen with view
To guard negro slavery. That would be a con-
fession Of the weak ness Of slavery which would
be fatal 10 the rotten and lettering system. II
would be asserting that slavery is too weak to
stand when reason and argument are left free
TO combat with it. IL would also be a violation
Of human liberty so gross that no man not e
to be a slave, and wear the chain and livery of a
master, would submit to it for one minute.
IL would rouse an opposition that would ut
terry and forever PROSTATE the wretehed system
of Cypress ion and wrong which cannot co-ex-
ist with an acknowledgement Of the rights re-
cognised in the Declaration of Independence
and in the constitution Of every State in the
Union.
P. 5. From an article in the Journal of Wed
nesday last, we infer that the writer Of the lette
which We have alluded to, ia recommending the
adoption of means for suppressing the emsnci.
patton agitation, had reference to the insertion
Of specific amendment clause in the cons,itu-
ton, guarded by the requisiSion of two-ihirds
vote. Whether the means proposed would be
eheciual in accomplishing the end desired BY
the writer, is aquestioD on which there may be
much diversity of opinion, but certainly the
suggestion of the writer thus understood il
entirely free from the odium which would prop.
resort to force for the suppression of agitation.