Republican vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1857, 1849-02-05

operates as encouragement to the North 10
persevere in her unlialloWed assault upon
Southern rights. Bat the reproach said
MIR. S.. is totally uuiounded. This anti
slavery agitation was commenced by our
Northern brethren as far back as the Old
confeheration-belo the present constI-
tuition was born-cre almost, the roar oi
The cannon of The Revolution had died op
on our ears and if the history Of the last
war with Great Britain be examined, it
will be found that the North furnished their
uaeq0irocal evidences Of sectional feeling
and ,Dtllenee. Coming down 10 the MIS-
sour agita,ion-who then stirred Up the
waters of strife Who, for sectional con-
sitlera,ions placed the Union On the very
brink Of dissolution "Disloyal South Car
ollna," as the gentleman from Fanqnicr
characterised her, had not then taken hef
peculiar position on,he suhiec, ofshe Tariff
1t was the North, not the South, that had
set the first examples Of geographical dlvi-
sion, and therefore the grave animadver-
sion cast upon the South by the gentleman
from Fauquier was without the shadow OF
foundation.
Mr.. S. then took up aud considered the
argument, that the Wi'mot ptasiso was not
practical question: Il had been pro-
nounce,l an nnaterial thing, aud i. has
been said that the Democratic party were
committed 10 It's immateriahty in The pre-.
sidental canvass Of '48, and stand sn now.
However that may be, the Wings OF the
South are certainly not committed to rs
mmaterialty. We regard it. at least III
Virginia, as an emineniy practical ques-
tion--as one Of the great, if not The man
Issue of tho presidential contest. MIR. 5.
then went into lengthy argament, and
adduced many striking facts TO show that
it IS practical question; that it Is not
merely question Of the application OF tue
Wilmot provlso to the newly acquired ter
ritories but of the ultimate and entire alb
clifton of Slavery in the States as well as
the territories. He showed by ncon;fo-.
yertible and speaking facts, extending from
the old confederation to the rejection OF
Meade's Resolutions, that q progressive as
sauft has been going on against The lnsti-
tuition OF slavery, which wii not stop short
of ultimate and entire extinction. He ar
.gued that the Wimos proviso WAS only
wanted as stepping stone 10 higher as
saul,s upon the institutions Of The South,
an entering wedge to rive into fragments
the whole institution Of slavery and look
ing a, the matter IN this light, he regarded
she concession now of the Wilmot pro,Iso
power, as surrender full and complete,
of Southern rights--a giving up Of the
whole question. Taking this view Of the
subject, the South ought not 10 yield one
inch of grouud more and to take as firm
and definite a POSITION, the very same n-
deed as iG The question were fatty present
4 ,boii ac e,
Blu, we are told the resolutions contain
a threat, and we are asked why not strike
ont the threat? They are to be received
rather as solemn warning to our brethren
Of the North, tina, there is a point heyond
which our endurance will cease, than as
threat. That solemn admonition we sought
to give them. Candor iairness, policy de-
mand it, unless we intend tn make tame
surrender Of our rights. Blu. il there is
little ofmenace in the resolutions, vho
can gsinsay It's Justice 1t is time to threat
en- when the danger is at our doors, and,
in my Judgment, if we had done lille
threatening ere this, FIVE had before now
shown the bris,lng bayonet little, we
would not now be discussing these Eesolu-
lions, because there would have been no
necessity for it. Nor shall We be the frs,
to set the example of threat. Our North
ern brethren menaccd resistance o the gov
eminent in the last war with Great Britain.
They threatened in 20 to dissolve the
Union. if we Of the South did not yield 10
their demands on the subject Of siavery,
and that threat was carried to the very
point Of execution. The Union actuslly
totered under their exactions.
But hoW are we 20 resist. it is asked: Are
we, said the gentleman from Fanqnier, to
send our little guard to fight the battle OF
resistance | tell that gentleman, that
when the foul outrage upon our rights
shall have been consummateti, and Virgin
ia, preferring manly resistance to slayish
submission, shall call her sons around her,
it will be no little squad, no petty guard !;
hut thousands and tens of thousands of
her gallant sons will gather under the ban
ner, with stout hearts and strong arms,
ready and willing to share with her what
ever fate shall befal her-be i. glorious
triumph on the one hand, or annihalion
on the other.
Hon. shall we resist: On this point /
might throw myselfupon the counsel of my
friends from Fauquier and Alexandra. -
They declare that if Congress dare to lay
touch on slavery IN the District oi Column
bia, they auiN resist, aye, "resst in the
threshold, and at every hazard
How shall we resist' For one ain
willing to speak out and say the worst
Mr.. Speaker, love the Union. In the
deep sincerity of my heart love il. No
one iu this broad land has worshipped at
its affairs with deeper, purer devotion.--
lis connected in my mind with thou
sand glorious, thrice glorious associations
with the wisdom that conceived and the
blood that cemented it-wiIh our prosper
ity at home, our strength and glory abroad
with the gallant flag that hings out the
stars and stripes Of our country on every
land. gulf and sea--wi,h that renown which
exhibits her unconquered ard triumphant
on thousand baHle-heds the bright
hopes Of the future. | say, Mr.. Speaker,
love this Union, this glorious, blessed
ITn,on IT'S th 20 nohlest work of hmm n