Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1849-07-13


NA.-During the last Presidential canvass at
the North, it was the business of Daniel Web
ster, ex-G Gov. Seward, and the other prominent
leaders of the federal party in that section OF
the Union, to assure their followers, that their
anti slavery predictions could gain nothing
by seeding from the ranks of the whig to
those of the Van Buren, free-soil party. They
told them that the wing party OF the North
had all along held sentiments Identical with
those proclaimed by the Buffalo Convention,
and those who wished 10 war against the in
stituton OF slavery, and prevent its extension
into any of the new territories, could do so
much more effectually by voting the wing,
which they contendcd was the true free-soil
ticket, than by adopting any separate organl-
cation. With these men, and with this par
ty, Southern whig leaders were joined in firm
accord, and while they kept abusing General
Cass. not for his principles, but for his place
OF residence, and denounced HIM as unsUund
and unworthy the confidence of the South,
they themselves were the close allies of par
ty whose grand electioneering war-cry was
free-soil.
Among the most strenuous advocates and
defenders of Northern whiggery, and of IFS ia
vorite doctrine of the unlimited power of Con-
gress in regard TO slavery, may be found the
Raleigh Register, the organ OF Senator Bad
ger, and of that famous caucus, yclept the
&" Rolly Click" Ii will be remembered that
the Clayton compromise bill was lost in the
House through the votes OF eight Southern
achigs, led on by the previous detection of
Mr., Badger in the Senate, and that now, the
question which that compromise might have
put to rest, has assumed an aspect far more
threatening than any other which could agi-
tate the country. Mr. Badger then commended
for the constitutional right of Northern fanat.
les to pass the Wlmot Proviso, or take any
other action in regard 10 slavery in the terri
tories, which they might choose to do. His
faithful echo-the Raleigh Register of course
follows his lead in this, and not only does it
contend for the Wilmot Provso, as regards
the territories, but it actually, in its number
of last Saturday, argues in favor OF the power
of Congress to abolish Slavery TN the District
Of Columbia. To prove this, it is only ne
cessary to quote the passage in the constitu-
ton, upon which the supposed power of Con-
gress in either case is founded In the speci-
fcations of the powers of Congress, the fol-
lowing paragraph occurs:
/ To ;z1o IN
cases whatsoever, over such district (not ex-
ceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession
of particular States and the acceptance of
Congress, become the Seat of the Government
of the United States, & to exercise like author
ity over all places purchased by the consent
of the Legislature of the State in which the
same shall be, for the erection of forts, maya
zines, arsenas, dock yards, and other needful
| buildings. "-COnc. y. s., Art. ], Sec. viii
16.
Now, we would ask, If the powers of leg
islation conferred on Congress by the preced-
ing passage, are not far stronger, and more
definite than any which can be deduced from
the following, which is the only grant of pow
er TO it over the territories:
L" The Congress shall have power to dispose
of, and make all needful rules and regulations
respecting the territory or other property be-
longing to the United States; and nothing in
this constitution shall be so construed as TO
prejudice any claims of the United States or
of any particular State" Cons. Art. ", Sec.
iii,-2.
J Now, the Register takes ground against
slavery as national institution. 1t says
that it is opposed to the common law of the
United States, and that it has its existence,
and receives its protection, from the laacs of
the States. How then does it exist in the Dis
trict of Columbia =? If, as the Register says,
" the Only recognition of, and the only sane
ton given 10 slavery by the constitution" are
under the laws of the States, would not its
passing under the exclusive jurisdiction of the
United States deprive it of that recognition and
those sanctions ? Has it done so, or does the
Register wish it to do so Again if the Re
gister takes up the ground that Congress ha:
the power by law 10 prohibit slavery in tht
territories, does il not, a fortiori, contend TO
its prohibition in the District of Columbia
For zee will leave it to any reasonable man
whether the authority for interference in on
case is not ten times stronger than in the other
b. The Register grounds an argument for tn
4 power of Congress, or of the existing terrific
: rial laws, TO prohibit slavery, upon their un
h doubted right TO regulate it in those territories
a A Massachusetts loom or spindle would. Q
O course, be under the protection of the existing
: laws, and amenable 10 the control of the loca
S authorities but any man of common sens
d would scout the idea that power exste
: anywhere, either in the government of tn
t. United States. or in the old Mexican laws c
# the Territories, TO deprive a man of his rigf
f. of property in the said loom or spindle.
10 GEN KossuTH.-It is somewhat amusin
Y, to read the rhapsodies INDUCED in by some
e o,,r bra4hrap of the orocs-oyor III