The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1849-01-27

IN congress III may seem lnoeeu SINAI
matter--to their constituents it is every
thing. Yet, if the Southern members d.
not recommend something like notification
threaten something like secession, what cal
they do? Will they demonstrate that Con
gress has no power over the subject o
slavery in the District Of Columbia! Car
they advance any new argument upon tina
point? Can they convince any one oil the
position who is not already satisfied! Viii
they issue an address, proving the right o
people to hold slaves in the new territories
or showing that Congress has no right what
ever 10 interfere with the matter! Can
hey advance anything stronger than the
>peeches of Calhoun and BerIien upon thai
very point Will they endeavor TO leave
the territorial question open, and let the
rights Of the people in the territories be de.
cided by the judicial tribunals! What plan
could they bit upon better than Clayton's
bill! And yet unless some Of them have
changed their minds since the last session,
the Southern members themselves cannot
agree upon that. -
Turn the subject in every way, and it
would seem that the Southern members,
per Sc, cannot do anything except to threat
Ell extreme measures-to recommend a
revolution, if slavery be abolished in the
District or the Wilmot proviso be extended
to the territories They must do what
amounts to this, or do what is equivalent to
nothing. But we hope they will reflect
long and well before recommendation so
extreme, and in our opinion so rash and
futile, shall be sent forth to the country
The right Of revolution is inherent in the
people for the removal Of evils, when evils
become intolerable. But it is the ultima
ratio popnli, to be used only when all
other means fail. Before people resort to
it, they will naturally inquire into the ma,
Iure Of the grievance 10 be redressed. Is il
Of that magnitude which will Justify the
severance of all ancient ties. the breach OF
all old fellowships! Is it sufficient to arm
brother against brother, father against son, to
plunge whole communities into the horrors
Of devastating war? Next, is the abstract
right so certain that no disinterested man
can doubt upon the Subjects it so plain
that the parties themselves have no doubt
Having settled these important points, there
is another question which prudent men will
put TO themselves before they risk all upon
the uncertain chance Of war. What will
be gained by victoyi This last question,
in this connection, is the most important OF
all. We suggest it now for their consider,
alton. Ii is not our purpose to discuss it,
unless the discussion become absolutely
necessary. But if rash counsels prevail at
Washngton-if headstrong men rush into
dangerous measures-if the happiness OF the
masses and the existence of the Union is
put in jeopardy, We shall find occasion
to appeal on all these points from the hasty
action OF the peoples representatives. to the
sober second thought OF the people them
selves. But we fondly hope that enlighten-
ed and prudent men may direct the pro-
cssdings Of our members; that the threat
ened tempest may pass over as harmless as
a summer shower; and that the appalling
crisis which many imagine to exist may
only mark an epoch to which posterity
shall point as the time when men were
frightened without cause, and clustered
without knowing exactly where(ore.-N.
o. Crescent.