Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1849-07-26
VOL. XXVlI.-NO. %.

wonj seem to have been the opinion of Mr. Monroe, udg
ing from his manner Of proponnding the g. 'st''n tie
puts in language borrowed from the povs' 10 make
regulation prohibiting slavery in the errt RES" and
not to make law TO prohibit. But since then, more
careful examination has established beyond all reasonable
doubt. that this provision was Intended 10 be Limited
the disposition and regulation Of the territories, Regarded
simply land or property and that conferred no power
whatever beyond much less that of prohibiting slavery.
Under suck circumstances, if could be made ont
beyond shadow of doubt that the cabinet was unanl-
nous, aud that its members gave written opinions IN the
affirmative it could have little weight in settling the con-
stituonal question and yet Col Benton, In his Zeal 10
strike at me, and through at you and your cause,
insists that Mr. Monroes cabinet forever reclosed the
the question against the Snu'h. 70 establish doc
trine absurd he by implication lays down rule that
the opinion Of Congress, or any department OF the gov
enment Constitutional question settes
forever and this when il is well known that is In
direct contradiction the he pursued in reference
the Bank of the United States. The right of Congress
charter such abaEk had again and again been sanction
by Congress- and every department of the government
That he did not consider all this settling the consu-
tiona question: the long he waged against the ns
tuition proves cOncluSively.
It is his fate to involve himself in dilemmas at every
step he takes and which he either too blind to see or
too reckless to regard. He has abored through many
columns to prove that the Cabinet Of Mr. Monroe was
unanimous in favor Of the power Of Congress t. exclude
slavery from the territories, and that they gave written
opinions that effect, in order to prove that am the
apparently percevng, that, if he could succeed 1t
would destroy his conclusion for, if the Cabinet was
unanimous, how could | alone be responsible. lie
have felt the dilemma after he got into 1t, and
has made desperate effort to escape from It, For that
purpose he had sfy the constitution and to assert
that the power vested in the Cabinet, and not
in the President when that instrument expressly pro-
vdes that the Executive power shall be vested IN the
PRESIDENT and that every bill shall be presented to the
President for his approval or dsapprova and that he
approves of it. it shall become law and, he dsappro-
Of it shall not unless passed by two-thrds OF both
houses of Congress. He follows up this false assertion
by another that had fifth of the veto power in my
hands, when in fact had part and when the paper
which he relies to make out his charge shows on lis
face that The Cabinet consisted of six and not five, and OF
course if ha the power, but One-sixlh par was
vested in But this double mistake is not sufficient
itself support his charge. The question would sui
remain How could be solely responsible, when, &C
cordng to his own showing, had but fifth Of the pow
err Upon what principle of justice could be made re-
sponsibe for the acts of the other three as the fact
really s-the other four2 To escape from this dilemma,
he attributes to The most commanding influence over
the Cabne-so commanding as to be able to draw over
to my side sufficient number Of members to make a
majority and this too when it is apparent from the pa
per from which he draws his statement, that Mr. Mon
had doubt to the power Of Congress then, IN
order TO command majority, would have had 10 con-
troll three other members against him, which Co Ben
ton seems think could have done very easily, II
had thought proper lie seems 10 nave most eAdl'eu
opinion Of my abilities, far 50 than have OF hls
| Wherever | am placed, whether in Mt MonToes, OF
Mr.. Tyler's Cabinet whether in the Senate or the
House of Representatives, or In the chair OF the vice
President, alone, in his opinion am responsible on all
questions.
have now traced him through the long process by
which he attempts to prove hat am the author OF inc
Wmo Proviso. and by consequence, Of all the mighty
evils that have followed in its train, and which ne ex
hbits with much parade; but after all, mighty as ne
represents them be, they not so much SO, as 70
prevent him from declaring himself to be Wmot Fro
vso man. He follows up the charge, by asserting that
the effects Of disclosing the opinion of the Cabinet by Mr.
Dix introducing the paper, compelled me to close my
lips abandon my resolutions and togive up my intention
of making them the subject of general debate at The
next session. with the intention his own language,
to make chance for myself at the next Presidential
election by getting up test which no Northern man
could stand All this just erroneous, both as 10 facts
and nferences his and reasoning IN his
vain attempt, to make me the author of The WmOt Pro-
| viso
| fby abandoning my resolutions, he means, thatH
compelled to abandon their principles on single po-
son taken by them, to be silent as to the consiiiu-
tiona power of Congress the territories his assertion
would be false throughout. The resolutions were intro
duced he states, the 18th day of july 1910 near the
close of the short session. So far from abandoning them
from keeping silent, | discussed the principles on
which they the debate the bill TO establish The
Territorial government Of Oregon, at great length, at
the next session, and established them by arguments
that have never vet and will venture to say, never
will be refued Few have undertaken to reute them,
and those who have undertaken it sgnally failed 9TH
er like Col. Benton have taken the prudent course
to cry fIsbrand, dsunion-insead OF attempting to
reute them.
TO CONCLUDED.