Democratic banner., 1849-07-09

The SOUTHERN ADDREss.-We ihiawssk
lay Defore our readsrs4he remainder Of ths
address of q portion Of the Representatives.
in Congress from the s~laveholding States to
their constituents, giving = history Of the
slavery question-its agitation in Congress
and the aggressions Of abolisiOnism upon
the rights Of the South and the constitution
and its compromises. The address is made
for the purpose Of laying the whole infor-
nation before the people, and leaves with
them the responsibility Of adopting such
as to them may seem bestto arrest
its further progress, and to secure tranquil
ty and their rights under the constitution.
This mode was deemed most advisable by
forty-fve Senators and Congressman. 9th
|ers occupying the same ground differed as
to the necessity of a grave and formal ad-
dress to the people. This isnatural. To the
matter Of the address, there can be
no reasonable objection urged. 1t is a con-
else and lucid history of the whole ques-
ton. We have no room for further COM.
ment, but respectfully invite for the adj
dress an attentive perusal from the impair
tial reader. 1t will speak for itself.
u The Record undertakes to criticise
an article that appeared in this paper on the
subject of the Proviso. After quoting a
paragraph from our article, II asks, SNOW
who doubts the truth of this deduction. It
is all that any one ever contended for, even
the most latitudinarian in principle" It is
surprising that any one should set himself
up as a teacher Of political faith to his party,
who does not understand the difference be-
tween that faith and that professed BY the
Opposite party. The paragraph quoted By
the Record embraces one of the cardinal
doctrines of the Democratic party, Promul-
gated and reiteratd by its Conventions as
|sembled at Baltimore, and as strenuously
denied by the Wing party. The Democrats
asserting that all the powers of the general
government were either expressly granted
by the letter of the constitution, or were
deducible from some expressly granted pow
or, as necessary to carry out that power, or
were prohibited to the States by the consti-
tuition, and that where a power was doubt
Iful, Congress ought not to exercise it. The
|federalists, or wings, on the contrary, as
sorting that this doctrine was too limited,
that where a power was doubtful Congress
Ought to exercise it, and that all powers
|thatwere for the "common defence and gen.
eral welfare of the United States" ought
to be exercised. Thus the federalists, or
wings, when they were in power, passed
the alien and sedition laws, a bank charter,
and a tariff for protectio although the pow
er to enact such measures could not be
found in the express grants Of the constitu-
Ition, nor could it be deduced as necessary
to carry out any of the express grants
Yet, they commended that these measures
were for the "common defence and general
welfare" and therefore the power oughtto
be exercised.
The Record then makes this garbled ex-
tract from the constitution a: "The Congress
shall have power to dispose Of and make SIT
needful rules and regulations" &C., and
then proceeds to ask the following silly
questions:
SHOW then, we ask, if Congress has not
the power to legislate on all subjects in the
Territories? To whom is it reserved? To
the States or to the people3 To what peo-
lple? The people Of the Territories? Where
is any such power expressed in the Consti-
tuition ?"
Can it be possible that any one who has
ever read the constitution is yet verdant
enough to ask the above questions? Who,
before this writer, sver thought Of the peo-
pie delegating power to themselves in the
constitution? The constitution is nothing
but a delegation Of powers by the people to
the general government, and of course al
mowers mot dpLepoked ara rasarva5 tn tha