The daily national Whig. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1847-1849, 1849-06-12

self to be no propaganda of slavery,
These were public acts. But you want
public declarations Of personal sentiments
very good: you shall have them. My per-
sonal sentiments then, are against the insti-
tuition Of slavery, and against its introduce
ton into places in which it does not exist.
If there was no slavery in Missouri to-day,
should oppose its coming in: if there was
none in the United States, should oppose
its coming into the United States, as there
is none in New Mexico or California am
against sending it to those territories, and
could not vote for such measure--a decla-
ration which costs me but little, the whole
dispute now being about the abstract right
of carrying slaves there, without the exer-
else of the right. No one asks for the
exercise of the right, and cannot ask it in
the face the dogma which denies the power
to grant it. States dc as they please
These are my principles; and they reduce
the. difference between Mr.. Calhoun and
myself to the difference between refusing
and not asking. And for this the Union
is to be subverted ! Oh! metaphysics po-
litical metaphysics far better stick to the
innocent business Of amending the constitu-
ton by putting three States and river to-
gether
If any one wishes to know still more about
my principles on slavery, | will give him a
reference he may find them in fuckers
edition Of Blackstone's Commentaries, Zap
pendix to the second volume) where i'm
bibed forty-iour years ago, when a student
at law; and have held fast to them ever
since all but the remedy; and the difficulty
Of that is one Of the evils itself of slavery,
and one Of the arguments against one set Of
people putting it upon another, and dis
tant set Of people, especially while they are
lifting their imploring hands against It.
To finish this personal exposition, ] have
to say that my profession and conduct-no
unusual thing with irai humanity-do not
agree. was born to the Inheritance Of
slaves, and have never been without them.
l have bought some, but only on their own
entreaty, and to save them from execution
sales /: have sold some, but only for mis-
conduct. have had two taken from me by
the aboltionists, and never inquired after
them; and liberated third, who would not
go with them have slaves now in Ken
lucky, who were elevated TO the dignity Of
real estate, by being removed from Nilsson
ri to Kentucky f; and will have to descend
next fall to the low degree of a chattel in
terestin spite Of the laws of Kentucky, when
| shall remove them back to Missouri. And
have slaves in Washington City-perhaps
the only member Of Congress that has any
there--and am not the least afraid that Con-
gress will pass any law to afec: this property
either there, or here.
| have made no slave speeches in Con-
gress, and do not mean to make them. Prop
srty is timid !; and slave property above all
1t is not right to disturb the quietude Of the
owner to harass him with groundless appre-
tensions. 1t is private wrong to disturb a
single individual, by making him believe,
untruly, that his property is insecure. II
becomes public evil to disturb whole COM
munty. 1t creates general uneasiness,
generates animosities, deranges business, and
often leads to hasty and improvident legisla-
ton. have seen no danger to the slave
property Of any State i'll this Union by the
action of Congress; and cannot contribute
to alarm the country by engaging in discus
sons which assert or imply danger.
But ] have still higher reason for moi
engaging in these discussions. We are a
republic-the head of that form Of govern
ment--and owe great example to strug-
Cling and agonized world All the American
States of Spanish origin, in spite Of the diff
ference Of religion, language, manners, Gus
tons, have initiated our example; Europe is
now attempting to initiate it. Liberty is
now struggling in ancient Empires, and her
votaries are looking to us for the exemplf-
cation Of the blessings of which she is in
search, and for an argument in favor Of her
efforts, what do they see wrangling and
strife, and bitter denunciations, and threats
of separation. They see quarrel about
slavery to them strange and incompre-
hensible cause Of quarrel. They see slavery
and disunion coupled in one eternal wrangle.
They see US almost in state of disorgan-
zation--legislation paralyzed-distant terri
rtories left without overnment-insult,
violence, outrage on the floors of Congress
disunion threatened. Their hearts are chill
ed at this sad spectacle; their enemies rejoice
at it; and by every'mail-ship that leaves our
shores the representatives Of the crowned
heads of Europe send forth the record of our
debates to encourage the enemies, and to
conlound the friends of freedom. France
all parts of Italy-even the papal States; all
parts Of Germany-even the old and gloomy
Empire of Austria; all, all are struggling for
liberty, and turning anxious looks to US for aid
and succor, not by arms, for that they know
to be impossible, but Tor the mora! aid Of
a grand example. They look in vain. Our
example is against them; and if the present
struggle for liberty shall again miscarry in
Europe, we may take to ourselves a large
share of the blame. Once called the model
Republic by our friends, we are now so
called in derision by our foes; and the slavery
discussions and dissensions quoted as the
proofs of the impracticable force Of govern
ment which we have adopted. cannot en-