The daily national Whig. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1847-1849, 1849-02-10
Fom the New York Observer,
TILE SLAXEEY QUEhVION.


We devote large space in our columns this week
70 the addresses of the southern convention on the
slavery question. This subject has now become
deeply interesting and, In the view Of some, thIea-
tens the stability of our happy Union II is tiUle
therefore, TINT all who love their country should re-
fleet seriously and prayeiuy upon IT, and speak md
act as G ;onlts christian patriots. Our own views
on the general subject have been frequently glven
but we regard this us proper moment for referring
again to those considerations which should induce
the North 10 avoid all action and language In refer
ence - slavery, which will unnecessarily irrate the
South. Among these considerations are the follow
|. Our southern brethren are not RESPONSIBLE far
the origin IF thetrH.
Slavery was forced upon the American people y
Britain crafty her vile lust OF gold in opposlti m
10 the enreaties and circumstances of the wise and
good In every part OF the land and in every period Of
it, colonial history.
2. II Is mol easy nor 10 getr Of he er suddenly.
Slavery Is the fundamental law upon which all Tie
political institutions Of the South have been based
from The beginning. That law was established by
Britain AT The very commencement Of the political
existence Of those communities. gave 10 the white
man despoIc power over The negro. II constituted
the whites privileged ClassJhe arisocracy OF the
land The abolition Of slavery in the South would
be- in other words voluntary surrender BY this arts
tocracy OF the power and privileges which they hold
under the ancient law Of their country. Ought we
he greatly surprised If this surrender should moi be
made suddenly even though demanded by public
sentiment in the North, and in every other civilized
country on Inc plODe NntIt, III nisOlyt IL tIltTe
au example Of the surrender by m arstocracy OF
their ancient powers and privileges however eSor-
bitant and oppressive those powers, and however
earnest the demand for their surrender, when that
demand was not backed by a competent physical
force No one wishes TO see slavery abolished in
the South by physical force, and without physical
force Il would be moral miracle if II were abolished
suddenly. We must not be TOO impatient.
g. Our southern brethren hare done more 10 get rid
ofhe era than could hare been reasonably anticipated
When we reflect upon the demoralizng character
of slavery, and the distractions II opposes to all i'm
provemen phyaical, intellectual, and moral, we are
prone 10 think at the North that there be moth
ipg good In community where such an institution
exists The census Of 1910, however, shows thai
there are as the result of voluntary emancipation in
little Delaware, IA 900 Tree blacks, more Than five
sixIhs of the whole negro population of that State
in Maryland, 81 900 free blacks or nearly one-huf
Of the negro population Of that STATE in Virginia.
1000 free blacks in Louisiana, $4,000; and in all
the slave holding States, 2l5O0O free blacks, whose
value as slaves at the moderate estimate of $500
each would be more than 10000 000--mOre than
the boosted G20 900 which Britain paid Tor the
emancipation of her West India negroes-more Than
the aggregate of the State debts OF the whole slave
holding section Of the gnlon' This vast sum is The
voluntary sacrifice made by southern shareholders
on the altar of anti slavery feeling and principle In
making IT, thousands Of noble minded men have re-
duced themselves from ptfinence TO poverty. One
would think that such men could be safely trusted
with the management of the anti-slayery cause in
their own States Sa
A. Christ and his apostles did not den0ithce or nr
tate the stakeholder.
They lived and preached In countries where the
law gave man despoic power over his fellows, but
they did not denOunce the law or the men who held
power under it. They did not require the despol 10
nbdicae or the STAKEHOLDER 10 emancipate his slaves,
without regard TO consequences. Paul did not aid
and abet Oneslmus in his escape from his master;
nor did he threaten to cit his conneSlou with the
master, if he continued 10 employ the labor of the
slave He used no harsh epithets. lie called Phil
emon STAKEHOLDER us he was his "deary beloved fel-
low-aborer" in the gospel, and thanked God for his
glove and faith" and all his noble Christian graces
He sent back the penitent runaway slave to his mas
ter with courteous, conciliatory and aiectionate
letter. calculated TO soften the feelings and render all
the future intercourse OF the parties pleasant and
profitable.
s. The Bibie method ofdedling irith siarery and
| Shareholders Is Me best method.
The Bible is the source Of all the rational liberty
we enjoy. Wherever Its principles are heartily en-
braccd slavery, or ut least the evil Of slavery Is sure
| TO die. But how does II effect thisl BY denouncng
the law and sgmatisng all who hold power under
it? No. 1t does not seek TO change The law as the
! frs, and great thing. II seeks first 10 change the
heart of the master II goes 10 him, and IN the nc.
| cents of Christian love and kindness tells him ha.
his slave is his brother; made in the image Of God
his father an object of his Sayiour's most tender
| love endowed like himself with an immortal soul
possessed of powers which Will expand forever; Ca
pabe of being fitted here, in this momeniary life "a
enjoy ineilable glory with God in heaven, through
endless ages and that such being should be treated
with all the consideration due to his near relation
ship, his vast capacities and his lofty destiny" il
addresses not the fears not the pride of the maaer
not the noblest feelings of his nature and when
IL has thus gained the master, 1t trusts to him in due
time to change the law, and until the law is changed
TO deprive ii of lis power to HARM This Is the Ri.
BILE way Of dealing with slavery, and il is the true
way.
The policy OF the North is at'mastery inactivity, 9
al, n pnliry