The North-Carolina standard., 1849-01-31

many Wings throughout North Carolina; !; a. dlsaP-
probation which required the most stringent party
tdriH in this Legislature to overcome, They were
/ surprised that gentleman representing the large
slaveholding interest of North Carolina, could not
on that subject have acted with the great body of
Southern Senator's together with Berren of Georgia.
and Clayton, of Delaware, two names dear to the
| Wings of North Carolina. .@e <79s .f''4
did not, Sir, vote for Mr. Badger, but am not
him to be gentleman of great talents, and the strict
est integrity. admit that his vote upon that occa-
sion was not decisive test of his opinions and that
| it might have been merely error of Judgment
Should he hereafter in his place Senators sppport
the spirit and object of these resolutions, and give
to his State the benefit of his great abilities, no man
in North Carolina viii acquiesce cheerfuliy in
his election than will, will rejoice more In any
future honor which may be bestowed upon him.
Should, however he decline to do So it is not for
to say what should be his course; but this will say
in the most confident belief that speak the real
sentiments of those who hear me- that If he declines
to support the spirit of these resolutions, he will
neither represent the majority of the Legislature which
elected him, the wishes, or feelings, or interest,"
of at least nnetenhs of the people of North Carolina
Let us now, Sir, examine these Resolutions, and
see what they are, and how they originated.
A series of resolutions on the same subject were
introduced into the other House, by distinguished
member of the Wing party, Mr.. Steele, of Richmond
| These resolutions were thought by some gentlemen
strong for the occasion, and in order put them
into such shape would secure unanimous vote,
they referred to Committee equally composed
of disting members of both political parties.
1t was thought, on such subject of slavery, we
should have party division; but that the Legisa-
ture if it spoke should speak the sentiments of the
great majority, if not of the whole people of North
Carolina. The resolutions your table, with
slight amendment, are the production of that Com
mittee, have received the sanction, with but few
ceptions, of nearly every fsember of the House of
Commons, of both political parties; and have in
troduced them here, that the Senate may have
opportunity of expressing their opinion, before the
confusion and hurry of the last hour of the session
What IS there, Sir, in these resolutions, which
should prevent their unanimous adoption, or which
can prevent the most tmid scrupulous member
from voting for them2 The language is not strong
and decisive as North Carolina has before used
towards the Federal Government; nor in my judg-
ment strong the occasion most amply justihes.
Unless choose to remain passive and silent, under
every indgnity, cannot say less. And, Sir, can
remain silent? Are not bound by every tie
which binds us to constituents, to speak, that
they may be aware of the danger which approaches
We are placed here as sentinels upon the watch
tower, and if slumber upon our posts, or fail to
sound the alarm to constituents, who repos-
ing in fancied security under the banners of Con-
stitution which we know to be violated, we are not
true to those who rely upon vigilance and fidelity.
| The first resolution asserts the equality ofsthe
States in rights, privileges and immunities. under
the Constitution. This is so plain and clear pro-
position, that presume will deny it, at least
upon this floor. .--t.. ef -4.. .ss "a
The second resolution asserts that at the adoption
of the Federal Constitution, the subject of slavery in
recognized, and its inviolability asserted The Con-
stiuton is an instrument of enumerated and defined
powers, one of which by the widest construction
can Justly give to the General Government any au-
thority over this subject municipal institution
At the formation of the Federal Constitution, the
South had the power and the wealth, and the North
wooed us to union with the most fattering and
endearing epithets. The union has made her rich
and powerful, and she is now disposed to impair the
terms of the coparnershp by which she has so Won
derfnlly improved. s.. -.- ..sa-sls., -
The third resolution expresses the concern, which
the constant aggressiens on our rights, by the en-
croachments of the North, is producing. This reso-
luton Sir, appeals deeply to the feeling not only OF
every Senator here present, but of every thinking
| individual in our community.
This continual and senseless agitation OF the sub
ect of Slavery, is the greatest grievance that any
civilized government inflicted upon any portion
of its citizens whose peace and security was bound
to protect and promote. When before was 1t ever
seen that government, either civilized or barbarous,
occupied itself in daily petty annoyances, calculated
disturb the peace, to endanger the secury and to
embitter the feelings of large portion of Its citizens
And Sir, incredible as this fact may seem, it has
been almost the exclusive occupation of the House
of Representatives during the present session. The
ignorance manifested by these agiators, OF the true
condition of Southern slavery, and OF the best and
safest mode to il, is only equalled by the
intense magnity of their feelings towards the South
ern owner. Can we then, Sir, with any sort of fair
ness, be accused of indulging in any hasty or inn
proper feelings when we throw back upon our assal-
x
upon usI -.s-. -
| The fourth resolution declares, the exercise by
Congress of power to exclude Southern slaveho-
der from engrating to any of conquered terrific
lries with his property, would be act not only of
GROSS Injustice and wrong, but likewise contrary to
the true meaning and spirit of the Constitution.
am not, Sir, about to enter into any discussion upon
the Wimot Proviso this resolution expresses IN the
most modified and subdued manner, the least that
| a Southern man should claim upon such subject.
! No wise government least of all republican one,
should ever exercise doubtful power that may bring
it into conflict with the rights and interests of any
portion of its citizens. Ever since the adoption OF
the Federal Constitution, the true mode OF constituting
its provisions has been matter of dispute. One set
of politicians desirous of enaging the powers OF
the General Governmentby forced and strained
struction of the provisions Of the instrument, whilst
the other class 90 the opposite extreme. Let who
will administer the Federal Government, the expert
enee of the last forty years has amply Proved that the
apprehension of their not assuming power Tor any
purpose whatever, is mere chimera. The South,
being the weaker portion of the confederacy, having
an interest peculiar to ITSELF which is liable to be
saued from every quarter, very naturally and proper
w. looks upon any construction of the Constitution
which tends unnecessarily to increase the powers OF
the General Government, dangerous and alarming
This is what the fourth resolution expresses. and
does any one here doubt the truth OF the proposition!
Where is the necessity for any action at ALL by the
| Federal Government upon the subject of slavery
There clearly is none why then contend for pow
wherever it may be found solely and exclusively to
the management Of these who wish it, and who are
best able to take care of it2 Was it intended that
the Federal Government should administer to the
whis the caprces, if you prefer the expression,
the philanthropy of the NorHa This fourth resolu-