Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1849-01-03
tie that question. But few men doubt the exis-
,ence of that power, and great change will have
TO pass over the public mind before such doubts

to pass over the public mind before such doubts
can exist.
But the question now before the Senate is the
to the committee on Federal relations. I hope
it will not be referred. Similar resolutions
have already been referred TO that committee
a nd still to bo found there. ! fear they are
destined to remain there, and should these be
sent TO keep them company they will remain
there until the session shall have expired.
Mr.. Robinson was in favor Of Mr.. o.
resolutions because they were couched in
plain and strong language against the ex-
tension of slavery. Such was not the
case with those which came from the
House. They were infected with kind
Of Southern atmosphere; the South were
always in favor Of keeping back any de-
cisiye action, and these resolutions would
but encourage them with the delusion that
they have a right to 60 with their slaves
where they pleased, and after they had
once got foothold they would then con-
tend for laws ratfying the existing condi-
ton Of things. lie was for telling them
at once, that they could not go 10 this free
territory with their slaves. He had no
Tears TeSuit-tflc scOutn WOulO never
dissolve this Union. Mr. II. then spoke
Of the difference in the requirements Of
the two joint resolutions, and expressed
himself in favor Of those measures which
would be positive in their operation in
keeping slavery out osfhe territories.
Mr.. MilIkin replied to Mr.. Orth. lie
wanted to know if it would make any diff
ference in the action Of Congress for this
Legislature to assert that ii had the power
to forever forbid the introduction of slave
nv into our territories. For his part he
thought not. He thought it was not in
our province to dictate in this matter, and
its mere assertion here could not invest
Congress with or detract any power that
it did not already possess. He thought
there was no need Of this hot haste in the
matter. He thought that it was strife
in the movers to get the start of one an
other, and particularly with the Senators
from Tippecanoe and Wayne. 1t was
supposed by these gentlemen that it was
necessary for them to do SO in order to
place temsclves right before the people
from having supported Gen. Taylor who
would not give any opinion upon the
Wilmot Proviso. Mr.. NJ then took up the
them at some length, cnntending that they
embodied all that any Free Soil man could
wish. unless he desired TO make a little
politica al capital out of his vote; and they
commended themselves 10 his mind more
strongly because they would be less Of
fensive to the South than those introduced
by the Senator from TipPecanoe He
thought one would be as binding, if carri-
ed out by Congress, over the Sc territories
and the courts there. as the other. If
Congress declared what was the law, it
would be just as binding over the Courts
as if it declared what should and what
should not be.
Mr. Osborn considered that a mere de-
clararory resolution could have no binding
effect upon the people Of the territories.
Ii required positive enactment Of Con-
gress to shape the rule of action for those
over whom it was sought to have any bind
ing force. The resolution which was re-
lied upon here by some, among those
which come from the House, was the very
resolution which was proposed by the
South;-a mere declaratory resolution
which would not prevent them from car.
rying their slaves whittier they pleased
pie of those territories, when they were
admitted into the Union, could frame
their own institutions; but Mr.. Osborne ar.
gued that if Congress exercised this pow
CIR. and prohibited slavery in these terri.
tories now. that it would amount to its ex.
clusion forever; for the territories would
be filled up with people opposed to sla.
very. Such, he commended, had been the
effect Of the Ordinance of 1897 on the
Northwestern territory. Indiana, in hel
sovereign capacity. had a right to estab
lish slavery, but where was the man in
her whole borders who was in favor Of do
ing it! This was the effect of the prohi
bition Of slavery by Congress while she
was a territory. lie insisted that Con
gress had the right to forbid the introduc
ton Of slavery into these territories; that i
was too late now to call il in question af
ter being exercised during the last sixty
years. through every stage of legislation
in the Missouri compromise, in the ad
mission Of Texas, and the organization o
Oregon. He was not TO be told that the
exercise ofthe right to inform Congress.
what we believe to be constitutional fol
her to do, was of doubtful import. twa.
Union before the Senator from Dearborn
had seen the light Of heaven. 1t was
done by Virginia. Did the gentleman
forget the resolutions of 96!-resolutions
that Madison introduced, telling Congress
what was and what was not constitution.
al! Ifhe has. the gentleman must have
forgotten his democracy, for these resolu.
tons stand out under the head of the
Washington Union now, as the polar star
Of the democracy. The right has been
exercised by all the older States Of the Z.
Mon, and he was not to be told on this
floor that it is of doubtful nature Mr.
Osborn continued to speak at some length
referring to the change which had sudden
ly come over the leaders of the democrac,
on this question, within the last ST,
months-that men who had traversed thu
length and breadth of the State. proclaim
inp IL unconstitutional for Cororo.s e.