Jeffersonian Republican. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1840-1853, 1849-09-20
TO the emocratic WhiG Young
Meu the Com m O u W en- ltfR.

Men the COmmO nweaItf.
Il We have u. in preceding address, that the
icreed Of the lhig parity IN virtue ofthe national
character Of several objecta,is denosnnased and
1knowna as til. American System. ', That mea-
sure which, hong others proposed by it, is, per-
haps, the mt important to the whole country,
and especial to Pennsylvania, is protective
tariff. The Ower.ef dshe. General al~Gevernment
so to regqat duties on imports as to, protect
American ids.ry against foreign policy and the
rivalry Of fesn pauperism, may be considered
as plaeedseyond all candid controversy. bat
we may gfurther than the question Of po'eer, and
insis, that is the duty Of the Government to i'm
pose sucIdutes because, prior to the present
union of . States, each possessed, as an inde-
pendent stereignty, full power to slegislate for
the protecpn OF its own industrial interests. In
entering ito the confederacy under the present
constitutio, the States give up this power 10 the
Federal Gbvesament, and in ceding it, they did
so upon animplied understanding tnat the Fede-
tar uosofnHeni would exercise the power for IL
self. subject alone TO INFLAMMATION of regard for
the joint welfare of a majority of all the States.
But more than this it may be affirmed, that the
obligation of government 4 protect the industry
of the people, whenever its Constitution is silent
upon the subject, exists as natural, fundamental
condition of the very compac, Of government it.
SELF ] a als o"b q ot elf.'@2 at
$ The Wing policy then, as it refers to a Protee-
live Tariff, may be founded upon this principle--
that whenever, in commercial competition be-
.ween foreign states, such dispari.ies exists as
threaten destruction to the industry Of one, it is
tie bouRden duty off its government to interpose
is arm, and toprotect it to any degree necessary
I'd its safety. Dismissing then the question Of
power and Of obligation on the part of our nation
algoyernment. to protect the national industry, as
a question sufficiently settled. lie, us briefly exane
inc the SUBJECT with view to its expedience.
As compared with European nations. we are in
a safe ofinfancy. Starting upon our career at
favorable epoch Of the worlds advancement IN
sr and science, and endowed with wonderful nat
Iral means, we have been enabled to anticipate,
n many respects, the ordinary stages Of national
,rogress. But much as they have done, nature
ind civilization have not done enough to empower
Is to cope at once with the matured abilities Of
,ther states. With many centuries of English ex-
,erience and experment-of accumulated skill
md wealth arrayed against us-to say nothing Of
England's surperauous population and deprecated
abor--i, is obvious, that the relative condition OF
he two counties is isopposed to the equality of
Intercourse. And when we add to
Ill her other elements of superiority, the severe
under which she admits the
commerce Of foreign states, it is evident that
rec trade system upon our part is utterly imprac-
icable. "
In this condition of things, we must counterva,ls
n some wab the immense advantages against US.
,efoie we ctn contend at all with English power.
fhe experience we have already had, shows that,
Without legislative help, manufacturing and me-
Ter the heavy pressure of English competition
md also TINT the stage Of success to which it has
,ven now advanced, could not have been reached,
'ut for the protection which the government, by
ormer tarif acts, has given it. How much grea-
er the prosperity Of all our Industrial interests
md uniform, instead Of being uncertain and vacl-
ating, we Hill not undertake TO say-but that it
would be n,w far beyond what it is, there cannot
,e doubt Under the more stable system. Of
policy, there is reason to believe that we might
nave placel our manufacturing interest upon
ooting sufficiently firm and independent to enable
at this time to stand up alone against all rivalry.
That it ran do so in its present state, every can
lid man who looks at the actual circumstances
IF the case, must admit to be impossible. The
iegree ofprotec,ion required now is less, indeed,
han what we required in the beginning but this
diminished necessity for protection is owing to
he protection heretofore given; and under ju-
iicious tariff system the need for legislative aid
will rapidly grow less and less until that which
s incident to mere revenue law will be all that
American industry will want. But no,o it needs
more. 1t needs tariff directly protective tar
If that will counterbalance, by imposts upon En-
,lish production, the taxation imposed by English
,pon American production, and which will operate
o effect greater equality between us in our COM
nercial relations and intercourse. A tariff for
uch purpose need not be so immoderate as to ex-
;lude foreign trade or even to deprive il Of just
md liberal license; but it should be so contrved
IS TO discriminate in favor ofthe home production
" such articles as are necessary to our indepen-
lence, and be raised just so high above mere
evenue standard as to restrict importation to
,oint at which domestic fabrics may be left to a