The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1849-07-21
WHOLE NUMBER ITO.
Light from a country they had betrayed.

a..
ing the great masses Of the people, that Is deer
ly affecting. This great, upright, simpls-heart
ed population is, in the main, thoroughly SCUM
on this SUBJECT They do not approve Of sls
Very-they do not wish il increased-they ar
NOT wiling 10 make 1t any larger or any strong
OF tnan II 10, far less to make it perpetua
ms is the settled feeling of Kentucky, beyon
all reasonable doubt. 1t is, no doubt, also true
that they do not wish to be driven into an
scheme Of Emancipation at present. The,
have not fully considered the subject, The
are not satisfied as to what would be preciseI'
the proper course. They desire to do what i
lar and liberal by the owners of slaves, and /
possible, 10 satisfy them, in the great move
ment whenever II is made. These are RICH
impulses and should be sscredly respected
o'il farther, they saw and felt that it was Meth
er wise nor safe to part with power 10 cont,o
this and perhaps every other subject. mors ~
ieetualiy, than under their formercons.itutions
ana WIN one accord the convention party n
hehincky, in the famous address Of ISl7
signed by eighty one persons, bowling to thi, a,
asetued public opinion, pledged themselves 10
"hat tney supposed was the exposition OF n
nameiy, the open clause, as 10 the mod. n
amending the new constitution. / interDrs.sG
oiheresey that public sentiment, and bsx. Al.
ways oPPoseu mat open ciause-deeming il evil
In principle and mischieyous in practice. But
Presuming, from the state Of parties as late a.
TWO months ago. that IT might be made part
OF the constitution, the Frankfort conventioD
oil April %, simply recognised that prob,bilI
ity' and without approving or condemnlpg the
open clause, shaped lite course 90 as 10 act with
or without II, according as II might or might
not be placed Ia the constitution.
VI late, the Democratic press and marty in
the state, so lar as they are pro-slayerv. have
seen new light and turned a sharp corner. and
now denounce this open clause as an abolition
contriVance, though endorsed originally bv the
nigh names ofThomas Melcalfe and Ben. H,r-
dln' heading the famous list Of the 81: and the
mig Pro-slayery press and party are rapidly
discovering the same light, and turning the
same corner. And this is but sample of what
nas happened In connection with this whole
subject oil the call Of this convention. IN.
schemes to amend the constitution- and the
plan to increase and perpetuate slavery From
beginning TO end, the whole proceeding has
been disrePutable party jnggle. The co1ven.
ton was not called for any great or well con-
sidered ooJect-but parties were afraid to COM
mt themselves against IL, and for party objects
united in calling il. The scheme of amend
ments and the famous address of the eighty-one.
IN 1871, Is State paper which for the renuta
ton OF the cosntry, ought to be forgotten: and
was another proof that the main -spring Of ac-
tion amongst all parties was mutual appre-
nenslon OIL each other, under a general struggle
ior party aggrandisement. During the Dast
WINTER In The Legislature at Frankfort, the
quesuon OF slavery became the test amongst
parties, and the great question was which should
gam most, by most thoroughly committing il.
self for slavery; each believing it to be proba-
bic that the State would continue slavery and
each knowing that thorough pro-slavery par
y Is the bilndest and the fercest Of all psriies
Now Is 1t not mournful 10 see a great peopI.
mace the TOOL and sport Of such persons and
such Proceedingsf great State, in a great
eTss, tossed to and fro by the little party tactics
and the little selfish schemes Of htiIe men
VINO, by the visitation of Goo, happen 10 have
some control over great subject, and some in
1uence IN great Commonwealth People Of
Is It worthy of you to permit your
opinions, your principles, and your character
10 De made the sport Of those who make trade
Of pOliticsl If you think slsvary l. risLs.s
SO, render maniul reason for il, and sst II m
,ternally. But for shame's sake, let not the
tricks OF miner politicians, the pretexts of par
~ leaders, and the influences Of mere marty
names and party ends, deter or seduce YOU into
an abandonment Of your honest convictions
isgrant sacrifice Of your clear sense Of right.
md fatal surrender Of political power. The
platform Of the Frankfort conventioD-no in
crease of slavery-no perpetual establishment
d slayery-no injustice to masters-no sudden
md violent EmanciPation-but time to think
calmly, and power 10 act as experience shall
iictate-is not This your own settled view on
MS suoJeeti Is not this about what YOU would
,ay IT, man by man, you were asked what YOU
iesired7
3. The Commonwealth herself, the uAOLe Com
is the great party 10 these proceed
ngs. The men Of all parties, who love the
state, more than they love their party or even
heir personal interests; the men who do not
Ict simply because il is the lead Of their Dartv:
he community at large, as distinguished from
III the parties contained in its bosom, and a. ar
'lted above the constitution which il NAV form.
Ind the government it may install; this is the
,reat party TO these transactions. A great COM
nunity is called to act in the greatest matter
'bout which it can be engaged. The sovereign /
once more, after the lapse Of half 4
century, appears upon the theatre Of affairs. |
The whole order OF society is to pass before il in
eview, and the foundations Of the State 10 b. /
aid afresh. Whatever human experience has
gathered during those fifty years, whatever DO !
itical wisdom has brought forth, or profound
'esearches developed, or the gigantic progress
" mankind produced during the most eyentful |
'eriod In the history Of the world; all, all, is
'pen for our use. How clear Is IL, that Ken
lucky should place in a convention invested |
With such transcendsnt powers, none but pure.
wise, enlightened and trustful men; and that
uch men, when they are met, should act for
Kentucky; for all Kentucky, and for her high |
st and largest good; and that Kentucky, there
ore, is the great party in these affairsl
Now Is il for the interest, the honor, the
1ches, the power. the glory, the peace, the sd-
the happiness, Of this great Com
to exert her sovereign power, in
UGH a way, and 10 the intent, that involuntary,
hereditary, domestic negro slavery shall be in
definitely increased and eveIlastingly establish
d in her bosoml Men of kentucky, ask your
elves that question; then lay your hands on
our hearts and answer il!
IL il her bounden duty 10 increase and to Der
'etuate an institution which the whole civilised
world except the fifteen slave States on this
ointment, and the Empire Of Brazil, unites in |
ondemning and denouncing1 Is 1t her sacred
uty to set at defiance the voice Of the human
acct Is 1t laid upon her by an irresistible OBJ |
igation, to do this in the face of a world strug-
ling for freedom, and looking to this country
or examples Of liberty, justice and rightl
IL il wise in,her TO pursue a course which can !
ave no other effect, than to reduce her strength
nd numbers when compared with her sister |
'tates, making II more and more certain, that
Ter position on the scale Of States must sink |
over and lower with each returning national |
ensus; cutting herself of from the possibility !
4 taking rank with the greatest Of all, and |,
orcing herself downward amongst the weakest
4 all, losing her relative power and conse- \
uence, in the Union at every step Of her pro-
ressl
Is II polite In her, to foster, to stimulate, and
o make eternal an institution, by means Of
which, population she cannot trust in peace or /
ely on In war; hostile by its nature its position
Is injuries and its utter hopelessness, shall be |
made perpetual and an Increasing element Of
er social system, eating up the bread that