The Arkansas banner., 1849-08-14

\ lakes of the Union, nalonal Id thsF ehaFaeler and important 10 the commerce and sasme ef aAelA 10 the defence ofoaf country. Whiie the demecTatie party deny the power b dsslsa and carry on vsst l systetn of operations-whcse pecuniaty extent no man can foresee, and what is stiIl woEses whose corrupting influence, well in the legislature as out of ii, cannot Dc viewed but with the most ner- ous appreheasioa-he grea, naisrity of that party. indeed nearly all of M has advocated particular ap- appropriations JusIifed by the efcnmathnceso of poe- ton and iniPortaRcs
 Almost ai the same timsthat declared my adhe- sion to ts resolutions of the Baltimore Convention.
 voted wit eqaai good faith for bills in the Senate providing for the improvement et Tvsss and haI boFs and lakes, ard advocated theis passage R mt seats and this is precisely the reason why accuse many ef the whig papers and politicians of disingebuvus- ness or something worse. in asserting thatmy Chi cago letter, which coataned Rot word on tlse sub ect was proof o tay hostility ic all the actios Of CongF&ss the very face oi lay official course and of my Esnheiy-dccafed opinions. And nay position was that ef most of the prominent oI our party, who. while they held 10 the doesines oi ihe Tesou- tioHs, held likewise to the power of special egis. latioB, and voted for the same bills. I do rot know, indeed, that there is a single senator who denies to Congress al power 10 leeisIae oyer this natter Certainly Mir. Calhoun does not, who adopts the wholesome docuiae of strict construction. an aware It is difficult to draw practical line al all times between objects that ought and thai ought noi to engage the attention oi Congress; aNd think therefore, looking 10 the abuse to which the whole subject s liable, that the effort should be to narrow, and not 10 enlarge the circle of power; and such understand to be the views of the democratic party. The other proof of insincerity, as have already stated, Is drawn from the fact that in my letter to Mir. Nicholson I took ground against the Wilmot Provso, excluding slavery by law from the ierTito ries, and now believe that slavery. with or without that restTictioh, will not be established there And the wonder is gravely expressed how could write
 that letter and the letter of ihree lines t0 the Chicago Convention and vet claim the character os s honest man. It is much graver wonder to me, how intel- ligent editors of public papers, whose influence on public opinion is great should venture thus to deal even witii political opponent. in utter disregard of his true position. IL will not surprise you. but t will many, who have viewed my course only m party aspect. to be told that in that very letter to Mr Nicholson expressly stated my opinion 10 be that slavery would extend 10 California New Mexico; and that " the inhabitants of those regions, whether they depend on their poughs CT their hcrds cannot be shareholders. '' quoted with fnll approbation the opinions of Mir Buchanan and of Mfr Walker He former of whom says: a IL is motaiy impossible, therefore that majority oi the engusnts to that portion of the territory south of .i6e 30 wiii ever re-Pstahlish slavery within its limitsp Mir. Walker maintains that beyond the Rio dei Norte slavery will not passs l0t only breause it is forbidden by law. but because The coiored race there preponderates in fine ratio of ten to one the whites; aud holding. as they do. the government and most oi the offices in their possession, they will
 not permit the enslavement ot any portion of tue colored race, which makes and executes the laws of the country" And to these remarks l add she question, it will therefore be seen on examination, aoes not regard the exclusion of slavery iTom a region where i now exists, but prohibition against it's introduction where Ii does not exist, and where from inc feelings of the inhabitants and the laws ot nature, it is morally impossible, as Mir. Buchanan says, that Il can ever re-estsbIsh itself" have never uttered 10 human being a sentiment in opposition 10 these views And subse- queD events, the events indeed of every day, cof- | firm their justice, and render it impossible ihat slavery should be re-established in the region ceded 10 us by Mexico Such is the general opinion in the non slaveholding States, among those who are most attached 10 the compromises Of the constitution, and most de,eImiRed 10 maintain them. And l do moi doubt but there are many persons m the southern States who resist the Wilmo Proviso with all their power, as offensive 10 the feelings and injurious to the rights of the South. but who still believe il is Q question rather of principle than of action, sd that circumstances are preparing an exclusion which Congress has To Tight io pronounce. >s In the view here taken the effort 10 engraft the Wilnot Proviso upon an act of Congress. eve2 Il Congress had the requisite power, is aseiess attempt to dect he legislation of the country 10
 object which would be just as certainly attained without it. If Congress have not the power. as believe they have not, in common with large DOT l tOn of the people. 1t becomes than usess by becoming unconstitutional. And in addition 10 this, it is peculiarly offensive 10 one-haf of the States o the Union, who in it an attempt 10 ciremscribe their rights and to moiiy their pride of character | No man lcok at the signs of the times without being satisfied that the non o this question is produeng the worst state ol feeing and though trust that happen wbat may, etr southern bretbreI will still cling to the Union equally ihel ark osaiei, and ours still there evils short oi separation which every good citizen should seek 10 avoid, H. should seek 10 avoid all occasions of fniriendy feel ings 10 avoid as far as may be the agitation ol ques lions hostile lo Inc sentiments interests ot differ ent sections ol the country, and thus tending to Arral one of illem against another. There Is enousi passing in the Old World--and fl there were not there is enough passing around usto teach us ths inestimabe value of institutions, and that these ought not to be hazarded by internal dissensions, a
 unnecessary in their origin a. they are porienlioa'
 in their consequences.
 So much for the expedency of urging measure thus advocated aud opposed. Bat beyond this ques.
 ton Is a still more important m constitutions " government, ard ina, is the power of Congress ts legislafe over the subject; and ths must he seiteG afirnaVely before ;he pTopfiety oleg Isaivs actior can be considered. an not going over this gro9nu al present. have already touched upon II in mJ letter To MT. Nicholson, and shall probably havs an opportunity of expressing my sentiments nor, iuiiy al tIe bext SessIon ot Congress.
 1 shall content myself with presenting few general remarks here, as the subjectes in my way
 There is one important consideration which meet. us at the very threshold ot this inquiry there is express power in Congress 10 legislate over .h, territories to be found in the constitutions; for believe il is now generally conceded--as indeed i
 must be--thai the power to dtspose of and aek, needni rules md scgiiaoas foy Ae fuiory and othe, properly ofMs Uaiicd Stdfes coniaus grant O political power over persons upon saeh ProPefty either within or without the respective Siales. ADf fl 1t does in e one, i, must in the oiher for ibess words are equally applicable to the territory ane oker property of the limited States wherever stased But there five or six provisions in the con stitulon whence the power Is sought 10 be dedacee
 some per deriving it from clause and some from another; while each is fortunate in show ing where Il does not than where i does exist. The exercise of grea. political power like this by . legislature, deriving ifs existence from writer instrument. ought not to depend on such loose con slraciions. Nothing sbo"s the weIgrounded