Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1849-07-05

ahs"e' 'hese 10 me- sell evident propo-
sitions. They have TO be answered,
and the force of these authorities broken
before there is anything to dispute
about.
Those who differ with Col. Benton
arrive at the same conclusion at last
lie says he is for protecting slavery
where it u.s. and we do not know, iu.
dicially, whether it exists in California
or not, but he is for letting the question
rest where it is, so far as legislative &C.
ton is concerned; so are we, so are the
declarations we have from Southern
men. Col. Benton AYERS the power of
Congress 10 legislate over territories in
reference to slavery. In looking at il
as an original question, | have thought
thatit was stretch of power that
ought not TO be exercised, that from the
spirit ofconcesslon, of compromise, and
OF equality of rights which seemed to
prevail at the time of the adoption Of
our constitution, we might well draw
the inference that TO carry out the same
feeling now we should not interfere in
SO important matter. If we say il is
violation fthe constitution, we should
be able TO point to the particular clause
volatcd-this we are not able 10 do,
and the most that can be said is that the
spirit in which the constitution was
adopted will ADM, Of this construction.
Yet we find that from the very founda-
ton Of the government, its practice has
been the other way, founded no doubt
upon the power claimed by virtue of
the I'd clause of the Sd section of the
4th article of the constitution of the
United States. That congress shall
have power TO dispose of and make all
needful rules and regulations respecting
the territory, or other property belong
ing TO the United States"
The ordinance of 1857, is but an act
of Congress in which slavery is pro.
hibited in certain territories. This act
has been declared by our own State
courts not TO be in conflict with the con.
stitution and scores Of slaves have been
set free in this state by virtue of its op.
Grafton, and the argument that the or
dinance was adopted prior TO the con-
stitution amounts 10 nothing, as the
rights are accruing under it every day,
and as the constitution is the supreme
law of the land, every thing in conflict
with IT must give way. Then comes
the Missouri compromise act, the his.
tory of which you will find in our digest
Of laws, 1925, also in Chambers e.
Knapp's edition Of our digest of the
laws, ls45-a true history of which
is also given by Col. Benton in his
speech. The act not only prohibits sla.
very, but actually abolished it where it
didexist. For when we acquired Lou
isiana, the institution ofslavery existed
and had done so during the time it was
a colony of Spain and France, yet by
the act of Congress referred TO slavery
was abolished in all that territory north
of the parallel of SO deg. 80 min., and
up north TO the Lake Of the Woods on
the 49th parallel, except so much OF it
as is in the State of Missouri. Look
at this act of Congress, and then ask
yourself is in violation, Of the con.
slitution? lfitis, then it has no bind
ing effect. l put the question TO you
thus: you are now Judge; a citizen
of Kentucky moves purposely, to Iowa
with his slave, land when l speak of
Iowa l speak of her in her territorial
condition, for in her organization as a
Stale, the people have the right 10 settle
her conditions as to slavery without re.
gard TO her previous territorial con.
dition3 lives there a number of years
then moves TO Missouri--his slave sues
for his freedom, claiming it by virtue OF
the operation of this act of Congress
Iowa being apart of our Louisiana pur-
chase, slavery did exist there prior to
the passage Of the act of 1920. and il
Congress has no power to legislate on
this subject in territories, then that act
is unconstitutional and void, and slavery
still exists in Iowa. Would you so de.
eide the law to bel Would our Su,
preme Court SO declare the law TO be!
Mr.. Monroe and his cabinet seemed to
have no doubt on the subject-they be.
a.