The Texas Republican. [volume] (Marshall, Tex.) 1849-1869, 1849-08-16
Mr.. (alhsun's Reply TO tel. Benton.

charges against HIM md The nther, renine Che ai
tode which the Missouri Senator occupies OF the
slavery question. We publish the latter acroun, of
the ability aud conc,sanuss with which II clucdntcs
the subject j
Passing all these bv am brought TO where
he throws off his disguise. and enters the
camp of the enemy and openly yroelams him
self an abol,ionisi, endorses all their doctrines,
I and steps forth rs their champion. In that
character he ASSUMES dictatorni air, and pro-
nounccs that it is absurd to deny the power Of
Congress TO legislatc as il pIca,es on the sub
lect Of slavery in the territories that II has
exercised the power from the foundation with
out being questioned until ! introduced my
resolutions; that slavery is local in it, charae-
ter that 1t must be created by law, and cannot
be carried an inch beyond the limits OF the
state that enacted il, that slaves cannot be- ear
ried into New Mexico or California, because he
Mexican laws abolished slavery there, and ARE
still in force. and concludes that il Is mere
abstract question of no importance, because the
people there, and especially the foreigner. ar,
opposed TO it, and will not permit YOU to emf
CRATE into the territory with your slaves.
! do not propose to enter into formal repe-
tiIon of assertions 80 osteEta,ipusIy pro-
nounced. 1t Is not necessary They were The
same that were put forth aud relied on BY those
opposed TO YOU in the discussion on the Oregon
territorial bill, during T. session preceding the
last; and which were th-n fully met and rcluted
by me and others, who took your side of the
question. What now propose Is, a very sum.
mary and brief notice Of these several assertions
| begin with that which asserts that Congress
has the power to 10 As II peases upon the sub
jeci of slavery in the territories. | deny the
/ sl.,t ts.a
such power over slavery there or elsewhere, or
over any other subject ! deny that Congress
has any absolute power whatever or that II has
any Of any description, except such are spcciii-
cally delegated, or that are necessary and proper
to carry them into execution. | maintain that
all It's powers are delegated and trust powers,
and not positive aud absolute, and that all of
the latter description, belongs exclusively TO
the people of the several States ~ their sOSc-
reign character also hold that Congress is
but their representative and trustee, and that IN
carving into execution is powers 1t cannot
righiiuy exercise any inconsistent with the
object and nature of the trust, or with the char
aeter Of the party who created the trust, and
| for whose benefit II was created. ! finally
hold. tina, instead of having the absolute power
over the territories of doing a. II piea-cs. that
Congress is restrained by all ihese limitations,
and that ts power To exclude you from emgra-
iing with your slaves INTO them, cannot be
maintained without denying that ours Is a gov
eminent of specific powers; that II Is govern
ment of which states and not individuals are
the constituents and that Congress holds It's
powers AS delegated and trust powers. Nor
can 1t he maintained, without assuming that
ours is consolidated governments ind holds
its powers absolutely IN its own sovereign night
of doing ~ II picascs.
also DENY the truth Of his next assertion,
that il has exercised the power over the terrific
rie, a. it pleased without being questioned,
until introduced my resolutions. maintain,
on the contrary that such power never was cN-
ercised by Congress, until he and his assoelaios
passed the Oregon territorial bill That was
the first bill containing the Wnmot pro'iso that
ever passed, Us h. en- stiied-pissed Sol'ty
to assert the absv,,. right OF doing a. il pease-
All others, including the ordinances Of l7s7
were passed rs compromises winch waived The
question OF power, as has been frequently
shown, nor i. his assertion more correct, that
the power never Was questioned, ut the in.
PRODUCTION of my resolutions. ltva, question:
ed from the start, beginning with the ordinance
of l7ss. Mr. Madison pronounced that It was
adopted without u shadow of right. Since
then, /, has been acqulcsccd in, not a. a right
bv, as a compromise, until the north refused
all COMPROMISE and forced the south to stand
on its rights, where 1t should have stood from
the first.
The next assertion, that slavery Is local IN ITS
character, that !, must be enacted by law, and
canno. be carried an inch beyond the limits of
| the state that enacted II, Is equally unnainlnn-
able. II is clear that in making it, he intended
to ai'r,e that, IN these respects, property IN
slaves, stands on very dteren, ground IRON
every other description ot property.
| DENY the fact, AID maintain that there Is no
distinction between II end other property, IN that
respect. !, no morc requires Ia be enacted by
law, or, to express 1t mor' specifically TO have
a positive enactment for it, origin, than properly
| in land or ANYTHING else. The relation Of mas
ter and slave was one Of The FIRST and most
universal forms in which property existed, u
ID so ancient that there is No record al It's on
I'm. /, is probably more ancient than separate
and distinct property IN lands, and quite as
easily defended on abstract principles SO il
from being created by positive enactment, /
know of no instance in which II ever ~as. OF to
express il more accurately, in which II had rs
origin in acts of legislatures II Is always
older than the laws which undertake to regn-
late it, and such is the ease with slavery ~ II
exists with us. They were for the most part
Slaves in Africa they were bought as slaves.
brought here rs slaves sold here IS slaves and
held AS slaves, long before any enactment
made them slaves leyen doubt whether there
il single state in the south, that even enacted
them 10 be slaves There are hundreds OF
acts that recognize and regulate them as snch
but none apprehcnd, that undertake. to create
them slaves. Master and slaves are constantly
L..