Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1849-06-14

passed! and now have them. mean the
plottcrs: and between ,hem and me, hence
forth and forever, high wall and a deep
ditch, and no communion, no compromise,
no caucus with them. Nor does il require
any boldness, on my part, to give them de.
fiance. There ere only about dozen OF
them, bakers dozen perhaps, and half OF
them outside OF the Legislature. Wo TO
Judges! if any such there are in this work!
The children of Israel could not stand the
government. Of judges, nor can we.
Citizens! have finished the view which |
proposed 10 take Of the subject which has in.
duced my appeal 10 the people, but there are
other matters upon which my constituents de.
sire TO hear from me, and in which desire it
is right they should be gratifrd.
'Barnburner. And what did 60 to N.
York for, last summer, bu, to use my utmost
exertions to prevent MIR. Van Buren,, and
his friends, from engaging in the Buffalo con
vention? went there, that is certain. My
public speeches show that went for that
object, and the newspapers, in the interest
Of those called bsrnburners, oil sssaiied me
for doing so. not with bllnsssate, and as
black. guards, but with keen Teproaches for
coming out OF my State CONTRARY TO the prsc.
lice Of my life, to interfere in the politics Of
another State, and that against those who
had always been my friends. My answer
was that came 10 use the privilege Of an
old friend to give my opinion that the sep
arate organization contemplated was wrong
in principle, and would be injurious 10 those
engaged in it, and, what was more, injuriou,
10 the great party to which they belonged.
Sue was the object OF my visit 10 N. York,
and such my reception. The event dissp'
pointed my hopes and expectations, and
had my trouble for my pains, and good
deal OF newspaper condemnation into the
bargain. All this was public and notorious,
published in all the newspapers, and known
10 every body. There is not man in Mis-
souri, that DOES not know it. And now what
are we to think of the language applied to
me? Why, that is most excellent thing
for me. 1t shews the character OF the plot
lers, and that they will nullify, and (alsi(y
public recorded history TO vilIify me.
1.-THE Wilmot proviso." Well! | think
il is the Jefferson provso, tho Same that Mr..
Jefferson drew up for the north western ter
r itory in 1854. which was adopted in the con.
gress Of The confederation in 1887, with the
unanimous voice OF the slaveholding states,
was ratified by tho Virginia General Assem-
| bly, the Both OF December, 1888. which was
applied by the Congress Of 1920 TO all the
upper half Of Louisiana, which was applied
by The Congress OF 1S4S to the Oregon ter
rlory, which was recommended to the new
Territories by the Missouri General Assembly
Feb, 18th l847. and never attempted 10 be
condemned until Friday "a day Of omen) the
18th OF February, 1947, just four days after
the date Of the Missouri recommendations
when Mr.. Calhoun brought in his resolution:
declaring it unconstitutional, insulting 10 the
States. and subversive OF the Union. think
Mr.. Jefferson, and not Davy Wilmot, was
the author OF this provso. and that it should
bear his name, and not Davy's. With res
pect 10 The character Of The proviso, if il
should be prescribed by Congress for any
new terri;o!y, think it will remain just
what it has been for sixty years, a consIils
tional provision. made in pursuance 10 the
constitution; and that, being SO made II is
binding upon all law abiding citizens, and
tina! its resistance by force and arms, militia.
rly, would be high treason against the Uni
ted States, and punishable by death under
the laws OF the land. With respect TO the
expediency OF the act. there is no necessity
for it, and there are prudential reasons why
il should not be passed. California and
New Mexico are now free from slavery
both by law and by fact and will forever
remain free from il, both by law and in fact
AS q general proposition unnecessary laws
ought not 10 be passed; but if il is passed, il
is an empty provision, having no practical
effect whatever. To make an issue against
il between north and south, is unwse, for il
the south an issue mado for defeat, for Della.
ware has instructed for it; and that ensures
q majority in the Senate for the proviso. there
being already large majority in the House
OF Representatives instructed for il.
But there is stronger reason to claim Tor
bearance. This proviso is the last card in
Calhoun's hand! his last stake in the slippe
ry game which he has been playing. Take
that last card from him, and his game is up;
bankruptcy comes upon him: political ban k
ruptcy, and he must be driven 10 take the
act. lie will have 10 haul down his sign
close his doors, shut up shop, and give in &
schedule OF his effects in trade: and beauli'
full schedule it will be. Let US see some
items Of it, few, by way Of sample;
ImprimiS. United States Bank charter in
lsl6-opposition to it when he joined Jack
son ls30--recharter for II years to the Bank
when he turned against Jackson, 1884,
Tenn. Protective tariff and cotton minimum
in 1916; and notification and disunion for the
same in 1880.
Item. General internal improvement by tho
federal government in lS23-denial of the
whole power afterwards--and admission of
half the power at the Memphis convention.
Hem Solemn written opinion in Mr.. Mon
roe's cabinet in favor Of the power Of Con
gress to abolish slavery in territories, and il
favor of the exercise of that power over the
whole Of upper Loni sana north and west o.
Missouri; together with the resolutions in the
Senate of the Unit ed States in ls47 deDyinl