Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1849-07-27
LETTER FROM GEN. cAsS.


dressed 10 the editor of that paper. The letter
occupies some three columns of the Union,
and as the first part of it mainly relates to cer-
tain conversations between Gen. Cass and
Col. Webb, of the N. Y. Courier & Enquirer,
of comparatively little interest to our readers,
we think it sufficient 10 say that Gen Cass re-
afirms his belief in, and adhesion 10, the doc
trines of the Baltimore Convention, upon the
subject of the veto power-of internal i'm
Provements by the general government, and
of the tariff He considers that 1.-The consti-
tuition does not confer upon the general gov
eminent the power 10 commence and carry on
a general system of internal Improvements -
he voted for the tariff of '46, and adheres 10
tbs revenue principle-and he thinks the veto
power a sound conservative feature in our
government. Perhaps we should have stated
that this letter was elected by an implied
charge of Inconsistency contained in cores
pondence of Col Webb, Editor of the New
York Courier & Enquirer, furnished TO that
paper from Chicago, which city the Colonel
visited on his tour through the Lakes. In that
correspondence the writer, after praising Gen.
Cass personally. said that, although if elected
he would 10 doubt have carried out the Dem.
ocratic platform, still be believed that in heart
he was as good wing as he (Col. Webb.l
was 1t was 10 repel any such charge OF
suspicion that this letter was written BY Gen
eral Cass Upon the Wilmot Proviso. We
give his words entire. 1t will be seen that De
adopts the constitutional ground that Congress
has no right 10 interfere on the slavery ques.
ton. What contrast does his position affort
to that of COL Benton The following is tha
part of The letter which relates TO the Wilmot
Proviso - ..-...
The other proof of insincerity, as have al
ready stated, is drawn from The fact that ir
nv letter TO Mr. Nicholson | took GROUND
against the Wlnot ProViso, excluding slave
nv BY law from the territories, and now be-
lieve that slavery, with or without that restric
| ton. will not be established there. And the
wonder is gravely expressed how | could
write that letter and the letter of three lines tC
the Chicago Convention, and yet claim the
character of an honest man. 1t is much era.
yer wonder 10 me, how intelligent editors o.
public pa pers, whose influence on public opin
ion is so great, should venture thus 10 dea
even with political opponent, in utter disre
gard of his true position. 1t will not surprise
you, but il will many, who have viewed my
| course only in party aspect, TO be told tina
in that very letter to Mr. Nicholson express
| ~ stated my opinion 10 be, that slavery woult
never extend to California or New Mexico
and that I" the inhabitants of those regions
whether they depend on their ploughs or the
herds, cannot be slareholders'' quoted will
| full appreciation the opinions of Ar. Bucha.
nan and of Mr.. Walker, the former of whom
says: :" 1t is morally impossible, therefore
that ma iority of the emigrants 10 that portion
of the territory south of $50 30 will ever re
establish slavery within its limits" Mr. Wal
ker maintains that, "beyond the Rio del
Norte slavery will not pass, not only because
it is forbidden by law, but because the color.
ed race there preponderates in the ratio of ten
10 one over the whites; and holding, as they
90, the government and most of the Offices in
their possession, they will not permit the en-
savement of any portion of the colored race
which makes and executes the laws of the
county, And TO these remarks | add The
question, it will therefore be seen on exami-
nation, does not regard the exclusion of sla
very from a region where it now exists, but q
prohibition against its Introduction where il
does not exist, and where, from the feelings
of the inhabitants, and the laws of nature, Sc
is morally impossible" as MIR. Buchanan says
"that it can ever re establish ITSELF" | have
never uttered to a human being sentiment in
opposition to these views. And subsequent
| events. the events indeed of every day, con
firm their justice. and render it impossible that
slavery should be re-established in the region
ceded TO US by Mexico. Such is the general
opinion in the non .slaveholding Safes, among
those who are most attached to the compEomi-
ses of the constitution, and most determined
10 maintain them. And | do not doubt but
there are many persons in the Southern States
who resist the Wilmot Proviso with all theiI
power, as offensive TO the feelings and injuri-
Gus to The rights of the South. but who still
believe ii is question rather Of principle than
of action, and that circumstances are preparing
an exclusion which Congress has no right to
pronounce.
In the view here taken, the effort to engraft
the Wilmot Proviso upon an act OF Congress,
even if Congress had the requisite power, is a
useless attempt 10 direct the legislation of the
country 10 dU ODJeCI WHICH WOuIu DC just DIS
certainly attained without it. II Congress
have not the power, as believe they have
not, in common with large portion of the
people, it becomes worse than useless by be-
coming unconstitutional And in addition 10
this, it is peculiarly offensive 10 one-haIf of
the States of the Union, who see in it an al
tempt 10 circumscribe their rights, and 10 NOR
tify their pride of character. No man can
look al the signs OF the times without being
satisfied that the prosecution of this question
is producing the worst state OF feeling and
though trust that happen what NAV, our
Southern brethren will still cling 10 the Union,
equally their ark of safety and ours, still there
are evils short of a separation which every
good citizen should seek to avoid. He should
seek 10 avoid all occasions of unfnendIy feel
ings: to avoid as far as may be the agitation
of questions hostile to the sentiments or inter-
ests of different sections of the country, and
thus tending to array one of them against
another. There is enough passing in the Old
Woodland II there were not. there is enough
passing around us-to teach US the inestima-
Bile value of our institutions, and that these
ought not 10 be haZarded by internal dissen-
sions. as unnecessary in their origin as they
are por.eEtous in their consequences.
So much for the expediency of urging a
measure thus advocated and opposed. But
beyond this question is a still more important
one in constitutional government, and that
is the power of Congress to legislate over the
subject and this must be settled affirmatively