Carroll free press. [volume] (Carrollton [Ohio]) 1834-1861, 1849-06-22

We TO IhInk OF the language applied 10 mel
Why, that il is q most excellent thing Tor me-
d shows ihe'characler of the pouers, and that
hey will nulliiy and ialsify public, recorded
history 10 villify me.
"The WilmoI Proviso." Well think tits
The Jefferson proviso--Ihe same that Mr.. Jetfer.
son drew up for The northwestern territory in
l7s4--whch was adopted in the congress Of
the confederation Of 1897, with The unanimous
voice Of The slave holding States--was ratified
by the Virginia General Assembly the S0Ih Of
December, I788--whch was applied by the
Congress Of 1890 10 all The upper half of Lou
was applied by the Congress Of
l848 10 the Oregon Territory-which was re-
commended for the new Territories by the Mis-
sour General Assembly, February l5, 1877
and never attempted 10 be condemned until FRI
day Ia day Of omen) the 18th OF February,
l847-just four days after the date Of the Mis-
souri, recommendation Mr.. Calhoun
brought in his resolutions declaring it unconsli.
utional, insulting to the States, and subversive
to the Union. | think Mr.. jefferson, aud not
Davy Wilmot, was the author Of this provso,
and that it should bear his name, and not Davy's
With respect 10 the character Of the pToviso, if
il should be prescribed by Congress for any new
Territory, think il will remain just what il has
been for sixty years-a constitutional provision
made in pursuance TO the constitution; and that,
being so made, il is binding upon all law abiding
citizens, and that its resistance by force and
arms, militarily, would be treason against the
United States, and punishable by death under
the laws Of the land. With respect TO The ex-
pediency Of the fact, there is no necessity for
it, and there are prudential reasons why it should
not be passed. California and New Mexico are
now free from slavery both by law and lacg and
will for ever remain free from il, both by law
and in fact. As a general proposition unneces-
sary laws ought not to be passed; but if it is
passed, is an empty provision, having no prac-
Iical effect whatever. To make an issue against
it between norIh and south, is unwse, for il is
an issue about nothing, and on the part Of the
south an issue made for defeat for Delaware
has instructed for it; and that ensures MAORI
~ in the Senate Cor the proviso, there being al
ready large majority in the House Of Repre-
sen,atives instructed for it.
But there is a stronger reason 10 claim for
bearance. This provso is the last card IN Cal.
houn's hand his last stake is The slippery game
which he has been playing. Take that last
card from him, and his game is uP-bankruptcy
comes upon him-poiIical bankruptcy-and he
must be driven TO take the act. He will have
to haul down his sign--close his doors--shut
up shop--and give in schedule of his effects
and stock in trade: and beautiful schedule it
will be.
"My opinions" They are wanted. Here
tolore the public acts of public men, have stood
for their opinions: it has been only the new
man, unknown by their acts, that have been
subjected to political catechsm. Thirty years
almost, have been in the Senate; and during
that time have always been a voter, and often u
speaker on this subject of slavery; and com.
menced with it in my own State. | was poIiIi
calIy born out of slave agllalion--out Of the
Missouri restriction controversy, and have act.
ed an open part on it from the time il began to
the present day. My writings had some infu.
ence on the formation OF the constitution Of
this State. They were pretty we'll known then,
though forgotten now. They contributed to
keep off restriction, and to insert the clause in
the constitution for the sanction of slavery. |
urged the putting it in the constitution for the
express purpose of giving security to property,
and preventing agitation. | wanted peace from
the question at home, and contributed to provide
for it, by contributing TO put that clause in the
constitution: and now il is hard that we should
have an agitation imported, or transported upon
us, TO harrass us about slavery, when we have
taken such care TO keep out agitation. My
votes in Congress have been consistent with my
conduct al Observation-Disclosures no agitation
security to properIy-and tranquility 10 the
people.
In thirty years have not given vote that
has been complained of. have voted thirty
years, avoiding all extremes, and giving salts.
faction. The old generation, and the genera.
zion that has been born during that time, ought
TO consider this, so far as to let II stand as the
evidence of my opinions. But it will not do.
/ Finding nothing in the past to condemn, some
, people must go into futuriIy, TO see if any thing
can be found there! and even into my bosom
to see if any thing is hid there, which can be
condemned. Very good: they shall know my
opinions. And first, they may see them in my
public acts--in my proposals for the admission
. Of Texas FIVE years ago, in which proposed tc
I limit the western extension Of slavery by lon
glIudinal line, | believe the Tooth degree o
r west long,ude--in my next vote upon the Ore
t gon bill, in which opposed the introduction o
slavery there and, again in letter to the people
of Oregon, in which declared myself to be nc
} propagandist of slavery. These were public
/; acts. But you want public declarations of per
D sonal sentiments: very good: you shall have
4 them. My ypersonal sentiments then, ate agains
the institution Of slavery, and against its intro
a ducton into places in which it does not exist
, If there was no slavery in Missouri to-day,
r should oppose its coming in: if there vas non,
9 in the United States, should oppose its comm,
n into the United States, as there is none in New
f Mexico or California am against sending itu
!. those territories, and could not vote for such
: measure...a declaration which costs me but lit
Il tie, the whole dispute now being about the alb
slract right of carving slaves there, without tn
| exercise of the right. No one asks for the ex
!. erclse of the right, and cannot ask it in the fac
- 4 L =