Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1845-1854, 1849-07-02


Finding nothing in the past to condemn,
,ome people must 60 into futurlty to see II
ANYTHING can be found there! and even IN.
% nv bosom to see if any thing is hid
here. which can be condemned. Very
good they shall know my opinions. And
first they may see them in my public acts
in nv proposals for the admission OF
Texas five years ago, in which | proposed
10 limit the western extension OF slavery
by a longitudinal line, believe the lOOth
degree of west longtude-next in my
votes on the Oregon bill. in whichAoppos-
ed the introduction of slavery thereZ-and.
n gain in my letter to the people of Oregon
in which | declared myself no propagand-
ist of slavery. These were public acts
But you want public declarations of person
al sentiments: very good: you shall have
them. My personal sentiments then, are
against The institution OF slavery,and agalnsf,
its introduction into places in which 1t does
not exist. Ifthere was no slavery IN Mlssou-
ri to-day, should oppose i's coming IN; II
there was none IN the United States, |
should oppose It's coming into the United
States, as there is none in New Mexico OF
California am against it in those terrific
ries, and could not vote for such measure
q declaration which costs me but little,
the whole dispute now being about the ab-
stract right Of carrying slaves ,here.w without
the exercise OF the right, No one asks for
the exercise Of the right, aud cannot ask it
in face of the dogma which denies the pow
er 10 grant. States do as they please
These are my principles, and they reduce
the difference between Mr.. Calhoun and
myself 10 the difference between refusing
ard not asking. And for this the Union is
to be subverted Oil metaphysics! politi-
cal me taphysics! far better stick to the in
nocent business of amending the Constitu-
ton by putting three states and river TO-
gether!
If any one wishes to know still more
about my principles on slavery, l will give
him reference; he may find them in Tuck
/ er's edition of Blackstone's Commentaries,
fappendix to the second volume, where l
imbibed them fofty-four years ago, when
student at law, and have held fast to them
ever since-and but the remedy; and the
difficulty of that is one Of the evils itself, Of
slavery, and one of the arguments against
one set of people putting it upon another,
and distant set of people, and especially
while they are lifting their imploring hands
against it.
To finish this personal exposition, have
to say that my profession and conduct
unusual thing with frail humanity-do not
agree, I was born to the inheritance of
slaves, and have never been without them.
l have bought some, but only on their own
entreaty, and to save them from execution
sales; have sold some, but only for mis-
conduct. l have had two taken from me
by the abolitionists, and never inquired after
them, and liberated third who would not
90 with them. | have slaves now in Ken.
tucky, who were elevated to the dignity of
real estate, by being moved from Missouri
to Kentucky; and will have to descend next
fall to the low degree of a chattel interest,
in spite of the laws of Kentucky, when I
shall remove them back to Missouri And
have slaves in Washington City-perhaps
the only member of Congress that has any
there-and am not the least afraid that
Congress will pass any law to affect this
property, either there or here.
l have made no slaves speeches in Con-
gress, and do not mean to make them.-
Property is timid, and slave property above
all. 1t is not right to disturb the quietude
of the owner-to harass him with ground
less apprehensions. 1t is private wrong
to disturb single individual, by making
him believe untruly, that his property is in
secure. 1t becomes public evil to disturb
whole community. 1t creates a general
uneasiness, generates animosties, deranges
business, and often leads to hasty and i'm.
provident legislation. I have seen no dan
ger to the slave property of any State ir
this Union by the action of Congress, and
cannot contribute to alarm the country by
engaging in discussions which assert or I'M
ply danger.
But have a still higher reason for no
engaging in these discussions. We are
republic head of that form of govern
ment and owe great example to ;
struggling and agonized world. All tn
American States of Spanish origin, in spit
of the difference of religion, language, man
ners, customs, have initiated our example
Europe is now attempting to initiate it,
Liberty is now struggling in ancient EN-
pires, and her votaries are looking to us fo
the exampli6cation of the blessings of whicl
she is in search, and for an argument in ia
vor of her efforts; what do they see? wrang
} ling and strife, and bitter denuneiation ,ant
threats Of separation. They see quarre
about slavery! to them a strange and in
comprehensive cause of quarrel. They SCI
slavery and disunion coupled in one eterna
wrangle. They see US almost in state o
disorg ganiza tion--legislation paralyzed--
distant territories left without governmen
insult, violence, outrage on the floors o
Congress disunion threatened. Thei
hearts are chilled at this sad spectacle; thei
enemies rejoice at it; and by every mai
ship that leaves our shores the representa-
tives of the crowned heads of Europe senc
forth the record of our debates to encoura ct
the enemies s-and confound the friends ot
freedom. France all parts of Italy
even the papal States; all parts of Germa.
ny-even the old and gloomy empire oi
Austria; all, all are struggling for liberty
and turning anxious locks to1us for aid and
succor, not by arms, for that they know tc
be impossible, but for the moral aid of a
grand example. They look in vain. Our
example is against them and if the present