Baltimore commercial journal, and Lyford's price-current. [volume] (Baltimore, Md) 1840-1849, 1849-06-09
TIE AFFAIRS OF EUROPE.

VIII DC WIFI the present time,
and they will serve to explain in some degree the
condition of things. No commentary, however,
upon passing events enable the reader to far
into the probable results and consequences Of the
passing events.
g In the present crisis of the affairs of Europe the
rapid transmission of persons and intelligence, the
Unrestricted activity of the press, and the common
interests which have sprung up in 81 years Of peace,
have rendered the reverberaton Of each successive
explosion all but instantaneous, and concentrated III
the action and reaction Of few days those impulses
and results which were i'll former times suspended i'll
their operation by distance, secrecy, and the nuoSi
ty of political art In consequence Of this decided
change i'll the mode of conducting all human affairs
every incident is added with instant rapdity to the
sum total of political motives and has its visible Of
feet on the next result. So that, to form correct
estimate of the general causes which bear most close
ly the peace and freedom of the world, it is
sary to embrace the whole complicated subject from
| Jutland to Palermo, and from Paris to the Darda-
neles In all this vast and intricate scene it is
scarcely possible affirm that any point is para
mount Importance over the rest; we have not to
deal with any single evil, like that of the military
genius of Bonaparte when it scared to universal
monarchy and embraced the continent of Europe /;
| the phenomena we witness are infinitely various,
yet they closely connected together that it is
scarcely possible to consider them apart from each
other.
Three great events, however, claim at the present
moment chief attcntion-thc advance of the
| Russian troops into Hungary, the approach OF
French army to Rome and, lastly, the prospect Of
serious contest between all thc existing Govern
| ments of Germany and large masses Of the people,
already pledged TO risk every thing in defence of
national unity and democratic Institutions We be-
| lievc that in this country these events are unan-
mously regarded by men of all parties with serious
apprehension and sincere regret. They bode no good
! to Europe to the times live in. They menace
| the world with a conflict of extreme parties. For,
| a the tpmnpSt boppns uoy nv Igy is imDOSSibc
to deny that the chances OF any rational compromise
or ad iustmcnt of these differences dminis and they
are left more and more to the arbitration of the
sword. Yet, when this conflict has been fought
and won, the victorious party, which ever il may be,
will be alike embarrassed to restore the tranquility
Of society and the authority of Government, either
by the force of military despotsm by the license
Of unlimited democracy
Our intention is not to rCcrimnate upon the
which may have been committed by Ministers of
this country, under circumstances of such novelty
and difficulty to embanass the most candid and
enlightened Judgment. But we at least are com
plctely innocent of them. We do not ascrbe to any
British Minister absolute control such events
for the prudent neutrality to which England is re-
solved to adhere leaves her representatives abroad
with very diminished influence and we blame no
man for mischanccs which fell out beyond his reach
power.-But, as a matter of fact, observe that
it is the unhappy debility of Austria which has given
the Russians their present footing on the Danube,
and has given the French their present footing
the Tiber If any Englishnan has contributed, d-
recty indirectly, TO prolong the embarrassmcnts
or to increase this debility of Austria, he has like
wise and thereby contributed to these two foreign
interventions There one moment, and but
one that know of, when this catastrophe might
have been averted 1t was about this day twelve
month when Austria duplicated England to effect a
peace with Sardinia on the basis of the ccssion of
Lombardy. If that proposition had been vigorous
ly acted upon, the greater part of Northern Italy
would have been Independent, the armies of Sardi-
mia and Naples might have defended the Italian
Governments against anarchy, and the Imperial
forces not being divided between foreign and a
domestic war, would probably have terminated the
latter before the IIungarians had had the time to
ganZc their present army or the arrogance to pro-
pose conditions incompatible with the existence of
the empire. The fact that the Austrian Empire is
held together by little more than the name of
Sovereign and the discipline of an army-the fact
that some of its chief cities disacctcd its
melted one against another and that its Kingdoms
of Hungary and Lombardy have rcpudiaed the I'm
pcrial authority-the fact that in Germany itself
Austria is forsacn by her natural allies, and assail
cd by strange combination of democracy and I'M
pcrialism-are all incontrovertible. But it is pre-
cisely because this power has been reduced to
dition so far beneath her ancient dignity and the
place she has hitherto filled in Europe, that
the Russian and the French armies i'll their respcc-
tive positions on the frontiers of Germany and in
tions have bn ,ndortaI,nn oro;nSt Tho re,nln,ion
ar, nrnc;nle Of The Hmgor;on insurgents and thc
R9p,n drmocno,cs we 9rc not th, IGss sensible to
Ln How, ,,I;L tbo,, arc oIc,l,,cJ 10 ;nGt ~, tb
.n i;,;T ;Ii, ~ ti ast,; WI WV
l5i W In, nv
e r. E te.s III 49,, VI rrnsoto o' h., t
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arIat h ana Inc nus' t%a
.'o - a,'t th f to aron %
tary nations of France and Russia That is the
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