The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, 1849-08-15

from the territories, and now believe that slave.
ry. with or without that restriction, will not be
established there. And the wonder is gravely
expressed how could write that letter and the
letter Of three lines to The Chicago Convention,
and yet claim the character OF an honest man.
1t is much graver wonder TO me, how intelli.
gent editors of public papers, whose influence
on public opinion is so great. should venture
thus to deal, even with political opponent, in
utter disregard OF his true position. II will not
surprise you, but ir will many who have viewed
my course only In party aspect, to be told
that in that very letter to Mr.. Nicholson, ex.
prcssly stated my opinion TO be, that slavery
would never extend to California or New Mex.
leo and that the inhabitants Of those regions,
whether they depend on their plows or their
herds, cannot be shareholders" Iquoted with
full appreciation the opinions of Mr.. Buchanan
and of MIR. Walker, the former of whom says
1t is morally impossible, therefore. that ma.
jority of the emigrants to that portion Of the
territory south of SO 80, will ever re.establish
slavery within its limits" Mr.. Walker main.
tains that, beyond the Rio del Norte, slavery
will not pass, not only because it is forbidden
preponderates in the ratio often to one over the
whites; and holding, as they do, the govern.
ment and most of the Offices in their possession,
they will not permit the enslavement of any
portion of the colored race, which makes and
executes the laws of the country" And to
these remarks | add: The question, it will
therefore be seen on examination, does not re-.
gard the exclusion of slavery from region
where it now exists, but prohibition against
its introduction where it does not exist, and
where, from the feelings Of the Inhabitants, and
the laws of nature, " it is morally impossible, as
Mr.. Buchanan says, "that it can ever re: estab
lish ITSELF" have never uttered TO human
being sentiment in opposition to these views.
And subsequent events, the events indeed Of
every day, confirm their justice and render it
that slavery should he re.es,ablished
in the region ceded 10 US by Mexico. Such is
the general opinion in the .slaveholding
States, among those who are most attached TO
the compromises OF the Constitution, and most
determined to maintain them. And | do not
doubt but there are many persons in the South
ern States, who resist the Wilmot Proviso with
all their power. as offensive to the feelings, and
injurious TO tie rights of the South, but who
still believe it is question rather Of principle
than OF action, and that circumstances are pre-.
pairing an exclusion which Congress has no
right 10 pronounce.
In the view here taken, the effort to engrafi
lhe Wlmot Proviso upon an act Of Congress,
even if Congress had the requisite power, is
useless attempt to direct the Legislation of the
TO an object which would jus; as certain.
y be attained without il. HCongress have not
The power, as believe they have not, in com.
mon with large portion of the people, it beg
comes worse than useless, by becoming uncon.
stiuional. And in addition 10 this, it is pecu.
|iary offensive TO one half of the States Of the
Union, who see in it an attempt to circum.
scribe their rights, and to mortiy their pride of
character. No man can look at the signs of
lhe times without being satisfied tba, The prose.
cuion of this question is producing the worst
state of feeling; and though thrust that happen
what may, our Southern brethren will still cling
to the Union, equally iieir ark Of safety and
ours, still there are evils short of separation,
which every good citizen should seek to avoid.
He should seek 10 avoid all occasions of un.
friendly feelings to avoid as far as may be the
agitation ofquestions hostile to the sentiments
or interests of different sections Of the country
and thus tending to array one Of them against
another. There is enough passing in the Old
World-and if there were not, there is enough
passing around us-lo teach US the inestimable
value of our institutions, and that these ought
not to he hazarded by internal dssensions, as
in their origin as they are porten.
tous in their consequences.
So much for the expediency of urginga mea.
sure thus advocated and opposed. But beyond
this question is a still more important one in a
government, and that is the pow.
er of Congress to legislaie over the subject;
and this must be settled a(firmatively before the
of Legislative action can be considered
[ am not going over this ground at present.
have already touched upon it in my lettert 10 Mr..
Nicholson. and shall probably have an oppor-
tunty of expressing my sentiments more fully
al the next session Of Congress.
shall content myself with presenting few
general remarks here, as the subject lies in my
way. There is one important consideration
which meets us at the very threshold of this
inquiry; there is no express power in Congress
to legisate over the territories TO be taund IN
the Constitution for believe i, is now gener.
ally conceded-as indeed it must he-that the
power to dispose Of and make needful rules and
regulations for the territory and other property
Of the United States, contains no grant ot poili.
cal power over persons upon such property,
either within or without the respective States.
And if it does in the one, it must in the other i;
for these words are equally applicable 10 the
territory and other property of,he United States,
wherever situated. But there are some five or
six provisions in the Constitution whence the
power is sought to be deduced-some persons
deriving it from one clause and some from an.
other; while each is more fortunate in showing
where il does not, than where it does exist. -
The exercise Of a great political power, like
this by Legislature, deriving its existence from
a written instrument, ought not to depend on
such loose constructions. Nothing shows the