The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, 1849-12-05


Southern politicians are unwiltingly or design.
edly lending their aid. Party predictions are,
in too many instances, stronger than principles;
the higher Offices in the gif Of commonwealth
are sought with less ardor than humble stations
at The disposal oil federal functonaries; the acts
of the States, in which the real interests OF The
people are involved, are viewed as Of subord.
nate importance, and the guarantees and COM
promises of the Constitution are looked upon as
unadapted to the moral condition and political
advancement of the age. There is but one re.
medy for the disease that portends desolation
and ruin to our country-the maintenance in
their original purity Of The federative principles
of the government, each Stale and every de.
par,ment Of the federal authorities respectively
confirming themselves within their constitutional
orbits, and between the States the eItinguish.
ment of adverse feelings, the offspring OF ina.
ginary adverse interests. lfthese indispensable
conditions Of our confederacy cannot be pre-.
served by the people and The General and State
Governments, which past and passing events
would seem to indicate, then the period when
the legacy of common ancestry shall. cease to
be enjoyed, is already at hand.
It remains for me only to add, that the South
has at last been aroused from its criminal eth.
argy to knowledge of the dangers Of its posi-
ton. For the frs, time in our political history.
party afinities are becoming merged in the
higher obligation Of cooperation for the sake
of safety, or for participation in common fate.
Of the two e1pedients advocated by those
whose common interests have been assaled, the
project of Southern Convention is, in my
view, undoubtedly to be preferred, where there
exists a reasonable certainty Of its assembling
under sufficient guarantees fox united and har.
monous action. In the realization OF this re.
suit, we have at least reasonable grounds 'of
assurance. therefore hail with satisfaction
the proposition of Mississippi, for convention
of the people of the Southern States, and ar.
IDENTITY hope that it will meet with warm and
unanimous response. The paramount object
is the preservation Of the Union, in conformity
10 the principles of the Constitution of tho, Unit.
ed States. II that cannot be obta,ned-which
I am willing to believe-then let it be resolved
to protect and defend, at all hazards, the free.
dom, sovereignty, and independence OF the
members which compose it. In the latter al.
ternative, should dire necessity I've forced up.
on the South, il mus, not essay to penetrate the
future, but at once commit 10 God its cause. and
Its destiny.
With a view to second and further the OBJ.
jec,s embraced in this proposition of our sister
State. through the legislative channels Of all.
thority, suggest the expedency Of empowering,
by statute, the Governor. either 10 cenv6ke the
Legislature, if not in session, or to issue writs
II election for convention ofthe people, should
the Wilmot Proviso, or any kindred measure,
affecting the rights and honor OF the State, re.
ceve, the formal enactment of Congress. |
would invite your special notice 10 The offence
of introducing and circulating, within our limits
papers calculated to disturb the peace Of the
State; also to the fact of the extensive dissent.
nation ofhighly inAammatory essays and letters,
intended to awaken jealousy in the minds of
citizens, and OF offensive pictorial representa-.
,ions, calculated TO attract the attention ot the
colored population.
1t is moi unfrequen,ly conceded, that every
law of Congress, consiuionally enacted, s Of
supreme authority. This is an error, the exis
tence Of which the legislative history OF The Re.
public, and an accurate perception OF the rela.
tions between the States and their common a.
gent, satisfactorily establishes. The regulation
of commerce belongs exclusively to Congress;
yet, by the quarantine laws OF the States, that
power is virtually abrogated. The nws ofsev.
eral of the southern states, prohibiting the in.
gress of colored cooks and stewards into their
horders, are embraced in the same category.
The right of,he States TO resort to preventative
legislation, in cases involving the security of
health, life, and property, has been repeatedly
recognised by the General Government. The
act of 1903 sustained the law of North Carroll.
against the admission offree persons Of color
from the West Indies. The State enactments
on this subject rest on the principle, that the
peace and security Of a community are para.
mount TO all formal provisions and that, in ev.
cry instance, lesser interests and considera.
tiohs of ofconvenience mus, yield TO the imperi.
Gus calls of public safety.
That to prohibit the circulation Of incendiatS
papers. through the mail, by Congress, is not
granted power; that the first article of the a.
mendments of the constitution puts it beyond
the competency ofthat body to legislate on the
matter; that, consequently, il is among the re.
served rights Of the States, and one which the
South, at least, could never consent 10 abandon,
hold 10 be incon.rovertbe propositions. Con.
gress and the States are indeed not only bound
10 abstain from all con,ravening Legislation, but
to grant effective aid, in certain cases, to any
member of the Union. The obligation of the
former emanates from the constitution; Of the
latter, from International law, as well as the fed
eral compact.
Whatever penal safeguards, therefore. the
Legislature may deem it necessary to provide.
upholding and securing their endangered ins'i.
lu,ons, no human tribunal could righttully an.
nusl or modify.
Irccommeud that the circulation in our linn
its of incendiary papers, be declared an offence
punishable with severe and definite penalties,
and the existing laws be so modified, as effec.