Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1849-02-15

heS0tof0, nat the Committee for the
District OF Columbia be instructed to report
a Bill, as soon as practicable, prohibiting
the slave trade in said District"
On the question of adopting the resolu-
ton the votes stood % for, and So against
lie was followed by member from Illinois.
who ofiereda resolution for abolishing slave
ry IN the Territories and all places where
Congress has exclusive powers of legisla-
ton; that is in all forts, magazines, arsen-
ais, dock-yards, and other needful buildings.
purchased by Congress with the consent of
the legislature of the State.
This resolution was passed over under the
rules of the House without being put to
vote.
The votes in favor of all these measures
were confined to the members from the
Northern States. True, there are some
patriotic members from that section who vo-
ted against all of them, and whose high
sense OF justice is duly appreciated, who, in
the progress of the aggression upon the
South have, by their votes, sustained the
guarantees Of the Constitution, and of whom
we regret to say many have been sacrificed
at home by their patriotic course.
We have now brought to close narra-
tive OF the series of acts of aggression and
encroachment connected with the subject of
this address, including those that are con-
summated and those still in progress. They
are numerous, great and dangerous, and
threaten with destruction the greatest and
most vital of all the interests and institu-
tons of the South. Indeed it may be
doubted whether there is single provis-
ION. stipulation, or guaranty Of the consti-
tntIon, intended for the security of the
South, that has not been rendered almost
nugatory. 1t may even be made serious
question whether the entertainments alrea-
dy made, without the aid of any other would
not, if permitted to operate unchecked, end
in emancipation and that at no distant day.
But be that as it may, it hardly admits of a
doubt that, if the aggressions already COM
menced i'll the House, and now in progress,
should be consummated, such in the end
would certainly be the consequence.
Little, in truth, would be left to be done
after we have been excluded from all the
Territories, including those to be hereafter
acquired; after slavery is abolished in this
District, and in the numerous places dis
persed all over the South, where Congress
has the exclusive right Of legislation, and af
ter the other measures proposed are consum-
mated. Every outpost and barrier would
be carried, and nothing would be left but
to finish the work of abolition at pleasure in
the States themselves. This District, and
all places over which Congress has exclu-
sive power of legislation, would be asylums
for fugitive slaves, where, as soon as they
placed their feet, they would become, ac-
cording to the doctrines of our Northern as
sailants free; unless there should be some
positive enactment to prevent it,
Upon such state of things the probable
ty is, that emancipation would soon follow,
without any final act to abolish slavery
The depressing effects of such measures on
the white race at the South, and the hope
they would create in the black of a speedy
emancipation, would produce a state of fee
ling inconsistent with the much longer con-
tinuance of the existing relations between
the two. But be that as it may, it is certain
if emancipation did not follow, as a matter
of course, the final act in the States would
not be long delayed. The want Of consti
tutional power would oppose feeble resist
ance. The great body of the North is uni.
ted against our peculiar institution. Many
believe it to be sinful, and the residue with
inconsderable exceptions, believe it to be
wrong. Such being the case, it would indi
cate very superficial knowledge of human
nature, to think that after aiming at aboli
ton Systematically for so many years, anc
pursuing it with such INSCRIPTIONS disre
gard of law and constitution, the fanatic:
who have led the way and forced the grea
body of the North to follow them, would
when the finishing stroke only remained tc
be given, voluntarily suspend it, or permit
any constitutional scruples or considers
tons of Justice to arrest it. TO these may
be added an aggression, though not ye
commenced, long meditated and threatened
to prohibit what the abolitionlsts call the
internal slave trade, meaning thereby the
transfer of slaves from one State to another
from whatever motive done, or however eff
fect5d. Their object would seem to be t.
render them worthless by crowding then
together where they are, and thus haster
the work of emancipation. There is reason
for believing that it will soon follow those
now in progress, unless, indeed, some decl
sive step should be taken i'll the mean time
to arrest the whole.
The question then is, Will the measures
of aggression proposed in the House be
dopted!
They may not, and probably will not b.
this session. But when we take into con
slderation that there is majority now in ia
vor of one of them, and strong minorit
now in favor of the other, as far as tn
sense of the House has been TAKEN tina
there will be in all probability considerabl
increase in the next Congress of the vote i
favor of them, and that will be largely IN
creased in the next succeeding Congress
under the census to be taken next year,
amounts almost to a certainty that they Wi
be adopted, unless some decisive measure
taken in advance to prevent 1t.
But, if even these conclusions shout
prove erroneous--if fanaticlsm and the low
of power should, contrary to their nature
for once respect constitutional barriers, c
: if the calculations of policy should retar
the adoption of these measures, or even dc
feat them altogether, there would be still lei
one certain way to accomplish their object
if the determination avowed by the Mort
to monopolize all the territories, to the eS
clusion of the South, should be carried int
effect That of itself would at no distan
day. add to the North a sufficient numbe