The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1849-08-17

were, therefore, in favor of such ''tarif
of duties as will raise revenue adequate to
delray the necessary expenses Of the Fed
eral Government, and to pay annual in
stalments of our debt and interest there
on" This was, no doubt, designed to In
dictate willingness that the tariff Of 1876
should be modified in some particulars.
When we consider the Executive pressure
by which that tariff was forced through
Congress, in view of the demands of Penn
sylvania, we think there is little reason to
fear that such notifications of the tariff
may not be obtained as will commend il
to the majority of the American people.
One more provision in the Buffalo arti-
cles remains to be examined. In the
matter of the public lands, the Free-Soilers
passed resolution in favor of free grants
TO actual settlers. But the Democratic
convention, on the other hand, resolved, in
1914 and l84S, that the proceeds of the
public lands ought to be sacredly applied
to the national objects specified in the
Constitution; and that we Ghey) are OPP
posed to the law lately adopted, and to
any law for the distribution of such pro-
ceeds among the States, as alike inexpe-
dent in policy, and repugnant to the Con-
stltution." As the Constitution specifies
no national objects to which the public
lands are to be devoted, we are at loss
to understand precisely what the Baltimore
convention intended by this resolution. II
certainly does not contemplate donation.
We presume that the public domain will
hardly be touched by legislation, while
subject to the liens of our national debt.
1t is not, therefore, to be anticipated that
any very radical change in our land sys-
tenn will be attempted with success in the
next Congress.
With regard to the other points made
by the Baltimore convention, we presume
that no party will be found in favor of as
Stunning State debts, or of chartering Ma
tional Bank. As far as the veto power
can be legislative issue, we presume that
the WHIGs will agree with the Locofocos
in conserving not to disturb it, as long, al
all events, as it shall remain in the hands
that now WELD it. So as to the one-term
principle. Mr.. BUTLER, at the Baltimore
convention in 1874, stated that, in rela.
ton to the resolution referred to the com.
mittee in favor of the s'one-term' princi.
pie, he had been unanimously instructed
to report, that the committee deemed its
adoption inerpedient, as, whatever might
be the opinion of the convention on the
subject, the adoption of the resolution
would place the body in condition that
would appear inconsistent, as legal ma
jority of the convention had at first voted
for the nomination of an individual as a
candidate who had already filled that Of
fee. As the WHIGs do not desire to be
involved in similar inconsistency, we
think there is no danger of any Legislative
difference on this subject.
Having thus reviewed the platforms Of
the two great parties opposed at the late
election to General TAYLOR, let us lool
moment at the platform of the Admins
tration and the WIGS. We see but little
room for their disappointment on such
basis, even if the lower House, like the
Senate, should prove TO be in opposition.
The DiH Of the people, expressed Mrougl
their constitutional organs, as their onh,
chart. This is the beginning and end O
their policy. "Let the popular voice pre-
vail, ;" said Mr.. WEBSTER, in one of hi:
pregnant definitions of WIG policy anc
duty; "LET THE POPULAR VOICE PREVAIL
AND HAVE ITS FREE COURSE FAIRLY AMI
HONESTLY, WITHOUT CONTROL AND WITH
OUT EVASION" The Administration which
reposes on this principle can look without
dismay on any expression of the public
will; for they have announced beforehand
their recognition of IFS rightful suprema.
cy. Adverse majorities, acting within
constitutional restrictions, have no terrors
for them Factious opposition will be sure
to meet with its deserts from the PEG.
pie; and the peoples will, constitutionally
manifested, ought to be the law of the
land