Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1849-11-29

W pe Tree you liVe only 10 U3U IT, nat is
falacy. There must he prudence and "A
balancing Of departments, and there must
be persons who will teach the science of
government and there are but few, except
IN this country, who can teach that science.
Hear, hear And we have arrived at this
ability by an experience of hundred
years. And how has it GOMEZ Why, we
are an ofishoot of the British Constitution.
We came here aud established this Govern
ncnt by great popular principle, and that
by Representative pO,DCr, and our people
have been accustomed to this for two hun
dred years.
TO abide by the voice of the representa-
tives fairly chosen.-by the edicts of those
who make the legislative enactments-has
been our policy. And from the first settle
ment of the colony at Plymouth, through
all our subsequent history, we have adhered
OF the King. We also rejected the power
OF the Parliament. That was John Adams
doctrine. And that is the reason why the
Parliament was not alluded to in the Dec
laration Of Independence. The Colonies
acknowledged the power of the Crown, but
never acknowledging the authority of the
Parliament, they disdained to give any rea-
son for throwing off the power of the Par
Lament.
When the Revolution severed us from the
mother country, then we had nothing to do
but to 60 on with our elections, supplying
the governors not appointed by the Crown
by our own election, and to go on as at first;
and that it was which enabled the Colonies
Of Connecticut and Rhode IsaEd down to
very late period to continue their ancient
constitutions.
But where else could this be done p
Could you go to the Colonies of South A.
merca to find any thing like representa-
tive government
If you look any where besides at France
on the continent Of Europe, can yon find
anything that bears the aspect of repre-
sentative government There is nothing.
1t is very difficult to establish free COLI
servatlve government for the equal advance
ment of all the interests of society What
has Germany done-learned Germany, full
or OF ancient lore than all the world beside!
What has Italy done-what have they done
who 1--we on the spot where Cicero and jus
tinlan lived? They have not the power of
seli-govcrnment which common town NEE
ting possesses Applause
Now, | say that those persons who have
gone from our town meetings to dig gold in
California are more fit to make republican
government than any body OF men in Ger
many, because they have learned this one
grea: lesson, that there is no security with
Qua law; and that under the circumstances
IN winch they are placed, where there is no
military authority to cut their throats, and
there is no will but the will of the majority
that, therefore, if they remain they must
submit to that will
1t is the prevalence Of this general senti-
ment Of obedience to law-that they must
have representatives, and that, if they be
fairly chosen, their edicts must stand for
law. And where they have our habits YOU
Will find that they will establish government
upon the foundation OF free basis, and
nothing else will.
Now, | think, gentlemen, that while we
prescribe no forms, while we dictate to no.
body, our mission is to show that consti-
tutlonal, representative, conservative gov
eminent, founded on the freest possible
principles, can do-cdn do, for the advance
ment of general morals and for the advance
ment OF the general prosperity, as much as
amy other government can.
Gentlemen two things are to be guarded.
One great truth is, that men, in conserva-
tive age, are capable of selfgovernu ent
that the enjoyment of equal rights is rrac-
tIcable thing, and that freedom is not dan.
gerous thing for body polite. And the
other IS, that freedom from restraint is not
FREEDoM--it is licentousness-th dis.
charge from moral duties and that general
scramble which leads the idle and the ex,
travagant TO hope for time when they may
put their hands into their neighbours pock.
cts; call it what you pease--it is tyranny
1t is no matter whether the Emperor O.
Turkey robs his subject of his property
or whether under the notion of equal rights
the property earned by another shall be ia
ken from him by majority. would moi
choose the latter. On the contrary, give
me Turkey, for | would prefer one despo
to ten thousand. Who would labor if there
were not security that what he earned
would be his own, for his own enjoyment
for the education of his Children for tn,
support of his age, and the qualification o
all his reasonable desires!
Gentlemen, the events of the cast YEA
are many; they seem to result from an in
definite purpose of those who wish to anne
llorate the condition of things ia Europe. -
They had no distinct ideas. There may b.
incidental benefits arising from it, Thes
wars may somewhat assuage the imperiu
sway of despots. They may serve to con
vince those who hold despoic power, tina
they may shake their own thrones if the,
do no, yield something to popular demands
In that sense some good may come of it.
Then, gentlemen, there is another aspect
We have had all our sympathes much ell
listed in the Hungarian effort for liberty
We have all wept at its failure. We though
we saw more rational hope of establishin!
independence in Hungary than in any 9th
or part Of Europe where the question ha
been in agitation within the last lively,
months. But despotic power from abroa,
INTERVIEWED to suppress it.
And, gentlemen, what will come of il
40 not know For my part, at this momen
feel more indignant at recent events con
necied with Hungary than at all those which
passed in her struggle for liberty. IRE
mendous cheering. see that the Empe
ror of Russia demands of Turkey that In,
noble Kossuth and his companions shall b,
= i