The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1849-11-23
THE REPUB LIC.

distinguished place in his cabinet, with 80 much
honor 10 himself and advantage to his country
measure, presume, which met with his cordial
concurrence, as it did that of the nation But no
response ioas made 10 ii by Congress, and ii has
therefore remained dead letter upon the history Of
our intercourse ,oih other nations"
Mr.. CALHOUN again addressed the Sen
ate, and in the course of his remarks gave
his views in relation to the MONROE decla-
ration. He said
eve all remember the Holy Alliance to over
throw Bonaparte. England refused to JOIN IT, al
though she acted with it. In the process of time,
the Holy Alliance contemplated an interference
with the affairs of South America, in order to re-
store the dominion OF Spain over her revoted pro-
vinces. Our government received an intimation
from MIR. Canning, who was then at the head of
the British ministry--a man OF extraordinary sa
gacity and talent-satng at the same time, that
if the American government would back the Brit
ish government, she would discountenance such
interference. And this general declaration had
reference TO specific case, and stopped there.
Mr.. Monroe was wise man, and had no design
OF burdening the country with a task which it
could not perform. He knew there was broader
declaration made by the gentleman then Secre-
tary of State. As far as my knowledge extends,
1t was never brought forward for cabinet delibera
ton. Ithas been long time since, and will not
be positive have NJ doubt that the gentleman
to whom reference has been made is entitled to
the paternity say so, because out of this grew
: the Panama convention, although it was not le-
ultimately an offspring. But, if this declaration
was right, the Panama convention was no bad
conception, and the propriety of our sending a
minister could hardly be resisted. II was more
sensible form of carrying out broad proposition.
But Mr. President you and all the older Sena-
tors know what would have been the result If,
when we were called on, we had said we would
join Great Britain against the rest of the world,
we would have been speedily called on to act.
did, when the proposition first came up, give my
assent to it: but, after reflection, thought that it
9 had pernicous effect elsewhere, apd would have
1t now. lmade opposition to this in consequence
of Difference to Great Britain the other Euro
pean powers, but Difference to ourselves. Our
own good sense should teach Us that we ought not
to undertake what we cannot perform. Ii should
be 80 with individuals and with nations. By the
adoption of the principle of the resolution, we
would be called on to interfere whenever a Euro
pean nation, right or wrong, should bring on
conflict of arms between one or another nation on
: this continent -
Mr.. CLAYTON participated in the discus
sion, and opposed the motion to grant leave
to introduce the resolutions, on the ground
that that portion of the Presidents message
which had been referred to the Committee
of Foreign Relations covered the whole
ground; and that the whole subject being
already before that committee, it was un-
necessary to refer the subject again. Mr..
c. stated explicitly that he "did not intend
to commit himself for or against the doc
trine avowed in the resolutions 1t was
in fact, that he should do so,
the question before the Senate not being
upon the adoption of the resolutions, but
upon mere motion for leave to introduce
them. Mr.. ALLEN having declared, as Mr.
CLAYTON understood him, the policy laid
down in his resolutions to be some of the
leading principles of the Democratic party,
and that opposition to it was opposition
to that party" Mr.. CLAYTON desired to
ask the Senator from Ohio, eff that was
a great and predominant Democratic doc
trine, when did it become sol At what
period did it become a principle of the
Democratic creedp' To show that that
party never took such ground before, Mr.
CLAYTON read to the Senate extracts from
the debate in the House of Representa-
tives, in 1926, on the Panama Mission, in
GLIDING passage from MIR. PoLK's speech
on that occasion. At the conclusion of the
the motion to grant leave to In
troduce the resolutions was carried Mr..
ALLEN accordingly introduced them, and
they were referred to the Committee of
Foreign Relations.
And now to one or two points in this dis
cussion, in the Senate in 1916, TO which the
attention of the reader is particularly re-
quested.
Mr.. ALLEN, IT will have been seen from
the extract we have given above from his
speech, made the point distinctly, and
pressed it with earnestness, that President
Polk, having reiterated the MONROE decla-
ration in his annual message to Congress,
thereby brought the subject before that
body, and therefore, "should Congress, re-
main silent, that silence loouid be negation
of lohat the President had laid doun-a dec
Laration TO all Europe that, as fur rs this the
MoNRoEl principles in question, al as not
recognisedby the people ofthe United States,
SO far as the Legislative branch is concerned"
Pressing the point still further, Mr.. ALLEN
went on to declare, that it, the Mon
ROE proposition, was substantially be-
fore Congress-befoce Congress under
circumstances which will make the ST.
lence Of Congress amount to a mega
ton Of the principle the MONROE
principle laid down by the President"