Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1849-01-19

claimed by Watson. That report, made Sc
ven years since, was the first in favor Of pay
Wg Tor slaves as property, so far as my
knowledge extends, ever made to this body.
During the same session, a report from the
Committee on Territories was made of the
d" bill for the relief Of the people of West
Florida" to which | have already alluded,
and which was rejected by the House.
At this period, | had been placed at the
head Of the Committee on Claims, by the
then Speaker of this House, Hon. John
White, of Kentucky, Of whom, though a
STAKEHOLDER, | can never speak except with
profound respect. There were at that time
many claims for slaves before that commit
tee. In this Hall, before the House, | was
interrogated by a STAKEHOLDER [Mr. Wise, of
Virginia on this subject. | was asked dis
tinctly whether our committee icouH report
in Jauor Of paying for Siares? | answered,
that | would follow the established practice
on that subject. He replied, that my answer
was e~vasive, bat that the established prac-
tice was not 10 pay for slaves. ltso happen
ed, that on the 2lst Of March, 1912, | intro
duced certain resolutions declaring the rights
Of the people Of the free States to be exempt
from the support Of the slave trade. For this
| was driven from my seat. Another mem
her was added 10 the Committee on Claims
and then, sir, during my absence, just eight
days after | left the committee, this case was
urged upon the members, who were most of
them inexperienced in their duties, and unac-
quainted with the precedents. | left this
Hall on the 22d March, and on the LIST day
of April following a bill was reported by a
slaveholding member Of that committee, 10
pay for this man Lewis. This was the first
case Of the kind that ever received a lavord-
bic report from that particular committee +;
and that report was obtained in the manner
Just stated. 1t was in the siXty-seventh year
Of American independence, and the f(ty-third
Of our Constitution. This is the history Of
this subject, and Of this bill. 1t was report.
ed seven years since by a Wing committee.
We are yet to see whether this House can be
induced to pass it.
Sir, we have the power to o|verturn the
practice of this body from its first formation /;
we may overthrow its established and time.
honored principles; we may defeat the OBJ
iects of those who framed the Constitution /;
we NAV subvert the established elements of
that sacred compact which we are sworn 10
support we may attempt TO change the law
Of our eXistence-to deface the work Of God,
and declare his image to be property we
may do all this at the bidding Of the slave
power; we may humble ourselves in the
presence of these who hold the robot terrier
over US: but there is a superior Power that
will hold us TO a strict account Of our slew
ardship. Sir, the eyes of the people are up
on us; they are watching our actions. The
concentrated rays Of intelligence now brought
to bear upon all our doings, render it impos-
sibie for US 10 deceive them. No evasion,
10 subterfuge will screen those who would
render northern Jrecnicn subsidiary 10 the
support Of southern siacay.
\ y + 81 IS
Sir, when | reflect that | am now constrain-
ed to sit in this Hall to legislate upon the
price of human flesh as property, ! feel hum
bled. Before the nation, before Heaven, !
protest against this degradation. BY what
rule shall | arrive at the yGile of this man p
lie is said TO be very intelligent and learned,
reading and writing four languages. In this
respect he has, probably, few equals in this
Hall. | mean no offence by this comparison,
either TO gentlemen now present, or TO the
negro who is absent. | regard the moral
qualities of a man as the proper criterion by
which to graduate my respect. In this light
know not whether the comparison be unjust
to him or 10 those who estimate Ills raiue al
precisely n thousand dollars. | would be as
willing to enter into an inquiry as to the va
Tue OF TIE UbuN OIL lllG uOlOioDlt lltlllUtI lt-
porting this bill, as | am to estimate the va
lue of a man who, rs a I%inguist, probably has
not a dozen equals in this body. If we are
to Judge Of him by the report of the commit
tee, if placed in this body, he might have re-
Elected honor upon our country and our race.
The splendor of his genius might have soar
ed far above the groveling intellects now en-
gagged in figuring up his value in dollars and
cents. His name might have been placed in
future history beside that of Writ, of Henry,
Of Burke, and of Sheridan or perhaps his
philanthropy might have placed him on the
roll of fame with Adams and Wilberiorce.-
And yet we are now sitting here to inquire
as TO the value of this immortal mind. to es
innate its price in "glitlering dust" My
soul shrinks from the lmpious sacrilege will
loathing and disgust. But this ETHEREAL, i'm
mortal intellect, was bound in the chains o
bondage, shut out from that sphere Of useful
ness and of action in which God designed i
10 move and we are now asked 10 compen
safe this claimant for committing this wron!
!, to mankind, this crime against God. | all
anxious to see how northern members est
f mate their feIlow.men. What price do the
put upon their constituents? Let their vote
! give the answer2
On a former occasion, | cited the opinio'
of an eminent jurist Judge McLean) on thi
subject.
In the case of Groves rs. Slaughter an
y others, Us Peters Reports, 449,) this Ques
: ton zane distinctly before the Suprem
S Court of the United States. Tie %constitr
= ton of Mississippi had prohibited the intro
f duclion Of slaves into that State after a Gel
tain day. Slaves were taken there and sol
: on a credit after the time allowed by the cor
s%lilution of that State. Suit was commence
on the note given in consideration of I'll
S slaves. The defence set up was, that tn
G contract was illegal and void under the cor
s%titution of that State, which prohibited tn