Southport telegraph. [volume] (Southport, W.T. [i.e. Kenosha, Wis.]) 1840-1850, 1849-04-06
rrom the New York Tribune.
sam Houston and SHr. CaihOu

as a reply to some remarks OF Nr; Oar
houn, in Speech delivered at Charleston
s. G.. soon after the close OF the session
'47.s. and the passage Of the bill organlz>
inc the Territory of Oregon. In that
Sneech Mr.. Calhoun contended that, but
for what he is pleased to term the de!ec-
tion of two Senators from SlavehoIding
States-Houston and Benton--the bill or
ganizng the Government OF Oregon would
not have become Law, and thus another
victory of the South over the North would
have been achieved.
The Texas Senator says it has always
been his purpose to reply at proper time,
but he did not think it worth while to drag
the subject before the Serate 10 the detri-
ment of the public interests. He then
walks into the great Carolinian in very
sarcastical manner for assuming to speak
for the whole South OIL this subject of Sla-
very-ask whence Mr.. CalhOun's authors
ty for stepping over the South Carolina line
to issue Papal bulls for such multitude OF
States! Mr.. Houston then reviews the
public life of Mr.. Calhoun, his ever-chang
ing course on the questions of the Tariff,
Bank and international Improvements, his
Notification schemes, &c. and endeavors
to prove therelrom that Mr.. Calhoun has
never enjoyed the confidence of the people
Of the South, whom he addresses in such
complaisant and palronizing terms. The
following extract from Mr.. Houston's adj
dress seems to show quite conclusively that
Mr.. Calhoun has heretofore acknowledged
the Constitutional authority of Congress,
not only to prevent the introduction Of
Slavery into Free Territory, but to sup-
press it in Territory where it exists by law.
We quote as follows:
After the Ordinance Of 1897 had settled
the question as to the Introduction of Slave
ny into Territories where it did not exist,
the Missouri question opened new con-
trOversy on the subject. Could the extern
sion of Slavery be restricted by Congress
in any portion of Territory in which it
had been authorized by law? This mo-
mentous question was submitted by Mr..
Monroe TO his Cabinet, and the opinion of
each member required in writing, when the
issue and all its threatening consequences
hung upon their decision. A cotempora>
neous letter from Mr.. Monroe to General
Jackson, and the diary of Mr. Adams of
that day recording the transaction, prove
that Mr.. Calhoun concurred with the rest of
the Cabinet in approving the act of Con-
gress imposing the restriction. Mr.. Cal
hOmo'S e0rittcn opinion has, disappeared
from the files Of the Departments; but the
separate and written altestatons left by Mr..
Monroe and Mr. Adams establish the fact
that it once existed. more recent act of
Mr.. Calhoun throws on him again, as 4
member of Mr.. Tyler's Administration,
still more invlduous responsibility, as Civ
ing new force to the principle assumed to
sustain the power of Congress in restrict
ing Slavery even IN States where the in
stitution existed. BY his surreptilous dis
patch of the annexation resolutions, con-
tanning this restriction upon Texas, Mr..
Calhoun destroyed the legal capacity there
existing to employ slave labor north of
36 80, and cut off vast region from the
occupation of Southern planters and farms
ers. In this case there was no threatened
schsm of the Union, as in that of the Mis-.
sour compromise, TO make it a sort of ne
costly. Mr.. Calhoun had an alternative
proposition in his hand, which it is known
the President elect (Mr. Polk had agreed
TO adopt, because, in giving a commission
20 adjust the terms Of annexation, it was at
once more just to the interests and more
haiterlng to the State pride of the young
republic in the act of blending itself with
the cOnlederacy. Yet Mr.. Calhoun chose
rather, by all act of pererogation, to ap>
ply restrlc ton of Congress not meant to
be executed, and mutilate Southern State,
and suppress in large portion of it the
domestic institution sanctioned by its laws.
Nevertheless, he condemns the Senator
from Missouri and myself for asserting to
an act OF Congress simply confirming, in
Northern territory, the government organ
lied there by the people themselves exclu-
ding Slavery, according TO the principles
and precedenls which every territory SINH
larry situated had before adopted, with the
universal sanction of the representatives IN
Congress of every State in the Union. If
asserting TO the organization of Oregon.
and recognizing the right which she assert
cd under the Ordinance Of 1887, makes me
an offender against the South, did not all
the Senators and Representatives from that
quarter offend in the same way in regard TO
Wisconsin and Iowa? And, most OF all.
Mr. Calhoun himself, who twice as a Cab
net officer, and again as a Senator repre-
senting South Carolina, had admitted the
constitutional power of Congress to repress
Slavery even in territories where it had
legal footing!
The Slave Question is one of
immense import 10 the South. 1t not only !
L
involves millions of property, but of lives. |
Every fibre Of the heart of those among
whom Slavery exists may be tortured by |
apprehensions and jeaIousics, through sug
geshons OF an eminent public man, who |
takes upon himself the character of scnti-
mel 10 watch and avert the lurkino
dangers that environ it, The man who
stands guard over magazine in popuIous
city may sacrifice the most innocent.
against whom he can pointa suspicion of a
plot 10 fire it. Mr.. Calhoun takes on
himself this charge, in regard to the explo-
slve materials OF the South, for such sinis-
Ter Rights, who, it has been seen, was ever
ready to barter Them 10 attain his selfish
ends is now laborng to make more intense
man ever, the excitement on the question
oil Slavery, by aptatinC the Rirht Oc ~