The daily national Whig. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1847-1849, 1849-06-12

OF this may be seen IN my speech on the
Asaburton treaty; but the subject requires
separate examination, and shall receive it,
but not now 1t viii be curious episode,
and will place Mr.. Calhoun second time
where he was in lsl9-'20-on the northern
side Of the slavery question but only for a
brief space. Mr. Van Buren, preferred to
try to be his own successor; and the Texas
treaty having gone over without making its
author President, and the Mexican war prom
ising large crop Of popular Presidential
candidates, a new political test became ne
cessary; and, the tariff question being settled
By the act Of 1916, recourse to slavery and
abolition became indispensable Hence the
firebrand resolutions Of 1S47--Ta irebrand
which has had the singular fate Of dying out
where it was put, and of raising conAagra-
ton thousand miles oil.
The design of these resolutions then point
correctly to the subversion Of the Union. 1t
is their language. And for what cause I
For cause so absurd and unfounded, so
contradcted by his own conduct, and by the
whole action Of the government from its
foundation to the present day, that, being
confronted with his own conduct, he has
never dared to ask a vote upon his resolu-
tons.
have no new opinions to express about
the design Of those resolutions. | gave my
opinion Of them at the time they were intro
duced, and in many ways, and among the
rest in letter to the people Of Oregon, and
another TO the people of Howard county,
The people Of Oregon had formed provis-
ional government, and inserted in their ar
ticles Of government, fundamental act for
the prohibition of slavery, copied from the
Jefferson proviso Of 1887. The House Of
Representatives had passed bill, session
Of ,'16-'47, to establish territorial govern
ment for Oregon, sanctioning their articles
of government with the proviso against
slavery in it. This bill was defeated in the
Senate ust twelve days after Mr.. Calhoun
brought in his irebrand resolutions; and in
giving an account Of that defeat TO the peo-
Pile of Oregon, in letter which was then
published, | said:
"Your fundamental act against that institution
copied from the ordinance of l767-the work of the
slavery in a territory far less northern than yours
will not be abroga;ed is that the intention Of
the prime mover Of the amendment. Upon tho re-
cord, the Judiciary committee OF the Senate Is the
author of that amendment; but not SO the fact.
That committee Is only midwife to it. It's author is
the same mind that generated the "hrebrand resolu-
TONS" of which send you copy; and the amend
ment is Its legitimate derivation Oregon is not the
object The most rabd propagandst Of slavery can
not expect 10 plant il the shores Of the Pacific in
the latitude of Wisconsin and the Lake Of the
Woods. A home agitation, for election, and dis
union purpo es, is all that is intended by thrustng
that firebrand question into your bill and, at the
next session, when it is thrust in again, we will
scourge il out"
A home agitation for election, and dis
union purposes, is what ] told them the OBJ
ject Of these, resolutions was. Cass and
Butler were defeated upon tests framed out
Of these resolutions; but the election part Of
the object was against all northern men, and
TO bring forward Mr.. Calhoun himself as the
southern candidate. Failing in this object
TO get himself nominated, the next design of
the resolutions came into play; and this
brings me to the meeting Of southern mem
bers Of Congress, got up,. and conducted by
Mr.. Calhoun. twas meeting with closed
doors-every citizen, not an actual member
from slaveholJing State, was excluded
even Mr., BIB, Of Kentucky, former
senator, and who was turned out under the
special decision Of Mr.. Calhoun himself.
Members came upon invitation. was not
invited, and would not have gone if had
been. Gen. Houston was not invited, but
went without invitation, and moved the
opening Of the doors to the public, which
was voted down. have been told that
disunion was expressly discussed and that
would seem to flow, as a regular conse-
quence, from the fundamental opposition Of
the original address, drawn up by Mr. Cal
houn, and assimilating its Importance to the
declaration Of wrongs which separated the
American Colonies from Great Britain, and
giving higher importance to the present
crisis, as going beyond the former, and in
volving not merely rights, but life and pro-
perty-everything-the safety of the South,
and all. The paragraph which contained
this declaration was this:
awe whose names are hereunto annexed, address
| you In discharge Of what we believe to be solemn
duty on the most important subject ever presented
for your consideration not excepting the declaration
| which separated you ana the otner unlteu ColOnles
from the parent country. That involved your in.
dependence; but this your all, not excepting even
| your safety We aude TO the conflict between the
Two great sections of the Union, growing out Of
difference of feeling ard opinion in reference 10
the relations existing between the two races--the
European and Afrcan-which inhabit the Southern
section, and the acts of aggression and encroach-
ment TO which 1t has led"
From this strong language, exalting the
crisis above that Of the revolution, it would
naturally be supposed that the remedy was
to be the same and so it was understood by
many, and the words struck out. The same
conclusion would seem naturally to result
from concluding part Of the address, in
which unanimty was invoked, consequences
disregarded, the Union treated as hypothetl-
cally worse than useless, called sword to
assault, and not shield to defend, and in
which it was left to the North to count its
value. This is the paragraph which con-
tanned these expressions:
As the assailed, you would stand justified by all
law, human and divine, in rcpelling blow so dan
gerous without looking TO consequences, and TO re-
| II, nHn nrc paaarv mr. YDur