The North-Carolina standard., 1849-07-18
NUMBER 767

=
flisty for it, and there are prudential reasons why it
should not be passed. California and New Mexico
are now free from slavery, both by law and by fact
and Will forever remain free from Its both by law and
In fact. AS general propositions unnecessary laws
ought not to be passed but if it is passed, it is
empty provision, having practical effect whatever
10 make an issue against it between orth and South
s unwise, for it is an issue about nothing and on
the part of the South, issue made for defeat; for
Delaware has instructed for IL, and that insuTes
majority in the Senate for the provso, there being
already large majority in the House Of Representa-
+tEes instructed for it. s7aa .aa6 ssHe
k1e /" My opinions" They are wanted. Heretofore
fore the public. acts of public men have stood for
their opinions: it has been only the new men, un-
known by their acs that have been subjected to poll
tcal catechsm. Thirty years, almost, have been in
the Senate and during that time have always been
voter, and often speaker this subject of slave
Ty and commenced with it in my own State. II
was politically born of slave agitation-oat of
the Missouri restriction controversy, and have acted
an open part it, from the time il begun the pre-
sent day. My writings had some influence the
formation of the constitution of this State. They
were pretty well known then, though forgotten now.
They contributed keep off restricton and TO insert
the clause In the constitution for the sanction of sa
very. urged the putting tin the constitution, for
the express purpose of giving security Improperly,
and preventing agitation. | wanted peace from the
question at home, and ndcontributedto provide for it by
contributing to- put that clause in the constitution;
and now it is hard that should have agitation
imported transported upon US, harrass us about
slavery when have taken such care to keep out
agitation. M votes ip Congress have been consis-
tent withmy conduct at Observation-Disclosures, no
agitation--security to propertyaRd tranquility to
the people, In thirty years have not given vote
that has been complained of. / have voted thirty
years, avoiding all extremes, and giving satisfaction
The old generation, and the generation that has been
bern during that time, ought consider this so far
to let stand the evidence of my opinions But
it will do. Il Finding nothing In the past to con-
demn, people must go into fu turity, to see if
an he
som, to see if anything is hid there, which can be
condemned. Very good they shall know my opin-
ions. And first, they may see them in my public
acts in my proposals for the admission of Texas
five years ago, in which, proposed to limit the wes-
tern extension of slavery by longitudinal line /
believe the I00th degree of west longtude next in
my votes upon the Oregon bill, in which opposed
the introduction of slavery there; and again in my
letter to the people of Oregon, in which declare
myself to be no propagandist of slavery! aaa aUE
| These were public acts. But you want public
declarations of personal sentiments very good gcu
shall have them. My personal sentiments, then are
against the institution of savery and against its in
PRODUCTION into places in which it does not exist If
there was slavery ins Missouri to-day, I should
oppose its coming in; if there in tile United
States, i should oppose its coming into the United
States; therei none in New Mexico or California,
against sendngit to those territories, and could
not vote for such measure defamation which
costs me but little, the whole dispute now being
about the abstract right of carrying slaves there, with
out the erercise of the right. No one asks for law
for exercise ofthe right, and cannotsasit in the
face OF the dogma which denies the power grant
1t. States do they please. These are my princi-
pies; and they reduce the difference between Mr..
Calhounsand myself to the difference between fefus-
ing and asking. And for this the Unionis TO be
subVerted! OH metaphysics !pohtical metaphysical
far better stckto the innocent business of amending
the constitution by putting three States and river
together!Ir nj ',aeli aat ri Elssti II <. uE sfl
If any one wishes to know still more abont nv
principles on slavery, will give him reference
he may find them in fuckers edition of Blackstone's
Commentaries, 1appendix to the second volume,1
where ilibibed them forty-four years ago, whena
student at law I; and have held fast to them ever
since-all but the remedy and the difficulty of that
is one OF theeVlls itself of slavery, and one of the
arguments against one set OF people putting it upon
another and distant set of people, and especially
while they are lifting their imploIing hands against it.
y, 10 finish this personal exposition have to say
that my profession and conduct-~no unusual thing
with frail humanty-do not agree. i was boFn.te,
the Inheritance of slaves, and have been with
out them. have bought some, but only on ntheir
own entreaty, and to save them from execution saes
have sold some, but only for misconduct. i have
had two taken from by the abolionists and never
inquired after them, and liberated third, who would
not 60 with them. / have slaves now in Kentucky
who were elevated to the dignity of real estate by
being moved from Missouri to kentucky and viii
have to descend next fall the low degree of acFat-
tel Interests in spite of the laws of Kentucky, wheaI
shall remove them back TO Missour.ssAnd, L have
slaves IN w ashl4gton eity7perhaps the only member
of Congress that has any thereand am not theseast
property either there or here.
have made no slave speeches in Congress, and
do not mean 10 make them. Property is fimid and
slave property above all. 1t is not right to disturb
the quetude of the owner-to harass him with ground
less apprehensions 1t is private wrong to disturb
single individual, by making him believe, untruly,
that his property is Insecure. 1t becomes public
evil to disturb whole community. Itcreates gem
eral uneasiness, generates aninostes deranoes 6ns
ness, and often leads hasty and inprovdent IeQis-
lation l have seen danger to the slave property
of any State in this Union by the action of CONGRESS-
and cannot contrfbuteIo alarm the country bv enoad
ing in discussions which assert or imply danger p
But have still higher reason for not enoa1fno in
these discussions. We are repubIic--tlle head Of
that form of government-and owe a great examnie
to struggling and agonizing world. All the Ameri-
can States OF Spanish origins language, manners GUS
toms, have initiated our example Europe is now at
tempting to initiate it.. Liberty is now strugolngin
ancient empires, and her votaries are looking to
us for the mplicaton of the blessings of which
she is IN search, and for argument in favor of her
efforts. What do they see? Wranglinp and strife.
and bitter denunciations, and threats of separation
They see quarrel about slavery them a anre
and IncomPrehensibfe cause Of quarel. e They see
slavery and disnnon coupled in one eternal wrnleg
Fhey see us almost in state Of dfsoFga e
islaton distant territories left without eov-
ernnent: insult, outrage on the floors Of Congress-
disunfon threatened g q .9satssee8y ~ 4a85
Their hearts chilled this sad spectaeIe their
enemies rejoice att and by every mail ship that
leaves our shores the representatives of the crowned
heads of Europe send forth the record Of our debates
to encourage the enemies and conound the friends Of
freedom France, lparts of Ita}y even the PanaI1
(fofo oc.-.s ET1arf ,f q