The North-Carolina standard., 1849-07-25

that slavery in these United tates in point of Law
and right did not exist under the nature of our free
form of government and that the Supreme Courtso
the United States would thus declare it. This dec
laratIon made about ten years ago, in the crisis
and highest paroxysm of Missouri agitation. Since
then have this declaration repeated in every
shape, by organized party in all the nonsaveholding
States. Since then we have seen the principles Of
the same declaration developed in Legislative proceed
lngs, In the shape of committee reports and public
debate In the halls of Congress. Since then have
had the DAuteriye case, and petition present
ed from the chair of the House of Representatives,
Mr.. John w. Taylor being Speaker, in which the
total destruction of all the States that would not aban-
don slavery was expressly represented as a sublime
act With these facts before u.s. and myriads of 9th
ers, which cannot repeat, but which are seen by
ALL the probability of federal Legislative act against
slavery rises in the scale and the character
of moral certainty, in the event of the of
tain designs now on foot. So much for what may
happen in Congress- ~ -. r..l
Then, in $50, Mr.. Benton the present defyerer of
Calhounias said in the same speech: ..- -r..
"a geographical party, and chiefly political caste,
are necessarily at work the subject Their opera
tions perpade the States, intude into this chamber,
display themselves in innumerable forms, and the
thckenng OF the signs announces the forthcoming of
some extraordinary movement .5a-s.
Again, he said in the same debate
81 foresee that this subject is to act great part in
the future politics of this country; that to be made
one OF the instruments of momentous movement
not for dividing the Union-something practical
BILE, more damnable than that &C., &c. 9e ..
Then, he saw danger, then he ground for alarm;
then, he saw worse than disunon itself in the pros
pect of the future. Now, the same gentleman says,
amidst all the superadded dangers of the present pc
riod: 81 have made no slavery speeches in Congress
and do not mean to make them Property is tirnid !;
and slave property above all. 1t is right to dis
turb the quletude of the owner, to harass him with
groundless apprehensons. 1t is private wrong to
disturb single individual by making him believe,
untruy, that his property is Insecure. 1t becomes
public evil to disturb whole community. 1t creates
generel uneasiness generates animosites, deranges
business, and often leads to hasty and improvident
legislation" How charmingly philosophical! He
is afraid of producing excitement by making slavery
speeches in Congress; then why, pray, does he un-
dertake to deliver anti-savery speeches in the bosom
of the slave States of the South. If this of pro
pery be tmid, then why go It to alarm it !!
If sit is public evil to disturb whole community
then how dare he to disturb the whole community of
the South by keeping up this fierce agitation in their
midst! Why disturb them still more by presuming
to hold out open encouragement to their enemies to
prosecute their dire schemes of hostility against them,
in despite of the noble teachings of Cass, Buch-
anan, Dallas, and Dickinsonand others? IS '+
But assert that it is true point of fact, that
Mr.. Benton has IS made slavery speeches in Con-
gress." In his better days, when the pro-slavery
side of the question the strong sidewhen he had
not forfeited forever the confidence and kindness of
the South, by his opposition to Texas annexation
his heartess persecution of several of her favorite
sons-hs opposition to the Mexican treaty, by which
California and New Mexico were both acquired-his
agitious protocol increment, notoriously foot
for the double purpose of bringing about forfeiture
of valuable possessions the Pacific, and dis
gracing the amented respected almost dolized Polk,
by an tmpecchment-then, he did find it convenient
to make pro-savery speeches-ferce, furious, and
frebrand proslavery speeches; of which will give
you here few charming extracts. quote still from
the speech on Foot's resolutions. Here the ex-
tracts -.@ -.-
Sir regard with admiration that is to say with
wonder the sublime morality of those who cannot
bear the abstract contemplation of slavery, at the dis
tance of five hundred or thousand miles off, Chat
is to say in California New Mexico) 1t is entire
y above-that is to say, it affects vast superiority
over-the morality of the primitive Christians, the
apostles of Christ, and Christ himself Christ and
the apostles appeared in province of the Roman
empire, when that empire called the Roman
world, and that world was filled with slaves. Forty
millions the estimated number, being one-fourth
of the whole population. Single individuals held
twenty thousand slaves. freed man, who had
been himself slave, died the possessor of four
thousand, such were their numbers. ~
Christ all this /; the number of slaves; their
hapIess condition and their white color, which
the same with his own; yet he said nothing against
slavery ne preached no doctrine which led to insur-
rection and massacre. He preach
ed no such doctrines, but those of contrary tenor
which nculcated the duty of fidelity and obedience
on the part of the slave-humanity and kindness on
the part of the master. His apostles did the same
St. Paul sent back runaway slave, Onesemus to his
o"heI Wi.u ietlel ol apology anu SuPpllcduon. ne
was not the man to harbor a runaway, much less to
entice him Aom his master and least of all, to
cite an insurrection. Slavery
never ceased any where on principle of religion ;
the religion of all nations conSecrates it. Its abolition
cannot be enforced among Christians on that ground
without reproaching the founder of their religion
Many who think themselves Christians, are now en-
gagged in preaching against slavery but they had
better ascertain whether they have fulfilled the pre-
cepts of Christ, before they assume moral superb
ority him, and undertake to do what he did not
To the pOhtfcfans-I=y mark this specially-to the
politicians who are engaged in the same occupation,
it is needless give the like admonon. They have
their views and the success of these would be but
poorly promoted by following the precepts of the
Gospel Their kingdom is of this world; and to
reach it (that is say the presidency they will do
things they ought not and leave undone the things
which they ought to do.''
toms zeal in behalf of slavery that period of his
life-(when John Randolph of Reanoke-always
enthusiast the subject, and the most far-seeing
man on the continent to all the designs of the abo-
litionsts-yet suffered him to enjoy his confdence)
SO violent was he in his denunciation of the oppo-
nents of slavery in the free States of the North that
many of the more discreet defenders of Southern
interests deplored his violence; and his colleague,
Mr.. Barton, openly denounced his conduct, charged
him with being seditious factionist-an unprnci-
pied agator of the slavery question for his own po-
litical advancement-called him Lucius CGtGEne to
his face, and arraigned him soemnly (as Mr.. Benton
himsefhas lately done who assembled for peace
ful and patriotic purposes In the Senate last
winter) under the Farewell Address of Washington.
More of that arraignment For the present, see
what Mr.. Barton said of our present accuser as a
sectional agitator and enemy to the Union. Mr..
Barton on the occasion referred to, (Foot's resou-
Lo;,, dioo,