The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1849-10-09

MEssRs EDiroRs | said in the conclusion of NV
last and first number, that we have got something
OF an important practical bearing, and of high inn
port, for statesmen to think of in the definition of
freedom there considered, as laid down by Mr.. Col
ton, in his Public Economy for the United States Ii
is, undoubtedly, new view of the whole subject,
and opens entirely new field of contemplation
might, perhaps, rather say, that it starts from a
new point, and in that way casts new light ON a
wonted field. II freedom does in fact consist as
Mr. Cotton AYERS, in the enjoyment of CONNER
cial rights, and in the independent control Of
mercial values fairly acquired" and if the whole
of freedom lies within the bounds of this simple and
brief proposition, as sincerely believe it does, then
we not only have tangible substance in that hith-
erto mystic and long idozed deity, but it is vir
tuay reduced To the simple matter Of cash in hand
or To that which will bring cash in market.
commercial value" always supposes convert
bihty into cash. But, observe that the hrst mem
Der OF the proposition, involving the security OF
commercial rights is Indispensable TO the g in
dependent control of commercial values" Both
together constitute freedom, the "rights'' being
the law. and the values" the things secured by it,
II must be seen, them Messrs. Editors, how this
great propostion-tor it is even great and momen-
tous viewed in the light of the exposition given of il
in my former article-constitues the vestibule and
lies at the foundation of system of public economy
for free State for nation that has any fair claim
to the title of freedom. We begin, them on ground
never before broken by economists And is il not
valid Should it be thought strange, if from such
a start, find some new things, some new light
and, peradventure, make some discoveries
This thing called freedom, then, is cash, or what
is the same. Who ever doubted denied, who
does not know, that freedom is thing of cost,
cash is? And who does not know equally well, that
freedom, to be safe, requires care, watch, eternal
vigilance that every possible form and instrument
of protection must be thrown around and over it !?
You doubtless see Messrs Editors, that are here
treading the confines of great question, and we
may as well face it first last for it cannot be
STAYED off. 1t is one of my main purposes to
slider it, and to consider it as it is related freedom
| have chosen to start from this point, and to ap
proach the question under this sacred panoply. In
company with freedom, safe away from it,
we are lost.
say, then, and propose to show, that the prOtec-
the policy, opposed to free trade, is the shield Of
freedom; and that its object, in this country, is free
dom itself.
chiefly by the ad captandtlm aspect of a NAME in
connection with superficial thinking. Without
profound inquiry into its real character, its name
has been taken and has operated tasman
' MIR. Cotton, in his work on public economy, p
co. says :-"Much is saved in debate on any ques-
ton, and the necessity of debate may often be
avoided by right understanding of terms. Free
trade is ostensibly, and in itself naturally, ad
eapta,dun phrase, especially with the uniformed"
Also, D. 81 sit (the nancy is false coloring of
the subject. Free trade, now used, involves a
question Of right and wrong, of justice and injus-
tice, not between parties both of which are Amer-
cans but between all Americans one party, and
tire rest of the world the other party. The
one stion is, whether American labor, which, at
great cost of blood and treasure, has gained an in
depenCent position and a fair reward, shall be
again reduced to condition of dependence, and
lose its reward, by being forced into competition
with the enslaved labor of foreign nations, espe-
cially with that of Europe; to put the question
in another form, whether party once wronged,
and having by its own virtue and energy rescued
itself, shall be exposed unnecessarily to the same
wrong again" Again, p. l80:-"Much of the
force of the argument of free-t trade economists
rests ON the assumption of what they call resric
t,,, susfen Now if we are able to show that an
American protective systems 80 far from being
sf,ictipe on American industry, American labor,
and American interests, operates on the contrary
TO set them free to leave them untrammeled; to
give them full scope for action and proht to rescue
them from disadvantages and hindrances placed in
the way of their objects; to secure them natural,
social and political rights to exempt them from re-
striction; in other words, to accomplish the very
end of free trade avowed by its advocates; them
clearly it will result that protectonists and free
traders, in the United States, are both after the
.aue thing. and differ only in their way of obtain
;no IL" And Mr.. Cotton undertakes TO prove this
IN his chapter entitled protection not reshicton,
but emancipation.
But. Messrs Editors, think much will be gained
:, clearing this field of the obscurity in which it
ba, been so long shrouded; first, by tracing the
I,w of protection 30 that where il runs,
and l,eing rum where it lies; next, by considering
what are the interests inside of that law, and how
thew are affected by it; and thirdly, what are
the interests outside, and how they are affected
by it.
The law runs and lies the boundary of juris-
diction between the United States and all other ma
tons and ports with which we have commercial
intercourse; and regulates the terms ON which, or
the toll by which, commercial values" may pass
from outside for the purpose of finding market IN
,ds II is a commercial Gordon. The interests an
,d, affected by il are the commercial values" of
che people of the United States; the interests out
s,d< affected by it the commercial values of
the peope of other nations and Of other parts Of the
world.
Now 4 have already shown, in this and my first
number that freedom consists in the enjoyment OF
commercial rights, and in the independent control
of commercial values. fairly acquired;" and that
this proposition comprehends the substance, and
constitutes the mete boundary Of freedom.
have also shown, what every one must readily sec,
that all the powers Of man, mental and bodily, his
skill and talents, natural acquired, by which he
is able TO produce commercial values directly, or
10 serve others, themselves commercial values;
commercial capital, if you please. Whatever by
it's use, or by its power of producing, will bring
money for such use, for such products, is com
mercial value.
IL seems 10 me, Messrs. Editors, that il is not n
nroposition TO be argued, but conceded axiom
in the social state, in politics, anywhere, certainly
in this country. that freedom requires care to keep
il safely, and pains to cultivate il productivity.
We have not forgotten 80 much OF history, as not
to know that what we have of freedom cost our Ia
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