Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1849-12-08
From the Chronotype.
Slayery in Kentucky.

The Slavocratic Constitutional Convention
OF Kentucky, have had some rich discussions
on the Slavery question, on q proposition to
forbid the importation of slaves into the
State, amended so as to admit the importa-
ton by any one for his own use. They have
also a proposition before them TO prohibit
emancipation, and to require the expulsion
Oh the Tree blacks from the State!
oh the non-irnportation clause, Mr.. Clark
opposing it said
L am not unwilling to declare here before
tne State aud world, that | believe Slavery
as II exists IN the Slave States of this Union,
e%ievates the character of the white race, its
dlghlty, and its morals, and ! trust we shall
frame a Constitution that will perpetuate
slavery IN this State in all time to Gomez
The samc chivalric, whole animal advo-
cate OF nabObism, also declared that he was
unwilling 10 confer on the Legislature the
power to legislate on the subject of Slavery
at all.
Ihe great mass of the debates protested
themselves opposed to Slavery, provided the
question were of its introduction. If they
were founding a new State, it should not be
admitted. They desired that every human
being should be free. Yet taking things us
they were, they regarded Slavery ms a bless
ing to both whites and blacks, and depreca-
ted any measures tending TO emancipation
There were, however, two noble exceptions.
Mr.. Root ably and cloquently plead against
shutting the door to freedom, and regarded
slavery as a curse from which the State
should abhor, and hope to be freed. MIR.
Garfield opposed a motion to lay the the dis
cusSlon oil the table, because, as he said,
there were two "llterary gems in embryo"
Which he wished TO see developed. The
flrst was, that Slavery was a moral blessing
to blacks and whites. The second was the
divine axiom that tie being who descended
from heaven to free mankind from the shack
les of sin, came also to assist in Tiycting the
shackles of human despotism." lie wished
to have the discussion continue till these
strange doctrines could be demonstrated. 1t
is hardly necessary to remark that that would
be making it a permanent assembly.
In the Louisville journal OF Oct. 10th, is
an editorial commentary on these proceed
ings, in which, under the most downy tell
derpess towards the Slave Power, some ter
ribly sharp truths are presented to the Slave
holders. We dom remember when we have
$500 the p~iratical system SO cut to pieces un-
@axxuo saise 81. Observation-Disclosures tie son
ofLSer, could not have stabbed it more pre-
cisely thro' the heart, with " the kinder end
of the spear" than Prentice has lone in
this article. Whether his fifth rib will be
tickled with some slavelolding Joab's bowie
knife in consequence, remains to be seen.
MIR. Prentice thinks the production of cot
ton has reached a stage at which it can no
longer absorb all the energies of the planting
States, and consequently the demand for
slaves i'll them must slacken. This will cause
accumulation Of the article in Kentucky, and
perhaps turn back the tide. lie thinks that
while general emancipation would be bad
policy, slaves from abroad should be eXclu-
ded, and the institution be kept, if possible,
in its present limits. He then makes the
very remarkable statement, that
"h every Slave State there is a maximum
of white population which is never passed
but when once attained the white population
gradually diminishes, while the d~isproportion
of slaves rapidly increases. This has been
more particularly remarked and generally APP
piled to the low lands of Virginia. The
reason usually given for it is, that the lands
have been worn out under the impoyerishing
influence of slave culture. But the census
proves the same TO be equally true, of the
unworn, still rich lands of Kentucky. Some
of the counties embracing the richest land
in the State have actually decreased in white
population"
MIR. Prentice gently reminds the Conven-
ton that 10000 non-slayeholding voters, re-
presenting iivc-siXtls OF the White popula-
ton of the State, and not having one single
representative of their class in that body,
may have some rights and some interest in
the settlement of the slave question. To be
sure, he says, it is IA wonderful compliment
TO the integrity and high character of the
shareholders, that these Observation-Disclosures
should have entrusted their interests so en-
tirely to their keeping, and it ought to slim
ulate the shareholders to be exceedingly mag
unanimous and consult the interests of the
laboring white men as well us their own!-
Can anything be mDre ludicrous than the
waste of such arguments upon such men!
Can anything be more absurdly ingenious
than this turning into a compliment TO the
shareholders of what is really u most as
founding proof of the shame, ignorance and
utter degradation OF the non~-slaveholding
whites?
MIR. Prentice argues with irresistible force
against forbidding emancipation and driving
out the free blacks, a class OF men 10 whom
he gives a high character as peaceful, trust
worthy, law-abiding citizens. On the latter
point, he warns the Shareholders that the free
blacks have rights and property, and thai
they who have especially deprecated inter-
ference with such rights, should beware OF
setting the example of trespass. Says he,
/" if there be any right of property deserving
TO be characterized as entitled TO moro sane
thy than another, it must be a mans right to
himself" Exactly so Mr.. Prentice, and there
you have sewed up the Shareholders. There
never was a time in the history of any free
man, colored or white, in which his right to
himself was not " entitled to more %sanctity T"
than his right to anything else. by what
right then could this freeman be enslavcd F.?
Surely not by any right of properly. Unjust
be the right of power, or self-defence, or
philanthropy, or something else--the right
Of wrong, most likely-anything but the right
Of property. When Shareholders claim their
: slaves by the right of royalty, priesthood, OF