The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1849-12-29

ground assumed in the resolution amounted to such
claim If the Executive and Senatorial powers
be coequa, the President has the same right to de-
mand Of the Senate the why they reject his
nomination, that the Senate has to call upon him
for the causes of removals and he might say, that,
until such reasons were assigned, he would make
no further nominations, and throw the responsible
ity on the Senate.
"But it is contended that the President is not re-
'sponsible to any tribunal, but to the Senate and
that, If the Senate are not permitted to check him,
there isno power any where else during his term of
office to restrain his tyranny; and that he may
move from office without cause. He would ask, to
what tribunal is the Senate amenable for their con-
duct during their term of service? They were both
responsible to the same tribunal-the people. 1t
seemed to him strange state of things for the Sen
ate to erect themselves into tribunal for such
investigation. The decision of the Supreme Court
of the United States in the of Marbury and
Madison, so far decision Of that court could eff
feet the constitutional power of the Executive, had
put the whole question forever to rest BY that de-
cision, the power of removal was demonstrated
to be exclusively in the discretionary power of the
President; and, if he abused it, he could only be
punished by the people"
"Mr. KNIGHT said, that when the resolution was
first introduced, he had been at loss to know what
object could be attained by its adoption. If any
legislative act could grow out oft, there might be
some reason for its adoption; but if no legislation
could follow, 1t seemed to him that it would be
perfect act of supererogation. He should be glad
to be informed on this point. When the Presi-
dent sent nominations TO the Senate, il might be
very proper to call upon him for his reasons for
the removal Of public officer and to inquire why
the Senate had been asked the second time to
sanction an appointment to the same office.
"Mr. KANE said, the Senate certainly salts
fled that it was unnecessary to consume time
IN arguing question that had so often been decided
and decided, too, by the yeas and nays. The qles-
ton had been settled; and, with view of putting
an end to useless and Improbable debate, he would
move to lay the resolution. on the table
''Mr BARTON requested Mr.. KANE to withdraw
the motion, saying he wished to answer the ques-
ton of the gentleman from Rhode Island; and MIR.
KANE having consented to withdraw the motion,
MIR. BARTON addressed the Senate at some length;
and when he had concluded
"Mr KANE renewed the motion to Law the reso-
luton on the table.
"This question decided in the affirmative;
yeas %, nays To-"
We shall have occasion, probably, to
recur to this topic again. Our present OBJ
ject is merely to suggest that there are
matters enough within their constitutional
jurisdiction to occupy the attention of the
Senate, and to furnish matters of agita-
ton, without recourse to personal attacks
upon President TAYLOR We are told that,
in the wars of chivalry, it was customary,
when there was king in the field, for the
enemy TO demand, by trumpet, in what
part of the camp he was posted, that they
might avoid firing upon the royal pavil-
ion.. This was perhaps an excess of polite
ness; but the spirit of it might be well
carried into the political controversies of
an age that lays claim to higher civil
cation than that of chivalry. In the pa
per wars of our day, however, the person
of the PRESIDENT is the shining mark of
all the bullets and pellets, the poisoned
arrows, bombshells, and Internal machines
of Bitter-End Opposition.