The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1849-09-22

barrier 10 separate the contiguous S,ates.-
. Zach must have its border closely studde,
with iortiicstions, which the experience q
The continental States of Europe proves l.
be source OF enormous expenditure Al
immense line OF seacost must be defended,
navy must be kept up, a standing army q
larger or smaller number of men must b
held IN readiness TO repel invasion, for ma
IONS without sea or mountain to keep then
asunder are always in danger OF collision
A Legislature, sn Executive, and Judici
any Department, have TO lie established an,
supported. In short, the Southern Confed
efbcy would cost as much. or nearly a
mitch. as our present great Conf,deracy o
thlty States. The necessity of deiencc
against a jealous, and may be, hostile
ne Shbor, might make tho small Conieder
aey even more expensive than the presen
great one. The revenue necessary 10 NEE
thls great expense could not be derived from
dHect taxes, without intolerable psessure or
the people. Like other nations, we should
be compelled to resort To the easier and
less burdensome expedient, of indirect
taxes. In word. Q tariff, and very high
tarih, must be the result Of separate or.
garizstion. Manufactures spring up under
he genial encouragement. Free labor, a.
a necessary consequence, pours into the
country. Now, free and slave labor are at
wa, when separated by the distance which
divides South Carolina end Massachusetts.
Shall We expect harmony when they look
into each others windows? TIE idea is
pre- posteTous. The slave will be looked on
by the free laborer as his rival. The ballot
box will be made to bear upon him, snd
the rivalry will cease. You mus give the
master a vote Tor each one of his slaves, or
the institution OF slavery will perish. A
single mandatory, Of six hundred hands,
in the county of Pittsylvania, or Halifax,
would turn the scale against the stakeholder
in either Of these counties.
Is it asked why the free laborer at pre-
sent is Lot voting against the Shareholder
The answer is al hand. The free laborer
is ia hopeless minority. Give 20 him a
hope of success, ard you will find him with
the NEW allies which disunon will give to
him. Did not very faint nope oil success
IN 1882, draw out an alarming abolition
vote in Virginia? Did not the great slave
holding county Of Albemarle sustain at the
polls ore Of its Representatives, who led
the Abolition movement When asked
how he came to be returned. his character
islic reply was, 81 appealed to the poor
folks This appeal has always been re.
sponded to by the poor folks, and always
wi |. Can any one point to a single indi-
vidIal in Virginia, who has been weak ened
in popular favor by siding with abolition in
1882? Is no: Mcdowell, who won his
first and greenes; lsurels as an orator by an
abolition speech, cherished by the Democ-
rscy? Has Preston lost caste with the
Wings! Or has the Richmond Enquirer
had its subscription list curtailed by the
lapse of a single name
IL slavery can scarcely now be sustained
ia Virginia, plantation State, almost with
oui manufactures, what will be It's doom
when an immense amount Of Tree labor is
Infused into the body Of the State, and each
free laborer having the political power OF
the master OF hundred slavesl Almost
every Southern State mas universal suffrage,
and the few exceptions are, one by one,
falling into the general rule. Does any
man who thinks, or car think, entertain the
dea, for single moment, that slay cry can
stand up in the face OF a manufacturing
population and universal suffrage The
former would melt it away by deg the
latter would abolish it, but, under the uni
ted blows of both, its destruction would be
certain and sudden. Universal suffrage
would not be more fatal to the National
Church and the Peeraee OF England, than
this same universal suffrage, combined with
a manufacturing population, would be to
slavery in the Southern States. II | were
an Abolitionist, and were looking, without
regard 10 other consequences, for a speedy
remedy for the real or fancied evils Of slave.
~, | would go Tor a disunion CT these
States. Now, the war OF fanaticism and
folly. waged by the North upon Southern
slavery, keeps our people united in lis de-
fence. The pressure OF the atmosphere
does not more certainly keep our blood
from breaking through artery and vein, than
does the pressure OF Northern opposition
keep down the resistance OF our own peo.
pie, against the institution a; their DOORS
Northern clamor is Southern protection.
But on what parallel Of latitude will our
northern line run, Shall we take Mason
and Dixon's. line? Who can answer for
the sympathies OF Maryland? Might she
not prefer the sisterhood of Pennsylvania
and New York, TO that of South Carolina
and Georgia? Would Virginia be unani-
nous in her choice Of partners! Might
not the Western portion prefer the North,
ern to the Southern alliance? Where will
be Kentucky? Where Missouri What
will Louisiana do with her sugar, with a
free West India competition in the markets
of the world? What shall we DO with the
navy! What with the National Debit
What with the Mississippi!
These questions arc more easily asked
than answered. The Truth is, that our coun-
try is more in0iviable than any other on
earth, and the folly which is bound up in
the thought Of disunion has no parallel but
in its wickedness. ..
But let US suppose the line run--a pea
cesble division made--as peaceable as that
between Lot and Abraham Of old-suppose
convention has framed new Constitu-
tion--suppose all the passions OF its men,
bers hushed-all the compromises made,