The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1849-05-19


Sether what have urged touching the effe
Of slavery upon the political strength an
influence OF the State. Is our relative DO,
81 ia this conlederacy question of no m
henH The presence Of our slaves d.mil
SHE'S our representation. ard thus our pow,
?. ana influence in the government. And IN
d hmlnution is twolold. or by double pr,
0 cess. For, If we had never had any slay,
a we would now have more white people tina
Z We IN Tact have; and then our slaves Al
not represented in The slme ratio with with
people. and thus our share in the govern
h-td = Sni da"n LY onr ir-.Iu,s bod, wsy,
l suggested OeiOIe, chat those who desire M
more people, do not care Tor any greale
power IN the government Of the county,
Good easy souls
There Is another aspect Of this subiec
lar more important than any which we hav,
yet considered. This is what | will cal
the moral view Of slavery. There ale va
nous lights in which this part Of the sub
ect may be contemplated. 1t will be enough
lor me 10 suggest some Of them at this time
should this discussion be continued, the,
may be examined more at length hereafter.
And now, gentlemen, 10 begin at the be.
ginning, is slavery right! do not wish to
go into any hairsplitting metaphysical
Z leSuons. You know that | am a very
Piain man. take you to be plain men
! suppose that those whom address througb
you-the great body OF the people who
read what ! write, whether in your paper.
or others into which it may be copied--are
also PLAN common-sense people, who take
straightforward views Of things. Now |
ask, is slavery right-as a thing between
man and man, in their private reIations--or
as public institution? Ii began in this
country with the slave trade. | need hardly
ask you whether that was right; for. be-
lieve, nearly every civilised nation has de.
clared II piracy, and Furnishes il with death.
But slavery here among us in Kentucky
does the common sense, does the sincere
feeling Of the people say. the thing is right
was born and brought up, and have lived
nearly all my life 10 Kentucky, amongsIaves
and Their masters; and my clear and deep
conviction is, that the great body Of them
all are oil one opinion on this subject
Io-wlt, that the system is wrong. And for
myself, am Just as clear, that herein thew
are right. do not say, nor DO they. tina, |
holding slaves is thing of itself, necessari. |
ly sinful, simply violation Of the divine
law. No good man who took that view
could continue to hold slaves. But thew
say, and 80 do l., and think you will too,
that the institution Of slavery is founded on
bad principles, and brings out injurious ef-
iects. Ii exists among US in its least often
sIve form; but what does it imply here Ii
strips the slave, not during his childhood, or
Tor his crimes, but without offence on his
part, and during his whole life, of ali DOW
er over himself. His right to the avails of
has labor, his command Of his time, his use
81 himself, his control Of his children, his
living with his wife, nay, his havingany wife,
hese things are all denied him as Of right.
Il he enjoy any Of them, il is at the pleas
IRE Of his master. The system reduces him
o the level OF ProPery-nay there is less
81 dignity and pemanency in the tenure by
which he is held as property, than the earth
he treads On-ior he is but chaltel He
las not even left to him the right to acquire
knowledge, so that he may know how to $
i've and how 10 die. His soul itself is well ,
ugh at the mercy Of his master. That this I
'ower is generally used humanely, and Q
with more regard TO the welfare J
# the slave than TO the profit of the master, 5
10 man acquainted with the state Of society {
n kentucky can deny. But is il not an | q
nomous pOweri lsit not a wrong 'struc- 4
ure Of society that recognises III Is it moi &
wrong to a portion Of the human family
D subject them, needleSsly and in perpe $
llty, TO the exercise Of such power? Is
ot the thing so far wrong, that it ought to
e corrected! The abolitionists say that it
} universally and necessarily wicked--and
ught to be at once given up in every case,
OF all consequences, and OF
very consideration, except the absolute. in.
erent and essential criminality of the rela-
on. In this, they are themselves essen :
ally wrong, and out Of this, their radical :
uor, spring their injustice to their country
hen, and their illjudged and injurious
lndness TO the slave, and thus, in some in
.ances, they have shown their spirit 10 be q :
MD and heartless fansticiam.
But, gentlemen, slavery in Kentucky :,
nPlies something back OF all this, in our 4
ray OF making people slaves. Ii does not
How US TO 60 10 Alnea and catch man r
rats felony-but you may stand over !,
oman, and the moment her child is born. =
on may seize it, and put your mark upon |,
, and call it yours-and the law says il is 4
ours, and shall be yours and yon chill ;,
ren's. Now, sirs, believe that the great .
lass of the people Of Kentucky think that "
Re principle which is at the bottom of this q,
hole thing is wrong. ~
Bot there are many effects of it which 20 b,
show that it is wrong-Ior you know, a d
bod tree does not produce bad fruit d.
onslder the influence OF the system upon al
le slaves themselves in a moral point OF
lew. They must, from the necessity OF b.
le case, be an ignorant people. Many de
egroes among US are intelligent for ne. W
roes-but that is all you can say. Or i'll III
ou can point to examples Of more than 10
us, they are exceptions that will confirm In
le rule. Many Of our slaves can read w
lew oil them can write-but that is all. e.
Iumane masters will allow them, religious iii
mes will cause them 10 learn 10 read, but hi
lat IL all. And the great mass of our liz