Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1849-07-25
NO. ~

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pressed on constitutional question, set
ties ii lmrcvcr; and this too when il is wen
known that il WIS in direct contradiction
to the course he pursued in reference ~
the Bank OF The United States. Tho
right of Congress to charter such bank
had again and again been sanctioned by
Congress, and every department of the
government. That he did NOT consider all
This as settling the constitutional question,
The lons war he wabcd ag;iins, The instilii-
ton proves conclusivcly.
II is his fate to involve himself in diIera-
mas al every step he takes, and which he
is either too blind to see, or TOO reckless 10
regard. lie las laborcd through MANY
columns 10 prove that the cabinet of MI:
Monroe was unanimous in favor of tho
power Of Congress 10 exclude slavery from
The territories, and that they gave written
opinions 10 thai effect, in order to prove
Thai am The real and responsible author
of The Willnot Proviso, without apparent-
Iy perccivins, that if he could succeed, it
wouIt; destroy his conclusion for if The
cabinet was unanimous, how could alone
be responsible =? lie seems TO have felt
the dilemma aGcr he got into it, and has
made Il desperate effort TO escape from if.
For that purpose, he had 10 falsify the
Constitution, and TO assert, that the veto
power was vested in the Cabinet, and not
in The President, when that instrument ex-
prcssly provides, that 1.-THE Executive
power shall be vested in the President -
and that every bill shall be presented 10
the President for his approval or disappro-
val; and that if he approves Of it, it shall
become law, and if he disapproves il;
shall not, unless passed by two thirds of
both houses of Congress. lie follows dP
this false assertion by another, that ] had
onc>ii[h Of tho veto power in my hands;
when, in fact, had no part, and when
The. paper, on which he relies 10 mako out
his charge, shows on its face, that the Cub
met consisted of six and not five, and Of
course. if it had !hc veto power, but one
sixth part was vested in me. But this
double mistake is no, sufficient of itself TO
support his charge. The question would
still remain, how could l be solely re-
sponsible, when, according to his own
showing, had but fifth OF the power?
Upon what principle Of justice could be
made responsible for tho acts Of the other
three. or as the fact really -is-the other
four? To escape from this dilemma, hi
attributes to me the most commanding in
llucnco over The Cabinel-so commanding
as 10 he able 10 d1aw over 10 my side, Il
sufficient number Of members 10 make q
majority; and this 100. when it is apparent
from the paper from which he draws his
statement. that Mr.. Monroe had no doubt
az 10 the power of Congress. then in or.
der 10 command majority, would have
had To control three other members against
him. which COL Benton seems 10 think 1
could have done very easily, if | had
thought proper. lie seems 10 have mosr
exalted ;opiniou Of my abilities, far moro
so than have of his. Wherever I am
placed, whether in Mr.. Monroc's, or MIR.
Tylers' Cabinet; whether in Tho Senate
or the House of Representatives, or in Tho
chair of The vice President, alone, in bis
opinion, am responsible ON all questions.
] have now traced him through the long
process by which he attempts to prove that
am The author of The WiImol Proviso,
and, by consequence, Of all the mighty
which he exhibits with so much parade;
but after all. mighty as he represents them
To he, they are NOT so much 50, as to pres
vent him from declaring himself to be a
iVilmol Proviso man. lilo follows up his
charge, by asserting that The effects Of dis
closing the opinion of the cabinet by MIR.
Dix, Introducing The paper, compelled me
10 close my lips, abandon my resolutions
and 10 give up my intention Of making
them the subject of a general debate al the
next session, with tho intention, 10 use his
own language, TO make chance for my
self at Tho next Presidential election, by
getting up Il test which no northern man
could stand. All this is just as erroneous.
both rs TO facts and differences, as arc hia
statements and reasons, in his vain attempt
10 make INC tue author Of the Wilmol Pro-
yiso.
IF by abandoning my resolutions, ho
means that it compelled inc to abandon
their principles, on single position taken
by hem, or to he silent, rs to the consli-
Iuiona power Of Congress over the terli-
tories. his assertion would be false brought
out. The resolutions were introduced. as
he states The 19'h day of February, 1S47,
near the close of the short session. So
far from abaudnning them. or from keeps
inS silent, | discussed the principles on
which they rest in the debate, OIL the bill
To establish the territorial government Of
Oregon at great length. al the next ses-
sion, and established lhcm by ar guments
that have never vet, and will venture to
say, never will bcrclutcd. Few have un-
,lcrtakcn ~ rcInlc thom, and thosc,'
who have uwdcrlakcn i, sisnai!y failed.
Others, l;kc Col. Benton, have taken tho
more prudent course. 10 cry out Grcbranf
-disunon-iIlslcaL Of attempting to re-
futc them.
But il he means thai was deferred from
Introducing my resolutions al the next ses.
sim, hy ihc CAUSE which he assigns, SIM
plc slalrrncut of facts will give his asSer-
Iirn a hat contradiction. lie has made
l,i; slalcuIcu, so ;s lu make The impress
,u,. riraI Mr.. Dix introduced the paper at
Tie same time that Introduced my reso-
Itioms, ar ar t;lrlhrsI, carly in the next
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