Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1849-03-29

will not, II is presumed contend for so
liberal a construction. No Que will ad-
NIT, that under this grant, Congress
can erect a monarchy over the PEG
pie Of The District of Columbia, or the
public territories, and require them to
swear allegiance to petty prince-yet
such would be legitimate conclusions, if
exclusive legislation and the power 10
dispose of and make all needful rules
and regulations respecting territories,
&c, conferred upon Congress unlimited
jurisdiction and unchecked legislation.
Cotemporaneous constructions of the
constitution have been appealed TO by
those who claim the power of Congress
to abolish slavery in the District of Co.
lumbia and other territories of the Uni.
ted States. Your committee cannot sec
the force of the argument that urges
one violation of the constitution to Jus.
tify another. Facts drawn from extra
neous sources, cannot be conclusive as
TO constitutional law. That instrument
itself must be our guide. The ordinance
of 1897, prohibiting slavery in the
North West Territory, has proved
faithful source for arguments extrinsc
of the constitution. At the time Con-
gress passed this ordinance, that terri
tory was unsettled, or without popula-
ton. 1t had belonged 10 one of the
States of the Union, and, as a matter of
course, was subject to the jurisdiction
thereof. Congress acquired it, not on
the grounds of soveignty but by grant,
and ii was ander the particular provis.
ions of that grant, and not form any in
herent power or constitutional proyis-
ion, the ordinance of 81, excluding sIa-
very, was made. Congress may be
regarded as exercising special power
on the occasion of the passage of this
ordinance, derived from the State of
Virginia, to whom the territory be-
longed, and who had coded it to Con-
Congress, together with all her jurisdic-
ton and peculiar rights of sovereignty.
As before remarked it is not the pur.
pose of your committee 10 enter into
lengthy discussion of the important top
ics ipyolyoJ - ,bo ooor;Jo.o,:z r IL
resolution referred 10 them. A brief
foolline Of the powers and duties Of
Congress under the federal constitution
touching the institution of slavery,
is deemed sufficient.
That a crisis has arrived when it be.
hooves the saveholding States to take
decisive stand in relation to the great
question of slavery, there can be no
doubt. The menacing attitude of the
north should admonish them. that the
aggressions TO which. for the sake of
harmony and peace. they have already
submitted, will soon be followed by
others Of still more daring character,
unless prompt and energetic measures
are adopted That our glorious Union
is also in danger, it is presumed no one
will pretend TO deny; and in the opinion
of your committee, that most fearful ca
lamlty 10 the American people, is only
to be averted, either by tame surren-
der on the part of the slaveholding
States of their dearest righs-by an
unconditional submission to injustice,
injury and insult, unparalleled in his
tOry-or by resolutey throwing them
selves, with an undivided and determin-
ed front, upon their sovereign and con-
stitutional rights. 1t is useless to talk
about compromise; past experience at
tests the utter fulilty Of such policy.
Ii is useless 10 appeal to a sense of jus.
tice; the gloomy spirit Of fanaticism has
smothered in the bosom of majority
Of our northern brethren, the last spark
of that divine attribute of the human
heart. 1t is invain TO appeal to those
common ties which should unite us and
them: those ties have been rent by a
blind zeal in behalf Of the African race.
The alternative is before us-shal VIC
choose tamely TO submit to aggression
after aggression, until the last vestage
of southernrights is torn from us by the
north, and ourselves, our wives and
children, are made the fellows and asso-
ciates of slaves; or sunk, perhaps into
still deeper state of degradation A
proper respect for ourselves forbids
/ raurse 90 humiliaiinn ei us then be