The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1849-03-20

The direct manifest atoms OF opinion with refe-
renee TO- the regeneration Ut the Cermanc em.
pre-, which have recently emsnated from the courts
OF Vienna, Berlin and Munich, have materially
altered the aspect of thar imoortAnt question
now apparent that the powers assumed by the
frankfort Assembly, aud the principles which 1t
affected to apply 10 the sovereign States OF Ger
many, had no real existence at all but In the tact
submission or the passive acquescence OF the
parties principally concerned The votes OF such
body, unsupported by any established right, or by
military power, had no more positive weight than
the resolutions OF a DC batns club. The real set
Element OF the political questions arising of the
German revolution, depends, as OF old, upon the
determination OF the principal governments of
Germany; their relations must be adjusted by ne.
gotlatlon, not by popular debates or democratic
authority; and In The conduct o these discussions
unless the year le4S has changed the elements OF
policy and human nature, the rights of each will
be at least as stoutly defended as the common in
terest OF the whole
In forming our own opinion of the probable issue
the great undertaking In which the German peo-
pie embarked under all the excitement of last
spring. we had tOreseen precisely the results which
we are now witnessing The Germans have some-
times shown a little irritation at the scepticlsm
OF their friends In England, which refused to ac-
cept as accomplished facts the mere intentions of
apopular body. But they have dOae Us Injustice
II they have Imagine that any organ OF public
opinion In this country has expressed hostility
the scheme OF German unity. The interests of
Germany and OF Great Britain are 30 evidently in
harmony with each other, that 1t is not easy to
point out single motive oil jealousy the part of
this country towards the German States. The
welfare, the strength and the unlOn OF the German
people are objects OF the first continental interest
to England; and 1t me ans be found OF lncreas-
ing the power, the Influence, and the commercial
freedom OF Germany, no foreign State would be
greater gamer than ourselves from such indica-
tons OF national progress. But II Is precisely be.
cause we have always recognised ths importance
OF these objects, that We deprecate attempts more
calculated to defeat than to promote them. We
pointed out the dangers which threate ned to divide
Germany under petence OF unitlng It, We shO wed
that the acceptance by the King OF Prussia OF the
Imperial dignity-which the Frankfort Assembly
seemed disposed TO confer upon hlm-would in
stanty be resisted and resented by Austria and by
Bavaria. We argued that to cut off the Austrian
empire from the most intimate connection with the
rest OF Germany, by the very act which protested
to unite the whole OF Germany, was a contradic-
ton IN terms; and that the cabinet OF Vienna
would as little submit TO virtual expulsion from
the Germanic body. as to the supremacy of one of
those HOuses which but halt century ago were
still bound to recognise her own supremacy. And
we added, that in the Catholic parts of Germany,
especially IN Bavaria, the people would sooner
combine with Austria than sure nder at discretion
to the authority OF a northern empire.
The diplomatic incidents of the last month have
corroborated IN every particular the justice Ofthese
views. The King of Prussia himself has declared
In the face OF Europe, that the Imperial dgaity Is
not essenta! to the regeneration OF Germany, aud
mas indirectly admitted that the zeal of the Pfus-
sian parllsans at Frankfort mad outstrlpoed the
more cautious purposes of the Court OF Berlin He,
too. adheres to the union with Austria, and the
still subssting Federal Union of 1915. But the
more important part OF these transactions Is the
course pursued by Austria herself.
It has been stated by one of the leading journals
of Berlin, and we believe with accuracy that on
the 18th OF January the Cabinet of Olmulz made
an overture OF remark able nature to that of Berlin
It IS proposed that the Emperor of Austria aud the
five Kings OF Prussia, Hanover, Bavaria, Saxony,
nrfpVD hcr ahnnd onn Tnrt ~
settlement OF the affairs OF Germany, IN which set
tlement 1t included the absorption of the minor
prlncipaitles, and the concentration OF federal
army OF 900 men IN the neighborho0d of Frank
tort, tor the purpose of observing, and In case of
need, controlling, the deliberations OF the German
Parlamept. This note of Austria has not been
published or avowed by that power. We have no
certain knowledge of its authenticity; but it Is
significant circumstance that such a suggestion
should have been divuged, and imputed to Austria
at Berlin, and the Austrian note, OF subsequent
date, which has been published expressly adverts to
some such proposition, which Is alleged to have
been truitless made The KING OF Prussia lent
NO ear to this scheme He refused to consent to
the med nation OF the minor Princes whose inte-
rests 1t has been his policy to protect, and whose
territories, il divided, would serve mainly to Ia
the relative importance of his larger neigh
bOrs. He also fOresaw that In such congress of
Kings, Prussia would find herself a constant mi
norlty, being opposed by Hanover, Bavaria Saxony,
and Austria The presentation and rejection OF this
note was speedily followed by the publication OF the
Prusslan declaration OF the 23d OF January, which
we have already referred to; and this note was ac-
companled with plan tor revlvlng mutatis mw-
t0nd,s the old circles Of the Empire IN the new
Gemanic constitution, on the basis of the present
military divisions of Germany, by which means the
minor States would retain share of political Infu-
enee in the Diet OF the Confederation. No sooner
had the Prussian note of the 23d of January
reached OmutZ, than Prince Schwarzenberg and
his colleagues determined upon a more open an
nonncement of their opinions; and on the 4th of
February another note was transmitted to Frank
fort In the name of the Imperial government,
which removes all DOUBT to the disposition OF
Austria towards the leaders of that Convention.
The Emperor repudiates, In the most direct Ian.
1t must be borne in mind that whatever may be the
result OF the labors of the Frankfort Assembly, the
constitution produced by that body will require the
assent OF all the members of the existing Con-
federation At that stage the independent views
of the several States will, OF course, recover
their full weight, and Austria declares that
"whatever may be the stages and colorings OF the
grand work OF union, one thing Is certaln-namely,
cannot but consider the creation of an unitarian
central State the of the most fatal dissen.
sions, which would tend to a DIVISION rather than
to an union OF Germany. But against subordl-
central power, If it be conferred on any other
German Prince, His Majesty the Emperor and
his government at once enter the most solemn of
protests. This they owe to themselves; they owe
II to Austria; they owe it to Germany"
| Nor is Bavaria slow to respond to these senti-
ments. On the 9th of February, M. Kolb,
member OF the liberal party In the Bavarian
Chambers, declared that without Austria, Germany
would be mutllated empire, and on the same
evening public procession of the conservative
party in Munich proceeded by torch-light TO the
Kings palace, to protest against the Introduction
OF what are termed "the fundamental rights pro-
claimed at Frankfort, and In favor OF the main
teDance and Independence of the constitutional
monarchy OF Bavaria Amongst the Soverelgus of
Germany, none enjoys more deserved popularity
than the young KING OF Bavaria, and the votes of
the House Of Representatives, recently convoked
at Munich, express complete confidence IN The
| Crown.
We are curious to learn the effect of these dis.
tlnct Intmatons of the o. lnion OF Austria and
! Bavaria Ito which may be added Hanover, and
even SaxOny, If that court not enthra lied by
a revolutionary Assembly, upon the politicians Of
! Ira. ln.1 1. nISa ID.