The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1849-08-04

PerseVered IN, wins success, by The quie
process ol attracting 10 itself majority
ms principle is the very soul a. d life O
American Democracy. The great publu
mind instinct with intelligence. sound in il
faculties, and alive in is sensibiliies, is al
ways healthiul aud vigoIoas in its action
great truth or polite measure is pre-
scented TO IT'S vlew-it receives the impres
s'on-public sentiment is genereted--th,
Twill of a majority revesled--the comics
ended-a great truth is preyalenl--a sounc
policy adopted--a marvellous change is ef
lect, quietly YET, lTesislibly- This present.
IN ePllaane the philosophy Of human DO
gTesS. and is in miniature the democracy o.
America.
These remarks. Fellow-cilizens, by which
we have intended to lead your minds into
an appreciation OF the wholesomeness OF the
maxim ''lhst the majority shall govern, "
SAY seem to have but little application to
the subject Of Emanc patton, and indeed
they would have, We're they not rendered
pertinent by the extravagant ground taken
by the extreme pro-slaveIy party, which
tends directly to ehssPen tho value Of this
principle, which ought TO be in the creates
esteem with all Republicans, and which,
whaneyer they give up, they wiil have lost
the very palladium OF their liberties. Our
opponents virtually disparage the worth OF
Ihls principle when they meet US at the
very threshold Of discussion, and endeayor
TO lorestal all investigation by telling us thai
even il the Emancipation party should
prove to be a msjoTity of the people OF
kentucky, yet would ii have no right 10
lake action looking 10 the prospective
Emancipation OF the slaves OF the Com
monwealth so long as the holders Of them,
however reduced the number, should prove
TO be reluctant-that it would be inlerfer-
ing with and imPairing the title to private
property which ought 10 be held inyiolabls.
The necessity Of obvisting this obslsuc-
uon TO the cause Of Emancipation. must be
manifest, since if il be indeed insuperable,
we are at once estopped and precluded all
luther consideration Of the subject. IL is
necessary TO open up the threshold which
IS thus attempted to be blocked up in our
iaces, before We can enter the field of ia.
'eS;Igahon, or assume our position in the
arena OF action. To remove this objection,
will be the sole object Of the few remark:
which We shall submit for your considera
ion upon this occasion. The objection as
We understand 1t is, in substance, this: Thai
though majority Of the people of Ken
tucky, acting in its sovereign capacity,
would have the power TO eradicate those
pro- isons Of our Constitution, and to annu
I hose enaciments Of our law, which are al
present the monuments Of the proprietary
estate IN negroes, yet would it have no riehj
OF exercising that power so long as the
shareholders Of the minority were unwilling
hat those constitutional guarantees Of then
property should be taken away from them.
This is the objection and il must be con
iessed that IT has an ar Of plausibiity, anc
IS we'll calculated. under all the c,rcum
stances surrounding this whole question, &c
sink deep into the public mind. Ii appeals
powerfully to the passion Of selcinlerest.
And yet, IL closely inspected, it will be
found far more specious than solid. Because
il is founded upon false assumption, viz
that property in negroes is absolute.
Several peculiaIties conn cted with this
species Of property which distinguish il
from the ordinary kinds OF property, are
necessary here to be noted, because they
have an important bearing. and give to Us
the vantage ground in iepelling The objec.
ton urged against Emancipation. These
peculianties respect the nature of the prop
ery-.be sense Of mankind az to the right
Of holding it--and the unusual manner in
which the the tenure Of it is originated and
secured under our law.
Those peculiarities which distinguish the
nature Of this kind Of properly from that
Of all other kinds, are that it consists in be.
ings having the same constitution, referring
% the sane origin, entitled by nature to the
same rights, subject to the like affections.
elevated by the same hopes, depressed by
The same fears, loving the same freedom,
and ell pressing forward to the same final
destiny with ourselves. who are the holders
OF them. This is true of no other kinds
OF property. All other objects Of property
to man, are not only inferior to himself in
q rslity but also in degree, az belonging TO
the degraded and inferior orders Of creation,
which he has positive permit from the
great Author Of his being to use in subser.
vience Of his useful purposes.
The second peculiarly is the disinterest-
ed sense OF mankind az to the right OF hold.
ing this kind Of property. Upon the bare
abstract question Of slavery, perhaps the al
most universal sense OF civilised men, would
be that il is unjust. Aud therefore, BY
necessary inference, that property in slaves
would be held by wrong. This would not
be their opinion as to the right OF holding
any other kind Of property. To this we
may add that every man whose conscience
has been lighted by the faintest glimmerings
Of justice, must feel, rpon calm view of
the whole subject of slavery, that bis title
to pecuniary property in his fellow-men is
founded in wrong. And his reason tutored
by an enlightened conscience, must at last
conclude that all the arguments which as
sert that negroes are legitimate objects OF
absolute property, are but "emasculated
sliP-slsP," and fimsy sophistry, utterly un-
satisfactory. There is an instinct, living
voice which, while it whispers to the slave
in bis most forlorn and abject condition,
that he is by nature free, charges the OPP
pressor with the injustice which he cannot
dsayow. Did ever anP man experience
conscientious scruo!e ahout his right IN the