Litchfield enquirer., 1849-05-10

ceive that those nations, possessing the
control Of mining regions like those in
California, have not hitherto, been among
the most thriving and that for the most
part, the individuals Immediately engaged
in mining operations, have not been
among the rich. The experience of the
world demonstrates, that the results of
persevcring industry, with its usually at
'endant economy, are most favorable to
health, wealth, and to morals.
If our forefathers, two hundred years
since, had discovered in their vicinity,
mines of gold similar to those in Califor-
mia, does any one believe that they would
have left behind them character at all
superior to what it now is? Or that we,
their descendants, should have been any
more prosperous or happy?
Necessarily connected with this great
addition to our national domain, is anoth
err question, demanding our serious con-
sideration. Shall slavery be permitted to
extend itself over these newt acquired
regions, where it has to this time been
excluded? Or shall these regions, in this
particular, be in a worse condition, as
part of the United States, than while
they were under the dominion of Mexi-
CO?
1t becomes us New England men, to
approach this delicate subject in the spir-
it of forbearance, and regret, rather than
that of animosity Or complaint; ever
keeping it in mind, that though our an
cestors were among the first to discover
and apply the remedy for slavery, they
were also among the most active in its in
PRODUCTION into our country.
Those W. o still own slaves within the
United States, are urging it upon us as a
matter of wrong, that they are in danger
of being restrained from moving with
them into these new territories. They
have been accustomed to consider this
class of servants merely as property at
tsched to their persons, and transportable
at their pleasure. They do not seem to
have realized, that freedom belongs to
every man by the law of his nature, that
slavery is an exception to, and an infringe
ment upon this law and that slavery can
rightfully exist, (if at all,) only by force
of human legislation. Liberty is the or
dinance of God-Slavery is the work of
man.
The provisions introduced into the
Constitution of the United States, and on
which reliance is confidently placed for
the protection of slavery, owe their origin
to consciousness of this position, and
evince its truth. The permission grant
ed to masters to pursue, and re-take their
runaway slaves, extends only to non-resi-
dent masters. Should a master remove
with his slaves within the limits of non
slaveholding State, and become resident
therein, the slaves must Immediately, and
by mere operation of municipal law, be-
come free from bondage.
If such is the law within tie limits OF
non-slaveholding States, why should not
the same rule be extended to territories
to be made States? If it is hardship
upon masters, that they cannot transport
their slaves into the free States and ter
ritories, is it not equally hard upon those
dwelling within the free States, if slavery
can be extended all over the territories
acquired, or to be acquired with the priv
ilege to the owners, of considering them
merely as chattels, and at the same time
enumerating them among their fellow
citizens, in the proportion of five to three
thereby greatly increasing their ascend
ency over the free States.
The territories belonging to the United
States are subject only to the legislation
of Congress, and if, on the estimation OF
Congress, slavery is an evil, shall it be
IeglsIated into existence? Why not rath-
er legislate it out of existence?
Iii evident from various considerations
that what are called the compromises in
the constitution of the United States, on
this subject, were adopted only in refer
ence to the then boundaries of the I'm
ion, and with belief that their necessi-
ty would be temporary. Washington,
and Madison, as members of the conven-
ton which framed that instrument, agreed
with Sherman, and Ellsworth, and their
associates, as to the character, and inf1u-
ences of slavery. 1t was reserved for
statesmen of modern date, to discover
that slavery is an essential ingredient in
genuine republicanism.
Whatever difference of opinion there
may be among US, as to slavery within its
present boundaries or as to the meas
ures respecting it, which we ought to
adopt; or however much we feel our
selves bound to submit to its perpetuity,
within its present limits, we can never
consent to its extension, into any portion
of our country, where it has hitherto been
carefully prohibited. To do this, we do
not feel ourselves bound either as civil
ians, or as moralists; and deem it mat
ter of devout gratitude to that Being who
controlleth the hearts of men, that this
sentiment has become among us, SO uni
versal.
I commend to your fostering care the
interests of the Militia. 1t is the only
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