Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1845-1854, 1849-07-30

L
est necessity for this interference on the
part of the General Government and there
is consequently no man who can show that
it has any right to interfere on the ground
of its necessary action. The people Of the
territories are fully competent TO conduct
their own affairs; and the very first princi-
pie of our social system demands that they
should be permitted to do so.
s'Whichever may be the source" says
Chief Justice Marshall, speaking doubtrully
of the origin of this jurisdiction, "whence
this power may be derived, the possession
Of it is unquestionable." He is speaking
of the power of Government; and no doubt
it has been possessed; but it becomes very
important to ascertain how, and how far,
Congress has justly possessed it, in order
to ascertain to what extent it may be ex-
ercised In almost ALL believe | may
say all-the speeches and essays in support
of.tl.e power Of Congress to legislate over
Slavery, after endeavoring vaguely to de-
duce it from some clause or other of the
Constitution, the principal reliance is at
last upon tine authority OF the few instances
of its exercise 10 be found in the statute.
books. Authority and precedent have
weight-and ought TO have some weight -
in doubtful questions; but trust there are
few to be found who are prepared to shut
the Constitution, and to seek IN the prac-
tice Of the Government the foundation of
Its power; and more especially when, as in
this case, the early legislative proceedings
passed, as we have reason to believe, with
out objection or inquiry. They commence
ed by adopting the provision of an ordi-
nance of the old Government to the admin
istration of the new one, and thus i'm pledly
recognizing the exclusion Of Slavery, and
seem to have gone on silently and unques-
toned for years. I have not had time 10
look back to ascertain the facts precisely,
but believe it will be found that this pow
er has never been exercised where there
was united sectional opposition to it,
Precedent may weig h much in the coaside-
ration of a doubtful question, where the
whole subject has been maturely consider
ed, and many minds have been brought to
bear upon It's adjustment. But as the
foundation Of political power, a practice
thus introduced is Of little value, particu-
larly when it comes 10 involve grave ques-
tions, seriously affecting the Union. We
turn then instinctively from what has been
done to what ought to be done-from the
authority Of precedent 10 the authority of
the Constitution. These are times which
try such questions Who can wonder that
with the views entertained on this subject
by the South, an appeal should be made to
the common charter of the country, Or that
a large portion of our citizens should be
satisfied with no answer not derived from ii?
That what hiss been must continue 10 be,
Is a principle which has done more to per-
peluate abuses, than all other causes which
have operated upon political institutions.
Those who advocate and those who op-
pose the Wllmot Proviso occupy very di!-
lerent positions. The former urge its a.
doption as n matter OF expedienc?, in order
to exclude Slavery from the newly acquired
territories, where it does not exist and
where it cunno: be denied that this exclu.
sion is as morally certain without it as with
it while the latter all oppose this measure on
the ground Of its unconslilutionali,y, and
large portion Of the Union on the ground
also Of its Interference with their rights and
feelings. The contest 10 which this sub
jecr has given rise, has already been pro-
ductive of the worst consequences. For
two years it has prevented all legislation
over most important regions, and has left
them without government and in a state of
social Reorganization. to our own reproach
and 10 the surprise OF the world.
do not believe there is another country
on the face Of the earth which would have
permitted such state ofthings. And how
is ii to continue? Is California to become
prey to intestine dissensions in the ab-
sence Of all law, or is 1t TO be driven TO
separate from US because we neglect to
discharge one Of our first duties-a duty
of necessity-that of organizing a Govern
ment for the people who inhabit it. Those
who have heretofore advocated its adoption
may we'll abandon it, convinced, as thev
must be, that their object will be as well
attained without it as with it. 1t appears
70 me one of the most barren questions that
ever divided country; barren in useful
results, but fertile in difficulties and dan
gers. freely confess that | look with
amazement upon the yea! and perlnacity
displayed in urging this measure under
these circumstances, and augur from them
the worst consequences.
These are my sentiments They will
| give offence to many, and will expose me
to much obloquy. But do not hesitate
thus openly to avow them; for every public
man who is not prepared to take decided
part agreeably 10 his convictions in times
like these: is not prepared to discharge one
of the first duties which belongs 10 bis po.
sition. ''Fo insure domestic tranquility -
in The words Of the Constitution, was one
ofthe great motives Of the people of the
United States in the organization of their
present government. Measures which
may endanger that tranquility should be
scrutinized with great caution, and never
adopted bat in the last necessity, and then
with great reluctance.
am, dear Sir,
With great regard,
.. Truly yours,
LEW. CASS.
THOMAS RlTcHIE, ESQ.