Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1849-03-29

oP"" D'i'Ish sui, HliSnt De enforced IN
the free States 10 the prejudice of the
stakeholder, shat no person held TO SER
vice of labor in one State, under the
laws thereof escaping into another, shall
in consequence ofany law or regulation
therein, be discharged from such ser.
vice or labor, but shall be delivered
upon claim of the party TO whom such
service or labor may be due" And still
further, no amendment of the constitu
ton was permitted prior to 1908, SO as
to prohibit the importation of slaves.
Such are the provisions which our
patriotic and republican fathers thought
proper to insert into the organic law of
the union of the States, in relation to
the institution Of slavery; so plain and
easy to be understood that no one can
doubt that under the federal constitu
ton the existence of this peculiar spe.
cles of property, is not only protected
but encouraged. And by whom was
this vile immortality encouraged! BY
those who, in order to form more per.
feet union, establish Justice, insure do.
nestle tranquility, provide for the com.
mon defence promote the general wei.
fare, and secure the blessings of liberty
to themselves and their posteritv, or
dained and established the constitution
of the United States of America: by the
sages and heroes of the revolution. the
founders of liberty, whose glorious
memories are embalmed in the hear, of
every true American.
Your committee have in vain sought
for the clause in the constitution from
which Congress can claim the power
of enacting laws affecting the institution
of slavery either in the States, The Dis
trict of Columbia, or the public terri
tories. 1t is true Congress has exclu.
sive legislation over the District of Co.
Iumbia, and all places acquired for pub
lie purposes, by the ccssions of par,ic
ular States; that body has also power TO
dispose of and make all needful rules
and regulations respecting territory and
other public property Of the United
States; but, to the jealous advocate, and
vIgIlant scrutinizer of the rights of the
State, it is difficult TO conceive how.
foregoing provision Of the constitution,
can rightfully exercise the power 10 dis.
franchise the people, or any portion of
the people ofthe slaveholding States, by
prohibiting them from emigrating to
any territory with any property which
they lawfully possess by the express re-
cognition of the constitution of the U.
States.
To contend from these provisions of
the constitution that congress has power
to abolish slavery in the District of Co
umbia or prohibit its existence or ex.
tension in the public territories, would
be, in the opinion of your committee, a
latitudnous and dangerous conslruc-
ton Of that instrument, and such a con
struclin as is utterly opposed to any
principle of democracy, and could only
accord with the grossest federalism. -
As well might congress assume the right
to abolish any other description Of prop
erty. The owner of land is not more
securely protected in his title than The
master in his property to his slave: the
constitution, in fact, expressly protects
the latter, whilst it is silent as 10 the
former; and as it regards the interest
and well being of society, title 10 real
estate has proved more baneful than
ownership to ap African slave. The
boated landholder, in the densely pop
uated portions of the earth, who has
seized to himself more land than he can
cultivate, while thousands are starving
around him, on account of his monop.
oily, is surely as great wrong doer as
the southern planter, who controls the
will and labor of the Negro, whom he
feeds and clothes The rights of the
latter are recognized by the laws ofhea.
ven--the usurpalions of the former are
forbid by the plainest principle of the
laws of nature.
The exclusive legislative power Of
Congress over the District of Colum,
bia, and other places and territories &C.
quired for public purposes. cannot be
regarded as an unlimited and omnipo.
tent power of LEGISLATION. The fair con