The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1849-12-29


his advanced an eighth, which p obably Its most
impoItaut feature 10 the American reader. This
will be coed news to the holders of that staple
thr uphout The United ates, as well as to the
planters The Russo-Turkish difficulty is still
the topic of comment and conversation IN Europe;
but we apprehend that it will end In smoke. 1t Is
said that the Car is only waiting for spring. to put
his threat towards Turkey effect; but we do not
attach much importance TO it.
The steamship will probably arrive at Boston to-
day, and we shall get our files tomorrow morning.
The Crisis-The Slavery Question-Ceorgia
and the South-Mr. Foote's Movement In
the Senate.
Now that both houses of Congress are organized,
and tine message has been delivered and read, the
great cnsis Of antl-savery agitation, as applied to
California and New Mexico, will become the lead.
ing question In the debates at Washington and
elsewhere. The President has given out certain
views, which are somewhat obscure in the details,
but right in general sentiment and Mr. Foote, IN
The Senate, has given notice of compromise
which he has prepared, to settle the knotty diff
Guilty between the North and the South But the
South also moves. A very important report and
resolutions have been agreed to by the Legislature
OF Georgia, and law has passed one branch of the
Legislature authorizing the esction of delegates TO
a revolutionary convention, TO decide upon the
mode and measures Of redress, should the Wilmo'
proviso pass Congress and the signature of
the President Every other Southern State will
probably follow this examples and there is, besides,
aproposal for general convention of the Southern
States, TO meet at Nashville next June, should the
new Il rritories be organized with the provso at
;achC d 10 them. We are, therefore, on the edge of
greater end more important crisis in our history
than We have yet passed through. What is to be
done Where is III remedy How avoid the
awful gulf of disunion, and general breaking
upof this vast republic
Is the farewell adore ofthe Father Of our republic
ate found these memorable words, and they have a
peculiar significance, in the present crisis OF the
country He says, " In contemplating the causes
which may disturb our Union, II occurs as a mat
teroi serious concern, that any ground should have
been iuiSished for characierzlng parties by geo.
grs plucal determinations Northern and South
err, Atlantic and Western whence designing men
may endeavor TO excite belief that there is real
difference OF local interests and views. One of the
expedl,nis Of party to acquire influence within par
iicusr districts, is to msrepresent the opinions and
AIMS Of other districts. You canno, shield your
selves too much against the Jeaonsies and heart
bunings which spring from these msrepresenta-
tons -
lfthere has everbeen period when these words
were significant, that period has come. Ii there
was ever time when they should be written ia
golden letters on the front Of the capital that time
has arrived. There has been a vast amount Of
buncombe, and brag and hrmbug about the Union,
at various periods in its history. Il has always
been the fruit OF fanaticism and uliraism; and u-
irasm in politics. be it remembered. is nothing
more nor less than this kind Of party misrepresen-
iatlon of which Washington speaks.
Now, a few things strike us, IN recurring to the
last counsels Of our FIRST President First-At the
time the federal Union was the subject OF univer-
sal solcrude and debate, each section and State
Of the country felt more or less alarm Of losing, by
any compact whatever, portion Of its original
sovereign rights. The South particularly, were
tenacious on the question Of slavery. Il seemed to
be a stain on a free government, which had Just
passed through long and bloody war to secure It's
independence and set up a republic, to incorporate
into It's constitution an institution Of involuntary
sevi,ude. So thought many people, even at the
South. And yet 1t is perfectly certain that no
federal constitution could have been adopted,
wlith. m any Of its provisions, disturbed the
prior rights Of States or individuals, on those
poinis The slaveholding States would not enter
into Union which created superior power over
thenl--ii would have been tantsmount to a volun-
tary barteung away OF their sovereignty The
consequence was, that since no 7 nion could
be effected, except on the compfomlse ground Il
leaving each State free and independent, taking
from It's natural rights no more than was neces-
sary 10 constitute a federal power, every section
and state Of the country, by rs representatives.,
did enter into a compact, by which the South was
left IN the undistuIbed possession Of all tie social
institutions, lust as much az of its agricultural
arrangements; or the North Of its manufactures
TINS was contfact-a compact OF perpetual dura-
tion. end which, consequently. could not be an
nusd ~ abrogated, except by the unanimous con-
sent Ct a U parties 10 the original agreement This,
az a quesuon Of constitutional Law, has never bsea
ou,stiuaed IN a respectable quarter.
Now. when was this great compact first attempt.
- 10 be ias sded Who were the fanatics who
fret tried to i.lvslidate its terms. or explain away
q prowsionsy The men who. az the time Mis-.
eouri was asking 70 be admitted 10 the Union,
claimed that il els. came in at all, she should not
cone in On the conditions by winch oiaer states
lad been admitted. ZONE arr 'ndmcnt was clam
I'd TO be- necessary IN Tic contract. All the South
seized vas, that Missouri aud any other S.ate
which entered our nion. should cnt, on the same
ccnoittn IS TIE ougnal thirteen ST Sies This
49, Eognd nil. iU's.-ff uoc ~.f'g1eI y Thf and