The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1849-07-21

oy; and the great principle Of absolute nor
importation which ought TO have been CO need,
10 the settled principles and earnest an
reasonable wishes Of a vast portion, il indet
should not prove the majority Of the peopl
forced directly, by the course Of events, upo
the decision of the community. oppose. al
sointeiy, the Importation of slaves into Ken
lucky Let lie state, briefly, some Of my leao
ing reasons:
l. In my opinion, we have already as man
slaves in Kentucky as is consistent with an
possible view that can be, taken Of the subject
unless We are prepared TO say that slavery is. 4
itself, blessing, and that il is good to lncreas
Il by all possible means. Ii slavery Is TO con
tinue In Kentucky, there can be no possible ad
vantage In making the black race increase upol
The white .asIer than it will do, by naturs
means; II slavery is ever 20 cease here, IL i
mere folly to augment the number Of slaves b,
| artificial means.
| :. The effect of the free Importation o
| slaves into the State, must necessarily Diminish
the value and injure the quality Of those alread,
| here. Those who now own slaves, have a al.
rect interest on both these accounts, ia putting
an end to the import trade Of slaves. Thoss
who own none, had infinitely better purchase
even at a somewhat higher price, slaves of good
character known TO them, than obtain from the
| Shareholder the refuse slaves Of other States
And The whole community has the greatest in
teresii II slavery is 10 be perpetual, TO have
nome born, and not foreign slaves-that Is
slavery In its best, and not in its worse form.
). Inc idea that II is an injury TO the slave
purchaser 10 Prohibit him TO buy where he can
ony cheapest, and monopoly 10 the ,laye own.
er 10 prevent further importation, NAV seem
consistent in the mouth OF a free trader. but \,
folly in the mouth of a man who In In favor nj
tarn upon any thing al all, much less a pro.
'eetVe tarff; Tor surely, protection iu favor of
good slaves and against bad ones, Is the most
reasonable OF all forms Of tariff But in the
mouth Of the free-trader the argument is an n.
usion; for he has no right to carry ON a traffic
mat reduces the value Of all the property in the
State, OF the sort he trades in, for his single
benefit, and that to an extent many thousand
tunes greater than the benefit he reaps; especial
Y when the traffic itself is revolving to the pub
lie conscience, and must necessarily be detri-
mental TO the public morality, security, pros
Perity and peace.
4. The very nature Of the traffic itself no
matter what may be the objects or the effects OF
II, and the common judgment and conscience
oil mankind in regard 10 il, are reasons enough
why Tree, sensitive and generous people
should refuse TO sanction IL. There is no plea
Tor Il that is not sordd, no defence Of il that
does not violate ia ndamentsl principles Of right;
no mode Of carrying il on that Is not Taught
with cruel disregard Of the feelings and lies Of
The subjects Of Il; no result Of Ii that compen-
safes for the evils inherent In It's nature
D IL is idle to say that the traffic in slaves, as
merchandise, may be put an end to, but the per-
sons should be allowed to import them for tksir
0HR use. To say nothing Of the case with
which all such distinctions may be evaded in
practice, the ultimate result Is precisely the
same in every possible point Of view, both per-
sonally and publicly. Even the mlnutest de-
tails may be the very same in both cases, for
the ultimate purchaser has only TO make the
regular trader his agent before the fact, instead
Of after the 4act-that Is, give him an order
to purchase instead Of purchasing out of his
gang. And moreover, the distinction on which
the whole difference rests is absurd, for a man
has az much right TO make money by trade as
by labor; and surely IL one man may lawfully
make money by LuViBg nesroos, another mag
90 1t lawfully by selling them, and IL il is right
to import them for gain, to work, why is IL
wrong to import them for gain, TO SELF
8. The whole process is in the highest degree
injurious to the pecuniary interests Of the COM
munity. A more effectual mode of deranging
all the commerce Of the State could not be de.
vised, than bringing back to it, for a few years
IN succession, the principal part Of the value of
its exports, in slaves. A surer way of reducing
~ oAAC VI Gil AhC ptOduCls OF iunu. and tneQ
OF the land itself, could hardly be imagined,
than stimulating production by importing
slaves, without at the same time and in an
equal degree, neither Of which would be the
case) providing consumers for the increased
production; for the whole productive value Of
slave property rests on the single fact, that they
produce more than they consume, the differ
ence being the masters profit. In Kentucky
the grand EVIL Of our condition in pecuniary
point Of view, is over production of the pro-
ducts Of the earth, and consequent ruinous
fluctuations in prices; and the grandesr aggrava-
ton Of that evil in our power TO produce
would be the importation of slaves.
I. Perhaps the very greatest reason in favor
OF the absolute prohibition of any further slave
importation, is drawn from considerations con-
nscted with the labOring classes Of the white
population. Seven-eghts Of the people Of this
State, perhaps a larger proportion, do not own
slaves; and the most Of this immense majority
Of our white people, live by toll; very many Of
them being in extremely INDECENT cIrcumsIan.
ees. A wise and patriotic Statesman will con-
slider well the effects Of every measure upon
this vast and most important population, before
he adopts IL; and instead of abusing their conf
dence and misleading them 10 their own lasting
injury, for vile, selfish and partisan purposes,
will repay their noble trust in him, by enIight-
ening them in regard to their own interest and
duties, touching objects which lie out of the |
ordinary range Of their own enquiries And
they themselves, however they NAV be- deceived
for time, by those they have been accustomed
TO conide in, must, at last, be forced by their |
TO the sober consideration, and true
view Of their real interests; and then they will
exact deep recompense from all men, and all |
parties that have conspired 20 delude and to un-
do them. This IL the history of popular COM |
motions und popular excuses, in eli free coun-
tries; mankind cherish Just and lasting abb |
horrence Of those who wilfuly deceive them |
The party leaders Of Kentucky NAV well pom
der, what they are laying up for themselves, in |
years 10 come, and for their memories when
they are gone. The mass Of the poor men of
this State, have just this alternative, to keep me-
groes out Of Kentucky, or to move out of Il |
themselves. Every slave that is brought here,
must create market for what he produces,
which be never does; or he must reduce, by the
whole extent Of what he produces which he |
always does, the chances Of come poor white
man, to make a comfortable living by honest |
industry. Now If the laborng whites are will. |
ing TO quit the State, TO be reduced TO deeper
poverty, they have nothing 10 do, but to estab- |
lish the domestic slave trade, III the people of
consider il better to have slaves in.
creased, and the laboring clnsses of the free |
white people diminished, nothing will more ef. |
fectually accomplish their wishes, than the firm
Of the trade in slaves As for |
myself, my principles, my wishes, and my aims |
are utterly different Kentucky has, in my |
opinion, no interest that is higher than the pre-
servation and improvement Of her hardy, en-. |
terPrising, and generous sons. No curse could |
be!sll her, at once nose blighting and disgrace
full, than The exchange Of this noble population,
for race of unhappy and degraded slaves.
have considered this question, here, purely |