Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1849-10-11

the great and prosperous career which her
peculiar situation has opened.
In this aspect our condition presents n
picture which must be contemplated with
pride by every citizen of our state. This
has been produced by a steady persistence
In the policy which has been a leading one
with the wing party, and faithfully carrying
ont mat policy by their governmental agents
10 what policy does a change in the admin
isratlon of our affairs point Are our cit
'zehs ready to give back power to those
VINO nave shown a suicidal alacrity in de-
preciatlng the credit of the state a ruin
ohs readiness IN embarrassing our public
works; aperverse unwillngness to conduct
them to speedy and prosperous compile
ton! Yet the history of the past shows that
these consequences are involved in the issue.
We feel the most assured confidence that
the people of this state are not ready to 90
back to the Stop policy of 1912 nor to com
init the great public interests to hostile
hands-but they will rather sustain those
who have so prudently, wisely and faithfully
administered its affairs and conducted the
state onward so steadily in its prosperous
course.
There is anothsr issue of still greater mo-
lnent and wider scope raised for decision at
the coming election. We allude to the oues-
ton of Slavery.
1t is hardly consistent with that venerable
document-our Declaration ofIndependece
that those who claim that all men are
born free and equal should hold any portion
OF the human family unstained with crime in
perpetual servitude, TO the utter deprivation
of their social, and political rights.
This was felt to be an inconsistency. but
the Revolution found our States with Slave
ny imposed upon them-an unlimited evil,
which could not, with prudence and safety,
be at once thrown off.
These States were each sovereign and in
dependent and the Constitution which
bound them together in a General Govern
ment, left to each of these States the entire
and independent control of the question of
Slavery within its own borders.
Those States which rid themselves ofthis
evil, and demonstrated by the results the
wisdom and policy of such a course, had no
right to interfere forcibly with this subject
in any other State to control its action
This has been, and is now, universally con-
coded. While it is not improper for us to
SlaTeholding States, and TO convince them.
fpossible, that Slavery is social and po-
lltlcal evil, enervatng the vigor, blighting
the industry, paralyzing the energy of those
States which tolerate it, while we may ap-
peal TO them in spirit of kindness, by re-
gard to our common fame, our common
strength, and our common resources, to re-
move that which discredits our humanity and
our national reputation, yet we cannot by
any means do any act which shall coerce a
result in all respects SO desirable. We all
feel that the compromises ofthc Constitution.
so far as regards the original States are to
be respected and held sacred but when the
addition OF foreign territory, heretofore free,
to these United States we have the right Of
insisting, upon our part, that such territory
shall continue free. A due regard TO the
fundamental principle of Free Govrnment,
to our national reputation, power, and pros
perity, to the promptings of humanity and
justice, compel us to insist that such Terri
tory shall not be incorporated in the Union
unless 1t is made secure against the curse
and blight of Slavery.
Such state of facts presents questions
concerning Slavery, in regard to which the
Constitution imposes no restraints upon the
Legislative power of Congress and it is evil
dent that very great preponderance of
public sentiment in the Free States is in ia
vor ofthe exercise of such power in such
manner as to secure the prohibition of Sla-
very in such territory.
Ia regard to this question, the Wing par
ty of the Free States, and conspicuously of
this State, has shown Itselffrom the first to
be in favor of Human Liberty and Free Soil
"A soil uncontaminated by Slavery in the
acquired territory.
The recognized leaders of the Whip par
ty became the opponents ofthis general sem
tment the Free States, and the subse-
quent action of that party has been in uni
form accordance with such public sentiment
giving it vigor, strength, and efficiency.
The question in this aspect first present.
ed itself in connection with the contempa-
ted annexation ofTexas. Six or seven years
age, the venerable John Quincy Adams, with
Christopher Morgan and several other wing
of Congress from this and other
States, in document to which their sigma
lures were affixed, gave the first authentic
warning of the secret conspiracy then TO-
menting for the annexation of Texas, and
that its purpose was to secure to Slavery a
new and broader field No opponent ofthe
Wing party united in this warning. The
Wing members, both of the Senate aud
House of Representatives, almost unani-
mously opposed this project in all its stages.
1t was finally consummated by the almost
unanimous votes of our opponents in Con-
gress, including the members from this
State.
The Wing party of this State, in their po-
litical conventions and otherwise, manifested
hostility to the measure in all its stages. Our
opponents afforded evidence of approval and
support in similar Conventions.
The Wing Delegation in Congress from
this State voted against the annexation of
Texas with Slavery. Our members of OPP
posite politics, with one exception, voted
for it. Upon the approval of the Constitu-
ton of Texas, forbiddiug and precluding
the abolition ofSlavery at any future peri
cd, the Wing Delegation in Congress from
this State voted against it; their opponents
with few exceptions, in favor Oft and with
ont their votes Texas could not have been