The daily national Whig. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1847-1849, 1849-06-11

selected it, and applied it to the State! OF
Texas, and thus ran the Missouri compro-
mise line through that State, thereby abolish
ing slavery in State--in part Of State
making one part of the same State free
soil, and the other part slave soil, and so it
stands at this day Before that act Of Mr.
Calhoun, the whole State Of Texas was
slave soil-made so by the laws and consti-
tuition of Texas. The question with our
Congress was now, how to admit her consist
emily with her rights as sovereign State I
The House resolution imposed a restriction
-an abolition, in fact, of slavery, in all her
| territory above 36d. 30m. and that was great
deal; for the State extended in one part to
AZ degrees the Senate amendment lmpos-
ed nothing, but proposed to treat with Tex
as, and to admit her upon agreed terms.
Mr.. Calhoun seized upon the House reso-
luton, and adopted it, and thereby adopted
the Missouri compromise, and imposed it,
not upon a territory, but upon State He
abolished slavery in State and in this he
carried abolitionsm further than any barn
burner ever proposed for they limit their
abolitionsm TO territories. This Mr.. Cal
houn did, and did as late as March 3D., 1915.
There is no dispute about it, Gen, Hous-
ton charged him with il in his circular adj
dress, TO his constituents, at the late session
Of Congress. Every body was struck with
the force Of the accusation, and looked out
anxiously for Mr.. Calhoun's reply. They
looked in vain He did not reply, and could
not Confession would do 10 good, and de-
NAL would make it worse The fact was
notorious, and Of public record He could
not throw the blame upon Tyler, for he had
often boosted in the Senate that he, himself,
had selected that resolution.
repeat: ! do not cite this conduct Of
Mr., Calhoun in abolishng slavery in part
Of Texas, as authority to justify abolshing
slavery in States, but to show that he went
farther than any "Norihern .tanatic" has
ever proposed 10 60; and further, that up to
the date, March 3, 1915, he had not invent
ed his new doctrine Of no power in Congress
to legislate upon slavery iii territories; and
still further, to show that up to the same pc
Rod he had not felt the pricking of that point
of honor the insult to the slave States, in
being excluded with their property from the
soil which their common blood and treasure
won. Texas was all won, as well North as
South of SO degrees 80 minutes, by the
same blood and treasure--the taxes of the
people and the blood of Goliad, the Alamo,
and San Jacinto. And yet there were citi-
zens Of the same State excluded, by the act
of Mr.. Calhoun, from removing with their
property from one part Of it to another
And now have arrivedat point which
claims particular attention. 1t will be re-
membered by all that after the rejection Of
the Texas treaty in IA, various propositions
were submitted in Congress for her admis-
sion, and that every proposition contained
some plan for dividing her into free and slave
territory Every body will remember this.
Now, do not recoect single instance in
which the constitutionaity 81 such PROPOSE
tions were disputed, or single instance, in
which it was deemed an insult to the slave
holding States to see slavery excluded from
any part of it. These propositions were
particularly numerous in the session Of lS44-5
which ended with two propositions, enact
ed into two alternative resolutions-one
orun the compromise line through the State,
the other to negotiate with her upon the sub
iect Mr.. Calhoun selected the former-a
full proof that neither himself, nor the ma
jority Of the two Houses Of Congress, nor
the President of the United States, who
approved their resolutions, saw anything in
them either unconstitutional or insulting to
the slave States, or tending to disunion
!, myself, made one Of these propositions.
1t was to divide by parallel of longitude.
1t proposed to Texas that she should surren-
der to the United States all the territory
west Of the Tooth parallel of longitude,
which was to be free soil--that on the east
side to be slave soil proposed TO limit
slavery by line north and south, and that
upon negotiation with Texas and if any
person wishes to know my principles about
the extension Of slavery west into New
Mexico, they may see it in that proposition.
! thought it right then; and do not change
my opinions OF right to suit calculations or
circumstances. What is more, never heard
Of any body that thought was wrong then;
and the only difference between my position
and Mr.. Calhoun's act, was, that was in
| FAVOR OF uniting slavery by iile hiaWh
north and south, and that by negotiation
with the State to be attached Mr.. Cal
houn divided the free and slave soil Of the
State itself by line drawn east and west,
and accordingly did so divide it, and the
State 50 stands at this day. The difference
between us was the difference between
longitudinal and latitudnal line, and be-
tween taking the boundary Of State, upon
negotiation with her, Tor the boundary be-
tween free and slave soil, and running the
line through the State itself.
It's absurd TO deny TO Congress the power
to legislate as it pleases upon the subject Of
slavery in territories it has exercised the
power, and with the sanction Of all authori-
ties, State ard Federal, from the foundation
to the present time, and never had it been
questioned until Mr. Calhoun put forth those
unfortunate resolutions, from which he had
to back out under his own notifying con-
tradictions. II is absurd to claim it for the