The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1849-11-17
I H E R E ? u B L G.
WASHIN GT0N:
SATURDAY MORNING. NOVEMBER II. is4s
THE NICARAGUA QUESTION.
Mr.. Monroe's Declaration Democratic
Views OF that Declaration.

He CHtoh dhcCts W IeSdTu the primer
pie enounced in the MONROE declaration
as having entered into the settled and
well established policy of this Government.
When, and how, pray, was this policy es-
tablished We have the authority of Mr..
Polk, that the very House OF Representa-
tives to whom the declaration was first
made by Mr. MONROE, stood prepared, had
1t been pressed to vote, to reject by San
overwhelming majority" the resolution in
troduced by Mr.. CLAY responding to it.
We know that, as a policy fit then to be
put in practice, the 18th Congress, three
years afterwards, utterly repudiated it.
We know that in that Congress, there were
none so bold as to advocate directly and
openly the incorporation Of the MONROE
declaration into compact with the South
American republics. In his celebrated
speech, on that occasion, in the Senate,
Mr.. VAN buren, went SO far as to affirm,
that there was not a solitary member of
that body who would avow his willingness
to enter into such stipulation. That part
of his speech is worthy of particular at
tention:
% 1t is then, said Mr.. VAN buren,, the design of
the Executive Mr.. ApAMsl to enter into agree
ment at the Congress [of Panama. Git is not
terial for the present in what FORM, that if the
Powers of Europe make common cause with SPAIN
or otherwise attempt the subjugaton of Spanish
America, we shall unite with the latter and con-
tribute proportion to the means necessary TO
make resistance etfectual and further, that we
shall bind ourselves, attha Con gress TO the man
ner in which we shall resist any attempts, by the
European Powers, TO colonize any portion Of this
continent This design has been fully, frankly
and explicitly stated TO the American States, and
tous Is the Senate of the United States willing
8 to sanction measure of that description? care
not for the present; whether it be by treaty or by
act, decree, or ordinance of the Congress. Will
you in any shape or form, preliminary or final
give 10 it your sanction? Upon this subject at
:. least, we have had thoughts that Breathe In
the confidence that ] do not misunderstood them
iciH venture 10 affirm that there is not a member
on, this floor ,rho tciH 0polr his tpillingnsss TO
enter into such stipulation II mistaken, de-
sire TO be corrected No-I am not Whatever
may be his views, one within these walls
is yet prepared to give his sanction to such
measure-a measure by which the peace of the
country Is to be exposed to a contingency beyond
the control of our government; by which the
great question Of peace or war will be taken from
the representatives Of the people; by which, in
stead Of retaining that freedom of action which
we possess, We shall bind ourselves, in GER
tain event, TO pursue certain course, whatever
IL. - e.
may then have been committed, shall think the
honor and interest of the country may require;
by which, in the language Of the Father of his
country, we shall quit to stand on for.
eign ground. No, thank Heaven--a policy 50
opposite to all the feelings of the American peo-
piS adverse, firmly believe it 10 be, to its
true interesre-ho= friend. at least nc advocate
On this floor"
OF the speech from which the foregoing
is an extract, the Richmond Enquirer of
that day-then conducted by THOMAS
RITcHIE-spoke as follows;
We have read the speech of Mr. Vas buren,
tcih great pled,tre We have heard that an orator
Of the first class had some time since pronounced
it The attest speech that had been deliUued IN Con-
grs,s sinoe .Hr. Pinkney's reply TO Mr.. King
ftuCt ItOt Oct1 uiSdpDC1nieQ. ~ Is
AAsTEaLY effort"
Mr.. HAYNE, the eloquent Senator from
South Carolina, was equally emphatic in
repudiating the idea of Incorporating the
MONROE declaration into any treaty with
foreign nation
Now positively deny, said Mr. HAYxE, that
Mr. MoSRoE ever pledged the nation to 90 to war
Or 10 make treaties 70 prevent the interference Of
any European nation in the present contest.
deny that he had any right TO make any such
pledges and, moot Of all, do ! deny that any
sanction has been given 10 such an idea by the
Senate, the House Of Representatives, the States,
Or by the people Of the United States The Ian.
guagc Of Mr.. MosRoE il extremely vague and
indefinite. That great aud good man well knew
that ne had no power TO use any but moral force
on that question and beyond this moral influence
over the councils Of the nations Of Europe he mel.
ther attempted nor desired 10 60. He well knew
every intelligent man in the United States know
that this nation Is not nov, and never has been
prepared 20 90 70 for the independence
Of South America. The new States have always
carried with them warInest wishes for their
suocess, but beyond the indulgence of sincere
and friendly sympathy, we have never been will.
ing to proceed. Mr.. MoSRoE's declaration, re.
peat, was intended to produce a moral effect
abroad; he designed it for the atmosphere Of Eu-
rope, and therefore it was oouchcd in such terms
that, while it did not commit us 10 any overt acts
left foreign nations under a vague impression
Of what might do, il the event alluded 10
should ever happen The substance Of Mr.. Mos
ROE's statement vac, that be should consider any
attempt ON their part (the Powers Of Europe) 70
extend their system to any portion Of this hemi.
sphere as dangerous to our peace and safety, and
che manifestation Of uniriendly feeling 10.
wards the United States We have incurred no
obligation TO others by the declaration and should
inrw none"
The MONROE principle, then, was not es.
tablished as a rule of action for this Gov
eminent, either under the administration
Of the author Of it, OF Of his successor, Mr..
ADAMS. The alleged attempt by the lat
20 q. ,,rart,c.J al