The daily national Whig. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1847-1849, 1849-05-02
From The New York Tribune, sitl ApftL
cnNcREss AND THE EXECUTIVE.

7
| CONGRESS- AND THE ExEcuTIyE.
| There was once party in this country,
to which il was our pride and pleasure 10 be-
long, united BY common attachment to
certain leading principles touching the prop
er action Of the Federal Government. The
party was called the VINO party, and, though
I'VE care nothing for names, and rarely OBJ
iect to being called Federalist, Radical, JAG
obin, Mouopolist, or any thing else which
nav seem handy, il seemed TO us that there
was historic fitness in the name and its APP
plicatipn. Although il may be profitable TO
be known BY an appellation that promises .
great deal, like "Democratn or "Republi-
cam" vel such in the average selishness,
hoownesS and inconsistency Of modern pol
tics that such itakingn designation often,
by us glaring contrast with the acts Of those
who claim il, rather injures than ben
chts the claimants, Where is the dupe SO
shallow, so benghted, 50 bemuddIed, as II
fancy there is any real Democracy at pres
ent predominant in South Carolina, where
man must own a number of slaves IN order
to be legislator OF in Virginia, most con-
sentative OF our States, wherein man own
ing dirt in six counties may vote six times
in one election, while he who owns no dirt
Is not allowed as general rule) to vote at
all The simpleion who could be gulled IN
to supposng snch States and their rulers
Democratic, because they have voted for
jackson, Van Buren,, Polk and Cass, must
be gifted with an amazing fund OF ignorance
and credulity.
The principle TO which We have alluded,
and which was regarded as Of vital impor
lance, was The INDEPENDENCE OF Con-
GREss WITH REGARD TO THE NATIONAL
EXECUTIVE. II was deemed essential that
Congress should discharge its own functions,
while the President should perform his Off
eial duties, each unnhuencei and untfam-
melted by the other. With this lndepen-
dence, proper degree Of Difference is by no
means inconsistent, any more than frequent
and friendly consultation But when those
whom the People have elected to represent
them in Congress see fit TO sink the high
representative character conferred on them
in thai Of petitioners for Executive favor,
fawnels upon the President for the greasy
crumbs Of patronage al his disposal, they
are culp abiy recreant to their paramount du-
ty, aud pursue a course calculated to de-
stroy the independence Of Congress and sub
vert the balance and the separation Of powers
wisely established by the Constitution Ex-
perience has shown, what reason alone would
abunaantly demonstrate, that, with major
ity in Congress Of the same party with the
Executive, the members Of that majority re-
gardlng themselves as eligible TO the best
appointments in the Presidents gift, and
many Of them in eager pursuit Of those APP
pointments, our Government is transformed
for the time into corrupt and conuptng
despotism Examples Of this are abundant
aud recent, but we leave them TO the read
er's own recollection
We want no Constitutional barrier against
Executive appointment from Congress,
because there may occur al long inter-
walls a necessity for such an appointment
The public interest may palpably REQUIRE
that Statesman Of historic renown, Of Eu-
ropean reputation, like Mr.. Clay, MIR. Web
ster, Mr. Calhoun, or Mr.. Benton, be sent
| abroad as ambassador in critical emergen-
cy. But no member whose services are es-
sential can possibly descend from the station
to which the people have elevated him to
become a petitioner Tor Office and the SIM
pie TACT that member is, ever so silly and
crookedly, seeking Executive preferment, is
abundant reason why he should be dsappoin-
ted. Let him be told 10 stand back till he
shall have served out his term acceptably 10
his constituents and declined reelection.
Until then, his pretensions should receive
no countenance whatever.