The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1849-11-13
SECOND SPEECH.


propose 10 resign il TO another.
Gentlemen, departing from the character of par
tcular States; leaving for the present and last,
the agreeable thoughts that have entertained US, of
our own homes and our own origin it seems to me,
before we part, not improper that should call to
our attention the marked character of the age in
which we live, and the great part that, in the dis
pensatlons OF dvlne Providence, are called upon
10 act in it.
We are in age of progress. That progress is
towards self government by the enlightened por-
ton Of the community every where. And great
question Is, how this impulse is TO be carried on
without being carried to exoess-how popular gov
eminent can be established without running into
RIGHTEOUSNESS. That is the great question, and we
have how difficult II Is, by those not taught in
the school of experience, to establish that govern
ment.
1t is common sentiment distributed by those
who would revolutonize Europe, that to be free you
have only to wiH it. That is fallacy, There must
be prudence and balancing of departments, and
there must be persons who will teach the science of
government; and there are but few, except in this
country who can teach that science. r. Hear,
hear And we have arrived at this ability by
experience of hundred years. And how has it
Gomez Why, we are an off shoot of the British
constitution. We came here and established this
government by great popular principle, and that
is by Representative porer, and people have been
accustomed TO this for two hundred years.
TO abide by the voice of the representatives fairly
chosen-by the edcts of those who make the egis-
lative enactments-has been our policy. And from
through all our subsequent history we have adhered
TO this principle We threw off the power of the
king. We also rejected the power of the Paria
ment. That was John Adams's doctrine. And that
is the reason why the Parliament was not alluded
to in the Declaration of independence. The colo
mics &C acknowledged the power of the Crown, but
never acknowledging the authority of the Parlia-
ment, they disdained to give any for throw
ing off the power of the Parliament.
When the Revolution severed from the mo-
Their country, then we had nothing to do but TO go
on with our elections, supplying the governors not
appointed by the crown by our own election, and
TO go at first; and that it was which enabled
the colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island down
TO very late period to continue their ancient CON
situations.
But where else could this be done? Could you
20 to the colonies Of South America to find any
thing like representative government!
Ii you look any whore besides at France ON the
Continent OF Europe, can you find any thing that
bears the aspect OF representative government:
There Is nothing.
it's very difficult to establish free conservative
government for the equal advancement of all the
interests of society. What has Germany done
learned Germany fuller of ancient lore than all the
world beside What has Italy done-what have
they done who live on the spot where Cicero and
Justinian lived: They have not the power of self
government which common town meeting pos
sesses. tApplause.l
Now, say that those persons who have gone
from our town meetings TO Dig gold in California
are more ht to make republican government than
any body OF men in Germany, because they have
learned this one great lesson that there Is no
curlty without law, and that under the circum-
stances IN which they placed, where there il
military authority cut their throats and there il
will but the VIII of the majority that, therefore,
if they remain they must submit 10 that will.
IL i the prevalence of this general sentiment Of
obedience 10 law-that they must have representa-
tiyes and that If they be fairly chosen their edicts
INST stand for law. And where they have our hab.
il you will find that they will establish govern
Iucnt upon the foundation of free basis, and no
thing else will
Now, think, gentlemen, that while We prescribe
no townsville dictate to nobody, our mission
Is TO show thata constitutional representative,
sentative government, founded the frecst posi-
bic principles, can do-can do, for the advancement
Of general morals and for the advancement Of the
general prosperity, az much - any other govern
mcut can.
Gentlemen two things are 20 be guarded One
great truth is, that men in a conservative age are
capable Of self goyeumcnt-thst the enjoyment Of
equal rights ~ practicable thing, and that free
dom i not dangerous thing for body polite
And the other L. that freedom from restraint is not
EREEDON--It j. hCCntiOusncss-the discharge from
moral duties and that general scramble whch leads
the idle and the eGtravagant 10 hope for time
when they may put their hands into their neighbors
pockets call it what you pleasc-it is tyranny 1t
is no matter whether the emperor Of Turkey rObs
his subject Of his prOpcrty-Or whether, under the
notion Of equal right, the property earned by
another shall be taken from him by a majority. I
would not choose the latter On the contrary, give
me Turkey, for I would prefer one despOt 20 ten
thousand. Who would labor If there were not a
security that what he earned would be his own for
bis own enjoyment, for the education Of biz chill
dren, for the support Of his age, and the gratifca
ton Of all bis reasonable desires;
Gentlemen, the events Of the past year are many;
they seem to result from an indefinite purpose OF
those who wish ~ ameIOratc the condition Of things
ia Europe. They had distant ideas. There
In8y BE- incidental benefits arising from It, These
ware may spmewhat assuagc thc imperial sway Of
B dcsyDts. They may serve t. convince thogc Who
bold despotc power that they may shs X their own
thrones u they DO not yield -YnnethIng - popular
demands w that gt0d rns come u ~.
/ Then gentlemen, there .s auo'her aspect We
have had al our syfnpatfles mY.H enlisted 10 te
/ Hungarian efprt iDr liberty We have all Wept 10
I ~ failure W. thought We sa~ = NOR" rational
hope Of establishing Independence in Hungary than
in any other part II Europe whcr. ti.c question has
been IN agitation within tie last twelve months But
( dc-poue power from abroad iuteuened to sup.
press IT,
And, gentlemen, What ~ill come oft do not
! know. fOr my part, al ftIs moment feel more
indignant at recent events connected with iIunga-
W than az all those which passed in her struggle
. iyr liberty Tremendous ,nrcriugI ! sec that
the Emperor Of Russia demands Of Turkey that tho
noble KOssuth and hs companions shai b. given
mp. IShamo shame And ! see that this de.
ma nd u made 10 dcrsiOn Of the established law o
nations. Gentlemen, there il something on Garth
creator than arbitrary or dcspOtIr power Tho
lightning has its power, and the whirlwnd has il.
power, aud the earthquake has it, power bat
: there - something among men more capable %
shaking dcepouC power Jhan lightning, WfTlvlnt
or earthquake. IOycrpOwerng bursts Of applause.
That is the threatened Indignation oihc whole civil
lied world Renewed cheers Gentlemen, the I'm
peror Of Russia holds himself 10 be bound by th
law Of nations from the fact that he treats with
tions-thst he forms alliances; he Processes, il
fact % live in civilized age and To- govern en-
Ightencd nation. I say that if, under these cir
cuuistanccs, he shall pcrpetratc SO great violation
Of natural law ~ seize these Hun gariaBs an,
h. ~ ate them be- will stand 4 grinina
aud inalcactJr ~ the view Of the law. loud hui
zas, continued for several minutc-.l Tho who'll
world will be the tribunal to try him, AMI be mus
appear before IL and hold up his hand and plead
and abide he judgment. Federated cheers
The Emperor Of Russia is the supreme law give
Ia his own country, and, for aught know, the eK
ccutor Of 1t also But, thanks be- ~ God, be IL no
the supreme law giyer or executor Of the nsions