The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1849-02-24

To TIE PEorIk or KESTUcKY, on THE SUI
OF ENANcIPArIoN.

To TIE PEorIK OF kESTUcKY, on THE SUBJECT
OF EMANCIPATION
FuLow-CITIzENs: In August next the duty
Of selecting delegates TO the Convention called
TO remodel the Constitution Of our beloved
Commonwealth, will devolFe on you. You
have already been frequently addressed by those
in favor Of certain proposed reforms, who have
not seen fit to urge on your attention the neees.
atty Of reform in relation to the greatest evil
under which we labor. We regard slavery as
by far the greatest of all the evils now affecting
the people Of this State and deeply selicitous
that some steps shall be taken toward its gradual
removal from among US. Ii is our present Pur-
pose TO urge you 20 cooperate with US in the
great and good work Of Emancipation. We beg
YOU TO give Us your attention while we proceed
toenumerats some Of the evils which slavery in
fiicts on US, and to point out some Of the many
benefits which would result frOai its removal.
In proposing to change that portion Of the
organic law Of the State which refers to slavery,
we take the ground that slavery is an evil, view
ed in all its aspects-soeal, moral, political and
pecuniary. We cannot name q single interest
which we value, and which We would desire to
cherish and perpetuats, that would not be pro-
NOTED an6 strengthened by the removal of
slavery. We cannot close our eyes to the fact
that our sister States, with greatly inferior
natural advantages, are outstripPing us in pop
ulstion, wealth, extent and variety of internal
improvements, and in the general diffusion Of
knowledge. In all those unmistakeable signs
Of prosperity which mark the adjacent free
States, our State compares most unfavorsbly
and we but repeat the observation Of thousands
Of unprejudiced observers, in sttributing this
unfavorable State of things to SLAVERY.
We are aware that many Of our fellow-citi-
zens, who have not examined this subject thor
oughly, differ from rs in their views Of the
comparative progress aud prosperity Of the free
and slave States. Even during the short period
that the subject of Emancipation has been I'M
der discussion in Kentucky, we have seen it
asserted "thst it is not true that the Northern
States have increased more rapidly than the
Southern" and further, that National wealth
and prosperity when Predicated of the States Of
this Union," 90 far as they may be affected BY
slavery, is "mere loose speculation, NOT dessTriRg
serious ansDer.'
We are willing, fellow-eitizens, to make this
the point on which the decision of this question
shall turn. For, If it can be made TO appear
that slavery is a blessing-if il can be proved TO
be an element of permanent national wealth
IL il increases public security and private hap
pinsss-if il elevstes the morals, -efines the
tastes, or develops the resources Of a people
then should we at once cease our opposition to
il, and labor most zeslously and faithfully for
its Perpetustion and extension. II slavery
gives us any advantages which we would not
possess in its absence, the advocates Of its per-
petustion can certainly enumerate them. II
the capitalist can invest his money TO a better
advantage in a slave than in free State, or if
the lsborer, the mechanic and the manufacturer
can procure higher wages, or hold a more ele-
waited position in society in slave States, the
facts can easily be shown. When we are asked
TO perpetuate slavery we can but ask in our
turn, what good has it done, and what good
does il propose TO do7
When we examine American slavery by the
light Of history, We find il condemned by large
and respectable meetings Of the citizens in the
slave States before the Revolution. We find
the deliberate opinions Of such men as Wash
ingtcn, Jefferson, Madison. Henry and Frank
lin recorded against it. Commencing at the
Revolution and coming down TO our own day,
we find q very large proportion of our own
wsest Legislators and statesmen testifying to its
bIighting and whitening influence. In our own
State, and In the halls Of our own Legislature,
Il has frequently been Characterised in terms Of
eloquent and bitter denunciatiOn. In view
then Of this concurrent and united testimony
condemning slavery, and after fifty years ex-
persence Of its advantages, if any there be, are
we asking too much Of its advocates when we
request them TO specify those sdvantages1 At
this period, when we are about framing new
organic law, under which the interests of all the
citizen. Of the State are to be protected, should
we be acting wisely, by deliberately using our
influence TO perpetuate a known evil, unless
that evil is mixed with much good, and is in
some Of its aspects a manifest advantage to the |
community toIerating III We are now acting |
for future gensrations-we are to promulgate |
the organic law under which our children and |
our children's children are to live and act
Should we then be faithful to ourselves or to |
them, or should we be acting faithfully toward
our beloved Commonwealth, in deliberately
engrsfiing on that organic law a provision
which will perpetuste an Institution so obnox-
ious ss slavery Shall our own experience,
and the opinions Of The wisest and best men Of |
the present and past generations be entirely dis
regarded in the settlement Of this question, or
shall We fold our arms in quiet indifference and
permit the great question Of the age, now press.
ed upon NJ for elaboration and decision, TO On
by default7 FelIow-citizens, these are impor-
tant questions which force themselves upon ouy
attention at the present juncture, and which in
one way or another WE MUST ASswER
We have asserted that slavery ia positive
evil viewed in all iss aspects, and we feel Il due
10 si.oss who DIFFER from ne on this question 10
snssnsr.ss the facts upon which this assertion
il essed With EmanciPaiionists this course
Of procedure h unnecessary. TAey know the
evils Of slavery. and see the necessity Of taking