The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1849-06-13
european pOlitirs.
WHAT is GERMAN UNITYi
From the Economist.

devastated on angry pretexts, TO which Swift Is sa-
tire Of breaking the eggs at the little or the big end
rational cause for bloodshed. five do not mis-
understand the quarrel at present raging in Europe,
under the name of order the one side and liberty
on the other, it is really fght-apart from ndi-
vidual gratifcation-about the same thing viewed
from different sides. II is repetition on large
and disastrous scale of the old story of the two
knights who fought because one asserted that the
shield was white and the other that it was black
when it was both, though neither saw the side be-
held by the other. Liberty and order identical;
but the people demand the former the means of
securing the latter, and governments uphold the lat
ter in order to give the former to all the people.
What will the rational men of this age, and still
more the rational men of the next age, say of the
Germans should it turn out that the dispute about
German unity, which threatens so much mischief
to Germany, is perhaps as worthless and NONSENSE
cal an object as ever excited ignorant wrath Lit
tie more than half century has elapsed since France
and England, according to Voltaire, went to war
for few leagues of recovered rocks, and we may
be permitted to suppose it possible for the demo-
Gratis philosophers, revolutionists, and rabbe of
Germany, not to be wiser now than were the SOW
eregns and their ministers of these great king
doms then.
France, one and indivisible-was one of the cries
of the first republic The meaning then was, to
pound all the orders and classes of which the society
was composed-nobles and philosophers
and Observation-Disclosures and civilians-priests and
laymen-into one homogeneous mass, and keep
them ALL within the bounds of France the slaves of
the Partisan central authority. Though it forbad
the alienation OF an acre from the new government
over which the old government had ruled, it did not
forbid the extension'of France nor the ncorpora-
ton with it of many other provinces and kingdoms.
France, one and mdlvlsible, embraced the half Of
Europe, TIL its great extension, winter, and
the unbrdled ambition of its chief divided it again.
and reduced 1t to Its original dimensions. Is Ger
man unity to be Germany one and indivisible'
Are all the people to be obedien to the central au
thorty at Frankfort to be pounded into one mass
and subserve the purpose Of extending the central
authority over the neighboring lands, such as
Schleswig Holstein, the Austrian dominions, per-
haps Switzerland, till Germany become what
France became under Bonaparte-a very great pow
er, but nuisance and plague Moral, social,
and national unity the Germans already have; what
thsy now seek is political unity which appears
republican or Bonapartean dream, the offspring
of ambition, thirst for empire, poor imitation
of great compensation Alexander to Bonaparte
trying TO achieve by words and parchment what
they with more sense and vigor, but less squeam-
ishness, achieved by their swords; and neither
worthy of this enlightened age nor likely to be sue
cessful. The spirit of the last great conauerer is
by no means dead ii survives in horde of CONT
mental hero-worshippers, who seek for greatness
and empire, and aspire to dominate without his ge
MUS or his means of success. Some of them
soldiers, some of them military book-worms men
who have read and written themselves into great
commanders and great statesmen, and who expect
TO realize In the world the dreams of their study
The unity of Germany, for which these theorists
have bartered peace, morality, and honor is not
unity Of language and literature; that already
lists. One noble language, one rich and diversified
literature, increasing with more rapldity than grace
fulness or strength, is common to all the Germans,
and is spoken and used by nations who form no
part of the German Empire. One system of in
struction al universities, giving kind Of uniform
ity, if not exactly one law, to all Germany-one
school system-one set of books different only
the people differ in their religion, already diff
fused through the Fatherland Over a large part
of it one custom house system extends. There are
diversues IN the regulations for the press never
theless, the press in Germany is one, and much
united as the press Of our own empire. To COM
plete the unity that already exists, 1t is only
sary TO give and secure freedom to the press, and
allow II TO grow and TO work. 10 extend the bounds
of the custom-house system, to abolish passports,
TO unite all the Germans by free trade and free in
tercourse, and to bring the governments, as they
now exist by the influence Of the press and Of gen.
eral opinion, into one toleraby harmonious action.
But instead Of building on the oldS~d deeply laid
foundations Of German unity, the Bonapartean phi-
losophers Of Frankfort have schemed TO establish
great power, one and indivisibe they have put an
end to peace; they have plunged their country into
confusion; they have promoted separation and dis
cord, and have strengthened the authority they at
tempted to put down by the support Of all the low
ers Of security, peace, and order.
The false principle on which they have proceeded
is exempihed by their choice Of head. For two
centuries has the house Of Hohenstaufien sedulous
ly endeayored 10 build up great state different from
Germany, and at its expense. Personal aggran-
dizement has been Kept steadily in view by every
sovereign Of Prussia, since the days Of the great
Elector, the extension Of the bounds Of Russia
has been the policy Of us sovereigns since the reign
Of Catherine Prussia was opposed 10 Austria, the
head Of the German empire, and 1t could only grow
az greatness by taking part Of the empire TO itself
For two &c INJURIES II has been the enemy Of German
nationality. Prussia is not the Fatherland the
language is not Prussian, but German. Prussia,
however, Is a great power il can be used 10 con-
troll and subdue the minor suites II can speedily
give, II Is supposed, to Germany the dignity Of a
great empire and therefore the National Assembly
Of Frankfort offered the King Of Prussia the head
ship Of United Germany. II a false step, but
clearly 20 be traced TO a SILLY ambition Of at once
constituting Germany great European power-a
poor imitation Of imperial France unjust 10 all the
minor staies and favorable 10 the least German Of
all the states Of Germany. They have tried such
policy, too, for ages without benefit. They have
gwen the imperial crown te Austria, the most
siderable power connected with Germany. Far
from promoting the common union and the com
mon advantage, Austria, hike Prussia, has endes-
vored 10 build up and preserve a great power sepa-
rate from Germany. IL has encouraged neither It's
literature, It's commerce, nor Its union. The King
Of Prussia Il may be expected, would act on the
same principle; he would aggrandize Prussia at the
expense Of Germany; and what the theorists Of
Frankfort dad by selecting the King Of Prussia as
their head, on account Of hrs power, merely to
repeat the error Of their ancestors.
Such a course betrays a'great blindness 70 the
past and probable future progress Of society. Il is
not indebted for its development 10 the engrossing
and concentration Of political power great state
may appear to guarantee the security Of its mem
bers but IN general It's very greatness involves II in
quarrels Of ambition which require immense sacri-
fees, and are unfavonbe 10 safety and security. In
such states properly is never well protected in
smaller states. Holland and Tuscany, and Belgium
since Il separated from Austria, with some Of
the smaller Saxon states, are amongst the most
fourishing countries Of Europe. In them the arts
and sciences have been successfully cultivated
in the larger continental states while their people
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