The Daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1845-1850, 1848-08-26

MS refusal Wouiu nave Oeen equally decisive,
if it had been certain, that they would have had
1t In their power, TO carry their friendly wishes
into effect. The New York delegation TO the
Utica Convention requested my opinions, in re-
gard to the obligations imposed upon them, by
the Baltimore nominations, and the constitutional
lty and expediency of prohibition, by Congress,
OF the Introduction OF Slavery into territories
now free from it. They also asked my consent
to the use OF my name, by the Convention, as its
candidate for the Presidency. | cheertully gave
them the opinions they desired, but declined the
last request absolutely That they sincerely de
sired to respect my wishes In this regard, have
never doubted. But the Convention were of
opinion, that the use of my name was necessary,
as we'll to enable the Democracy of New-York
to carry forward, with a reasonable prospect of
ultimate success, the great principle for which
they contended, as to sustain themselves in the
extraordinary position to which they had been
driven, by the injustice of others and that the
relations which had so long existed between US,
gave them right so to use it, not only without
my consent, but against my known>wishes. En-
pertaining these views, they decided to nominate
me, and omitted to give me the usual Lotice of
their proceedings.
The reasons why did not feel myself at liber-
ty to interpOse any any farther obstacles to their
wishes, have been given to the public, and need
not be repeated.
1t is in this form that my name, as candidate
for the Presidency, has been brought before the
people. Occupying this position, | shall feel
myself honored by the support OF an assemblies
enlightened and patriotic, and devoted to
the maintenance of the great principle we con-
tend for that in whose behalf you have adj
dressed me.
have examined and considered the platform
adopted by the Buffalo Convention, as defining
the political creed of the ''Free Democracy"
with the attention due to the grave subjects
which it embraces, and the interesting circum-
stances under which it is presented. 1t breaths
the right spirit, and presents a political chart,
which, with the explanations am about to make,
can, in good faith, adopt and sustain.
In regard to the chief topic OF the Resolutions,
tits not TO be doubted that the present unprece-
denied movement OF the public mind in the nom
slaveholding States upon the subject of Slavery,
is caused mainly by an earnest desire to uphold
and enforce the policy in regard to il, established
by the founders of the Republic. That policy,
in addition to the prospective prohibition of the
Foreign Slave Trade, was
l. Adequate, efficient, and certain security
against the extension Of Slavery into territories
where it did not practically exist.
T. That, In the language Of your own condens
ed and excellent resolution, tsSlavery, In the
several States OF this Union which recognize its
existence, should depend upon State laws, which
cannot be repealed or modified by the Federal
Government and
8. A spirit of considerate fqrbearance toward
the institution in localities where it was placed
under the control of Congress.
By wise observance Of this policy, we have,
until recently, been enabled to neutralize the in
furious tendencies of an element of discord, more
difficult to deal with than any to which our free
institutions are exposed. But unhappily for the
present harmony, and possibly for the future
welfare, OF our beloved country a pretension has
been recently set up by our brethren OF the save-
holding States, In regard to the first branch of
this policy, SO inadmissbe upon principle, and so
revolving to our feelings, as to produce a rush OF
public sentiment toward the point of resistance,
which, with population SO considerate and SO
staid as ours, Is never seen, except when con-
viction exists that the honor and safety OF the
country are at stake, and then, always A train
OF occurrences, all tending to the same general
end. which have for few years past, followed
each other in rapid succession, has raised this
feeling to an elevation hitherto unknown, and
produced resolves which it is not in the power of
individuals to induce the People to recede from.
The consttutionality. the justice, the humanity,
and the expediency Of the ground they have ia
ken all clear as to preclude the possibility
of continued diversity OF opinion action in the
non.slavholding States
The Consequences that may result from this
conflict of opinion between US and those who
are, unhappily, our ogponeuts-if their preten-
sions are persisted in-are known only to that
omniscient and kind Providence which has hith-
erto protected our country and its institutions
from the dangers which have threatened them.
The claim set up by our Southern brethren is
departure from the platform raised by our COM
mon ancestors, at the period when the chain OF
our Union was the brightest, and the fraternal
leelng between the States that composed it the
strongest. 1t comes upon the back of series of
events we'll calculated to awaken at the North
that deep, and asitrespects ourselves, overwhelm.
ing, sensation in the public mind to which have
referred. A brief review of them, at a moment
so critical, cannot fail TO be useful
The future condition Of the respective States
in regard to the probable continuance or abolition
OF slavery, were correctly ioreseen at the forma-
ton OF the Government. Those of the Old Thir-
teen which are now exempt from it, acted under
confident anticipation that they would soon be-
come so; while those Of the number where sla-
very still exists, could not look forward to an
equally favorable result in regard 10 themselves.
II was, therefore, well understood at the adop-
ton OF the Constitution, that although large and
highly respectable portion OF the members of the
Confederacy would probably for long, certain
ly for an indefinite period, remain slav ehoding
States, majority OF the States would be nom
slaveholding and that constitutional preponde-