Weekly national intelligencer., 1848-08-12

cises It's power by virtue Of the constitution solely the
agent Of the people All analogy fails them in every point
OF view Whaxyight has any individual citizen Of the United
States the public lands What right has he to the income
deyabe from that OF revenue Has he the slightest
pecuniay interest in the matter Not particle No
than he has in the buildings of this capitol The public lands
are public pr ,pery standing upon the footing this
building, court house within any OF the States II per-
fecy plain that maintain suit at law for any in
divdua right in property Of this description II is not then,
question of property but question OF sovereignty and it
is D no lust sense of the term any trust than the od-
nary power Of legislation which hold here TO the
business of the United States stands upon the foot
ing and sustain other relation TO these Territories than
that which sustain TO any OF the property which comes
under control
Now the owner and holder of slave property thinks himself
entitled to extraordinary privileges He says ne has right
property rising aboye the rights OF other citizens II he has
any thing peculiar which entities him to consideration
Others call upon those who maintain that opinion adduce
their authority. II is incumbent upon them TO show from
whence their right is derived If they claim extraordinary
privileges they should certainly show on what they found
ed They do not grow up Of themselves They do not ex
ist without authority, and it surely quite reasonable
that these gentlemen should show where that authority
to be found
Without dwelling longer upon this branch of the subject
think that the propositions upon which have been
commenting, advanced upon the opposite side, wholly
untenabe The reasoning upon which they founded
my mind unsound and inconcusve and the tendency
of the whole argument s possible to reconcile our minds
very wide departure from the original basis upon which
the constitution placed to me that the ordinance
of s7 very material portion OF the case then taken into
consderaonha in fact it constituted if may say, the
Of the basis upon which these were
made. How il then, at this time OF day, that it
insult any portion Of the country to propose the application
Of that principle other territories Of the United States
hat is there offend the judgment decacy OF any
in proposition that character We perhaps estimate
correctly the force Of this consideration if turn
attention the history of the period when the constitution
adopted AS have said, at the time of the adoption of
this ordinance and the adoption of the constitution there were
six States in which slavery existed and eight that called
free States The ordinance provided for the admission of five
States be carved Of the territory to which applied
II add Maine, will make six States that were to be
admitted making fourteen free States in all and we add to
the slave States Kentucky, Tennessee Alabama and Msss
spp making in all ten that would complete the system
cpaeJ by the trainers Of the constitution Now let US pur
this subject little furher and see how would have
stood in other particulars we had limited ourselves to the
territory described in the treaty Of 7S3 The free States
would had in the House Of Representatives hundred
and twenty eght MEMBERS and in the Senate twenty
members The slave States would have had in the other
House sevenyeght MEMBERS and in this body twenty That
is what the condition Of things would have been If the COM
promises of the constitution in their application to the original
territories of the United States had been carried out and no
new territory been added. How stands it now Nothing
appeals with force than facts and in this the
notorious. The free States have hundred
and thirty members in the House of Representatives. gain
Of two The slave States have in that body ninety
bersa gain with much smaller capital at the start of thr
een The free States will have, when Iowa is represented
States have equal number of representatives in this body
gain of ten Now, this has all grown out Of disturbing the
of the constitution, Of departing from the plat
form upon which the convention which framed the constu
stood These the circumstances and this the working
the system under which the Senator from South Carolina
Mr.. CALHOUN exhorts to stand STILL Let US, he
aloneet the constitution have its course and its own
way-we want nothing, we ask nothing Ah! And do
you, indeed nothing, and ask nothing Why do you
ask employ the Of this country in immense
do you not ask to pour out the blood of the
country for the acquisition of territory The whole
the republic have been devoted this purpose And when
The acquisitions made and the sovereignty acquired gentle
men round and say, stand STILL "be quiet, let the
constitution make its way knowing perfectly well that
here is word said in the constitution upon the subject
In other words, the exhortaton s ale work the matter
our own waywe understand this hing-let be law
ourseves-le regulate and maintain slavery think
expeden and will manage it to suit inter-
ssts" This is shrewd polite course, and will doubt find
advocates.
This policy, dgnfed by supposed connexion with the
great of the constitution constitutional policy, has
most unequal speak of the andstil pocythe let
alone policy Suppose continue il, where will il lead
Nothing demonstrate concusvey than the facts which
have presented to the Senate that the territory be left open
il will be dotted all with slaves. Gentlemen the OPP
poste side exclaim continually that Oregon region which
slavery cannot exist and yet they contend for the privilege
Of carrying their slaves there II left open the introduction
Of slavery, what will be the probable result When the Ter
rory becomes State the burden OF slavery will become ire
vocaby fixed upon aud in vain will il any State at
tempt to shake OIL however sincerely they desire TO free
themselves from it. That will be the inevitable result of this
stand still policy leaving the constitution work its way
when the constitution is silent upon the subject.
Now, think that such unequal distribution of political
power that which exists never anticipated by the fra
of the constitution and yet the free States charged
with bad faith. IL alleged with the gravity copn-
enance in the face Of these facts that the slave States
have manifested fidelity the compromises Of the constitution
The free States charged with bad faith Why sir have they
stood still and permitted millions upon millions Of the pub
lie money be applied the purchase Of territory that
slave territory
Mr.. CALHOUN am very unwilling to interrupt the
Senator, whom have heard with great deal Of pleasure
however much disagree with several Of his sentiments
rise only for the purpose Of correcting of his
nents in order that may not go uncontadicted The Sc
nator has said that after the formation the constitution the
free States and the sovehodng stood eight but the
Senator will recoect that Vermont in after the foma-
lion Of the constitution and that Delaware being regarded as
doubtful State, which every will acknowledge,
the free and savehodng States then stood exactly the same
three times much territory north Of the Missouri line there
was south OF il.
Mr. DAVIS. shall not trouble the Senate by going into
history Of the annexation Of Vermont No doubt the Se
nator is correct The argument which have presented s
not at all impaired for Vermont then independent
State, and doubt could be entertained Of her joining the
was remarking when interrupted by the Senator
that the free States had the treasure Of the country ex
pended in for the acquisition OF territory they had seen
millions Of the public money thus expended they had seen
acquisitions made including that Of Texas the whole benefit