The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-12-30
The Peculiar Instttutteu

The Peculiar Institutteu.
"The peculiar institution" Thus, by COM
mon consent, and almost by universal usage, is
American slavery designated. Very singular is
this title, but very appropriate. Slavery any
where is a peculiar institution, but slavery in
America, certainly can claim, par eminence. to
be the peculiar institution.
IL is peculiar in its place Of existence. Were
Il in despotic empire, like that of Russia, it
might not seem strange: but that il should ex-
ist in republic, republic, too, boasting Of its
enlightened and universal liberty, and which,
not uufrequently, holds itself up as the model
republic. the hope of the world and refuge Of
the oppressed, this is passing strange, very
peculiar indeed.
We hear that in Washington, our national
capital, the flag Of the Union is often seen wa
wing its stars and stripes over the den of the ne
gro trader. A very peculiar position you say,
for the flag Of freedom to occupy. Peculiar in
deed, but is it not very appropriate position
The American flag waving over the den Of an
American slave trader-is not that picture s,ri-
kingly emblemstic7 Does not slavery, whether
in denancistory or supplicsting mood, whether
in fear, anger or exultation, in all it's moods, al
ways claim to be under the especial protection
Of that glorious aag7 A stranger listening to
the harsngues OF Mr.. Calhoun and his compa-
triots Of South Carolina, that remarkable State.
remarkable, if for nothing else. at least for lite
fervent love Of the peculiar institution, would
imagine that the sole mission of the United
States was the propagation and perpAtnstinn Of
slavery. Are not threats continually hurled
forth, that If our national flag have not the priv
nsge Of floating over slaves in the newly acqui-
red territory, South Carolina will withdraw
from the cOnfederscy. In psssng, we may say
that in all probability an opportunity viii soon
be afforded for the execution Of this threat, for
unless all signs ia the moral and political fir
msment prove false, American slavery will never
blight California and New Mexico with its pes
tilential breath. Then we shall see whether the
disupionists are sincere not. IL they prove
sincere and South Carolina separates herself
from the happy sisterhood, we shall have but
divide our national flag, taking to herself the
stripes, and leaving to the Union the stars.
Peculiar as American slavery is in its locality,
more peculiar is it in its defenders. That men,
whose property consists in slaves, should de-
fend the institution, we might reasonably ex-
Pect. That men who believe despotic govern
ment the most favorable to human welfare,
should approve Of slavery, is natural; and equal
ly natural is il, that men, who regard the in
spring truths proclaimed in the New Testament,
the truths Of human brotherhood and equality
a. idle words, should look with complscency on
an institution which tramples the doctrine of
brotherhood in the dust, and SCOTS at equality
as an idle dream. All this is natural enough
and consistent. But that poor men, men too
poor, whatever their wishes may be, TO own
slaves, should defend slavery; and that men,
loud in their professions Of liberty. fraternity
and equality, should defend II; and that believ-
ers in the New Testament, even ministers Of
strange and very peculiar.
But strange as il is, 1t lie no more strange than
true. The most violent and interruptions de-
tenders Of slavery are 10 be found in these very
classes. Yes, among poor men, ultra radicals
and religionists, have we found some of the
most z,sious wer-hippers of the dark-eyed De.
ity. The number Of lworshipper in these
classes, ii 10 true, is small but what is lacking
in number is more than made up in fervency of
devotion. Truly, slavery is peculiar institu-
ton.
Very peculiar, too, are the grounds upon
which these individuals base their defence of the
system. With the grounds ON which the reli-
zionist rests his defence of the peculiar institu-
ton, our readers are familiar. II is therefore
unnecessary TO examine them. Sufficient is il
TO say, that when professed christian or minis
ter does become defender of slavery, especial
ly II Of northern birth, he becomes most ZEAL
Gus defender. We might say, he enters with his
whole heart into its defence, If his possession Of
that organ were not very probIematical. His
arguments, too, are generally as peculiar his
zeal is fervent- Recreancy to the principles Of
ones native cline, and Of the gospel which he
processes to believe in, peculiarly fits man for
the defence Of the peculiar institution.
The ultra radical, who delights in the largest
liberty who wages deadly war against all mo-
noPoiy' AND demands recognition of the rights
OF all men, as men, must find some difficulty,
we should imagine, in becoming defender of
slavery. Oh no, not at all. He is quite phi
losoPher, and determines the applicability of
principles By the laws of light and color. Does
he demand liberty for all msn1 OF course, he
means for all white men. for liberty has no af
fnity with blsckness. Besides, he thinks that
man is apt to appreciate liberty better, who
hoids few of his fsllow-beings in bondage, for
thus he learns how great an Inconvenience the
loss of liberty is, and becomes very careful to
preserve his own. The peculiar institution cer-
tainly requires peculiar defences.
The poor man sometimes defends slavery You