Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1848-04-28
WHOLE No. III.

Liberty and Equality-are American Ideas;
they were never American FACTS, America
sought liberty only for the wuITE Our faith
ers thought moi Of universal s~uiftane.
But France has not only attempted In make
our Ideas facts; she has advanced an Idea not
limited al in the American Declarations, the
Idea of FRAreRNITY. By this she means
HUMAN BRorHERHooD. This points moi
merely 10 d political, hut a sOcial Revolution.
1t is not easy for US 10 understand how a gov-
m can effect this. Here, all comes
from the People, and the People have 10 take
care OF the government, meaning thereby the
men IN Official power: have to furnish them
with Ideas, and tell them what application
to make thereof. There all comes from the
government. So the new provisional gov
eminent Of France must be one that can lead
the nation; have ideas in advance OF the ma
ton. Accordingly, it proposes many plans
which with us could never have come from
any party in power. Here, the government
Is only the servant Of the people. There, it
aims to be the Father and Teacher thereof;
a patriarchal government with Christian
thoughts aud feelings. But as AN eloquent
man is TO come after me, whose special aim
is to d~evelope the Idea Of Human Brother
hood into social institutions-I will not dwell
on this, save to mention an act Of the pro-
~visional authorities: They have abolished
The punishment # death for all political oGen-
css. You remember the guillotine, the mas
sacres of September, the drownings in the
Seine and the Loire, the dreadful butchery
in the name of the Law. Put this new de-
cree side by side with the old, and YOU see
why Spartacus, though crowned bya Revo-
luton, bears peaceful blossoms in his hand
But let us hasten on; time would fail me
to speak OF the cause or point cut the effect
of this movement of the people. Only "a word
concerning the objections made to it. Some
say, 1T is only an extempore affair. Men
drunk with new power are telling their fan
cies, and trying in their heat to make law
thereof 1t is not so. The ideas | have
limited at have been long known and deeply
cherished by the best minds in France. Last
autumn, Nj. Lamartine, in his own newspa-
per-for the deputy for Macon is an editor
published the programme and confession of
his political faith | will read a little of it.
1t is a remarkable paper. Here Mr.. p. read
from the Courier des Etus Unis for Nov. 2l,
1877, passages from NJ. Lamartine's program
me, which set forth all the schemes which
the provisional government are now trying
10 carry out.
Others say, The whole thing seems rasl!l
Well, so it does; so does any good thing
seem rash to all except the man who does it,
and such us would do it if he did not. VIVA
is rash 10 one, is not 10 another. 1t is dan
gerous for an old man to run-fatal for him
to 6ap-whiIe his grandson jumps over wal
and ditch without hurt. The American Rev
olution was a rash act; the English Revolu-
ton a rash act; the Protestant Reformation
was a rash act Was it safe to withstand
the Revolution! Did the King ofthe French
find it So
Yet others say, The leaders are unknown
-'Lamartlne-you might as well put Mr..
Dickens at the head fine nation But when
the American Revolution begun-who had
ever heard of JOhn Hancock president ofthe
Congress- in England? To the men who
knew him, John Hancock was a country ira
der, the richest man in the town of 10000
Inhabitants, that didn't sound very great al
London. Samuel adams and .JOhn adams,
and jefferson, and all the other men, what did
the world know of them! only that they had
been christened with Hebrew names. Why,
George WashingtOH was only, as Gen. Brad
dock called him, "a young Buckskin.' But
the world heard of these men Afterwards
Let us leave the French statesmen to make
to the future what report of themselves they
can! Let me tell a story of Dupont de /
Eure, the head Of the government at this mo-
ment. He was one of the movers of the Rev,
o%lution Of 1890. He dined with the either
king, once in some council. AT the table he
and the king differed; the king affirmed, anC
Dupont denied. Said the king, DO you tel
me lie! Said Dupont-'When the king say
YES, and Dupont de I Eure replies NO, Franc,
Nrill Enory =, hioI - k,I;o.sJ IN l:--.
Yes, 'e WiN put The people dovn. Dupont
said No, you shall not put the peoph doton-
and now France knows which to believe.
Again say others yet, WAR may come
Royalty may come back, Despotism ma,
come back. Other kings will interpose, an
put down a Republic Other kings inter
fere to put down the French! Perhaps the.
will. They tried it 1898, but did not lik
/, the experiment very well. They will b.
, well off if they do not find it necessary II
put down a Republic a little nearer at hand
e their ant-revolutionary work may begin a
, home.
q War followed the American Revolution
I II cost money, IL cost men. But if we cal
, culate the value of American Ideas, they are
I worth what they cost. Even the French Re
: volulion, with all its carnage, robbery anc
: butchery, is worth what it cost. But it Is
, possible that war will not come. From a for,
+ eign war, France has little TO fear. There
seems little danger that it will come at all
What monarchy will dare to fight Republi
can France! Internal trouble may indeed
come. 1t is to be expected that the new Re
, public will make many a misstep. But is j
likely that all the old tragedies will be enac
= ted againl Surely not-the burnt child dread
the FIRE. Besides, tho France of 10 is no
the France of 80. There is no triple despo
, tism weighing on the nations neck, a trInit,
, of despotic powers-the throne, the nobility
: the church. The king is fed; the mobiles hav
? ceased to be; the church is republican. Their
| is no hatred between class and class, as be
5 fore. The men Of 80 sought freedom for tn
middle class, not for all classes-neither fo
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