Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1848-09-09

the laborer, obliged to be content with subsist-
ence, is not supposed capable of any accumulation.
This is the rule, subject OF course, to occasional
l. exceptions. 1t is, however, on this axiom as its
cornerstone that the whole modern doctrine of
free-trade rests. The question is, the increase of
national wealth. Ii being admitted that profits 60
wholly to the owners of the capital employing la
Dor, and part to the aborer himself, it follows
that legislative interference can only change the
application of capital from one object TO another,
without increasing the qantity OF labor which It
sets in motion, and this ohange is sure to be from
a more profitable application of labor to one less
SO, since the sagacity of he capitalist, whoutthis
interference, would be sure to lead him to the most
profitable employment Of his capital. Hence is
deduced another proposition: that no act of legis-
| lation can create wealth.
" II requires little observation to perceive that
views founded on such premises have no applica-
ton to u.s. The unlimited quantity of fertile land
placed within the reach d every individual is the
distinguishing peculiarit. Of our situation in an
economical point of view. This furnishes to la
Dor the easy means of subsistence, and may be
considered the controlling cause, whose effects are
: to be traced through al the qualifications of our
+ society. This establishes the high reward, or
wages of labor, elevatine the lowest laborer from
the position of mere m;chine, where the modern
school of political economy has placed him, TO one
in which he becomes, at his own will, the posses
: sor Of capital. The labor of single year gives
to every aborer, if he choose to save his earnings
. very considerable capita. He takes, at his plea
| sure, place in society.
1t is true that the United States may be said to
form an exception to the general rule arising from
the circumstance of their containing quantity of
unimproved land but since this condition, which
forms the exception, this power of expansion will
6 foro ~
is sufficient for our present government, and we
should be cautious in adopting, as rules Of action,
theories of political economy drawn from state of
society so different from our own. They have no
application TO us.
When we house erected out of the clay
of our fields and the wood of our forests, we per-
ceve that there has been creation of wealth.
: When we see that this creation has been shared by
the brickmaker, the mason, and the carpenter, we
cannot but laugh to scorn those theories which tell
us that labor cannot accumulate capital. We see
the thing donebefore our eyes.
with US labor is in fact the great accumuator.
1t goes to work without difficulty on its own ac-
count: it is, therefore, perfectly clear that that
Legislation which calls most labor into action,
which gives it its fullest scope, is with us most
productive of wealth. The doctrine of free trade
is founded upon the assumption that laboris every
where in excess, waiting to be employed by capi-
tall in itself powerless, dependant, only asking to
live. With us labor assumes higher tone: it
treats with capital on equal terms it shares in the
profits hand in hand with capital. The protective
system rests as its basis on the principle of an
enlarged field forlabor, resulting from, that legis-
Lation Which restricts or shuts ont the competi-
ton Of the cheaper and more degraded labor Of
Europe The opposition comes from capital
+ which alleges that this system gives to labor too
great an advantage, in the power of levying con-
tribution in the prices Of the commodities consum
ed by capital. The answer is, that with us labor
and capital are SO mixed together that in the gen.
eral prosperity resulting from active well-pad
industry, capital is sure to get its share. All writer's
.on political economy recognise the high reward of
labor as indicating the highest measure of general
| prosperity. 1t elevates the industrial classes in
the scale Of society by giving them power and
taste IN the enJoyments of civilized life and in
the cultivation of their minds. With us it does
more in addition to all this it enables them to
lay by a surplus as capital.
"Our great advantage lies in the abundance and
cheapness of our lands. This gives to the i'm
mediate tler of the soil an easier and more album
dant subsistence than can be obtained by the same
labor in any other part Of the world. But he re-
'quires other enjoyments than food, and the whole
question is, how can these be supplied in man.
i HeT HOSl conducive 10 Hle Wealul anu happiness
Of the whole country! II would seem to be a
simple proposition that the application of Por-
ton Of our labor TO the working up the raw ma
terias which we produce into the manufactures
which we consume, must be the simplest and most
direct mode of equaizirg and diffusing the pecu-
liar advantage which we possess in the abundance
Of food through all classes Of society. As ques-
ton Of political econony-of the increase of ma
tional wealth, the whole consists in the inquiry
whether this system does not call into action a
greater amount Of labor than ,could find employ
ment withouta? The answer would seem to be
easy, and plain common sense can hardly mistake
it. With the assurance of home market, both
capital and labor set freely to work TO supply il.
"The question is frequently complicated by the
inquiry, why we should make at home what we
can buy cheaper from abroad This is ques-
ton which can only be put by capital. There is
nothing cheaper TO labor ,ciich Is purchased By
idieness. A nation can buy nothing cheap which
slackens the arm Of is industry. The term
cheap, in such a case, has no application. The
matter is only confused by reference TO a money
price. The real question is the best application
Of labor.
at is thus apparent how different is the position
Of labor in the United States, in relation to the
science of political economy, compared with labor
in England Free trade in England is quite a
different affair from free trade in the United States
Its great effort in England is directed against the
corn laws. II is labor striving for cheaper food