Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1848-08-31

ton is pending before the judiciary, the
Compromise Bill has effectualy secured the
title of the master, by forbdding the terrific
rial Legislature to pass any law whatever on
the subject of slavery. They cannot eman-
cipatc the slave, they can enact no statute
for his protection against the cruelty of his
owner, they can lend him no aid in estab-
fishing his right to freedom. Under these
circumstances, how could the slave employ
or reward his counsel, how could he collect
his witnesses, and what would be his pro-
lection against the resentment Of his master,
irrltated by his impotent efforts to assert his
rights to his birth-right liberty 1t was
found an easy matter to import slaves into
Texas, in spite of prohibitory law; will it
be more difficult to introduce them into
New Mexico in the absence of all law?
spoke just now of slavery as existing in
defiance of the law of God. Let me not
be misunderstood. sit not in judgment to
condemn my fellow christians who were
born and reared in communities where slav-
cry existed for generations before their own
age, and is Incorporated, as a supposable in
separable element, in all their domestic ira
dltions, their historical recollections, their
SNii iiiStilullOHc' speak HOl VI
cases, but of slavery as system deliberate
ly adopted, continued without overruling
necessity or voluntarily extended. l agree
that both the opinions and the feelings Of
southern men on this delicate question are
entitled to great consideration. | respect
their opinions, because their better opportu-
ties for observation give them more init
mate knowledge of the social, moral, and
economical bearings of the SYSTEM than a
stranger can possibly acquire, and / can
conceive that they may be in some degree
reconcied to the undeniable evils of slave
I ry by the perception of compensatons, in
appreclabe by Northern men, by which Il
, wise and beneficent Providence, las in 9TH
err cases of great and widely diffused wrong, }
! mitigates those to northern apprehension so
uamixed evils. know moreover, that some
|, Southern men, who deplore and acknowl-
edge the wrong and the mischief in its full
extent, see, or think they see in every
scheme of abolition yet proposed, dangers
to the best interests of both races so certain
and so appalling, that they believe it better
and wiser with a mastery inactivity"to
look to the interpositon of Providence
alone for relief, than to appeal to any hui
man counsel, however specious. have
too, great respect for the preludices Of
| birth and education, and for the feelings
founded on them, knowing, as long obser
vatons of the world has taught me, that nc
man can wholly renounce those prejudiccs
however erroneous, or quite abjure his her
edltary opinions upon religion, or govern
ment, or social order, without at the same
time sacrificing large portion of the bette
|, part of his own nature. Nor can forge
| that this general subject, which with us o
+ the north is a question of political power, o
OF abstract right, affecting in no degree oul
|, security, and but remotely our social ant
pecuniary interests, is to the people of tn,
south question of most vital interest, in
| volving in its various relations the perma
i nence of long cherished institutions, tn,
economical arrangements on which they de
pend for sustenance, and even the safety O
their fresides. 1t is not strange that thos
who have so great stake at hazard shoul'
be peculiarly sensitive upon this topic, ant
am disposed to regard with charity de
gree of passionate excitement in southern
gentlemen, when this subject is discussed
which | should deem sensurable in northern
speakers.
For the humane southern stakeholder
therefore, so long as he confines his system
and its influences to his patrimonial limits
| have no reproaches, though can neithe
assent to his opinions, nor sympathise il
his feelings and it is only when he defend
the abuses of slavery, or invokes the aid c
our national government to extend over
wide space the evils under which he, per
Lob I
to regard him as an antagonist. have conse
quently neither motive nor desire to discus
the moral or economical character of slave
ry, but must be excused for pausing me
, ment TO notice one in defence Of slavery a
christian institution, which has been muc
oitener urged than answered.
Forgetting that christianity discourage
all appeals to force, and is, emphaticaly
, the religion OF moral suasion and non-resi'
lance, the advocates of slavery triumphant
ly cite, as an explicit recognition and sane
ton of servie relation analogous to moe
ern slavery, those passages of the New Tt:
lament, which enjoin upon the servant ODE
dience to the commands the master. Br
i this argument is founded in misappreher
sion oft the fundamental principlesof christia
, cthlCS-upOH Tue dSSuul Jtlon, That III tllS,
! in other schemes of morality, the impositio
of duty or obligation upon one party col
i fers a correlative right upon the othe
!, coupled with authority to enforce that RICH
:, Nothing can be farther from the letter an
the spirit of christianity than such propt
sltion as this The great rule "as ye woul
n that men would do to you, do ye also
. them likewise" is generalization of the Ell
tire code of christian morality, and proper
l. conditioned and understood, is of unlvers
!, application, but it by no means authorize
the indiscriminate use of compulsory NEAR
= to enforce obedience to its injunctions, All
; numerous particular cases are put where
:, duty is required to be performed to part
1t who has not the shadow ola right to de0'aa
still less, to compel the discharge OF the obi
:, :. CATION. Therefore, if thy enemy hunge
feed him." Does this passage authorize n
!, enemy to demand Of me bread, and when
~ refuse him, to wrest it from me by force
a, Him that taketh away thy coat, forbid n
r. to take thy cloak ALSO" Does this inIun
o ton warrant my neighbor in stripping m
~ that he may clothe hmselfl Whosoev
shall smte thee on thy right cheek, turn
OIL him the other also - Did any sane man ev