Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1848-06-29

IN slaVehoder the defeat OF all the projects
for the extension of Slavery apprehend that
men, who ave accustomed to trace the finger of
God in the history OF nations, would not be slow
to recognize here a remarkable exhibition of re
trbutive justice another instance in which He
has made the wrath Of man to praise him. We
say not that it will be so it may be so let us,
therefore, be careful and content TO do the best
we can. To come to the point, then if we find
that to support Gen. TAYLOR is on the whole de-
cidedly The b,st we can do, it is unquestionubly
our duty to support him and we must take him
as he is, with all his faults and support him
cheerfhl!y, heartily and energetically. On the
other hand, we submit, that i. we can better serve
our country in this lime of trial by any other
course-thnt is the path of duty, and we ought
unhesitaungy to take it.
POSITION OF GEN. CASS.
How stands the matter? We have on the one
hand Gen. CAss, the nominee of the locofocos
lie adopts fully, and will undoubtedly carry out
to the fullest extent, the doctrines Of the mass
of that party. On the Tariff, Internal Improve.
ments the Sub Treasury, the Public Lands, Sla-
very, the War power and foreign policy, inclu
ding the extension Of territory by conquest, he
| fully endorses and sustaus the course OF the
administration of Polk, of which he has been an
INSCRIPTIONS supporter; he also, with the Bali
more Convention, makes The Veto power a car
dinal point in the platform Of modern democracy,
and thus virtually pledges its use IN the defeat
of every decision py the representatives. of the
people in Congress- which is not in accordance
with his own will, or with the declared will of
| the irresponsible party convention lately Assem-.
bed ut Baltimore! We, however, regard the
extension OF territory by conquest, and the ques-
ton of the establishment or permission OF Slavery
in The territory thus acquired, to be by all odds
the leading questions in the coming contest.
How, then, stands Gen CAss upon this point ?
This is what most concerns the people to know,
ere they take any course which is to bear upon
his election or defeat. We take him at his own
word
In his letter of Dec. 90, l847, written to A. O.
P. Nicholson, of Nashville, Tennessee, General
CAss says:
"You ask whether am in favor of the acqui
si,ion of Mexican territory, and what are my
sentiments in regard TO the Wilmot proviso ?"
IL think, then, that no peace
should be granted to Mexico. until a reasonable
indemnity is obtained for the injuries that she
has done u.s. The fei1torim erient Of The indrm
nty is, in the first instance a SUBJ CT Of erecntue
consideration. There the Constitution has placed
it. and there | am willing to leave it."
Gen. Cuss therefore sanctioned the doctrine of
acquiring territory in the late Mexican War, and
his rule is the EXECUTIVE WILL in the first in
stance very comfortable doctrine should he
happen to be the Executive Adopting both the
doctrine tn It the Executive may make War as
did Polk, and that the Executive is first 10 decide
ho,O much territory to take, there would he no
limit to his ambition or power in the case. The
doctrines of this letter he has also avowed in va
rious speeches in the Senate, and in one proved
that he is not at all scrupulous OH the subject, by
the remarkable declaration that " We might sl0at-
loo The roho'e Of .Nerico ,oihom being hurt BY H."
Without now referring to his speeches, we will
barely remind the reader that at the late Balti
more Convention, Senator HANNEeAN. Chairman
of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, predicted
that "this Republic Of thirty States was soon to
be enlarged by New Mexico, Oregon, California
and some other States; not perhaps Yucatan
but "perhaps far richer State, Cuba, and he
begged permission to add jamaica, too" Sig
niicant prediction OF the policy OF the Cass par
ty-. let it not be forgotten.
As to the Wimot provso. Gen. Cass in his
Nicholson letter says
a., A. 7 Ia H..
nny jurisdiction by Congress orer The matter ant
t am in favor of tenring 10 the people of any fe'
riiory wh'h pny be hereafter acquired The right T.
reg uinte il for themselves under the general prn
cples of the Constitution. Because
81. do not see in The Constitution any gran
= Of the requisite pooer 10 Congress" &c.
t This is but very small part of the letter, bu
it is the main part. He is opposed TO any actor
D by Congress, because Congress has no constitution
5 al poWer: The very case for Veto, the very ex
cuse for all vetoes; and as avowed admirer o
the Veto power, Gen. Cass may safely be relied
, upon to put an extnguisher on the Wilmot pro
E vso in any shape that il may be presented It
e him. He is for leaving the question to The terrific
y nal government: that was left to Texas, and C
: .ernal slavery was the result--its constitution
r forever forbds abolition
!, POSITION OF GEN. TAYLOR.
u We now turn to Gen TAYLOR We mus
: accept him as he is. The Wing Nationa
d Convention has made no platform for him to oc
+ cupy it has made no declaration of principles
h That the members of that Convention hare prin
r. ciples, no body doubts that the Wing party hn
J. principles, dearly cherished and long CONTENDER
: for, nobody doubts; they have been "know
!. and read Of all men" But so far as the mex
d President of the United States is concerned
G that convention deemed it their duty to tax
d Gen. Taylor just as he is. What is he? Thi
If must be determined from his own declarations
it and the declarations of his intimate persona
Is friends land all these, if we take him to be
Or honest man, must be construed consistently wit
T? his numerous, and sometimes apparently contra
e dlotory letters. Well then, by this rule, W
r must describe him as "a Wing, but not an utr
y Whig;' his views of public policy are essential
3 ~ Whig-for instance, on the Protective policy
e Internal improvements, the Veto, Executive Pow
81 er and Patronage, the Extension of territory b
@ Conquest, Foreign relations oenar.II,, o,J M.