The Middlebury galaxy. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1848-1850, 1848-02-08

| to consider the eXpendhency Oh imposing an an
nual direct tax of FIVE millions of dollars du-
ring the continuance of the war, or until the
payment of the national debt, on stocks, per-
sonal property, and money at interest. The
SAID tax to be apportioned among the several
States in proportion to population, as required
by the Constitution.
| The amendment was adopted by a vote OF
SO to 30.
Mr.. Vinton's resolution as amended by MIR.
Wilmot was then adopted.
! Mr.. Collamer of VT. addressed the House,
giving history of the war, its origin and pro-
gress. Adj.
We find room for the following sketch of
Mr.. Collamer's excellent speech on this occa-
sion:
Mr.. Collamer said he had been DESTROYS that
this subject should take its own course, be re-
ferred to committee, whether special COM
mittee he cared not,) and then to Committee
of the Whole House, and then regular discus
sion be had. But gentlemen on the other side
seemed unwilling for this; they had common
ced the remarks and seemed all ready prepar-
ed for discussion, with their authorities be-
fore them and dog-eared down and ready for
reference, while those on MIR. C's side of the
House had never left their seat since they
heard the message for the first time.
Mr.. Thompson of Miss. here interposed, and
wished to be allowed to move for the printing
of the message: but MIR. c. declined to yield
the floor.
He proceeded to remark that what was said
in his own side of the House was merely in
answer to an 'exparte' argument that seemed
to have been already prepared, cut and dried,
on the other side.
i !.
heard by the Reporter, but understood TO be 4
disclaimer Of preparation.
Mr.. Collamer said that though they on his
side had not enjoyed the opportunity from a
previous knowledge of the contents of this Ex-
ecutive document to digest at leisure an argu-
ment in reply, yet what had been said in de-
fence of the message ought not to be permitted
to 90 off us if there was no answer to be made
to it. MIR. G. should speak to the case as he
understood it, and as the President himself put
it. The only president quoted and relied on
by him was the case of Jays treaty and the
action which was had in regard to it. Let us
see what was the decision of the House of Rep
resentatives on President Washineton's Mes
sage refusing tine corr espondence asked for by
resolution. The ground insisted on by Wash
ington was, that as the treaty negotiated by
MIR. Jay with Great Britain had been ratified
by the Senate, it became, according to the
provision of the constitution on that subject,
the paramount law of the land, and as such
bound all, and bound the House of Represen-
tatives with others. 1t bound the House to
vote the requisite supplies to carly the treaty
into effect until it was repealed As treaty,
therefore, was a law to all, and could not be
repealed, it Was a law to Congress, and they
were bound to make the necessary appropria-
tons to fulfil it. As to the papers called for,
the President said he had submitted them all
to the Senate, who were the proper authority
to judge Of the propricty of the treaty. Mr..
c. said that he did not find on record that this
ground taken by President Washington had
been overrulcd by the House. 1t was true
that the House had afterward voted the sup
plies, but had not anywhere denied the posi-
tons taken in the message.
Now, if the existing President put his present
refusal to furnish the correspondence with Mr.. Sill
del on this precedent of the refusal of Washing
ton in the case of Jays treaty, what were the nee
cesSarv corTeatves 10 constitute the one iuStit
cation of the other7 When Congress declared
war, but without any manifesto, they deivercdthe |
war over to the Executive to carry it on at his |
discretion he being the sole Judge of the mode of
doing this. He might carry it on and bring it TO
an end in any way that that might seem to him
best. Congress had loss all control of the matter
they had given IT all over 10 the President and |
therefore had no right auiboratvely to demand
any further information from him in regard to it.
Now the ground taken by the President was, that
this case of the war with Mexico war parallel
case 10 that of Washington in relation to Jaws
treaty But no power of logic could show it TO lie
parallel. The comparison not only did not run
upon all fOurs, II had not as many two legs 10
run on. 1t was said that Congress had made the
war and committed it 10 the President TO carry it
on at his discretion, and therefore Congress had
no right 10 demand these papers from him. Was
this so Were the cases alike Were gentle
men prepared TO say that Congress, by declaring
this war without any manifesto Of the reasons, so
committed it Internationally 10 the Presidents
management and control that they had lost there
by all control Of the subject2 Ifso then this was
parallel case, and Congress was bound to give
the President whatever he asked and to demand
no explanations or information be chose to with.
hold.
Mr.. c. said that he was aware that there were
some gentlemen not inclined TO this view of the
mattcr.-Many seemed to think that, as the ma
ton was Mt war, Congress must appropriate for
the expenses of the war, and the President must
conduct ii in his own way. So he must il it was
left TO his discretion. That was the only thing
left him to do he had no choice he m,sr, in that
case, be governed by his own discretion; and the
whole duty of Congress consisted in supplying
him with the requisite means.
But Mr.. c. denied that because Congress had
not at the time declared war to exist with Next
co, declared the purpose or ends for which il
should be waged on our part, therefore it could
not make such declaration now. Suppose that
the President should now say that in his discre-
lion the war should be carried into Great Britain
was it possible that Congress had no voice or con-
troll in the matter, but must vote him the money
TO do so? Had the judgement of the President
obligatory force on that House? Had they lost
all control Gift Mr.. c. utterly denied it, He
insisted that the same power which made the war
IN ght, at any time, declare the ends and objects
tor which it should be waged and for which alone;
and might graduate his supplies Of money and of 1
men 70 meet that end and provide for it, and for
it only.
MIR. G. did not see the President was so q
much TO blame for using his own discretion +
when Congress had given him no other guide. +
a Il Cannrtss bad 10 do was 10 naniresi lhn.= =.