Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1848-04-28
SALEM, OHIO, FRIDAY, APRIL IS, 1913.

states snail UNTFUfli anu utJtUu lHt tAlSAihS
forms of government called republican from
change to a monarchical system by rebellion
and foreign violence! Let this mean what
it may, it is clear that the States neither gave
up nor intended to give up any powers to the
Union which they could well, conveniently
and tremendously exercise within themselves.
The Union was designed only to effect for
the whole, what the several State sovereign
ties could not at all, or so well do by their
separate legislation; this we take to he the
spirit of the federation, and it clearly illus
trates the meaning of the clause in question
that is, it leaves the internal affairs OF the
States 10 their own management, SO far, at
least, as to exempt their family, social, and
industrial systems from all interference by
the general government.
But what does a Republic mean
The Federalist, No. 80, defines a republic
TO be "a government which derives all its
powers directly or indirectly from the great
body of the people; and is administered by
persons holding their Offices during pleasure.
fora limited period, or during good behavior"
For the purpose of this argument nothing can
be more vague and indefinite than the term
here used, whether we turn to dictionaries
for definitions, or read history for ~illuslra-
tons. Republics seem to US distinguished
from other forms of government rather by the
tenure Of their Offices, than by anything fixed
and determined as 10 the crient of the popu-
lar power Of appointment; provided only,
the electors are the people, the citizens or the
free inhabitants, and official succession de-
ponds directly or indirectly upon the will or
voice of the class or body called free, for
ought we can see, the government may call
itself d republic. Virginia is as well entitled
10 the name as Greece and Rome when they
claimed the honor. Like the word gentle
man, or christian; republic is too remarkable
for its elasticity of meaning, TO avail anything
for such an argument as this to the party that
must rely upon its verbal definition. We say
nothing here Of the supposed pro-slavery cha
racter of the Federal constitution, or of its
obligations upon, or Tepugnance to, con-
science; this point is not in discussion be-
tween us and Mr.. Smith and his party we
only aim to show that MIR. Hale is in the true
political attitude 10 the system of slavery, and
that he cannot cohstithiionally exert his po-
litical power for emancipation otherwise than
r he does.
If we could see power in the general gov
eminent TO abolish slavery in Virginia and
South Carolina, we would demand its imme-
, diate exercise, and we would no more give
our vote 10 Mr.. Hale for the Presidency, thar
TO any other man who stood pledged to dis.
. appoint our wishes. But believing as we do
5 we could not cast a vote for Gerlit Smith; i
> he threatened to misrepresent our opinions
and violate the obligations of the Office, how
> ever much we desire the result which h,
j aims at, we will not authorize any man t.
5 commit a breach of trus, either for good o.
: for evil.
: We agree with Hale that emancipation by
our political power ought to be endeavored
! by Federal action where it exists under Fed
eral Jurisdiction, and by Stale action where
. it exists under Stale jurisdiction; and with
! Hale, Smith and Garrison, by individual ac
ton every where and in every way that a mar
. may labor for the overthrow Of wrong.
I And we conclude Mr.. Smith is greatly il
, error in the assertion that these views 20 NJ
! further than the Wilmot proviso-the merC
. limitations of slavery within its present do
minion-and that they go the whole lengu
! which we can or he should or need go.