Democratic banner., 1848-12-25


nual communication of the state of the In
ion, to review the principles and considers
ti'ns which hare governed my SETON. 4
deem this tie more necessary, because 81
ter the lapse Of sixty years inee' toe adop-
i.ien Of the constitution, the propriety oftlie
exercise Of this undsgbted constitutional
power OF the President, has, for the first
time, been drawn seriously in question by a
portion OF my fcllow-citizens.
The constitution provides 'sthat every
bill which should have passed the House of
Representatives and the Senate, shall, be-
fore it becomes a law, be presented to the
Fresidcn, of the United States, if lie ap-
prove II then he shall sign it, but il not lie
shall return it with his objections, to the
iHous. ia which it "riginsted, who shall ell
ter III. objection at large in their journal,
aud proceed to reconsider it,"
The preservation Of the constitution from
infraction. is the Presidents highest du,y.
He is bound 10 discharge at whatever lraz-
ard Of mourning the displeasure Of those
who may differ with him in opinion, lie is
bound to discharge it as well by obligation
TO the p.ople, WHO hav. clothed tim with
exalted trust, as by his oath Of office, which
he may mot disregard. Nor are the obi.
cations Of the President in any degree les.
Isened BY the prevalence Of views different
from his own in one or both Houses Of Con.
|gress.
1t is not alone "hasty and inconsiderste
Legislation" that lie is required to check,
but if at any time Congress shall, after sp-
'parently full deliberstion, pass a measure
which he deems subversive Of the consti-
tuition or of the vital interests of the couu.
is his solemn duty to stand in the
breach, and resist them.
The President defends at considerable
length, and with much ability, the e1ecu-
tive veto power. He says:
The true theory Of our system is not to
govern by the tactics of DEGREES of any one
misrepresentation. The constitution i'm
pose, checks under all branches of the
government, in order to give time for error
to be corrected and delusion to pass away.
But after the people settle down into a firm
conviction, different from that of their rep
Isssntatives, they give weight to their opin.
ions by changing the public servants. I'M
their adoption Of the constitution, are the
best evidences Of their capacity for self
government; they know that the men whom
they elect TO the Office are Of like irfrni.
ties aud passions with themselves, and not
to be trusted without bsiog restricted BY
coordinate authorities. Who that has wit
messed the legislation Of Congress for the
last Thirty years, will say that he knows of
instance in which measures demanded
by the public good have not been garfield
Who will deny, that in the State Govern
ments, BY combination Of individuals andl
sections, in derogation Of geneia al int, rests,
banks have been chartered, and systems of
internal improvements have been suggest
ed, retsrding their growth; and imparine
their energies for years to come! After SO
much experience, it cannot be said that ab-
sOlute unchecked power is safe in tile hands
of any ~ set of representatives, or that
the capacity of the prople for self-govern.
ment which is admitted in the broadcast
sense, is a conclusive argument to prove
the prudence, wisdom or integrity Of their
representatives. |.
In noticing the cry against the exercised
uf this power, he cites the fact that if he
recommends a measure, through his mes
sage, to Congress, and they 90 not approved
Of it, they set it aside, and thus virtuallyl |,
veto it. He claims to be in his particular
branch as much the representative of the
as Congress, and therefore, when an
unconstitutional bill, or act of hasty leeis- f.,
Iation is placed before him for his sanction. Il
as the executive representative of the peo-lc
pie, sworn to exercise the duties of his of. i
ice according to the provisions of the con. f,