Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1848-08-19

We have thus shown-we think incontrovert
bly-by analysis, what was the legitimate end 70
which this dangerous, this otherwise incongruou
power was given: that the Executive, as consti
nted, was falsely las the issue has shown consid
cred too weak in comparison with Congress; ant
that the Veto was meant to be not only chiefly,
but solely defensive. But, granting even that on
OF the " secondary" reasons for permitting it,
substantive power (which we have shown to be sc
Unnecessary was to be built, still il is clear tina
such power must, according to all the great con
temporaneous authorities for il, be restricted abso
lutey in its use to cases which are perfectly clear
So says the Federalis y so said all the advocates
of the Veto. If it is TO be employed otherwise
than for the negative protection of the Executive
branch against legislative encroachment; if it is to
supervise the errors of legislation in other drec-
tons; the precipitae,' the g corrupt" the I'M
constitutional, or the merely" inexpedient enact
ments of Congress must at least be papabe, be in
disputable. But here again the grant of such a
kingly power upon such terms is inadmissible; for
how should that be "palpable which three hun
dred legislators, in two separate bodies, have not
been able to detect, but which the Executive alone
las if with an a-seeing eye) has Instantly discov-
cred! That which all Congress has, in earnest
debate and hostile scrutiny, been unable to perceive,
must surely be any thing but papable. So Of
unconstitutionality or of "inexpediency y you
have three hundred men of common sense, selected
for the very purpose of canvassing these things ;
and each of them, aided by all the others. must be
quite as competent to understand, with all the lights
Of discussion, what is palpable-what any ordinary
person can know if he will look-as can be Presi-
dent who has not had the advantage of having the
thing discussed before him. Moreover, if it is SO
very transparent surely theudges and lawyers in the
courts, or the voters and candidates on ten thousand
hastings, can find it out and will apply their ordi-
nary remedies, without any resort to monarchical
correctves; and the more especially as every body
OF any experience or reflection holds in vehement
suspicion the Executive, as the uery last power in
all Governments that wiH be likely TO match oUer
the Constifution-fie being precisely the power
that is most interested in transcending constitutions
and breaking them down. Nothing has, therefore,
ever struck US as of such gloomy augury for the
preservation of this Government as the fact that the
many times a'year, without the slightest sign of
public Impotence or scorn, to set himself up, in
solemn lectures, called messages,) as the high au-
thoriative expounder and guardian of our chartered
rights When and where was ever an Executive
before considered safe interpreter of Constitutions?
The people that will consent to look to its Chief
Magistrate the curator Of lis freedom is soon to
see the end Of it, No:
Each brute has is instinct a King is to reign.
To reign in that word, see, we ages comprised
The cause OF the curses all annals contain,
From Cesar the dreaded to Guelph the despised
Not less preposterous is the one-man power a
remedy against legislative precipancy." There
are few laws to which Veto could be applied
Misunderstanding that all important ones sub
mitted 10 at least one Committee; are thrice read
when brought before the House are subjected to de-
bate, often for weeks; and have to pass through
this process in a Legislature Of two branches-mus
not in the worst instance Of haste, have had three
hundred times the consideration which the Executive
can usually bestow upon the laws which he signs
often, no doubt, without attempting to understand
them. On the last night OF a session, he frequently
reads for the first time and subscribes twenty
thirty, forty fifty bills Nor is il any escape from
this fact to tell US, in reply, that none of these bill:
usually involves constitutional question, or, il
found to do So is retained for examination until the
next session. In the first place, there is not time
in that headlong hurry, to see whether or no
a constitutional question does Turk in some O
them but, secondly, if the Veto power embrace:
a right, II embraces duty, of looking just much
into Expediency Constitutionality and in eUer5
bill there must be a question Of expediency-nay
justice so that the President is just much bound
to look into all the grounds Of each Private Bill, o
every account, as the Committees Of Claims them
selves. Small or great, it is all the same they al
turn for their law their contract their fitness, upor
their special details into those details Congress.
has always looked, while the Executive cannot
1t is he then, not Congress, that is likely, by tire,
hundred to one, to be precipitate. Now, how j.
that conclusion to be gotten over
Lastly, as TO the allegation that the veto must b.
held over corruptons : in Legislation. And here
again, what is the principle which, the veto the
DRY itself, alone justify the application against
the solemn and separate rights Of the law-makinl
department, Of an imperial prerogative like this,
Ii is certainty Of the fact that there has been cor
ruption and that this corruption has procured bac
as well as fraudulent law The corruption then