The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1848-09-28

carries on Just war;" says the author, has right 10
make the enemys country contribute TO the support OF
his army, and towards denying all the charges OF the
war" Now, can the taxes and imposts collected from
Mexico, by order OF the President, be viewed IN any
other light than contrbuonsl The principle is the
same. no matter by what you characterize The act
But while our beigerent rights are not denied. Il is
commended that they cannot be exercised by the President
without authority from Congress 1t is not necessary to
deny this proposition If We're disposed to do So 10 all
ntents and purposes. Congress has given the power TO
the President On the 18th OF May 1916 Congress re-
cognsed the existence of war between the United States
and the republic OF Mexico The first section OF that act
declares, That Tor the purpose OF enabling the govern
mehi OF me United oales 10 prosecute s,id war 10
speedy and successful termination the President be, and
he Is hereby, authorized to employ the militia, naval and
military forces OF the United Saies, &c. By this act the
war became NATIONAL and the President commander.
Chief became the representative OF the government, for
all war purposes. Any other construction would lead 10
constant and recurring difficulty. Here is the
manderinchief three thousand miles from the scene OF
action. The is prosecuted in the enemy's country
Active and speedy 10 be adopted to weaken
the enemy, and cut off his supplies. All these are pow
ers. have Just shown, incident to state OF war,
a5reeaby to the law of nations Is possible, under
these circumstances, that the Chief Magistrate must
suit Congress- and obtain authority for every movement
of the army, and every operation which the of the
military service may demand Must he submit his
plans, thus expose them 10 the enemy and the haZ
ard OF having them defeated at last after proaced dis
cussion in Congress' What is 10 become of the army
during all this nns Sir Congress is too large body to
constitute safe council of war. 1t takes them long
to decide questions and their decisions much
der the control of partisan feeling They therefore acted
wisely IN coniidng the conduct OF the war 10 the Eyecu
tive. do not deny that Congress may al any time In
struc the President as to the management OF the war
may enlarge or restrict his powers But in the absence
of such instructions by Congress- and when, by the law
recognising the existence of the war, it is expressly
declared that in order to prosecute it to speedy and
successful erMindtton he is authorized to employ the
militia naval, and military forces of the United States.
is not evident, that Congress intended to vest him
with a sound discretion, 10 be exercised according
to the established rules apperainng 10 state of war;
| have no doubt OF it. | have no doubt that, under
this act, the President is clothed with power, and
intended to be clothed with the power, 10 do
everything necessary 10 prosecute the speedy
and successful termination which Congress itself could
do. The evidence that | am right in this construc-
ton is conclusive The war has nov existed nearly
years. The President, at proper intervals, during
that time, has informed Congress OF the mode and
cess OF It's prosecution; twice have they voted men and
money, and placed them at the disposal OF the President
in order still To carry il on, anu have given expression
of opinion that he had abused his powers, exercised
any not intended 10 be conferred by the act recognising
gess intended TO conide TO him the whole management
of the war; If, however, they think he has abused that
confidence, or unwilling longer 10 extend H. it is per-
fectly competent Tor them 10 withdraw or limit It, But
until this is done all the power OF this government which
incident to state OF under the law of nations,
vested in him, by virtue of the law OF Congress which
recognised lis existence and placed at his disposal with
out instruction, the means Tor its prosecution The Ex-
ecuve therefore, is not guilty of those gross violations
of the constitution and law, which are alleged against
hun BY the honorable senator IRON South Carolina
The honorable senator from Connecticut Mr.. BALD.
VIM in his remarks yesterday, opposed the passage of
this BILL and indeed, the further prosecution OF the war,
because il looked to the acquisition of terrory and he
unfavorable to the acquisition OF territory because it
will bring addition Of slave States into the Union.
Sir, when was the political school to which that gentle
man belongs friendly to the extension OF the limits
of republics Did they oppose the acquisition of
Louisiana, and Florida, and Texas But despite their
opposon all these States have been added to con-
iederacy And who will say our country Is less pros
porous, our institutions less stable in consequence OF
such accessons' Southern wing senators are opposed
to the extension OF territory for the fear that it Will
result in the addition OF fire. States to the Union. With
great respect sir venture the opinion that this IS not
the true position for southern statesmen to occupy.
1t is an admission OF our weakness in the councils
OF the government before Our strength Is tested. II
is re!reatng before attacked But these views,
heterogeneous as they are, bring together these two
classes OF statesmen and associate them in united oppo-
stlon 10 vigorous prosecution of the 1t presents
singular phenomenon in politicsan alliance between
New England anti-sayery and southern whgeryI,;a
mechanical MIXTURE without, trust, the least possible
chemical affinity. But think it wrong, because it I'M
plies distrus each, OF the fidelity OF the other TO the
constitution In the deliberations of this BODY the ques
ton of slavery should never be touched By the constl
tuon Congress has no jurisdiction whatever over the
subject. Ii all parties would stand upon that platform,
no note of dscord, in relation to this delicate question,
would disturb the harmony of our deliberations
belongs to the people of the territory which may be
quired. BY the right of government-which is dear
10 every Amercanthey should be permitted to determine
Tor themselves in their political organization, whether
not they will tolerate involuntary servltude Are not our
northern brethren content to rest this subject here Are
they unwilling TO trust the people with the privilege of
Judging for themselves, and forming their own laws and
municipal reguatons Them all they have do is, to
stand by the consutonabstan from what prohibits,
and do nothing but what II permits On this ground all
parties at the South, far informed, willing
TO meet hem--they will meet them upon no other Here,
and here alone, is safety for the republics and here, If
they will stand, the increase OF our territory presents no
just OF ALARM far slaverys concerned Those
whose business it will become, will settle it for them
selves; and however they may settle it, it should be
source OF grievance TO none. These arguments
used against the purchase of Louisiana, and have
been revived at all hines when territory about TO be
acquired Ii they sound now, they sound then
and if faught with the mischief predicted, impossible
wall should long since have been erected around the
fines OF the republic.
But, sir, have fear that the acquisition of territory
will weaken our Institutions Such idea is forbidden
by the history OF the past What Mr. Monroe said in his
message OF 1929 still believe 10 be true THAT this ex
Union. have had the happest effect all It's great
teests That has emnently augmented resources
and added to our strength aud responsibility power,
is admitted by all" There is nothing in the form
ture OF our government unfavoTabe its extension
wide territory. Indeed, believe it the best adapted of
tween the powers and relations OF the federal and State
governments, the limitation of the former TO the objects
OF foreign relations and commerce, and the unabated
eegnty OF the latter except for these purposes secure
the strength OF monarchy on the hand for protec
ton and Defence and the freedom OF distinct republics,
on the other for municipal and domestic regulations.
Indeed, | am disposed seriously TO doubt whether our
republic would have stood thus long, If its limits had
been confined to the original thirteen States. Suppose
the present population OF the United States were crowded
within their borders, how dense OF human beings
Who does moi know how restless, infanmable, and un-
comfortable are men, unless highly intelligent and virlu-
Gus, when thrown together great numbers Their
leress and pursuits conflict aud collisions generated