Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1845-1854, 1848-01-26
RAVENNA, OHIO, WEDNEsDAY, JAN. a, I48.s
A Letter from Gen. Cass in relation ia
the war and the WIlIIiot Preyis0.

u
The following highly Interesting letter
we have had for several 4days,s but owing
to crowd of other mateerwe were unable
to give it TO our readers ~ an earlier day.
lit will be seen by perusal that the letter
discusses the two most Inementolis oues.
fions nov before the American people with
manly candor and cleaxness which do
him high honor as a Pdxriotice statesman,
and with force Of arguuaent md nlustra-
ton worthy at once OF this great subject
and of his own, zdisting guSskled reputation
The letter was addse q. !.
NICHOLSON, of Nashyilfs Of any pest
Iof several gentleman of ssipg ton, who
addressed q note to him fequestingsa copy
to be published in the 'sUnion." This re-
quest was readily complied WITH and the
following is a true copy, which we take
from the ''Union'' of jan. lst. The old
General has no opinions that he wishes 10
''hide from the public eye'' But we will
no longer detain our readers from the let
ter itseil:- Is
WASHINGTON, Dec. "a, Is47. a
DEAR SIR: L have received your letter,
and shall answer it, as frankly as i. is writ
ten.
You ask me whether lam in favor ofthe
acquisition Of Mexican territory, and what
aremy sentiments with regard to the Will
mot Proviso? y r, z..- gs.s -
have so often and So explicitly stated
my views Of the first question, in the Sen.
ate, that it seems almost unnecessary to
repeat them here. Asyou request it, how
over, shall briefly giyeIhem. s-z.t
! think, then, that no peace should be
granted to Mexico, tlll d reasonable inden1-
nifty is obtained for the injuries, which she
has done u.s., The TERRITORIAL extent of this
indemnity Is, in the firse instance, n subject
of executive consideration. There the con.
stitulion has placed it, and there am will
ling to leaveit; not only.because | have fall
confidence in it's. judicious exeecise, but be-,
cause, in the ever-varying circumstances of
war, it would be indiscfeet,by public dec
laration, to commit the country to any. line
of indemnity, which might otherwise be en-
larged, as obstinatesfnjust of the enc
my prolongs the contest, with its loss OF
blood and treasure. Ii saFersz. 81.
| 1t appears to me that the kind Of meta
physical magnanin,itys which would reject
all indemnity at theseIose of a. bloody and
expensive war, brought on bv.n direct at
tack upon our troeps by the enemy, and
preceded by successIon of unjust acts for
Ia series of .xeass, ixnsy offhy Of lineage
in which we live, as tits revolving to the
common sense and practice Of mankind. -
1t would conduce but little 10 our future Sc
Guilty, or, indeed, 10 our present reputation,
to declare that we repudiate all expectation
of compensation from the Mexican govern
ment. and are fighting, not for any practic-
al result, but for some vague, perhaps phi
lanthropic object, which escapes my pene-
>tration, and must be defined by those, who
assume this new principle Of national inter.
communication. All wars are TO be depre-
Gated, as we'll by the statesman, as by the
philanthropist. They are generally evils;
but there are greater evils than these, and
submission to injustice is among them The
nation, which should refuse to defend It's
rights and its honor, when assailed, would
soon have neither to defend; and when driv-
en- to war, it is not by profession of disinter-
estedness and declarations of magnanimity
that its rational objects can be best obtain
ed, or other nations taught lesson OF Tor
bearance- the strongest security Tor per-
manent peace We are ut war with Mex
leo, and vigorous=prosecution is the sures'
means of its speedy termination,and indem
nifty the surest guaranty against the recur'
renee Of such injustice US provoked 1t.
} The Wilmot Proviso has been before the
country some time 1t has been repeated
ly discussed in Congress, and by the public
press. am strongly inn ressed Y tn tht
opinion, that a. great change has been gon,t
on in the public mind upon the sulject-ir
my own as we'll as others; and that doubts
are resolving themselves into convictions
that the principle it involves should be KEEP
; out of the national legislature, and left t
the people of the confederacy in their re
spective local governments. ....-
The whole subject is a comprehensive
one.and fruitful Of important consequences
1t would be ill-timed 10 discuss it hero.
shall not assume tnat responsible task, bu
shall contine myself to such general views
as are necessary to the sair exhibition c
), Of my opinions. .s. -s+
We may we'll regret the existence G
slavery in the southern States, and wis
they had been saved from its introduction
But there it is, and not by the act of tn
J. present generation; and we must deal wit
it as great practical question, involvin
the most momentous consequences. w
), have neither the right nor the power
touch it where it exists; and if we had bot
their exercise, by any means heretofo'
;. : suggested: might lead to results, which r
wise man would willingly encounter, al
which no good man could contemplate wit
"a out anxiety.
IT The theory of our government presupp
:, ses, that it's various members have reserve
r to themselves the regulation, of all subjec
y relating to what may be termed their inte
10 nal police. They are sovereign with
! their boundaries, except in those case
u where they have surrendered to the gene
al government portion of their rights,
c. order to give effect to the objects of t
le Union, whether these concern foreign n
Isl tons or the several States themselves
at Local institutions, if may so speak, ,whei
at er they have reference to slavery,or to al
= other relations, domestic or public, are.l'
at to local authority, either original or der
M alive. Congress has no right to say, tn
y