Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1848-09-15

Presidency, for the purpose OF showing that
he is not an abolitionist as charged by the DEM
ocrats. The letteris addressed to Gov. Gayle
of Alabama. Our time being somewhat re-
strcted this week, we will draw upon the Ia
bors of an able exchange for the proper shew-
ing up of this Gayle affair. The Charleston
Mercury OF Saturday morning, says eve copy
below letter from the wing candidate Tor Inc
Vice Pre- sidency, written to Gov, Gayle, OF AL
ALBANIA, with special reference to the charge OF
Abolitionism which has been generally made
against the writer, and generally believed al
the South. 1t was first published IN the mo-
bile Advertiser. In a note accompanying the
letter Gov. Gayle seems to regard It as coli
elusive answer to the charge. Indeed Win
unaccountabie assurance, he attiFms that up
on this subject [Aboliton] no man is sonnder
than MIR. Fillmore;' and TIE Editor OF The Ad-
vertiser, in publishing the letter. says: "ltwill
be found frank and explicit, and all that any
Southern man could expect from citizen OF
a Free State. Indeed, it is perfectly sound
all that the South could ask" After such
concentrations, we surely had a right TO ex-
pect that Mr. Fllmore's letter would contain.
some distinct reference, and give some rei'a-
bic pledge, on the practical issues which Aoo-
lition has made against the South. 1t appears
however, that, in the opinion OF these South
ern Wings. all that the "South can ask is
that candidate for the Vice Presidency shall
admit that Congress has no power to abolish
slavery within the States. Have the Adolf
tionists themselves ever maintained the con-
trary? Have not Mr.. Adams, Mr.. Giddlngs
and Mr.. Hale all admitted and often that Con.
gress possesses no such power' This is not
an issue which Abolition has made. Its pro-
jects are practical, and it aims its weapons at
vulnerable, not at invulnerable points. But,
before we say more, we present the reader
with Mr.. Fillmore's letter:
"ALBANr, IN. W July 81. Is4s.
DEAN SIR have your letter of the 18th inst.
but my official duties have been SO pressing that
have been compelled to neglect my private cor
respondents. had also determined to write no
letters for publication bearing upon the contest
in the approaching canvass. But you desire
some information for your own satisfaction in
regard to the charges brought against HE from
the South, on the slave question, have con-
Guided to state briefly my position.
while was Congress. there much ag-
itation on the right of petition. My votes win
doubtless be found recorded uniformly in favor OF
1t. The rule upon which l acted was, that every
citizen presenting respectful petition TO the body
that by the constitution had the power to grant or
refuse the prayer of it, was entitled to be heard
and therefore the petition ought TO he received
and considered. If right and reasonable. the
prayer of it should be granted but if wrong or
unreasonable, it should be denied. I think all
my votes whether Oh the reception of petitions or
the consideration of resolutions, will be found
consistent with this rule
"Ihave none of my Congressional documents here
they being at my former residence in Buffalo,
nor have access to any papers or memoranda to
refresh my recollection but think at some time
while in Congress | took occasion to state in sub
stance my views on the subject of slavery in the
States. Whether the remarks reported or
not am unable to say, but the substance was
that regarded slavery an evil. but one with
which the national government had nothing to do
That by the constitution of the United States the
whole power over that question was vested in the
several States were the institution tolerated.
If they regarded it as blessing they had con-
stitutional rghtto enjoy it, and if they regarded it
as an evil they had the power and knew best how
to apply the remedy. ! did not conceive that Con-
gress had any power over it, or was in any way
responsible for its continuance in the several
States where it existed. I have entertained no
other sentiments on this subject since examined
it sufficiently to form an opinion and doubt not
that all my acts, public and private, will be found
in accordance with this view
Il have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
"MILLARD FILLMORE.
"HoN. JOHN GAYLE"
1t will be observed that the writer aIludes
to but one of the practical issues which the
Abolitonist have made in Congress within the
last fifteen years, and that in that one-the re-
ception of Abolition petitons-he was against
the South He has estimated the part which
he took in that struggle much too modestly
He was, indeed, much bolder, stronger, and
more earnest champion in the cause of Adolf
ton than he is willing to CLAN in this letter TO
a Southern politician. He would have stated
the case with much greater Freedom, and far
more truth, if he had been writing TO North
ern man. This is not sheer, but simple veri-
ty, as we gave the readers OF the DiercurY
conclusive proof in our paper OF Tuesday last.
We there furnished them with an example of
the manner in which Mr. Fillmore discusses
abolition issues in answer 10 the Aboltionists
themselves. We must repeat a portion of this,
by way of giving finish TO this notice-pro-
badly the last we shall ever have occasion TO
take-of Mr. Fillmole's position towards the
South
In October. 1888, when he was a candidate
for Congress, the Anti-Slavery Society of
the County of Erie" propounded 10 him the fol-
lowing eminentIy practical questions:
{" 1st Do you believe that petitions to Con-
gress on the subject of slavery and the slave
trade ought to be received, read, and respect
fully considered by the representatives OF the
people?
"2d Arc ynn opposed TO the annexation Of
Texas to this Union, under any circumstan-
ces, so long as slaves are held therein?
Sd. Are you in favor of Congress exerci-
sing all the constitutional power it possesses,
to abolish the internal slave trade between the
States'
9th. Are you in favor of immediate legisla-
ton for the abolition of slavery in the District
of Columbia"
Here now is something definite, and when
man gives his opinions unequivocally on
each one of these, it appears TO us quite safe
to draw conclusions whether he is, or is not