Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1848-05-04

nything on the subject | must object entirely
to his course, and say that it is at least rs often
sve as that OF The Senator from New. Hamp.
shire.
Mr.. DAVIS of Mass.-I wish, before the vote
is taken to say word or two for the purpose of
placing myself right with regard to this matter.
| am not very apt to be carried away by any Of
the excitcments that sometimes have existence
in this Chamber, and | cannot say, at this mo-
ment, that participate at all in the excitement
which seems to exist in the minds Of many gen
tlemen here. What is the question that is pre-
scented for this body to decide ? A stranger
coming into this Chamber would suppose that
we had some measure under consideration which
concerned the deepest interest Of Slavery--th that
we were about to pass judgment upon some
question affecting that great inlerest-that we
were about to leglslate upon the subject in some
way that would affect it in a manner injurious to
the rights OF those who own property of this de-
scriptlon. Now, ! think that whoever has lis.
tened 10 the reading Of this bill, must be satisfied
| that there Is no such thing contained in it. II
understand II, 1t proposes nothing which has any
special reference under any construction that
can be given to it, to that particular description
of properly. We have laws which make mu-
nlcipal corporations liable for damage resulting
from violence done to property by popular tu-
mults, whore such corporation is reniss in its
law. II understand the proposition of the hon
orable Senator from Now Hampshire, he intends
nothing more than to give security to property.
lie proposes nothing beyond this. This 10 the
whole matter under consideration. But gentle.
men say this is an unproptious moment to intro
duce question of this sort and why unpropi-
tious? Because, if understand them rightly
and | learn the fact for the first time--a mob
has assaed the office of a newspaper in this
,,,Il :, l. Ntrn
how does this connect itself with the question
of slavery Why, it is said that trou this office
newspaper issues, which is called an abolition
paper. Suppose all this to be true, it is added
by the Senator from New Hampshire that this
paper is conducted in a temperate manner, that
it employs temperate language, addressing itself
to the reason and the understanding of the pub.
lie; and that no complaint has been made a.
gainst 1t by the public. We'll, how far this mob
ocratic action is to be attributed to another event
which has happened in this Diatric, is not for
me to say. Some gentlemen seem to suppose
that it has some connection with it, II it has
am unable to see it. The Senator from New
Hampshire then introduces a measure, and pro-
poses TO make the corporation liable for the
damages committed, in case they refuse to do
their duty and enforce the law. Well, such a
law exists in many Of the States. But it is SAID
that this is very peculiar state of things. Here
was an abolition press at work in this building.
Let me ask gentlemen whether they propose 10
stop the operations of the press; whether in other
words, they propose TO tuke away from it its free.
dom? 1t seems to me that we might learn q
lesson, if we would from what is going on, on
the ether side of the Atlantic The agitation OF
this question aone--the freedom of the press -
has overthrown many Of the thrones of Europe.
Do you propose by measures of violence, or
by any other mode, to put an end to the discus
sion of the subject, either by speeches or through
the medium Of the press? Whoever undertakes
a work of this description has got hercuean
task upon his hands "a task which he will fnd
himself wholly incompetent 10 accomplish. Well
why is it that the Senate flies in the face of this
measure, and objects TO its reception? And
put it to the calm consideration Of the Senator
from South Carolina and those who think with
hip whether the inference have not made will
not be made throughout the country; and wheth-
err it will not be considered everywhere an as
sault upon the liberty Of the press, and of speech
whether it will not be irresistible, and whether
ii will not make lasting impression upon the
public mind think the people will reason in
this way upon the subject, and that they will
hold out to u.s. as the duty of this body, to take
the subject into consideration. Send it to
Committee, let it be examined, and not pre-
judged, as the hon. Senator from South Carolina
does, because it's provisions do not cover
the whole, If it does not answer the views OF
gentlemen, it can be made to do so. Then why
fly in its face? Why take this very unusual
course of refusing to receive the measure at all :
Why, simply because, by construction and in.
ference, it is supposed to have some connection
with the question Of slavery Now, is this wise
lis it prudent? Does it best accomplish the
object which gentlemen have in view, which is
to protect this kind Of properly? | have ever
| % III oil of -.
all times considered themselves bound by the
terms of the Constitution on this subject, and
have stood ready to support the guarantees con-
tanned in that instrument. But at the same time
must confess that thought the honorable Sen
ator from Illinois, i'll the remarks which he made
here, uttered a great deal of wholesome truth
| thought he administered some wise, and prn
dent, and salutary admonition in those remarks
worthy Of the consideration of all parties here
and hope they will have their effect. hope d
little refeclon-a little consideration in,
duce gentlemen to change the course they have
adopted ON this subject, and to permit this meas
ure to take the usual course of legislation. Sup,
pose we do come TO discussion on the question
where, let me ask gentlemen, is the harm of dis
cusslon: Why, gentlemen, ask what right have
you to discuss our rights of property in slaves
BY what authority do you claim the privilege Of
inqulrlng into this matter? Sir we may have
no night 10 disturb this right OF properly; We
may hive 10 right to atiec. tie title to it in any
way; no such rights may be claimed. Never
theiess, no one Will deny to any citizen the RICH
to discuss the character Of property Of this kind
and the effect which laws have upon such prop
erty. Who denies this right, and where IS il de-
MED? 1t belongs to freedom of discussion, L
the freedom of speculation which exists IN every
free untrameled mind. Men may advance yer,
absurd notions they may reason very preposter
ousy, they may reach very absurd conclusions
but while the whole matter lies in discussion yer,
little in my judgment, is gained by Jernng tina
discussion ncendlary in its character. Why, dc
you expect to satisfy the public mind when man
kind discusses the question Of slavery, howeve
Important il may be TO any portion OF this coun
try, and express their opinions in regard 10 it
DO you expect 10 put them under foot by saying
it is ncendlay? II any gentlemen hatter him
self with hopes and expectations of this descrip
ton, he is doomed to be disappointed. This dis
cusslon will go on, and the way to meet error il
by confronting ii with truth Let the dircussioI
go on; let 1t be free everywhere. My own o
plnion is, that all conslderate minds here and ev
erywhere are entirely disposed to adhere to The
guarantees and compromises of the constitution
and instead of being weakened by discussion