The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-01-01
De.,e.rHe Grievances. and Remedies.

AHaFytdn0-SlRon, VI bdne--<.
DoneatHe Grievances and Remedies.
We gave, last week, an abe article, from the
New Orleans Delta, showing that Congress will
not add one slave State to the UniOn.'
We find in the same journal of the 10Th,
another strong article. under the caption we
have assumed. 1t is fresh and hearty, and can
not fail to give satisfaction.
Is it,nOt strange, while Southern men, willing
ly or unwillingly, acknowledge the law, and say
boldly, it must be maintained, that Northern men
Bringing TO party, or fawring before power,
should be seeking to upset II, and furtively, If
not openly, doing all in their power to extend
what parties or party men, az ow or do, on this
subject. 1t would not effect the principle one
iota, if Congress were to resolve, that
slavery should be extended over all Mexico. Ii
is not in the power Of our Government, as such,
to create slavery in free territory, and, if it
attempts it, ii cannot succeed without tramp
ling under foot the constitution and the law.
Compromise is out ofthe question here. Win
the South ask for it, The moment il does so,
it afhrms thai Congress has p'Iser 0Uer sIauery.
This it dare not do. Will the Free States offer
t2 ItwOuld be damning surrender Of every
principle which they hold sacred. We can con-
ceive Of wide and deep degradation; OUT we
cannot conceive of degradation so base as that
of a free people, OF the representatives Of free
people, voluntarily abandoning right, and vio-
latin0 lau 10 extand and Darnafnafa human
servitude. The question here, is not about VIII
mot PrOviso, or Missouri compromise, or CAL
hOun's platform. II is as TO the law--not what
il may be-or might be-bat tokGt IL Is. For
pass, or reject, any or all these measures, and
still the law of Nations, and the law Of Mexico,
well our own law, affirm in letter and
and spirit, that the introduction Of slavery. into
such territory, by Act Of Congress, il, an i'm
possibility.
An idea prevails that, unless some compro-
mise is made, disunion will follow. Shame upon
such eowardly fears! What is the Union worth,
what are the men who live under it worth, If
the fundamental law may be set aside, at the
dietation of a few threatensrs Of its peace!
What is our government worth, if, when stand
ing on the law, il must cover and give way,
and break up, provided it do not extend slavery
1t is baseness Of the deepest kind which feel.
and argues thus, or else a cowardice an contemp-
tibls as treason itself. But toho shall dissolve
the Union7 The South! II is a shameless and
black falsehoOd to charge such thought upon
Southern people. They are stern maintainers
of the law. They may not like it, They may
wish, and say, it ought to be otherwise. But
when once satisfied as to what Il is, they will
uphold it, be the cost what it may, and no fac
ton, no party, can persuade, or drive them into
a resistance to it. Besides, Southern men
know that all that is evil, in disunion, must
fall heaviest upon them. Listen to the able
writer "a slave-holder) of the New Orleans
Delta, as he discusses the fclly and absurdity
union:
Dreadful and violent as the means would be,
they would be no less vain and Intellectual Be-
fore there could be even the semblance of pros
pect Of success, Il would be necessary to obtain
the cordial and resolute cooperation Of all the
slave holding States, and there could be no hope
a value on slavery, IL indeed any do, to coun-
tenance the proposition for moment, must be
small indeed. A large majority would certainly
be found siding with the Federal Government,
and behind none i'm zeal, in REFRESHING the move
ment as treason, and rewarding its authors with
the proper doom Of traitors.
But grant that the infatuation should become
80 general as to embrace all the slave-holding
States, and to tempt them, by an appearance Of
strength, TO effort, still failure would be nevi-
table. The Federal Governmt nj, supported by
the superior numbers of the free States, would
in all probability hold the subject Of contention,
despite of every effort Of the South and free la
borers pouring In would give, in a permanent,
warliks population an hourly Increasing strength
and solidity to the possession-whilst the South
even in the very improbable contingency of be-
ing able to take and hold the disputed territory,
could do so with armed men only, as slaye-hold-
ers could nevervsnture with their human proper
ty on a theatre constantly disturbed by war, &c
tual or threatened. And what would be the
fruits Of our victory7
Under the benefcent inf of liberty and
a harmonious Union, our people have spread
over the land net work of family ties, binding
its parts more firmly together than even our
constitution and laws. Break up all these sud
denly and violently, and for the loye of kindred
and friends, substitute malignant hatred: de-
stroy all laws for the delivery Of fugitive slaves:
remove all the checks imposed upon the blind
rage Of the aboliiionists; swell their faction un-
ill il shall embrace whole States; and encourage
and reward the most daring emissaries who NAV
venture among us, TO involve Us in the horrors
Of servie insurrection: trace along lifeline which
shall sunder us from those who once were our
friends, a frontier more than thous sand miles in
length, and stud II with forts and crstom-h ouses
TO guard against armies, abolitionists, and SNUG
glers; intersect and block up our iheroughfares
by land and watsr, with the boundary lines of
foreign and hostile nations: create an army and
navy ten times more numerous than any ever
possessed by the whole United States, and fur