Southport telegraph. [volume] (Southport, W.T. [i.e. Kenosha, Wis.]) 1840-1850, 1848-09-22
~ By-EOnes ''--Martim Van Buren
lRllnnHn In ~.

Buren, ian 1897.
We have no disposition to abate our dsaPproba-
ton of the pledge given by Martin Van Buren, iii
his inaugural message of 1887, in respect to slave
ny in the District of Columbia. We condemned it
strongly at the time, and we see no reason to re-
tract word of that condemnation, after the
lapse of eleven years. We, indeed, cheeriully ac-
cept his own explanation of it in his late letter TO
the committee of the Buffalo Convention, knowing
as we do that the apprehension OF servlle war, IN
consequence of the movements of the AbolItlonls's
absurd as il seemed TO and as it really was, was
at the time seriously and honestly entertained by
many OF the leading men OF the North, whose sub
sequeut conduct has proved that their hostility to
Abolitionism was the result Of an entire misap-
prehension ofthe objects and views Of" men every
where spoken against. Two thirds Of The p7e.eDt
members ofthe Liberty party were in 1887 hostile
to the movement, either passlveiy by position, or
actively from mista en- view Of It's object and
principles. As late as 1910, in the entire Union,
but seven thousand men were found prepared 10
take as high a stand on this question as Nlaiiln
Van Buren, has now taken.
Aside however, fron this common misapNTc
hension, party policy nal, doubt not, its Intu
ence upon the course Of Van Buren lie was charg-
ed with anti slavery tendencies by tie Wings and
NulGers Of the South his votes in favor OF negro
suffrage, and against the admission of Missouri as
slave state, were adduceI as evidence oil his en-
tire sympathy with the abolitionsts. During the
entire canvass preceding his election in 1886, the
Wing and the Modification presses of Richmond,
Baltimore Washington and Charleston. were
lively engaged IN eHdeayorng 10 iasten THIS charge
upon him. The records OF every anti slavery
meeting in the ,rce states were eagerly scrutinized
and, lift was loaud that any friends Of Van Buen
participated in them, the fact was held up 10 the
South as full OF warning significance. The princi-
Piles of the Northern Democracy were denounced
such men as Leigh, Calhoun, and Hammond, and
by such presses tae Richmond Wing, and JEFF
fersonian and the United States Telegraph at Wa.
shngton. on the ground that they directly tended
to Abolitionism. To all This many of the northern
Wings responded in the affirmative. They en-
deayOred to convince the South that the anti slave
ry agitation derived its principal support from the
friends Of Van Buren,, aud that it was discounten
anced by the Wings. Hence twas that prominent
and influential Wings took leading part in the
great public Anti Abolition meetings held at that
time IN all the northern cities. The mob in Bos-
ton which infected the whole country with lis bad
example, was insngated and headed by wing gen,
tlemen Of property and standing. wing COVER
nor of Massachusetts declared IN his message that
the Abolitionsts were liable to indictment at com
mon law and in the Legislature Of that state, as
well as in that ofRhode Island al empts were made
by leading whig members to apply the gag to the
lips of the advocates OF the doctlnc of tie pccllr
alton of Independence.
II was under such circumstances that the veto
pledge was given by Van Buren,. 1t was 4 sum
mary answer 10 the charges brought against him
by his opponents. 1t was in keeping with public
opinion at the time no prominent statesmen had
then taken ground IN favor Of the abolition of >la-
very in the District Even John Quincy Adams
in language as decided as that of Van Buren, had
declared his determination to vote against that mea
sure.
That the wings, in the canvass OF 1910. in ma
ny parts of the free states, strongly condemned the
Veto Pledge, is true. That General Harrison their
candidate in his inaugural made virtually the same
pledge TO protect slavery in the District of Column
bia, is equally true. And, OF the many wing edit
ors and orators who denounced the pro slavery
clause in Van Burcns inaugural. cannot call to
mind one who had the consistency and manlircss
10 condemn the same thing in Gen. Harrison
There is one circumstance, in this connection.
which we have always regarded as highly honora-
bic to Martin Van Buren,. On the appearance Of
the message containing the Veto Pledge, one prom
inent Democrat, faithful among the taiIhless, CON
demned il boldly, unIescWedy and administered
to lis author an indignant rebuke This man was
William Leggctt. Two years after, that brilliant
and heroic genius, broken down by protracted i'll
uess, was advised 10 seek relief in more genial
climate but his pecuniary circumstances were such
dS 10 lcCluuC inv Ntd Oh MS lGOuill1 DN ttltS adj
vice. 1t was at this time that President Van Du-
Buren, rendered to him the honorable post of the
mission 10 Guatemala, thus Cvuclng his supcriori-
ty TO merely personal resentment. and his magnan-
imous appreciation OF honesty and fidelity to prin-
ciple, even when exercised at his own expense and
contrary to his own views of cxpediencv. He
knew Leggett to be honest; he knew him to be
true Democrat; and in the season of his sickness
and poverty he visited him with testimonial of
confidence and esteem, which was as grateful 10
its recipient as it was crcditable to the head aud
heart Of the bestoWer
We turn from that dark season. when both the
great political parties iet themselves compelled TO
offer obcisance to the Slave Power, with Joy and
hope to The bright promise OF the present time
We opposed Van Buren, in 1887 because, and only
because, he occupied a wrong position as respects
slavery. He has Let himself right before the
country and the world. He has rescued the honor.
ell name of Democracy from the reproach of an
alliance with slavery. We can hesitate no longer
We cast to the winds our preiudices and miSgiy.
ings. and cheeriHlly heartily, give our assent to
the action OF the Buffalo CONVENTIONAL Nat Era