The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1848-06-29
MIR. Van Buren,.

| MIR. Van Buren,.
AS is the case with all of the advocates of the Wilmol
Provso Mr. Van Buren, attempts avail himself of the
authority of Mr. Jefferson. We well aware that Mr.
Jefferson in his early life had very strong repugnance
to the institution of slavery, and very anxious 10
see it eXtirpated, if it could be effected any safe
and practicable way; feeling which he entertained,
TO very modified extent, however, to the day OF
his death. But so far from this feeling having in
duced him at any time to lend his countenance TO
movements similar 10 those in support of which his
authority is quoted, they only impelled him to abhor
them the more. He clearly saw as it seems to us
every right-minded must see, that these move
mens at the same time that they put the country by the
ears and array section against secton thus producing
the unhappy political consequences, asgrayate the
evils of slavery, such they are, both master and
slave, and Indefinitely postpone the day when, under
other auspices, it might possibly pass away And hence
it was, in 1920, at time when every earthly ambition
had been satisfied, and in his own language, he had
ceased to read the newspapers, or pay any attention to
public affairs" he was filled with "terror by the Missouri
agitation and in his letters to Lafayette the elder Adams
and John Holiness expressed his anxiety and fears in the
strongest terms which language can afford. With
what unbiushing efrontery is it not then, that his
thority is invoked sanction proceeding, when in
similar all of its leading features, his condemna
ton was decided and unequvocal' Let those who
quote his authority initiate his example, and, in crisis
like this instead of adding fuel to the flames. let them
exngush the fires of faction by pouring upon them the
living waters of patriotism.
Mr. Van Buren, lays much stress, also, upon the orGi-
nance of 1887, and informs that Mr. Jefferson "frst
brought forward" the ansavery clause in it, and the
representatives from all the saveholdng States gave it
unanimous support" II is true, Mr. Jefferson was the
chairman OF the committee which reported the ordinance
of 1884 mot the ordinance of 1857 He was not in Con-
gess in 1857 having eft 1854 also true that that
ordinance, reported, contained clause which prohib-
tied slavery the Northwestern Territory after the year
1900 of the Christian erathus looking to prospective
prohibition after the lapse of sixteen years; which, we
admit, favorte policy with Mr. Jefferson. But
this clause struck of the ordinance of 1884, upon
the motion of Mr.. Speight of North Carolina by the
votes of the southern States-Virgnia among them
and the ordinance adopted without it. And, in
this connexion, it is pertinent to remark, that the ord
nance of 1884, which not superseded by that of 1887
differed in almost every particular, in the circumstances
in which it passed, well as in its leading pro-
visions from the ordinance OF 1857 The first passed
when the SOnSTeSS was III IT'S VlSOT, ana was
nearly full it was composed of such men as Jefferson
Roger Sherman, Gerry, &c The second, when it was in
the last DAYS of its existence when there bare quo
rum present. and when there few in it who
loved to any great extent the confidence of the country
The Congress of and the Convention which framed the
constitution both in session at the time At the
time the ordinance adopted, the government
already agreed upon; and it strange that bare
quorum of body going out of existence and composed
of men who had not sufficiently the confidence of the
country to gain them admission into the Convention,
should have undertaken to adopt measure so funda.
mental in its characters and still more, that they
should have undertaken to give it validity under
the guise of a compact when there were present
but eight States-one less than the number by which,
according to the articles of confederation, Congress
could enter into compacts The characters of the
two instruments adopted stand in bold contrast with
each other as the bodies by which they were formed
The first simple in its provisions and only provided
for the necessity of the secured to the people Of
the Territory the full right of selfgovernment at early
period possible; provided for calling convention OF
the people to adopt temporary form OF government;
and, in the meantime, no other authority assumed
than SO much be necessary to keep the peace 1t
contained restriction upon slavery any of those
principles which the admirers of the ordinance of 1887
insist should distinguish it 'as of the greatest
uments of civil Jurisprudence"
But what is the character of the 9th section of the ord
nance of 1857, and what the condition of the
country when it was passed. At that time, every
State in the Union but savehoding State
So far from there being excess of slave popu-
laton the constitution, which adopted about the
same tme prohibited Congress from aboshing the for
egn slave-trade for twenty-one years. Between the
savehoding States and the Northwestern Territory, there
was trackless WILDERNESS through which shareholders
would moi be anxious TO take their slaves to territory
inhabited by fierce and awess tribes of savages; and
which, at time when the railroad and steamboat
not even dreamed Of was thought would be consigned
through all timeor, least, for very long time-to
pastoral pursuits in which slavery be less proftably
EMPLOYED than in cutvang the productions of the tropics
Bat these circumstances dscouagng they the
introduction of slaves into that Territory, made precisely
the place where fugitive slaves would most likely take
their refuge Till the adoption of the constitution there
was no law for their recapure 1t important to the
slave States that there should be such a stipulation
and the 9th section of the ordinance of 1887 provided
II is true, it at the time nterdicted slavery
hit the whole provision doubtless compromise,
in which, as far as it valid, important concession
was made to the slave States And this is the precedent
uI..l