Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1848-07-06

'H'HEHH FHeE1 e MAN
TARIFF AND FREE TRADE.
[REPLY TO "s.," BY A. II. b.
"Come and let us reason together"
BosToN, June-l8i8

|
my conviction that his love for truth is stronger than
his regard for preconceived opinions.
Some may perhaps ask, ''Why occupy the Freeman
with discussion of this subject" and perhaps ought
to explain my views briefly. ! deem it subject i'm
portant to all, and affecting the interests of ALL Be-
sides, slavery is a hWlra monster. 1t sucks noursh-
ment from many sources, 1t is tree whose roots
penetrate every portion Of our country, and inermln
gle with every interest The two pro-slavcry parties
are the main trunk of this tree, the pillars which
sustain the "institution" This being the case, the
Liberty Party was organized as necessary means to
be used in the overthrow of slavery To do this
work it mast break up those parties. Our success
ioyolves their destruction. Why? Because we de-
pend upon drawing off from these parties all who alb
hOr slavery from the heart, and organize them into
party where the true principles of liberty practi
caly recognized. To draw these off it is necessary
to weaken party ties, destroy party spirit undermine
their faith in party creeds and dogmas, in word show
them that the measures of these parties are not
thy their support and certainly not worth the sacrace
of human freedom.
What is it which keeps thousands in the wing par
ty but the idea which has been studiously incucated
in their minds, by their dcmagogue leaders, that the
protective policy is essential to the prosperity of the
country and that this is IS the policy of the wing par
Ity? ask what else but this belief keeps the party
together for a single day? Nothing else keeps hon
est men in it. They believe in protection, and be-
cause the wing party make heiloudest prconsions to
this policy they remain in it. This makes it necessa
ry to examine the doctrine of protection to if it
is practicable, cxpedient, necessary just; and if
NEITHER to avoid giving councnancc or support, and
7 URGE others to abandon it.
The sel-styled Democratic party also favor tar
if, but not wing tariff. The only essential differ
, cnco can sec between the two parties on the tariff
question: Is this; wants tariff that, while it gives
a revenue, will afford protection to certain interests
and the other party wants other interests protected. 1t
is all selfish struggle. Many in the Democratic par
party think the Wing policy wrong, but still think
hoy must have tariff. 1t becomes necessary to see
r if any kind Of tariff is necessary.
h In the spring of 1914, asked a wing noighbor
why as he protested 10 be antlsavcy, he did not join
the Liberty party? His answer this, because
want to get good price for WOOL and if the locos get
into power they will break up the tariff, and wool will
- come down." This remark led me into train of
thought which at last convinced me that the doctrine
of tariffs was wrong He valued few cents in pound
It Ton the wool of hundred sheep) which he hoped to
receive in consequence Of the "protection" afforded
l. him by the wing tariff, as of greater consequence to
him than the liberty of the slave. 1t pure selfish
ness and shows exactly what induces rich men to sup
port tariffs
J. Now, we know that some have become persuaded
that "Protecton to man" is Of more consequence than
protection to WOOL and have obeyod the call of duty
and separated themselves from the proslavery parties
but some of these, like your correspondent s., think
tariffs very desirable and beneficial if not indisponsa
bic 1t then is more difficult for them to give up THEN
old party attachments than it would be if they hut
IL thought otherwise. The tariff policy is one obstacle
# to our SUCCESS and needs to be removed if possible
70 This consideration with conviction that it is al
enormous wrong to the poor, evil to the country
70 and various other considerations which will appear
40 induced me to pen the articles in the Freeman, o
- March I'd, 9th, and April 9th, and still further to OK
amino the bect in few successive numbers if time
~ permits,
. | think such discussion is suited TO the column
of any paper in Christendom which cares to dissent
% nate the TRUTH and cannot regret to have the Free
- man devoted to a}y truth, Or cause which can benof
" mankind The discussion is needed nop, just as tn
=, Presidential question is ogitatng the minds of tn
~ people, and men are making up their minds whetho
~ to vote for Liberty slavery, and trust some fey
" will give it a candid pesusai.
must premise that this subject does not admit
ca brovity in consequence of its many bearings. hov
hg not time to re-wrtc so as to condense my thoughts
Il classify my arguments as could wsh but must seiz
sfe the passing thought fits through the BRAIN
eu wish to see the subject discussed by ADLER pens tina
NJ mine.
ect But let me Examine" the views of s., which, ma
Inc say, were my own He starts with four princ
G" ples," which he deems "seEevidcnt" and "gude to
correct conclusion" His argument, or deduction
es, depend mainly upon his "frst' and "fourth" and
me shall pass over the second and third.
In ask then, is his first principlc" true, without Il
ley following proviso? "Proyided that when the value
ant poor mans labor is increased, there is not at Il
Oh, same time an increase of an equal or greater ratio
prices of what he consumes? In this case though
IS receives greater nominal price, yet he cannot pu
veil chase any more with his labor and therefore such
the crease Of price cannot "help him." His argument
our brief stands thus "Ihe tariff gives value to the 20
will mans labor, and therefore helps him." 1t will be SCI
the that the 'proyiso" above, puts essential qualifc
inc ton upon the premises and involves the conclusion
doubt The assumption which is the basis of the .
he gument, must be Proved and therefore no deduct
from his first "principle" can help sustain the poi
co unless he can show that the tariff does raise the pr
,on of the poor mans labor cithoh raising the price
ton what he purchases at the same time.
tb, Instead fthis, believe and hope to show, that
Cho prices of labor tend do,omcard under tariffs and
and prices of the nccessaros of life tend uptcrd in an
;urv verse ratio.
ctv But in connection with his first principle let me
,g5 amino his fourth" which bears upon the same poi
rcd This, Notwithstanding its apparent pluusbility,
no, sophsby. The price of labor, cannot depend up