The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1848-10-15
Ireland, the United States of America, and
England.

[From the London Times Sept 1871
There appeared m our columns of yesterday
letter from Inverness, on the subject of Ireland.
There is nothing very startling IN the nature of
the letter, or Its date. Ireland unfortunately pre-
sents nothing very new to observation or refec-
ton All that can be known about her Is too we'll
known already; all that can be said about her has
been said over and over again Nor has the
bonnie city OF Inverness any peculiar claims to po-
htical distinction. There would be, then, but
little to excite attention in any letter on Ireland
written from North Britain, except the position or
character Of the writer. This it is which gives
an extrinsic value to the communication which
we published yesterday. The writer is repub-
lIcan, an American, and citizen of the United
States; but he is no sympathizer with sediton;
he is no fOmenter of discOrd; he Is a friend to
order and to good government, under every form
OF pOlity, and therefore we recur to his obser-
vatIons.
We have on one or two occasions offended the
patriotism Or the self-respect of those Americans,
lrritate, by quoting extracts from the bitteres Of
their anti-Angllcan journals. "Why do you do
ths?' they exclaim. "The papers to which you
attach so much Importance have no weight or
influence with the majority OF the Intelligent clt'-
zens OF the States: they form no opinions,
they express none; they are merely the vents Of
the bitterest and most blgotted passions where
with the very lowest OF our community are tainted.
You might as well Judge OF the national mind of
England from the unstamped press Of London, as
of the disposition Of America from the journals
which you so frequently transcrlbe." This is the
tone OF many friendly circumstances addressed
to US by the citizens of North America; and to
the spirit which pervades them all we should ,ong
age have unreseryedly deferred, had 1t not been
for the awkward fact that, whatever may be their
influence IN forming opinion or creating party, the
most anti-Anglican OF the American papers are
a'eo the most widely.circutated and the most
generally read. Our quotatisns, then, may be
taken as fair index, il not OF the matured judg-
ment and the more intelligent opinions, yet OF the
predominant sentiments or popular tendencies Of
the transatlantic republicans.
In contrasting the bitter hostility of these par
tizsns with the kindly and temperate earnestness
OF that less numerous but moderate and not pow
erless party, whose good wishes waited across
the ocean during the crisis of our political strug-
gle,. we do that which is no less grateful to our
patrl otism than to our conscience We owe, in
deed, much more to the ''sympahes' of America
than is generally acknowledged IN England These
sympaIhles have not uniformly been with treason,
dlsloyalty, or insurrectlon. They have-though
not SO loudly expressed.-been as warm on the side
sons IN, England who looked forward to the 10Th
OF April with more anxiety and dread than did the
merchants, traders, and lawyers of New York and
Boston. There were no persons in England who
exued more cordially at Its result than they did.
When the steamship bearing the intelligence
reached port, and the news was spread that sedl-
ton had been suppressed, aud turbulence dsarm-
ed IN London, one general thrill of delight perva-
ded every respectable class. Men congratulated
one another that the soil on which their fathe re-
had drawn breath had been dececrated by no
civil strife and stained by no civic boodshed. They
reloiced that the great principle on which their
own constitution was reared,-the principle of
English law-had tnumphed amid the coavusions
OF Europe. In the preservation of their prototype
they recognised the stability OF their own insttu-
tons. They viewed with gladness rather than with
jealousy, the coequsl vlgor which the two diff.-
rent governments OF the same Anglo-Saxon race