Baton-Rouge gazette. [volume] (Baton-Rouge, La.) 1819-1856, 1848-08-19
TContinued from our last1
Speech OF Mr TOOmbs
OF GEORGIA

or POttttcm FnTtJeS.
Mr.. T. resumed, and said I thank you
for che interruption. You admit precisely
what | am endeavoring to established. NY
Democratic colleagues will tell you, and
have already told you by their votes, that
they construe the resolution TO embrace
such works. Tho gentleman from Illinois
Mr.. WENFwoRTH) says his construction
Is, that 1t only applies to recommending and
carrying Oh roads and canals" These
differences were well known and we'll un-
defstood when the last Baltimore Conven.
ton met still the same resolutions were
adopted without alteration. Am | unchar-
table, then, In saying, at least as far as
this resolution Is concerned, that II was moi
intended TO settle but 10 tolerate differ
ences not to assert d principle, but to
cover a trick not to be understood, but
expouuded to suit the different tastes of
internal improvement and anti. internal
Improvement men7 The Democrats of
Georgia are against these Improvements;
the Democrats of Illinois and Indiana ard
other States are favorable to them. Mel
Their could yield any thing upon the ques-
ton without injnring The party ut home.
This resolution is the child Of necessity ;
as their constituents could not agree, they
determined to cheat them.
ask the attention of the honest Demo-
Gratis Of both sections to the action of the
Democratic party in Congress upon this
subject. In the last Congress The Demo-
cratic party had rather more than two
thirds ofthis House, aud a majority Of ten
or twelve in the Senate. At the first
session Of that Congress q bill passed both
houses, by large majorities, appropriating
Jorge sums of money to the Improvement
Of rivers and hafbors. Among a large
number Of other Democrats in both houses,
1t was voted for by Gen. Cass, and was
vetoed by Mr.. Polk. A the last session
of that Congress q similar bill, containing
appropriations to many oil the same rivers
and barbors, was againS introduced, and
passed both houses of Congress. Gen.
Cass voted for this bill also Mr.. Polk
vetoed 1t. The same Baltimore Conven-
ton lauded extravagantly the President
who, under one construction of the %resolu-
ton, vetoed both bills, and nominated as
their candidate for the Presidency the
Senator who, agreed with the other con-
structiou, roted fortheml Yet this is not
all: "in the lowest deep there is still a
lower depth"-and Gen. Cass has found
It. In his letter accepting The nomination
he says II have carefully read the reso.
lutions Of the Democratic National Con.
v%enIion, laying down the platform of our
political faith, and / adhere 10 them as
firmly as ! approve them cordially" He
therefore cordially approves the resolution
applauding Mr.. Polk for vetoing, on con-
stitutional grounds, bills for which, under
his oath as a Senator, he had voted. The
honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania,
(Mf. THompsoN,) who addressed the
house q few days since, was especially
troubled that The Wing Convention did not
pass resolutions supporting both Of these
vetoed bills; and, however he may sane.
ton hollow platforms, usually construes
them to suit his own constituents. He ad-
vocates the tariff of 1912, and voted
against the tariff Of 1916. Gen. Cass
voted for the latter ; yet he acts with his
party, and supports Gen. Cass.
The next resolution declares that the
constitution confeis no power upon the
Genera Government to assume the debts
of the States. These political iueglers
who drew up this resolution well knew
that there was no party in this county, not
even a number ofpersons sufficiently large
TO be called d faction, who favor such an
assumption. The only act of the Govern.
ment within tbs century that | know Of
which seems TO favor such a policy, was
the assumption Of the debts ofIhe District
OF Columbia, in Mr.. Van Buren's time.
Perhaps the Convention supposed that this
act rendered a continual disclaimer neces.
sary and proper on its part.
The fourth article of tho creed is the
shallowest specimen Of party ''rigmarole"
remember even TO have met with. It
asserts sthat justice and sound policy for
bid the Federal Government to foster n
branch o. industry TO the detrilpent of an.
other, or to cherish the interests of one
portion TO the injury ofanother, or to cher
ish the interests Of one portion to the iniu-
ry of another portion Of our Common coun-
try that every citizen, and every section
of our country, has a right to demand and
insist upon N equality Of rights and privi-
leges, and 10 complete and ample protec-
ton Of persons and property, from domestic
violence and foreign aggression" These
propositions seem to include about as
unpromising subjects for party strife as
could well be devised. All the difficulties
concerning them arise ont Of construction.
In the Southern States this tenet is called
the anti-tarif resolution and, by q free
translation of It, 10 suit that meridian, 1t is
construed TO mean opposion to all discrim-
%ination for protection, and TO assert the
doctrine of free trade in its most enlarged
sense. This is the construction placed
upon it by the authoritative expositors of
Democracy in The South. In Pennsylva
MIA and New York, and among tariff
Democrats generally. a more literal inter-
probation obtains. This class deny that it
is hostile TO protection, and especially that
there is any thing in it hostile to the tariff
act of Is42. Hence all the Pennsylvania
Democrats in Congress but one, and many
from New York, and some from other
States, advocated the tariff of opposed
its repeal, and voted against the tariff act
Of 1916. And this very act Of 1916 vio-
lates the Southern free-trade reading ofthe
resolution ever more than it does the pro-
~tective construction oftheir northern allies.
The bill of 1916 is based upon the princi-
pie of discriminating for protection, and
the objections to it, as | stated upon this
floor when it passed, were rather in the