Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1848-02-17

shire, Mr. Tuck,) and the gentleman from Maryland,
Mr. McLane) attempted yesterday TO get the floor,
but unsuccessuy, till just before the Committee rose
The gentleman from Maryland, if understood him,
expressed an opinion that the subject of slavery was
unsuitable to be introduced into the discussions Of this
House. Mr. McLanc assentedl am Of a different
mind | think the gentleman from North Carolina is
right upon that point. But if there be any question
about it, beg it may be remembered that 1t IS not
the enemies Of slavery who have introduced the dis
cus>ons into the proceedings Of this Ihirleh Congress
OF the United States AT the beginning of this Con-
gress, i'll the very first setspeech if mistake not, 1t
introduced by member from slaVeholdng state,
representing, suppose, slavehoding constituency.
In this Congress- ii is the South that has thrown down
the gauntlet
said that in my opinion the gentleman from North
Carolina was right IN introducing the subject; and
am struck with the proprety Of the title which he gives
to his published remarks, the Political Aspect or the
Slave Question Sir, is the great political question
of the country, and has been from the beginning Of this
century, though not hitherto prominent as now. 1t
is the question which underes all other great questons
and determines their solution.
Sir the gentleman tells me nothing when he says
(page 81 that the free interest of this country is secure,
because "tbe free States in the ascendcncy IN all
the branches Of the government; and then majority
of more than fifty votes on this floor, and IN the cleo
oral colleges, is greater than they had in former
times" 1t is true notwithstanding singular facts,
themselves growing OUT Of te dCt OF Tie extension Oh
slavery and Of the slave power under the forms of the
Constitution in way never contemplated by the fra
mers of that instrument. 1t is true, Notwithstanding
that Ohio and NewYork together have only four rep
rcsentaves in the other branch Of the Legislature, 80
in this and 50 in the Electoral Colleges while fifteen
slave States, (all except Virginia. with an aggregate
free population only about as large as the population OF
New York and Ohio together have 30 votes in the 9TH
House. 70 in this, and 06 in the election Of Prosi-
dent and Vice President. What the gentleman says
is true notwithstanding this singular distribution of po
ltcal power which the introduction of new slave states
has brought about But it is not all the truth. The
gentleman did not intend to disguise any thing but
further facts bearing on this point, did not suit
the purpose Of this argument. The free population
Of the United States, according to the census OF lS4O,
amounted to not far from fifteen millions; the slave
holders at a liberal estimate not than three
hundred thousand-lomtecn millions and halt against
three hundred thousand, a numerical prepondeance
among the free population in the proportion OF nearly
fifty to one, in favor Of the free interest" In the Pres
identi1 election Of 1874 there about three mil
lions of voters between one hundred and one hundred
and fifty thousand of these voters were holders of
slaves that is the majority of non-slaveholding vo-
tiers over the slayeholdug, was somewhere between
two millions seven hundred thousand, and three mil
lions-a disproportion OF twenty or thirty to one
But is the gentleman to be told by me, of the power
which can be eXerted by the concentrated energies Of
active ogarchv, spread over country, intent on
single policy and bound together by common intel
hgence and a common interest how, with its ever
watchul ambition, it will take the lead of the busy
and inert Masses how it can intmdate and overawe
the weak, beguie and conclllae the easy, and bride
the mercenary, among those who influence the
public voice Fifteen years ago there was a great
excitement in this country, and powerful party was
organized against the institution OF Free Masonry
The charge was, 4 do not enter into the merits of the
| g n
of the death of citizen, aid that 1t an lrespon-
sble power, spread like network over the land and
compacted by oathes and symbols which gave it
omnipotent unity and secrecy of action But how
many more lives of the citizens nave been sacrificed
to the Masonry Of the Shareholders and how much
more perfect is their mutual understanding, and their
combination of power and activity than any system of
oahes and symbols could create! Slavery exists but
in half of the states of this Union. But by the posses
sion of the bulk OF the property IN those States, and by
virtual monopoly of the means of education, it APP
proprates to itself the internal government of those
states, and their influence beyond their borders Small
as are its comparative numbers it takes its place in
the national councils, as the representative of the ag
1 gregae weight Of those States With this weight,
and with the skill derived from making politics its
study and practice, 1t comes as seller into the market
of the natioral patronage-wth the retaining fees of
fortunes ior the basely sordld and promotion for the
basely aspiring What wonder that, with such advan-
its own domain? What wonder that it should find
means to perplex the simple and begue and soothe
the good, well to enlist and use the selfish p
What wonder that it should be able to play off parties
against each each other and take to itself etfectuay
the baanae of power, and the lions share of the pr-
yes at stake?
But why reason about it? Look at the facts.
have statement before me, which, if not punctillous-
y exact, is not far from the ruh and it fol-
lows:-
"The Presidency, at the close of Mr.. Folks term
will have been in Northern hands for - and southern
hads for nearly 30 years. OF q Supreme Court Jug
ges appointed since 1859, 10 were from the North and
II from the South; Attorney Generals, from the
North and II from the South; 10 Speakers of the
House of Representatives from the North 81 from the
South; lG Presidents of the Senate pro tenn from the
North to 81 from the South; and 81 Northern to so
Southerd Foreign Ministers. So of Chief Justices,
Cabinet, naval and military officers throughout"
Such is the disproporton in the distribution of Offices
of emoIument and honor, to correspond to proportion
Of voters on the favored side Of one, to twenty hlr
tv Of the whole vote. No matter for the emolument
l speak for the great mass of the people of the
free states the honest people, who not struggling
for the "spos" We have other avenues to gaiu, the
ways of industry and fugaty, which prefer, No
matter for the honor We can find that in the paths
oil science and letters and in the offices of blameless
nd useful private life, But this accumulation of pub
uton Of Political Po,cer and affords the means of per-
petuating and extending it.
F See how it is exercised. Let me first mention the
nnutterabe heinous law,-l can characterize by no
milder epithet-of Feb 18th 1883, putting the liber
ty of every freeman in this nation at the mercy of
cry paltry town county magistrate whom the kid
napper may deude or bribe to do his dirty work. If
my neghbor sues me for 20 dollars, the Consti-
tuition Of my country gives me the security of
Jury of our peers to pass between us. Not with
my liberty, which value at more than twenty dollars.
Let stranger come among us of the free states and
claim OF our number as his runaway slave and let
him satisfy any hOW some trading Justice that his claim
is good and that Justices warrant is good for HIM
against all the world The law makes no distinction
between white and black men, though fit did, it would
make no difference in the enornity of the principle
Let the manstealer get that warrant and with it he
may bring me any representative from free state
on this foorto the auction block close by this Capitol,
to make our next remove in chains to Natchez New
Orleans. He may take my wife from my side, or my
infant from its cradle, and, if resist, he is armed
with the whole power ofthe country to strike me down.
The odous law bv its letter. threatens and insults the