Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1848-08-15

"
several precedenls in favor oil it. II. l. Daniel
admits its consiiln,ionality; SO DO Messrs. Bad
ger OF North Carolina, aud Bell OF Tennessee,
TO pass from the Club House 10 The U. ). Senate.
A. And alter having thus rendered his position
20 suspicious and equivocal, been addressed IN
letter by Mr.. McConkey, and expressly refused
10 gius any pledges or epen 10 declare any opinions
on the subjec. Of The Wilmo! PfoVIso.
Nv. GEN. CAss,s posITioN-THE NICHOLSON
LETTER.
In reply to our question, does The phrase ire
guale commerce." in the Constitution, mean
"annihilale commerce, destroy commeEctf" the
Times answers: aMr. Jefferson thought So when
he induced Congress 10 adopt The Embargo.
We did not ask Mr. Jefferson 10 answer the
question, but The Times; and such reasoning as
is here employed by The Times would scarcely
do credit 10 the dulesl school boy IN his hrsI
FORMS The Embargo was temporary measure,
adopied Tor temporary purpose, ana not in'ena'
ed 10 be permanent; and il mol Isell hostile
measure, il was designed 10 prevent nostliites, or
the necessity of having recourse 70 them. MT.
Jefferson might have had New YORK battered
down, il il had been necessary for The destruction
OF foreign and invading toe; and then The Times
would have quoted Nj. Jefferson 10 prove lhaI,
under The power to "reguIale commerce, Con-
gress might at any lime go ana oa'ier Gown New
York; "and Uhe Times adds u his authority be
questioned il may be observed tnal the Enquirer
draws al unfortunate analogy between Inc Ilshl
OF Congress altogether 10 prohibit commerce and
The right Of Territorial Government to prohibit
slavery; for slarcs constitute onlp one a1t,tte of
properE and nobody asth contend nat Congress
may NOT entirely prohibit particular articles Of COM
mcree, such hauing becn tic prast'ee ffOm me oe-
ginning fhs G1vc,nmcnt"
Abollionsls, Anl-Sla very men, Wilmot Pro-
visu men! Hale, Corwin, Dix, Giddings and
Palirey! The Editor Of he Richmond Times
has laid you under lasting obligations; will you
not be grateful 10 him7 He has furnished you
with an argument more conclusive than your
united wits could have produced. Here il is, IN
The form Of syllosism:
Major premise Congress may entirely prohi-
Bit particular articles 81 Commerce.
Minor prcmise-Slayes constitute only one ar
ticle OF property.
Observation-Disclosures Congress may entirely
prohibi! The carrying Slaves 10 The Territories!
This is certainly the only Legitimate conctu-
sion from ths Times arm premises which u lays
dozen as adm.Red: "noboay doubts lhem;" and
not the conclusion which il actually draws which
is as follows:
"If our neighbours illustration, therefore, is an
APT one, he must believe with Gen. Cas-, that The
people OF territory may exclude Slavery, II they
please"
Let US sec what sort of syllo2ism this makes:
Major prense-Consress may entirely prohi-
b.t particular articles OF Commerce.
Minor premise Slaves constitute particu-
lar article Of commerce.
Times Observation-Disclosures, the people OF a
territory mar c11l,lds slavery, If they please
We exlrac from the Times article, question
5!h, and his comments:
people Of the Territories before they apply for adms
sion as Staes To regulate their internal concerns IN
their own wal, and gives them The same power over
the relation OF master and servant ~ over that Of hrs
band and wife, and parent and child, does the Times
mean 10 maSs General Cnss say hat they can, IN their
Territorial condition, with none leven OF the attributes
of sovereignty, prevent man from carrying his wife
or his chilG milo the Territories!
We mean to make General Cass say nothing but
what he does say and shall not attempt TO euclda,e
his buneliGS illustrations. He says, explicitly, that
Congress should limit itself 10 the creation Of proper
governments for new countries, acquired or settled,
"LEAvirG, ~ THE nEAs TINE. tBRsorE THErR ErES-
TulL ADMISSION INTO THE UsIos,l TO THE PEOPLE
ISHABi1sG THEN, REGULATE THEIR INTERNAL
CONCERNS is THEIR own Way" aud that THEY ahL
JUST As cArLRLy DOING As THE rRorLE OF The
S1a1rs' tie shows that, by the right OF regulating
their thermal concerns, he means the right TO exclude
slavery; for, directly afterwards, having admitted that
they regulate them al any rate "when their poll
teal independence is recognised by admission into the
Union, "he adds:
Dsrir is temporary condition. IL is hardly e1pedi-
ent tor congress 10 call into exercise doubtful and
iaridioss 1u5Gri'y, which questions the Intelligence q
respectable portion Of our citizens ami whose iimita
ton, whaever |: may be, viii be rapidly approaching
fh,Tfy ~ irh nm
gress drsotc power uncontrolled by the Constitution
over mos important sections OF our common county
For. If tlsrelaon OF master and servant may DC regu
lated OR ,ssHiL,TEp ny It's legislation, so may the 70
laon Of nsband AMI wife, Of parent and child, ami Z"
other eonl tion which institutions aud The habits
nf our soiety recognize. What would be thought "
Congress shonld undertake prescribe the terms Of
marriage IL New York. regulate the authority al
parents over their children in Pennsylvania"
The doubtful and invidiOas authorty' s plainly The
authority 10 .ssnnhatsn slavery, and this authority
General Cass comedies 10 the people Of territor,
durn. thar "temporary condition, or I'm the mean
TINS" bdore their eventful admission into the
Union"
We rey upon this last extract from General
Casss Litter, above all others, 10 sustain our
view Of lis true meaning We think il suscep
tible Of demonstration, OF conclusive jemonsira
ton, from this extract, that be wholly denies to
tie Territorial Legislatures the power prohibit
slavery. The Times says: THAT ME power
which Gensral Cass here SO emphatically de-
MES to Congress, he places IN m're Terrific
rial Legislature. Now we would ask our neigh
Dor TO stick pin just here. We will make
some exlract, from other portions of General
Csss's letter, and add the latter portion OF the
Times extract, merely substituting the phrase
"Territorial legislature as the Times would
have US 10 do Tor "Congress," wherever it oc
ours, and then we will see what sense or mean
ing it makes
'.They 9th. States) are sovereign within their
boundaries, except in those cases where they
have surrendered 10 the General Government
portion Of their rights, in order 10 give effect TO
the objects Of the Union, whether these cor
Germ foreign nations, or The several States them
selves. Nor is there any
power, but the people Of the States, which can
abolish slavery, or change the relations existing
therein.
in various respects the Territories differ
from the States. Some of their rights are in
choatc, and they do not possess the peculiar al
tributes cf sovereignty. Ter
rito-y' las the word occurs in the Constitution
is classed with property, and treated as such.
~ am in favor Of leaving 10 the people OF
any territory which may De hereafter acquired
the right to reguae it Slavery for themselves
under the general PRINCIPLES of the Constitu
ton, (of) leaving to the inhabi
tants all the rights compatible with the rcla
tons they bear TO the confederation Here
follows the Times extract with the proposed
alteration:]
"a Territorial Legislature possesses despoiic
power, uncontrolled by the Constitution, over
The section Of country for which il les;slates.
The relation Of master and sersan! maj be re
guaed OF annhllated by its legislation; 50 NAV
the relation Of husband and WIFE of parcn,
and child, and of any other condition which our
institutions and the habits Of our society recog
nizc. A Territorial Legislature can undertake
to prescribe the terms OF marriage as well as
New York, or TO regulate the authority of pa
rents over their children AZ we'll as Pennsylva
MAJ
Wha, contradictions, what inconsistencies,
what nonsense are here. The Territories. whose
rights are inchoa,e, which, unlike he States, PCS.
sess none Of The peculiar attributes Of sovereignty
which, like ships, forts &c, are The mere proper.
,y Of The people Of all The Siales, which can reg
uate slavery but only under The general princi.