The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1848-04-24
or N I o N 8

GuStlnu NAltOle)
ON THE
REVOLUTIONS IN EUROPE.
he. &c. &c.
From the London Chronicle, March 2el
We can easily imagine the exultation OF tri-
umph with which the news OF this month will
be received on the other side of the Atlantic.
The proved hollowness of despotisms, the libe-
ration of intellect. the majestic advance of young
demoeracy-we think we hear, alresdy, the
magnificent periods with which the American
''caucuses'' are by this time ringing on such
themes as these. and to which each successive
mail will give louder and lofter tone Nor
can it be denied that things look as though the
phllosophic VACCINATIONS OF M. de Tocqueville
were about to be realized, and the cid world
were going to learn a new political alphabet at
the feet of her transatlantic offspring. The ex.
lies whom the Europe of the l6h and 18th CEN
turtles 'snherited as prodigal children, planted
their ideas IN congenlai soil, and the luxurl
ance of their growth is overshadowing and
blighting the parent tree. 1t would be consider
ed irrelevant, at this juncture, to inquire accu-
rately into the respective merits of the two sys-
TENS OF government which are at issue; as to
which produces the greatest amount of indlvi;;
dual happiness, of national greatness. OF moral
and intellectual fruit. There is no question, at
any rate, as to which is the most powerful and
full advantage Of the popular tendency to cry po
uictis, and shout with the winning side.
No doubt it is good and valid argument, as
far as 1t goee against despotism, that 1t appears
it the seeds of It's own decay; the civilized world
seems to have outgrown it so gradually as to
have been unconscious OF it's own progress; till,
at a touch from without, the mask falls of, and
irg ''like the baseless fabric Of vision, leaves
not wreck behind" Strength and stability are
essential points to be considered in deciding on
the respective merits Of different forms OF 60
on11 IN
that certain constitution is the best, If, as a
matter Of fact, find that it cannot stand alone,
when we attempt to realize 1t. Just now, the
fact, that II tie Amer,an people 'cere pouedto-mor-
epery single individual tcotd v0te for precisely the
form of gouer nmsnt sOhich he noto possesses, un
doubtediy strong argument in fauor Of that go.
vernnrenf. OF course, we do not say that it is a
conclusive one; we ourselves happen to like
something different--only We imagine that, as
between a stable, that is, |" conservative de-
mocracy and a decadent, that Is, revolution
airy" despotism, there can be but lille doubt
which to prefer. And 80 we may assume that,
for the present at least, and till we see what the
upshot OF the new state OF things may be, he ad-
v0cates OF arbitrary power Will be silent, IT not
convinced; and that the constitutional questions
whichwill be henceforth mostwarmly with
view to practical results, are rather those which
concern the degree OF power which the people
should hold in their own hands, the definition of
the word "people," the modes in which they can
best exercise that power, and the mutual rela-
tons of different communities and states.
Dropping, therefore, for the present, the ques-
ton between popular and arbitrary principles Of
government, which will not be stirred, at least
for some time to come, we wish to draw atten-
ton to another great principle which we think
likely to be brought prominently forward, and to
exercise great nuencs.s principle the exempt
owe to the Americans; we mean the principle Of
federalism The most important Improvement
in the practice of modern constitutional coun-
tries. as comp ,red with ancient, is the introduce
ton of the system OF representation. Ia the Athe
MAN ecciesia, and in the Roman c0mttta, the PEG.
pie deliberated, discussed, and voted, in the
mass, upon each separate question OF policy.
The idea OF electing, from time to time, plenipo-
tertiary delegates to do their political business,
never occurred to them. 1t is needless to point
out the extreme Inconvenience OF the ancient
plan, and the incalculabe extent to which the
by its abolition. But it would seem that the
idea which representation embodies has as yet
been but partially and inadequately carried out
in Europe, and that zoe must look for its most ef
Jectuai and consistent dsueiopement to the United
Statts We conceive that idea to be the union
OF Individual participation in power with an ef-
tectlve combination OF individual powers tor
common purposes; in modern technical phraseo-
logy, Legislative Capitalization with admnistra-
tive iocalism.
There is at this moment very evident tenden-
cy, all over Europe, in two directions apparently
opposite to local self-government, and to ma
upon the map, according to which States were
carved, as it were, out OF the continent, without
reference to language, habits. race, feelings, an
tipathles, or any of those influences which con.
stltute real nationality. The consequence was,
that the desire for national independence, in the
provinces thus subjected to foreign dominion,
went hand In hand with the wish for popular in-
stitutlons; they became convinced that they
could not have the one without the other; they
have long struggled for both; and at length they
appear on the eve Of winning them. But these
provinces have, in almost every case, national
unlties of their own, to which, when rid of the
crude aad Procustcan arrangement of 1915, they
are beginning naturally to look as supports to
their newborn independence, and rallying- points
for their awakened patriotism: Thus Italy is
gathering under one name and banner her es-
trauged and provinclalized children; the scat
tered and disunited States of Germ any are era
wing earnestly for union Poland is uniting;
long before we see PansclavouIc nation con-
ettuted IN the east OF Europe. Yet none of these
provinces would like the idea of ceasing to
manage locally their own sffilrs, in order to Sc
cure the safety and dignity OF a greater father
land The question, then, for them to consider,
Is whether, by an adoption OF the principle of
federalism, their wants may not be supplied and
their tendencies satisfied.
Let them observe the working Of federalism
in America The most complete national unitv Is
there preserved az regards foreign nations com
piste freedom of trade, complete uniformity of ac
ton all respects essential to national tchifs
at the same time, the inssfinable habit Of sef-gov
eminent is created and retained, and the poicer of
adopting local institutions to local tuants erercised
80 fully that no American citizen has to complain
that the interests Of ms locality suffer BY the dis.
lance neglect Of the legislative centre. The
German in Pennsy lvania, the Frenchman in
Louisiana, the Spaniard in Florida, had no need,
when they came TO participate in the advantages
of belonging to the great American Union, of
which they were attached. So wonderfully
elastic and expansive is this principle of govern
ment, that the entire American continent might,
as it appears to us, be absorbed into one vast
federation, with but little inconvenience or dan
ger resulting from its extent and diversity of
characteristics. Ii similar sy stem of permit