Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1848-12-02
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
FROM OUR EUROPEAN CORRESPONDENT
LONDON, NOVEMBER 7, lS4s.

4 am writing this date, tens of thousands of my
American fellow-citizens are Fastening TO the polls
in every par, of your widely Confederacy,
to deposite in the ballot-boxes those surages which
are TO place in the highest Office of the State the
man who possesses the greatest share of their con-
fdence. Il is such scene as the world cannot
parallel. II is day on which more mind and more
OF human agency is directed towards one object,
and that the greatest, or al all events one OF the
greatest 10 which human exertion can be directed,
Than any other in the calendar of the year. What
other country can exhibi, spectacle Of twenty mil
lions of people directing their whole thought, and
purpose, and exertion 10 the election of the chief
officer of their government; all moving simultane-
ously, all impressed with the importance of the
business of the day, all feeling the dignity of free
dom, and all exercising its highest function In
deed am with you in heart and feeling. Strongly
do sympathiZe with you in all your desires as to
The result: anxousy do hope that, be that result
what il may, j, may tend to the prosperity OF the
country, the happiness Of its inhabitants, and the
best interests Of the human family large for upon
the prosperity and happiness of the United States
do al the chief and highest interests OF mankind
most materially depend. Were | with you, should
feel the impulses of partisan; at this distance, any
particular feeling must be merged in the general one;
bur yet knowing the nature of the contest, the cha
rac.ers and habits of thinking and action Of the
dida.es, and the wishes of my old and particular
friends among you, should be forgetful of all old
associations were indifferent to the result.
We shall have scene closely resembling your
election in Franco IN l0th IF NO y,
month. Europe has never yet witnessed the spec
tacle Of thirsy-fve millions Of people electing, by
voluntary individual suffrage, the chief officer Of
their Government Indeed, il may be questioned
whether any considerable body OF people have ever
ye. been SO employed in this quarter of the globe.
You have shown the French nation how such
.hing may be done. May they make the experiment
successfully, and prosper under the administration
OF the man whom they shall delight TO honor Mil
starry fame either individual hereditary, appears
10 be the recommendation to high Office, both with
you and your brother republicans in France; you
have your General TAYLOR and your General CAss,
they have their General CAvAIGNAc and the nephew
Of their great military hero, NAPOLEON. | am far
from inferrng from this that the spirit of the age
IS warlike; the contrary is, | am convinced, very
much the case; and all testimony encourages the
belief that the public course of both TAYLOR and
CAvAleNAc would be conciliatory and pacific. We
haye not the same assurance as TO their respective
opponents. |, would be unfair, however, 10 pre-
Judge them.
The Central Parliament OF GERMANY, sitting at
Frankfort, have begun to experience the many diff
cnlues which surround the business they have in
hand. The relations between Austria and Germany
IS knotty question, which the present peculiar
position of the former has thus early forced upon
Iheir attention. The question, Invested of all pot-
cal iechnicalities and diplomatic phraseology, is,
what portion of the dominions Of the Emperor of
Austria is German, and what portion is not what
pari OF the people they called upon take care
OF and egislaie for, and what the provinces and
tribes and which are beyond the pale of that
care and legislation! They have taken hold Of the
subject with resolution, and have grappled with it
like men determined to solve the difficulty. They
have decided, by vote of 3ls to 90, 10 take
German-Austria and incorporate it into the German
Empire, and TO leave the other provinces of Austria
10 organize themselves as they pease-recognislng
20 union between Germany and the Austria of the
Sc!avonians, Magyars, and Italians, save the loose
bond constituted by the personal identity of their
sovereign. Thus German Austria is part and par
eel OF the German empire, and the other provinces
subject TO the House Of Hapsburg are TO remain
connected with IT only by the very slender bond Of
having German sovereign, but are thus rendered !
Ilcapape OF aHectng It's naNonallty IN any way 0y
their influences. We at first thought this decision
more bold than correct reflection has since led US
10 consider il the course most likely to preserve
me union and independence of Germany. con-
Trary decision, and it was that 10 which M. Won |
GAcERS first inclined, was TO leave German-Austria
united TO the other parts OF the Austrian empire as
formerly, and TO establish separate Federal COM
pact with the Austrian dominions as a whole. This
would have led almost Immediately partition Of
Germany il would have been 10 surrender German
Austria TO the domination Of the ScIaroniaJ,S it
would have empowered Sclavonan majority to
decide wha, ties are to unite German-Ausria 10
Germany. The Parliament at Frankfort must
guard against such humiliation, for its clear and
paramount duty is 10 preserve Germany from any
chance of partition. Thus the relations between
Austria and the Empire are clearly defined .3us-
tric proper will be protected and watched with
che same care, as part of that empire as Massachu-
sets and Virginia are by the Congress Of the Unit
ed States, as parts OF the Union. Here the siml-
:uGe ceases; neither Massachusetts nor Virginia
can hold possessions extra to their own territory
and beyond the control Of the General Government.
All the people Of Massachusetts and Virginia are
Americans, but the greater portion Of the people of
the Austrian empire are not Germans, residents
on German soil. Over these Austria will continue
10 exercise her own authority and dominion, ire
spective Of the General Government OF the Germanc