Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1848-08-03

say that another is his property. do not doubt
this power. know that it has been considered
of old, from 1887 till the present hour to be ves
ted in Congress. The Judicial tribunals in the
West have considered it so, and the Supreme
Court of the United States have said in that de-
cision so often referred to that it was so. Have
they found any restrictions upon us =? No. And
what would YOU do if YOU were in Oregon to-day
What would you do, and you, and you? Would
any man here, if he were acting in u Legislative
capacity in that country, say, 81 feel myself
bound to admit this evil into this country, for the
benefit of some of the States who are overbur
dened with them?' If this were true. it would
be the duty of the Free States, in that fraterna
spirit which ought to prevail between the various
States OF the Union, to admit slaves whenever
the slave States became overburdened with them
DO we so act in legisatng for our States No
we say -" Enjoy your slaves, or free them as
you will, but ii is our wish that there shall be
no Slavery here" You may implore State, if
you please to take slaves into its bosom for your
convenience, but they do not feel themselves
bound by any Governmental obligation to do it.
Am not, then, bound to lay the foundations of
that State for whose future progress | am to be
responsible, i'll the way which think the most
likely 10 produce beneficial results to the people
there! And when | find myself possessed OF
this power, and clothed with commensurate re-
sponslbility, no threats of dissolution of the I'M
ion, no heart burnings here nor there, and least
of all that which we have heard much of ont
OF doors the coming Presidential Election, shall
deter me from pursuing this course. If in my
power, in the language of the Ordinance of 81,
| would have it enacted that Slavery shall never
exist in that country Then, when the black
man comes to the Supreme Court of the United
States, as provided in this BILL that Court must
override the decision in the case in Peters, or
else have misunderstood the extent of that
power. Then we will have acted upon the sub
jcct we will have forbidden Slavery. and OBJ
served that some gentlemen who have handled
tins subject were very careful to keep upon that
line, that slavery may 60 where it has not been
prohibited. That is the reason prefer the Or
dinance of ~ to this so called Compromise Bill.
| have no doubt that every Senator who assented
to that bill convinced himself that it was the
best we could pass. have no doubt that our
friends from the North thought it would be eff
lective in preventing Slavery in these Terrlto
res. But sec that the Senator from South Car
olina does not think so. lie supports the bill
for the very reason that it will admit Slavery;-
the Senator from Vermont, for the reason that
Slavery cannot get there. Now, in this confu
sion of ideas, desire that Congress, if it have
any opinion, express it. If we have any power
to legisae over these Territories, how long
would it take to write down the six articles Of
the Ordinance Of 81? Those of us who think
that that ought to be the fundamental law in the
organization of our Territories, will vote for it,
and those of us who believe Otherwise, will vote
against it; and whichever party trumphs, will
give law to Oregon and California bearing the
| responsibility. But | must say. that do not
like what appears to mel say 1t in no offensive
sense-a shuflllng off of the responsibility which
is upon us now, and which we cannot avoid
The Supreme Court may override our decision ;
but If we think we have power to ordain that
Slavery shall not exist in that Territory, let us
so decide. Let us not evade the question alto.
gether.
That the honorable Senators who reported this
DILL, had its passage very much at heart, have
no doubt; nor do | feel disposed to deny that
every man of them believed that it was Just such
u measure as was calculated to give tranquility
to the agitated minds of the people of this coun-
try. Well, do not care for that agitation, far
Their than that | will look to it as motive to
know what it is what my powers and my du-
ties are. have heard much of this-l have
been myself prophet of dissolution of this I'm.
ion but am not afraid of dissolution. Perhaps,
indeed, when this cry of wolf has been long
, disregarded, he may come at last when not eX-
pected; but | do not believe that the people OF
the South are ever going to severthemseves from
81 this Bepublic. because we will not extend Sa-
, very. If we have no power to pass this law
? let the people Of the South go to the Supreme
\ Court, AMI have the question decided. 1t vii
. only be few months till the Court resumes it
a session here, and the question can then be tiled
n If tie decision be against us, the gentlemen o
. the South can at once commence emigration t
u. their Territories. Let us then make the law a
S it ought to be made
), am the more confirmed in this course whic
f am determined to pursue, by some historical
# facts ELECTED in this very discussion. ! remem
Y Der what was said by the Senator from Virginia
g the other day; aud happily found it this morn
= ing and the reference was all that | expected
/. 1t is a truth that when the Constitution of tn
d United States was made, South Carolina an
d Georgia refused TO come into the Uniou unles
q the slave trade should be continued for twent
o years; and the North agreed that they woul
e vote % continue the slave trade for twenty years
| yes, voted that this new Republic should engag
in piracy and murder at the will oftwo States
r So the history reads; and the condition Of tn
/ agreement was thas those two States should
e gree to some arrangement about navigation laws
n do not blame South Carolina and Georgia f
Id this transaction, any more than do those No
le thern States who shared in it. But suppose tn
s, qnc-ton were now presented here by any on
&c whether we should adopt the foreign slave trad
n and continue it for twenty years would not I'll
Nllplc Ithu lufl pdlc WIN tlluJ III u
OF middle of the nineteenth century, citizen of
n. free community, IA Senator of the United State
70 should dare to propose the adoption of systc
it that has been demominated piracy and murde
of and is by law punishable by death all over Chri
r tendon? What did they do then? They hi
H. power to prohibit it but at the command
lie these two States they allowed that to be intr
tn duced into the Constitution to which all SLAYER
W now existing in our land is clearly to be trace
Ms For who can doubt that but for that woful ba
1t, gain, Slavery would by this time have disappea
at ed from all the States, with one or two exec
k, lions? The number of slaves in the Unite
Oh States at that period, was about six hundrt
n thousands il is now three millions. And il
ur as you extend the area of Slavery, so you null
nd ply the difficulties which lie in the way of It's e
OF termination. 1t had been infinitely better tn
to day that South Carolina and Georgia had r
mt NAMED out OF the Union forever, rather than tn
en- the Constitution should have been made to san
de ton The slave trade for twenty years. The d
N soui II of the Contederacy would have be-
@ nothing in comparison with that recognition
us riracy and murder. can conceive of nothi
as in the dark record of mans enormties, from t
death of Abel down to this hour, so horrible
- that of s,cIling people from their own home, a
he making them aud their posterty slaves forev
l.. : 4. l..