Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1845-1854, 1848-09-06

agency of the State governments, to whor
the constitution wisely leaves exclusive pow
er in the matter, and in the former by Cor
gress l may be mistaken, but l think
see insthe guarded language of the resolu
ton, evidence of an apprehension on tn
part of the Convention, that difference il
opinion, to some extent at least existe,
among its mdmbers, upon the point referre'
to- and of an enlightened and truly patriot
resolve, not to suffer that circumstance, if i
existed, to weaken the moralpow of thei
nnanlnlty on the gssst shish Ia! ha
Ny opinion in favor of the power Of Con
gress to abolish slavery in the District c
Columbia has been repeatedly avowed a
well when a candidate, as whilst President
and every days reflection has but servet
to confirm my conviction oft correctness
l, at the same time, expressed myself strong
ly against the expediency of exercising it
and in recent letter to the New York del
egation at Utica, referred to my continued
opposition to that measure. The subject
was only incidentally introduced, and there
was, consequently, but little care taken in
regard to the terms in which the suggestion
was made
The form of expression which I employed
has, it seems led many honest and INTEL
gent men to assume that the remark related
exclusively. to the past, and was not inten
ded to convey my present views on the.
matter. This construction though perhaps
not unwarranted by the words employed, is
in fact, erroneous; and it is due the truth
to fair dealing and to all who take an inter
est in the matter that the subject should
now be placed in it's true light.
1t is not to be denied that many of the rea.
sons which in 1887 and before operated tc
to produce the convictions / then expressed
no longer exist: and if when writing to the
New York delegation at Utica, could have
anticipated what has since occurred, should
have felt it my duty to discriminate between
the reasons which had passed away, anc
those which yet remain. But when my
letter to them was written, nothing coulC
have been further from my expectations, thar
than that I should ever again be candidate
for the presidency and, of course. it was no
my intention to say what my conduct woulo
be on this or any other matter, if again al
incumbent Of that place.
I have spoken in former part of thi
letter. Of the three leading features of tn
policy in regard to slavery, adopted by tn
Fathers of the Republic. History, if true
must record the fact that the north ha
hitherto faithfully sustained her part, in tn
maintenance of this policy, and in non
more so than in that which inculcates for
bearance on the point now referred to.
wish to see the forbcarance which has 81
long characterized her conduct in this matte
still father continued. Approving of th'
platform which the convention has adopted
and conscious, from my impressions of ligh
and duty in regard to it. that l shall bt
among the last to abandon it, I prefer not tt
connect our efforts to sustain it, with an ISSUE
which all must admit to be in some degree
at least affected by different considerations
In my judgement, all that is necessary te
insure success, is dispassionate, but steady
and firm action Let the great principle
which we are now contending for, be once
re-established in the councils of the nation
and the institution of slavery in the District
of Columbia will fall of itself Other and
more important interests will intervene, and
induce the inhabitants themselves to labor
for its removal
| must not however, be understood, either
by what now say, or by what was said in
my letter to the New York delegation at
Utica as repeating the declaration that
would, if elected withhold my approval from
a bill for the abolition of slavery in the
District. could not now give any such
assurance, for the reason that the circum-
stances by which the question is now sur
rounded. are widely and materially different
from what they were when the declaration
was made: and because, upon 9 question Of
expediency, circumstances most control AT
that time, the apprehension was honestly
entertained, that there was danger of aservie
war, in consequence of the extent to which
the agitation of this question had been
pressed Participating in this apprehension
and believing that such declaration, in
advance of any action Of Congress upon the
subject, would have a salutary influence in
ALA ying excitement and warding off the dam
ger which menaced the peace of the slave
holding states, did not hesitate to make it
Whilst on the one hand, all grounds for this
apprehension have passed away, we are on
the other threatened with subversion of the
spirit and character of our government,
through the successful encroachments of the
slave power IT. under such circumstances
two branches of the national legislature
should decide that Il due regard for the
public interest requires the passage of such
a law, should not, if President, think it
within the line of my duty to arrest its
passage by the exercise of the veto power.
Among the difficult subjects that occupi-
ed the attention ofmy illustrations prede-
cessor, whilst 1 was member of his cabi-
net, and of myself whilst President that OF
river and harbor Improvements by the aid
Of the federal government occupies promi-
nent position.
Whilst the conviction was very general with
ourselves and others, that large class of them
was deserving of aid from that quarter, and that
it could be extended to them without exceeding
the prescribed powers of the government, all
were strongly impressed with a deep sense of the
liabilities to abuse to which the legislation of con-
gress upon the subject was unavoidable exposed
The matter was one of frequent and earnest con.
ference between President Jackson and myself
during the last two years of his first, and the
whole of his last term. The result was a con
yiction that no better course could be adopted
than to approve such bills as we were satisfied
AZ ala 10 do