Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1848-09-12

has passel he other house. II j J"s' a. iii
The right and duly Of The Presdeh' 10 os,o .
which he disapproves as Tor your ,n;cb
Linn Minor Bous, 10 uOts against OIL whicn
:. a;',rnrnve, They are both in The perform
ance oi their representative Obligations " ""
,,noln oh, arc their consli'nenis-ine j II"
more Of ons MN pp,ctr, or kmsfy p0wT, OF ~
norclcal prc,osatips in the one case IMAM III 'he
other. ,;o, n mo abspr !
d;,v M he argument against The veto, u nii'aiu
Fillmore SHOULD lie elected Vice Pfesiden,, VIII
is no, likely 10 happen) by The 70 Is VI ouu,ne,"
Wings. and give the casting cote 10 'ie 5en
in favor oil excluding slavery from New NeH..o
md California, and General Taylor should ap
a aro,,s !, because he could not violate his pledge
and exercise The kingly power OF the veto. Inc
VOTE of Fillmore, ono man Potrer, exer-
cised 10 the destruction OF The safety vi Inc oou'
and OF her equal rights in The Union. would De an
republican and patriotic; but the V-E~I-O o. Inc
President, on The same bill, would be one man
power, destructive 10 liberty, and convert lhe
republic INTO monarchy \! the people are
moi grown up children, that they will mol see
through and reEounce such shallow soph'sHy
and ridiculous lallacies
By the constitution OF the Senate, a very uee.'
ded minority OF the popular vote may pas.
mjschieyous law and 81 also WIN Tue t'o LUIS
The beauty oil our system IS us cneehs' -.
veto is MOT absolute, for the constitution mas im-
posed q check upon The Presidents power, oy
giving authority TO two.thirds OF congress ~
pass the bill, in spite OF the veto Moreover nc
il responsible representative and returns 10 inc
people alter tour years-hiS term being shoi,el
Than that Of the Senators. In every case OF inc
exercise of The veto, The popular judgment ehg
sober second holght Of The people, mas Jcs''neu
The act.
For saving that the President is aTepresen'a-
live OF the people, We have been denounced ds
old Federalists and The advocates oil ou.i
heresy, while he Wings call themselves 'ne
true Republican party. In defence OF our Posi'
lion, Mr.. p quoted the following passage ilo'
substitute proposed in The House Of pelesaes "
VIRGINIA in 1912. 10 the Preamble and Resolu'
lions on the subjec. OF the right OF Stale Leglsla-
lures to instruct their senator's in Congress, Dy
BENJAMIN Watkins Leigh, then in the zeniih OF
his talents and leader oil the great Repuohcan
party:
"Besides, the President and the Senators are
officers oil very different character; he is tTiayMs
representative Of the 1choie natson ELECTED bg all,
responsible to all; they are the representatives OF
the States elected by the States, responsible 10
The States; and we naturally lookto our paflicu'
lar representatives 10 promote The ooJecl We
have al hear. To instruct the President were
absolutely impossible"
The Wings saw, that the President has no legis-
aiye power. On this point MIR. P. read short pas.
sage from splendid speech on he trea'y-maknc
| power made in Congress upon Inc bill 10 carry
ip,o f.ci The British Convention in 1915, by Wm
! Pinkney one Of the mos, eminent and llluslrlUus
| iuri,ts who ever adorned this or any other
country. We have made the following copions
but interesting extract from MIR. PlnkneJ speech:
"tis suggested again that the Treaty making
| power (unless we are tenants in common Of il
with the President and Senate, TO the extent, at
| least, of our legislative rights IS pestilent
monster pregnant with all sorts of disasters
| 1t teens with GorgonS, and Hydras, and Chi.
meras dire y
ITO put this particular case, however, out Of
the argument, what have we 10 do with conside
! ratous like thesei are we here to form, or to
submit 10 the Constitution, as il has been given
| TO Us for rule by those tcho are our mast ISL
Can we take upon ourselves the Office Of poti-
cal casuists, and because we think that power
ought to be less than il Isl compel il to shrink to
our standard? Are we to bow with reverence
before the national wilt as the Constitution dis
plays it, or TO fashion it TO our own, TO quarrel
aoith that chartsr, without which we ourselves
are nothing; or TO take il as guide, which We
| cannot desert with innocence or safety 2
But why is the Treaty making power lodged, as
contend il is, in the President and Senate,
| likely to disaster us, as we are required 10 ap
| prchend it will? Sufficient checks have not, as
II seems, been provided, either by the Constitu-
ton or the nature of things 10 prevent tho abuse
of it. II is in the House OF Representatives
alone that the amulet, which bids defiance to
| the approaches Of political disease, or cures i,
when it has commenced can in all vicissitudes
| be found. | hold that the checks arc sufficient
,rithoul the charm Of our Legislative agency, for
all those occasions which wisdom is bound 10
foresee and TO guard against; and that az 10 the
| rest 1.-THE cccentricities and portents which no
| $50, eau urdi VIM The occasions
must provide for themselves.
at is natural here to ask of gentlemen what
security they would have? They cannot take
bond Of Fate;' and they have every pledge
which is short of IT, Have they not, as re
spects the President all the security upon which
they rely, from day 10 day, for the discreet and
upright discharge of the whole of his other du
ties, many and various as they arei What secu.
rity have they that he will not appoint to Office
the refuse Of The world-that he will not pollute
the sanctuary of justice by calling vagabonds to
its holy ministry, instead Of adorning il with
men like those who now give to the bench more
dignity than they receive from it--that he will
not enter into Treaty Of amnesty with every
consprator against law and order, and pardon
| culprits from mere enmity to vir,uei The secu
rity for all this, and infinite y more, is found in
the Coastitution and in the order of nature; and
we are all satisfied with it. One should think
that the same security, which thus far time has
not discredted, might be sufficient TO tranquil.
ze US upon the score of the power which we
| are now considering.
"We talk of ourselves rs if we only were
the representatives Of the people. But the
FRS magistrate Of this country is also the re
preventative Of the people, the creature of their 50
reretgnty, the administrator Of their pouec, their
steward and serrnnt, as you are-he comes from
III people, IS lifted by hem into place and autho
rity, and after short season return. 10 them for
censnre applause There is no analogy be
tween such 4 mag istrate and the hereditary
monarchs of Europe. He is not born to the in
| herltance Of ofice-he cannot even be elected
until he has reached an age at which ne must
pass for what he is; until his habits have been
formed, his integrity tried, his capacity ascer.
tanned, his character discussed and probed for
series of years, by press which knows none
of the restraints of European policy. lie acts,
as you do, in the full view OF bis constituents,
and under the consciousness that on account Of
i VIC eucss vi MS SUTTON, all eyes are upon
him He knows, too. as well as you can know,
the temper and intelligence of those for whom
| he acts. and TO whom he is amenable He
cannot hope that they will be blind 10 the vices
of his Administration on subjects of high con.
cernDent and vital interest," and in proportion as
he acts upon his own responsibility, unreieved
and unduted by the infusion of ours, is the
danger of i'll advised conduct likely 10 be pre-
sent 10 his mind
"If there be any power explicitly granted BY
the Constitution to Congress, it is that of de.
clarng war; and if there be any exercise of hu.
man legislation more solemn and important than
another, It is declaration Of war.
''In addition 10 the example of Treaty of
peace which have just been considering, let
me put another, of which none of us can ques
ton the reality. The President may exercise
the power of pardoning save only in the case
OF impeachments. The power Of pardoDing is