New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1848-08-29

them. Caussldiere IS perhaps tne most popular
man in Paris not that he would receive the
greatest numbered SURFACES for any Office, but that
the people, the masses, are more attached 70 hiin
than TO any other public man lie IS full OF heart
great mass Of generosity aud impulse, and bears
the appearance VI straight iOrw ard honesty IN so
striking a degree that i seems hardly possible 10
suppose him guilty of the opposite. At the same
time he Is not a logcian, has little skill IL debate
and might fail entirely m explaining single one
Of the ideas which in private Or IA pubic VIII
sometimes start up In his speeches Ike the iuli
ears oil a whest-field. Ii be can now be sup
pressed it will be done that is one purpose OF
the report do not say that he is innocent or
guilty OF the charges brought against him; that
question is 70 be decided by the evidence, winch
Is not vet published nor do mean 70 say that the
Committee have wllliuly belIed him or either oil
his associates IN the accusation. The members %.
the Committee are all personally respectable
men but they are the men OF a party, and when
was party spirit especially in revolution, ever
governed by Justice humanity or wisdom
/ speak thus of Caussidisre from desire that he
may receive something beside that lndlscriminate
condemnation which the journals Of England and
after them OF America let tall upon the head Of
every man against whom SANDER raises WINS
per- at a time when the wisdom Of an angel could
scarcely guide Alright the steps OF any one charged
with public affairs. And this condemnation IS all
the more surely and more sweeIingly inflicted n
the victim be friend Of the people-il in his
mind their welfare is OF more account than the
present interests of shop-keeping.
Louis Blanc IS another man treated with gross
Injustice By the public everywhere, who-unless
am greatly mistaken-will receive another charac-
ter when the motives and facts Of these times
come 10 be impartially weighed and understood.
An instance OF the universal calumny Of which he
the object is the notion so long current that he
established the National Workshops, aud wa thus
Ia. Il. -frfaU all fHt
while they were the work Of VI. Marie against
whom not a single reproach has yet been raised
on account OF them In view of this fact, would
il not be well 10 receive with the EXTREMIST eau
ton any other reports against him. no matter how
positively they may be asserted. Were Louis
Blanc on the opposite side OF the great question
now at issue, and appearing at every instant Ia
France he would be recognized as man OF re-
markable qualities He j. not an organizer GER
tainly not a man Of much practical dexterIty per-
haps but his head and heart are both on a larger
pattern than that after which the majority OF his
cotemporaries are made. History will also record
IL in his honor that OF all the OF the Provisional
Government he alone came 10 the work with clear
perception Of the nature and destiny OF the Revo
luton. Whatever blunders he may have COM
mitted, that credit cannot be denied him
As TO the Revelation, let me here repeat and II
possible more emphatically, what has been SAID
many times before. IL is a social rather than
political crisis Its purpose IS not simply to change
the form of Government. but 70 change the form OF
Society. Ii will be concluded only when new so
cial institutions are firmly established IN the place
of the old when the right 10 education 10 labor and
20 the profit of labor secured, not only IN words
but by organized Institutions, 10 every member oi
the community. Consequently all talk about u
which supposcs it to be mere political reform IS
mistaken if it were only that, It would have been
over by this time, and there would be no danger n
fr,r OIL auSf that cOUld easily Ne met
But it is more than a Republic that the French
people have resolved 10 have; It was more than a
Republic that was born on the oath OF February.
The Democratic idea here goes beyond the right
to vote.
Liberty, saws the French people is Of two kinds,
political and social-we viii have them both one
is useless without the other. OF what advantage
is it to a man to have the name OF a freeman and
a citizen If he is a pauper. dependent for his
daily bread, the slave OF his own physical neces-
sites
Now this is the idea not of n few theorists, not
of one, two, twenty sects OF Socialists, but IL
is the idea of the Revolution, rs purpose, ITS es-
sence its destiny. No man, with half an eye open,
can be here for any length OF time, minsle with
different classes of the population, and observe the
changing features of the public without seeing
this 1t is not the Socialists, the lnsurrectlonists,
or any set OF men who have set tins idea IN mo
ton and have excited and stirred up the minds OF
the people. Just in the process OF creation Ma
ture produced vegetables, flowers and trees, III
dcpendentlv in regions remote from each other, so
in the ILLNESS of time this idea has been born IN
thousands and millions OF minds Independently OF
each other. Some have been the organs OF It's
expression more than others and have gained to
il new adhercnts, no doubt; but this does not ac-
count for the whole fact. The creative influence
was in the tmosphere the age and the people
were ripe, aud the idea OF Social Hepublc was
produced; once produced II must be realized
The present Revolution is the struggle for its reall-
cation.
The duration and panfuness OF this struggle
must depend on the party that by position instinct
and interest, resist the movement. The inno'a-
ton proceeds from the people the resisting party
is the bourgeosie in 50 the innovation proceeded
from the bourgeoise, and the resisting party was
the arist0cracy. We all know too well what that
struggle cost and We can understand that had the
arisocracy been less blind, had they conceived the
terrible power which the idea OF that Revolution
would exercise when too obstinately resisted, and
had they known what horrors would accompany
their defeat, they might have spared 1t all by
Welding what was sure 20 be be taken from them.
But when was the party of resistance and reaction
ever wise enough To yield IN season Ii has al
WAYS rated for its fortress 10 be taken by storm
lattorly, indeed il has shown a readiness TO give
up political privileges by running away IN time TO
insure its safety but this is course OF con
duct taught by severe experience. Kings and no.
blties have learned that II thrones are not aban-
doned and titles surrendered, it is apt 10 be the
worse for the obstinate incumbents. But socla
privileges men have not learned to yield the
whole field of social rights is an untred arena the
bourgeoisle have as firm a faith in the strength OF
their cause as the nobility had in theirs in So
They regard the people with the same contempt
that W as then lavished upon themselves They
think the innovation is foolish and lmpractlcable
Just so thought the aristocracy. They think II a
mere temporary excitement just so thought the
aristocracy. They think il is anti-social and
harbarous just so thought the aristocracy. They
hate the masses that cry out against their PRIV
ieges, claiming an emancipation not altogether
Ineligible to those holding the power complained
Of; lust so did the aristocracy. In word, the
old fact is repeated under new circumstances,
with different interests at stake,.and with new
parties.
For the bourgeolsie resistance is as hopeless as
il was for the aristocracy; ideas and the people
once leagued together may be checked, may be
resisted, but cannot be defeated their final sue
cess may be rendered difficult and costly but sue
coed they must. As said, it depends on the party
that opposes them, how long and how painful the
transition shall be- and theirs is, TO say the least
the greater share OF the responsibility. Who was
responsible for 93l Was II not the resistance OF
So Who is responsible for the distress that ap-
,ffstf. of Ea,r