Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1848-12-29

country with a candidate whose opinions and
views had been expressed in the most une-
~uniyocal manner. He was in favor Of keep
ing the question Of slavery, as connected with
these Territories, out of this Hall. This
doctrine seemed to have been condemned by
the result of the late election. He would
add, that so far as he was individually con-
cerned, his position had always been, that
the doctrine of non-interference was the bet
ter doctrine. If the party TO which he be.
longed were 10 consult the old Democratic
platform-if they were TO follow the track
which that party had pursued upon all ques-
tions-or very generally, at least-such would
have been their course. Their object had
been to bring into these halls as few ques-
tons as possible-to leave to the States them
selves as many questions as it was possible
to leave to them; and, still pursuing that
path, their party-or, all events, the candi-
date of that party-was willing TO adhere TO
it on this question of slavery.
1t had, however, as he [Mr. r. had sta
ted, been condemned, and it seemed that leg
i%slation must be had but it seemed also that
it must not be had under this Admlnistra-
ton. The question was taken out OF thelr
hands. The people had devolved the duty
upon other hands and under these circum-
stances, with a dying Administration, and an
expiring Congress, he conceived II would be
improper to step in between the people, ana
undertake to settle the question before Cen
eral Taylor entered upon the duties OF the
executive Office. Suppose 1t were one OF The
old domestic questions in which the country
had been so much interested, and about which
/, had been so much agitated-say, for en-
ample, the bank or the tariff quesiion-pIace
either of these questions in a parallel condi-
,;an ,ri,h this and ha UOuld aGk. WOuld IL
be proper, with a Democratic Administration,
lust defeated, 10 und ertake to settle itl He
thought not. And such also was his opinion
of this question.
He was perfectly well aware that the two
ends Of the Union which supported General
TAYLOR on this particular question of slavery,
differed widely from each other; yet on one
question they all agreed that was to say,
they had with one accord agreed-if in any
thing-upon this point, that this Government
had the power to legislate on this question of
slavery here, and that it ought to exercise
that powel. He believed, too, that the south
ern division of the Confederacy which sup
ported General Taylor had taken the lead, it
possible, in contendlng that the Government
had the power, and that il was expedlent 10
exercise it. So far as they Of the North who
had opposed Legislation on this question were
COnCeTneQ-ne SPOKE dl lGdSt v uiuuSCli -hC
E had opposed it on the ground of eypediency
alone. He had never opposed it On consii'
tutional grounds. The southern friends o
General TAYLOR seemed unwilling, however
: to abide by this doctrine. They were as
jealous for legislation as the Wilmot provis
men of the North. He spoke from the re
, cord he drew his authority from the book
i He spoke from the speeches OF these gentle
D men, here and elsewhere.
e In proof Of this assertion, he would TAX
leave to turn the attention OF the gentiema
l. to the bill which came to this House fror
l. the Senator, at the last session, known as III
compromise bill of Mr.. Clayton. That bi
proposed to leave the question of SLAYER
II where the Constitution of the United State
" and International law had left it. If und'
> their operation the shareholders OF the Sout
IS could have taken slaves into these Terrific
ries, the bill did not propose to cut them OH
hut if shareholders would have been prohibI
ted by these laws from doing so, then tn
bill did not propose to confer upon them an
= constitutional right to do so. The bill pas
sed the Senate by the constitutional major
ity and, as a party, the Democratic party Q
Q the country were willing to abide by thu
constitutional doctrine, lead where 1t might
o Ii was a doctrine older than this question
and it would have been anti.Democratl an
anti Republican, nay, more, IL would nav
Is evinced q willingness TO trample on consiltt
10 tional rights 10 have commended Tor more
C. Vet. when the bill came 10 the House,
s. distinguished gentleman from Georgia and
N decided friend of General Taylor, Mr.. ST.
IN phens,1 moved that it be laid on the tabI'
y and it was accordingly laid on the table, Sc
" en- other southern members voting with III
10 gentleman. The gentleman subsequent
IN obtained the floor, and explained his reaso
o. for his motion and his vote. They wer
nc that under the operation of the Constitute
as and OF International law, his constituent
s. would not be permitted, under the bill,
lie take their slaves into these Territories. +
OIL went into an elaborate argument to show tn
lie slavery was a local institution; that the 20
s~titution had.nowhere established it; that sla
up nv had already been abolished in New MeA
on co and California, and that the passage
al the bill would have continued the prohit
ID ton, unless altered by competent auihorlt
on The gentleman quoted writers upon law. al
" the decisions of the Supreme Court, and,
IL he (Mr. r. thought, very ably made out
case. And he had closed his speech wi
!" these propositions:
III The first is, that by the bill the whole su
GU iect of slavery in Cali 'ornia and New Mex
or co, without any Legislation on the part
~ Congress or the Territorial Governments, o.
way or the other, is referred to the Judiciar
to determine whether it can legally existthe
- or not.
-o- I'd. That the Constitution Of the Unit
~ States fully recognizes and amply protec
Ie' the institution of slavery where it exists
o., the laws of the State or place; but 1t do
,ey not establish it any where, where by t
laws of the place, it is prohibited.
Sd, That California and New Mexico !
eeL ing Territories acquired by conquest, all t
IN laws which were in force at the time of Il
conquest, not inconsistent with the Constit
lion Of the United States, or the s"tipulali
an Of the treaty of peace, or which were pure
Of a political character, are, according to we