The Middlebury galaxy. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1848-1850, 1848-02-22


have listened, with good degree of attention
and interest, to the debates which have occurred
in this House, on some of the subjects contained
in the Presidents message, and have been desir-
Gus of extracting from them some general princi-
pie. have heard gentlemen discuss them now
for many days, and have seen the parties or rath-
er their leaders, who have spoken here, and who
have explained their respective views on the great
questions which now agitate the country. / have
too, with regret, heard them indulgng in but ILL.,
disguised personalities in regard to the motives of
those who differed from them in opinion. This
has generally been done with decent respect to
decorum, in point of FORM but gentlemen have
evidently been inclined 10 think and to say that
those who differed from them en- the points of pub
lie policy, and especially in relation to this war
were enemies of the country. They have, at least
given the community so to understand and so 10
believe. Now, man may differ with me in opin-
ion, on question deeply interesting to oar COM
mon country, and yet neither of us be an enemy
of that country. The truth is, men erect in their
minds a standard of national prosperity, and they
take it for granted that, if any one opposes their
of advancing that prosperity and especially
if he actually repudidte it, he must be an enemy Of
his countrys prosperity because their idea of pros
perity is exclusively, that standard they have thus
erected. 1t seems TO me, sir that the two parties
in this House, and in this country, differ entirely
in relation to the great point of wherein national
prosperity consists if not even in the great ends
and purposes of government i can but speak for
myself i relation TO the great ends of govern
ment, have an idea, more or less perfect, and it
is essentially this TO promote the good of the
people, to melorate their condition to elevate
them in their physical, moral intellectual and So
cial condition. The means to the accomplishment
of this end consists in so directing our government
as 10 develop our resources and encourage domes-
tic industry, improve the means of intercourse and
education, advance our agriculture, commerce,
and manufactures, improve our laws and their
administration, and thus make of us homoGen-
eous people, all elevated and adorned with taste
and refinement becoming the members of a gLori-
Gus republic. This, to my mind, is national pros
paity.
NV experience and observation here, has not
been eff great extent as il is not over five years
since became member of this House but, with
that amount of congressional experience and after
carefully listening TO the progress of this debate
am constrained to conclude that gentlemen on the
opposite side of this House have arected in their
minds very different standard of national pros
perity. According to their conceptions the pros
perity of the nation consists in what advances its
| military glory; in whatever extends the area OF
territory possessed; in whatever gives eclat by
blood and gunpowder and feats of AIMS. With
them that is national prosperity. l do not say they
are prepared to deny that the gooiof our people
is the true end of government but it becomes ex.
ceedingly difficult for me to understand how that
end can be reached by pursuing their course Of
national prosperity. So long, however as they
retain that idea they will, very naturally, REGARD
all who obstruct their course, and who would put
stop to such a career of prosperity as enemies Of
their country, and traitors TO its Government. The
difference between us, then, is palpable broad and
fundamental. We differ entirely in the iGea o.
what constitutes national glory and national pros
perity.
To show that mere extension of territory. and
especially if done with the sword, is really cher
ished idea of the party who sustain the present
Executive, it becomes necessary to take n short
retrospection of the course of events for the last
four years and, in so DOING / think it will be
quite manifest that, in entertaining and prosecut-
| ing this object, so blind and headlong has been
the course, that the real good of our own people
the clear provisions Of the Constitution and the
dictates of eternal truth and justice, have been
| like forgotten and disregarded
| Up TO the year 1874, the political parties which
divided this country had differed, and at times
very widely, in relation to the means and meas
ures which would best effect the greatest good to
the greatest number, or to ALL of our own people
and, as they respectively were in power, they a
dopted their respective favorite system Of meas
ures to this end. This was of comparatively little
and temporary importance TO the country, be-
cause, if the measures operated badly, they were
easily repealed or changed But in the 2sth Con
gress a new course of public policy was struck
out. Men seem TO have become unwilling 10 be
] satisfied with improving our own broad patrimo-
ny, the boon of Heaven, and a new course of ter
ritOridl extension was begun. This, unlike former
measures, which might be changed if on trial they
proved unsatisfactory, was, when done, incapable
ofrepedl; and yet tie course was entered upon
with hot haste and unseemly precipitancy. The
first scene in this great drama hope it may moi
turn out tragedy to us) was the annexation o
| Ierds.
1t is undoubtedly true, there were some men
in the northern and eastern parts Of the United
States, who insisted that the powers of the Gener
| al Government of the United States shonld be Sc
directed add exercised as TO produce the abolition
of slavery within the states where IT existed; but
the great body Of the people, even in the free
States, held, in common with the people of slave
States that the institution of slavery was exclu
sively within the control of the States were it ex
isted, and that the United States Government
should put forth no exercise of power, either di-
rectly or indirectly TO affect it within thoseStates
The issue was not rhicL srdy shall the power Of
the United States be exercised-tT or against sla
very-but the question was shall any such power
be exercised in any udy on the subject On this
point say, the great body of our people held but
one Sentlulcut
But it seems that in order to induce the people
of the South to enter into the annexation policy
an unfounded alarm was created, and this doctrine
of non-interference was discarded. And, in order
TO secure and perpetu-te slavery in the States the
exercise of the power Of the United States Gov
eminent was invoked, and was put forth for the
annexation of Texas, for that purpose; and thus
the southern shareholder has actually gone over to
the ultra political dbolitoniS, on this ISSUE and
holds, with him, the doctrine that the power OF
this Government should be exercised, at least in
directly on the subject of slavery within the States
and we are thus driven to the wall aud all that is
left us is to say if it is settled that this power
TO be used, we must soon say, 'rhich ray it shall
be used. On that point think little doubt will
long exist
In proof Of the position that such was the pur-
pose for which this annexation policy was COM
menced, do not refer to the individual opoion
or action of any private citizens whatever, but TO
the public records of this country, made and pro-
mulg gated by the official organs OF the Govern
ment. The Secretary Of State Mr.. Calhoun in
his official letters as the organ of this Govern
ment, to the British minister, Mr. Paekenham and
| Il -. olx