Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1848-01-13
REMARKS OLE NV HALE.
In the United States Senate, Dec. 80, 1917, on
the bill to raise ten additional regiments
FIR tAc lLericnn War.

rule that is laid down by Lindley Murray, 1t is, that
the perfect tense not only represents an action as pas
sed and finished, but contains a direct alluslon to the
present time. What is the language Of the President!
ut has neUer been contemplated By me as an object Of the
toQr to make q permanent conquest Of The RepNbttc Of
.Merico, or 10 dnnnhiate her separate erjstence as an it-
dependent nation" 1t seems to me that there Is here a
most pregnant allusion to the present time. ltappears
that the Administration has begun to entertain a differ
ent notion, and | am confirmed in this belief by look
ing at a lother passage in the Message where the Fres-
ident says:
"If, after affording this encoura cement and protec-
ton, and after all the persevering and sincere efforts
we have made, from the moment Mexico commenced
the war, and prior to that time, to adjust our differences
with her, we shall ultimately fail, then we shall have
exhausted all honorable means in pursuit of peace, and
must continue to occupy her country with our troops,
taking the full measure 0f~indenmty into our OUn hands,
and must enforce the terms ,0hich our honor demandS."
He does not tell us how much it will take to till ms
hands and satisfy his honor, but he tells MS that we have
possession of New Mexico and California now, but he
fails to inform us how much more territory VIII be a
satisfaction for the further and more vigorous prosecu-
ton Of the war which he recommends. And am the
more DESTROYS of saying a word at this time by reason
Of the lntimation which has been thrown out, that there
are some who are opposed to the war and prefer mani
+ sting that pposit on on an abstract reso' utHon; and who
yet will not take the responsibility Of opposing the
measures which the President recommends. Sir, | do
not know but that my IDEAS may be peculiar upon this
subject, but | believe that the war was commenced in
~taIsehood, and prosecuted in injustice, and that the in
situations of the United States, are IN more danger at
this moment of humiliation, than those of Mexico, and
have no sympathy with those gentlemen who tell us
that this measure has no connexion with the origin of
the war; think it has everything to do with it, and |
would like TO see gentlemen who think otherwise solve
this problem, and inform us how long it will take, in
the manner we are going on, to arrive at the end OF
the war.
would that they would tell us how long must we
perseyore in a wrong cause before we shall come out
right?
| would be glad if they would tell lis another thing,
| would like to hear them demonstrate to us how much
better it is to conquer a peace than to keep a peace
Conquer a peace! that seems to be a sort. Of magical
phrase, and the course recommended to effect it re-
minds me of the manner of treating a patient purs ued
by an old Spanish physician, who tancied that by let
ting blood and administering warm water he could
cure all diseases. In proceeding with this practice it
was found that his patients all died; the Doctor said
that the reason was because he did not take enough
blood from them. He took more from his next pa
tents and they continued to die, and upon a consulta-
ton as to whether some other mode OF treatment might
not be attended with better results, he said he would
listen to the recommendation for a change Of treat
ment if he had not written a book upon the subject
Well SIT, the President has written a book, ana requires
Of us thlt we should follow It. Now, recognizing no
such obligation as that, | desire that tins measure may
be discussed fully, freely, and fairly, as embraced in
the resolutions proposed by the Senator from South
Carolina, and the Senator from New York, and that
those Of the Senator from South Carolina should take
precedence of those offered by the Senator from New
York, for the resolutions of the Senator from South
Carolina relate to the question how much territory we
shall rob Mexico Of; and the Senator from New York
tells US no V to take care of the spoils after we have
got them. | therefore think that the resolutions of the
Senator from South Carolina should take precedence
of those of the Senator from New York and that they
should both take precedence of this bill. | desire
that the question should be presented in such a man.
ner that the whole country may understand it, and
sir, it is all involved in this ten regiment bill. 1t seems
to me the question presented by this bill will determine
the whole matter, if we are to 90 on, and follow the
course pointed out by the President, and give hin ten
regiments Of regulars and twenty of volunteers in ad-
dttion, then of course this bill is to be pissed.
But if, as | believe, the war was commenced in
error, here is the place to stop; and with my consent,
the first dollar shall not go from the National Treasu-
ry, until the President inform us how much he sup
poses will be required to bring the army home by the
shortest and cheapest route. For this purpose he shall
have money; but not with my vote for continuing the
war with an indefinite purpose. think it is time that
the country should understand what we are aiming at,
and think that the belief of a great majority of the
people already, is. tina. the war was not only a crime,
but a blunder, and it is this which calls attention to it
more iorclbly than II 1t had renamed simply a crime,
an unfortunate one, certainly, when viewed in the best
light. And | am willing that if the expression of this
view should bring ever SO much opprobrium that it
should come now. 1t seems to me that those who
view the policy of tue administration as a miserable
one, should boldly and distinctly say SO, ard vote &C
c%ordingly. Let us not be guilty Of the miserable in
consistency of saying that the war is an error, and of
still voting supplies to enable the President to carry it
nm Lot CcnUrpcs an whom tho rnSnoncihiliv rosie
and to whom the country will look in this matter, take
the war into their own hands, and declare distinctly
and uneqlivocaIl y to the country what they intend, and
what they desire.
| do not know that there is a single member on this
floor who sympathizes with me in the view which |
take, but | believe that this war marks the age as bar
barous, and that we are vastly more in danger of bring
ing ruin and destruction upon our own Institutions,
than those of the country with which we are at war;
| want the question presented boldly--not by way of
problem or mere abstraction. For one, my mind Is
made up. Not the first dollar shall the President
take, by my vote, for either regular or volunteer force,
until he comes forward and informs the country, how
much he does want in order to secure an honorable
peace, aud The mode in which he proposes to effect so
desirable a result. The other day the honorable Sen
from Michigan told US that every man, woman and
child in the country knew what we wanted. | confess
[ heard this assertion with some establishment; for if
it be true, | could not class myself with either man,
woman or child-for | confess | did not know. Nor
was | in the least enlightened when the honorable
Senator added that it was indemnity and satisfaction.
Mr.. Cass. | beg the honorable Senator's pardon
that was not my expression; indemnity and security
wor} the words | used.
Mr.. Hale. Well, | have not got any light yet.
Mr.. Cass. That is not my fault.
Mr.. Hale. No, sir, it is owing to my opacity prob
ably, but waivtng for the present the discussion, wheth-
er it is owing to the inability of the honorable SEN
ltor to impart, or of myself to receive light, and pro
3eed.
Indemnity and security. Indemnity for what p
Security for what? Here endeth the first lesson
We do not know, we are as much in the dark as ever.
DO not intend at this time to do more than to make
these general remarks. On some future occasion
propose, not with the hope of influencing the action
of the Senate, but TO place myself arIght before those
have sent me here, TO express my views more full
ly in regard to the war. And permit me to say here,
| think the origin of the war lies a little deeper
than any of the causes which have been assigned by
those who have spoken upon the subject. believe
the origin of the war lies IN the avowed object of the
American government to perpetuate the institution Of
slavery. That believe to be the true de-
sign and purpose of this war; and if 1t had not been
for that cause we never should have had it. Believing
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