Weekly national intelligencer., 1848-11-04

~ is CHIEFLY ueSlgneu, mat oil an lHlDteatUe U
tack upon the constitutional rights Of The Erecu
Hve, or in a case in which the public good was
evidently and paIpably sacrificed" &c.
The passages in the Federalist which we have
just referred to, and which are cited by the Union
also show that the veto power was given to the Pre-
sident principally as shield, not at all as spear
to defend himself, not to assal the public will and
subordnately, as check on " haste, inadvertence
or design" by which the "pubHc good was EvI.
IDENTIFY and PALPABLY sacrificed" With this, the
theory Of our Constitution, Gen. TAYLoR's views
are exactly consistent; and to this theory the veto
power, as abused by Gen. JACKSON and his Loco
foco successors, and as Gen. CAss stands pledged,
if elected, to abuse it, is exactly opposed.
The Court Journal, in quoting from the Fede-
ralist No. 70, loyalty skips over some passages
which further illustrate the constitutional doctrine
of the veto power, and supplies their place with
| some convenient asterisks. The omitted passages
are as follows:
| "Nor is this all. The superior weight and in
fluence Of the Legislative body in free Govern
ment, and the hazard to the Executive in trial
of strength with that body, afford satisfactory
security that the negative would generally be en-
ployed mih great caution, and that in its exer-
else there would oflener be room for charge of
tmidity than of rashness. A King of Great Br-
tain, with all his train of sovereign attributes, and
with all the influence he draws from thousand
sources, would, at this day, hesitate to put ne
gative upon tine joint resolutions of the two Houses
/ of Parliament. He would not fail to exert the
utmost resources of that influence to strange a
measure dsagreeable to him, in its progress to
the Throne to avoid being reduced to the dilem-
ma Of permitting it to take effect, or of risking
The displeasure of the nation by an opposition 10
the sense of the legislative body. Nor is it pro-
bable that he would ultimately venture to exert
his prsrogative but in of manifest propriety
or extreme necessity. All we-informed men in
| that kingdom will accede to the business of this
remark. very considerable period has elapsed
since the negative of the Crown has been exercised.
"If magistrate SO powerful and so well fort-
fed as British monarch would have scruples
about the exercise Of the power under considera-
ton, ho,c much greater caution may be reasona-
| bly erpected IN President of the United States,
clothed, for The short period Of four gears, with
the erecutice authority ofa Government aeholty
: and purely republican %
So that the writer's of the Federalist thought they
saw satisfactory security that the veto power
would be exercised with " great ca,tton," and that
they did not dream that the Chief Magistrate of a
" Government ochoiiy and purely republican" would
dare to have fewer scrupes about il than the King OF
England had Alas, those great men, among the
wsest of their own or of any other day, were, after
ALL not prophets
They thought they saw another ground Of Sc
curity, which also experience has failed to confirm.
In No. 6s they say:
"This process Of election affords moral certain
ty that The office Of President will seldom fall to
the lot OF any man who is not in an eminent de-
gree endowed with the requisite qualifications.
Talents for io,c intrigue and the Title arts Of
| popularity may alone suffice to elevate man to
the first honors of single State but il will
quire OTHER talents and different kind Of merit
to establish him in the esteem and confidence of
the uh0ie Union, or Of so cons vderable portion
of il as would be necessary to make him sue
cessnl candidate for the distinguished office of Pre-
| sident Of the United States. Ii will not be too
strong to say that there will be constant proba-
GMty Of seeing the station filed by characters pre-
eminent for ability and rirtue."
| The construction Of the veto power given by
lIAMnToN, MADISON, and JAY, in the argument by
which they endeavored to propitiate the People to
the Constitution, had before prevailed in the Con-
VeiilOn; IL became, on lne adopuOn Oi ule ConsU-
tuition and the organization of the Government, the
administrative construction, and 50 continued to be
ill the accession of Gen. JACKSON to the Presden-
cy. At an early period of President WASHINGTON s
Administration, doubling the constitutionality Of a
bill establishing National Bank, he invited the
opinions Of HAMILTON, Secretary Of the Treasury,
and JEFFERSON, Secretary Of State. Gen. HAMIL-
Toy's opinion was in favor Of, Mr.. JEFFERSON S
against. the constitutionaty Of the bill. But mark
Mr.. JerFERsoN's words:
"The negative Of the President is the shield pro-
'vided by the Constitution to protect against the
invasions of the Legisa;ure-l, the rights of the
Executive; 2, Of the Judiciary; 3, Of the States
and State Legislatures. The present is the case
of right remaining exclusively with the States,
: and is, consequently, one Of those intended by the
Constitution to be placed under his protection
"It must be added, however, that unless the Pre-
sidenfs mind, on view Of every thing which is
urged for and against this bill, is toerably clear
: that it is authorized by The Constitution if the
pro and the con hang so even as to balance his
| Judgment, Just respect for the Uisdom Of the
| ~ LEGISLATURE would naturally decide the balance
@in favor of their opinion. II is chiefly for cases
where they are clearly misled by error, ambition
or interest, that the Constitution has placed q
!. check in the negative Of the President.
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