The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-12-30

whites and every black was driven from the
State, in less than ten years at least one
hundred thousand free negroes would find
their way among US, and meet a ready re-
ception in despite Of any legal inhibition
against them. II this conjecture be true
the evil from free negroes, be it what it may,
is unavoidable. and one which we would
have to endure, even though we succeeded
in sending off the whole of our blacks, by
some faultless plan Of African colonization.
u is. therefore. no sufficient objection to the
proposed plan. that ii does not provide for the
driving Oft or carrying of the emancipated
blacks. s..-
1t is easy to show an apparent great State
loss. BY taking the probable number of
slaves fifty years hence. multiplying that by
an average value, and thus producing an
immense sum which will be insisted on
asa total loss Of so much to the State a.
large. though no actual loss can be shown
to any particular present owner Of slaves.
This calculation is entirely fallacious. IL
at the end of the fifty years. the slaves were
all to be carried from the State, and sold in
foreign market, there would be some
plausibility in the idea. II the slaves are
ever to be carried from the State. their mar
ket value had as we'll be realised in that way
now as then. But as the slaves will be re-
tanned here as long as the system is keptup,
and though they have marketable value
between man and man at home. they add
nothing to the entire wealth OF the State,
except so far as the system tends to reduce
the cost Of the whole labor done in the
State. For if the slaves when emancipa-
ted would do the same labor, for the same
wages, that is for a bare subsistence, then
J: would matter not TO the aggregate wealth
Of the State, whether they be slaves or free.
All the capital invested in slaves. which is
not necessary to making their labor as cheap
as white labor, is Just so much pro6tless
capital thrown away. so far as the general
wealth Of the whole State is concemed.-l
Whether the aggregate Of our whole slave
system produces any saving in the cost Of
the whole labor Of the State, even at the
present rate Of wages in Kentucky, is a
much disputed and very disputable point.
When wages shall more nearly approximate
the cost of subsistence, then obviously
slaves will add nothing to the aggregate
wealth, for itmatters not to the State wheth.
er the wages be retained in the pocket OF
the master citizen, or paid out to the citizen
laborer. According to the calculations Of
many intelligent persons the wages Of free
labor will be 50 low fifty years hence. that
slaves will not be worth having. Certain
il is, that more than half Of the laboring
population Of Europe. is now working for
scanty supply of bad clothing and worse food.
They annually die by thousands. from star
Walton, because they cannot obtain work
even on those terms. The natural increase
Of the population Of the United States.
will in fifty years give US sixty millions
which must render the competition among
laborers very great, and reduce their wages
very low. There is not the slightest reason
for doubling, that after elevating personal
labor to its proper dignity, there will be
abundant facility in substituting free for
slave labor, and at the same cost to the en-
ployers.
Let not any friend to emancipation with
hold his aid from the accomplishment Of
some such plan, because it is not, as he
conceives, doing enough. Fifty years is a
life time, and more than a whole life time
to most men. but it is very short period in
the life Of State. Any movement in that
direction, however slow. is Of much value
and great gain to the general cause Of
emancipation. Even permanent prohibi-
ton against the importation Of slaves is
worth battling for. The friends Of the
cause have had many earnest contests in
the Legislature to secure that very point. Ii
is leading motive with their adversaries,
in endeavoring to get the control Of the
convention that they may take from eman-
cipation that element of future strength.
Do not Kentucky statesmen owe il to
their own reputation for justice and intslii-
gence, as we'll as to the fair fame of their
good mother, whom they all love so well,
that they shall make some such movement
Can they fold their arms in scorniul indif
ference to the enlightened public sentiment
Of the civilised world and refuse to make
any movement, however small, towards
emancipation. That public sentiment has
become great power among the nations.
We vaunt that, by our American precePts
and example. we have put it in motion. 1t
is tremendous energy We have vivihed, as
we hope for the good of man. Who for
himself or his country can venture to de-
spise or defy it! Neither our climate nor
our agricultural pursuits afford us the pre-