Wisconsin herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1846-1849, 1848-09-02
LANCASTER WISCONSIN, SATURDAY, 'sEPTEMBER 3, 1915


be tolerated there. That you may do: he
of the lions and tigers goes back. having LOST
his whole concern. But now Won take n
fellow that you say is brother TO a mon
key--with wool on his head, and pqrtus Sc
quitw rentrem engraved on HIM somewhere
else, and somehow Congress is impotent;
all the power ofthe sovereignty of the coun-
Try is impotent to stop him. That is strange
sort OF argument to me. 1t has always been
considered that when State forms a Con-
sututlon /, can exclude Slavery. The Con-
stitution OF State declares Slavery 10 he an
evil. Southern gentlemen have said that
they would have done awCy with il if pos
sIble, and they have apologiZed to the world
and to themselves for the existence of il in
their midst. These honest old men of an
other day never could have appealed to God
IN the way they did, had they not been will
ling to strike of the chains from every ne
gro m the Colonies, it il had been possible
tor them To do SO without upturning the
foundations of society. | do not revive
these things to wound the feelings of any
gentleman. | know that some of them con-
slider this institution as valuable; but many
OF them ms | know regard it as n curse
But, thank God, Slavery is not in Oregon,
II Is not IN California, aud when | find that
you have tramped down the people in or
der TO extend your dominion over them,
fell IL to be my duty, when you appeal 10 me
TO make laws for them, and the supreme tri-
bunal has said have the power To do So TO
avert such a curse, aud establish free insti-
tutious, under which no man can say that
another man is his property. do not doubt
this power. know that il has been con-
sdered ofold from 1877 till the present time,
TO be vested in Congress. The judicial tri-
bunals in the West have considered il so,-
and the Supreme Court of the United
States have said in that decision so often
referred TO, that it was so. Have they found
any restrictions upon usi No. And what
would you do If you were in Oregon to-day
What would you do, and you, and youi p
Would any man here, if he were acting in a
legislative capacity in that country. say,
~ feel bound TO admit this evil into this
country, for the the benefit of the States that
are overwhelmed with themin IL this were
true, II would he the duty Of the free States,
IN that iraternal spirit which ought TO pre-
vail between the various States of the I'm
ion, to admit slavery whenever the Slave
States become overburdened with them.
Am not, then, bound to lay the founda-
tons of that State for whose future progress
am To he responsible, in the way which |
think the most likely to produce beneficial
results to the people there? And when |
find myself possessed of this power; and
clothed with commensurate responsibility,
no threats of dissolution Of the Union, no
hearfburnings here nor there, and least of
all-that which we have heard much of out
of doors--the coming Presidential Election,
shall deter me from pursuing this course. -
If in my power, in the language of the Or
dinance of 'S7, would have il enacted th.t
Slavery shall never exist in that couniry.--
Then, when my black man comes TO the Su
preme Court of the United States, as pro-
vided in this bill, that Court must override
the decision in the case of Peters, or else /
have misunderstood The extent of that pow
or. Then we will have acted upon the sub
ject--wo will have forbidden Slavery; and
observed that some gentlemen who han
died this subject were very careful TO keen
upon that line that slavery may go where il
is not prohibited. That is the reason why
prefer the ordinance of 'S7 to this, so cali
ed, Compromise bill. have no doubt that
every Senator who assented 10 that bill con
WINGED himself that il was The best he could
pass. ] have no doubt that our friends from
the North thought that il would be effective
IN preventing Slavery in these Territories.
But see that the Senator from South Car
olina does not think so. lie supports the
bill for the very reason that il will admit Sa-
very. The Senator from Vermont for the
reason that Slavery cannot get there. Now,
IN this confusion of ideas, desire that Con-
gress, IT 1t have any opinion, express il. If
we have any power to legirlate over these
territories, how long would il take To write
down the six articles of The Ordinance of
1917 Those Of us who think that that ought
to he fundamental law in the organization
Of our territories will vote for it; and
those Of us who believe il otherwise viii
vote against it. which ever party triumphs,
will give law to Oregon and California,
bearing the responsibility. But ] must say
that do not like what appears TO mel
say IL 10 no offensive seuse--a shufiling off of
the responsibility which * upon Us now, and
which we cannot avoid. The Supreme
Court may override our deri-ion; but IL we
think we have power 20 ordain that Slavery
shallnot exist ia that territory, let US say so;
if not, let as so decide. Let US not eyade
the question altogether.
That the Hon. Senators who reported
this bill bad its passage very much az heart
have no doubt; nor do feel disposed to deny
that every man of them believed that IL was
just such a measure as WAS calculated 10
give tranquility to the agraied minds Of the
people Of the country. Well, do not care
for that agitation further Than that | viii
look to il as a motive TO know what il is
what my powers and my duties are, have
heard much If fhis-I have been myself
prophet Of dissolution. Perhaps, indeed,
when this cry Of wolf has so long been dis
regarded, he may come AT last when not ex-
pected but do not believe that the people
Of the South are going to sever themselves
from this Republic, because we win not es-
tablish Slavery here and there. five have
no power to pass this law, let the people Of
the South 90 to the Supreme Court, aud
have the question decided. Il will only be