The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1848-06-22

/ blr. LINCOLN (beng entitled to the floor stated in
advance, That his object was to make speech on the
general SUBJECT Of internal improvements Early in the
session the President sent in what might be called IN
tenal Improvement Veto From that time to this, he had
desired to make remarks upon that message Since
then platform upon this subject had been laid down by
tue Baltimore Conventions one point OF which he would
read And he read as follows:
Resoped That the constitution does confer upon the
general government the power to commence and carry on
Gen. Cass, in acceptance of the nomination of this con-
venlon, says; ..
have carefully read the resolutions Of the
National Convention, laying down the platform Of po
ical faith, and adhere to them firmly approve
them cordially"
He had purpose of saying anything llnatured with
reference this presidential candidate or the convention
He intended speak the question OF internal improve
ments, which was now becoming important issue be
tween the two parties OF the country The question was
luton was the and substance of what the veto
sage the specification. He proposed, therefore,
well as he might be able to do in the course of the hour
to review this message He then read from the message
the points which the Executive objections
founded, and proceeded
This seems to Indicate policy like that OF doing
nothing for fear OF doing wrong. The first proposition
OF the President 49, that system of internal improve
nents by the general government would overwhelm the
treasury. That there such tendency, he candidly
admitted. There was certainly endency--oo great
tendency-to expansion of the system 1t to be
seen IN the history of the legislation of the general gov
ernment well in that of the State and the municipal
legislatures of the country 1t necessary then, that
there should be restraint thrown around this tend
ency to expansion The President has shown that two
hundred millions had been asked of the general govern
ment Tor that object But during the four years of the
administration of Mr.. j. c. Adams, this power fully
asserted and exercised and would not the amount actual
y appropriated be better guide for calculations upon
this subject than what only asked for And if we
take these four years. the amount appropriated only
| vi S79,627 OF, instead of 5000 900, 900
The next objection of the President s that the system
cannot be administered with any approach to equality
Mr. L. had to admit that there foundation for
this objection also. There was nothing general as
| not to have some local advantages, and But
this argument that the whole country should do
nothing: The subject of protection to commerce and
localities others. On the contrary, there
provement local but would appear also to have
general advantages
| He illustrated this proposition and summed up by
saying that, we do nothing in the general way, for
fear of operating unequally. we might just as wei! do
could not be confined wholly to any particular location
The real question should be- is there more OF evil than
good springng from this SYSTEM If decided in the atr
native the system certainly ought to be discarded other
wise, it should be fosered and sustained
Mr. l.. then came to what the President has said in
laton to the constnonality of the question He alb,
stained from any elaborate constitutional argument and
would content himself with the effort merely to present
this phase of the subject in different light from that in
from message message by Mr.. Jefferson, which Mr. L. had
marked and would read He read the extract for the
purpose of showing that Jefferson against the pres
ent President the OF expediency. The Presi
dent had given Mr. Jeffersons opinion, which with
HIM on the consutonaly and against him on the ques-
He read several authorities from the volume of
Kents Commentaries, page 2o7, going to show that,
though there had been Judicial decision upon the sub
ect of the of this power by Congress, yet the
arguments its favor compared with those against it,
were, by far, the most weighty and convincing
When he had concluded his argument IN favor OF the
system under these general heads he proceeded to lay
down plan Of his own, upon which the system might
be safely conducted by the general government without
borrowing money for the purpose, until the hammer OF
the Chairman arrested his speech
Mr.. WICK next obtained the foor and proceeded to
read from the tribune, for about fortyive minutes a
Mr. HUDSON followed, speaking an hour in support
of the power of Congress to exclude slavery from the
Territories, and copously illustrating the moral and social
evil of slavery, and its bghtng effects upon every com
muny where it exists, closing with the avowa OF his
unwngness by his vote to extend the Institution over
any OF the territories of this government When Mr. "A
to make this announcement IN the close OF his
hour
Mr. FARAN. (Mr H. yielding the floor for the pur-
pose desired the gentleman from Massachusetts to eX
plain how the views which he has now expressed can
be econciled with the support OF Gen Taylor tor the
Mr.. HtDsoN said there were two classes of men in
this country who devoted to the support OF the IN
sttuon of slavery One OF these classes was composed
of those who born with the institution about them
reconcile them to by the force OF all their early
Here the genteman's hour expired, and he resumed
his seat under the monItoy sound OF the hammer from
Mr. FlCKLIN obtained the floor, but gave way to the
cries for Mr. HUDSON to go and complete his reply
Mr.. HUDSON proceeded, and said there was another
class OF men in this country known and designated the
north "doughfaces" whO though they regarded the
institution of slavery precisely as he did yet Tor the sake
of the oaves and fishes OF Office, willing to bow to
the slave power for the purposes of promotion Now,
he called upon to choose between voting Tor Gen.
Taylor and of this latter description he would
vote for the General in preference Just upon the same
principle that he would all occasions prefer an honest
man to hypocrite.
Mr.. FICKLIN then proceeded, and said that he had
not risen make speech the presidential election;
but the closing remark by the gentleman from Massa-
chusetts, Mr.. HUDsos] might seem to require from HIM
passing notice II he understood that gentleman's re-
mark he spoke of the distinction between Gen Cas- and
Gen TAYLOR like that between an honest man and
the hypocrtethe who his principles, or the
man who conceals his principles 1.-THE candidate who
comes before the people with all his principles frankly
expressed, he who with concealed principles or
such principles his party ashamed to conessf ne
gentleman had used the "doug h. face as applIca-
Bic to Gen. Cass. This term might be common in New
England but not used at the west and Its orce
perhaps not comprehended in Illinois he supposed
intended to designate man who willing TO leave
the people 10 determine whether slavery shall OBTAIN
amongst themselves or not The plain question, then,
rather than support with this principle, east
en man. holding the abolition doctrine he would prefer
to cast his for STAKEHOLDER, whose candidacy has
been forced upon him. against the will OF his party Such
was the question; and il must be answered. But there
were other occasions and places more appropriate Tor
| these discussions.
His honorable friend and colleague, Mr. LNcoLN to
whose speech he had listened with much nterest-there
man of his party to whom he commonly listened