Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1848-06-15

Mr. Tuck. Let me inform the gentleman
from South Carolina that what he finds fault with
is the exact language Of the reported decision;
and if he makes any controversy upon the point,
it is with the Supreme Court, to whom | pass
him over for satisfaction.
Mn. BAYLY. The supreme Court have regard
ed slaves as property, in many cases. and they
will do so again. The history of this Govern
ment settles the question that slaves are proper
(ty.
Mr. Tuck. The history which the gentleman
from Virginia so often talks about on this floor is
apocrypha The true history Of liberty in this
country tells a different story from any which
that gentleman can ever understand AS to his
points of law stated to-day or at other times, they
are a chapter of errors aud deserve to be pub
lished under that title allege, without fear OF
contradiction, that the Supreme Court have IN no
case an respect 10 the Constitution Of the united
States, regarded slaves as property When adj
ministerng local law, according to the statutes
of the several States the Court have decided
questions as they have arisen; they have never
decided that the Constitution Of the United S aes
acts upon slaves as property On the contrary,
the Court have adopted different doctrine, and
| refer to the cases GrOueS as. Slaughter and
Prigg uS. the Communicable of Pennsylvania,
l6 Peters Reports The gentleman from Vir-
ginia Mr. BayIyl says that the Court never will
decide as have stated Let me tell that geu-
teman that the legality of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia will soon be brought before
the Supreme Court, aud his prophecy tested;
shall be much disappointed, as well as chagrlned
and grieved if they do not decide that slavery
in this District is unauthorized and criminal.
The Constitution was formed for specific OBJ
ects, which are stated in the preamble to be-
"to form a more perfect Union establish justice,
insure domestic tranquility, provide for the COM
mon defence, promote the general welfare, and
secure the blessings Of liberty to Ourselues and our
pOstrity" To establish or continue slavery
was not among these objects. Congress is res
trcted in the Constitution from suSpending the
writ of habeas corpus and slavery can be made
legal only by legal suspension of this writ, so
far as the persons to he ensaved are concerned
Have Congress power to establish slavery in the
forts navy yards, arsenais, aud dock yards Of
the United States? If not, deny that they can
do it in the District, as they have attempted to
do by re-enactng the slave laws of Maryland and
Virginia But have no time to enlarge on
this topic, and have already spoken longer than
| intended or should have done, but fer the in
terruptions have encountered.
Before | close | will say few words in re-
gard to the charge of flnaticism, and unauthor-
lied agitation, which is constantly made against
few members of this House. This charge is
made principally by men holding sentiments
similar to the gentleman from Tennessee, Mr..
Haskell : who a few days ago, declared i'll his
place, that one item in his creed is, that enc
groes are made for the use of white people" 1t
50 comes from those who as luely resolved by
the members of the South Carolina Legislature,
"believe it to be problem, yet to be solved,
whether any Republic can long exist that does
not recognise slavery as one Of its institutions"
Sir, throw back e charge Of fanatlcism, and
| tell these assailauts, that the sentiments they
utter are not only fanatical, but unspeakably
abhorrcnt to every enlightened and true rePub-
lican, and disgraceful to the age in which we
live. There is not a schoolboy in the North who
would not regard such sentiments with disgust,
and treat their authors with contempt. 1t is not
the fanaticism of Abolition, but the fdnaticsm
of Slavery, that introduces agitation, and dis
turbs the harmony of this body and OF the ma
ton.
AT the outset of this session, the subject of
slavery was embraced in the annual message Of
the President, recommending Congress to take
the Peoples money and pay fer the losses of
Spanish pirates, in their unsuccessful attempt
to enslave the Amlstad negroes. The first speech
made in this Congress was an elaborate, talented
and, may say, eloquent advocacy, $50 far as
man can be eloquent for such purpose,) of the
institution of slavery. Since then, we have had
the resolutions in favor of the French Repub-
ic during which, twenty speeches were made,
and seventeen out of the twenty were in defence
of slavery We have also had a discussion,
growing out of the late attempt for freedom OF
sevehty-eight people of this District, during which
many speeches for slavery and only one Cor free
dom was made here and still Slavery lifts its
hideous head, and hypocrltcaIly cries ont, OPP
preston
Let this false, insncere, and hypocritical pre-
teace be abandoned. There is not gentleman
here who does not see slavery constantly forced
upon the attention Of Congress- and who does
not know that the speeches in opposition to 1t
have been m ,de in sel-dcfence. | bear witness
to my friend from Ohio, Mr. Gddings, that
his eloquent appeals in behalf of liberty, and his
whitening denunciations Of oppression, have been
called forth, in every instance, by the aggressive
action of the slave power 1t has only been
when that cruel influence has attempted new
and fresh inroad upon the Constitution, that his
strong arm has been appraised to resist the assas-
sin attack May his voice long be heard, ut
tering in our ears the words of truth and free
dom, and his arm long continue the terror OF
those who make slavery the cornerstone of our
national policy.
Sir, the opinions of the Anti-Slavery portion
Of this House are the most conservative of any
uttered upon this floor We resist the effort to
have the General Government take cognizance
of the institution of slavery. We demonstrate
against your attempt to extend the jurisdiction
Of Congress to that in which we will consent tt
have no part, and from which we, and our con
stituents, have right to be exempt. Keep tc
yourselves the blessings, responsibilities sins
and expenses of slavery. We will neither touch
taste, nor handle. Compulsion alone shall bring
us into any connection with an institution which
we abominate as the sum of all villanies. Will
you, sir, ever ride the Constitution, and force up
on us Jurisdiction which we resist If so,
give you timely warning, that the People will
not take jurisdiction Tor partial purposes. !
to IN