Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1845-1854, 1848-01-26

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| cd with new States when admitted into !! 9
confederacy. ..-..- i -. -.
i Ofall questions that can agita,e US, { ose
which are merely sectional in, their charac-
ter are the most dangerous, and the most
10 be deprecated. Tho warning voice Of
him who, from his character, and services,
and virtue, had the best right 70 warn US,
proclaimed to his country men, 70 his fare
we'll nddress-that monument OF ofWisdom for
him, as | hope it viii be OF safety for them
how much we have TO appreliend from
measures peculiarly affecting geographical
portions of our country. The grave cir
cumstances in which we nre now pf c,d
make these words, words Of salely;s. for, /
am satisfied, fronnail i have seen and hheafu
here, thata successful attempt to engralt the
principles of the Wilmot Proviso upon the
legislation Of this government, and TO apply
them to new territory, should new terrific
ry be acquired, would, seriously affect our
tranquility. / do not suffer myself to fore
see or to (oretell the consequences that
would ensue: for trust and believe there
is good sense and good feeling enough in
the country to avoid Them, by avoiding all
occasions which might lead to them. s-sf
Briefly, then, am opeosedto the exer-
else of any Jurisdiction by Congress over
this matter; and am in favor of leaving
to the pc opl eloliany territory, which may
be hereafter acquired, ,the riglt TO regulate II
for themselves, under the general principles
Of the constitution. Because
l. | do not see in the constitution any
grant Of the requisite power to Congress;
and am not disposed to extend doubtful
precedent beyond is necessity estab-
lishment of territorial governments when
needed-leaving to the inhabitants all the
rights compatible with the relations they
bear to the confederation. 4'-.-,- :.
2. Because, / believe this measure, il
adopted, would weaken, if not impair, the
union of the States; and would sow the
seeds Of future discord, which would grow
up and ripen into an abundant harvest oil
calamity. -.5....l
/ 8. Because believe general convic-
ton, that if such a proposition would sue
coed, would lead to an immediate withhold.
ling of the supplies, and thus TO adishonor.
able termination OF the war.ssI think no
dispassionate observer at the seat Of gov
ernment can doubt the result. =.
4. If, however, in this am under q
misapprehension, am under none in the
practical, operation Of this restriction, il
adopted by Congress, upon treaty o
peace, making any acquisition of Mexican
territory. Such treaty would be rejected
1just as certainly as presented TO the Senate
More than one-third of that body woult
vote against it, viewing such principle
as an exclusion Of the citizens ofthe slave
holding States from participation in the
benefits acquired by the treasure and exer-
tions Of all, and which should be common
to all. | am epeating-neilher adyanc-
| ing nor defending these views. hat
branch Of the subject does not lie in my
way, and shall not turn aside TO seek it..
In this aspect ofthe matter, the people
of the United States must choose betw cen
this restriction, and the extension of their
territorial limits. They cannot have both;
and which they will surrender must depend
upon their representatives first, and then,
if these fail them, upon themselves. ...
l. 5. But after all, it seems to be gener-
ally conceded. that this restriction, if car
ried into effect, could not operate upon any
State to be formed from newly acquired
territory. The well-known attributes OF
sovereignty, recognised by us as belonging
to the State governments, would sweep be.
fore them any such barrier, and would
leave the people to express and exert their
will at pleasure. Is the object, then, OF
temporary exclusion for so short period
as the duration Of the Territorial govern
ments, worth the price at which it would
be purchased?- worth the discord it would
engender, the trial 10, which it would ex-
pose our Union, and the evils that would
be the certain consequence, let that trial
result as it might? AS to the course which
has been intimated, rather than proposed
OF engrafiing such restriction upon any
treaty Of ofacquisition, | persuade myself i
would find but little favor in any portion
of this country. Such an arrangement woult
render Mexico party, having right t
interfere in our internal institutions ii
questions left by the constitution to th'
State governments, and would inflict Sc
rious blow upon our fundamental princi
:. pies Few indeed trust, there are among
> US, WIZ Woulo 1hoo 5 oHs ~ - 90 20 - r. "
er the right to inquire into the constitution
and conduct of the sovereign States o
t the Union; and if there are any, | am no
among them, and never shall be. To tn
people of this country under God, now an
hereafter, are its destinies committed; an
!. we want no foreign powers to interrogat
US, treaty in hand, and to say, why hav
!. you done this, or why have. you left tho
g undone4 Our own dignity and the prr
ciples of national independence unite TO re
n Fpel such proposition. .r a'a..s
). But there is another important consider
J. alton, which ought not to be lost sight
r in the investigation Of this subject. Th
If question that presents itself is not que'
n ton Of the increase, but of the diffusion
@ slavery. Whether its sphere be stations
d ry or progressive, its amount will be IN
If same. The rejection of this resirictlo
" will not add one to the class OF servitud'
!. nor will its adoption give freedom to sll
,e gle being who is now placed therein. ~
). same numbers will be spread over create
IF territory; and so far as compression, wi
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