Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1848-11-23
slave Infinitely better than what had supposed


South, not as n question of morals, but as po-
litical question of transcendant importance, 10
be determined by our Legislation. In mat point
of view | regard il, und in that aspect ieel at
| liberty to discuss it. Sir, | am confident tha'
sneak the sentiments of hree-iourths OF the Pco
pie of this country, and OF very great proper
lion of the peoplo OF the slaveholdlng States,
when saw I'll Il the institution itself is an evil
and curse. When say it is an evil Of which
they would get rid in moment it they could do
it " it'll safety believe | speak the general SEN
timent OF the slaveholdlng States. Very few
men at the present day can be found willing To
defend this institution, as, III lis origin aud incep
ton, lust or expedient. Who is there at this
day, II the institution were not in existence "a
mongst us,who would raise his voice in favor OF
the introduction Of the first colored slave Who
indeed, would not protest against it, not only as
an outrage upon humanity, and as Incompatible
with the fundamental principles Of our iuslitu
tons, but as introducing political evil to endure
to oil generations, increasing III magnitude and
in danger, the consequences end the termination
of which no human sigacity can fOresoe. And
yet with this sentiment in relation to the nstltu-
ton pervadng our people, we are called upon to
extend 1t. The honorable Senator from Georgia
seems to be alarmed at the idea of The institution
being pent up in some OF the old States. Why
should it not be pent up? Where is the neces-
sty of lnfllcting the institution, 1t gentlemen
will pardon the phrase, on territories where 1t
docs not now exist? can conceive of but one
consideration which should excite anxiety in this
particular, aud that is the accumulation of the
slaye population, and the necessity OF safety
valve to the Increase of that population. II the
institution is limited, ii is not necessary that the
population should be pent up. Admitting the
force of this consideration, the question results
in this, whether lhut increase, If It should be
thrown off, should be thrown off upon the rest of
the world as freemen or slaves. Shall they be
sent forth in the character of freenien, to aid in
the extension of civilization over our immense
territorial domains or shall they be sent as slaves
extending and perpeuating an institution &C.
knowedged on all hands to be an evil? Will
you let these men, created in the likeness of their
Maker, go forth free. possessed of all the rights
and advantages which the God of nl,ure has
bestowed upon US all or will you send them
Forth the representatives of this relic OF bar
barous age, and the living monuments ut the in.
sincerity OF your professions? Sir, | am oppo-
sed to this extension of an institution which
hold to be utterly at war with the opinions ana
moral sentiments OF the age. The sense of the
Christian world, ana may add, of the civilized
world is universally against it. Shall we set
the example of perpetuatlug and extending an
institution which the whole civilized world, with
the exception OF a portion of our own people,
heve combined to eXterminate?
Sir, desire to preserve something like con-
sistency in our action. 1t is but Il few weeks
SINCE IN this chamber, we passed resolutions of
sympathy with the people Of France, congraiu.
latng them upon the events that have transpred
there. We have seen the throne demolished
We have seen aristocratic and hereditary dis
tlncions, sanclo by time, and venerable for
age, abroga;ej. We have seen the masses ris-
N in lpi mi, NIL n . .
luton, prostratlng their arbitrary as they deem
ed them, iyrGnnIcal, and oppressive institutions,
and procIallning the d0ctrnes OF universal liber
~ and political equality. Nav, more, we have
seen the shackes stricken from the African, and
as one of the first fruits of the revolution, the
whole system of African slavery cxterminated
at blow, fully, absolutely, and forever, in all the
dominion of the new Republic. And we rused
aloud the voice of appreciation and Of sympathy.
Yet, while the resolutions are vet floating to
their destination, If in mockery of our profess
sions, our congratulations, and our sympathy,
we are engaged in extending the same system OF
African slavery uvSr Tiiu itnuiruss re- iuu now
subject to our dominion, and preparing the way
| for its further extension to our future acquisi.
lions. While we are congratuatng the world
upon the progress OF the great principles of hu-
man liberty, and the overthrow of ancient des-
potlsns, shall we lie called upon to propagate a
to the condition of brute; which converts
being, created originally in the likeness of his
Maker into an article of merchandise, like the
beast of the stal9 Let us be consistent. Let
us prove the sincerity Of our professions by our
actions.
Sir have had occasion heretofore to express
my alarm at the spirit OF conquest and nggrand
lZement which has infatuated and debauched
the country. Happily, for the present at least,
1sl ,.t I,.,l lt,1
slulnber, how soon it may awake to covet new
acquisitions, how soon it may seek 10 grasp Can
ada, or the West Indies, The remainder of
Mexico, time and The dlspensalions OF Prov.
dence will disclose. But nothing, certainly, was
further from my expectations than to find the
Senate Of the United States promulgntmg the
doctrine that in our career of conquest, while
protesting to extend tho of freedom, we are
IN reality adding 10 our possessions only for the
purpose of carrying slavery in our train, and
planting this relic Of barbarisn wherever the
stars aud stripes may float in triumph.
Sir, did not nteLd to detain the Senate so
long. This controversy upon the subject of sla-
very is one which heretofore have endcavored
to avoid had cherished the hope that what is
called the Missouri compromise might have pro-
we'd etectnal, 10 some extent, at least in The set
Element OF this agllatlng and troublesome Ques-
ton, and that in the end the threatening storm
which still hangs over us might be averted. But
If the compromise is to be undermined because
the power to make il is denied if the genius OF
slavery is to exalt itself above all power; if il
Is TO intrude upon our Territories, without our
leave, and in defiance of our prohibition, new
issue Is made, more difficult than any heretofore
presented. II gentlemen are satisfied with the
: Missouri compromise, perhaps the country may
also be satisfied. But If that is to be overtrown
and not only so, bur if we are to be told that we
; can impose no prohibition, prescribe no bonnda-
ry TO this institution, the prospect Of the settle.
ment OF this question is forever at an end. Ii
can be adjusted and settled only when these ar
= rogant and offensive professions are withdrawn.
, Sir, would gladly have remained silent on
, this subject but after listening 10 the doctrines
which have been advanced in this debate, am
driven 20 enter my solemn protest against them
by mn lmperlous sense of duty to myself and my
constituency.
Tie bill was afterwards referred to select
committee OF eight, of which Mr. Phelps was
one. His speech upon the bill reported by them
commonly called "The Compromise Bill" will
, be given in our next
n JUDGE SToRY AND GEN. TAYLOR. In the
b lh'rd volume of Judge Story's Commentaries OH
& lle Constitution Df Tho ITuita1 Ntn,a, a.. .