The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-03-04

Ne DimesIsy Remsved.
The psrpetualists Of the South have been al
most at every extreme-now contending for ul-
ira State right views, and again running coan-
ter to all these views.
Why this The simple reason Is, that they
are forever acting upon this idea-that they must
do, or undo, whatever promises to strengthen
slavery. They are consistent here, however
contradictory they are in opinion. They are
true to tae institution, but hopelessly untrue to
any stated platform.
An example.
When Senators Dickinson, Dallas, and Blu
chanan, first wrote their famous protocols, eve-
ry paper in the South patted them on the back,
and said, swell done; you true men; the
South will stand by you" These individuals
opposed the Wilmot ProvisO. But then, one of
also, that "the inhabitants of the territory that
may be acquired, shall decide whether slavery
shall find any footing on the soil"
We thought this qualification, land so said
would change the views Of the perPetuslists;
and 1t has; for now they say, one and all, that
this viii never answer, that to submit to such
qualification would be to limit slavery TO its
present bounds"-and at a single leap, they dis
avowed the very first principles of State rights;
the great and only groundwork of State sover-
eighty.
The Baltimore American, calm and sensible,
noticing these pslpabls contradictions, so fire.
quently cited by US, remarks rs follows upon
their folly, and the fact, that as regards the is
sue, the extension of slavery, no change, no po-
sition, yet taken by the South, sbviates single
difficulty:
The Legislature of Virginia had laid down the
Platform Of the Soath" according to the old
recipe, when il declared by resolution, unani-
mously, "That the General Government of the
United States has no control, directly or indi-
rectly, mediately or Immediately, over the insti-
tuition Of Slavery; and that, in taking any such
control, ii trsnscends the limits of its legitimate
functions by destroying the internal organiza-
ton of tina Snvs "a ha cr.ai.d Z, 70
RMS was the Platform Of the South less than
year ago-constructed according TO the Reso-
lutions Of '9S. Surely those famous resolutions
must afford basis wide enough for all purpo-
which the South cannot find sovereign virtue
in a denial of power TO the General Government.
Strange, bat true! "A crisis has come at which
State sovereignty itself must be disowned in or
der that no authority may be found In the en-
bryo territory TO shape its own intensl system,
preparatory TO its entrance into the Union.
The South must have a new Platform. The
old one was scarcely demolished before another
was put up, by the Legislature Of Alabama, in
the form of resolutions declaring it "to be the
natural and indefessi6le right Of each citizen Of
each and evsry Stale Of the Contederaeyt TO reside,
Nth his property, Of everg description, in any
Territory Ehieh may be acquired by the arms Of
the United States, or yielded By treaty 10Th any
foreign po,s.r.
"Their adoption" says the Charleston Mer-
curry, speaking of the resolutions which embody
the foregoing proposition, "reiects credit on the
enlightened bocy by which they have been an
nounced TO the world; and because to AlGbana
belongs the credit of having, so far as the sub
ject Of these resolutions extend, constructed that
platform on which all the slave holding S,taGe.
will stand.'
This platform, we take Il, is no better than the
old one. What authority is TO determine the
meaning of the word property" which ferns
so Characteristic a feature in the new formula 2
depends upon that. IL the people
Of the Territories are to decide, they will say
that persons held to service" are not proper |
ty. What decision would Congress give p
Whatever decision Congress might give, It is |
plain that the new platform, instead Of allowing |
no room for discussion Of the essential princi-
pie involved in the Proviso, does in fact throw |
the door vice open to IT,
This very question Of personality and pro-
perty-that il, how far slaves were persons and
now far they were property--vas thoroughly
fiacu sood I'm. fha far dsl~a
Of the United States; and the pro.
visions Of the Constitution relating to slavery
pear witness Of the compromise made on that
'ubject The Constitution does not designate
'aves as property; IL calls them "persons' IL
provides that they shall he enumerated in the
census and admitted, to a certain extent, in the
,asis of representation. In truth the Constitu.
ion never uses the term "sLaps" or "sIarss"
hey are always designated as "persons'' OF
III this guarded Phraseoogy. the Consultation
ecognises the rights of property growing out Of
he Institution Of slavery, in those States in
which it existed; ana it protects those rights of
property in the case Of an absconding slave es-
aping into State where slavery q not al
owed.
We refer TO these facts to show that the re-
emily announced programme which desipratss,
9 the Mercury phrases II, "The platform of
he SOUTH" does not really obviate single diff
Guilty pertaining to the qaestion at issue.
Nor can there be any started which will
One instance. in the South itself, neec oaly
9 cited, to show the absurdity of the new plat .
'rm, and the axtreme folly of its authors. A ,
ave owner takes his slave from New Orleans
Ito Mexico, or any free territories That sia,e !
free. The very fact that the master carries
is servant Voluntarily, into the bounds of FREQ
Dm, under the Louisiana law, and the decision
her courts, snaps forever the chain.li Of
avery from him, and makes him freeman 7
ct the perpetualists assert, In The face of this
session, 1t is the natural and indcfeasable right
every planter to take his slaves with him into
~ territory conquered or acquired by treaty.
'hy, this doctrine annihilates all State rights
sovereignty Of the people--at blow, and 3.
ally makes few slave owners dictstors to q
'th, and to the nation.