The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-09-02


of slavery into territories which are now free
from it.-territoties from which IL was expelled,
within the last fifteen or twenty YEAR,, by the
express aud solemn act Of their former govern
ment and peopie--a government and people
with whom ia respect 10 the attributes OF free
dom ours could not brook comparison.
Nor is tlHs the only OF IFS wonst feature. In
annexing TO our Union Texas, an extensive slave
State, covering an area capable Of being formed
into many more such States, we became inyoly-
ed in a war with Mexico, which claimed contin-
ued dominion over that State. The territories in
regard TO which the question is now made, are
among the conquests Of this war. II is, there
fore, in effect, whatever may have been the on
ginal objects of the war, an appeal 10 the inhab-
itsnts of the non-slaveholding States, 10 sane
ton the extension, through OIL fundamentally,
of Slavery into territories, which tie u. States
have, in fact, acquired by the sword, but which
others have relieved from that great evil. Such
a proposition needs only TO be stated, TO insure
It's prompt rejection by the non-slateholding
States.
Upon what grounds is 1t attempted to sustain
principle, so repugnant TO ourftelings, sodestmc-
tive in our view, 10 our national character, and
30 well calculated, If successful, 20 cloud the
glory Of this great Republic? That there should
DC diycrsities of opinion and feeling upon the
subject Of Slavery between us and our Southern
brethren, is certainly natural. The strength Of
Northern aversion 10 the institution, has been re-
Gently very Truly stated on the floor of the Sen
ate, by a very distinguished Southern states
man. The people of the Moth could not over
come this aversion, if they would; and they can
not desire 10 do 50, because they rellgiously be-
lieve that the highest earthly interests Of man
are based on its permanency and ulhmate'uni
versatility. At the South the feeling Is very diff
sha Of hon nd
dispositions and the force Of habit have had an
opposite tendency. This known, ard, for a sea
son at least, inaurabe diversity OF opinion and
feeling should beget a spnt of Cancellation, and
inculcate mutual lorbeaTance in speech and ac-
ton. This duty hasdoubtless been occasionally
lost sight Of on both sides: but il cannot be de.
MED that the departure from il has been greater
ON the pari of our southern brethren.
No one viii venture to insist that it is, at this
day, either expedient OF right 10 orig nate Slave
" IN territories that are free fT1m il, il Il can be
properly prevented. But il is insisted that tins
cannot be done in the case under consideration,
and in the form proposed. First, because the
Constitution does not give Congress the power TO
prohibit Slavery in the territories; and that, con-
sequenlly, the great numbered acts for that puT-
pose which have been passed for the last sixty
yeaIs, with general assent, were but So many m
fractions OF the Constitution.
Anwill remember the sOlenlnlty and rspidlty
with which State after State, AT Tie South, IN
,ncceSsion. announced this doCtnne, and the ac-
nmOniOus Yehemenee with which their conyen-
lions denounced political prescription, IN the
fOm of exclusion frOm the offices OF President
and Wee President, of all who refused 10 adopt
IT, But il Is already apparent thai differences
of opinion upon This important subject cannot be
settled by vehement assumptions, nor conolha-
ton in regard to il promoted by denunciation.
In our country such difficulties must be solved
bv appeals 20 the tests provided by the Consttu-
ton. For the rectitude Of our motives, and the
correctness of our conduct, we are responsible,
on earth, TO the opinions Of The ciyilised world,
and hereafter 10 Power that is greater and
wiser than all.
The question Of constituiio nality, the graves'
| Of all questions that can be made against pub
lie measure, has just passed through the ordea
of public discussion, and the doctrine in ques
ton has been so thoroughly rejected and con
demned by the voice Of the nation that it is nj
longer necessary TO spend woros in refuting IL
Two circumstances have, however, occurred
which, though not necessary 10 its overthrow
| give to that overthrow a sanction which entitle
them TO notice. Ii now appears, that twenty
| eight years since, al the time OF the Missouri
| Compromise, Mr.. Monroe then President,
STAKEHOLDER, and elected from a slavehOldiD.
State, submitted this very question, save onl,
that it was then applied to save territory, 10
Cabinet composed, among other great men, o
such giant intellects from the saveholdini
States as Crawford, Calhoun and Writ, the lat
ter the law officer Of the Government; that the,
were unanimously Of opinion that Congress
did possess the power in question; and that tn
then President, man who was on the scene o
action when the Constitution was formed, con
| curing in that opinion, approved The bisl- In
| documents which attest these interesting circum
stances are before the country, and every on
will Judge for himself Of their claims TO credenoe
considered in connection with what has beef
said upon the subject by the survivor Of the Cst
met referred 10.
To bring the matter nearer 10 our own times
within a few DAYS, upon the very heel Of the re
cent discussions upon this point, bill contain
ing this restriction-the very bill which has j
part, produced this discussion--has passed bot
branches ofthe National Legislature, and recei'
ed the constitutional approval Of the Executive
| an approval which il was his sworn duty I
. withhold, IL he had not been satisfied that a
. the provisions Of the bill were in conformity |
the Constitution. The present President, ais
STAKEHOLDER, elected from q slaveholding Stat
with large portion Of his Cabinet in the sam
situation, has given the highest sanction TO u
doctrine we contend for thslt is known to our Il
>
, upon to make an extra message; setting forth d
reasons for believing that the restriction Ougi
: not to be applied 20 cur Mexican Territories, b
4 does not take tho slightest notice Of the const
tutioEal objection en- which 40 many SouthoI
States had based their opposition to the gener
measure. This branch Of the subject has bee
! thus, and we hops forever, disposed Of
Ii is farther commended TIM. slaves are 50 &
al to be regarded as property as TO authorize the
: owners 10 carry them into any Of the territors
= and to hold them there, notwithstanding en-
J. act which Congress may pass upon the suojsc
q II Congress have the constitutional power
prohibit Slavery in the territories, its laws pla
the subject on the same footing there, as 4
State laws do in the States. As well, therefor
i might the STAKEHOLDER contend that he can bril-
. his slaves into State which prohibits Shaver
= | as that he can bring them in Territories whe
. | Slavery is prohibi ted by Congress. II his sli
y runs away, and enters one of the n-slavehol
. ing States, he does not thereby become free, b
4 shall be delivered up upon the claim Of tho Pc
d son entitled to his services. Bat this Is not
p consequence Of the recognition OF tho right
4 property in such person, Notwithstanding I
n State laws but in virtue Of an express article
D the Constitution, which constitutes one Of
: compromises upon the subject Of Slavery. III
IF view of the matter wss placed in a clear light
At the recent debates, by one Of the Oldest a
Il most distinguished members ofthe Senate, VIII
T. he insisted that the claim, on the part of |
shareholders, though noninally TO remove thu
= proparty, WAS in reality, 10 IrsnsPort tAsir Ia
H. into the territories. One has, therefore, only
Of imagine territory governed BY the various a
to conflicting laws Of thirty Independent States
,e appreciate the absurdity Of the pretenHlon.
a. But it is insisted that the prohibition can
Z, with it reproach 20 the slayeholding States,
~ that submission 10 il would degrade them. L