The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1848-05-11

ngs of his fellow beings which constitutes equally hi
ornament as a private citizen and his glory as high
soued statesman, brought forward and sustained by h
irresistible eloquence measure for the relief OF the
starving sons and daughters OF Erin, which dad the hig
est honor to his heart, and, think impaired addition
al dignity TO his character public man. From hun
we all learned, the occasion referred TO, that OF
the highest duties which government Ike ours can per
form, is mat OF looking out sometimes beyond our own
borders, and administering to the wants OF Others
who have, strictly speaking, no legal claim to Oui
bounty. Then he informed us that we owed Il to
our own character, of the civilized nations
OF the earth, to evnce, all suitable occasions, the
absence OF everything like cold hearted selshness,
aathetc indifference TO the happiness of other human
beings, wherever situaed-wheher located in our own
viclnage, or separated from by the wide Atlantic.
The senator now insrucs us, as understand him. very
differently indeed He advises us to look closer to our
own concerns as nation, and suggests that our charity
will be most Judicously displayed by conhnIng It's
cheering influence TO domestic objects. | was not pre-
pared Tor this second lesson from the distinguished sena-
tor nor do see how he enforce the views which he
at present enunclaes without somewhat mpalring the
glory which he has heretofore acquired political
philanhropst Sir, the case of intense human suffering
which has been so pahetcaly presented to us by the
senator from Indiana has been seldom surpassed the
annals of civilization the picture OF wetchedness, des-
tuition, murder, ravage, and desolaton, which has
been gowingly deineated by the chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Relations, needs no add,
tional cooring from me ~ order to be enabled
to awaken, in all who shall behold it, sentiments
of sorrow and shame and of intense Indignation.
The evidence submitted to of present DISTRESS and the
times greater distress which is obviously threatened,
conclusive that am persuaded that we cannot re-
fuse the aid demanded by the unfortunate people OF Yuca
tan, without mourning the most profound and lasting dis
grace which has been incurred by any great nation,
in ancient or modern times. 1t was certainly not thus
that Rome TO act when the Grecan colony OF
Marsees appealed to her for protection against the bar
barians who mcnaced her with destruction; nor
extract one us'fyns pecep from the whole case of pa
gan ethics, for such of disgraceful nacion
that to which we are advised. One of the most dstn
guished of the classic historians of Rome has told us,
" Idem pelie, atque idem noe, demun amieitia
est" and surely all feel sir, how closely the sympa
lhes of human hearts become inertwined, and how
powerfully our sensbilities often awakened to
the duties of heaven-bon charity, by finding that the OBJ
ects presented to as Tor commseatlon and relief are
persons whose moral and intellectual qualities entire
y in unison with own. In the case now under con-
sideraton, learn that civilized have been
by barbariansthat their towns and villages have
been burnt down or otherwise destroyed--that their
property has been seized upon-that thousands have
been massacred in cold BLOOD without distinction of
age or SEX condition-tbat their merciless enemies
are still pursuing them, and determined still to pur
them, with all the nameess horrors of the most in
iernal savage warfare, until the whole white race in Yu
caan shall have been utterly exteminaed and all the
vestires of civilization shall be made to disappear
throughout that unhappy country. Men, women, and chill
dren cry out tones OF agony that pierce the sky
fellow Christians devouty implore our proecon-a CIV
zed race nvokes us to shelter them from the unsparng
violence of enraged barbaans and when propose to
administer, in moderation, small aid to those who
bound to us by such tender ties of moral and re
until send special agent TO Yucatan to ascertain
who is in the wrong-the civilized class or their barba
ran enemies after which, will be able to act
undersandngly and with less risk of committing
mistake in the affair I! | should certainly have
expected such admontons from any other quarter than
the whence it has emanaied on the present occasion
SO much for the question OF humanity ! will not en-
large upon it cannot be necessary in this ustrious
body.
question growing out OF the celebrated recommendation
of Mr. Monroe, concerning which we have of late had
so much discussion, both here and elsewhere This
chances to be topic, but has been much and ably
debated, at different periods, in both houses of the
tona legislatures but the doctrine of interference on
the part OF any European power in the concerns of this
y few opponents anywhere. | regret to know that the
wises and most sauary principle announced and acted
upon by the administration of Mr. Monroe, has with
the sernes and most deadly opposition from surviving
member of the cabinet by which it was at the period
of its original announcement unanimously approved
have heard from various sources heretofore the his
tory of this part of Mr. MOnroe's message; and that it
unanimously and deliberately sanctioned by his whole
cabinet have all long since learned from contem-
poraneous history and we would equally have infer
red from the fact that protest against il found
its way to the public attention, and dsapprobaton has
been at any time nsnuaed, even by the senator from
South Carolina now vehement in his denuncations,
until recently indeed In confirmation of this state
ment beg leave to read short extract from
BILE speech, delivered in the other wing of this CAPITOL
by the distinguished senator from Massachusetts, now
so unhappiy detained from his seat here by domestic
afictionsj in the year 1926 The gentleman alluded to-
thus spoke reference to the declaration of Mr. Mon
roe, of late grown odous to OF Its former friends:
sit has been said the of this debate to have
been loose and vague declaration 1t believe, suf
ciently studied. have understood from good authority,
that it was we-considered, weighed, and distinctly and
decidedly approved by one OF the Presidents advisers
at that time
When this of the matter given in the House
of Representatives, by the distinguished senator from
Massachusetts, the senator from South Carolina was
presiding in this body, must have read the speech, and
vet did undertake deny the correctness of the
ton contained in it, relative to the unanimous and deber
approval of the principle IN question by the whole
cabinet think he will have to admit at least that, if
led into error and have been persuaded into the adoption
of a principle deemed by him unsound and dan
gerous he is himself not altogether free from in
the premises.
But, Mr. President hold the declaration of Mr.. Mon
roe in as much respect now have done hereto
strkingy and repeatedly manifested his own deliberate
regard for it. Ii asserts principle which, am satisfied,
is Indispensable to the stability OF our republic safety
from foreign violence and exemption from influences
unrendy to peculiar Institutions. shall not enter
at this time into abored vindcaton OF Mr.. Monroe's
declarations perhaps its wisdom has been sufficiently
tablished by experience. ! will, however, read few
extracts from the speech already referred to, supposlng
that they may be without some persuasive cogency
upon the minds of those who hold the opinions of the
distinguished gentleman by whom 1t was delivered In
special respect:
"S said the parsonage alluded to, 81 agree with those
who maintain the proposition and contend against those
who deny it, that the message did something; that
it meant much; and maintain, against both that the
declaration effected much good answered the end designed
bv il did great honor to the foresight and the spirit Of the
government and that il be taken back,
racted annned, without disgrace met sir with the
try The which uttered found corresponding
Spouse the breasts Of the free people OF the United States