The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-09-09
COMMUNICATIONS.


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most numerous and influential religious secis in
Kentucky. fheard your address on Colonial
ton rs delivered in the lst Presbyterian Church
4 few sabbaths since, and have read carefully
your remarks In late number Of the Examiner
Had you in your speech on Colonization, Goa
iined yourself to advocating the legitimate OBJ
iect Of that society, to wit: "The removal Of the
free people Of color, with their own consent, to
the colony Of LIBERIA no one could have made
an objection. This yon did not see ft to do, but
took occasion. entirely gratuitousiy and un-
called for, to make formal defence OF Grecian
and Roman slavery, and to palliais, II not
TO Justify the atrocious African slave trade.
1 do not deny your right in public speech TO
advocate any measure. by such arguments, as to
you may seem best. This is TO a certain az
tent free cOuntry. and any man can make
what exposure he pleasss either Of his weak
ness or hIs folly. But in so doing he must not
expect his views and sentiments to escape the
ordeal Of public scrutiny. As citizen Of
Kentucky, and us firm believer in the TRUTHS
taught In The Bible, join issue with you, upon
the sentiments and arguments both of ysnr
speech and communication. Before Noticing
your arguments It Is necessary that You be sci
right upon very important preliminary point
Three times In your communication You call
the 'Rrnniner'. "an Abolition Paper" aud
once You designated its Editor as an "abolifioa
Editor" You well knew that you could not
define the term abolition As generally understood
in the slave States, and then FIX the charge upon
either of the Editors of the Examiner. And
permit me to inform you further that the fire.
quent repetition of vague, underlined and odious
words Of censure az applied to your opponents
in this controversy, is alike unworthy Of your
Character as a christian gentleman, and unfair
in you as a controversalist. abolition" has
nowadays become a vague, eondemnatory
word Of cheap censure, with which the weakest
and most uncultivatsd mind may crafty it
who utter it feel happy consciousness tina
there Is a satiric smartness in the word, if no
in themselves, and that they are giving eoncIu
siye evidence Of malicious will II not a misehie
Uous power. What quantity Of political ans
religious malicious inyective would be quashes
in dead silence If it were possible to enforce tn
statements and definitions, for this unmeaning
vulgar. but most efiicacious term Of reproach.
abolition" as used by you and by hundred
Of others who discuss the subject Of slavery is
cant term Of spiteful force which describes nc
thing, descriminates nothing, defines nothin
and expresses no species. but is applicable to 81
ty other things and to fiity other ways than ths
in which II is used. Yes, Sir. "AbOlitiOn" is tn
great "Raw head and bloody bones RaRRIcADI
which political and clerical defenders throw u
and behind which they project their impoten
spite, when exhausted of the weapons and an
munition of fair argument; and many an harm
less pOp-gun has become terribly effective whe
discharged from behind this easily erected bal
rier.
Let me ask your attention, Sir, to the III
reasOnableness of this thing. Suppose whe
discussing this or any other matter with you.
should when speaking in relation to your fac
call you liar. and when in relation to yOr
arguments fool would this tend to ellie
!, truth or settle the matter under discussion
would you feel that your arguments had bee
refuted because had applied to them or to yo
an approbrious ePithet.
Yet precisely similar Is your summary mos
: Of dispOsing of the arguments of the editor
: she Es.mine-, BY calling him three times,
: If there was a pleasurabls malice in the use
the word, } an abolition editor, and his paper q
abolition paper"
think upon reflection you will agree vii
me, that il is time a little common sense shou
, prevail on this subject. and that whenever v
hear those hasty decisions Of ignorant arr
gance, we should call for precise exPlicatiC
Of the manner in which the term applies to Il
! subject To prevent any Misunderstanding
relation to myself. give you concise stat
ment Of my anti-slayery creed. Ii is that
; Washington, Jefferson, and Patrick Henry,
we find 1t in their writings You doubtle
have often read the anti slavery sentiments Al
dwelt with raPturous pleasure on some of Il
: anti. slavery acts Of the early statesmen Of OF
: Republican, IL can do no harm TO refer
them again.
, Says Washington. 81 hope ii will not be CO.
e ceived from these observations that IT is my W
! to hold the unhappy people who are the su
4 jects Of this letter, In slavery. | can only 81
E that there is not a man living, who wishes mo
, sincerely than | do to see a plan adopted {
the ABOLITION OF it; but there 10 only one pr
per and effectua mode by which it can be a
complished. and that Is. by the Legislative a
. thority, and this, as far as my suffrage will
! shall not be wanting. Letter to Robert Nc
ris Again, al never mean, unless some par
: cular circumstances should compel me TO it,
4 possess another slave by purchase, it beiI
Y among first isishes 10 see some plan adopt
4 by which siapery in this country maybe abolish
J. by laie letter to John F. Mercer.
d This then is the anti-slavery or abolition ere
: of George Washington. And now for his an
: slavery acts. suppose it is not too much
: say that the slaves Of Washington were in
comfortable circumstances any on the con
nent, and yet he considered slavery even unc
: the mild formin wiltshire witnessed it in his Ov
: family, an evil Insufficient magnitude as to pr
vide that all his slaves should be free at his oy
/ and his wife's death. The entire clause
Washington's will which provides for the fire.
e dom of his slaves is Of the most liberal chars
! ter, and entirely worthy Of the man.
Says Jefferson, 81 am very sensible Of I
honor you propose to me of becoming me
e Der of the society for the a6Olitio of the sla
a trade. You know that nobody wishes me
srdently to see an abolition not only Of the ira