The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-02-19
1ir' Pahrey's SPeecl,---on ahe Political M.
poets Of she Slave skuessieu.


reply to Mr.. CLINeMAN, of North Carolina.
After referring to the necessity of discussing
the question of Slavery--discussing 4. fairly and
thoroughly, he said:
The gentleman from Maryland, il under
stood him, expressed an opinion that the subject
OF slavery was unsuitable 10 be introduc ed into
tho discussions of this House. Mr.. McI.ane
assentsd.l | am of different mind | think
the gentleman from North Carolina, is right
upon that point. But. if there be any ques-
ton about u, beg il may be remembered that
tits not the enemies Of slavery who have intro
duced the discussion into the proceedings of this
1Ihirtieth Congress Of the United States. At
the beginning of this Congress, in the very frs,
set speech, il 1 mistake not, IL was introduced
by member from slave-holding State, repre-
senting, Isuppose, a slave holding CO nsiituency
In this Congress, it is the South that mas thrown
down the gauntlet
said, that in my opinion, the gentleman from
North Carolina was right in introducing the
subject; and am struck with the propriety Of
the title which he gives to his published remarks
The political aspect of the Slave Question.
Sir, il is the great political question of the coun
try, and has been from the beginning Of this
century, though not hitherto so prominent as
now. Ii Is the question which underies all
other great questions, and determines their So
luton.
Sir, the gentleman tells me nothing when he
SAYS page y that the free interests Of this coun-
try is secure, because sthe free States are in the
asoendancy in all the branches Of the Govern
ment and their majority of more than fifty
votes on this floor, and in the electoral colleges,
is greater than they ever had In former times -
Ii is true, notwithstanding some singular facts,
themselves growing out Of the fact of the ex-
tension Of Slavery, and Of the slave power, I'M
| der the forms of the Constitution, in a way
never contemplated by the trainers Of that in
strument. 1t is true, notwithstanding that Ohio
and New York together, have only represen-
tatives in the other branch Of the Legislature,
55 in this, and 50 in the Electoral Colleges,
while fifteen slave States, (all except Virginia,
with an aggregate free population only about
as large the population Of New York and
Ohio together, have 80 votes in the other House,
az in this, and los in the election Of President
and Vice President. What the gentleman says
is true, notwithstanding this singular distribu-
ton Of political power which the introductO on
Of new slave States has brought about. But it
is not all the truth. The gentleman did not in
tend to disguise anything but some further
facts bearing on this point, did notsuit the pur-
pose of his argument. The free population of
the United States, according to the census of
SO, amour ted to not far from fifteen millions;
more than three hundred thousand-fourteen
millions and half against three hundred thou
sand, numerical prsponderance among the
free population, In the proportion Of nearly fifty
to one, in favor of the free Interests In the
Presidential election Of ls44, there were about
three millions Of voters; between one hundred
and one hundred and fifty thousand of these
voters were holders Of slaves; that is, the ma
iorty of nen-slaveholding voters over slave
l.
seven hundred thousand, and three milions--a
! a disproportion of twenty or thirty to one.
But is the gentleman 10 be told by ne, Of the
| power which can be exerted by the concentrated
energies Of an active oligarchy, spread over a
country, intent on asingle policy, and bound to-
gether by a common intelligence and a common
| interest7--how, with its ever-watchfpl ambi-
ton, il will take the lead of the busy and inert
Masses how il can intimidate and overawe the
weak, beguile and conciliate the easy, and bride
| the mercenary, among those who can influence
the public voicel Fifteen years ago there was a
great excitement in this country, and powerful
party was organized, against the institution OF
Free Masonry. The charge was, L do noten-
ter into the merits Of the controversy. that that
| institution had been the cause of the death Of a
| citizen, aud that il was an irresponsible power
spread like network over the land, and COM
/ pacted by oaths and symbols which gave il an
omnipotent unity and secresy Of action. But
how many more lives Of citizens have been
rificed to the Masonry Of the Shareholders, and
how much more perfect is their mutual under.
standing, and their combination Of power aud
activity, than any system Of oaths and symbols
could create Slavery exists but in half of the
States Of this Union. But by the possession Of
the bulk of the property in those States, and by
/ a virtual monopoly of the means az education
il appropriates to itself the internal government
Of those States, and their influence beyond theil
borders. Small as are its comparative numbers
il takes its place in the national councils, the
representative of the aggregate weight of thos'
| States With this weight, and with the skill de
rived from making politics its study and prac'
tice, it comes a seller into the market Of the
national patronage-with the retaining fees o.
fortunes for the basely sordid, and promotion
for the basely aspiring. What wonder that
| with such advantages, IL should find willing an'
capable tools beyond its own domain Whs
| wonder that it should find means to perplsx thu
simple, and beguile and sooth the good, as wei
| as to enlist and use the selfsh7 What wonde
that it should be able te play off parties agains
each other, and take to itself efectually the bal
ance OF power, and the lions share OF the prize
| at stake
But why reason about it, Look at the facts
have q statement before me, which, II no
and it runs as follows:
"The Presidency, at the close OF NJ. Polk
term, will have been in Northern hands for L
and Southern hands for nearly so years. org
Supreme Court Judges appointed since lIs9, /
were from the North and IL from the South
Attorney Generals, from the North and i
from the South; 10 Speakers Of the House O
Representatives from che North, 81 from tn
South: 10 Presidents Of the Senate pro :em. fror
the North 10 81 from the South; and 81 North
ern to 50 Southern Foreign Ministers. SO @
Chief Justices, Cabinet, naval and military off
GERS throughout"
!, Such is the disproportion in the distribution
. of offices OF emolument and honor, 10 CORES
pond 10 a proportion of voters, on the favore
side, of one TO twenty or thirty Of the whol
J vote No matter for the emolument--I spea
for the great mass of the people Of the fire
States, the honest people, who ars not strug
, | Cling for the "spoils." We have other avenue
to gain, the ways of industry and Of frugalty
which we prefer. No matter for tbs honor
7 We can find that in the paths Of science an
letters, and in the Offices Of blameless and use
full private life. But this accumulation Of pull
| lie Offices in one class of hands represents I'll
accumulation Of PoLITIcAL PowrR, and affort
the means of perpetuating and extending it.
! See how IL is exercised. Let me first meatio
the unutteraby heinous law--I can character
ize 1t by no mider epithet-of Feb. 18th, lI9
putting the liberty Of every freeman in this M
> ton al the mercy Of every paltry town or eouI
\ ty magistrate WHOM the kidnapper may delne
or bride to do his dirty work. IL my neighb'
sues me for twenty dollars, the Constitution
nv country gives me the security OF jury
our peers 10 pass between us. Not so with III
liberty which | value at more than twenty do