Carroll free press. [volume] (Carrollton [Ohio]) 1834-1861, 1848-12-15

snd not affirmative. Hs cen enact no Inv.
The only eject therefore, of his Withholding
bis appreciation Of the bill passed by Congress
IS 10 suffer the existing laws 10 remain un-
changed. and the delay occasioned is only that
required 10 enable the states and the people 10
consider End act upon the subject in the election
Of public agents who shall show their wishes
aud instructions. Any attempt ofIhs President
10 yield his sanction 10 measures which he can
not approve would be violation Of the spint Of
the Constitution. palpsble and fragrant; and IL
successful, would break down the independence
Of the executive department, and make the pre-
sident elected by the people and clothed by the
constitution, with power 10 defend their rights
The mere instrument Of a majority Of Congress.
surrender, on bis part, Of the power with
which the constitution has invested his Office,
would effect practical alteration Of that insiru.
menI without resorIing 10 the prescribed prices
Of amendments.
With the motives Of considerations which
may induce Congress to pass any bill, the
President can have noIhingto do. He must pre-
sumo them 10 be as pure as his own, and look
only to the practical effect Of their measures,
when compared with the Constitution on The
public good.
But IL has been urged by those who object to
the exercise Of this undoubled Constitutional
power, that it assails the representative princi.
plies and the capacity Of the people 10 govern
themselves; thai there is greater safety in q
numerous representative body Than in the sirgle
executive created by the Constitution, and that
the Executive veto is a "one man power" des.
poic in its character. To expose the fallacy
Of this objection, il is only necessary to consid.
er the frame and true character Of our system.
Ours is net a consolidated empire, but con-
federated Union. The States, before the adop.
tOn of the Constitution, we're coordinate, CO.
equal, and separate, Independent soveregnlies
and by its adoption they did not lose that char.
acter. They clothed the federal government
with certain powers, and reserved all others, in.
cluding their own sovereignty, to themselves.
They guarded their own rights as States. and
the rights Of the people, by the vely Limitations
which they incorporated into the federal consti-
tuiion, whereby the different departments of the
general government were checks upon each
other. That the majority should govern, is a
general principle, controverted by none; but
they must govern according TO the constitution,
and not according TO an underlined and unre-
strained DISCRETION, whereby they may opPress
the minority.
The people Of the United States are not blind
TO the fact that they may be temporarily misled,
and that their representatives, legislative and
executive, may be mistaken, or influenced in
their action by improper motives. They have
therefore interfered between themselves and
The laws which may be passed by their public
agents. Various representations, such as as.
sembles, Senates, and Governors in their sew
eral States, House of Representatives, Sch.
ate and President of the United States. The
people can by their own direct agency make no
law; nor can the House of Representatives i'm.
medately elected by them; nor can The Senate;
nor can both together without the concurrence
of the President, or vote Of two-lhirds Of
both Houses.
Happily forthemselves, the people, in fran.
ing our admirable system Of Government, were
conscious Of the nfrmites of their representa-
tives; and, in delegating TO them the power Of
legislation, they have fenced them around with
checks 10 guard against the effects Of hasty ac.
tion, of error, of combination, and of possible
corruption. Error, selfshness, and faction have
often sought TO rend asunder this best ofchecks,
and subject the government 10 the control ol
fanatics and sinister influences; but their efforts
have only satisfied the people of the wisdom OF
the checks which they have imposed, and Of the
necessity of preserving them unimpaired.
The true theory of our system is not to gov
ern by the acts or DEGREES of any one set ol
representatives. The Constitution imposes
checks upon all branches Of the Government,
in order to give time for error to be corrected
and delusion to pass away; but if the people
settle down into a firm conviction different from
that of their representatives they give effect to
their opinions by changing the public servants.
The checks which the people imposed on their
public servants in the adoption of the constitu-
ton are the best evidence of their capacity for
se,fgovernment. They know that the men
whom they elect to public stations are of like
nfrmities and passions with themselves, and
not TO be trusted without being restricted by CO.
ordinate authorities and constitutional lmita-
tons. Who that has Witnessed the legislation
Of Congress for the last thirty years, will say
that he knows of no instance in which measures
not demanded by The public good have been
carriedl Who will deny that in the State Gov
ernmsnts, by combinations of individuals and
sections, in derogation of the general interest,
banks have been chartered, systems of internal
improvement have been ggested-repressing
their growth and impairing their energies for
years 10 GENE.
After so much experience, it cannot be said
that absolute, unchecked power is safe in The
hands of any one sci of representatives, or that
The capacity of the people for selEgovernment,
which is admitted in It's broadesI extent is con-
elusive argument to prove the prudence, wis
dom, and integrity of their representatives.
The people, by the Constitution, have com.
manded the President as much as they have
commanded the legislative branch of the Gov
enment, to execute their will. They have
said to him in their constitution, which they re-
quire he shall take solemn oath to support:
if Congress pass any bill which he shall not ap-
prove, he shall return it 10 the House in which
liz shall have orgnated with his obections