Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1848-12-08

ate and absorbing, and the others imDotenf
for the accomplishment of the great objects
for which they were established: Organized
as they are by the constitution, they work
1ogether hafmoni6usly for the public good.
II the executive and the. judiciary shall be
deprived OF The Constitutional p6wefs invess
tea In them, and Of their dte proportions,
the equilibrium of the system must be des::
uoyed, and consolidation; With the most
Pernlcious results; must ensueA&a consolida9!
tlon OF unchecked; desp6tic mower everc;sed
by malorities of the legislative branch. IT,
Ihe executive Legislative. and judicial earn conr:
| shtute separate coordinate del,attrtleni oftL.
government; and each is indeFendent Of thE bshs1s
In the performance Of their respective duties bn-
der the constitution, neither cam in its Legitimate
| action, control the others. They each act unoy,
their several responsibilities in thei, respectivc
| spheres; but if the doctrines now maintained he
correct, the executive must become practically
subordinate to the legislative, and the judiciary
must become subordinate to both the Legislative
and executive; and thus the whole power of tho
government would be merged in a single depart
ment. Whenever, if ever, this shall occur, our
glorious system of well-reguIatcd selEgovernment
will! crumble into ruins-to be succeeded, first by
anarchy. and finally by monarchy or despotism:
am far from believing that this doctrine is the
sentiment of American people. and during the
short period which remains in which it will ne my
duty to administer the executive department, it
will be my aim to maintain it, independence, and
discharge IFS duties, without infringing upon the
powers duties of either of the other departs
rnents Of government
The powell of the executive veto was exercised
| by the first and most ilfuslrous of nv prrdecci-
sors, and by four of his successors who preceded
me in the administration Of the government, ana;
1t is believed. in no instance prejudicially TO the
public interests. 1t has never been, and there is
but little danger that it ever can be abused. No
President W i'll ever desires unnecessarily. TO place
, his opinion in opposition to that of Congress-
, He must always exercise the power reluctantly,
and only in cases where his convictions make it i
> matter of stern duty, which cannot escape. In
deed, there is more danger that the President,
from the repugnance he mus: always feel to come
in collision with Congress, may fail to exercise il
in cases whtrc the preservation of the constitution
. from infractlon, or the public good, may demand
it, than that he will ever exercise il unnecessarily
or wantony.
!. During the period / have administered the eI.
eculivc department of The government, great and
important questions of public policy, foreign and
, domestic, have arisen. upon which it was my duty
TO act. II may indeed he truly said that my admin.
! iSration has fallen upon eventful times: | have
felt most sensihly the weight Of the high respon.
sbiites devolved upon me. With no ether OBJ
. ject than the public good, the enduring fame, ant
. permanent prosperity my country, have pur
e sued the convictions of my own hest judgment
Il The impartial arbitrament of enlightened public
: opinion, present and future will determine how
5 far the public policy have maintained, and thu
1 measures have from time to time recommended
5 may have tended TO advance or retard the public
prosperity at home and to elevate or depress the
locfIp Of II III
Invoking the blessings of the Almighty upon
your deliberations at your present important
: sion, my ardent hope is, that in spirit of harmo.
ny and concord, you may be guided TO wise re.
suits, and such as may rebound to the happiness
: the honor. and the glory of our beloved country
JAMES X. POLK.
WASHINGTON, December 5, 1888.