The North-Carolina standard., 1848-09-20
I'll NORTH CAROLINA, WEDNESDAY SEPTEMBER

we do. Cases in which, if we do not know what to
do, it is better to do nothing than do we know not
what. But In question like this, so important to
the country, popular election of the chief magis-
trate, under government whose very constitutional
forms render it impossible that every mans private
opinions or preferences should prevail-the INQUIRY
consists in just this What is the best for us to do
on the whole? And this again leads US to an exam
hauon OF the question now Immediately before US.
Under the practical operation of the Constitution
ofsthe United States, there cannot be great range
In the choice between candidates for high national
Offices. To render their votes effective, men must
necessarily give them to of the prominent cand
dates. That is the result of form of government
and therefore it does sometimes bring us to the ne
cessity of choosing from among candidates. neither
one of whom would be our personal choice. What,
then, is now the contingency, the alternative, pre-
sented to US In my Judgment there is merely one
question: and 1t is between the election of Gen. Tay
lor or of Gen. Cass. This is the whole of it. am
no more skilled to foresee political than 9TH
ers-l judge for myself alone-and, for myself, l
must say that see possible chance for any body,
except either Mr.. Taylor or Mr. Cass to be elected.
know that the enthusiasm of new-formed party
new-ormed in name but not in idea, having, in fact
no new idea whatever-may lead its members to think
that the sky is at to fall and that larks are be
taken In abundance. l have such belief or ex-
pectation.
have read, gentlemen, the Buffalo platform, and
although there are some rotten parts about it,
stand on it pretty well. 1t is not wholly new nor
original What there is valuable about it is not new
and what IS new is not valuable. If, my friends,
the term " free soil men, is meant designate one
who has been fixed, unalterable-to-day, yesterday,
and for some time past-in opposition to slavery-ex-
tension, then l may claim to be, and may hold N.Y.
self, as good &C free soil - any member of
that Buffalo Convention. pray to know where is
there soil freer than that which have stood?
pray to know what words they can use or can die
tate to me, freer than those which have dwet upon
my lips? Ipray to know with what feelings they
can inspire my breast, more resolute and fixed in
sstance to slavery-eXtension encroachment, than
have inhabited my bosom since the first time open
ed my mouth in public life?
The gentlemen at Buffalo have placed at the head
of their party Mr.. Van Buren-a gentleman for whom
have all the respect should entertain towards
associate in public life for many years. But really
should think that if L to express confidence in
Mr. Van Buren, respect for his political opinions
any question of public policy-especially this
very of the spread of slavery, slave power and
slave infuence,-the exhibition would border upon
the ludcrous, if not upon the contemplate. / never
proposed any important public measure of policy
which he did not oppose And l never was obliged
to oppose any such measure, which he, when with
me in Congress, did not support And if he and /
should now find ourselves together under the free
soil flag, am that, with his accustomed good
nature, he would laugh If nobody were with US,
we should both laugh at the strange jumbes of po-
tical life which had brought him and me to sit down
snugly, costly and comfortbly, the same platform.
My first acquaintance with Mr.. Van Buren,, in
public life, was when he was pressing, with great
power, the election to the Presidency of Mr.. Craw-
ford over Mr.. Adams. Mr.. Crawford not elect
ed. Mr.. Adams And Mr.. Van Buren,, during
his administration, member of the Senate for
a part of his term, and Governor Of New York for
the rest. And it is notorious thatJhe was the soul
and centre of the opposition to Mr.. Adams admins
tration, and that he did than any ten other
to defeat his reelection and to bring in Gen. Jack
son. These are facts which short memories
can retain. Gen. Jackson was chosen, and Mr.. Van
Buren, became his Secretary of State. In July, 1929,
McLane sent out Minister to England. under in
sructons arrange the disputed questions
ing the Colonial and West India trade. Mr.. Adams
had taken high ground this subject. He had
claimed right of reciprocity that products in
our ships should be admitted into the West India
ports on the with the English, since Great
Britain enjoyed the privilege of having her goods, in
her ships brought into our ports the condi-
tions as though brought in American vessels. Mr.. |
Adams took high and austere ground this matter,
of right the principles Of reciprocity. But
the English government would not hear to it. And |
Mr.. Van Buren, told Mr.. McLane, in his instruc-
tions, yield the point, the ground of right to dis
claim the pretensions of Mr. Adams and he then
say that the administration, that is, Gen.
Jackson's administration, ought not to be repulsed
from the enjoyment of that which he was willing to
call boon, privilege, account of the misbe
havior of Mr.. Adams's administration. That was
the sum and substance of it ALL
We'll, gentlemen, of the most painful duties
that ever has devolved me as Representative or
Senator of my country in Congress, to refuse
subsequent nomination Minister to England. But
conceived it to be thing in this country, or
the diplomatic history of any other civilized
try, that when party happened to come into
power it should repudiate the doings of its predeces
sors in it's intercourse with foreign nations. To
abandon ground of right held and maintained for
years, and the consent to receive what was sought
as right before, privilege or boon now, held
to be undgniied, unworthy of an American states
man, derogatory the national American character.
When it happened that entered the department of
State, under Gen. Harrison, l found many things
which could have wished to be otherwise. But did
any thing that my predecessor had advanced
Not particle-not jot nor title. l took the case
Is he left it, and should have held myself dsgraced
he boundary treaty with England, had said to Lord
's Pray, my lord, consider that we are
more sensible people than predecessors only re-
iect how much more amiable, humble, and how
much more friendly to Great Britain, am than Mr.
Forsyth was, and therefore accord to US this or
hat boom" What would have been the public feel
ng! / need not say.
he slave power: would by do any in
ustice to Mr.. Van Buren, and if he has come up to
ome of the opinions laid down in the Buffalo plat
orm am glad of it. And of his own party, or
what has been his party he is much the less danger
,us candidate of the two now presented to US. But
ooking at his course and conduct while he Pre-
ident of the United States, am amazed that he
hould be found at the head of party, claiming,
hove all Others to be the friends of liberty, and the
opponents of African slavery at the South. Why,
What the first thing for him to declare, after nav
ng been elected to the Presidency, but that If Con-
ress should pass bill to abolish slavery In the dis
rct of Columbia, he would veto it. That is the first
Instance am acquainted with of a veto In advance.
n his inaugural message, in 1887, Mr. Van Buren,