Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1848-04-07
VERMONT PHOENIX.
BrattlebOro, Friday, April !, lS4S.
Views of Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Webster
on the Treaty and the War.

week, TO politics Mr. Calhoun and Mr. webster
are of opposite parties, of large experience, OF
eminent talents, and elevated patriotism They
have been long in pnblic life, have been promi-
ncnt actors in all the great political questions
that have agtated the country, and Justly pos |
scss the respect and confidence Of the nation
We have desired to present their views, togeth- |
or, and we invite our readers, of oil political
parties, to gUc them candid pcrusal. Our
Democratic friends will be apt TO repose conf
fdencc in the opinions of Mr. Calhoun, who is a
friend of the Administration, and we ask for
him fair hearing. We also bcspcak an atten-
tive consideration of the views presented by Mr.
Webster, in his speeches on the Ten Regiment
Bill and on the loan nl--a part only of which
latter appears to-day. We invite special atten-
ton to their views Of the exercise, by Mr. Polk,
of civil and legislative power in Mexico. The
jealousy Of any improper assumption Of power
10y the Executive, which the people should en-
terrain, demands careful consideration Of the
subject; lest as, in the present condition of
France, their liberties should be invaded and 50
much absorbed by Executive usurpntion that
bloody revolution may be necessary to recover
them. Mr. Polk claims the right TO impose taxes
and establish civil government in conquered
countries, as an incident to his Office of COM
mnndcr-in-chief This has been abundantly re-
futed in the speeches before us, but let us look
for moment at the practical result
The power TO put an end TO war by treaty, is
confded TO the Executive; but lest This power
should be abused by the President, the constr
tuition placed in the hands of Congress, the ap-
preparations for the support Of the army. The
otherwise arbitrary power of the President, to
continue war as long as he pleases, was thus. as
our forefathers thought, cirtumscribed As the
President derived all the means to support the
army from Congress, he had 10 call upon Con
gress for them, and state lie reasons therefor
il they were not satisfactory, Congress could put
an end TO the war, by stopping supplies. Thus
if the President should prosecute an oppressiy,
war, TO CRAFTY personal malice or lust Of con
quest, the Congress had in this provision, and il
this only, power TO restrain and check him
Now, il the President, has the right to command
Z the resources Of a conquered country, that j
claimed for lin. this restrictive provision is en-
tirely evaded and nulliiod, and he may act indie
pcndently and in defiance Of Congress-proyide'
the wealth and resources Of the enemy are suit
cient to support the army. Our armies are nov
in Mexico. and command the revenues Of th
whole country-and as they may be, We assum
that they are, sufficient to furnish all needfu
supplies. What becomes, then, Of the rcstric
tive power Of Congress? What shall proven
the President from continuing the war, to tn
subjugation and occupation Of the whole Of Mex
leo, and of sPpropriating the resources Of tn
) country 10 tho conquest Of other nations. Whu
shall hinder his invasion Of Cuba, or the Sout
American Republies, or even of his own country
He has an army, Of which he is commander-ir
chief, and the unlimited control Of the suppl,
, for their maintenance. What more does he II
quirc, TO constitute him an arbitrary despo,
The barriers of the constitution are completed
4 broken down, the mutual dependence Of the di
ferent branches of the Government is completed
destroyed, and the President is left in the VI
= checked control and direction Of the whole mil
: tary power Of the Republic. 1t is no answer I
say that the resources Of Mexico are not sufI
oient TO maintain the army. They moy be, an
il the principle is established, it must apply I
all cases.
n 1t seems to us, the assertion of this principl
; is fraught with dangerous consequences to Il
!, liberties Of the people, and that it is the bolde
assumption of Executive power ever venture
n upon in this Government. Ii cannot be disgui
n ed, that the powers Of the different branches
\ Government are rapidly concentrating in Il
i Executive, and that, with his immense patrol
I. age, his veto, and almost unlimited discretion,
is able to stiAe the voice of the people throug
y their representatives, and, Ike Louis Philip
d secure vennl majority to do his bidding. l.
Ut = '"erned in tine, and not lay supine an
r indifferent until our hands are lound and OIL
liberties oycrihruwn.