New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1848-08-15

The question being on The motion BY Nj. BENTON
that the Senate recede from il amendments 10 which
the House mad refused to agree
Mr.. WEBSTER rose and said | am very little
inclined 70 pr0lODg this debate, and nope l am
utterly ds.uclined 70 bring into It any new warmth
OK excitement. wish " say few words, how
ever first, upon the question as Il IS presented 70
US as parliamentary question and secondly, up
on the general political question Involved IN tie
debate.
As question OF parliamentary proceeding, !
understand the case 70 be this The House OF Rep
resentatiges sent us bill for the establishment OF
a Territorial Government n Oregon; no motion
has been made Ia the Senate TO strike out any
part OF that bill The bill purporting 70 respect
Oregon. simply and alone, has lot been the sub
iect OF any objection IN this branch oil the egsia-
ture The Senate has proposed no important
amendment % this bill affecting Oregon itself
and the honorable member from Missouri Mr..
BENroNl was night, precisely right, when he said
that the amendment now under consideration had
40 relation TO Oregon. That Is perfectly true
and therefore the amendment which the Senate
has adopted and the House has disagreed 10, has
nothing in the world 10 do with Oregon. The
truth is that Is an amendment, by which the
Senate wish to have a public, legal declaration
not respecting Oregon, but respecting the newly
acquired territories OF California aud New Mexico.
1t wishes now % make a line OF slavery Tor those
new Territories. The amendment says that this
line Of the " Missouri Compromise shall be the
line TO the Pacific and then goes on to say IN the
language of the bill a. II now stands, that the
Orlinance of - shall be applicable 10 Oregon
and therefore ! say that the amendment proposed
is foreign TO the immediate object OF the bill. 1t
does nothing 10 modify, restrain or affect III any
way. the government which we propose TO estab-
lish over Oregon, or the condition or character Of
that government or OF the people under IT, In
parliamentary view, this is the state OF the case.
Now. Sir tins amendment has been attached 10
this bin by a strong majority OF the Senate. Inat
majority had the night, as It had the power to pass
IT, The House disagreed 10 that amendment.
Well If the majority OF the Senate who attached
IL 10 the bill are Of opinion that a conference with
the House will lead TO some adjustment oil the
question by which this amendment or something
equivalent to it, may be adopted by the House, It Is
very proper Tor them 10 urge conference 1t is
very lair, quite parliamentary, and there Is not
word 10 be said against It. But my position IS
that of one who voted against the amendment
who thinks that il ought not to be attached to this
BILL and therefore naturally vote for the motion
% get r.d OF it-that IS " 10 recede.
So much for the parliamentary question. NOW,
there are two or three questions arising Ia this
case which wish 10 state dispassionately -not to
argue, but to state.
The honorable member from Georgia Mr.. BER-
RAM for whom ! have great respect, and with
whom it is my delight to cultivate personal friend
ship, has stated, with great propnety, the impor-
lance on this question He has sand that 1t Is
question interesting to the South and to the North,
and one which may very well, also, attract the al
tention OF mankind. He has not stated all this
too strongly. 1t is such question. W fhout
doubt IL is a question which may well attract the
attention of mankind. On the subjects involved
81. l.. d.. rlo1a IL ugfu "A
Ii is wide awake and agree with the honorable
member. that If what is now proposed 10 be done
by us who resist this amendment, Is, as he sup
poses unjust aud in urlous 10 any portion OF TINS
community, that injustice should be presented 10
the civilized world, and we, who concur In the
proceeding, ought to submit ourselves to its reDuke
am glad that the honorable gentleman proposes
TO refer this question to the great tribunal OF Modern
Civilization AS well as the great tribunal OF the
American People. Ii is proper 1t IS question
OF magnitude enough--of interest enough-to all
the civilized nations of the earth, to call rom those
who support one side or the other statement oil
the grounds upon which they act.
Now, | propose TO state, as briefly as can the
grounds upon which | proceed historical and con
sttutionali ana will endeavor 10 use as few words
as possible SO that may relieve the Senate from
hearing me at the earliest possible moment
In the first place, TO view he matter historically
this Constitution founded in l757 aud the Govern
ment under il organized In l7ss, does recognize
the existence OF Slavery in certain States then
existing in the Union; and particular description
of Slavery. ] hope that what l am about to say
NAV be received, without any supposltion that
intend the slightest dsrespect But this particular
description OF Slavery, does not, l believe, now
exist IN Europe nor in any other civilized portions
of the habItable globe. 1t IS not Predial slavery
IL is not analogous 10 the case OF the Predtdt slaves
or Slaves giebe adscupti OF Russia, or hungary,
l., ,tfars tfcra m a "a m IL
Slavery. by which the person who IS called Slave
IS transferable as a chattel, from hand to hand
sneak of this as a fact. And that is the fact and
will say fartaer-perhaps other gentlemen may
remember the instances-that although Slavery,
as q system of servitude attached to the earth,
existed in various countries Of Europe, | am not
at the present moment aware OF any place on the
globe in which this property OF man IN human
being as a Slave transferable as chattel exists
except in certain States OF this Union and the
West India Islands. Now that existed at the
formation OF this Constitution, and the trainers o
that instrument, aud those VINO adopted II, agreed
that as far as it existed II should not be disturbed
or interfered with by the new General Govern
ment. There is no doubt OF that.
The Constitution of the United states recognizes
il AS an existing iact-an existing relation be-
tween the inhabitants of the Southern states.
do not call It an institution, because that term
IS not applicable 10 1t for that seems TO imply
voluntary establishment. have been here so
long that when first came here 1t was mater oil
reproach to England, the mother country, that
Slavery had been entaIed upon the Colonies
against their consent and that which Is now con-
sidered a cherished institution was then reg ard
ed as. | will not say an cntailed ecl, but an en-
tailmeut on the Colonies by the policy OF the moth
err country against their wishes At any rate, II
stands upon the Constitution. The Constitution
was adopted in l7ss and went into operation III
l7sq Wheni 1t as adopted the state OF the coun
trv was this: Slavery existed IN the southern
states there was a very large extent oil unoccu-
piedterritory-thew whole North west-w hichit"a As
understood was destined TO be formed INTO states
and 1t was then determined that no Slavery should
exist In this territory north west OF the ono.
gather now as matter of inference from the ms
tory OF the time and the history OF the debates
that the prevailing motives with the North for
agreeing 10 this recognition Of the existence ol
Slavery IN the Southern states, aud giving rep
resentation 70 those States founded IN part upon
their slaves. was based on the supposition That
no ACQUISITION Of territory would be made to form
new States on the Southern frontier OF tins country
eithe- by cessiono or conquest It's plain that taxing
the history of the times together, the reason WY
the INSTRUMENTATION was allowed, was that
since the North west Territory vas destined oy or
dinance % be free and since nobody looked 70 any
ACQUISITION by conquest cessOn Tor the creation
of Slave states at the South there was an insisting
On the part Of the south % suffer slavery Where u