Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1848-02-24

ma that, construed in It's true meaning and
pirlt, 1t could never have been used to extend
he benefits Gf they were such) of the original
ompromises-compromises bad enough amy way,
10 the free states-to new parties, not embraced
in the original partnership. The gentleman; it
seems, thinks otherwise, and, unfortunately, he
recent constructions in his favor. The past
has come and gone. We may have opportunity
to look at the matter further, when further usurs
as ] esteem them, shall be attempted
upon the liberties which it was expected to se-
cure to the freemen who ratified it. Enlightened
by the dismal experience we have had, | own
that ] could now wish that the Constitution had
uttered more positive and explicit prohibitions,
though | have little belief that even they would
have at all ayailed against such unscrupulous in
~fluences that have been in action to nullify it
in all cases in which slavery was concerned
But that no further precautions were taken, is
no matter Of surprise. The gentleman must
read the debates of the Convention which framed
that instrument, and of the State Conventions
that ratified it, with very different eyes from mine,
if he does not see that the statesman Of the day
expected that the discontinuance of the slave
trade, after twenty years, for which they made
provision, and the discontinuance of slavery it.
self, would be pretty nearly simultaneous events,
Such, I think, was the general expectation that
prevailed every where, except in South CaIoIina
and Georgia, which, 1t must be owned, cIung to
the evil with a tenacious fondness. No, sir
the tree Of the Constitution which our fathers
planted, bore a natural fruit, |salutary and paIa-
table, A noXlous branch was grated upon it,
which grew rankly, and oyershadowed the rest,
"a mildewed ear, blasting it's wholesome brother
Prune that off, aud again, in beneicent abundance
it will yield fruit "tor the healing of na.ions."
The gentleman said further, Zone half ofthe
states have slaves, the other half have none,'
page 81 and from that statement he argued that
in settling the institutions of new territory, an
equitable arrangement would be to give half of
it up to slavery, and let liberty live in the rest.
Sir, | do not agree to that fractional statement.
If facts which | have presented to the attention
of the committee are sustained, then it follows
that not one half, but one fftieth part of the peo-
pie of this Confederacy are interested, as propri-
etors, in an institution which is essentially and
irreconcilably hostile to the interests of the other
forty-nine ffticths, and which demands to WELD ali
the power Of the government, and extend the
borders Of its own domain, for the purpose of
sustaining and pcrpetuating that instrument for
expressing the great majority.
The gentleman said again, III connection with
this topic, ut is Obvious that, by transferring
part of the slaves from the old states to the new,
you would not increase their numbers" (page
81 Sir, if my little reading in political econ
ony has not misled me, this is by no means OBJ
Hlous but on the contrary it is obvious that bv
removing a population from comparatively narrow
bounds, you provide for an increase of its NUNS
bers and particular considerations might be
added in the present instance, to show further
that that result would follow. | anticipate the
reply that may be made to this. 1t may be said,
very well increase the amount of human life,
and you would add to the sum of human happi-
ness. But, in the first place, this is a direct
abandonment of the other position. And in the
second, | will not allow that the sum ofhappiness
under all circumstances Of social condition, is
enlarged with that of life, Virginians, at least,
are not apt to forget the saying of their great
compatriot, give me liberty or give me DEATH
If that sentiment be just, then it should equally
be said, Give me liberty, or curse me not with
existence.
Much of the interest lately manifested for the
emancipation Of the colored race, the gentleman
referred to ''the action of Anti-Slavery or Adolf
ton Societies" page o. He is aware that they
are no institutions of recent origin, but coeval
with the existence of our government. | hold
in my hand a copy Of the memorial addressed
to the Congress of the United States, in Februa-
ry, 1890, by the "Pennsylvania Society for pro-
noting the abolition of slavery" The name of
no less considerable a person than the sage Ben
jaman Franklin is subscribed to that memorial
as President. | think DIR. Franklin knew some
things as well as the men of this more confident
generation. | think particularly that he had some
comprehension of that Constitution which he
helped to frame, and ] set his authority against
that of a Boston writer who considered it" ques-
tlonable whether the abolition movement is re-
conciIeable with duty under the Constitutlon."-
Among the illustrious names on the relf7of that
Society is found that of La Fayette, whom the
gentleman from North Carolina quoted as COM
plimenting "the good sense of the American
people, which enabled them wisely to settle all
domestic dillerences'-the same La Fayette who
SAID to Clarkson, as that phiIanthropist reports
in a letter written not long before his death, 81
would never have drawn my sword in the cause
of America, if could have conceived thatthere-
by was founding land of slavery"
The gentleman from North Carolina present
ed a classification of Abolitionists of the present
day. | am not satisfied with it, either for precis-
iui Vi COHlplclCuCSS5 anu Will DCSpCdh las pa
tience while | propose a different.
There are, in the first place, the Abolitionists,
strictly and commonly so called, Their specific
distinction, as a body, is, that they urge a DISCO
luton ofthe Federal Constitution, and ofthe I'M
ion. With the gentleman on the other side who
+, expressed his sentiments not long ago, they hold
to the "sacred right of revolution" He called
it "the most sacred of all rights" They attach
to it a similar s%anctity, though they would not
prosecute the object in the way which suppose
f he would think legitimate. They are, generally
, at least, non-resistants, and most of them even
refrain from voting, from scruples against giving
; even that support to a government which they
regard as implicated in so much wrong. With
a late President of the College of South Carolina,
they have Calculated the value Of the Union,
and, as they do the sum, the Union turns out
!, to cost too much. Among them are persons of
/, the greatest purity Of life. and the most unseltish
philanthropy. ThereHare Individuals of eminent
abilities, Of the highest culture, and OF social
; connections the most esteemed, There are those
$ who bear the great historicalnam OF the North
-G IL 49, II Ih@