Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1848-11-02
STRIKE. BUT HEAR.

We are aware mat Inc TINE IS not proptous 10 tbt
discussion Of great prncipes-lhe day Of the election is
too near at hand-but cannot permit The last paper
which may reach the Of readers before that i'm
porant day arrives 90 forth without few conSdera
tons which we address them in no spirit Of pariizan
ship, but from the deepest conviction Of their truth and
justice, and of the momentous principles at issue For
be il remembered, that something far more important
than personal preferences involved in the struggle
which is to be decided Tuesday next. Principles are
boldly advocated by The Democratic party which if sane
tened BY the verdict Of the American people in favor Of
Lewis CasS will virtually change the character Of our
government. With this abiding conviction we proceed
ID place before our r2edars briefly possible our
views upon one or two of the issues involved
Our Democratic friends have made il a ground of re-
Proach to the Wing party all through the present cam
paign that it had platform. Their idea Of platform
is little singular. In their Judgment, no matter hat
his ideas Of right and wrong, Of honor and dshonor
man stands upon no platform, has no fixed principles
unless he comes down 70 particulars, and pledges him
SELF in set terms, break The egg the bio or the little
end as the case may be- No entertainment and express
sion of great leading principles Of conduct cam in their
Judgment form rule of action. And vet they profess
to expect that platform Constructed after such recent
will be taken by the candidate as he would the Temper
ance Pledge and then form eecua standard bv which
to decide every question which shall arise during his term.
They forget that all lays whether Of legislatures to gov
ern line whole people, Of single direct his ou
conduct when founded upon PARTICULARS may be avoid
ed-and that only those unavoidable which base
themselves upon general acknowledged principles Such
PLATFORM them as they bring from Baltimore We
scorn. " hen they taunt US with having platform,
IT they mean such platform theirs we rejoice tina,
we have none such. But we have a platform General
Taylor has patf'rm-a platform, beside the giant and
noble yet simple Proportions of which, that of Lewis
Cass dwindes and sinks into comparative nsignicance.
" hat is General Taylors platform He does no. de
scend to particulars, and tell u.s. by one that he is in
favor ofor against bank, that he for or against in
ternal Improvements Chat would mean nothing for Lew
is Cass stands upon both sides of that question: or
that he is for against any other particular mpasure-
He hal the good sense 10 perceive, and gave the people
credit for ability also perceive that such platform
could serve no good purpose IN restraining the President,
and could serve purpose all except 10 deceive the
because in the of Presidential term ma
ny questions must necessarily arise, which 40 platform
that was ever invented conId possibly reach. tiener
al has adopted and expressed principles so search
ing and comprehensive, that they form rule of ac
ton in every question that arise for Presidential de-
cson;-and, in doing, has laid down platform as i'm
mea>urahy superior to that of Lewis Cass in its accura-
cy honesty and broad extent, that of Lewis Cass IS
superior to his in its cunning trickery
As to Of pure Executive action all parties are
agreed excepting alone differences which arise out of iva
subjects. The one is the power appointment to office
Upon this, hear Gen. TaylI. in his letter to Aisn let
drop these glorious words: g" have private purposes
to accomplish, no party projects 10 build up. no enemies
to punsh-nothing to serve but my country" Let him
honestly act up to this, and serve nothing but his
try and he cannot 90 wrong The other is the Presidents
power over the army and navy and 10 make treaties
Upon this hear Gen. Taylor again from the same letter.
Il loob upon all times and under all circunstan
national calamity, and to be avoided if compati-
Die with the national honor" Let him honestly act up
this principle, eschew war and court peace, when
compatible with national honor, and he can never 20
wrong.
As to all other matters, the President can act only
through MS veto Upon this, hear Gen. Taylor from the
same letter. He says 1.-THE p,wer given BY the Consti-
tuition TO the Executive inerpse his veto il. high
conservative power; but in my opinion should be
exercised except cases of clear violation of the Const
Congress" The personal opinions Of he individual
Who na, happen 70 occupy the Executive chair ought
not 10 contro, the action ofCungress upon questions
of domestic policy; no ought his objections to be inter
passed. where questions OF constitutional power have been
settled by the various department OF Government. and
ac1esced in BY the people" These. opinions OF een'
Taylor, upon the right of the President to veto The bills
OF Congress, in exact conoraty with hose views Of
that kingly power which held by the founders OF
Republic-those views which are laid down in the
Federalisi by Madison and Hamilton and which were
universally received by the people these United States
when they adopted the Federal Constitution. General
Taylor does moi believe that the President has any thing
to do with legisating FIR the country lie gives that up
10 the Legislature Where it belongs. He believes that
the President is Executive branch our Government
and Congress the LPgislatve-and that the President
has right interfere with the acts of Congn S.
except in certain specified contingencies, than lie has
interfere with the decisions Of the Judiciary.
But Cen Cass thinks diff really. He thinks that the
President has the rsht of yeiong any law, of whose
ped ency he cnerains doubt lie raises the President
~ from being The mere Exc :uiive Of carry
inr Oh the liu, ernulent. and invests him ai all The