Tri-weekly journal. (Evansville, Ia. [i.e. Ind.]) 1847-188?, 1848-01-18


savage state we scarcely find them any where
with such government, except it be our noble
savages--for noble will call them. They for
the most part had free institutions, but they
are easily sustained amongst savage people.
Are we 10 overlook this fact? Are we to as
sociate with ourselves as equals, companions,
and fellow-citizcns, the Indians and mixed
race Of Mexico7 Sir, | should consider such
a thing as fatal TO our institutions.
The next two reasons which assigned were,
thatit would be in conflict with the genius and
character of our institutions and subversive of
our free government. take these two togeth-
er as they are so intimately connected; and
now of the first--to hold Mexico in subsection.
MIR. President, there are some propositions
too clear for argument; and before such body
as the Senate, should consider il loss of time
10 undertake to prove that 10 hold Mexico as
subjected province would be hostile and in con-
aict with our free popular Institutions, and in
the end subversive of them. Sir, he who knows
the American Constitution well;-he who has
duly studied its characterize who has looked
at history and knows what has been the effect
of conquest of free states invariably, will re-
quire no proof at my hands to show that it
would be entirely hostile to the institutions of
the country, to hold Mexico as province
There is not an example on record Of any free
any territory approaching the extent of Mexico
without disastrous consequences. The nation
conquered have in time conquered the conquer
ors by destroying their liberty. That will be
our case, sir. The conquest of Mexico would
add so vast an amount to the patronage of this
government, that it would absorb the whole
power of the States in the Union. This Union
would become imperial, and the States mere
subordinated corporations. But the evil will
not end there. The process will 20 on. The
same process by which the power would be
transferred from the States TO the Union, will
transfer the whole from this department of the
governmental speak of the Legislature ito the Ex-
ecutive. All the aided power and added pat
ronage which conquest will create, will pass 10
the Executive. In the end you put in the hands
of the Executive the power of conquering you.
You give to il, sir, such splendor. such ample
means, that with the principle of prescription
which unfortunately prevails in our country,
that the struggle will be greater at every pres
idential election than our institutions npos
siby endure. The end of it will that that
branch of the government will become all pow
erful and the result nevitable-anarchy and
despotsm. 1t is as certain as that am this
day addressing the Senate.
Sir, let it not be said that Great Britain fur
nishes an example TO the contrary-that she
holds provinces of vast extent of population
without materially impairing the liberty of the
citizen, or exposing her to anarchy, confusion
or corruption. II is so. But what is the ex-
PLANTATION? OF all governments that ever ex
listed, affording any protection whatever to Ii
berty, the English Government far transcends
them all in that respect. She can bear more
patronage in proportion to her population and
wealth than any government OF that form that
ever existed, nay, to 60 farther, than can des-
Y,otieno in ifa most ahSolufa form, ILL -.
60 into the philosophy of this. That would
take me farther from the track than desire
But will say in very few words, il results
from the fact that her Executive and the House
of Peers, the conservative branch of the govern
ment, are both hereditary. The Roman gov
ernr1ent may have exceeded and did exceed the
British government in its power for conquest;
but no people ever didexist, and, probably, new
er will exist, with such a capacity for conquest
as that people. But the capacity of Rome to
hold subjected provinces, was as nothing com
pared to that of Great Britain, and hence, as
soon as the Roman power passt d from Italy be-
yond the Adriatic ON one side, and Alps on the
other, and the Mediterranean, their liberty fell
prostrate-the Roman people became rabble-
corruption penetrated every where and violence
and anarchy ruled the day. Now, we see Eng
land with dependent provinces of vastly great
erterritorial extent, and probably not less in
population-l have not examined-we see hel
going ON without impairing personal liberty Of
exposing the government to violence or anar
chy. Yet the English have not wholly escap
ed. Although they have retaiued their liber
ty and have not fallen into anarchy and despo
tism, yet we behold the population of England
crushed to the earth by the superintendent
weight oldebt. Rejecting on that government
have often thought that there was only on,
way in which it could come to an end-tha
the weight of the superstructure would crust
the foundation-that the wealth accumulate
IN part by these very conquests by the highe
classes would crush the laboing masses below
But has she obtained indemnity from all her sub
jected provinces? On the contrary, instead O
drawing the means of supporting herself from
them, has she not been compelled to resort Il
the labor OF her own population to hold then
IN subsection? And has she not thrown bur
den upon them, which, with all their industr,
and skill-with all their vast accumulation o
capital and power of machinery, they are inca
pable OF bearing without being reduced to pow
erty? Take even her earliest and nearest con
quest--the neighboring island of Ire lands i
not, to this day, source of heavy expense, anC
burthen to her, instead of source of reven
ue?
But while the English government has such
vast power of holding subjected provinces il
subsection without imparing her liberty-with
out the evils incident to it, our government