The Ottawa free trader. [volume] (Ottawa, Ill.) 1843-1916, 1848-03-17
The Winsss rrosiso.
Where ,hpllIr,,~-Dnl u,b,t,r.

} pied paragraph from this paper in which
/ we deprecated the Wi,mot proviso rs al
element of "discord and evil" the adoption,
ofwhich would only disiractthe country ana
the democratic party, without attaining the
object for which it was intended and
straight the Register sets us down Us oppos
cd to the principle Of the Wilmot rroviso
week ago the Chicago Democrat copied
our endorsement Of the proceedings Of the
recent meeting Of the democracy Of thi.
county, declaring their adhesion to the doc
trine that there is no authority lodged any
where under the constitution BY which sla
very can be introduced into territory now
/ free-and straight the. Democrat puts US
down ms IN .faror of the Wilmot pruyisc.
Now, are we playing the trimmer, aud
have we been on both sides Of this i'm.
/ poriant question: We deny the charge
Then which is right, the Register or the De.
mocrat? Neither. We are no, supporter
OF the Wi!mot proviso, yet at the same time
we declare our umalierable hostility to the
extension Of slavery over a foot of ground
that may he acquired from MEXICO; aud we
propose 10 show tina. NC can maintain both
these positions and be consistent.
The called Wilmo, proviso, if we know
anything about it, was an amendment pro.
posed TO the bill appropriating three millions
of dollars as auxiliary to the contamination
of peace with Mexico, and provided that
any treaty so consummated should contain
an unalterable, fundamental provision, that
slavery should be forever excluded from the
territory acquired under it.
Now to such provisio there are. TO our
mind, three insuperable objections.
l.. Any treaty thus negotiated, could never
have received the constitutional concur.
renee Of two. thirds Of the senate of the Uni
ted States, and its effect must have been 10
defeat negotiation and rro,ract the war.
>. Its immediate cfTcc, upon the three mil
lion appropriation, aud upon the war mea-
Sures before congress, would have been 10
delay if not 10 defea, their passage, and thus
to cmbarrass the administration in the pros
ecution Of the war.
g. II would have been an nnwarrantab,e
interference with the treaty making power,
the trainers Of the constitution having lodg-
ed that power with the executive, the sem
ate acting as his constitutional advisers, the
legislative department having no right TO
restrain or cmbrrass It's free exercise.
There is another reason that should have
some weight, and that is, that the proviso
goes too far. We take it for granted. that
the territory which shall be acquired by trea-
ty with Mexico, is. at some day. to come in.
10 the Union as sovereign states. on an e.
quail footing with the old states. I, is obvi-
GUS that after such shall be the case. no SUN
alerable, fundamental provision which
congress may adopt, can control the action
of such states in reference to slavery, or on
any other subject.
For reason. then, like these, we could
never give our sanction or support TO the
Wilmot proviso. But opposition to that i'll.
timed amendment ,loes not preclude us from
declaring, as we have on former occasions
and do again, our opposition TO the extension
ofthe institution OF slavery over foot offer
ritory now free.
We regard human slavery, wherever it
exists, asthe greatest outrage that can be
committed against the first principle of de-
mocracy, which recognizes equality Of birth
as universal, and the pursuit of life, liberty,
and happiness as inalienable rights. The
idea that the founders Of our government,
who were so deeply mbued with this great
truth, indirectly sanctioned the introduction
of slavery into territory under the jurisdic-
ton Of the federal government, by giving
congress the power of making all needful
rules and regulations for the government. of
such territory, is libel upon their charac-
ter. The truth is, the trainers of the con.
stitution never contemplated the extension
Of slavery beyond the limits Of the original
thirteen states. The word slavery does not
occur in the constitution, and that ins'ru.
ment nowhere recognizes its existence ex-
cept asa domestic institution OF the states,
with which it does not interfere on exactly
the same principle that it interieres with
none ofthe domestic institutions ofFrance or
Russia. In territory, under the government
Of congress, excep. where slavery existed
before it became the property Of the United
States and its continuance was guaranteed
by the agreement Of cession or purchase, as
was the case with Louisiana, Florida, and
Texas, there is no authority under heaven
that recognizes or tolera'es the existence Of
the blood stained institution.
Holding these views, we would be trail
tor to every pinciple Of democracy ahd to
the constitution Of our country, which we
revere above all other human laws, if we
did not oppose the introduction of slavery
into territory now free. This is our position,
not lightly taken. nor will it be lightly a.