Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1848-07-27
GREEN MOUNT AIN FREEMAN.

selected purely democratic ticket and indicated no
desire for general, harmonious cooperation of the
friends of Liberty, beyond the pale of democracy.
Perhaps this may have been the wsest policy. The g
movement although it may not be successful now in
defeating both the proslavery parties may result in
the reorganization of the democratic party upon the
antisavery basis laid down by the authors of the
Declaration of independence, the Congress which
framed the ordinance of 1857 and the founders of the
Government which fully sanctioned it. But, what
the result in this respect one thing is certain
the strictly party character which has been stamped
upon the movement separates it from the more gene
raj movement of men of all parties and of no party,
which IS to find its exponent in the Buffalo Conven-
ton of August 9th We cannot predict what that
Convention will do, but doubtless it will feel some
embarrassment from the New York nomination.
Many may be strongly inclined to waive, under the
urgent circumstances, all iormalties and adopt that
nomination. Should they succeed, the local move
ment would become nationalized and it might sweep
the non-slavehodrng States. On the contrary, some,
perhaps many, though anxious for union and willing
to pass over all matters of mere form, will resist the
adoption of that nomination, for which shall
now proceed to state
Many of u.s. who have long been laboring to arouse
tile public mind to resist the aggressions of Slavery,
rejoice at the indications that the hour for effective
resistance draws near Not word would we say
tending to discourage the zeal of friends to create
judces to struggle against, no party attachments pow.
erlul enough to impose the slightest restraint upon u.s.
no personal preferences to urge. We willing to
identity ourselves in any general movement, on any
distinct issue that may be made up with the Slave
Power provided the movement be regarded progress
sye to the extent of the Federal Constitution and do
not involve us in voting against what we hold to be
vital principle. We cannot sustain the action of the
Convention, we cannot support its nominees, if COM
mitted against such principle. We do not ask the
sanction of either to all that we hold to be important
truths, but we do ask that they refrain from placing
themselves in position where, to sustain Them would
be to stultify ourselves.
The letter of Mr. Van Buren, was admirable for its
style, general sentiments and spirit. His position of
avowed, direct antagonsm to the extension of Slave
ry, the ground of its inherent evil is just noble,
and patriotic. It is the more honorable because with
the single exception of Judge MCLEAN, he is the only
one of the first class of old party leaders who has the
courage to occupy such position With these men,
subserviency to Slavery is the rule that independ
ence appears the more heroic
Having said this much to show our respect for Mr.
Van Buren, and our admiration for his present posi-
ton, we now shall frankly indicate the nature and
bearings of the Objectionable portion of his letter. and
the nsuperabls obstacles it raises to his support by
many who, like ourselves, would rejoice to see him
utterly rout both the old party candidates. The fol-
lowing paragraph contains the substance of what we
object to:
The power, ito prohibit slavery in Territories,
the existence of which is at this late day Denied is
in my opinion fully granted to Congress by the Con
stitution Its language, the circumstances under which
it adopted, the recorded explanations which
companied its formation, the construction it has re-
ceived from our highest Judicial tribunals and the
very solemn and repeated combinations it has derived
from the measures of the government leave not shad-
ow of doubt in my mind i'll regard to the authority
of Congress to exercise the power in question. This
is not new opinion my part the first occasion
on which it has been avowed. While the candidate
of my friends for the Presidency, distinctly amour
ced my opinion in favor of the power of Congress to
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia although
oaS for reasons ,Chich then and still Sahsfpc
tory to my mnd gerry decidedly opposed 10 it3 exercise
there The question of power is certainly clear in
respect to the Territories, my opinion also made
known in still more solemn form, by giving the Exc
cutiye approval required by the Constitution to the
bill for the organization of the Territorial Government
of Iowa, which prohibited the introduction of slavery
into that Territory"
We call attention to the lines we have placed in
italics. Mr. Van Buren,, in 1885, pledged his veto in
advance against any act which might pass both Houses
of Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District
of Columbia. His language in the paragraph above
quoted, admits of two constructions. He may mean
that he was opposed to the abolition of such slavery
then for which not only appeared satisfactory
at that time, but which he now believes justified then
such opposition. This construction, which is not the
one that strikes us first leaves it oren question,
whether he believes such reasons would justify such
policy But the most natural construction GER
tany is that the reasons which satisfied him in 1886
that he did right to pledge himself in advance to veto
any bill for the abolition of slavery in the District
Just as conclusive with him in relation to the policy
noU to be pursued. Surprising this to be the mean
ing of Mr.. Van Buren,, we see not how, regarding an
opposite policy as binding upon those who have legls
ative power this District could give vote
to him without being guilty of nexcusable ncon-
sstency. Holding, with him. that Congress has power
over the sub ect we can see no reasons that should
prevent its exercise in such way that the rights Of
all classes should be respected. We have no hesta-
ton in saying that Congress ought to abolish slavery
in the District of Columbia, and wherever else it has
exclusive jurisdiction, making ample appropriation Of
money at the same time to carry out the purpose Of
the ACT, that those who had been encouraged and
sustained by its unjust legislation to hold or accumu
late what is termed property in human beings, might
not be obliged to bear the whole burden of undoing
wrong.
Again: it seems that the peculiar policy of Mr.. Var
a Buren, the slavery question: in 1885, was adopted
q by him under the impression that the rights of the
), South were in danger. What is his impression now
. Which are in danger now, the rights of the South
l. the interests of Liberty? What would be his policy
g now?
No one can prize general cooperation Of the friends
of free soil and free labor more than do-none has
abored more earnestly for itbut we see little good
Il and much evil in union which, while designed tC
l. make effecual progressive reform movement
J. subjects it to bondage to the very niquty agans
whose aggressions 1t is directed We seek no Fede
raj interference with the rights of the States to regu
It. late their own institutions, adjust the relations of he
j. own people, impose upon them such laws, as they
please; but we hope Mr. Van Buren, may see fit t.
define his position upon this subject of slavery,
of antagonsm to its demands to the full extent of his
m constitutional powers.