The Middlebury galaxy. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1848-1850, 1848-08-01


by any party? We can all very well esr
innate the power ofone hundred thousand
office-holders, many OF them anxious TO
perpctuate their dynasty. They can pack
a Democratic convention with more than
one third of its members, though they
might not be able to control majority
TEev can send on their relations, their
friends and dependents, as delegates, and,
under .he operation of this two>thlrds
rule, govern the convention. 1t was on
this occasion All the gentlemen who
composed the convention went to Bati>
more, bound 10 nominate some candidate
for the Presidency. To fail to nominate
by convention, would be to dissolve
the party. They were compelled, there
fore, TO make a nomination, and when they
entered the convention, they were met
with rule declaring that the vote of two
sbirds was necessary to nominate their
Democratic candidate for the Presidency.
They knew that within the walls Of the
convention there stood packed minority,
of more than one-third, representing the
the office holders of the country, who
could veto or negative the nomination OF
any man not subservIcnt 10 their views,
or who would not perPetuatc their dynasty,
and continue them and their friends in Of
fee The candidates all understood this
beforehand, and on such occasions lie who
makes the most satisfactory bargain with
clique or Misunderstanding more than
one-third, but not one~half of the conven>
TOMS sure to receive the nomination.
No other man can get 1t. L say again,
every candidate understood this, and every
future candidate will, in all future Dcmo>
cratic conventions, understand 1t Each
of them will know it is impossible for INN
to procure the nomination unless he can
secure the services of those who come
here for the purpose Of sustaining them
selves in office He is bound then to lend
himself 10 all their views. If they desire
to establish platform of political faith,
he mast subscribe to it. He has no option.
Hc must either relinquish all hope Of the
nomination. or subscribe TO every dogma
that this clique may choose To lay down.
Under these circumstances, | ask, what is
the inevitable tendency of the party which
has nominated Lewis Cass? Does it not
directly tend to the rule of the few over
the many, and eventually tn monarchy !
1t tends to the establishment, in the first
instance, of an oIgarchv, or an aristocracy
of o'iiceholders-able to dictate the NOM
ination of any man they please. They
have veto on the acts of the convention
as obsolutc and cffectual as that which the
President of the United States, whom they
may nominate and elect under the magic
name Of Democrat, may have upon the
laws of Congress and the will of the Pco>
pie.
Un iouhfcaly the great mass Of the Demo-
cratic party is honest and patriotic. We
who are Wings, and opposed 10 them in pol
iiics. are entitled 10 free expression Of tlrir
opinion in making party nomination and
WhiTS as well us Democrats are delranded
by this political leger'lcmain-ihis hOcHS Do
Gus Introduced by somc political uiagicians
into that parry within few years past,
winch compcls that party 10 accept nom
nation made and lnrrcd upon them by The
minority. Such were the circumstances.
such was the fraud, such was the established
rule and iron law under which Gen. Cass re-
ceived his nomination..
Lei us enquire. in connection with this,
whit are some of The the other doctrines o:
the party 10 which General Cass has been
coiuuciird 10 subscribe. Among other things,
there stands prominently the assertion of the
great rrht and duIv of the President OF the
United States 10 exercise the veto power
without reference to the limitations prescrib
cd bV the l.uhers al the constitution. Every
one who has peruscd the "Fe1eralisi'' knows
thai Mr. Madison and his associates uniform
w IN iinained that the great object of the We
10 wl< 10 enable the Execuii ie ofIhe United
States 10 defend the constitution and the cx-
rculive power within lis limits. No man oil
their day pretended il was designed that
the veto power should be extended as it has
been Ia every act of ordinary Legislation. and
every instance in which party might by
The all of il elevate or sustain itself against
the interests the whole country. 1t never
WAS imagined by any member of The convcn-
,lon winch formed the constitution that the
veto clause in thai instrument could be so
construed by The most laiiiudinarian expos
iior, Is that The President of!he United States
should be enabled, ny the force OF that clause.
10 become part of The legislative power OF
the country. Now, however, you find the
h'1F'iliN htltl hoNn ny tiiiS lttIiN DOluI1 III
their public prints thai The President consii-
iutcs part of the legislative power Of The
counir;, and that the veto power is uuliuiI-
ed. and was 50 intended 10 be by those who
mad the constitution. Let ne cali The at
icaiiin Of The Senate TO consideration of the
prnc"lcs upon which this veto power as
inserted in The American constitution. The
first sentence of The constitution declares that
MI ''ihc legislative powers herein granted
shall he vested in the Senate and House Of
Representatives" No part ofIhe legislative
power is given to the President The United
States. In the judgment of the la:htrs of
the Republican, Executive never constituted
an essential complement part of The legisla-
tive power, qualified power of revision
was given to him but ii was never intended
that he should exercise any legislative power.
la order that VIC may understand this sub
Ject, which enters largely into The great CUES
lions now before us, lei me read a portion of
The debate on the adoption of the conslitu-