Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1848-07-19


withhold our respective approvals from
If in the passage Of these laws during the
period OF half century. and under the
administration Of 50 many presidents.
there was anything like sectional divisions.
or greater or less participation in their
enactment on the part Of the representa-
tives Of the slaveholding. or Of the non
slaycholding States. ! am not apprised OF
IT, believe the plan devised by the foun-
ders Of the Government. including the
fathers Of our political Church. for the
treatment ef this great subject, aud which
has hitherto been SD faithfully sustained.
and which has proved SO successful In
preserving the Union Of these United
States, TO be not only the wisest VIII CHI the
wit of man could have devised, but the
only one consistent with the safety and
prosperity Of the whole country. do
therefore desire TO see It continued 50
long as slavery exists in the l nited States.
The extent to which have sustained it
in the various public stations have occu-
pied is known 10 the country ! was at
the time well aware that | went further in
this respect than many Of my best friends
could approve. But deeply penctr atcd
by the conviction that slavery was the on
lv subject that could cndangcr our blessed
/ Union.I was deterlnn'd that nothing on my
part. within the pale of the Constitution,
should be wanting to sustain its comprom-
ises as they were then understood, and il
is now q source of consolation to me that
pursued tho course then adopted.
The doctrine which the late Baltimore
Convention has presented for the sanction
of the nation. is, in substance. that the
laws have referred to were but SO many
violations of the Constitution-tllat this
instrument confcrs no power on Congress
to exclude slavery from the territories. as
has so often been done with the assent OF
all. This doctrine is set forth in the pub
lshed opinion of the highly respectable
nominee of the Convention. who II IS well
known received that distinction because
he avowed that opinion. and who it Is
equally certain would not have received
IT, if he had not done SO. 1t is proposed
to give this doctrine the most solemn sane
ton known to our political system. by the
election of its decl red advocate and sup
porter TO the Presidency. If it receives
the proposed sanction of the people Of the
l. nitcd States. the result cannot be doubt
fl. The policy in regard to The extern
sion Of slavery TO the territories OF the L
States, into which il has not yet been 1lliO-
duccd. which has existed since the conse-
uucnces of which have been SO salutary
must cease. and every act of Congress
designed to carry ii into effect be defeated
by the veto of the Executive.
) The territories now owned by the Uni
ted States, and every acquisition OF ferri-
tory that may rcaitcr be made by theC >
! whether obtained by annexation. by cession
; f,r valuable consideration. or by conquest
) must as long as this opinion is held. and
! as FAR as the action CT the National Legis-
laturc is concerned be subject to the in
roads Of slavery. And this consequence
: is to be submitted to on the aSsumatior
, that the trainers Of the Constitution. wit!
their attention directed to the subject, and
. with a well understood desire to do SO
have failed to clotl,c Congress with the ne
cessary powers to prevent it. | cannot
) by my vote, contribute to this sanction
cannot do so. because ] cannot concur
in the opinion which we are all called up
: on to sustain.
Entertaining these views of the Const j.
tuition. could not by my vote contribute
TO the proposed sanction Of this ne" Prin'
! ciple in the administration Of the Fede
) raj Government. without, at the same time.
avowing myself to be in favor Of the ex
tension of Slavery i'm the abstract, and this
can never do. Those who agree with
: me in regard to the existence Of the power
and the cxpedicncy Of our exercising II
and can still bring their minds TO dissen
upon the subject, or have greater power.
; of discriminating than | possess. &c
therefore unhesitatingly approve the course
you propose to pursue. in Withholding
: your votes from Governor Cass. and shall
, do so myself If no other candidates thar
those now before the country are presen
I. ted. shall not vote for President. The
l manner in which our political brethren in
: other non-slaveholding States shall dis
pose Of their suffrages. is for them to de
termine. and with it we have nothing to do
But that they accord with us in the opin
> ion as 10 the existence of the power il
: question. and the expediency of exercis
ing il whenever the occasion for so doing
arrives, we have the best reasons to know
The power, the existence OF which is
r at this late day. denied. is. in my opinion
: fully granted to Congress by the Constitu
8 ton. Its language, the circumstance:
Z under which it was adopted, the recorded
I explanation which accompanied its forma
!" tion-the construction it has received from
. our highest Judicial tribunals, and the yer,
. solemn and repeated combinations il ha
. derived from the measures Of the Govern
:. ment-leave not the shadow Of a doub
d in my mind in regard to the authority O
: Congress to exercise the power in ques
c ton. This is not a new opinion on m,
q part, nor the first occasion on which il ha
n been avowed. Whilst the candidate O
: my friends for the Presidency. ldis,inctl,
D announced my opinion in favor Of tn
power Of Congress TO abolish slavery il
J. the District Of Columbia. although wa.
for reasons which were then. and are sti
e satisfactory TO my mind. very decidedly
. opposed to its exercise there. The ques
g ton OF power is certainly as clear in res
nor IN ho Tor - I'd Z