The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-08-05

ucr oDhkauons ID preserves etefhaliJs their rcia-
tive proportions in the same way.
Mr.. CALHous.--I said nothing Of the kind.
| Mr.. CoKwIs.--I am very happy to be unde-
eeiyed. i understood the Senator 10 cohesive
that this is question Of Pswer. II Is not
IL Is question OF municipal law, Of civil polity
The men who framed the Constitution never
dreamed thai there was going 10 be conflict Of
power between the Slave and the Free States
They never dreamed that the South was to con-
tend that they should always he equal In repre-
seniaiion in the Senate 10 the North. They had
no idea of that equilibrium Of power Of which
we have heard so much. The circumstances of
that period forbade any such suppositiOn. -
Looking al all these circumstances-and have
no doubt those far-seeing men regarded them
carefally-yOu would have had fourteen Slave
States and but nine Free. But every man who
had anything 10 do with the formation of the
Constitution expected and desired that slavery
should be prohibited in the new States; and
they even expected to have il abolished in many
Of the States where il existed. They had no
idea Of conflict; and if the fanatics Of the South,
as well as those in the North, would let the sub
jsct alone, we should have no more trouble con-
corning 1t. But what do We sesl While North
ern fanatics are for rushing into the States where
slavery exists. trampling upon your laws and
| setting your slaves free--at which enOrmity the
South holds mp her hands in Pious horrOr-the
fanatics Of the South are entering upon The free
soil Of this Republic whenever they are able, and
converting il into slave Territory. Sir, you
must say no more about the fanatics Of the North
eudeayoring 10 uproot your Institutions, while
you initiate the example Of those fanatics in
your treatment Of the Free Soil Of this Union
Sir, there is no difference between the two ca
ses. The fanatics Of the South are but eoun-
| terPart of those Of the North. II there be any
difference, il is only this: That the fanatic Of
the North has the poor apology Of aiming to
give liberty to his iellow-man, while You Of the
South are endeayoring TO pull down the temples
Of Liberty and 10 rear your Institution OF Slave
| ry upon their ruins. have declared my opin-
ions in regard 10 this institution, a. believe il
| to exist. / have no belief that man who owns
slaves must necessarily be permitted to carry out
his own views. j rather think he owns them
| because be does not know any better think,
| upon the whole, they had all better come to the
State of Ohio for an example, where we drive
even the free negroes away. intend nothing
offensive to the sensibilities Of gentlemen but IL
the free expression Of my honest convictions Of
tends, cannot help II. believe il we were to
| set about this business Of establishing Govern
ments as our fathers did when they laid the foun-
daiions Of this Republic Of ours-if the same
| spirit animated us--if, happily, they could come
to this day from the abOdes Of the blessed
would be no difficulty in passing ths Ordinance
Of 1881, and applying il to these Territories
We are not such men as they were.
Mr.. JOHNSON Of Md.-lin his seat. Certain
y We are.
Mr.. CoRwN.-The Senator from MARYLAND
may be, but II so, he is an exception.
Mr.. JoHNsoN.-The Senator from Ohio, Is
certainly an exception.
Mr.. CoRwIS--The Senator is very polite.
Now, Sir, gentleman before me, lMr. FIrz-
GERALD, has, with great propriety, explained to
the Senate the position in which he is placed in
respect to a friend of his, who is not now in this
body. The subject has been often adveTted 10,
and while on my feet, wish to say few words
In relation TO H. Gen. CAss, il Is said, is likely
TO be implicated on account Of his friends ac-
ton upon this question Of slsyery. know not
how that can be, for may well say here that
have no confidence whatever as 10 the precise
position in which Mr.. Csss may place himself
tomorrow. lie has occupied two positions al
ready. Sir, he who can change his position so
readily may change back at the shortest notice.
Gen. CAss has declared that Congress has no
power over the subject. But the Senator from
South Carolina has very properly declared such
doctrine 10 be an absurdity; because il we can
transfer the power to the Territorial Govern
ment 10 act upon the subject, we must Of course
possess the power ourselves; We cannot COM
mnnicate more power than We have And
declare, if anybody Is concerned TO know what
is my opinion on the subject. and what is the
opinion Of the Free SteteS Of the Union, that IL
Gen. TAYLOR was not considered being COM
United BY his published letters against the exer-
else Of the Veto power upon this subject, he
would not get my vote. nor would he get the
vote Of Free State in America IL I could help
Il.
Mr., HASNEGAN.-I would like to be informed
by the Senator from Ohio, as he has referred 10
Gen. CAss's position. and as he Is about 10 give
his support 10 Gen. TAYLOR, il he can give rs
Gen TsTLoR's views the subject, and what
his opinion will be as expressed in his Message
| to Congress-
Mr.. CORwIN.-I cannot.
Mr.. HsNsEGAS.-I understand the Senator
from Ohio TO say that il Gen. TAYLOR would in
| terPose a veto upon the subject, he would not
vote for him under any circumstances.
Mr.. CoRwN.-I would not. nor would any
man in my State, unless indeed found him Op-
posed TO Just such another man who had a great
many bad qualities beside. A laugh. But, Sir,
| have TO say that do not believe that Gen.
TAYLOR could get the electoral vote Of free
State in America, if it were not for the belisf
that prevails, that upon this subject, well as
! upon any other Of a like character. he would not
| interPose his veto. | lelieve the man who does
L
and 10 have his head rolled on block. That
has been my opinion for some time. A laugh.
| i have no more desire TO live under despO-
| tism here than in Ireland. We have exhibited
TO some extent our sympathy with those who
are warning against desPOtism, and now mean
to show you as far as | am able, what is the pub
lie opinion at this time in this country. IL may
be that the people will tolerate You in passing a
law Of this sort, because you are the dPnstitutsd
law makers Of the land, but they wSl tolerate
| no man, no, not even WssHIsGroN IL he were
alive, in interposing his veto upon law snzlO-
gous TO the Ordinance Of 1881. IL the Congress
Of the United States will that there shall be
Freedom from Slavery forever. and any man sit
ting In the White House dare intsrpose his puny
| arm against it, will not say he will be taken
through the forms Of mpeachment--there might
be more summary method found out Of dispOs-
ing Of him.
know very well that the Senate is weary Of
this debate. wish now only to state another
fact which will show what il is which our breth-
rem Ct the South now demand. II you take the
area Of the Free States and the Slave States as
they exist, and compare them, you will find that
the latter predominates. When the Constitution
was formed, and when the Territory which you
then had was brought into the Union. the Free
States had an excess Of LOG, 600 square acres
over the Slave States; bat when YOU had acquir-
cd Louisiana, Florida and Texas, and aided
them to the Union, and when you add the claim
Of the South that they will carry their slaves in
10 Oregon, New Mexico and California, what
will then be the condition OF the Free Statesl-
The latter will have one-third more power In
the Senate Of the United States than the Free
States could ever have. And this Is all you ask !.
Much has been said about the modesty Of the
South--the fOrbearance Of the South! Why,
| considered merely as question Of political pow
err, all they ask Of Us Is to put the power into