The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1848-08-03

whether The aggregate of slavery shall be increased nor
whether the institution shall be extended over wider
surface for all this will finally be determined by other
powers than Congress; but is, whether profess agta
non shall be encouraged, and people attempt egs-
late for another, until one section OF the Union shall be
arrayed in hostile feeling and sympathy, and finally in
overt action against the other
| | would then, Mr. Chairman, in the bills organizing
Iowa BILL make no auson whatever to the e subject Of
slavery would, also, done in that BILL confer
upon the local legislatures of the Territories the power
legIsiae IN regard TO all righyd subjects Of hgiaa
Then, sir, # any question should arise let the Supreme
Court OF the United States decide ~ matters under the
constitution of the United States. "righfm subjects
| Of legislation"
What is the effect of this position If neither Congress
nor the people OF the Territories have the right the
power, under the constitution to egslate upon the sub
lec OF slavery IN Territory, is commended by some
then the Supreme Court Of the United States whose duty
IT will be ultimately TO decide and settle this question in
any aspect IN which Congress put it, would decide
that dH righ subjects of legislation" with which the
Territorial legislature had been clothed did not include
the subject of slavery IT, the other hand, the court
should hold that the constitution does confer upon Con
gress the power to egsate for the Territories in regard
10 the question OF slavery, Congress will have conferred
that power upon the Territorial legislature chosen by
the people of the Territ0ry-in whose hands, in my
Judgment 1t is the most safe and most with the
principles OF the constitution and of segovernmen ii
should be lodged Upon this principle as northern
democrat, am prepared to stand. | believe II
broader than The one upon which the democratic party
has ever stood, and must ever stand if il would be
The northern democracy have been reared in school
which has ever taught the principle of non-inererence
with questions of slavery by the general government
That principle has been regarded as one of the card
nal doctrines of the democratic faith and they will not
abandon it because those they have honored have
proved false and fahless The republican party, from
leading and most distinguished men, and by the of
its members OF Congress in both branches of national
legislature and in every conventional form imaginable,
has again and again asserted this principle IN the most
solemn and emphatic manner. 1t has repeatedly been
sanctioned by The popular voice OF the country Not
only has that great national party to whose hands
committed the desnies of this republic professed ad
here sacedy TO the compromises of the constitution and
asserted the principle OF interference, but it has at
all tunes deprecated and denounced all external anti
slavery and abolition agltaon as hostile 10 the best in
erests OF the country. Such has been its position
such believe to be its position now; and conscious of
its integrity, it will trust continue to stand firmly
by the same broad national prlncpes-consecrated by
repeated conflicts and repeated uumphs-" regardless OF
lamentations here or elsewhere"
Since presidents much the order of the day,
will SO far follow this, appeal from Mr.. Van Buren,
he stands before the country the candidate of
mere faction, to Mr.. Van Buren, when he the cand
date of the democratic party and ask those who hear
10 mark the difference
In 1885, Mr. Van Buren,, then the candidate of the
democratic party in letter to Mr. Anis and Others OF
to the question of slavery. He said:
THAT all such interference, which tends ALLEVIATE
portion OF our counisymen from the resi- deserves TO be
owned upon with Indignation by all who cherish the prin
pies Of revolutionary fathers and who desire pre-
the constitution by the Of that spirit of ay
which animated its trainers
.That whilst they 1.-THE northern demoeracyl would main
tain involae the liberty of speech and the freedom of the
press, they considered discussions which, from their
ure endto influence the PUBLIC mind and put in jeopardy
the lives and property OF their eow-czens at war with
rule OF moral duty and every suggestion OF hnmanl
~ AND would be ose
persist IN carrying them en- as disioye to The Union
'That the people would do great injustice il
they allow themselves believe that the few who are inter
ng with the question of slavery acting ia accordance
with the sentiments of the north upon the subject
.Iu 90 into the presidential chair the ineerib and
gress to abolish SLAVERY the District of Columbia, against
the ~'sse' of the slauehsAai"g state'" Il
81 do therefore, believe that the abolition of slavery in
the District OF Columbia, against the wishes OF the slave
holding States, (assumig that Congress has the power to
eec, IT, would the spirit of that compromise OF in
which lies the basis OF social compact and
thoroughly convinced that it could not be so done with
out i'm ninent peril if not certain destruction to the union
Of the States" >.
"Wih only a generous confidence on the part Of the
south iu their OF the moth, and firm determine
ton the part OF each visit with their severest dis
hny 70 BE- ne w u1
attempts the part OF the aboltonsts TO do will then
themselves That there persons the north who
far from concurrDg in the prevailing sentiment have de-
pared with the rest OF the community nconsidera
be." ~ !.
In every view Of tine subject, therefore, it does appear
tina, although there certainly the present
don of the in relation it, sufficient excite
tie serious attention. there nothing OF
public opinion IN the United States to justify that panic in
the public mind which invariably dlsquaiifes those
paake of it from dealing wisely successfully with the
circumstances by which 1t is produced. From abroad We
have, think, right expect less
heretofore. We shall, | confident, for time
least have foreign agents enlghteh the
subject Recent results here, and the discussions with
which they have been attended, fail the
attention of the reading ard rejecting portion OF the for
egn public by these means they will be made to under
sttnd our real condition IN this and they viii know
that the Interchangeable law OF that condition is that The
slave question be left the control of the savehong
States themselves, without molesation interference from
quarter; that foreign interference of criptou
only be injurious the slave, without benefit
interest and will not be endured by section of
coanry and that any interference coming from the
saveholdng portions of territory is calculated TO
endanger the pepeioy, and if sanctioned by the general
government would inevitably occasion the dissolution Of
our happy Union"
In order to give additional assurance OF his adherence
TO the doctrine of non-intervenon proessed by the
democratic party upon his Inauguration President,
with the oath of Office upon his lips, eager
he 10 signalize his devotion to what denominated
the slave power, that he volunteered the declaration 10
the American people, that acting the Chief Magistrate
of the nation. he would nterpose the Executive veto
any bill which Congress might pass against the wishes
of the savehodng States aboshing slavery in the Dis
rct of Columbia because il 'woud violate the SPIRIT
Of that compromise OF interests which lies at the basis of
social compact This is believed to be the first and
ii is hoped may be the last official decision of inpor.
ant subject, by high unconary, before the question
had arisen
1t was during his administration that the celebrated
Atherton resolutions passed the House OF Representa-
ves And since the history of congressional action has
recently been made to fill large space in uphoding
provso agitation, it may not be out OF place to cite few
of the ma where similar has heon