Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1848-09-29
BOTTS ON TAYLOR, AGAIN.

BOLTS ON TAYLOR, AGAIN.
In our last paper, we gave the letter Of John
Minor Bolts to the New York Clay Commit
tee. Since the issuing OF that paper, we have
read another letter from the pen of that dis
tinguished Wing, written since the publica-
ton of Gen. Taylor's Allison Letter, No. 2.
We have not space for the whole of this Sec
ond letter, but give below an extract, which
cannot but be read with interest, as well oy
Wings as Democrats particularly that part o.
it which relates TO Gen. Taylor and the Will
mot Proviso -
Now. in regard to the Allison letter No. 2,
which have read since the ABOVE was witt
fen. am free to confess that the opinions
therein expressed, and the positions adopted,
no matter at whose suggestion, are more sat-
isfactorv to me than any other that has prece-
ded it; and if this had been the only one, it
would have been entirely So If what Gen'l
Taylor means 20 say is, what infer from this
letter he does say, that when he said he was
" not an ultra whig," and 90 would not be the
exponent of any party principles" and "would
not be the candidate of any party" and
" would accept no party nomination." and
" would look 10 no party doctrines as the rule
of his action and would ''eXpress no opln-
ions on any political subject and " that the
people must take him on their own response
blity," and "that he would as soon accept
nomination from the democrats as the whlgs,"
and " that he would only accept nomination
of the spontaneous and unanimous voice OF the
whole people, and that he would look 10
the constitution, (Which all Presidents are
sworn TO do,) and not 10 the views OF either
of the great parties of the country, as his
guide If by all this he only meant TO say
what he now says he did mean, that he was
not party candidate in that straltened and
sectarian sense that would prevent his being
the President of the whole people, and that he
would not be fettered down with pledges that
were to be an iron rule of action in despite Of
all contingencies, and that he would moi be re-
quired to lay violent hands unfortunately
on all public officers, good or bad, who might
differ with him in opinion, and that he would
not force Congress, by the coercion of the We
to power, to pass laacs to suit him, or none at
U,-then must say he has written great
many letters to very little purpose, because
nobody expected or required it of him; he can
not blame me or anybody else for not under
standing what he meant. never should have
guessed it; for, to my mind, his letters have
borne a very different reading. That Is GER
tainly not what | should have understood as
g an ultra whig'' to mean. | should think
any man who avould give such pledges was
nearer an ultra DEMOCRAT than an ultra WIG,
and nearer an ULTRA FOOL than either; and no
man in his senses would either give them HIM
self or require them of another When he
spoke of an ultra whig, naturally concluded
that he had reference to some one or more
measures or principles of the whig party and
l never understood that any of these were.
The truth is, and it cannot be disguised,
that Gen. Taylor has had bad advisers. If he
had relied on the great wing party and struck
for the whig vote only, and not "spread his
net to catch birds of every feather" he would
have been elected without difficulty or doubt.
There would then have been no disposition to
bring Mr.. Clay forward in the first instance,
and still less to have opposed his election af-
fer he was nominated and if he is not elected
now, he has nobody to blame but himself and
those by whose advice he has been governed.
But whether-in the language of the French
people to Louis Philippe IT HAS COME TOO
LATE" is a question yet to be solved appre-
bend it has.
But why are we left in the dark upon any
other subject Why are we not permitted to
know what are Gen. Taylor's views of the
Wilmot provso? 1t is very evident that ev-
cry press and every man at the north that sup
ports Gen. Taylor, does it on the ground that
he will not. and IS pledged not. to veto that
measure. MIR. Webster, Mr.. Ashmun, Mr..
Corwin, Mr.. Baldwin, MIR. Truman Smith,
Thaddeus Stevens, Mr.. Caleb Smith, (who
has repeated, in his speech in Cincinnati, that
he was assured by the Hon. William Ballard
Preston, of Virginia, that he would not veto
it, and that he would be sustained in the South
if he signed it, all take that ground; while it
is equally certain that at the south he is as
generally and universally sustained on the
ground that he is a southern man, slavehol-
der, and that he will veto it. Now | say, in
this case, both sections of the country cannot
ed ; and the only way to avoid it is for Gen'l
Taylor to say what he will do. The people
are entitled TO know it before they vote.
think, perhaps too much importance is attach
ed to this question, both north and south; but
that is their business. If it is of half the i'm
portance that they ascribe to it, the fact ought
to be known.
Ever since the Buffalo Convention have
been satisfied that the election would unavoid-
ably go to the House If it should, does any
reasonable man calculate on the election of
Gen. Taylor' suppose not one; but if we
can get Mr. Clay before the House, l believe
he could be elected. Why? Because we
have already twelve States represented by a
majority of wings, which of itself is not suffi-
Gent to elect him; but while there is not a
Cass man or Van Buren, man that would,
under any circumstances, vote for Gen. Tay-
lor, believe there is hardly one of either that
would not vote for MIR. Clay to defeat the 9TH
er.