Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1848-01-01

discharge Of his civil duties. In both cases he :
The mere Instrument ofthe iaw. The war-power,
as claimed for him, is wholly inconsistent with the
principles Of our Government. Can the Comman-
der-in-chief, without the authority of law, employ
the army and navy in making foreign conquests as
his ambition may dictate? If this be so, then is
this Government not limited and constitutional
government, but Despotsm One-man-power
controls in the important attribute that be-
longs to nation. The military power is the most
dangerous that belongs to any Government and it
is that Of which free people will always be most
jealous. Sensible of this danger and feeling this
jealousy, the fathers of the Republic wisely COM
milted this whole power to the National Legisla-
ture. In doing so they placed it in the only safe
depositary for it.
We do not mean TO say that Congress can direct
the Commander-in-chief when and where battle
shall be fought, or under what circumstances cadels
Of the enemy shall be invested and reduced These
are things which must be determined by the military
science and skill Of those who command our ar
mics But we mean to say that CoNGREss possess
the power TO control the general action Of the
army. And we hesitate not to say that, in regard
to the existing war, if Congress shall believe that
the interests and honor Of the country require the
exercise Of this power on their part, ii should be
exercised.
In what manner this power should be exercised
is in the discretion Of the two Houses.
What particular measures it is expedient for Con-
gress to resort to in the present conjuncture, our
readers will hardly expect Of us to indicate. That
is matter which we most willingly leave to their
wisdom and discretion
We cannot consent however, to dismiss this
subject without first endeavorng to explain to our
readers what we conceive to be, in regard to the
policy proposed by the Message, Invested of its
false CLOSES and sounding phrases,
THE REAL STATE OF THE QUESTION.
We shall take it for granted that our readers
generally are OF opinion with US, that except upon
great necessity, Peace with all the world is the
policy most consistent with the genius of our Gov
eminent and with the interest and happiness of our
People; and that, as a necessary consequence, a
War for Conquest-for the acquisition Of territory
coveted by any branch of this Government-not
only can have no charms for them, but is as odious
as any action of individuals of analogous character
would justly be-. We suppose we may take it for
granted ALSO that our readers do not desire the force
Of our army to be quadrupled merely to swell Exc
cutive patronage, yet to crafty the military pro-
penses Of those who throng to the seat of govern
ment in pursuit of commissions and contracts
and that they would willingly dispense with the
necessity paying heavy taxes tea and coffee now,
and presently on every article which they consume,
wear or use in the various vocations by which they
live, in the shape Of excuses and direct imposts for
which the organs of the Administration are already,
in contemplation of prolonging the war, prepar-
ing the public mind. We Think moreover, that
we cannot mistake the general sense of the People
of this country when we express the confident be-
lief that, if the option left to their suffrage, to
annex to the United States without price whole
Mexican provinces, with their hybrid population,
their ignorance and their vices, and to place them
an equality of representation and rights in this
Government with that race which constituted the
original thirteen States, and has now expanded itself
into more than double the NUMBER they would with
out hesitation repel the dangerous gift We cannot
err, we are satisfied, in the conviction which we
feel that not in ten of readers believe that
this war is necessary useful, or would hesitate
to call upon his particular Senator or Representa-
tive in Congress to put an instantaneous stop to il
if he were satisfied that il could be done with honor
1t can, be done with honor-with much more ho-
nor be assured than attend the most successful
of the war. How admirably has this
been argued by that great and venerable man,
whose late Address to the People on the subject of
this war ought to be in the hands of every man,
woman, and child in this Republic!
"At this time, in the language of Mr.. GALLATIN,
" neither the dignity nor honor Of the nation de-
" mands further sacrifice Of invaluable lives, or
" even of money. The very reverse is the case
" The true honor and dignity of the nation are in
" separable from justice Pride and vanity alone
" demand the sacrifice. Though so dearly pur-
" chased, the astonishing of the American
" arms have at least put it in the power of the
" United States to grant any terms Of peace with
" out mourning the mputation Of being actuaed by
" any but the most elevated motives It would
seem that the most proud and vain pst be satiat-
ed with glory, and that the most reckless and bel
" licose should be sufficiently gutted with human
" gore"
Unanswerable as this appears to us to be, there
are, we know, some persons who think that this