The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1848-03-24
,O Of his amy, and towards asiraying all the charges of

cation with the exception of such may become booty
and OF military contributions levied upon the inhabitants
OF a hostile territory"
Now, sir, what is the objection to the of our
government the subject of these contributions un-
dersand the senator from South Carolina to present
two why they should not be levied-the
first constitutional, and the second political. With
respect to the first, comprehended the train of
reasoning pursued by the SENATOR he considers the
contributions required by our army IN Mexico as
taxes, and their collection as exercise OF the levy
ing power conferred only upon Congress by the consu-
ton. cannot, sir, for myself doubt for moment that
that provision OF the constitution confined TO the United
STATES As have already remarked if the guarantees OF
that instrument accompany armies we NAV lust as
well abandon all attempts to carry offensive operations
abroad, as Our armies could not march foot without
hndins themselves surrounded with insuperable obsta
cies Congress may undoubtedly prescribe the mode in
which forced mpostons shall be collected enemys
county, but IT may do that. not under the tax evying
power but under the wardeclarng and thence war-reg
uiaung power II may put end TO the practice and
when IL regulates or prohibits IT, its decision becomes the
law OF our armies fora strict obedience which every one
within his proper sphere responsible but until Congress
does interfere the right and its exercise depend on me
principles have stated and not upon analogles verbal
or substantial applicable only to different slate OF
things cannot but remark, however SIR, that any
one who has doubts upon this question VIII run ms eye
over the constitution, he will at glance, that It's
powers and projections intended not tor foreign
country, but for our own: mat would be strange
construction, indeed, which would give to the Mexlcans
the right "to be their persons, houses" &C.,
"to speedy and public trial by impartial jury" Sc,
and all the other political blessings which make our
s.
stuton and tell what portion operates abroad well
at home' That the whole of it does not follow our
armies, clearly shown from the consequences which
would flow from such construction. There is but
practical solution OF the dlicuy-and that word
difficulty in Difference TO the opinions advanced by gen.
tlemen OF the most powerful intellect and not because
feel the slightest doubt myself; and that solution is,
conhne the constitution TO our own country, except
where It's provisions obviously extend abroad and this
brings us again to the war-making power which would
enable Congress, during the continuance of hostili-
teS to provide at Its discretion for the government of
countries held by our armies.
The political objection urged by the senator against
the exercise of shis power is founded in the dangers
which might result from it, WE'LL sir there is danger in
such power There is danger in all war powers. The
few will ever forget who heard it, depicted with his pc
culia force the danger OF triumphant generals returning
with conqueHng armies; even his graphic description did
not appal me- for our generals and our armies but
constituent portions OF our people, and trust for many
agenerahon will mnge with the mighty of Ameri-
freemen, without delay and without reluctance as
soon as their military duties terminated But there
are greater dangers than these, and first among them
the loss Of national honor Discard your military MEANS
ling monuments of republics, overthrown by dsoyal
soldieIy, and where would be your safety in these
DAYS OF national ambition and ACCOMPLISHMENT
From my own views OF our institutions, and from the
opinion have formed of the character of the American
peope-fomed during an active life passed under cir
cumstances which have brought me into contact with
men of all opinions and pursutsl consider the destruc
ton OF this government by military usurpaton, OF
the very last evils which threatens usto be apprehend
when it will matter little who puts it
The President may abuse this power says the senator
Certainly ne may; and so he may abuse any power But
powers must be granted, though they may be abused If
any one fears that result now, let him prepare egsa
tive remedy to prevent it. AS that is not my CASE shall
not volunteer my services for such work but am
prepared at any time TO look no the whole matter and
hold all who have taken part in it to strict accouna
b.y The President desires nothing else, nor his po
ton will but commend the administration the more to the
confidence OF the country. But let not most important
right belonging to the American people, and one which
may be essential TO their military success, be the
winds, because some time or other, or somewhere or
other, abuses may grow out of its exercise.
In our investigation into the origin of this war, there
two separate questions which present themselves for
consIderaton-one which may be termed external, and
the other internal The former connects itself with
as people, whose character and conduct have been
ralgned before the world and the latter concerns our
selves alone II relates to the course OF the Executive
IN the earlier measures which led to the war The war
itself may be just and stand acquitted OF every charge
OF aggression; while the President may have passed be-
You'd the limits of his constitutional duty and assumed to
direct, where Congress alone had the power to act BY
lar the most important question touches the character OF
country; and this involves the justice OF the war
The subject itself is fruitful one, and has been often
examined and exhausted, that it requires some moral
courage to discuss ii briefly shall endeavor to
compress my remarks within the narrowest space,
lining myself as much as may be to propositions, rather
than TO illustrations.
Had we cause of war against Mexico 1t has been
said and upon this floor, by the senator from Maryland
[NIr PEARCEl that to give Just cause of war; there must
be clear right, occupied with sort of necessity" before
resort is had to this extreme Such general
considerations however, as this amount to very little in
guiding the conduct OF nations slight analysis OF
this principle will show. The honorable senator him
SELF who advancedit, comedies that we had clear right
and ii sort of necessity" to enforce had been coupled
with this SHOULD have stood justified in the eyes of
the world had declared against Mexico years
ago. And what is this 'sort of necessity" without
which the right is to remain barren' Why, take it, if
thirty years of aggression side, and of remon
the other, do constitute this necessity il
would be vain TO seek it in any undertaken in mod
en times
The fact is, sir, the question of isa complicated
one, into which considerations OF right and of expe
dency enter largely if not equally Ii nation Injuries
another and refuses unreasonaby delays to make sat
lsfacon this gives to the injured power just cause OF
But whether she shall undertake it, depends upon
her own poston-on that of her adversaryon the mag
nitude of the injury, and frequently on other crcum-
stances, political or financial, which it would be useless
TO specify, and impossible to enumerate. Nations must
and will Judge for themselves under these circumstances
as well of the right itself, Of the sort of necessity
there may be OF enforcing it, The right established
and that the gentleman himself comedies in this case
the resort to force is question rather of discretion than
OF morals as 1t is remedy consequent upon the violation
of national rights. Ii is too late TO tell sir, that we
had just of war Successive administrations of
have pronounced evocable judgment upon that ques
ton
Our complaints against Mexico commenced nearly with
to the year 1877 and come down to the present day in
almost one uninterrupted series of ourages shall not
state them seridm, enter into the detail OF their ma
and hooh faht md fhn