Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1848-08-23
nc rOSstsOnS OF 'S>.syI0r and CaSS
sM A&ciatiOn TO Slavery ExscH.


n Ordinance Of Isl the recently acquired
:, territories Of the United States. The impress
:. sion exists that because he is Southern man
and the owner Of slaves. lie Viii. herefore il
: elected President, be in favor of the extension
: of Slavery. and against the Ordinance of 81
! In this We think there is great. and, 10 Gen.
! Taylor, injurious mistake.
In the iirS, place, Gen. Tav,ar is slavehol.,-
: er ~ iastfiiaaee. and has in his life sur
chased single ssre far tie pm pose If iaressAraf
lie has. with the heuev intention of prereai-
inr The separation Of fsilies bought slaves, some-
) times II eNtravasant prices, but never with the
view of increasing his slave property.
In the next place, persons Of uniupcaciailc
veracity. who have ronverscd with Gen. rav,or
concerning the extension OF Slavery, declare
that he is, IN opinion and feeling, snpesea 10 il.
! But it is not these ihirrs alone that we rest
vindication of Gen. TAYLOR from the mistaken
views of those Who afraid OF him on this sub
iee,. We look beyond, to his written declara-
ions. and find in them what is 10 us clear and
satisfactory proof, tina, the advocate, of the pro-
hi5ition of Slavery extension, il they think like
reasonable men. have reason to fear any thing
adverse 10 their wishes from him.
Suppose Gen. Taylor to be elected President.
Slavery beyond its prcsen, limits to come before
Congress, what will be his position in relation to
! ~ We presume no douh, that, while
the matter is pending before Congress Re ,cin
leare Tat toiyto net thy please ,risaaf a,tept.
in- ia any manner 70 iaEaencc fbeiy deeiSioa-
We are bouul TO believe this, or 10 believe the
declarations of his letter to Capt. Allison to DO
untrue and hypocri,ical. Says he, in t.at letter,
T th0urtlt 70 Ia.
known opinions and wishes of the Executive
have exercised undue and injurious Influence up
on the Legislative Department Of the Govern
ment. aud from tlis have thought our
system was IN danger of undergoing great
change from lis true theory
Can any man with candid mind read those
words, and 10: be satisfied that Gen. TAYLOR
would dnder TO circumstances, undertake to in
flaence the action of Congress on this SUBJECT
Bat suppose bill to be passed in reference TO
our new territories excluding Slavery there from,
ronh General Taylor reto ilp
We hold ourselves fully justified in declaring
that he would not. On this point we think Gen.
Taytor's own language leaves room for doubt.
1t either commits him against the exercise Of the
Veto IN thus case, or it fixes indclby upon him
the brand Of duplicity and uniruth; aud who, in
all this nation, VIII venture even 10 hint that he
ever was guilty, or is capable Of dupliciiy or un-
truth! Ii Is IN the perfect honor since -.ni-
firm and unwavering trust. Ii what ile says
cannot be relied sincere aud truthful, what
is the character and reputation Of long lifc
WORTH
( Gen. Taylor says in the Allison letter:
"Thc personal opinions Of the individual who
may happen 10 occupy the Executive Chair,
! ought not to control the action of Compress uDon
Of iIru III 1, DC ba.
lions to be inieTposed when questions Of Consti-
tutionai power have been settled by the vnrious
departments of Government, and acquiesced ia
by the people"
I Now what does this mean, if il does not who'll
~ preclude Gen. Taylor, If elected President,
from the Executive Veto in the case of bill ex-
GLIDING Slavery from territories! To use
the languages Of Thos Corwip on this point, ia
his letter to J. NJ. Clements:
els it not question ofdomesfic polies7 Clear
ly it is. Has it not been settled that Congress
has the constitutional power TO prohibit Slavery,
The Missouri compromise. and various other
similar exertions Of the power by Congress,
cognized by every department Of the govern
: ment, answer this question in the Affirmative
And all know that this has bee acquescei in by
the people. Thus, then. it is cienr that the peo-
pie if they wish . restrict slavery to ts prese mt
limits have only 10 cfect proper n,1n 10 Congress
and their riH rI lie tie iasc uncontrolled by that 80
much abused rcfo porer.'
This is the conclusion to which every candid
man must come, unless he take the other ground
and charge General Taylor with dupIiciiy and
dishonesty.
On the other hand, where is Mr.. CAss on this
- great SUBJECT Let US see.
g The Baltimore Convention declared-sihat all
n efforts Of the aboions,s or others made TO in
duce Congress 10 interfere eM quesfioas Of Stare.
~, or 10 foke iacipient steps in r,tation Thereto,
calculated TO lead 10 the most alarming and dam
gerous consequences; and that all such efforts
y have inevitable tendency TO diminish the hap.
10 piness Of the people, aud changer the stabl,
> and pcrmancncy OF the Union. and osch MT 4
be eoanteDanccd by NM friend Of orr Political in
y siinalon,." To tins, az well as all the othe,
resolutions of tia: Cons cn;ion. Mr.. Cass says
II aa.tre 10 M1n ~ Gamiy, as alprore 81 UeE
:. cordiaHy."
re Again: Mr.. Cess in his Nicholson letter, says
II Briefly. then, am opposed to the exercise o
OF any jurisdiction by Congress this matter
d, bSc0use do not SEE IN Ne Constitution any gran
30 Of the requisite potrer 10 Congress"
y OF course. after cordially approving th
= above declaration Of the Baltimore Convention
at and more seeing in the Constitution no gran
d. Of the requisite power 10 Congress over this sub
. ject. nothing could be expected bat that, Pre-.
ed iient, he would veto any bill extending the o.
e dinance Of 81 over the territory.
:" Were there any doubt heretofore on that Poin
in the mind Of any man. it ough, 10 be entirei
o. removed by the follow ing statement recenii
II made by The Washington Union. rpeak'ng' DC
90 yond, question, with full authority.
.sWe are happy TO understand by private LEI
= ters that Gen. Csss firpstT stands the groun
'as which he has taken Bsiag APPLIED 70 IoIms'.
re, II .rb~.;,fn~iv that h AdA<red 70 the Nichoyso