Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1848-08-11

tnbiishInent OF new government, aud to
the scenes OF confusion which may ensue
lie hoped that nothing like monarchy
would ever be attempted IN this colnlry.-
haired to lis expressions had carried the
people through the late revolution Will il
not be enough to enable the executive "a
suspend offensive laws, I'LL they shall be
coolly revised, aud the objections to them
overruled by a greater majority than was
required IN the FIRST instance He never
could agree TO give up all the rights Of The
people to a single magistrate. II more
than one had been fixed on, greater powers
might have been inlrusted TO the executive.
lie hoped this attempt to give such powers
would have its weight hereafter, as an argu.
ment for increasing the number Of the ex.
ecutiye
After this DR. Franklin again spoke
against the veto power, treating this ques-
ton as If it involved that of monarchy or
republlcanism and one passage Of his
speech contains a prophecy so remarkable
that ! must read il to the Senate:
1.-THE first man put ut the helm (of state
will be good one, Nobody knows what
sort may come afterwards The executive
will be always increasing here, as elsewhere,
TILL 1T ENDS IN A MONARCHY"
Thus, then, it appears that the opinion
of six out of nine who participated in the
debate, was that an absolute and unquali.
fed veto would introduce a great monarch.
ical feature into our Institutions IN other
words, that the executive would be con-
veried into monarchy by lis adoption
That was the opinion Of franklin, Of Ma
son, Of Sherman, of Bedford, of all except
the ultra Federaisis of the day
THE Locoroco DOCTRINE on the VETO IDEx.
TIcAL WITH the OLD FEDERAL DOCTRINE.
Now. where are wei What is the party
which now maintains this ultra veto power
The party that arrogatrs 10 itself the name
Of Democratic That is the party which
places in the foreground Of its political
platform, the doctrine of the absolute and
unqualified exercise of the veto power
That is the party which sustained the abso.
Lutte and unqualified veto on the land bill
in 1888 That bill TO distribute the nett
proceeds Of all the public lands among the
States, which passed both Houses in March,
1898, was bill which would have given
the people of each State in this Union the
means Of educating all their children with.
out taxation, and improving their harbors
and rivers These funds have been since
wasted upon land-jobbers and parry favor
ties, on Government contractors and Office
holdes, and not dollar of all these unnum-
bered millions has been given to those who
owned them, as rightfully as any man on
a m
absolute veio-"a poekef.veto"--A vile trick
and fraud upon the people aud their Rep
resenialyes, this bill was defeated after the
Representatives of the nation had passed
it by yeas 95, nays 40-more than two
thirds The bill passed within the last ten
days Of the session, as three-fourths Of all the
laws of Congress always have, and always
will pass. Experience shows US that the la.
bors Of Congress are consumma,ed within
the last ten days Of each session, and that
bills which have been discussed or maiured
for months are generally signed at the close
of the session. II, therefore, the President
can, for the want of ten days within which
the Constitution allows him 10 retain bill
for his signature, withhold his sanction aud
refuse to return the bill, he can defeat it,
although iwo-thirds Of each branch should
be disposed TO pass it as the Constitution
authorised them to do. The Senate, as well
rs the House, March, 1888, stood ready
to annul the veto on the land bill. Sena-
tors from North and South Carolina, (Mr
Mangum and Mr. Calhoun)as well as myself,
were present at the time in the Senate, and
we are all here now ready to attest this to
be true. The President obtained secret in.
formation Of the spirit Of the Senate
against his veto power, and pocketed the
bill, in defiance Of the whole spirit Of the
Constitution. This was gross case of the
exercise of the absolute and unqualified We
to, which has never been condemned, but
always approved, by your pseudo Democra-
cy and it is fatal precedent which may
virtually annul the whole power OF Con.
gress. I he qualified rule or power of re-
vision recognised by the Constitution, sub.
ject TO the will Of two thirds of each branch
of Congress, has been exercised in the
cases OF the bill to pay the interest due the
States for expenditures in the last war, the
various bills Tor improvement of rivers and
harbors, the bill to recharier the Bank, the
bill 10 equaize the session of Congress, the
French spoliation bill, aud in so many 9th
err cases that il is difficult TO enumerale
them. These vetos have been sustained by
Executive influence Congress has fallen
beneath the Executive arm, strengthened
as that is, and always will be by yenal
and subservent press and The ready aid Of
the Post Office Department. with hundred
thousand Office holders, many of whom
will always "crook the pregnant hinges Of
the knee where thrift may follow fawning."
This whole veto power, as thus exercised,
is now sustained by the Baltimore platform,
aud promptly adopted by Gen Cass, in his
acceptance Of the Baltimore nomination..
II is part Of his established creed.
GEN. TAYLoR's OPINION ON THE vETo.
On the other hand, how stands the man
we support on this grea, and vital subject !
He denounces the kingly power--ihe pow.
er for the exercise Of which Stuart aud a
Bourbon lost their heads-and confines the
veto TO the cases in which the fathers oil
the Republic intended il TO be exercised
lie treats it as "high conservative power"
So did they. They declared by their expo
| sltion in the "Federalst," that its chief OBJ
Ject was "t0 enable the Executive to defend
u