The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1848-04-19

To he Editor Of the Union.
In his late speech the loan b in the Senate of the
Oheu oates, Mr.. Webster manests the same contract
ed local views, the same hostility TO supplies OF men
ana money 10 sustain the interest and honor OF his
Try, WINCH he invariably exhibited during the OF
ISL. II Is really surprising that man OF his abilities
anu experience Should IN thirty live years. have made
no greater progress in beality, in enlarged American
patriotism, than Mr.. Webster has made The fact, how
ever is nconteslable and il Is useless TO speculate
the motives.
One OF the most prominent considerations urged by
Mr. Webster against the Mexican war and the acquisi.
non Of new territory s that will bring States into
ihe. Union with snail populations; and that however
mlled IN population, each OF those States will be
entitled 10 TWO senator's thus destroying the balances OF
the government and creating II sort OF monstresIty
THIS argument strikes at the original organization
anu fundamental character OF the government Next
TO The perpetuation of the Union, and an essen
tIal means OF securing that object, the federaive
feature OF the constitution the representation OF the
States as distinct and equal sovereigntes IN the
Senate OF the United States, considered to be the
most important characteristic grated upon it, The do
nestle and personal liberties OF the citizen were sufh
GENTLY secured by State laws and State governments 1t
was to combine the States into perpetual federal unon
to give the people representation in the popular branch
according to population and the States equality IN the
Senate, that the constitution was ordained and estab
llshed. II, therefore, the argument of MIR. Webster
amounts to anything, it requires an immediate dssou
ton OF the federal compact The inequality of which he
complains as likely TO arise in the Senate from the
QUESTION OF new territory already exists, and has existed
since the foundation of the government, in that body
Look at The fact, that at this moments according to
their population, the six New England States have
thrty-ope representatives in Congress and twelve
aors, while the single State OF New York, with a
much greater population, and with thirty-four rep
What greater inequality could exist than this New
England isl the last section of the Union to com
plain on this subject Rhode Island, Connecticut, New
Hampshire. Vermont Delaware, New Jersey, and Mchi
gan with only the number of twenty three representatives
in Congress- have fourteen SENATOR'S while Pennsylvania,
with larger population, aud with twenty -four represen
laves mas only two senator's N Eight southern Se
Georgia, Alabama Kentucky, Tennessee-wlth repre-.
senaton OF seventy three in Congress, have sixteen sen
ators The six New England States New Jersey and Della
ware, eight northern States have 81 representatives with
6 senator's Deducting from the eight southern States
all the advantage flowing from their including
OF their slaves in the representative population, and
the eight designated -slavehoding States have greatly
he advantage in the number OF senators representing
them in the Senate. Take them Rhode Island, Connec-
lieut. and Delaware, three OF the smallest northern States
senator's Then take Louisiana, Mississippi and Arkan-
as; they have nine representatives, with SIX senators
Allow two OF these representatives tor the three hfis
slave populaton-and that is than ought to be al
owedand the equality of senators in these States is
nearly exact. Texas makes it perfectly exact.
New York, Pennsyv ana, and Ohio, the only States
which have any right 10 make special complaint OF the
inequality Of representation in the Senae and these three
States have the representation of seventy nine
members in the House, giving them prepondeating in
tuence, decided balance OF power between the north
and the south in that body.
The more these comparisons are varied the more close
ly the whole subject is examined the decided mus
be the conclusion of every enlightened patriot that the
wisdom of man could not have devised better theory OF
government than the federal constitution, and that its
practical and conservative operation could have
precisely or ,plenddly carried out its theory.
Mr. Webster, therefore, is not the profound expoundel
of the federal constitution, not the expanded American
statesman, that he claims to have always been. His
gloomy prophecies at this time, heretofore, must in all
human probability, prove entirely baseless. They are
only calculated TO misead his followers, and TO bring
about the fatal results which they forete But happily
for and for mankind for American and universal ber
sensations of New Mexico and California show his pro-
found geographical ignorance, and are really calculated
to extort pity.
Detroit, April 6, 1913.