The Arkansas banner., 1848-02-08


 "dtsmenberment of Mexico Y Let those who may indulge tn this misplaced and siekiy sentiment.- Sneh ot tns Mexican. people as may have the good fortune to fall within jurisdiction should t be me entire population. will be objects of envy rather tnaa oi iecmmsseraiion, and may regard 1t as spe- eiaI iNserpositioh of Provdehtizl favor They vii, ind Fepose which they have never experieneed. and protection for fife. liberty and property, to which shey are strangers. They wouiS exchange a lawless and irresponsible despotism for govern ment of Opinion-wild and debasiag habits for ra- honai eisiiizaiien-the yseeaFious subsistence of savage He Tor the wholesome rewards of productive IndustFy-ihe dev5stations of war for the arts of peace. Our government would rear in their midst The genial influences of equality, and secure 10 the hand ot industry the bread oI it's earning It would elevate their condition in the scale of moral and s- ciAl being and iHfuse amongst them the vigilance and manly spirit which aeiuates our people. Ii would leave them with all just relations to each oth er enJoyng the religion they yenerate aad the aItafs when they wont to worship. To them, tho eonse- quenees ofa "dismembefmens'' would be such as was experienced by the inhabitants of Louisiana and Florida, when France and Spain were respectively 'tdismembered" of these fertile territories Russia "dismembered" Poland that the order of dcspo,ism might reign at Warsaw. But America ssdisrnem- hered' monarchy that the blessings of civil liberty might be extended upon the continent While the object of the government is not "iismemberment, = our troops cannot be Withdrawn without fatal con- sequences, and deep and lasting dishonor; and if Mexico persists in her course of blind injustice the results are easily anticipated The war with Mexi- co is not . war of conquest. Conquests W ere not its objects; and yet. they may be amongst its for tuhate incidents. nation engaged in war may, by the laws of nations, conquer all the territory t can subdae and hold it as it's own So much are eouquests deemed the property of the conqaeror, that when treaty of peace IS made, the territory conquered is deemed the property of the conquerof. thaf f.. does this conquest extiDguish debt due the con- queror before the eommencement of the war. The conquest we have gained in Mexico are ours with out yielding to her any equivalent. We have won the sovereignty over them honestly, fairly. and le gally, by the laws of nations; and in treating with her, she is entitled to just what may think pro- per to give her for relinqushing her right to quer them, and it is worth just what good judgment may dictate. And whenever she proposes 10 treat npon this principle are morally bOand to treat with her. We cannot virtuousiy continue the war for the mere purpose of making further eonquests, but we can virtuousy eontiune it to the snbjecion of the whole of Mexico, if she will not make peace with us upon just and honorable terms. or, If we chose. upon such shall have due reference the territory we have acquired by conquest. The Ques- ton ct boundary was fair subject of negotiaton.- We proposed negotIation, which she refused. She preferred war which We accepted, and she has no right o complain of the result of the issue she her
 
 the chances of war have thrown iato oar hands The disparity of force has been iD her favor What we could have brought into the field has had no in- faence in producing results. The strength was Im- measurably on her side, when, upon her own soil, her population or even her forces in the field, are compared lo our invading army. Under like cir. cumstances, when we were only three miF ions strong eoutsn1ed successfully, agaiast the pow CT of Great Biitan; and Spain coutended, in like manner, against the forces oi Napoleon.
 Neither national justice nor national morality re. quire us tameiy to surrender our Mexican con quests nor should such be the policy of the govern men, if 1t would advance the cause of national free dom secure its enjoyment to the people of Mexi co. But whatever may be the poIiey touching Mex ican conquests we cannot, 1t we would. restore N. Mexico and California to that government, for the reason that they will not be restored The laws which control the policy of territorial acquisition, are beyond the control of legislation. Fountains of tears may be shed over the disnetpberment of Mex ico supplies to gallant army may be refused, and 1t ,nay be called back from its field Of glory com pelled to reTeGt therefFom to defensive line, 2, or be disbanded and dismissed and the people holding these provinces, will not consent to go where there is only anarchy, violence. and oppression Give back those provinces. As we'll return to Great Hri- tain what was once her colonial possessions--give back Louisiana 10 France, Florida 10 Spain, Texas to Mexico.
 Neither the solemniiies of legislative ena-tmcnts
 
 compel them 10 return; and If 1t is attempted by strength of arms it will require greater force than has yet been engaged in the Mexican war. These provinces by every principle of justice and of international law. They have been purchased on the battle fields ot Mexico, by bravery which hhds no parallel in the history Of mankind. The consid eration has been too desriy paid and title deeds are written in the best blood of our Let theD the laws of humanity and peace be extended over them, and they dedicated forever 10 the cause of freedom.
 The principle declared by the last clause of the first resolution, that no conditions can be constltu tohalIy imposed upon any territorial acquisition a consistent with the right of the people thereof. to form free. sovereign State, with the powers and privileges of the members of the eonfedeFacy, deem too obvious for serious argument. Whatever laws Congress may constifutsonafiy enact for The regulation If the tetosies of the United States are subject to be altered or repealed at pleasure The ancient Medes and Persians declared their ediets Gnaiterable; but no such power is vested in the American Congress, and those who propose to have il enact .sunaleFable and fundamentai'' laws, em- ptoy terms, which, if they have duly considered, they do not comprehend. Every Slate admitted to the Union from the moment of its admission, enjoys all the rights of sovereignty common to every other member of the eonfederacy. The State constitution carries along with tsown definitions of sovereignty. and if any State is prohibited from all the rights o every other, then t is not sovereign State. If 1t Is admitted with constitution authorizing domes- tic slavery, it may change it's constitution so as to prohibit 1t at it's pleaste if it's constitution at the time of rts admission prohibits slavery, 1t may change so as 10 authorize t Snd hIs too regardless of any legislation upon the N,bjeet of Congress or otherwise before it's admission into the Union. In other words every State, aile. Is admission. mayn virture of its own soyrreign NNwcr. establish or abolish this institution, whtevei Eiay have been The conditions imposed, or attempsed 10 be imposed np- on n during its territorial existence.
 The second resolution declares tsa,ibe principle of self government uPoa which the feceia1Te sys, ,em rests wil be best preuotedthe true spirit and meaning of The consttutieS be observed, and the eoafedeTacy strengthened b,' ieavng all qIesacas eoncerHing the domestic regaas:on of terr tory to the legislatures chosen by the people thereof
 It must be conceded by all. that Congress has no inherent power over this subject and no more rght to iegslate concerning it than the British PArfa- men unless such authority is delegated by the coz station The only clause Of the constitution winch IS supposed 10 confer upon Cragfess the nghs 10 e gisla,e for the people of territory, is as folic~s