The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-08-19

Wuul - Cduc0 INC --Flt>lucHllak question:.
Propose TO discuss question Of far greater ma.
llitlde-the question Of the aee-one, who's
consequence will not end with the ensuing fou
years, but viii reach forward 10 The setting G
the sun Of time. ~
II Sir, our position Is this:-The United State
fnds itself the ownefof vast region Of counir
at the West, now almost vacant Of inhabitants
faIts OF this region are salubrions and fertile
we have reason to suppose that, in addition b
thetreasuIes OF wealth which industry may gath
er nom It's surface, there are mineral treasure
beneath Il, riches garnered up OF Old in subter
ranean chambers, and only awaiting the sppli
cation Of intelligence and skill to be converfe,
INTO the means Of human improvement and hap
plneSs. These regions, il is true, lie remot,
from our place Of residence. Their shores an
washed ~ another sex, and IL is no figure o
speech to say that another sky bends over them
SO remote are they, that their hours are not al
our hours, nor their day as our day; and yet
such are the wonderful Improvements in art, Il
modern times, as 70 make it norssh anticipates
that before this century shall have closed, The in
habltsnts ON the Atlantic shores win be able :.
visit their brethfeD on the Pacific in ten days
snd.that inieihgence wiiI DO Transmitted and re
turned. betwecR tne Eastern and Western
e ess ~ "a -,..ss,jss That eeaelry there
brought into intinste relations with il; and not
outstanding its distance, Into proximity TO II.
Now, IN the providence Of God, it has fallen
to our lot TO egslate for this unoccupied, or bul
partially occupied expanse. Its great future
hangs upon our decision. Not only degrees o.
latitude or longitude, but vast tracts OF time :
ages and centuries seem at our disposal. As
are the institutions which We form and establish
there, so WILDE the men whom these institutions
in their turn will form. Nature works by fixed
laws; but we can bring this or that combination
OF circumstances under the operation OF her
laws, and thus determine results. Here spnngs
up our responsibility. One class Of institutions
viii gather there, one class Of men who will de-
velop one set OF characteristics; another class
Of institutions viii gather there, another class OF
men who viii develop other characteristics.
Hence, their faturIty is TO depend upon our
present course. Hence, the acts we are 10 Der.
iorm, seem 10 partake Of the nature OF creation,
rather than Of legislation. Standing upon the
elevation which we now occupy, and looking
over into that empty world, ''yet void" il
not "without form,' but soon to be filed with
life, and rejecting upon our
power TO give form and character to that life,
and almost 10 fore-ordsin what ii shall be,
feel as though it would be no iueveTeRee 10
compare our condition TO that Of the Creator be-
fore he fashioned the "lord' OF this lower world;
foI We, like Hun, can engraft one SCI Of attrib.
utes, or another set OF attributes, upon a whole
race Of men. In approaching this subject
therefore, feel a sense Of responsibility CORES
ponding 10 the infnite-I speak liieraIly-the in.
finite interests which it embraces.
As far as the time allowed me will permit,
propose TO discuss two questions; the first is,-
I" Whether Congress can IrwftlEiy lsgisiate on III,
subject Of Slavery in the TSTritories?''
Mr.. Mann here entered into a mastery argu
ment; supported by multitude Of facts. quota
tons and precedents, 10 show that so far as tn,
uniform practice Of sixty years can settle doubt
full, OF confirm an admitted night, this power o
over the teTntones has been taker
from the region of doubt, and established upoI
the basis Of acknowledged Authority. Inlegisls
ting for all that is now Ohio, Indiana, Illinois
Wisconsin, Michigan, Iowa, Missouri, Arkan
sas, Mississippi, Louisiana and florids, Con
gress has leglslsed ON the subject Of slavery il
the territories. Sixty years Of legislation ON on
eide. 'uad netasssaiele IS H. Fight On. thu aiA.'
Mr. Mann then proceeded as follows:
But all this iitedious and superfiuous Ihay
gone into this detail because understand IN
gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Baylyl 70 hav
denied this adoption and these recognltions Of IN
ordinance. hazard nothing in saying that IN
ordinance Of 1857 has been expressly referred
as valid, or expressly or implicitly re-enacted
dozen times by the Congtess OF the United State>
and, in the State Courts of Ohio, Illinois, Lou
isiana, Mississippi, and Missouri il has been at
Judged to be constitutional. How, then, u
possible for any mind amenable TO legal nlt
for the decision Of legal questions, 10 say ths
Congress cannot legislate, or has not legislatet
(except once or twice inadvertently, } on the sui
iect OF slavery in the Territories.
On this part Of the Argument, have only
concluding remark 10 submit. The position
am contesting afinns generally that Congre.
cannot legislate on the subject OF slavery in u
Territories. The inexpeiiency Of so legislatir
is further advocated, on the ground that it Is 7
pugnant to Democratic principles to debar U
inhabitants of the Territories from governiI
themselves. Must the free men Of the Tent
mes, it is asked, have laws made for them
others! mol II is anti-democIstic, monarch
cal, intolerable. All men have the right OF Sc
government; and this principles holds true wi
regard TO the inhabitants OF Territories, as VI
as the inhabitants Of States.
Now, if these declarations were a sincere Al
honest Affirmation Of human nights, should re
pect them and honor their authors. Did Il
doctrine grow out of jealousy Cor the rights
man, a fear OF u,surpaiion, an assertion OF
principle Of selfgoyernment. should syraE
ihise with it, while ! denied its legality. b.
sir, il is the mos painful aspect Of this whC
case, that the very object and purpose of clail
ing these ample and sovereign nights for the
habitants Of the Territories, is, that they m
deny all rights to portion OF Their fellow-bein
within them EiIlarge, aggrsndise the nights
| the territorial se.tlersl And why, That III
may abolish all rights Tor a whole class OF
man beings. This claim, then, Is not made
the purpose Of making freemen more free,
for making slaves more enslavcd. The reas
for denying to Congress the power TO legislstc
the Territories, Is the fear that Congress VIII p
vent slavery in tllem.--The reason for claim
the supreme right OF legislation for the terrtor
inhabitants, is the hope that they viii estaol
} slavery within their borders. Must not that
Inocracy be false, which begets slavery a.
natural ofsprpgi - !.
IL il has now beendemonstrated that CongF
has uniformly legisiated, and can legislaie,
: the subject of slavery in the Territones, ?
4 ceeed TO consider the next question. bh "a
: dent 10 eycluds sldrery from them!
Q Here. on the threshold, we are confronted "
5 the claim that the gates shall be thrown W
: open 10 the admission Of slavery into the br'
9 Western world; because, otherwise, the Sou
: crn OF Slave States would be debsrred from
: toying their share Of the common property Of
= Union.
y meet this claim with q counter-claim.
= on the one hand, the conservation OF this soi
!, freedom will exclude the Shareholders Of
y South; IL is Just a. true, on the other hand
- the dissertation of II 10 slavery viii exclude
. free men Of the North. We, at the North,kr
Z too well the foundations Of worldly prosPs
:, and happiness; we know too well the source
- social and moral welfare, ever voiuntarii.
Z blend our fortunes with those Of acommui
where slavery Is tolerated. II our demand
free territory, then, excludes them, their
mand for slave territory excludes ne. Net
a in Eve hundred Of the frssmsn Of the M