The Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1837-1867, 1848-05-20
Gen. scott on Slavery.
wAsnrNGroN, Feb. o, 1874

me, and, after an unreasonable delay, ann VA
last obliged 10 reply in the midst OF oftlcin
occupations.
Tint / ever hnve been named in connect
ion with the Presidency OF The United Stntes
has not, can assure gOu, the son of AN an
cient neighbor and friend, been by any con
trlvnuce or desire of mine; and certainly
shall never he in the field for that high office
unless placed there by regular nomination
Not, then, being candidate, and seeing nc
near prospect Of being made one, j ought
perhaps, 10 decline troubling you or Others
with my humble opinions oil great principles
of Stnte rights and federal adminislrntion;bui
as cannot plead Ignorance Of the partialiiy
of few friends, in several parts of the Union
who may, by possibility, IN n certain event
succeed in bringing me within the field from
which a Wing candidate is 10 he selected,
prefer TO err on The side offrunkness and Gun
dor,rather than by silence TO allow any stran-
ger unwittiugly 10 commit himself 10 my
support.
I Your enquiries open the whole question
Of domestic slavery, which has, in different
forms, for n number of years, agitnted Con-
gress and the country.
Promising that you are the first person who
has Intercepted me on the subject,l give you
the basis of what would be my reply, IN grea-
ter detail, ftime allowed and the contingent
In boyhood, nj William aud Mary College,
and in common with most, if not all, my com
nanions, became deeply impressed with
the views given by Mr. Jefferson in his"N otes
Oh Virginia" aud by Judge Tucker IN the
Appendix 10 his edition of Blackstone's Com
mentarles,ln iuvor Of Il gradual emancipation
Of slaves That appendix hive not seen IN
thirty odd years and, IN the same period,
have read scarcely any thing on the suhIecG
btu my enry impressions are fresh and I'M
changed. Hence, If had had tie honor Of
seat in the Virginln Legislature in the win
ter of S3l-2, when bill was brought for
ward to carry out those views, ] should Ger
tuinly have given il my hearty support.
suppose ] scarcely need say that, in my
oplnlol, Congress has no color Of authority,
under the Constitution, for touching the rcla-
lation of master and slave within state.
hold the opposite opinion in respect 10
the District OF Columbia.
Here, with the consent Of the owners, or on
the payment Of 'Iust compensation" Con
gress may leglslate AT its discretion. But my
conviction is equally strong, that, unless il
be step by step with the Legislatures ofVir-
gInlu and Maryland, il wonld be dangerous
20 both races in those States 10 touch the re-
iaton between muster and slave in this Dis
tricr.
Congress was bound 10y the Constitution to
receive, 10 refer, and TO report upon petitions
reluiing 10 domestic slavery, as in the case of
all other petitions; but ] lave not failed 10
see and 10 regret the unavoidable irritation
which the former have produced in the
Southern States, with the consequent peril 10
tine two colors, whereby the adoption of any
plan of emancipation hnseverywherc among
us been greatly retarded.
] own, myself, no slave but never have nj
tached blame 10 mus!ers for not liberuting
their sluves-well knowing that liberation,
without the means Of sending them in com
fort TO some portion favorable to the spur
suit Of happiness would in most cases be
highly injurious 10 all around as we'll as TO
the manumitleG families Inconsistencies
the operation were general and under the au-
spicies ofprudeut legislation. But am per
suadcd that il is Il high moral obligation Of
masters and savehodIug States to employ
all means, NOT incompatible with the safety
OF both coiors, 10 mellorate sinvery even 10
eXterminatiun.
1t is gratifying TO know that general melio-
ration has been greai, and is stll progressing,
Notwithstanding the disturbing causes nllu-
ded to above The more direct process of
emancipation, may, no doubi, he earlier COM
menced and quIckened IN some communities
thnn III others. Each, ] do not question, has
the right TO Judge for ITSELF both as to time
and means, and ] consider interference or
aid without, except on invitation from author
ity within, 10 he as hurtfui 10 the sure pro-
gress OF moderation. as ii may Toe fatal to the
lives OF vast mulltudes of all ages, sexes aud
colors. The work of liberation cannot he
forced without such horrd results. Christian
Philanthropy is ever mild and consderate.
Hence all violence ought to be deprecated by
the friends of religion and humanity Their
persuasions cannot fail al the right time TO
free the master from the slave, and the slave
from the master; perhaps before the latter
shall have found ont and acknowledged that
the relation between the parties had long
been mutually prejudicial to their worldly in
ierests.
There is no evil without, in the order of
providence, some compromising benefits.
The African was torn from his savage home
by his ferocious neiglbors, sold into slavery
and cast upon this continent. Here in the
mild South, the race has wonderfully multi
piled, compared with anything ever known
in barbarous life The descendants of a few
thousands have become many millions; and
all, from the first made acquainted with the
arts of civilization, and above all, brought I'M
der the light ofIhe Gospel.
From the promise made to Abraham some
two thousand years had elapsed before the
advent of our Savior, and the IsraelIes, the
chosen people of God, were for wise purpo-
ses, suffered to remain i'll bondage longer
than Africans have been on our shore. This
race has already experienced the resulting
compensati0ns alluded TO, and as the white
missionary has never been able 10 penetrate
the dark regions of Africa, or TO establish
himself i'll its interior, it may be within the
nf fl,ot1