Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1848-11-30

they have any constitutional rights Affected by
the action of hls body, they may appeal to the
constitutional tribunals for the entertainment OF
those rights; in short, they yield to us the mat
ter of lecislation, and concede that we may en-.
net such laws as we think exclude slavery from
these Territories, reserving to themselves (what
We Cannot deprive them oI) the right to test, be-
fore the constitutional tribunal, the constitution
aliiy Of those laws.
| Another objection TO the hill is that the law
will not he carried out-that slavery will he in
,roduced in despite Of law; that the question Of
freedom could not be brought before the judicial
tribunals as the slave would be ignorant Of his
rights, and also unable to enforce them.
TO these objections my answer is a very short
one. If the law is not to be regarded, OF what
consequence is 1t what that law is? Will the
Wilmot proviso, or the ordinance of ~, be any
better, If they are not regarded? Will the slave
be any better Informed. or better able to enioc
his rights. under one form OF law, which gives
him freedom than another? What kind of law
will gentlemen enact, if they assume before
hand that their laws will not he en- creed:
Sir, if the honorable Senator from Maine thinks
as do, that the institution is now excluded.
surely he will not complain that the subject is
lett where it is. Does he wish tn change the
state of things of which he approves? If it
stands on better footing than we can put it up
on by an unsuccessful attempt at the WIlmot
proviso then by all means lei II remain But al.
most in the same breath IN which the Senator
charges us with dong nothing. he charges MS
with declaring that slavery shall not be prohibit
ed because we do not suffer the territorial legis
ln,ure to act. II this were original with the
ISenator, | should think it entitled to more con.
sderalon, but it comes from various quarters
We are admonshed by the gentlemen of the
press of our monsrors derelicton of duty. while
none of them can give you an accurate account
of the pro, isons ana effect of the bill. Sir, we
have had a great deal of defamation upon the
subj CT. Gentlemen do not seem able, although
the bill is open 10 their inspection, TO point out
lis defects, or ~ show us how ii t0lerates slave
ry. An important argument as 10 the effect OF
the bill, an argument which goes to explain its
| legal import and effect, is denominated sophs-
Try. The very genlemen who bestowed the ep-
tibet upon IT, have repeated my argument word
for word, and if there be sophistry, then tho pa
,ernnv lies with them. They have agreed with
me almost entirely, and yet there is something
IN the bull winch their astu,eness has not enabled
them to discover, hat which requires sophslry
10 conceal. Now, sir, put the question, where
have we lodged, or endeavored TO shuttle off the
question. Suppose we had recommended 70 The
Senate not 20 act upon it either way, bet to de-
fer il to Il more favorable opportunity, it might
nave been SAID that there was shutting of of
the question Bot ask, where is the shufllng,
where is the skulking, in relation TO it | be.
! lieve am about the last man To be charged with
skulking, Tor judging from presen, appearances,
| am standing alone among the Wings Of the
! North, in my vindicalon of this measure, ana
am perhaps rendering myself obnoxious to all
the Wing party in the North. Sir, know the
! agitation of the question that is going on ; ]
know how man may become obnoxious to pub
lie feeling, under the excited sensibity of that
| itn ,l.,,.,
that may be applied; ! may be hung or burnt in
eilicy but, sir having formed my opinion of tho
propriety OF the measure, and Of the eXpediencv
of adopting it, it is my duty TO stand here and
vlndlcnte those opinions lei the opinions or feel
ngs of my friends at the North be what they
may. ! do not "skulk," and tell gentlemen
that although the arts of the dcmagogue are Ia
he put in operation, shall never shrink from the
: vindlca,ion Of my own honest convictions here
or elsewhere.
But VIVA, could the committee do? Here is
very important question, the most troublesome
q dangerous, alarming question that has ariser
since the Government was established "A ques
| ton more difficult of adjustment, pregnant will
p greater danger 10 our institutions, with create
4 darger 10 the harmony and prosperity of III,
e country, than any question which has heretofore
+ arisen, or is likely hereafter 10 arise Sir, ib,
= COMMITTEE have proposed the only measure
:
proposition is not satisfactory let me ask gentle
Y men who object TO ii, what is it that they woult
j. propose? 1t is an easy matter Ia find fault
= Nothing was ever done night IN Tho estimation
: of all. The world Itself, and man it's inhahitnnr
i were made wrong, IN the opinion of some modern
1 philaulhropiss but it is well for us they hav,
not the power Of making il over again. But lie
4 me conute gentlemen who find fault tn inform
p Us what proposition they would present. lie
a.. III 4 CHI.
q is not palaabe To them, what do they propose
e Sir, we have the Missouri compromise, will thes
gentlemen 90 Tor 1t? viii the Senator'S eihe
e of them, 60 for ii? Will the Senator from New
o Jersey go tor ii? They answer, no. If the
: will not sustain It, will they censure the commit
II lee for not recommending what they corNiemn
e Will they censure me for not proposing con,
t premise against which both they and are CON
milied?
u Well. what else is there? The Wilmot pro
d viso. These gentlemen will 90 for that s.
Y will !. am not behind them on that sub iec,
d But will majority of the Senate do so?
e knew, and every member Of the committee knew
j.. hat # we met this question upon the ground o
t. he Wilmot provlso, we would be voted down
II aud 1t was not my disposition to present TIT
II question to the Senate IN such form that
# could not fail To be decided against me. II i
e not my purpose, in carrying out the principle
h and views ot NY constituents, To make NJ an is
II sue in my case, which know must he decides
o against me. | may be permitted hope, to Dor
e row something from my personal experience.
/. | we're about TO present case before a judg
n whose capacity dlsrusted, or jury in WHOM
lie had no confidence, should feel at liberty t
Di save my case If could by moving for conln
ii uauce, or by changing the mere form of the is
n sue. Knowing that the Senate could not b
! brought to carry out my purpose IN that forn,
felt at liberty to attain my object III another way
N and at the same time to obtain an arrangener
e altogether more satisfactory 10 the advocates c
y, freedom than an uniavorabie decision upon tii
l. Wmot proviso. The proposition Of the con
u mt &c Is the only one which has been presente
'e which affords the slightest chance Of an adjus
- ,neni Of this matter, even for the present.
Of should be grailfied # any gentleman OF the Ser
c. ate could propose anything more satisfactory
The purpose of the committee was, TO extricai
i'd Congress from the difficulty in which we wei
W placed in regard to this subject. | am well I
n ware of The effect its agitation is likely to hay
u. throughout the country. 1t Is very CONVENE,
I'd eleclioneering topic. My own sentiments al
&c known; am hostile to The institution of SLAYER
he but trust my hostility ls to be regulated by II,
H. tonal and constitutional views; but my sent
IL nenls shall not he degraded by being applied
On this wrelched business Of demagogulsn or popl
r. lar excitement caution gentlemen on III
r. subipct Iunnnwdpr "A vprv unnl ihint,