Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1848-12-13

entertain solemn conviction that, If the n- /
ternal Improvement branch of tn. American sys-
ten be not rmy resisted at this time, the whole
series OF measures composing it will be speedily
established and the country will he throw from
ITS present high state Of prosperity. which the
existing policy has produced, ana be destined
again 10 witness all the evils, commercial revo-
'utions depression Of prices and pecuniary en-
barrassrne hts through winch we have passed du-
ring the last twenty five years.
To guard against consequences so ruinous Is
an Object Of ugh national Importance, involving.
ia my judgme Mt, the continued prosperity OF the
country.
] hove felt it to be imperative obligation to
withhold my constitutional sanction from two
bills which had passed the two Houses Of Con
gress, involving the principle Of internal isn-
provements. branch Of the american system,
and conflicting in their provisions with these
views.
This power. conferred upon the President by
the Constitution. have on three occasions du-
ring my administration OF the executive depart
ment Of the government deemed my duty 10 ex
crcise, aud Oh this last occasion Of making TO
Congress an annual communication OF the state
Of the Union, IT - not deemed inappropriate To
review the principles and considerations which
have governed my action.
Iderm this the more necessary, because after
the lapse Of nearly 60 years since the ndopiion
Of tho constitution, the proprety Of the exrr-
csc OF this undoubted constitution nal power of the
President, has for the first time been drawn Sc
j
| citizens.
The constitution provides that every bill which
shall have passed the House of Representatives.
and the Senate, shall, before IL becomes a law
b. presented TO the President Of the q nitod States:
if he shall sign il, but il not he shall return 1t
" III his objections TO the houso which il sa II
have originated; who shall enter the objections
at larg. in their Journals and proceed to recon
slider it
The preservation Of the constitution from in
fraction IL the Presidents highest duty. lie j..
bound TO discharge that duty at whatever lnz-
ard of mourning the displra>ure Of those who
may differ with him in opinion. Ie is bound TO
discharge il well by his bIyatious 10 the peo-
Pile who have clothed him W iii his exalted trust
by his oath Of Office which, he may not disre
gard. Nor are the obligations Of the Presiicn II
III any degree l-ss.ned by the prevalence Of views
different from his own IN one or both Houses Of
Congress. IL IS not alone "hasty and inc ouSid-
crate legislation" that he is required to check ,
but il ut any one time Congress shall after ap-
parentiy full delibrration on measures which he
deems subversivc Of the Constitution, or Of the
vital interests Of the country, is ms solemn du-
ty To stand in the breach and resist them.
The President is bound to approve or disap-
prove every bill which passes Congress, and is
presented to him for his signature. The Consii-
tution makes this his duty, and he cannot escape
it If he would. lie has no election ia deciding
upon bills presented to him; Ike must exercise his
own best Judgment. 1f he cannot approve the
Constitution commands him to return the bill to
the source IN winch it originated, with his objcc-
tons; aud if he fails to do this within ten days,
Sundays excepted it shall become u law " it'll
out his signature
Right OF wrong he may be overru'cd by two
thirds Of each house. aud in that event the bill
becomes a law without his sanction. If his Oh
JcctOns be not thus oyerruieG, the subject * only
postponed or - referred to the States and the
people for their conside ration and decision.
The Presidents power is negative merely and
not affirmative. lie can enact no law. The
only effect therefore Of his withholding his APP
probation OF the bill passed by Congress, is to
suffer the existing laws TO remain unchanged,
and the delay occasioued is only that required to
enable the States and the people TO consiier and
act upon the subject in tho election of public
agents who shall show their wishes aud instruc-
tons Any attempt Of the President to Yell
his sanction TO measures which he cannot APP
prove, would be violation Of the spirit Of the
Constitution. papabIe and isgrant; and, if sue
cessfni, would break down the independence of
the Executive department., and make the Prcsi-
dent. elected by the people and clothed by the
constitution with power to defend their rights,
The mere instrument Of the majority of Con-
gress. sure nder on his part Of the power with
which the constitution had invested his Office,
would effect practical alteration Of that instru
n'ent without resorting to the prescribed process
Of amendment
VIII, the motives or considc ra.ions which may
induce Congress to pass any bill, the Preside mt
can have nothing To do. He must presume them
to DC as pure as hrs own, and look only to the
practical effect Of their measures, when connpar-
ed with the constitution of the public good
But it has been urged BY those who object TO
the exercise of this undoubtcd constitutional pow
or, that it assists the Represe ntA,iyo principles
and the capacity Of the people TO govern them
selves that there is greater safety in u numerous
representative body, than in the single exccu-
tive created by the Constitution, and that the
! executive veto is zone man power despotic
| in its character. To expose the falcy of this
objection, it is only essary to consider the
frame and true character VI our system. ours
is not consolidated empire, but a confeIcra;t,,
union. The SUITES, before tho adoption of the
Constitution, were SO OTuinant, SO equal. aud
separate. indcpe ndent suvereiguties, and by its
adoption they did not lose that character. They
clothed the federal government with such Ger
tain Poscrs, and reserved all others, including
their own sovereignty, to themselves They
guarded their own rights States, and the ri ghts
Of the people by the very limitations which the
incorporated into the federal constitution, where
by the different departments of the general gov
eminent are checks upon each other. That the
MAJORITY should govern, is IA general principle,
controverted by none; but they must govern ac-
cordlng to the Constitution, and not according to
an underlined and unrcsirained discretion, where
/ by they may Cypress the minority.
! The people Of the United States are not blind
to the fact that they may be Temporarily misted
aud that their Represe natives. Legislature and
/ Executive, may be mistaken or influenced III
their action by improper motives. They have
/ therefore in:erIered between themselves that
which may he passed by their public agents.
various representations, such Assemblies
Senate aud Governors IN their several Sta;es, Il
House Of Represc ntatives, u sSenat and Hrcsi-
dent of the United States. The people can, by
their own direct agency. make DO law; nor eau
the House Of Representatives Immediately eec-
ted by them: nor can the Senate. nor can both
together without the concurrence of the Presi-
dent, or a voice of two thirds of both Houses.
Happily for themselves. the people. ia frani =
our admirable system of government. were con
scious OF the Iniirml'ies of their Represe natives
and IN deegatng to them the power OF iegisia-
ton they have fenced them around with checks
to guard against the defects OF party action. oil
error OF combination. or of possible corruption
Error, sclfShness. and faction have often sough;
TO rend asunder this best of checks and subjeci
the government to the contrs of fanatics. and
siLi>ier influences; but their efforts have onl y
satisfied the people Of the wisdom Of the checks
which they have imposed. and of the necessity
( OF preserving them uninpaired.
/ Tho true theory Of system is not TO GOV
t.x-,