The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-12-16

Of policy which he suggests. and the conse-
quences whi,h he anticipates from the Pur'
suit Of it. That the consequences will
happen. | feel morally certain; and that the
policy is therefore Iuinous, ] am equally
convinced.
have already shown the effects Of the
law, from comparison between the pres
ent condition of the Commonwealth in cap
ital and population, and what it was at the
date of its passage. This comparison fills
Mr.. Wickliife with horror He admits that
The increase of slaves in Kentucky, has
ceased under the operation Of this law
Their price has risen, and. along with il.
there has been general rise in the wages
Of labor. That the proportion Of non-slave-
holders to shareholders has increased. That
under the operation Of the law il will con-
tinue to increase. The increase of our
slaves is our only defence against the influx
of mechanics from Europe and the free
States, "No, fellow-citizens,' SAYS the
Senator from Fayette. "our slaves, upon
this point, are our only defence; for 50 soon
as they disappear, new race will overrun
the State of Kentucky, as assuredly as ever
Goths and Vandals overrun Rome" The
Shareholder and non. Shareholder are repre-
scented as of necessity enemies. "Mr.
Green's plan," says Mr.. W., '''was to drain
the slaves from the State, until none but
the wealthy shall own them, and then to
set the non-slaveholder upon the slavehold-
er, and through the ballot-box, by the mere
force of numbers, to set the negroes free. "
The wise and experienced mind Of the
Senator from Fayette has reached the con-
clusion that States claiming to be free, are
in reality not so; that in all countries there
must be slaves, and the difference between
himself and the gentleman from Madison
(against whom he is reasonins) is, that he
mir. W. wishes black slaves, and that
gentleman white ones. That the great body
Of the people in England, who support
themselves by their labor, are, in very Truth,
the slaves of the landholders and capital.
lists, who employ them, and that the free
States Of this Union are tending rapidly to
this necessary cOnsummation of all social
existence-see p. ii. AS cure for all
these evils, to.wit, the decrease Of the black
race, the increase Of white population, the
influx of mechanics, the appreciation OF
the slave property remaining, the high wa
ges Of labor, all which horrors, it seems,
are brought about by the Vaccinations OF
England, MIR. Wickliffe recommends the
II r al L., ID n al la..,
ing the free circulation of slave property
throughout the States which hold it. After
painting the horrors Of aboltionsm, Mr..
w. closes with these remarkable words
'Is this time for slaveholdng States to
make statutory wars upon one another? |
think not" He afterwards adds: "But on the
contrary, conventions should be held by
delegates from all the slave States, and
rules adopted for their general safety
Nothing would contribute so much to de-
feat the Vaccinations Of England against
them, as to break down all restrictions made
by particular States, and thereby to extend
the slave population over the whole face OF
the territory Of each and every State where
slavery exists" The old humbug Of the
South Carolina Railroad is held in terrorem
over us too. On page IL, Of this ever re-
markable pamphlet, we have the following
precious threat: al we'll recollect seeing
published in the South Carolina papers a
series Of numbers warning the people Of the
South, against expending their substance in
making the South Carolina Railroad 10
Lexington; and one of the strongest argu-
ments used was, that the State Of Ken
lucky had made war with the Southerners,
in not permitting them to send Or use their
slaves in Kentucky. Sirs," says Mr.. W.,
Indignantly, do you expect that Carolina
will ever make the road while this abolition
finder disgraces your statute book? If you
do, you greatly deceive yourselves"
Would any man imagine, that after MIR.
Wickliffe's defence of slavery, his definition
and denunciations Of abolitionists, and his
plan for defeating their schemes, by Danish
ing all non-slaveholders from the country,
and flooding il with slaves from the South,
to the everlasting exclusion Of those "Goths
and Vandals," the free mechanics from
other countries--would any man imagine
that he himself looked to the extinction OF
slavery? And yet he says after his propo-
sition "to extend the slave population over
the whole face of the territory Of each and
every State where slavery exists''-"This
plan will give time and space for prudential
legislation on the subject, and will wear
out rather than break the chain Of slavery"
Was he shocked by the enormity Of his own
opinions, and did he put in this as a salvo'
or are we really to understand that he pro
posed to increase the evil as a means o.
finally getting rid of it? If Mr.. Wicklifft
be really DESTROYS Of prudential course Of
| legislation, by which, without violating the
right Of property. or, TO use his own phrase
..breaking the chain of slavery" We may
ultimately and gradually swear it out"
out il to his reason and to his conscience
whether the policy Of 1888 is not bette
adapted TO that end, than the plan he pro
poses? II MIR. Wicklife really believe
that the British Government and the abo
Iitionists mean forcibly to interfere witt
this property, and 'fo break the chain,"
again put il to his common sense, whethe
Kentucky is not better prepared to protec
herself from instruction in her present sit
uation than in that to which he would rt
| duce her? Kentucky now contains abou
loco. 900 whites to 1885, 900 blacks-a ms
Iiorty in numerical strength Of 434, 900 il
flavor of the white race. Divide the black
, equally, give one slave round as far as the