The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1848-08-26
Far Tic Cecil Whg,
Dem oCracy rs DespOtisIn.
NO. Nv.
Baltimore, Aug, 22d 1918.

prove that the designs of the Locofoco
party are, to erect an arbitrary govern
ment subject TO their control, was based
on the unconstitutional use of the veto
power. An unmistakeabe evidence OF
this design, if not found in the immcdi-
ate exerc; Sc of the power, can certainly
be traceablc to the tpnacity with which
they cling to the unqualified intcrpreta-
ton Of the provision granting it. With
out noticing the bearings Of Locoloco
administrations on this precise point, we
will hasten to consider that all absorbing
subject, Internal improvements hy the
General Government. Lest the discus
cussion Of this question may be thought
! by many irrglevent to the sub ect proper,
it might tie we'll to say in the premise,
that although we hold Internal Improve
ment by the government to be con-
stituent element D. Us d., yet our main
object in its presentation is to illustrate
the veto as welded by James X. Polk
plus his endorsers. The River and Har-
Dor Bill, in constilutionality, rXprdien-
cy, OF national grandeur, stood on a l,,,r-
dation tirner than granile-rock, Il GIN
braccd principles sacred to pJiric gov
ernmen!, yet President Veto stamped it
with a negative, and in that act We fad
mournhl illustration Of he danger,
noticed in our last article, resulting from
the veto power Not having space to
discuss the subject IN q General sense, We
i,-n 10 tn
tionality:
The Constitution has provided for a
system Of Internal Improvements by civ
ing the Federal Government power to
sregulate commerce" The necessity of
commercial power was prominent de-
feet of the confederation: one which
greatly induced the States to come I'M
der constitution ofgovernment. With>
out this protective feature exerting its
salutary and potent influence, at home
and abroad, our country would lie in
chains at the mercy of foreign domina-
ton, and powerless in moving muscle
for domestic prosperity There are those
however, who would destroy much of
its vitality by pretending 10 Constitu-
tIonal scruples in regard to the word
regulate, in the sentence to "regulate
commerce with foreign nations, among
the States, and with the Indian tribes"
What does the clause to "regulate COM
merce" comprehend! Is it confined to
passive interest, a direction over navi-
cation, traffic sc, unsupported by any
active power that can ensure the fulfil
ment OF the trust, or does it reach inter-
course! If the former, the General Cow
ernmrnt is no more THAI a visionary
dreamer, fruitful in schemes, but barren
IN deeds. The latter, however, is not
only consistent without argument, but
has its unqualified support in that pro-
vision ofthe Constitution giving to every
granted power its incidental. When
Congress is to carry out an express pow
er, they have right to use all 'neces,
sary and proper' means The surrender
of trust by the States, prc-supposed an
ability on the part of the Government to
discharge it. How can Congress build
forts and Notifications, unless as incidcn-
tal to the war-making power! How erect
Capital and Executive mansion, unless
as incidental t,nder the power TO estab-
liSh government? There can be no
great substantive power vested in Con-
gress, without being supported by one
Implied. They can construct railroads,
u eg 'hr authority to transport mails,
or uaky InlIltary roads, even to remov-
ing ioed distractions, under the military
power. On the same principle, rivers
and harJor5 can be made nayigabe for
the benefit Of reciprocal trade, as Incl
dental to the regulation of commerce.
If the regulation Of commerce among
the States is co equal with its regulation
with foreign nations, ia fact strictly in
accordance with the sEntaX of the con$tI-
tutional provision itself how can the OPP
position party maintain its position for
one moment! In the latter instance buoys
and lighthouses are constructed to bene-
FL navigation, and why in the former
cannot dams be built, and harbors
cleaned, for the same purpose, when both
have common origin, and labor for
common end! 10 evade this conclusion
by fair deduction would be a wiliul turn,
ing away from truth, and as cowlrdly as
1t would be false.
But where does the power 10 regulate
our internal commerce cXis., !! net WHh
the General Government The States
have most certainly surrendered il and
for wise reasons, viz: the aiv&u acra 5ae
state might possess over its nejGbAors,
from layoraa. lo.@non, or othrr">y~ 10
indulge in uIUs. npoula1ous, b~ levy
ing duties on their transportaioaa and
the conseq uont probability Of civ,j wars.
! do no, argue that every power without
the States must be within the ederal
Government, bat that one so deeply I'M
portant as thi, under consideration, must
have all existence somewhere Shall our