The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1848-05-04

II is refreshing to see the almost entire unani-
nifty Of opinion which characterises the press
of the United States on the subject of the recent
revolution in France, and the effort to establish
republic In that country. With comparatively
few exceptions-and these of the most petit
Jogging and Insignificant class-our public jour-
nails hail that revolution as the dawn of new
day over the whole of Europe, and entertain full
hope and confidence that France will pass the
ordeal safely, and settle down in a republic
similar to our own.
This unanimity, however, is not to be won
dered at; tor careful and attentive perusal of
the events and incidents of the three days, The
character of the men who compose the provi-
sional government, and tho wisdom, moderation,
and enlightened patriotism which have marked
their conduct since they assumed tho reins
of government, are sufficient data on which any
unprejudiced mind can form such conclusions
Those journals who look upon the matter in
different light, and keep up an eternal croak about
anarchy, Fourierism, socialism, and probable
bloodshed, know nothing of the real condition
OF France, or of the disposition and temperament
of the French people. When we take into con-
sideration the sudden, and we may say unex-
pected, transition of that country from a monar-
chy to new order Of things, preparatory to the
formation of a republic, there has, we venture to
say, been less trouble, riot, or disorder, than we
had any right to expect, and much less than what
we might anticipate in any other country SINH.
larly situated. There are ardent men, infatuated
with the widest and most radical doctrines there,
as there here, and there are socialists there,
as there are here, all of whom would desire to
fha,p n,n1n
institutions; but there are there, as there are
here, majority of sound men, of deep reasoners,
of men of erudite learning, and sound
thinkers, whose voices and judgment are
more than sufficient to counterbalance the
other class. The Southern French are
theoretical, poetical, and ardent-so are our
Southern Americans. The Northern French
are sound practical men, who will involve them
selves with no new tangled doctrine, that leads
they know not where. So are the people of
our Northern States, and the equilibrium in
both countries is sustained.
AS regards the idea that the socialists or Fou.
rlerites will exercise controlling influence in
France, 1t is all fudge. They can never reach
beyond certain point, and they will be con-
hned within certain limits, by the good sense of
the people at large, as they arc in the United
States. We have here one of the principal
organs Of the wing party, preaching and en-
deavoring daily to inculcate the doctrines of
Fourier on the American people; yet the editor
thereof speaks not for the whig party, but
for himself and his half dozen enthusiasts,
who, in practical point of view, have neither
weight nor influence on the community The
socialists, or Fourierites, of Paris, have no more
influence there, than the same class have here,
neither are they numerically greater. They had
but one organ previous to the revolution, and
that was in a sickly and consumptive condition,
with a circulation of hardly two thousand
Since the expressions were removed from the
press, the circulation OF that, as we'll as of all
oher French newspapers, increased, but not
more than In the same ratio as did that of the
others.
This is one Of the reasons, and the weightiest
one, including its sequents-the reorganiza-
ton oflabor and other theoretical abstrac tons
which is put forth by the journals we allude
to- as the ground work for the belief that repub-
lie cannot be established in France, and that the
French people are incapable of self.government
We deny the proposition wholly-we have
already shown that the socialists, or Fouriertes,
are numerically but small and magnificent, and
their influence more SO; while we affirm, on the
other hand, that the people, the great mass of the
people of France, are capable of self-govern.
ment, and of appreciating the benefits and ad.
vantages of republic, contrasted with the CD.
presslons and burdens that have been imposed
on them under monarchy. We would not say
that the French people at the time of the first
revolution were capable of self.government.-
When that great event took place, it was a Jump
an electric jump, from the depths of despotism
to the sunlight of liberty. Their vision was
weak, and could not Withstand the glare-they
reeled and fell. Far different, however, is their
present situation. The reaction that occurred
after the first revolution, brought with it calm
and sober reflection; and in few years the very
men who took part in it, were capable of point
ing out the numerous rocks and shoals on which
they drove the State, with as much accuracy
and clear sightedness as the most unprejudiced
foreigner. From that time to the revolution
of July, 1880, the people grew in knowledge of
their rights and of their strength; and between
that time and the present, new race has sprung
up, inherlting the spirit of their ancestors, and
having for their guidance the past experience Of
their own country, and the career Of the United
o'o'eo' ohu Ia consequence VI the Immense Is
sue OF the public press, an apt knowledge of po-
litical matters, and, to certain extent, of the
science of government.
Under what more favorable auspices, there
fore, could any nation enter upon the great
work OF overthrowing a corrupt and despotic
government, and forming for themselves re-
public? We certainly think that the French of
the present day are as capable of establishing
republic, and Of preserving and maintaining it,
as were the Americans after our revolution
Their position is in great many respects SINH
lar. They show equal devotion to order, equal
devotion to liberty, and we see to as great an
extent, at least, the prevalence of the spirit of
brotherhood, or fraternization, as they them
selves express it. That the result will be the
same, the friends of liberty and humanity all