Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1848-09-29

5lfted our ranks. but they have tenueu 10
keep us pure. So little have we been expo
sed to the temptations Of popular favor, that
we have hardly thought it necessary to guard
against it. This is the weak point which we
are now called TO defend with peculiar watch
fulness.
We rejoice with Joy unfeigned at the insu-
bordination eviden, in the ranks Of the pro-
slavery parties, though it is not all attribute
BILE to anti-slavery feeling. Had the Wing
Convention nominated a thorough Wing, and
the Democratic Convention a man not espe-
cially odious to the Barnburners, no one be-
lieves there would have been such a breach
in those parties as we now see; but whatev-
er local dissensions and personal feelings
have operated to aid the result, we are glad
10 see the parly-power broken. Its yoke
once shattered, the people are freer TO follow
the leadings of their humanity and sense Of
right. These distractions removed men who
seemed h~eartless and inhuman before, will
prove their sympathy with suffering and abb
horrence Of injustice. The parties have here
tofore forbidden the people to read, to hear,
and especially 10 feel on the subject of slave
ry. Their managers have misstated our
principles, our objects, measures and motives
and TO them the people have listened as to
o~racles. For US 10 denounce their frauds and
eApooe Nntlus VI ueny tlplT IdlSenOOuS' SttNh-
ed 10 their devotees almost like disappearing
the gods. Now their spell is dissolved, and
they stind revealed in their true character in
the eyes of thousand of their former adhe-
rents. They can no longer shut out from
these thousands the vision Of their enslaved
brethren. nor drown their cry for help.
More than this, the slavery question, much
as they may try TO dodge it, is now forced
upon them as the great question of the times.
The character of slavery and its influence on
the country must be canyassed. All the
questions of political policy which have hiih-
erto divided the parties are overshadowed by
this vast question Of human rights. The dis
solution of old parties has prepared the peo-
pie to hear and Judge of its importance, and
their own relations and duties toward il.
What is the duty Of abolitionists in this
crisis is the question that rises in all hon
est minds. We shall not be understood as
dictatorial in frankly giving it our answer,
agreeably TO our own convictions, as we leave
all others the same liberty Of judgment which
we claim and exercise. We believe that the
abolitionists, while they must look with in
terest upon the movemen mis- of the Free Sol
party, cannot consistently engage in that oil
any other party which is founded upon a re
cognition of the United States Constitution
and allegiance to the Government.
We would act toward The STAKEHOLDER u
good faith, however treacherously they &C
toward us, and as We intend TO protect fugi
tive slaves, and prevent their recapture. by al
rightful efforts, and mean to render no aid ,C
slavery we frankly say 80 to the South. AS
the constitution requires the North 10 succol
the slave system, we cannot support or pro
mise to support it, and therefore decline pTi
vileges offered on that condition.
The South has a right to expect that every
man who adheres 10 the Constitution vii
fully sustain its pro-slavery compromises
and can Justly accuse him of bad faith if h,
does not. Mr.. Van Buren, and the Free Sol
party intend to do this, if we rightly under
stand them, but abolitionists dO not intend it
and they should make their very position
bear witness that they do not.
No temporary advantages, no appa rent &C
cession of strength or numbers, can Justify u
in deserving the strict law of right, or dishon
oring our faith.
But aside from constitutions objections
we see no consistency in aboIitionists gath
ering under the lead of a man who does nc
profess one distinctively anti-slavery princi
pie, and who goes only for the non-extensiol
3 of slavery. They regard slavery as a sill
5 and crime every where-to be r~epented c
and abandoned now but Mr.. Van Burel
, does not thus regard it; on the other hand h
= thinks it ineXpedient TO abolish il in the Dis
t trict of Columbia, and without doubt, Won !
: render it all the aid which the Constiiutio
= grants, and we have no evidence that h
: would recommend even the prohibition {
o the infamous slave traffic in The District an
! between the states. We know the Bufal
II Platform, while it processes that lis gre'
a purpose is 10 :" limit, ~localize and discourage
mot to abolish) slavery, seems to require tn
party to prohibit it in the District of Coluu
bia. vet their "embodiment." as the Wing
called their perpetual candidate, while al
cepting the platform, avows himself oppose
to A" immediate emancipation y. in the Dli
trici, though he would submit to the opinio
n Of Congress should both houses pass such
bill, and would sanction it.
The position of the candidate is a virtu
amendment to the platform. Were he ele
ted, instead of recommending the adoption B
Congress of that grand anti-slaveTy pTincip
of immediate emancipation, where he affirm
a their right to do it, he would openly or tact
ly discourage it, as he believes it would
IS unwise.
er In joining the Free Soil party, we mu
e. accept of the party candidates, whose OPT
ID ions are important notifications of the pls
il. form.
is Political abolilionists have often excuse
ID themselves for acting under the Constitutio
nd by tho plea that they were trying TO ameI
or it. With what consistency can they suPpc
he a party which not only makes no proposal
be amend the Constitution, but breathes no col
SO plant of its cruel and wicked compromise
en- More than that, which directly limits its a
lat ti-slavery within the present constitution
vn b0undst
il. But while abolitionists cannot Join the ri
by ty, nor vote with them, they do rejoice
pc this great breach in the rro-slavery partit
srs They honour those who, not seeing furth,