Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1848-07-13

effect the policy of its founders upon the
subject OF slavery in the states, aud its ex-
tension to the territories, and the steps ia
ken, in the non-slaveholding states, to sap
press or neutralze undue agitation III re-
gard to it, would be alike instructive and
honorable to the actors in them. But it
will be readily perceived, that this could
not be given within the necessary limits Of
a communication like the present
1t must therefore suffice to say, that from
1857, the date of the ordinance for the
prevention of slavery in the Northwestern
Territory, down to and including 1888, at
least eleven acts of Congress have been
passed, organizing territories which have
since become states, in all of which the con-
stitutional power of Congress to interdict
the introduction of slavery into the terrific
ries of the United States, is either directly
exercised, or clearly asserted by enactments
which, as matters of authority are tanta-
mount to its exercise; and that at the only
period when the peace of the slave holding
states were supposed to be seriously endan-
gered by abolition agitation, there was
spontaneous uprising of the people of the
North, Of both parties, by which agitation
was paralyzed and the South treasured of
our fidelity to the compromises of the con-
sttution.
In the laws for the organization of the
territories which now constitute the States
of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wis
consin, and Iowa, slavery was expressly pro-
hibited. The laws for the organization of
the territories of Mississippi, Orleans, Ar
kansas, Alabama and Florida, contained en-
actments fully equivalent in regard to the
extent of power in Congress over the SUBJ
ject of slavery in the territories to the ex-
press exercise of it in the other cases.
These acts we're approved by Presidents
Washington, the elder Adams, Jefferson,
Madison, Monroe, Jackson, and myself, all
bound by our oaths of Office to withhold our
respective approvals from laws which we
believed unconstitutional. If in the pas
sage of these laws during the period of half
a century, and under the administration of
so many Presidents, there was any thing
like sectional divisions, or greater or less
participation in their enactment on the part
of the representatives of the slave holding
or of the non-slave holding states, am not
apprized of it.
believe the plan devised by the founders
of the Government, including the fathers of
our political church for the treatment of this
great subject, and which has hitherto been
so faithfully sustained, and which has pro-
we'd so successful in preserving the union of
these states, to be not only the wisest which
the wit of man could have devised, but the
only one consistent with the safety and pros
perlty of the whole country. | do there
fore desire to see it continued so long as
slavery exists in the United States. The
extent to which | have sustained it in the
various public stations j have occupied is
knnwn to the country. l was at the time
well aware that l went farther in this re-
spect than many of my best friends could
approve. But deeply penetrated by the con-
vlction that slavery was the only subject that
could endanger our blessed union, was de-
termined that no effort on my part, within
the pale of the constitution, should be wan
ting to sustain its compromises as they we're
then understood, and it is now source of
consolation to me that pursued the course
| adopted
The doctrine which the late Baltimore
convention has presented for the sanction
of the nation is, in substance, that The laws
have referred to were so many violations
of the constitution--that this instrument
confers no power on Congress to exclude
slavery from the territories, as has often
been done with the assent of all. This doc
trine is set forth in the published opinion of
the highly respectable nominee of that con-
vention, MIR. Cass, who it is well known
received that distinction because he avowed
that opinion, and who it is equally certain
s. hnya ~ he bod
done so. 1t is proposed to give this doc
trine the most solemn sanction known to
our political system, by the election of its
declared advocate and supporter to the
Presidency. If it receives the proposed
sanction of the people of the United States,
the result cannot be doubtful. The policy
in regard to the extension of slavery to the
territories of the United States into which
it has not yet been introduced, which has
existed since the commencement of the
government, and the consequences Of which
! have been SO salutary, must cease, and eve-
ny act of Congress designed to carry it into
effect be defeated by the veto of the exec
utive.
The territories now owned by the United
States, and every acquisition of territory
/ States, whether obtained by annexation, by
cesson for valuable consideration, or by
conquest, must as long as this opinion is
held, and as far as the action of the nation
; al Legislature is concerned be subject to
t the inroads of slavery And this conse-
quence is to be submitted to on the assump-
ton that the trainers of the Constitution
: with their attention directed to the subject
5 and with well understood desire to do So
5 have failed to clothe Congress with the ne
} cessary powers to prevent it, cannot with
my vote contribute to this sanction. can
not do so, because l cannot concur in the
/ opinion which we are called upon to sus-
! tain.
, Entertaining these views of the consttu'
ton, could not by my vote contribute to
| the proposed sanction of this new principle
5 in the administration of the Federal Govern
ment, without at the same time, avowing
myself to be in favor of the extension Of
; slavery in the abstract, and this can never
do. Those who agree with me in regard to
/, the existence of the power and the expedi-
ency of our exercising it, and can still
bring their minds to dissent from this con-
cuson, must have more light upon the sub