Sunbury American. [volume] (Sunbury, Pa.) 1848-1879, 1848-07-01
LITTER FROM THE HON. JOHN M. NILES.

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The following letter from Senator Niles, of
Connecticut, will be read at this time with
peculiar interest;
WASHINGTON, JUNE 8, 184S.
DEAR SIR Il have your letter of the I'd
instant, inviting me, in behalf of Commit
tee, TO attend and address, on the 9th instant,
a mass meeting of the radical Democracy of
the city and county of New York.
1t is not consistent with my engagements,
or with my sense of what is dine to my Off
cial position, to comply with your request !;
nor can | suppose that any suggestion could
make, were present on the occasion, would
be of any value in the present unfortunate po-
si,iou of political affairs in your State and the
country.
have given some attention TO the Difficult
ties in New York, and know many of the
prominent men in both of the sections into
which the Democratic party is divided
Without considering the causes of that divis-
ion, or the merits of the proceedings which
led TO the appointment of two sets of Dele
gates to the National Convention, it is appa-
rent, think, from the action of that Conven-
ton, on the question raised by the conflicting
claims of the two Delegations, that ii was de-
cided, not in reference to the regularity or
irregularity of the proceedings of one party or
the other but from the influence of great
principle, which one Delegation adhered to,
md ,rhirh no o.bar. liSayn,ypI
The Utica Delegates were virtually exclu-
ded from the National Convention, because
they asserted the principle of the ordinance
of 1887. and its applicability to the present
territories of the United States.
The exclusion of your Delegates, therefore
by majority of the Convention, was not only
a condemnation Of that principle, but decla-
ration that II is incompatible with that plat
form upon which the Democratic party of
the Union is hereafter to stand.
If this view is correct, then concession to
the claims for the extension and propagan-
dism of slavery in some form. becomes part
of the Democratic faith, which is to be inn
posed on the Democrats of the North by
their brethren of the South: This may be
regarded as the slavery test, and all who do
not subscribe to it, are TO be considered as re-
cusan,s, schisma,cs and faclionists
That division of the party in New York.
represented by the Utica Delegation, have
assumed a position antagonisiic to this test ::
they have boldly asserted the principles Of
the ordinance of 1887, and their application
to all free territory. But they have not, il |
am correctly informed, made this a test to be
imposed upon others but have regarded i,
as one of those questions upon which the De-
mocracy of the North and the South could
not expect to concur, and have been willing
TO leave it to the Judgment OF the majority in
Congress, whenever it should come up for de-
cison,
You seem now to be placed in a situation,
by which you are called on 10 decide wheth-
er you will maintain that position you have
assumed, or recede from it. This is grave
question, responsible one, in view of the
difficulties attending ii, but in my Judgment,
not doubtful one. Where great principles
of right and liberty are concerned, or of per-
sonal honor, or self-respect, there is no space
for compromise; to succumb from timidi,y
or considerations of eXpediency, is disgrace
full, and to doubt of ultimate triumph. is to
distrust the truth of our own principles.
Slavery as a state institution, is recognized
by the Constitution, the free states are pledg-
ed not TO interfere with it, but to guarantee
and defend it. This is a part Of the original
compact between the states. But can it be
introduced and sustained where it does not
exist by the direct agency and authority OF
the Federal Government Can the free
states consent to this! Ii so, then slavery is
no longer state institution only, but becomes
a part of the Federal system. Then It's re.
sponsibility no longer rests upon the states,
but upon the Union.
Hitherto slavery has never been introduced
and sustained by the authority of Congress in
territories in which it did not exist when or.
ganized nor has Congress permitted it to in.
troduce itself into free territory on the con-
trary, it has excluded it, by applying to all
such free territories the free principles of the
ordinance of 1887. Congress has done more
ii has excluded it from part of one of the
territories where it did exist, when il was ce
ded to the United States. With the excep
ton of the act for the annexation of Texas
all the legislation of Congress, hitherto ha
been restrictive upon slavery, and even tina
act excluded it from part of the territory o
Texas.
But the extraordinary pretension is now Sc
up, that slavery may exist in all the terrific
ries of the United States, by the authority o
the Constitution, and that it is not in the pow
er of Congress or the people of the territor,
to exclude it, This makes it the suprem,
law of the land, and when any free terrtor,
is acquired, the law of slavery is immediatel
extended over it. Such is the light in whic
these new pretensions of the slave power eA
hibit the free institutions of this country
This is the position of one portion of tn