The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-04-08

atty and liberty The classes dispossessed, unit
ed themselves with the captive royalty and with
Jealous foreigners TO deny its Rev olution to
France, and to Ie-inpose upon II the monarchy,
the aristocracy, and the theocracy by invasion
At the present day there are no longer any dis
tiuctions and inequality Of classes. Liberty has
freed all Equality before the law has levied every
thing. Fraternity, of which we proclaim the
application, and Of which the National Assem-
bly, is to organize the benefits, is about to unite
all There is not single citizen in France, TO
whatever opinion he may belong, who does not
rally 10 the principle Of the country before every
thing else, and who does not render, by that
very union, the country impregnable 10 the at
tempt and to the fears of invasion.
ain 1892 IL was not the entire population who
entered into possession Of the governme MT
Ii was the middle classes only who''wshed 10 ex-
erc;se liberty and enjoy IL. The triumph of the
middle class at that time was egotistical, as the
triumph of every oligarchy must be. IL wished
TO retain for itself the rights achieved for all.
II was necessary for IL to operate strong diver
sion against the advance Of the people by pre-
cipitating IL (the people, on the field of battle,
in order to prevent it from entering into the ex-
ercise Of its own government This diversion
was the war. War was the idea Of the Mon
arehists and the Girondins-It was not the
idea of the most advanced democrats, who wish
ed like the sincere regards and the complete
reign of the people itself, comprising in that
name all classes, without exclusion or prefer
ence, as the nation is composed.
"In 1892 the people was only the instrument
Of the Revolution. To-day the Revolution is
made by the people, and for the people. The
people is itself the Revolution La entering
into il, il carries into it, its necessities Of
labor, of industry, of instruction, Of agriculture,
of commerce, Of morality, of prosperity, of prop
erty, Of cheap living, OF navigation, and in
short, of civilization, which all the necess-
ties Of peace. ThepeOple and peace are but one
word.
ain 1892 the ideas of France aud Of Europe
were unprepared to comprehend and TO accept
the great harmony Of nations among each other
to the benefit Of the human race. The idea Of
the age which was closing, was only in the heads
of some philosophers. Philosophy at the pre-
sent day is popular. Fifty years Of liberty of
thinking, OF speaking, and Of writing, have pro-,
ducsd their result. Books, journals, and the
tribune, have acted as the apostles of European
intelligence Reason, speaking everywhere, and
oversteppng the frontiers Of nations, has cre-
ated that intellectual nationality which will be
the achievement of the French revolution, and
the constitution of international fraternity over
all the globe. f..
a ",
equality was u scandal, and the Republic a
problem. The title of nations, which had only
Just been discovered by Fenelon. Montesque
and Rousseau, was completely forgotten,
buried, profaned, by old fendal, dynastic and
sacerdotal traditions, that the most legitimate
Intervention Of the people in all its affairs APP
peared n monstrosity to the statesmen si the
old school. Democracy made the monsrchs,
and at the same time the foundations Of society,
tremble To-day thrones and the people
customed to the word. to the forms, and TO the
regular agitations of liberty, exercised in mere
ly different proportions in all States, and even
in monarchies. They will accustom them-
selves TO the Republic, which is la complete
form in all the ripest Of nations. They will
recognize that there is a conservative liberty
They will acknowledge that there may be in
the Republic not only better order, but that
there may be more real order in that govern
ment of all for all, than in the government of
the few for the few.
But besides these disinteresied considerations,
the sole interest of the consolidation and dura-
ton Of the Republic would inspire in the states
men of France the thoughts of peace. Ii Is
not the country that rams the greatest danger
in the war; it is liberty- " ar is almost always
a dictatorship. Soldiers forget institutions for
men. Thrones tempt the ambitious. Glory
dazzles patriotism. The prestige of a glorious
name wells the attack upon the sovereignty Of
the nation. The republic desires glory, with
out doubt but il fishes for il, for itself and not
for Cnsars or Napoeons.
apo not deceive yourselves, nevertheless
Those ideas which the Provisional Government
charges YOU TO present TO the Powers pledge
of European safety, have not for their object TO
obtain forgiveness 10 the Republic for having had
the boldness to create itself, and still less 10
create itself, and still less to ask humbly the
place of a great right and Ia great people in Eu-
rope. They have a more noble object; to make
soyereigns and nations reflect, and net TO allow
them TO deceive themselves Involuntary as TO
the character of our Revolutions; TO give its true
light and its just character TO the event; in
short, TO give pledges TO humanity before giving
them TO our right and 10 our honor, If they
should be unacknowledged or threatened
"The French Republic will, then, not make
war on any one. 1t has occasion TO say
that, if conditions Of war are laid down to the
French people, it will accept them. The
thong of the men who at :he present mo-
ment govern France, are these; il will be fortu-
nate for France IL war be declared against il,
and IL 1t be constrained thus to increase in
strength and in glory, in spite of its moderation.
Il will be a terrible responsibility for France il
the Republic itself declares war without being
provoked TO it. In the first case, its martial re
MUS, its impotence Of action, its strength, ac-
cumulated during so many years OF peace, will
render it nvincible within its own territory,
and redoubtabs perhaps beyond lis frontiers.-
In the second case, il would turn against ITSELF
the recollection of its conquests, which dimin-
ish the affection Of nations, and il would COM
promise the first aud most universal alliance,
the spirit of nations and the genius of civiliza-
ton.
According to thee principles, Sir, which are
the cool principles of France-principles she
can present without fear, as without suspicion
to her friends and to her enemies-you will have
the goodness TO impress upon yourself the FOL
lowing declarations;
The treaties Of 1915 exist no longer as Law
in the eyes of the French Republic; neverthe-
less. the territorial circumscr iptons Of thest
treaties are a fact which il admits as basis
and as point de depart in its relations with
other nations.
But if the treaties Of 1915 do not exist any
longer excepting as facts TO modify common
understanding. and if the Republic declares
openly that its right and its mission is to arrive
regularly aud pacitically at these notifications
the good sense, the moderation, the conscience
the prudence of the Republic exist, and are fol
Europe better aud more honorable guarantees
than the letter Of those treaties, so often viola
ted and modified by Europe itself.
Endeavor, Sir, TO make this emancipation O.
the Republic from the treaties Of 1915. be clear
ly understood, and try TO show that that freed
ON has nothing in it which is irreconciabl'
with the repose Of Europe.
Thus We declare it openly. IL the hour oil
| the reconstruction of some nalionalities, op
pressed in Europe or elsewhere, should appeal
| to Us to have sounded in the DEGREES Of Provi
dence, II Switzerland, our faithful ally sine
the time of Francis l., were constrained o
threatened in the advance which she is effect
| inc in her government, in order to lend acdi