The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1848-08-09

particular that 1T now seems singular that G
candidate should be presented on genera
: grounds of fitness, without in any manner an
ticipating the deliberations and predetermin
ing tho acts of the law-making departments
of the State. That this is not the true spirit
of our institutions is certain. Its an abuse
the natural result of committing the grea
duties of the Presidency to self-seekers in
stead of true men. For the great considera
tons of general fitness for the varied and diff
fcult duties of that Office being mainly lost
sight of, men of incompetent character, Of
sectional bias, of narrow parlizan views, and
of grovelling ambition, are easily made the
representatives of large and influential par
ties, by pledging them before hand to carry
out or to defeat certain lines Of legislative pol
icy. And examples are not wanting, both
recent and notorious, to show that such men
arc ever ready to pledge themselves to what
ever course their party may require. In this
way the Houses of Congress are in danger of
becoming mere puppets, moving at the dicta-
ton of the Executive, and the Executive it.
self of being degraded into the creature of q
party of factious and sinistcr-mnded dema-
gogues. If any persons can still view without
alarm the Entertainments of this gradual
change in the theory Of our Institutions, it
may be only ncedful to remind them how
dangerous it is to expose our Constitution to
| insidious and unauthorized alteration. Such
tendency once established, its progress will
be accclerative. Eacihs deScenSuS. If the
theory of our Government is to be changed
let it be effected by the authorized means,
and let all the people know how great and in
what direction the alterations are to be. If
it be cxpedient that the private opinions of
one man be made the law of the land let us
distinctly say SO; and changing the form of
our government according to the new design,
let us not continue to expond one or two
millions of dollars year for the support of
superhuous Congressional rhetoric.
1t may perhaps be thought by some that
the Constitution provides for a single excep-
ton TO the above remark. But even the i'm
portant and responsible power of VETO, in
its legitimate exercise, is in no wise legsla.
tive function. 1t is clear that this solemn
prerogative is designed for the protection of
the Constitution against legislative inroads.-
1t is the duty Of the President to defend and
execute the Constitution, as a part of the law
of the land AS this law is of higher author
ity than any law made under it, the Execu-
tive is commissioned to protectit, and is armed
with this power for its defence against the
partial legislation of factous or sectional or
partizan blindness. This dangerous but need
full function, therefore, is not Legislative, but
strictly executive.
The veto prerogaive assume5 a legislative
force, however, not only when applied on
grounds of mere expediency, but when the
private opinions of the Executive are made
III any way W SACII u SOullOIllIlS lllluCICC
over the actions of Congress, and especially
when (by an act which ought to disgrace any
Statesman foreveO the President or Prcsi-
dental candidate has intmated in advance
determination to apply it in certain specific
cases. And since corrupt administration
can almost always, by fear or favor, control
the balance Of power in Congress, an ambi-
tious President may by this means make him
self the law-gver of the nation. And we put
it to the candid reader, whatever be his polit-
ical opinions or connections, whether the
events of three years past do not furnish an
instructive commentary upon what has been
here advanced
The grand questions in the selection of a
Chief Magistrate ought still, we think, to be,
g Is he honest? Is he capable? VIII he be
faithful to the Constitution ?" Men whose
similarity of political views has associated
them in a party, will of course select a candi-
date whose opinions upon disputed questions
Of national policy accord generally with their
own: and yet who Except mere partisan) s
would not prefer President from the worst
political party who could well sustain the fore
going comprehensive catechism, rather than :
one from the best, who could not {
The opinions ofthc former may not, indeed,
llways accord with mine, or with the best
eason, but we may be sure that he will not
lspire to make his opinions the law of the
and. He will not transgress the sphere of
lis appropriate functions. His guide will be
he Constitution as understood by those who
made it, and as interpreted by its authorized :