Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1848-02-10
MIR. TUCK,S SPEECH.

10FJ - ~ 'A 49, N>O|
this noble Representative from New Hampshire
on the Presidents Message, After giving ex-
tracts to prove The slavehoIding character Of che
Texas policy, he remarks as follows
"Now before this Government made any fur
ther progress, even of one step, he wished to
know-the people of the United States wished
to know-if that sentiment was well founded.
They were anxious to know if the constitution,
by which this Union was celnented, required this
Government to support the institution o%fsIavery !
This was a point which must be settled. If.
they had a jurisdiction which authorized them
to sustain it, they must necessarily possess the
power by which they could restrain it.,
Let gentlemen from the South consider
whether to establish a construction which makes
it our duty to sustain slavery, will not inevitably
introduce the doctrine that we may constitution
ally restrain and abolish it. Let US have a
construction liberal for the purposes Of slavery
and of freedom also but not a construction free
as regards slavery, but strict as regards free
dom.
1t is because the entire strength of the Exc
cutive branch Of the General Government has
been put forth to strengthen and maintain the
institution Of slavery, that the people Of the free
States have become alarmed and excited upon
this subject; it is because our Secretaries Of
State aud diplomatic Ministers have dared to
stretch forth the strong arm of the General Gov
eminent for the protection of slavery, that we of
the North have shown such deep sensibility on
this subject. Is it not Just and right that we of
H.. NJ .l -I,rIl t,Io ~, ,t,nI . A. $40 -
sit still, with our arms folded, and behold all the
grcqt funclionarics Of this Government welding
its vast power in defence of an institution which
we all abhor, and which we contend is not
known nor even recognized in the constitution ?
Do not Southern gentlemen perceive that if the
power Of he General Government may be WELD
ed il defence Of their peculiar institution, the
time may come when the same power may be
invoked to restrain and to suppress it
When our foreiathers met to form the con-
%stitution, they came from every section. Those
who came from the North came with feelings
of bitter hostility to and adherence of slavery.
They had come crowned with laureIs from the
revolutionary conflict. They had just written
in characters of living light the declaration
the truth of which they had sustained with their
blood-that men are borne free and equal
They had said -
eve know no crime in color'd skin,
Nor think the God above
Could fix the brand of slave upon
The children Of his love.
To them a charter he unfur'd-
A birthright fair
To man, his heir
Twas freedom to the world"
Such was the sentiment of the men of the
North, who had periled their lives, their fortunes
and their sacred honor in defence Of the princi-
pie of universal liberty, and of the doctrine that
liberty is the gift of God and not of any Gov
eminent or Potentate. With such sentiments
they went to the work Of forming a constitution
They went with a deep and settled and immov-
able prejudice against the institution of slavery,
to which the South cIung as necessary to their
prosperity, They believed that when the child
first b%reathed, he was furnished with a charter
from God which secured to him life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness and, unless the history
Of the world shall be falsided for the future, we
cannot take away that right and be safe for the
God above will send upon us fearful retributlons
for acting in violation of the rights which he has
given.
Laboring under the difficulties and dangers of
this difference between the North and the South
as shown by the debates, in regard to slavery,
the entire control of the institution was reversed
to the States wherein it existed. Nothing in re-
gard to it was delegated to the General Govern
ment, but the States were left in the same posi-
ton as under the Confederation. To make this
still palmer, article tenth of the amendments was
adopted, by which it was declared that the pow
ers not delegated we're {" reserved to the States
respectively or to the People, Such was the
sentiment on which the compact was based, and
in that spirit the North has always acted. But
there was a great mistake pervading the minds of
many men in relation to the anti-slavery move
ment, Perhaps he himself did not fully under
stand it; yet he was certain that he should not
abandon his deep-seltled convictions in regard to
the policy Of The Government, and "a free express
sion of them because Of being denounced as an
abolitionist, lie had long since resolved to care
more about the correctness of his opinions than
about the epjthets that it might suit the interest
or the malice of some people to apply to him.
The people saw that the institution of slavery
was sustained BY positive laws, and the gentle
man who applied to him and others the epithets
of d" FederaIists,' "Abolitionists," &c, would
not find those who were so denounced DESTROYS
to overthrow the provision of the constitution, or
to disregard the obligations of any law made in
accordance with it. On the contrary, many
would be found in that class that were willing to
sacrifice all in the defence of constitutional lib
erty. They believed they could have no liberty
but according to law; certainly not in disregard
of law. They were willing to keep the guaran-
ties Of the constitution. The people Of the free
States hold the blessings Of personal liberty as
%sacredIy as the slave States do the privileges of
slavery. The free States delegated no more
power to the Federal Government to involve them
in its abolition, The people of the free States
were not obliged to shed one drop Of blood nor
pay one cent of their money to support it. If
Virginia claimed the right to sustain slavery,