The daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1848-1851, 1848-05-24

himself there Is nothing TO bring Inc case Nltllln
the declaration of Mr.. Monroe.
In regard to the term g Colonization, embraced
in these declarations of Mr.. Monroe, the circum-
stances also different, then and now; and the
term ''colonization, in Mr. Monroe's declaration,
had no application to the present case. lucatan,
by the alleged intended Inference, would become
not colony, but province of England.
Mr. Monroes declaration was, that these colonies,
having established and maintained their indepen-
dence, were no longer subject to colonization
The Intentions on this subject, of Mr. Monroe. and
of his cautious Cabinet, had been entirely misap-
pretended. They had been merely to announce to
the civilized world in what Zig we should regard
any attempt of the allied powers to interfere with
the free institutions which had been established on
this Continent. And his (Nlr. C.'s) object now was,
to set the views of that Cabinet, of which he was
the only surviving member, right, before the coun-
try and the world.
The message of the present Executive-the broad
interpretations given Mr.. Monroe declara tons
had been totally disavoWed three years after the
declarations put forth by Mr.. Monroe. 1t had been
declared that the policy of this country is to avoid
war so long as it coud. possibly be avoided and it
was in this light that he QMr. c. had uniformly
acted 1t had never been the policy of this Gov
eminent to go to There was no principle laid
down in these declarations that rendered it neces-
sarv for us to go to war to prevent any European
power from rendering assistance to any other power
on this Continent
There are cases of interposition which he would
resist at the hazard of war He would instance
Cuba. 1t had been the policy of all admlnistra-
tons to let Cuba aone-and that she shall not pass
from the. hands Of Spain into the hands of any
other European poWer-because she is necessary to
the security of the commerce and navigation OF the
United States.
There was another case-Texas--bon of our
bone, and flesh of our flesh. Ii she had been left
to take the natural course of events, it might have
involved us not only in a war with Mexico but with
other powers.
1t was in this view that he had been in favor Of
annexation. Though when he had been applied to,
to know whether, if Eng land took possession of
Yucatan, he would resist, he had replied that he
acould mot-because it was of no Importance to us
in any point of view, and would no way contribute
to control of the Gulf, for defence in any
way. Nor would the occupation of Yucatan add
anything to the power of Eng land, which England
already possesses in that quarter. Not single YES
sci, in case of war, would enter the Gulf by the
passage which the possession of Yucatan would
furnish her. The passage to the Gulf is through
another channel, and she now has complete
mand of the caribbean Sea and of the Gulf, without
the possession of Yucatan.
He believed that the taking possession of Yucca
tan would involve us in another " Seminole wal"
without any sufficient motive-the expense and the
termination of which no could foresee. There
was never time when there was more reason for us
to husband our resources to meet any contingencies
which might arise Any one who would look to
the eastern horizon, would see that such an emer
gency may very easily arise.
In regard to our relations toward Mexico-to the
armstice-he did not consider this a embraced
in the terms of that armistice. 1t one of the
most complicated cases. every respect. which had
arisen for the consideration of Congress, and
requiring the greatest caution and deliberation.
Under the circumstances, the suffering of the lu
catanese could not justly be charged to them, if they
did not Interfere, but to the manner IN which the
subject had been presented by the Executive.
Whether it was war of the races or not, his
sympathies were naturally with the white popula-
ton. He would go farther,-if this was war be-
tween the races, there would be strong considera
tons of policy which would induce him to inter
lere. These We're, that the white population had
contributed to establish liberty on this continent
they possessed the wealth, and greater degree of
intelligence than the Indian population, and might
perhaps be able to take, though now not very ele-
waited, higher position hereafter. Though it may
be of races substantially, yet after looking to
all similar cases, he not prepared to involve the
country in their difficulties, merely to secure the
cendancy of the white race in the southern portion
of this continent
He examined the causes which led to the present
difficulties between the white and Indian popula-
ton of lucatan-the " capitation tax, the war
with Mexico' &c.
He thought that we should extend to them all the
aid which we can with propriety-that we might
transfer the suffering portion of the population to
Cuba, or anywhere else they may desire. But he
not willing to incur the danger, the cost, the
consequences of doing what this bill proposes.
Between the bill and the amendment of Mr. JEFF
ferson Davis he would prefer the bill He would
rather do that directly, which the President pro-
poses, than to it up under any other PROPOSE
ton WI atever Nor was he in favor of the amend
ment of Mr.. Lewis; that did not meet the case.
The time would never come when Mexico would
be able to hold possession, and we should be COM
PEELED to make arrangements for permanent occu-
patton.
At the conclusion of Mr.. Cahoun's remarks, Mr..
Cass referred briefly to his allusion to the useless
ness of Yucatan for Defence or for the protection
of commerce. There map in the Depart |
ments, which had been examined at his (Nir.
Casss) request, by Lieut.. Porter, and it had been
shown that ON the Eastern point of Yucatan there
is of the best and safest harbors in the world,
with sufficient depth of water over the bar at the
entrance. With Yucatan in possession, we
could successfully contend with England for the
control of the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf, but
without it, England would have it completely
Mr. Calhoun replied, and reiterated that for pur
poses of defence, in the event of a with Great
Britain, Yucatan is not worth to us groat. But,
if the object sought by the honorable Senator from
Michigan was the command of the seas, then the
proper course was to husband our means and foster
the navy, and not to engage In an lmpoverlshng
war upon land.
Mr. Cass referred also to the Interpretation given
by Mr.. Calhoun to the term colonization as
used by Mr. Monroe. Did not the the Senator from
South Carolina consider Jamaica Colony of Eng
land9
Mr. Cainoun--No. 10 " colonlZe " IN the llght
of Mr. Monroe's declaration, would be to send out
portion of her population for that purpose If she
had done this, then Jamaica coony-not
otherwise.
Mr. Cass said Mr.. Monroe had distinctly disa-
vowed the right of interference by European pow
ers. There was territory, not apportioned,
to which any European power could send out their
population to cOlonZe, on this continent. Where
then would England coonize here +; if not among
those portions already partitioned out If Jamaica
not s. colony in the light contemplated by
Mr.. Monroe he did not know what was
After some further conversation between Messrs.
Calhoun and Cass, and few remarks from Mr..
Foote, the bill was informally passed over, Mr.. Bag
by having the floor for tomorrow.
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