Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1848-01-20

once, so much the better--so much the more
glory for him, popularity greater than that of
Washington or Jackson. This is the inference,
the plain unmistakeable inference War, in
stead of being as it is said to be by all writer's on
ethics or politics, the direst calamity which
Heaven in his wrath can send upon a nation, is
converted by this alchemy into healing Bethes-
da, in which political prohigacy and corruption
of the darkest hue may wash itself and be clean.
Sir utterly deny the soundness of this doctrine,
that Congress ought to have no voice beyond
granting the supplies If there is time when
opposition should be vigilant, scrupuous. watch
full, noticing every thing that is wrong, it is
time when, through the acts Of the Admnstra-
ton, the country is burdened with an unneces-
sary war; when the fruits of industry are con-
sumed for the support of such war, and when we
are surrounded by all the horrors which war
brings in his train If there ever is a time that
should put men on there individual Judgment,
reflection, and responsibility, it is such time
and such is our position now, and we are there
by the unadvised, unconstitutional, and illegal
acts of the President PROPOSE | say to do
what may, feeble as | may be, to place the
country right. | have never learned in that
school Of moral and political science, that by
persevering in an unconstitutional and wrong
course, we shall ever come out right
And, sir, there is another view which is some
times taken, which certainly does not accord with
my own convictions, and upon which wish to
say word or two at this time, land do it with
Difference to the opinions Of ADLER men about
me y and which relates to the course which those
should take who believe the war to be wrong
Why, think have heard IN idea something like
this: The country is engaged in a war which is
ustihabe-We confess it is wrong to 90 on
we see clearly that it is wrong-neyertheless we
are now at war, and the President calls on US for
supplies of men and money and Senators say
they will vote men and money, but by some sort
of a process which escapes my comprehension
they imagine they are going to throw the respon-
sibllity on the President. confess do not I'M
derstand how they are to escape their due share
of responsibility, they must share the response
bty with the President, let the character of the
act be what it may If the war be wrong, put
an end to it at once | have no doubt the Pres
ldent will be exceedingly gratied with opposi-
ton of this kind You win hear nothing about
factious opposition in the organ of the Admin
straton. The President would care little for
the opposition of the whole world if it were
opposition of this kind. 1t is very like Sam
Weller, who happened to find himself in prison,
and person he met was bewaiIing the msfor-
tune Of having thousand pounds left to him by
will, which circumstance had been the occasion
of his Imprisonment. 81 wish" exclaimed Sam.
CALL my enemies would try to ruin me in that
way" Just so with the President. You tell
him heIis wrong, whilst at the same time you
vote him all the men and money that he asks
you for
Believing that the cause of the war is RADICAL
ly wrong, hold it to be the first, the painest
and the simplest duty of those who think as |
do to withhold supplies and compel the Presi-
dent to do what we believe to be right Believ-
ing there is a strict and pertinent analogy be-
tween the course to be pursued by Congress, and
that which is taken by the British Parliament, l
consider that the course of those who think the
war wrong, is plain and clear, and admits of no
mistake. Upon question of voting supplies,
think the very first thing to be inquired into by
Congress, is, whether the object for which the
supplies are demanded is correct and legitimate
object fit be determined that the object is
proper one. let the supplies be granted-if other
wise, Withhold them. This is my understanding
of the nature of our Constitution, have heard
our Government spoken of as a government of
checks and balances, but when you speak of the
President having the power to make war uncon-
stitonaIly and illegally, cannot understand the
cause or propiety Of that course ofconduct which
would sustain him in his unconstitutional act.
Believing, then, that the question ofths war is
question which ought to be discussed that it
lies at the very bottom of the question of supplies,
| will proceed to give my views to the Senate
f and the country, of this war. And, as | sug-
gested the other day, in the few remarks which
had the honor to submit, believe that the
cause of the war lies little deeper than any
that has been assigned by those who have ex-
pressed their opinion upon the subject be-
lieve that the question, whether it arose from the
march of Gen. Taylor to the Rio Grande, or
whether any of those incidental and temporary
movements were the immediate cause Of the war,
is entirely irrelevant. The cause, sir, lies deep
er than any of these; and when speak of the
causes OF the war, permit me to say, that do
it with no desire to introduce exciting or angry,
discussion; or to arouse unpleasant feeling; but
having a duty to perform here, must do it fear
lessly-l must do my duty as an American Sem
ator, feeble as it may be. And when we speak
of the causes of this war, | must avow my con-
viction, beyond cavil or doubt, to be, that it
; lies in the avowed policy of the American Gov
ernment-a policy which was avowed four wears
ago-to make the extension of human slavery
one of its primary motives Of action And when
| say this let me be understood. refer to the
principle avowed in the diplomatic correspon-
dence which preceded the annexation of Texas
to the United States. And permit me to say,
that in approaching this question, do it with
desire and disposition to do full justice to the
officers of this Government who were engaged
in that correspondence will do them the JUS
tice to say, that what they did, they did maufully
and aboveboard. There was no concealment.-
They came out boldly, Their course was very
different from that of set of men we have A.
mong us, called Northern men with Southern
principles-men who profess to be against Sla,
very, but who are nevertheless enlisted in the
Slaveholding interest ready to do Slayery's bid
ding. That was not the case with the men to
whom have referred. They came out boldly
and avowed the object at which they aimed, and
+ the means by which they proposed to attain it.
Let this be ever said to their credit.
In that correspondence the objects of this
-.