Carroll free press. [volume] (Carrollton [Ohio]) 1834-1861, 1848-09-08
Mr. Wcbster's Speech on The Oregon Blll.


Ton, that the Senate rccedc from It's amendment,
10 which the House had refused to agree
Mr.. WEBSTER said: ] am very Hule inclined
10 prol0ng this dsbale, and hope utterly disn-
clined to bring into il any new war.hlh or excite
ment. wish 10 say few words, however
first, upon the ston MS il IS presented 10 Us
as a parliamentary question, and secon lly, up
on the general political question involved in
this debate.
As qu -stjon Of parliamentary proceeding, |
urderstnd III case to be this: The House o.
r presenluliycs sent US "a bill for the establish
Inenl Of Territorial Government in Oregon; no
motion has been made in the Senate To strike
odl any portion of that bill. The bill purporl-
ing TO respect Oregon, simply and alone, has
not been III, subject Of any objection in this
branch of the legislature.
The Senate hasproposed no important amend.
m mt to this bill affecting Oregon iseli aud the
h ,norable member from Missouri, (Mr. Banton)
was right, precisely right, when he said the
amendment now under consideration had no re-
ldlicn TO Oregon. That is perfectly true; and
therefore the amendment which the Senate has
adopted aud the Hou3c has disagreed to has no.
thing in the world to do with Oregon, but res
pecling The newly acquired territories of Cali
fornia and New Mexico. Il wishes now TO
make line Of slavery for those new territories.
The amendment says that this line of the "Mis-
s)uri Compromise shall be the line 10 the Pa
cifc; and then goes on TO say, in the language
of the bill as il now stands, that the Ordinance
of '87 shall be applicable 10 Oregon, and there
fore say that the amendment proposed is for
eign 10 the immediate object of the bill. Ii
does nothing 10 modify, restrain, or affect, in
any way, the government which we propose to
establish over Oregon, or the condition or char.
acter Of that government or the people under
it. In parliamentary view, this is the state
of the case. ....
Now, sir, this amendment has been attached
10 the bill by strong majority in the Senate.
That majority had the right, as it had the pow
er, 10 pass il. The House disagreed to thai
amendment. Well, if the majority of the Sc.
nate who attached it TO the bill are of opinion
that a conference with the House will lead tc
some adjustment Of the question, by which this
amendment, or something equivalent TO it, may
be adopted by the House, it is very proper fol
1Aem TO urge a conference. lts very fair, quite
parliamentary, and there is not word 10 be said
against il. But my position is that of one whc
voted against the amendment-who thinks that
it ought not 10 be attached to this bill, and
therefore | naturally vote for the motion 10 ge
rid Of it-that is TO recede.
So much for the parliamentary question:
Now, there are two or three questions arising in
this case which I'wsh to state dispassionately--
not 10 argue, but to state.
The honorable member from Georgia, (Mr
Berrien) for whom have great respect, AM
with whom it is my delight TO cultivate persona
friendship, has stated, with great propriety, th
importance of this question. lie has said tina
il is question interesting to the South and tC
the North, and one which may very well also at
tract the attention of mankind. lie has not sta
tod all this too strongly. Il is a question whicI
may we'll attract the attention of mankind. Oh
the subjects involved in this debate the world !
not asleep. 1t is wide awake; and | agree wit
the honorable member, that if what is now pro
posed 10 be done by US, who resist this amend
ment IS as he supposes, unjust and injurious t
any portion Of this community, that nusuc
should be presented to the civilized world, an
we, who concur in the proceedings, ought t
submit ourselves to its rebuke. am glad th1
the honorable gentleman proposes TO refer thi
question to the great tribunal of the America
people. 1t is proper. 1t is q question Of mag
nitude enough-of interest enough-to all tn
civilized nations of the earth, TO call from lhos
who support one side or The other a slatemer
of The grounds upon which they act.
Now, propose to state, as briefly as | cal
the ground upon which proceed, historical an
constitutional; and will endeavor 10 say as le
words as possible. so that | may relieve til
Senate from hearing me al the earliest possb
moment.
In The first place, to view the matter hisor
cay. This Constitution, founded in 1887 an
the government under it organized 10 1899, doe
recognize the existence Of slavery in certai
States, then existing in the Union; and u partit
uIar description of slavery. hope that what
am about TO say n az be received without an
supposition that intend the slightest disrespec
But this particular description of slavery doc
not, believe, now exist in Europe, nor in an
other civilized portion Of the hababe gob,
1t is not predia slavery. 1t is not analogor
TO the case Of the prediaI slaves, or slaves gle
ddScripti, Of Russia or Hungary, or other State
Ii is a peculiar system Of personal slavery,
which the person who is called slave is tran
ferable as chattel, from hand to hand. | speo
of this as fact And that is the lact | wi
say iarher-perhaps other gentlemen may II
member the instances-that although SLAYER
as system Of servitude attached TO the cart
existed in various countries Of Europe, am n
at the present moment aware Of any place c
the globe in which this properly Of man in h
inan being, as slave transferable as a chattC
exists except in certain States Of this Union al
ahe West India islands. Now, that existed
the formation Of this Constitution, and the fr
mers Of that instrument, and those who adoptt
il, agreed that, as far as it existed, it should nj
be disturbed, or ntellered with by the new ge
eral government. There is no doubt Of that.
The Constitution Of the United States reco
nlzes II as an existing lact--an existing RELATE
between The Inhabitants Of The Southern State
do not cali il au "instisution," because tb
term is moi applicable to il; for that seems
imply a voluntary establishment. have be,