Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1848-02-11
SPEECH

the state of the Union, on the Resolution
referring the Presidents Message to the va
rious Standing Committees.
Mr.. VENABLE said:
| regret, Mr.. Chairman, that the time allot
Ted to me will not admit of reply to the re
marks of the gentleman from Pennsylvania
[Mr. A. Stewart on the tariff, as | shoul(
desire to do, if circumstances rendered it prop
er. TRUST that on some other occasion shall
have an opportunity; and if | should not,
know that the distinguished chairman of thu
Committee of Ways and Means of the las
Congress, who elaborated and introduced tn,
bill regulating the present tariff, and nan,
other able and experienced individuals in thi
House, will do this subject ample Justice
can assure the gentleman from Pennsylvani;
that my friend from Illinois MR. McCiernand
was not frightened by the ghost of military
chieftain, to which he alluded in his remarks
1t was ghost seeing of the gentleman him
self--not the ghost of General Taylor, but O
the tariff of 1912, whose elegy and eu'ogv The
gentleman never failed TO pronounce whenev
er he addressed the House. should like IL
know whether his frierd, General Taylor
who had been so unceremoniously introduces
to the House, would thank him for presenting
III
name Does tie gentleman speak by author
itv, and now pledge his nominee for the Pre-
sidency rs responsible for such doctrines? II
he does, am glad to hear it for ii is an issue
which General Taylor has most cautiously a
voided, and on which, up TO this time, he is
uncommitted If the views Of the gentleman
and General Taylor correspond upon this sub
Ject, perhaps he congratuates himself upor
The prospect of again galvanizing into life the
dead tariff of 1912: death deeply deploreC
by the gentleman, for which, however, he is
in no way to blame. 1t "cannot shake its
CORY locks al him, and say, you did it." No
never did knight in harness do battle for his
lady-love with more high chivalry than has
the honorable gentleman done battle fC- the
principle of protection.
But there is another question upon which
ask the indulgence of the committee-a CUES
ton which, to my mind, presents one of the
most potant, one of the most intensely-inter.
esting issues which has ever been raised.
am admonished that this is an old question
and to many uninteresting. The struggle haC
been long, and the victory been doubtful
Sometimes the friends Of State rights INDUCED
hopes of complete triumph, and as often hal
they seen gloom and dependency take thu
place of the fondest hopes. For thirty year:
have been close observer of the polit;ca
history of the country, and with whatever in
tellectual powers ] possess, and after all tht
lights which had been thrown upon my MIND
by observation and experience, still feel, as
ever have felt, that it was one of the most i'm
portant questions agitated in this country.
allude TO the question involved in the able ant
luminous message of the President, now OF
your table, and which communicates the rea
sons for his disapprobation of the river ant
harbor bill of the last session.
This subject OF the right of the General Go
vernment TO prosecute schemes of internal i'm
provements within the States was constantly
presenting itself to the consideration of Con.
gress, and had at all times been resisted
sometimes with success, often with different
result, but never without solemn protesta.
lion OF the opposers of that doctrine, on con,
sttutonal grounds When the friends of the
doctrine felt strong, the claim was strongly
made as indispensable 10 the healthy action OF
the Constitution itself, broadly set forth in the
instrument, and of undoubted authority
When the wantonness of expenditure which
this system always produces excited public
notice. and called down thunders of reproba-
ton from the people; when this veto of the
President placed an effectual obstruction in the
way of It's progress, the tone of its advocates
underwent a corresponding change. That
which before was clearly authorized by the
Constitution, now became an incident; that
without which the healthy action of the Con-
stitution could not be maintained, now became
ar inference from one or many known grants
in that instrument.
feel under obligations TO the gentleman
from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Stewart,l and the
gentlemen from Indiana and Ohio, mir. c. B
Smith and Mr.. Vinton.] for coming up so bold
" to the mark, for making platform sc
broad-so wide-that their position could moi
be mistaken We have been told by the gen
teman from Indiana, mir. c. B. Smith, that
the only limit to the power OF Congress tC
make Improvements was the will of Congress
that, upon this subject, that will was supreme
acknowledging no limits but those which the
discretion Of the legislature would impose up
on itself. Do hear learn that all those secu-
rites for the exercise of State sovereignty
which we had fancied ourselves to possess
are swept away? I, together with those who
maintained the rights of the States and stric
construction of the Constitution, have beer
accustomed to believe that our broad river:
and fair lands belong to us, and that we art
not merely tenants at suferance TO the Fe1era
Government If State rights and State SOW
ereignty be a phantom, it is high time for u:
to know it, We should be taught our aliegi
ance and the corresponding obligation to ODE
dence. | have not so learned the Constltu
ton, or the cotemporaneous construction OF tina
instrument. Those venerable sages and pat
riots who gave TO US this rich legacy-an abb
ding hope in every peril, sure guide IN pc
litical doubt and darkness-ha1 no such con
cusion in view when they declared, that al
powers not delegated by the Constitution Il
the Federal Government or prohibited to TIL
States, are reserved to the States respectlvel,
and to the people They meant what the,
said, and have left in their political histor.
the most conclusive evidence Of the fact.
And here permit me to say, that have new
er felt more gratifed, and know the Demo
cratic party of the country will feel and &C
| knowledge their obligations to the distinguish
ell gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Vinton,l 70
the high, but unwilling, compliment which b
paid the President of the United States for hi
veto message AS soon as it was read, tha
gentleman, so thoroughly acquainted with tn
operation of such causes on the public m!nc
whose long experience and deep sagaclty ha
not unproftably employed the lessons he Ia
acquired, was so electrified, so afraid OF It's IN
fuence on the people, that he asked for tn
appointment of a committee of one membe
from each State, that they might have an OF
portunity to exert their ingenuity IN framing
reply TO go with it; for he proposed that tn
message should not be printed until the com
mittee should make their report There va
ne parallel case but one, and that was whe
Mr. Madison. after having witnessed tb