Wisconsin herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1846-1849, 1848-09-02

fGuUD.
When YOU ask me, then, not 10 prohibit
slavery in these territories, with my views of
the institution itself and of our power, !
must assert the power to exclude slavery
forever. In your States, where you have
made slavery property, you may protect II
as YOU please, and win aid you in giving
il that security which the constitution al
fords: but. with Gods help, unt one inch
bevond shall this institution 90. may be
mistaken in all this; but Of one thing am
satisfed-of the honest conviction OF my
own indgInent--and no supposed Interrupt
ton of the ties which bind the various sec
tons Of the Confederacy shall induce me to
shrink from these convictions, whenever
am called upon to carry them out into law.
Bnt we are told that when the constitution
was made there existed certain relative pro-
,ortious between the power of the Slave and
The power of the Free States. ] under
stand the senator from South Carolina that
we are under obligations TO preserve, eter-
nally. these relative proportions IN the same
way.
Mr.. Calhoun said nothing Of the kind
Mr.. Corwin--I am very happy To be un-
deceived | understand the Senator to coil-
ceiye that this is a question 81 power. IL
is not so. itIs aquestl0n OF municipal law,
of civil policy. The men who framed the
Constitution never dreamed that there WAS
to le a conflict of power between the Slave
and the Free States. They never dreamed
that the South was To contend that they
would always he equal in representation ~
the Senate 10 the North. They had no idea
Of that equilibrium of power of which we
have heard so much. The circumstances OF
the period forbade any such suppositlon.--
I,ookine at all these circumstuuces-and |
4. -. ~, ftr- sift ms
ed them carefuly-yon would have had
fourteen Slave States aud but nine Free
But every man who had anything to dn with
the formation of the Constitution expected
and desired that slavery should lie prohibit
ed in the new States; and they even expect
ed TO have il abolished in many Of the states
where IL existed.
They had no idea Of conflict; mud il the
fanatics in the South, az well a. those ~ me
North, wonld let the subject alone, we should
have no more trouhle concerning u. Eut
what do we sce? While Northern fanatics
are for rushing into the States where slave
ryexists, trunplng upon your laws ana SET
ting your slaves frec-at winch enorihiiy I
the South holds up hr- hnnds ~ pious nor
ror-she Fanatics OF the South are entering
upon the free soil &c this Republic wheuey-
or thew are aide. and converting Unto slave
-
The fanatics of the North cudeavorIng To up-
root your Institutions, while you initiate the
exainapie nf those fanatics ~ your treat
,neut ol' The Free Sod Of the Union. Sir,
there Is no difference between the two cases.
The fanatics of the South are but coun-
ternart Of those Of the North. u there he
any difference, it il only this: That the ia
nntcs Of the North has the poor apology
of aiming to give Liberty 20 his fellow man,
while YOU Of the South nre eudcuvnTiug to
null down the temples Of liberty and to rear
your Institutions OF Slavery upon their rn-
ins. have declared my opinions IN regard
TO this Institution, as believe 1t To exist. l
have no belief TINT a man who owns slaves
must necessarily be permitted to carry out
his own views. ! think he owns them he
cause he does not know any better. ! think,
unon the whole, they had all better come to
m. STATE of Ohio for an example, where
we drive even the free negroes away, M
tend nothing nilensiye-to the sen~'b'llties Of
gentlemen, hut il the free expression ofmy
honest convictions ailendS, cannot help w.
1 belieye If I'VE were 60 set about this bust
uess of establishing Governments rs our ia-
theirs did when they laid the foundation oi
this Repnllic OF oura--if the same spirit an
ima,es iis--if happlly they could come to us
to-day from the abodes of the blessed, and
impart 10 US n little of their wisdom, there
would be 90 difficulty in passing the Ordn-
ahce of 1897, and applying II To these Ter
r,ores. We are not such men as they
were.
MIR. johnson, of Md.--[in his seail--Cer-
tainly we are.
Mir. Corwin-The senator from Mary
land may be-, bat it So, he is an exception.
Mr.. Johnson-'fhe Senator from Ohio Is
certainly an exception
MIR. Ca~wm-The senator is very polite.
Now, SIR. gentleman before me, MIR.
Fitzrernld1 has, with great propricty, eX-
planned To the Senate the position in which
he is placad n respect to u friend of his,
who i not now In this body The subject
has been ntlcn advertcd to, aud While on my
feet 4 wish 10 SAY n few words "a relation Ia
IL. Gen. Cass, II i said, Is likely "a be inn
plicated on account OF his friends action
upnn this question of slavery. know not
how that cnn be-, for may a. well say here
that have no confidence whatever as 10
the precise position ia which MIR. C0ss may
he placed to-iunrrow. lie has occupied Two
pnsiiinns already. SIR, he Who can change
his position SO readily may change back AT
the shortest notice. Gen. Cass has dcclar-
ed that Congress has no power over ti' sub
ieet. Rui the Senator from South Carolua
has very properly declared such a doctrine
60 Ice a llaI ahsurditt; because if we can
transfer the power 20 the Territorial Gov
eminent to act upon the subject, we must ot
course possess the power ourselves; we can
not communicate mare power than we hive
Aud declare ID am, body i concerned To
know what j. my npinlen Ou the subject, and
what Is the opinion Of the Free States, Of
the Union, that IT General Taylor was not
considered "a hciag committed by his o0h-
lished letters against the eXcrcise ot the e.
10 power upon this subject, be would not