Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1848-12-08

thed by the constitution with power TO defend
lnelr rights, the mere instrument of majority
OF congress. A surrender, on his part, of the
powers with which the constitution has inves-
,eo MS ofhce. would effect practical altera-
',on Oh mat instrument, without resortlng to
Inc prescribed process of amendment.
with the motives or considerations which
may induce Congress to pass anv hill. the
President can Lave nothing to do. He must
presume then to be as pure as his own. and
look only TO the practical effect of their meas.
hres when compared with the constitution or
the public good.
But it has been urged by those who object
to the exercise of this undoubted constitution
al power, that it assals the representative
principle and the capacity of the people TO
govern themselves, that there is greater safe
ty IN a numerous representative body than in
the single Executive created by the constitu-
ton. and that the executive veto is cone
tnan power" despotic in IFS character. To
| expose the fallacy of this objection, it is only
| necessary to consider the frame and true char
acter of our system. Ours is not consolida-
ted empire, but confederated Union. The
States, before the adoption of the constitution,
were oordInate, co-equal, and separate in
| dependent soVereignties, and by its adoption
| they did not lose that character They cloth
ed the federal government with certain pow
ers, and reserved all others, including their
own sovereignty, TO themselves. They guar
ded their own rights as States, and the rights
OF the people, by the very limitations which
they incorporated into the federal constitution,
whereby the different departments of the gen.
eral government were checks upon each 9TH
er. That the majority should govern, is a
general principle, controverted by none; but
they must govern according to the constitution,
and not according 10 an underlined and unre-
strained discretion, whereby they may Cypress
the minority
The people of the u States are not blind to the
fact that they may be temporarily misled, and that
their representatives, legislative and executive,
RAY be mistaken or influenced in their action by
improper motives. They have therefore interposed
between themselves and the laws which may be
passed by their public agents, various representa-
tons, such assemblies, senates, and governors
in their several States; House of Representa-.
tives, Senate, and President of the United
States The people can by their own direct agen.
cy make no law; the House of Represed-
tatives Immediately elected by them; nor car the
Senate; nor can both together, without the con-
cCrrence of the President or vote of twothirds
of both houses.
Happily for themselves, the people, in framing
our admirable system of government, were con.
sciou ofthe infrmites of their representatives; g.
6 ia delegating to them the power of legislation
they have fenced them around with checks, to
guard against the effects of hasty action, of error
of combination, and of possible corruption.-
Error, selhshness, and faction have often sought
to rend asunder this web of checks, and subject
the government TO the control of fanatic and sim
lister Influences but these efforts have only salts
the people of the wisdom of the checks which
) they have imposed, and of the necessity of pre-
] serving them unimpared.
: The true theory of our system is not to govern
by the acts or DEGREES of any one set of represen-
! tatives. The constitution interposes checks upon
all branches of the government, in order to give
time for error to he corrected, and delusion to
pass away; but if the people settle down into q
firm conviction different from that of their repre-
sentatives, they give effect to their opinions by
f changing their public servants. The checks
! which the people imposed on their public servants
In the adoption of the constitution, are the best
evidence of their capacity for sef-government.-
They know that the men whom they elect to pub.
lie stations of like infirmities and passions
with themselves, and not to be trusted without
being restricted by coordinate authorities and
: constitutional limitations. Who that has wit.
messed the legislation of Congress for the last
: in which measures not demanded ty the public
good, have been carried! Who will DENY thai
IN the State governments, bv combinations of in
: lividuas and sections, 10 derogation of the gen
eral interest banks have been chartered, systems
of internal improvement adopted, and debts entail
edupon the people, REFRESHING their growth, and
> impairing their energies for years to come!
Alter so much experience, it cannot be said
that absolute unchecked power is safe in the hands
Of any one set of representatives, that the capdc
n ty of the people for sefgovernment which is adj
mited 10 its broadcast extent, conclusive argu.
ment to prove the prudence, WISDOM and integrity
: of their representatives.
n The people, by the constitution. have command
S ed the President, as much as they have command
ed the legislative branch of the government, t.
V execute their will. They have said to him in the
). constitution, which they require he shall take
solemn oath TO support, that if Congress pass any
V biz which he cannot approve, "he shall return i
# to the House in which it originated, with his OBJ
J. jections" In Withholding from it his approva
# and signature, he is executing the will of the pee
- pie constitutonalIy expressed as much as the Con
: gross that passed it. No bill is presumed to be il
;. accordance with the popular will until it shall
- have passed through all the branches of the gov
y eminent required by the constitution to make it
y law. A bill which passes the House of Repre-
tndy De Tt leCtcu ny Seudte3 anu 81
d bill passed by the Senate may be rejected by thu
d House. In each case the respective houses exer
, else the veto power the other.
u Congress, and each House of Congress, holt
: under the constitution check upon the President
and he, by the power ofthe qualified veto, checl
'f upon Congress. When the President recon
II mends measures to Congress, he avows. in thu
is most solemn form, his opinions. gives his voice
e in their favor, and pledges himself in advance t.
at approve them if passed by Congress. If he act
l. without due consideration he's been Influenced
by improper corrupt motives-or if from any
n other cause Congress, either house of Congress
- shall differ with him in opinion, they exercise
f. their veto upon his recommendations, and rejec
If them; and there is appeal from their decision
but to the people at the balIot-box. These arr
J. proper checks upon the Executive. wisely inter
:, posed by the constitution. None will be fount
: to object to them, or to wish them removed. 1t i
- equally important that the constitutional check
= of the Executive upon the legislative brancl
;. should be preserved.
1t If it be said that the representatives in the pop
J. ular branch Of Congress are chosen directly b.
&c the people, it is answered, the people elect tn
II President IF both houses represent the State
J and the people, SO does the President. The Pres
II ident represents in the executive department tn
u whole nenne of the United States as each mem