Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1848-10-31
RICHMOND, VA.
monday Morning, October 80, Is4s.
THE RALLY

| The committees and all our trlenoS 10 90 ne
whole duty, and bring every voter to the poll
and appealing 10 The South to stand by OF
Northern friends, who stand BY us.
Vice President, Thomas H. Ellis, introduce
with appropriate remarks, and read to the Asst
citation the following admirable Preamble an
Resolutions. We cordially commend them
the earnest attention Of Wings aud Democrats
They contain, in the language of Mr.. Washing
ton, a "masterly analysis" of that shifting, dc
ceptive Wing platform the Allison Letter
| The Democratic Association of the city {
| Richmond, having looked in vain for a declara
lion OF principles from the Wing party, whethe
semhlies or Rough and Ready Clubs, and hav
ing been often referred by the orators ofthat par
ty 10 the letter OF Gen: Taylor addressed TO Cap
Allison, under date OF the 22d OF April last, a
containing the exposition of his and their princi
pies have calmly considered its contents and nov
proceed TO expose what, 10 their opinion, cons;i
tute its inconsistencies, its uselessness and il
covert departure from some of the wises provi
sions OF the Constitution.
Gen. Taylor in his letter announces as his frs
principle: If elected, ! would not be The mer,
"President OF party | would endeavor TO &C
"independent Of party domination; should fee
"bound TO administer the Government untram NJ.
melled by party schemes.
This principle IS directly contradicted by an-
other in the same letter; and in no case, perhaps
could ii be carried into effect even II NOT thus
contradicted.
The Executive of this country is bound, BY
the Constitution TO administer the Government
- h. IL, of he Ia Ind
institutions parties must exist They are ne
cessary, to watch and restrain each other. All
parties will have peculiar schemes and plans
for the management Of our national affairs,
based upon their peculiar principles. One must
be in the ascendant. And which ever is so, will
pass laws based upon its peculiar schemes.
Thus the acts Of Congress, having political
character, must necessarily be the results of party
schemes. And an Executive, which would ad-
minister our Government "untrammelled by
party schemes" must administer it 'untrammel-
led by the acts Of Congress also.
General Taylor afirms that he will veto
no act of Congress, unless il be in case
Of clear riolation OF the Constitution, or mo
nifsst hoae and want IF consideration by Con-
grcss. When a party scheme assumes tho shape
of an act of Congress, which is embraced
within neither of these contingencies, how is
he to arrest it without applying the Veto7 and,
unless he doss so, he is manacled by that act,
trammelled by that party scheme, and bound TO
execute the law
1. Resolved, therefore, That the first position
assumed by General Taylor, in his letter to
Captain Allison, is deceptive in its promise, in
applicable to the legislation Of our country, ard
impossible 10 be enforced under our political
system.
General Taylor announces as his second prin-
ciple: I" The power given by the Constitution
" to the Executive 10 interpose his veto, is a
high conservative power, but, in my opinion,
should never be exercised, except in cases Of
clear violation of the Constitution, or mani
i" fest haste and want of consideration by Con.
gress.'
According to this doctrine, If Congress is TO be
the judge OF what constitutes a clear violation Of
the Constitution, or what is manifest haste and
TaEt ct ar and thus he clause Of lae Constitution
which grants The power is desIroyed-or, II the
President is to be The sole judge, then ne may ex-
ercise il whenever be pleases, and thus IS Destroy
ed The principle by which he would limit Inc
power.
Every member Of Congress takes an OATH 70
suupori The Constitution. Under the sanction Of
tha, in his opinion il is constitutional The ma
iorily who pass the law equally affirm The same
thing. The President, OH The contrary, afhfms J!
to be unconstitutional Then, in this difference OF
opinion, the case is proved 10 ne doubtful one
mot sclear." As these circumstances exist IN Inc
passage oil every law aud he will not exercise the
oowcr Of veto except in clear case, il is manifest
that he canno, exercise it at all.
What possible criterion can there be 10 deter
mine a case OF manifest Aaste and 1oant Of en-
Alteration? The words are Elusive. II they mean
ANYTHING, they mean that the members oil Con-
eress who passed the bill did no, allow themselves
sufficient lime TO form their Judgments. VINO
can Judge vf that but the members themselves
When a measure progresses through The ordinary
forms OF legislation, when il has been passed by
one House and sent TO the other, when mas
PASSED through the prescribed forms there, and
received the assent of that House, it is plain that
The majority think they have had time enough;
for il they bad not, having the power, they could
take The lime; and what is there then 10 impress
uoon it the stamp oil n,anifea haste and 'oant Of
considsyatton7 Shorpess of,ime from its inception
to its consummaiion2 1t may have been ag'la-
ted in The public mind for years, and the people
in their primary assemblies may have instructed
their representatives 10 vote Tor II. The repre-
senta,iyes may have considered it Individually,
though had never been introduced into Inc nails
of legislation. Again, some men act promptly
and with decision, others slowly, deNoeraleiy'
cautiously, and yet the judgment IS exercised IN
the one case as well as in the other. Ihere Is nc
certain criterion for deciding when haste IS mani
fes; or what is want Of consideration. Whal crhe-
RON then, can there be for the application OF
this veto principe2 And j II cannon oe apPi,eu,
because Of the improper principle established tneh
= clause OF the Constitution is abrogaled and one
of The most saeacious provisions OF that valuable
instrument is destroyed.
On the other hand, suppose The f>res,aent 70 oe
the Judge of what is clear violation OF Inc Con.
slitn,ion. or OF what constitutes manhes! nasle
and want of consideration: What is 10 restrain
him from exercising the power, whenever ne
chooses to say il is the one or the oineIs Ana II
he does. who is The true exponent OF me "Mon'
s,rons One Man Power" al which The Wing parry
so dIeadtuIly shudder2 Suppose measure pas,
ses both Houses OF Congress, what is to restrain
a bad President, who is disposed 10 disregard !ne
rights aud liberties Of the people, from saying
II Is a clear violation of the constitutional ne
the Judge. What is 10 prevent his lnlerposlne
this high conservative power, as Generai iay'o'
declares II 10 be, if be chooses 10 say J! mas osel
passed with manifest haste and want OF cons.uei
ation2 The doctrine would give HIM Inc PIeNA.
and be a subertuge, for exercising Inc Po"e'
whenever he thinks proper.
3. Resolued therefore, That the 81 posi'Io.
assumed BY Gsnl. Taylor 10 his le!le, 10 oa ap'
Allison is destructive .! The spirit f ls'e s,s an,
meaning Of the Constitution 10 One hereoors has
been well approved, and the excellence OF wnicf
is becoming each day more apparent.
The third principle advanced by General ray
lor is in these words: Upon the subject OF IN
tariff, the currency, the improvement Of gu
i" will of the people, as expressed through thel
/" representatives in Congress, ought to be re
spccled and carried out by the Executive.
Our Government is one of limited powers
Constitutions are instituted with restrictions AM
limitations, to protect minorlt'es aga'os. 10
m;s,nle and abuse OF unres,rained majoTities-
to protect the people of one section OF countr
against the representatives Of another section
not to protect the people against their Own re
personalities. Our forefathers had the wlsdot
20 xx,sd IA NJ