The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-01-01

nish them With men, and money from the re-
sources of Tue South alone freight steamboats,
with gunpowder and cannon, instead Of the pro-
duce Of the sod; convert our inland seas, now
bnrdened within wealth that has sprung up like
miracle, into scene Of deadly naval conflicts.
Then limit slavery TO its present or narrower
limits, and diminish its value and security, and
we may form some conception Of our victory.
But who could depict oundefeat, II, overwhelm-
ed BY superior numbers, defeat should be our
lott
Does any man believe, that the South--the
far-South, we mean, will resort to notification,
or be guilty Of reason, when these consequen-
ces are likely q result7 Never. Why, then,
are their States SO clamorous, bitterly hostile,
and threatning1 Because and only because, the
legislators Offhs North haoe not declared, from
The beginning, ishaf the lao is. Here and there
il has been done. A few members of Congress
| John Quincy Adams foremost, and alone at
first,) have asserted it. But no party, as such,
no Congress, by solemn conventional act, or le-
gal proceeding, have undertaken, by distinct
declaration, tdaffrm the law. alt would have
prevented th, Mexican war" says one. So it
would, and what is more, IL would stop it now,
If it were righly done. Nor could the benefit
cease here. Necessarily, il would lead the South
10 see that them q limit 70 Slavery, and that
the time had come ohen slaSehOlding legislators
must propose Jpr its extinction. And what would
be the result q thisl That pro-sayery politi-
cal agitation would cease; that all angry, clat-
ter, and sectional warfare about the institution
would cease, lOo;-and that the States looking
to their interests, and having exclusive control
over slavery 10 their borders, would begin calm
~, and earnestly to enquire into its condition,
and the best means to abolish 1t. IL the people
Of the Union, then, stand by the Iac, II Congress
simply affirm it, and party leaders disown, and
discOuntenance, all base traffieking for votes or
power, By appealing to, or exciting Southern
hostility, none but the happisst results can fol-
low to the country and the world.
Are we thought sanguinel We have before
men, affirming that "we shall have no peace I'M
Ill this be done" And a L0uisiana Shareholder
in the New Orleans Delta deals as plainly with
the matter. Hear him:
Since, then, there are but two modes of re-
dressing this grievance, Qualification and dis
union and that one would involve us in absur
dity, and the other in treason and the ineffable
horrors Of civil war, and both fail of their OBJ
ject, we Enay well examine into the nature and
measure CT the grievance itself. The imposi
ton of final limit TO slavery being the source
of our troubles, and the cause which leads men
to talk so madly-what if that limit be already
reached, and II is only that our eyes are Just
opening 10 dhe factl Yet so it is. Mexico is
now non-slAveholding country, and likely to
continue so whether incorporated with our
Union or MT. The Gordon Of Free States, SO
much deprecated, already completely encircles
us; and the only choice left, is between having
the Free States our Southern border popu-
lated by Americans or Mexicans-embraced
within our Union, with all its safeguards to the
Shareholders rights--or under distinct, and, IL
may be- hostile government Up TO this time,
il Is true, that we have suffered molestation only
from fanatical abolitionists in the Northern
States; but we should not forget, that very soon
the slave population will be crowding to the Rio
Grande. There the runaway slave will find a
place Of security nearer than Canada, and re-
cepion among the colored races as much more
cordial than that he is accustomed to receive
from the naughty Briton as the climate is more
genial to his constitution; and there his white
friends may congregate and hold their conyen-
tons, and print and speak 10 the extent of
their inclination, without danger of the mobs
that sometimes disturb their operations in the
North.
In whatever light we view 1t, the conclusion
we come TO is the same. Interest, no less than
duty, demands quiet submission TO a result,
which flows from wars have not sought,
and laws we have not made--which natural laws
would still impose were all human laws remov-
ed, and which, should we attansPs - rasist anr
alternatives, would be absurdity and ridicule on
one side, and treason, and it might be destruc-
ton, on the other
We speak the truth in sobernes,, then, when
we assert, that the sooner the law is declared
the better will be for the South, the better for
the whole country. Let II be established, be-
yond the possibility of cavil, that Congress can
not, by act, create slavery, that any territory
acquired from Hexco is, and must torsver BE-
free, and we shall, we repeat, put an end to Sec
tional warfare, and sectional hate. Slavery is
domestic Institution, and "the State IFS cita-
del" The South will be content to stand here
under the Constitution, aud the law, and in due
season, and its own way, TO determine hOp and
'ohen it will rio itself Of the giant curse of our
age and nation.