Southport telegraph. [volume] (Southport, W.T. [i.e. Kenosha, Wis.]) 1840-1850, 1848-09-08

u those which YET remain. But when my letter
II them was written, nothing could have been furh
;, from my expectations, than that / should ev,
again be candidate for the presidency and, ,
course 1t was net my intention to.say what my col
hduct would be this or any other matter if agai
an incumbent of that place.
bave spoken in former part of this letter c
the three leading features of this policy, in regar
10 slavery, adopted by the fathers of the republic
History if true must record the fact that the mort
has hitherto faithfully sustained her part, in tn
) maintenance of this policy, in none more SO thai
IN that which inculcaes forbearance on the poin
now referred TO. wish TO see the forbearanc,
which has so long characterized her conduct in Thu
matter, still futther continued Approving of thu
platform which the convention has adopted, ant
conscious, from my impressions OF right duty in re
gard TO IT, prefer not TO connect our efforts tc
sustain it, with an issue which, all must admit 10
be, in some degree at least, affected by different
considerations.
In my jud cement; all that is necessary to insure
success, is dspassionae, but steady and firm action
Let the great principle we are now contending for
be once more re established in the councils of the
nation and the institution of slavery in the District
OF Columbia will fall ofItseE Other and more inn
portant interests will intervene, and induce the in
haPitants themselves to labor for its removal
/ must not however. be understood, either by
what now say. or by what was said in my letter
10 the New York Delegation at Utica, as repeating
the dec laration that would, ifelected withhold
my approval from bill for the abolition Of slavery
in the District. could not nowsgive any such as.
surance for the reason, that the circumstances by
which the question is now surrounded, are widely
and materially different from what they were when
the declaration was made; and BECAUSE, upon
! question OF expectancy, circumstances must con-
troll. AT that time the apprehension was honestly
entertained, that there was danger of a civil war
IN consequence OF the extent to which the agitation
of this question had been pressed.
Participating in this apprehension and believing
that such declaration in advance of any Action of
Congress upon the subject, would have salutary in
fuence IN allaying excitement and warding off the
danger which menaced the peace of the slatehold
ing states, did not hesitate TO make IT. Whilst
on the other hand all grounds for this apprehension
have passed away, we are, the other hand,
threatened with subversion of the spirit and cha
racter of our government, through the successful
| encroachments of the slave power. II, under such
circumstances two branches of the national legsla
ture should decide that due regard for the public
interest requires the passage of such law should
not, II President, think it within the line of my du-
ty TO arrest It's passage by the exercise of the veto
power
Among the difficult subjects that occupied the
attention of my illustrious predecessor, whilst
was member of his cabinet, and of myselfwhilst
President, that of river and haIbor improvements
by the aid of the federal government, occupied a
prominent position.
Whilst the conviction was very general with
ourselves and others, that large class of them was
deserving OF aid from that quarter and that il could
be extended TO them without exceeding the pre-
scrbed powers of the governmena, all were deeply
impressed with deep sense OF the liabilities to
abuse to which the legislation of Congress was
unavoNably exposed. The matter was one of fire.
quent and earnest conference between President
jackson and myself, during the first two years of
his first and the whole OF his last term. The result
conviction that no better course could be
adopted than 10 approve such bills as we were sat
istCd within the class referred to- and do all
that could be rghtiuy done by the Executive to
prey ent abuses TOR appropriations for objects that
were not entitled to the aid of the federal govern
melt The appropriations for river and harbor i'm
provements contained i'll acts of Congress approved
during our respective administrations, will show the
results of that conviction and know OF nothing
that would prevent me from pursuing the same
course if should again occupy the office of Pesi-
| dent.
The subject is ore of "a importance, and we'll
deserving the attention bestowed upon it by the
Chicago Convention OF last year. have not before
| me the letter addressed by my lamented friend
Governor Wright to that body, but was strongly
and iavorably impressed by the views he expressed
upon the general subject.
The views which have for many years enter
tanned in regard to the best d sposton of Congress-
o. the public lands have been recently set FORTH in
my published letter to the Industrial Congress-
| They we're
FRS. That Congress ought TO act upon the prin-
cpe, that the United States have greater interest
! in the early settlement and substantial improve
ment of the public lands, than in the amount of re-
venue which may be derived from them.
Secondly That the accumulation of large tracts
in few hands should be discountenanced, and
Thirdly. That liberal facilities ought 10 be af-
forded, for the acquisition of small portions by such
of our citizens, wherever residing are in good
faith DESTROYS OF possessing them as homes for them
| selves and their families These opinions were
announced as far back as 1885, whilst candidate
for the Presidency ! set forth, also, in my letter
10 the Industrial Congress, the recommendations
had, whilst President made to Congress andthe acts
had approx ed TO promote the policy had avowed.
| The general principles have sustained upon the
subject OF the disposition of the public lands in
harmony with the resolution of the convention, with
this difference that whilst the convention propose
free grants OF limited quantities, for actual settle
ment, the fartherest that had gone, was to recon-
mend grants of portions OF Them at prices little, If
ANYTHING more than sufficient TO detray the expen-
ses of survey and location. The policy 10 which |
have long adhered, and for the success OF which
| have been sincerely socitous makes the early
and far as practbe, substantial settlement of the
public lands the principal and the revenue derived
from the sales OF them, secondary and compare
lively unimpoItant object.
regard the question of revenue, as only impor-
tant because ii affords prospect OF securing regu
larity, and greater degree OF stability in the SCI
Elements II plan can be devised by which these
objects would in all reasonable probability, be as
well effected as they can be by the exacton of a
pecuniary consideration from the settlers, the rein
Qush nent of that consideration would with me, be
no objection 70 the measure From report OF the
committee on public lands which has lately beer
forwarded 10 me, 1t appears that The sales Of the
public lands have been pledged to the public cred
itors. 70: one of the loans OF the last year j
| this is so, Congress WILL without doubt, if any
plan for the free gift Of any portions of the public
lands 10 actual settlers, should hereafter find favo
in heir eyes. that the objection arising from
this cause, be, in some proper way, obvated Come
what may, the good faith OF the nation mts always
be scrupulously maintained.
My opinions in regard to protective duties and
the best sources of revenue were very fully glveI
in my letter TO the Indiana convention in S43
which was extensively published and they are tn
same now. |, on that occasion, gave my reason
for reg I'd ng the system Of taxation IN force IN tn
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