The Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1837-1867, 1848-08-12

power. | do not doubt this power, | know
Tint il has been considered Of old, from l7S1
ill The present hour, 10 he vested ~ Con
grcss The judicial tribunals in the Yves
have considered it so, mud The Supreme Cour
o f the United States have sad IN that decis
ion so oiicu referred 10, that II wns so. Have
they found amy restrictions npon lls'--
Aud what would you do iryou were in Ore
gon to day? What would you do, aud you
and You? Would amy man here, If he were
acting in Legislative capacity m that coun-
try, shy, 81 feel myself bound 10 admit this O.
vii into this country, for the benefit of some
of the States who are overbnrdcned viii
thcm?" lfthis were truo,it would he the du-
ty of the free States, in that irntcrnnl spirit
which ought TO prevail between the various
States ofthc Union, to admit slaves whcncv-
or the slave Slntos became Overwhelmed
with them. DO we so oct in logislaIing for
our Srnres? No; we say, ENJOY your Slaves,
or free them us you will, but 1t is or wish
that there shall he no Slavery here You
may implorc State, ityou will, 10 take
Slaves into its bosom for your convenience,
but they do not feel themselves bound lay any
Governmental obligation to do IT, Am not
then bound TO lay the foundations ottIniStHte
for whose future progress am 10 be rcspoa-
sible, in the way which ithink the most like
ly to produce beneficial results 10 tho people
there? And when find mysclfposscsscd of
this power, aud clothed with commensurate
responsibility, no threats Of Il dissolution of
the Union, no heart hurnings here nor there,
aud least ofull--thnt which would he heard
much of ont ofdoors-lhc coming Presiden-
lial election, shnll deter me from pursuing
this course. Fin my power, in the language
of the Ordinance of'S7, ! would have ii en-.
acted that Slavery shall never exist III that
country. Then, when my black man comes
to the Supreme Court Of the United States,
ns provided in this bill, that court must over
rule the decision in the case in Peterson else
Have misunderstood the extent ofthat power.
Then we will have acted upon the subject
we will have forbidden SlNvcry;and obscrv-
ed that some gentlemen who handled this
subject were very careful to keep upon that
line, that Slavery may go where II Is not pro-
lnhitcd. That is the reason prefer tho or
dinaucc Of 81 to this so-callcd Compromise
Bill. have no doubt that every Senator
who usSeutcd TO that bill convinced himself
that it was the best we conld pass have
no doubt that orr friends from tho North
thought il would he effective in preventing
Slavery in these Territories. But | sec that
the Senator from South Carolina does not
think so. lie supports the bill for the very
reason that it will admit Slavery;--the Sena.
for from Vermont, for The reason that Slave
ry cannot get there. Now in this confusion
Of Ideas, desire that Congress, lit have Il
ny opinion, express it. five have any pow
er to legislute over these Territories how
long would it take TO write down the six mr.
ticles Of the Ordinance of'S7? Those of us
who think that that ought to he the finda-
mental law IN the organization of our Terri
tories, will vote for ii: and those Of us who
H. 4
which ever party triumphs, will give law TO
Oregon and California; bearing the RESPONSE
biiiy. But must say, that do not like what
appears to mc--l say it in no offensive sense
IA shutting OF the responsibility which is
upon us now, and which we cannot avoid.
The Supreme Court may ovcrrulc oar dCCiS-
ion; but il we think we have power 10 orIalu
that Slavery shall not exist in that Territory,
let us say so: if not, let It's so decide. Let lis
not cVade the question altogether.
That the honorable Senators who reported
this BILL had its passage very much at heart
! have no doubt; nor do | feel disposedto de-
ny that every man Of them believed that it
was Just such measure us was calculated 10
give tranquility to the agitatcd minds Of this
Well, do not care for that agta-
tiom farther than that will look to it as n
motive 10 know what il is--wllut my powers
this--l have been mysefa prophet of disco
luton of tins Union; hut have seen the L.
nion of these States, heard so much Of late,
that am not afraid Of dissolution. Perhaps.
indeed, when this cry orWOl has been long
dsrCgarded, he may come al last whom not
expected; but 90 not believe that the pco-
pie of the South are going to sever themselves
from this Republic, because we will not cs-
iabIisI Slavery here and there. five have
no power TO pass this law let the people of
the South go TO the Supreme Court, and have
the question decided. 1t will only be few
months till The Court resumes its sessions
here, and the question can then he tried. If
the decision he against us, the gentlemen Of
the South can ut al once commence their en-
igration 10 their territories. Let us then
make the law us it ought 10 be made.
am the more confirmed in this course
which am determined TO pursue, by some
facts eliced in this very discussion.
| remember what was said by The Senator
from Virginia, the other day and happily
found ii this morning, and the reference was
all that IeXpected. II is truth that when
the Constitution of the United States was
made, South Carolina and Georgia refused
TO come into the Union unless the slave trade
should be continued for twenty years; and
the north agreed that they would vote 10 con-
tinuc the slave trade Tor twenty years yes
voted that This new Republic should engage
in piracy and murder at the will of two
States So the history reads; and the con-
dltion OF the agreement was that those two
States should agree to some arrangement
about navigation laws? ! do not blame
South Carolina and Georgia for this transac,
ton any more than | do those Northern States
who share III it. But supnese the question
were now presented here by any one. whcth
err we should adopt the foreign slave trade
and continue it for twenty years, would not
the whole land turn pale with horror, that in
the middle ofthe Nineteenth century, citi-