Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1848-03-04

the great and good man who has just departed from
among US, il becomes us now, taught by the ex-
ample of his life, and the lesson of his death, to
apply ourselves with more earnestness than ever to
the discharge of those duties which every citizen
owes, in his own sphere, to the liyng-to himself,
to his fellow-men, and to his country.
The late pause in the business of Congress, the
suspense of party conflict, the lull Of those pas
sions which are too apt to embitter and iniame 1t,
cannot we think, have other than favorable effect
upon the deliberations Of Congress upon the topics
Of great national consequence which must soon oc-
cupy their attention. Much, therefore, as we may
lament the dispensation which has deprived us OF
the presence and counsels OF the venerable Repre-
sentative from Massachusetts, it would almost seem
to have been Providental visitation, to soften the
hearts of the Rulers of the Nation, and to dispose
their minds to act as becomes enlightened and moral
agents in the great emergency in which the country
now finds itself.
1t has, we believe, never before happened, during
the session of Congress, that a whole week has
passed without any legislative business being done
in either House. Scenes so solemn certainly have
never before been witnessed within the walls Of the
Capitol as those which have within the last week,
invested with new reverence and sanctty the pre-
cincts Of that building, the House Of the People.
The whole week has been one, as it were, of pious
preparation for a calm and wise determination of
the great questions which are in the hands Of
Congress.
The week has not however, been barren of in
terest, besides that all-absorbing one to which we
here allude 1t has been marked by political in
cident of more consequence, las it may eventuate
in one way the other,) for good or for evil, to
the country, than any that has occurred within the
present generation. We refer of course to the
transmission by the President to the Senate of the
TREATY received from MEXICO, for the termination
of the War with that country. Upon that subject,
the freedom with which we have heretofore ex-
pressed ourselves on the topics of the itself,
demands that we should not mask our opinions and
we embrace this, the first fitting opportunity that
we have had, to unfold it to our readers.
The question which il presents is of such magni-
hde, let premise, to tower far above the level
Of ordinary political controversy. 1t is one in re-
gard to which we dare not indulge party feelings,
much less enter into party calculations. The inte
rests not Of the present generation only, but Of un
must be considered by itself, apart from all extrane
Gus circumstances. TO enable us to come to
right conclusion upon it, we must approach it in
frame of mind to judge it dispassionately laying
out of view, and as far as possible out of mind all
consideration of the origin, motives, and merits Of
the War in which we have been engaged. The
only question we have to consider is that of the
merits'of the Treaty.
SHALL THE TREATY BE RATIFIED? This is the
question now presented to the Senate of the United
States, the most momentous perhaps that it has erer
had before it. We look to that body now, as we
have done in times past, with hope and confidence
1t is devoted, patriotic, intelligent, and will decide
without passion, and wiselya We shall bow With .
respect to its decision, when rendered; but inte
mean time do not see any reason TO refrain from
discussing the points which the Treaty offers for tie
public consideration.
The substanceof the Treaty is sufficiently known
though entire copy of il has yet found its way
into the public prints. Its leading features are
/. The restoration of Peace between the Republrs
of the United States and Mexico.
2. The establishment of boundary which will IN
clude within the bounds of the United States al
the territory North and East of the Rio Grande
from the Gulf Of Mexico to Ell Paso and thence
along line to the Pacific, the Provinces of New
Mexico and Upper California.
3..The payment to Mexico, in consideration of this
cession, Of Fifteen Millions Of Dollars, and, in
addition, the payment by the United States of the
sums due, or which may be found due, by the
Government Of Mexico to citizens of the United
States, (say five millions of dollars.)
To us, the Treaty would have been more accep-
able, if, instead of the voluminous provisions which
it is understood to embrace it had simply contain
ed one line to this effect: Let there be PEACE b.
f,ccen the United States and Nerico." But as,
with governments even more than with individuals,
pride Of opinion is generally more influential than
either right or reason, it could hardly be expected
that in which so much priceless blood has
been shed should be brought to close without
stipuations for advantages Tor supposed advantage
at least to the stronger party. The question for
US to consider, therefore, is not whether Peace is
desirable at all, but whether it is desirable on the
terms which this Treaty proposes.
The great objection to the Treaty in our mind, |
as apprehend it will be in that of portion of
|