Weekly national intelligencer., 1848-07-29

nation from party convention under circumstances viii
think when carefully examined by the American people,
seal bis late as candidate before them What were =
circumstances The very first rule adopted by the
fion assembled Baltimore was that the will Of the ma6
should not goyernthat the vote of wohirds should be
cessary 10 nominate the President. They had laid down
doctrine before on memorable occasion. refer TO the
timore nomination Of lS44 The result remndse of on
thosegsme al cards which is called "soltaire in VIII
you know man plays against himself Did you ever Sc
man sit down to play that game who did not cheat hmse
The Democratic leaders, this OCCASION undertook to
Solitaire The Whgs were not present to be cheated-
the very first act or decree was amounting in my u
ment TO fagitious fraud, not only upon the count
but upon the party itself ordained that the will of
people should not govern, and that man should be
mated for the Presidency without the Of thirds Of
convention Well, now, what must be (every body kno
what the consequences In this CASEY the necessary
sequence Of the establishment Of such principle by any par
We can all very well estimate the power Of one hundl
thousand ocehoders, many Of them anxious perpeu
their dynasty They pack Democratic convention wi
than third Of s members though they might not
able to control majority They sendon their reatc
their friends and dependents, delegates, and under
operation of this twohirds rule, govern the convention
so on this occasion. All the gentlemen who compost
the convention to Baltimore bound nominate sor
candidate for the Presidency To fail to nominate by col
venon would be TO dissolve the party. They comp|
led therefore, TO make nomination, and when they cner
the convention, they met with rule declaring that
vote of twothrs necessary nominate their Denoc
tic candidate for the Presidency They knew that within
walls Of the convention there stood packed minority of mol
than onethrd representing the Office holders Of the count
who could negative the nomination of any man n
subservento their views who would not perpetuate h
dynasty, and continue them and their friends in Office TI
candidates all understood this beforehand and such oc
sions he who makes the most satisfactory bargain with M
clique or aciionconstitung thnn one-third but MI
onehaf of the convenons receive the nominatio
No other man can get it. say again, every candidate u
derstood this, and every future candidate WILL in all u.u
Democratic conventions understand it. Each Of them WI
know is impossible for him procure the nomination unl
he secure the services Of those who there for
purpose OF sustaining themselves in Office. He is bound
lend himself to all their views II they desire to estabj
platform Of political faith he subscribe it. He hd
option. He must either relnqush oil hope of the nomn
on, subscribe to every dogma that this clique may choo
to lay down. Under these circumstances ask, what is IN
inevitable tendency of the party which has nominated Gene
Lewis Cass Docs not directly tend to the rule Of the fell
the many, and eventually monarchy II tends
the establishment in the first instance of ogachy,
arsocracy OF charlottesville to dictate the nomination
any they please They have on the acts Of II
convention absolute and eectual that which the Pres
dent Of the United States, whom they may nominate and e
under the magic of Democrat may have upon the as
of Congress and the will of the People.
Undoubtedly the great mass of the Democratic party
honest and patriotic. We who are Wings, and opposed
them in politics. entitled to free expression Of their op
ion in making party nomination; aud Wings as well 4
Democrats defrauded by this political egerdemain-
ocs Pocs-introduced by some political msgcians into
accept nomination made and forced upon them by the h
nory. Such the circumstances, such the frau
such the established rule and iron law under which Ge
Cass received his nomination.
Let US inquire in connexon with this, what
the other doctrines OF the party which General Cass
been compelled to subscribe. Among other things the
stands prominently the assertion of the great right and duty
the President the United States the pow
without reference to the limitations prescribed by the ath
of the constitution Every who has pcrused the "Fed
rss knows that Ma Madison and his associates unform
maintained that the great object of the veto enable
Executive of the United States defend the constitution
the executive power within its limits No of their d
pretended il designed that the veto power should be
tended it has been every Of ordinary legislation,
every instance in which party might by the aid of il e
itself against the interests Of the whole
try. II imagined by any member of the convent
which formed the constitution that the clause in that
could be construed by the nudnaran
posor that the President of the United States should
enabled, by the force Of that clause, 10 become part Of
legislative power of the country. Now, however, you
the doctrine laid down by this party boldly in their pub
prints that the President constitutes part Of the lsgisla
power Of the country, and that the power unmte
and intended to be by those who made the cons
ton. Let me call the attention Of the Senate TO consider
ton Of the principles upon which this veto power insert
in the American constitution. The first sentence Of the CO
stuton declares that all "he Legislative powers herein grant
ed shall be vested the Senate and House Of
No part Of the legislative power given 10 the President
the United States In the judgment Of the fathers of the
pupc tne Executive never constituted an essential copOne
part Of the legislative power. qualified power Of revisit
given to him but il was intended that he shou
exercise any legislative power In order that may und
stand this subject which enters largely into the great questo
before us, let read portion Of the debate
adoption OF the constitution particularly desrous OF
attention Of The Senate to this point because wish it to
by whom these extreme notions In relation to the veto pew
were originally advanced During this session Of Congre
we have heard the honorable Senator from Ohio (M ALLE
utter very strong denunciaons against Colonel Hamilton
the intentional advocate Of kngy and monachca doctrnd
and traitor the Of liberty do not stand here
the purpose OF branding Of the greatest the count
produced with ignominious charges but desire y
show that The great leader Of the Federal party when III
subject first presented to tbe consideration OF the
Continental Congress- the very TO press this ye
power upon the convention and to insist upon IFS being
absolute and unqualified In Madisons State Papers, pa
ISL, read
"Mr Gerry's proposition being now before the eommtte
Mr.. Wilson (then called consolidation icderast)
Mr. Hamilton moved that the last part Of be struck out
as gfve the Executive dbeohnc negafUs on the lGs
There no danger they thought Of such power being
the King OF Great Britain had exeted his negative sin
the Revolution" Ii. e. 1888.
That is the argument in favor Of the absolute veto made
who has been represented in this chamber as the
aris,ocrai and monarchisi Of that day. Mr. Gerry Democ
of that day
Mr. MANGUM, lin bis scat.) Republican.
Mr. CLAYTON thank my hiend for the word n
publican is much better
"Mr Gsnar said he necessity for great cont
the Legislature, the best In the country would
comprised in the two branches OF IT,
"Dr. FHASKLrS said he sorry 10 dter from ms &C
league for whom he had very great respect on any occa
but he could not help this tie had had some experen
OF this check Ia the Executive the Legislature under
Proprietary Government Of Pennsylvania The negative
the Governor was constantly made Of to cxtot none