Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1848-09-22
THE VETO.

known opinions aud wishes of the Executive have
exercised an undue and injurious influence upon
the legislative department of the government ana
for this cause have thought our system was III
Danger of undergoing great change from lis 'l,'
ory The personal opinions Of the IndIVlduaI VIM
has happened to occupy the Executive OH"'
ought not to control the action of Congress upon
questions IF domestic policy; nor ought MS on-
iectons to be interposed where ques'iois vi .oh-
stitutional power have been settled ny Inc various
Departments of government, and acquitsced IN by
The people.
The above paragraph is taken from the
Taylor Platform" General Taylor's Allison
letter, number one, aud acknowledgedly con-
tains his views with regard TO the veto power.
We propose 10 examine briefly Gen'l TayIor's
position on this important subject, and in this
connection to state what we conceive 10 be
the Democratic doctrine with regard TO this
high conservative power"
The reader will notice that General Taylor
starts out with this proposition" The power
given by the Constitution to the Executive 10
| interpose his veto is n high conservative pow
er, but in my opinion should never be exerci-
sed except in cases of clear violation of the
Constitution, or manifest haste or want OF con-
sideration by Congress-" To every letter,
word, and syllable Of the foregoing sentence,
we, as a Democrat, most cordially subscribe.
This is the doctrine for which we have always
| contcnded. Here, however, comes in Il most
important query-Who is TO determine when
a measure is Il s. clear violation OF the consti-
tution,'' or when there is " manifest haste or
want OF consideration By Congress :" We
say, certainly the President of the United
States, upon his own responsibility, under the
constitution, must alone determine this matter
for himself. Suppose Gen. Taylor President,
must he not exercise his Judgment as to the
constitutionality and expediency of all bills
passed by Congress before he signs them =
Most assuredly he must. And he himself adj
mltS that The veto may be properly interposed
whenever Congress has passed uncOnstItuton-
al laws, or has acted in manifest haste, or
without proper consideration. How, then, we
would like to ask the Taylories, does their
candidate differ from Madison, Monroe, Jack
son, Tyler, and Polk, all Of whom were Dem
ocrats, with the exception Of Mr.. Tyler,
and all of whom exercised the veto pow
er? Why they exercised the veto power
precisely upon the same principles with those
laid down by Gen. Taylor in the position thai
we have quoted above. True, persons ma
differ in their opinions as to the wisdom anG
eXpediency of the times and manner in INCL
| they did exercise this " high conservative
power" but all must agree that they had thu
undoubted right, under the constitutions so t.
DO.
The Federal party, ever since Gen Jackson
vetoed their darling scheme, the United States
Bark bill, in 1882, have waged a ruthless wa
upon this " high conservative power" Par
ticularIy did their wrath become deadly to
wards it when, in 1871, Mr.. Tyler, their OWL
by the exercise OF the cone man power a
Federal orators and Federal papers ale in tn
habit of styling this & high conservative pow
en-" Now we think that we have shewn
from Gen. Taylor's own platform, that he, il
the proposition quoted above, entertains jus
the same doctrine that is entertained by ever,
Democrat-that is entertained by Gen'l Cas-
himself-wth regard to the veto power. 81
long as the constitution remains as it is with
this high conservative power" as one of it
features staring the President in the face, we
for one, cannot see that he can possibly b
deprived of the power Of exercising it. In
deed, SO long as he, in good faith, performs hi
duties, under his oath of Office, whenever Ii
thinks any measure either clearly unconsti,u
tlona! or inexpedient, he must interpose hi
veto. Who is 10 determine when and in wha
manner the veto power shall be exercised =
There is only one person in the world VIII
can determine this matter; the President him
self, whoever he may be. He is responsible
to his constituents, the American people {
: large.
1t may not be here improper to enquire fc
d moment into the end and object which tn
: trainers Of the constitution had in view in in
NOI PNIdt'l5 IutO tIdI IIlSll ulIGul l1lS nIS
conservative power" In doing so, we sha
quote from Judge Story, whose commentar
on the constitution is deServedly high author
ty with all parties, and particularly with til
party that is now so vehementIy opposed :
; the " one man power" For this purpose, W
shall quote two sections, wishing that our lin
its would permit US to give our readers mo-
; of the same sort -
45l. " In the next place, the power Che v
TO poWer) is important, as an additional securi
against the enactment of rash, immature, and in
proper laws: II establishes a ST. u',r- -.
= the legislative body, calculated to preserve II
community against the effects of faction, precip
+ fancy, uncon*ti utiona legislation, and temporal
t cXcitements, we'll as political hostility. Ii ms
ind, ed lie said, that a single man. even though
be President, cannot be presumed TO possess mo
>. wisdom virtue, or experience, than belongs
i a number of men. But this furnishes no answ
I to the reasoning The question is not how niue
wisdom, or virtue. or experience, is possessed /
either branch OF the government, Though the C:
ecutlye magistrate may well be presumed to |
eminently distinguished in all these respects, al
, therefore the choice of the people J but whcth
the legislature may not be mslcd by a love
power, the spirit of faction political impulse,
3 persuasive influence, local or SECTIONAL whic
at the same time, may not from the difference
pl of -