Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1848-12-08

QUESTION of these rich and extensive territorial
possessions afford, how irrational 1t would be TO
forego or to re ect these advantages by the agna
ton of domestic question which is coeVai WIN
the existence of our government ITSELF and to en-
danger by internal stifes, geographical oisisiohs,
and heated contests for political power or lot any
other cause, the harmony OF the glorious Union VI
our cohfederated States; that union wmcn olnos
us together as one people, and which for 60 years
has been our shield and protecuon against every
danger. In the eyes of the world and ct posteri-
ty, how trivial and insignificant VIII be all our in
ternal divisions and struggles compared with the
preservation of this Union of the States in all its
vigor and with all its countless blessings! No |
patriot would foment and excite geographical and
sectional divisions. No lover OF his country
would deliberately calculate the value of the Union
Future generations would look in amazement upon |
the folly of such course. Other nations at the |
present day would look upon it with astonishment;
and such of them desire to maintain and perpet-
uate thrones and nonarchial or aristocratcal prn-
cipols, will view it with exultation and delight
because in it they will the elements of faction.
which they hope must ultimately overturn our
system. Ours is the great example of a prosper-
Gus and free self-governed republic, commanding
the admiration and the imitation of all the lovers
of freedom throughout the world How solemn,
therefore is the duty how impressive the call upon
US and upon all parts of our country, to cultivate
patriotic spirit of harmony, Of good fellowship
Of compromise and mutual concession, in the al
ministratlon Of the incompatible system of gov
most masquerade difficulties, and transmitted to
u.s. with the injunction that we should enjoy it's
| blessings and hand it down unimpaired to those
who may come after us
In view of the high and responsible duties which
we owe to ourselves and to mankind | trust you
may be able at your present session, to approach
the adjustment of the only domestic question
which seriously threatens, or probably ever
threaten, to disturb the harmony and successful
/ operation of our system.
Tho 10 NJ
Mexico and California are already inhabited by
considerable population. Attracted by their great
fertility, their mineral wealth, their commercial
advantages and the saubrity of the climate, emf
grants from the older States, in great numbers
already preparing to seek new homes in these in
viting regions.
Shall the dissimilarity of the domestic institu-
tons in the different States prevent from provi
ding for the m suitable governments? These in
situations existed at the adoption of the constltu-
ton, but the obstacles which they nterposed were
overcome by that spirit of compromise which is
now invoked. In a conflict of opinions or of in
terests, real or imaginary, between different sec
tons of our country, neither can Justly demand all
which it might desire to obtain. Each in the
true spirit of our institutions, should concede
something to the other.
Our gallant forces in the Mexican war, by whose
patriotism and unparalleled deeds of arms we OBJ
tanned these possessions an indemnity for our
Just demands against Mexico, were composed of
citizens who belonged to no one State or section
Of our Union. They were men from slaveholding
and non-slavehoding States, from the North and
the South from the East and the West They
were all companions ln-arms and fellow citizens
ofthe same common country, engaged in the same
common cause. When prosecuting that war they
were brethren and friends, and shared alike with
| each other common tolls dangers and suffering.
Now, when their work is ended when peace is re-
stored and they returned again to their homes put
Oft the habiliments of war, take their places in So
ciety, and resume their pursuits in civil life, surely
a spirit of harmony and concession, and of equal
regard for the rights ofa and of all sections ofthe
| Union ought to prevail in providing governments
for the acquired territores-the fruits of their
mon service. The whole people of the U. S. and
of every State contributed to defray the expenses
of that war and it would not be Just for any one
section to exclude another from all participation
f in the acquired territory. This would not be in
r consonance with the just system of government
which the trainers of the constitution adopted
The question is believed to be rather abstract
t than practical, whether slavery over would
exist in any portion of the acquired territory,
if it were left to the option of the slaveholdne
e States themselves From The nature of the eli
c mate and productions, in much the larger portion
of it, it is certain it could never exist and in the
s remainder the probabilities it would not
/ But however this may be- the question, involving
d as it does principle of equality of rights of the
separate and several States, equal co-partners
t in the confederacy, should not be disregarded
n In organizing governments over these Terrific
ries, no duty imposed on Congress by the consti
tuition requires that they should legislate the
subject of slavery, while their power to do SO is
i not only seriously questioned, but denied by many
It of the soundest eXpounders of that instrument
h Whether Congress shall legslate or not the PEG
pie of the acquired Territories, when assembled il
e convention to form State constitutions, will pos
sess the sole and exclusive power to determine fo
l. themselves whether slavery shall shall not eXis
: within their limits. If Congress shall abstain
h from interfering with the question: the people O
e these Territories will be left free to adjust it az
!, they may think proper when they apply for ad
5 mission as States into the Union. No enactmen
It of Congress could restrain the people of any
If the sovereign States of the Union, old or new
i north south, slaveholding or n-slavehoding
l. from determining the character of their own do
J. mestic institutions they may deem wise ant
proper Any and all the States possess this right
l. and Congress cannot deprive them of it, Tn
i, people of Georgia might, if they chose, alte
l. their constitution to abolish slavery within it
r. limits; and the people of Vermont might so ate
e their constitution as to admit slavery within it
limits Both States would possess the right
o. though, Ill know, it is not probable that ethe
e would exert it,
e. 1t is fortunate for the peace and harmony of tn
Union that this question is in its nature tempOra
ID ~, and can only continue for the brief perio
E. which will intervene before California and Ne,
Mexico may be admitted as States into the Unior
l. From the tide OF population now flowing into the1
er it is highly probable that this wilt soon occur
s. Considering the Sc :eral States and the citizen
at of the several States equals, and entitled to
e, quail rights under the constitution if this were
e. original question, it might wellibe insisted on th
n the principle of non-interference is the true do
trine, and that Congress could not, in the absent
ty of any express grant of power interfere with the
It, relative rights. Upon great emergency howe
b. en- and under menacing dangers to the Union, tt
ur Missouri compromise line in respect to SLAYER
he was adopted The same line was extended fur
&c Their west in the acquisition of Texas. After a
en- acquiescence of nearly 30 years. in the principle
I'd compromise recognised and established by the!
co acts, and to avoid the danger to The Union whic
ty might follow if it wero now disregarded, ha,
l heretofore expressed the opinion that that line
r. compromise should be extended on the parallel
10 Sc degrecs thirty minutes from the western bour
Iy Diary of Texas, where it now terminates to tn
n. Pacific ocean. This is the middle ground of con
IN promise, upon which the different sections of II
he Union may meet, as they have heretofore met
to this be done, It's confidently believed large M
Jorty of the people ofevery section of the countr
" however widely their abstract opinions on the sui
er ject of slavery may differ, would cheerfully ar
to and periodically acquiesce in it, and peace an
n harmony would again fill our borders.
The restriction north of the line only yielt
by ed to in the of Missouri and Texas upon
~ principle of compromise, made necessary for tt
he sake of preserving the harmony and possibly II
be existence of the Union.
n 1t was upon these considerations that at til
10 close of your last session, gave my sanction
49, IL Al