Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1848-06-20

But even this proposition 10 afford encourage.
ment and protection incidentally 10 produces ana
manufactures, a, once gave rise 10 long ana
animated debate. In The early part OF ms aeoa'e
and apparently in reply 10 some REMARKS o.
'Mr. Hartley" from Pennsylvania, about en-
couragemen, and protection, Mr.. Madison ue
livered speech, unusually long fof nin' oes's,''
ed, no doubt, 10 express his views fully upon Inc
subject of incidental protection, then proposeu-
that is, on the policy of SO laying and aolus"ns
the duties on imports designed for revenue as u
he calculated incidentally TO encourage proauc'iol
and nro,ect manufactures. Thisspeech seems u
NO renor,ed with more care than any other oil MI
n,aaisons, and may have been corrected by him,
though ii is obviously much condensed, ana u
some respects not altogether accurate. II is, now
ever, his great speech on this occasion; ana ye
the Wing entirely overlooks it, while diligently
searching this very debate ard quoting every eS'
preston which could be made 10 seem 70 comm
Mr.. Madison TO the protective policy. we WISH
we could give The whole OF it, Our readers mus
a, any even, permit US 10 present rather long
extract from that part Of il expressing MI Maai
sons general views Of The subject.
After some preliminary remarks as to The &C.
neral considerations which might enter into Int
discussion, il permanent tariff system we're ther
proposed and which he had desired 10 avoid ane
amonss, others, that il might be considered, i
those States which were more ripe for manuiac'
lures Than others, in surrendering this power lc
proect and cherish them, must not have expect
ed that their interests would not be neglected by
Congress-he proceeds as follows, Up. llbJ
81 am AFRAID, sir, on the one hand, that il we &c
fully into The discussion OF the sutjecl, we shall
consume more time than prudence would dictate
10 spare on the other hand, if we do not deVel'
opc it, and see the principles on which we muiu
ally act we shall subject ourselves 10 great dIfil'
cullies beg leave, therefore, 10 Stale the grounds
on which my opinion with respect TO The matter
under consideration is founded, namely: Whelner
our system should be temporary or permanent
one In the first place, own myself me TREND 10
very Tree system OF commerce, and hold u as a
truth, that commercial shackles are generally I'M
iusl, oppressive and impoliic. II is also truth,
that if Industry and labor are left TO lake their
own course, they will generally be directed TO
those objects which are The most productive; and
this in more certain and direct manner Than Inc
wisdom OF The most enlightened Legislature could
point out. Nor do think that the national inle-
res, is more promoted by such restrictions than
hat the interest OF individuals would be promo
ted by legislative interference directing Inc paru-
cuar application OF lis industry. For example,
We should find no advantage IN saying maj every
man should be obliged 10 furnish himself py ms
own labor, with those accommodations which de-
80 an ha han Incl nt
his neighbour who could do il for him on better
rerms. II would be of no advantage 10 The shoe
maker 10 make his own cloihes 10 save Inc ex-
penSe Of Inc lailors bill; nor OF the tailor TO make
his own shoes 10 save The expense OF procuring
hem from the shoemaker II would he heHef
policy 10 suffer each OF them loemploy his talents
in his own way. The case is The same between
the exercise OF The arts and asriculluIe-beIWeen
the city and The counlIy-and between city and
town-each capable OF making particular arii,
Giles in abundance 10 supply The oIher: mus all
are benefited by exchange; and The less this ex-
change is cramped by government, the greater
are the proportions OF benefit TO each. The same
argument holds good between nations, aud be.
tween parts Of The same nation"
There are some obvious blunders OF the re-
porter in this extract. The word "namely," Tor
instance, near The end of The second sentence,
should be omitted What Mr.. Madison meant TO
say, is that he will express his opinions on The
subject of protection, no matter whether Inc sys-
tenn then proposed be a temporary or peTma-
nent one; and not that that was The question, as
the reporter makes him say, for h. expresses no
opinion abou, that. These blundsrs are, however,
immateIial; and The intelligent reader will east.
Iy detect and correct them. II sufficiently shows
what MIR. Madison thought abou, ne polteg.
Ii is also true tina, ne afterwards admits that
here are some exceptions to his general ptncl.
pies; and amongst them, that where a manutac'
.ure has been established by Slate encouragement
before The adoption OF the constitution, 1t would
be wrong in The General Government 50 10 e1er-
else its power Of laying duties on imports as 10
inlure or destroy such manufacture. but Ihese
executions do not al all affect, IN our conception
the general principles distinctly announced anf
by him, with equal clearness aid
force.
Mr.. Madison then, o,cns himself "thc trend u
a rery free system Of commerce" and aenounce:
commercial staektes as "unjnst, oppressive anc
ip,pOL,t;s." Pretty strong language This. Bu
Mr. Madison says il is "a truth" 1t is also
"a truth" he says, that industry and labor, i
ojet to take their orn course" will do ii bet
Ter ,ban .Yhe ,oisd0 Of the most enlightened iegts
loture" can direct. lie argues TO show The folly
Of legislative interference with individual occu
pa,ions; and says "hc same argument hOlds goot
bctuccn nations" that is, that il IS just as sluplt
for The United States TO undertake 10 manuiac
lure or produce supply Of those articles whicf
f,rs;on nations can furnish on better terms, as
would be Tor a tailor 10 make his own shoes, or
shoemaker TO make his own clothes and any o
our intelligent auizans, Messrs Beers and Pom
dexter, or our friends Lee, or Walsh for instance,
can easily estimate hn "inebably stupid" tina
would be.
Vet our ncishbors OF The Wing with ,h
speech, as we must presume, before tEem,-io
they seem 10 have deved into the very heart o
this debate for 1fac,s from the record" havins
made scrap quotations from every part OF il
do not hesitate 10 declare that MIR. Madison, a
hatvery lime, l7s9, was foremost" amongst lhos'
who ssrecosnizad protection as subaanttrc o6jset
when it must have been apparent 10 them, that hi
was moi even hindmost in doing il. II is possible
tina, when our neichbors shall read this speech
they may conclude, that, by some strange uricl
or mistake of ourselves or of the reporter, il ha
been attributed 10 Mr.. Madison, when in truth
was delivered by some "Locofoco Radical" o
aCalhoun Abslraclonist, who managed, in some
unaccouniatle way, TO get into the Congress o
80. Certain il is, that this speech contains tht
substance Of the Democratic creed on this sub
ice, at this very day. The ideas, and even some
of the expressions, are so similar 10 those W.
have sometimes heard from The lips OF Democratic
speakers, that we might almost consider them
guilty. of plagiarism. Al any event, all must Sc
that in 1889 MIR. Madison did no, sanction "pro
tcctton" in any form, either a. incidental, or "suj
aantiue."
Now il our readers will be good enough {
,u,n 10 Gen. Hamillon's 'report on Manuiac
49,. - ,,,oo 102 NJ Tho IA merican Stale pa