Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1841-1853, 1848-09-21
Volume VIII;::;a;.::=:::Number IA.

tuition had been excluded frOn these countries during
their territorial existence, majority of nOn-slaYe-
holding freemen in any portion about % take Its in
dependent place among the States of the Union,
should decide to vute for slavery, 50 let it be- We
cannot convince men against their will. No good
was ever done in this world by attempting to force
conviction. of truths the most important. An
efnr TO thwart the popular will. engaged In framing
Constitution for ITSELF is to produce greater evil
than the formation of new Slave State.
Nor. indeed even if Congress determined to resist
the will uf the people bent npon creating Slave
State, would such resistance be effectua in the end.
Say that by Congressional vote, the Constitution
submitted by any portion of these Territories demand
ing admission as State, were rejected, on the ground
that 1t introduced slavery; and that the member
of the confederacy compelled, befare her Con-
siiiuiion could obtain the sanction of Congress, 10
alter H. and strike out the provision by which slavery
was established What Is to prevent her, after she
has once assumed her independent station sove-
reign State, to call Convention. and so amend her
Constitution, as to legaze slavery within her bor-
ders =! There is no power known to our Constitution,
TO arrest or control her action if she fit to adopt
such a course.
There is one mode. and bui one. aside from the ac-
ton of Territorial Legislature, by which Slavery
be legalized in the Territories we have obtained
from Mexico; and that is, by law of Congress.
But every familiar with National Legislature
knows, that this will not happen. That the Senate
should pass such law is, in the highest degree, i'm
probable. The House will pass it. The ma
jorIiy in the popular branch from the Free States
renders this certain. 1t is very different thing to
defeat Legislation and to procure it, majority in
chamber sulces to attain the one but there must
be majority in both. and the assent of President
TO effect the other.
There is one other point connected with this SUBJ
ject, which the Free Soil party, while they strain
every nerve To carry Provisa that have legal
effect, appear have overlooked. If leave of
view the moral and social effects of slavery It's poll
tca influence is not necessarily ayeried but may be
increased, even by emancipation. That depends
upon State Laws relative 10 the suffrage Of colored
persons.
1t is not little remark abe that New York the State
in which originated the Free Soil movement, has
Gently by popular majority Of 10000, sanctioned
principle fraugh with more practical injus-ce than
that hree-ffths slave vote, against which she loudly
decaims. BY her State Constitution recently adopted
she deprves all free coored men, who do possess
real estate to the value OF two hundred aud fifty dol
lars, of the right To vote for members Of her Assem-
bly,, and. a consequent, Of the right 10 for
bers of Congress.
New York contains about $4,000 free persons of
color Of these by the above property qualification,
$4,000 DISTINGUISHED But by the Constitution Of
the United States they the less remain The basis
OF Federal representation. Article first, section
cond Of that instrument, you may remember, de-
clares:
"The House Of Representatives shall be composed Of
members chosen second by the people Of the
eral States and the electors in each State shall have the
qualifications requisite for electors Of the
branch OF the State Legislature.
Representatives and direct taxes shall be appoIiioned
among may be eluded within
Union according To their respective numbers which shall be
determined By adding TO the 1hoie number Of free persons
including those bound vice for Of and
GLIDING Indians not taxed hree-hhs Of all other PERSONS
The :" whole number of free persons are the
words of the Constitutiun of free schife persons.
The 5000 disfranchised negrves Of New York are,
therefore, reckoned. for man, whites are, in
apporonlng Representatives TO Congress. The num-
Der OF persons entitled to send one Congressional Re-
preventative, was. by the last apportonmeni, about
seventy thousand If, then, it had CHANGED, it
might, that the whole number of negroes without vote
in New York. had settled in Congressional dis
rict the result would have been, that, in Congress
sional district of that State. toety-secen thousand
white persons. instead of seventy thousand, would
have becnme entitled 10 send member 10 Washing
ton. 1t is evident that, in such District the polIti
cal advantage TO white persons derived through their
DISTINGUISHED colored neghbors, is greater than that
obtained by shareholders through their slaves The
proportion of gain is not three-fifths but fpe-ffths
Each white voter would, in fact obtain tCo rates and
halt for Congressman, for one vote given by citi-
zen in any Congressional District without coored
population.
1t will be said in reply, that the number of coloed
persons in any state is small compared 10 the three
millions of slaves But We have no security against
it's That will be sudden and great,
any State decides emancipate her slaves.
If all the slave States in the Union had mnnumted
their slaves Immediately before the npportionment by
the Census of 1910, deprivng them, ut the same time,
as in New York, Uf the right of suffrage the gain to
the South by that act, would have been fourteen men,
bers of Congress. BY virtue of the ihreeffh slave
representation f,centy-One members returned.
The slaves, freed and DISTINGUISHED, would have
entitled the States in which they resided to rtyre
members.
If it be argued, that emancipation by any of the
States is contingency distant and doubtful, it cannot
be denied, that in The of Mexican acqusi-
tons the question is Of close and practical impor-
lance. Should the free colored population from these
States crowd into New Mexico, there to be ultimately
deprived of all voice in our Federal Representation
Or what is likely, should the laws OF States here
alter spring up there, shut out from suffrage many
of the shades of color that inhubt the banks of
the Rio Grande the presence OF all such free colored
persons will confer each white elector a right of
representation two-fifihs greater than If they were
| owned as slaves Let those who protest against the
compromise of the Constitution look to this. The Will
mot Proviso needs an additional clause.
And word, conclusion, as to the practical
effect this slavery extension question, of the opn-
ions held by the prominent candidates for the
Presidency. Gen. Cass in his Nicholson letter lie
| avows is opposed TO Wmot Provso. So also, as
the McConkey letter taken In connexion with that 10
| Alison unmistakably indicates, is General Taylor.
But here all similarity OF opinion ends GENERAL Cass
has expressed his opposition, constitutional grounds,
all Congressional Legislation slavery in the
ritories of course he would veto any bill introducing
il there while General Taylor has abstained from all
declaration the subeci leaving it to be inferred,
as fairly and confidently il may be- that he feels on
the subject a Louisiana planter, with some two or
three hundred slaves, is likely to feel and that, If by
strange revolution OF sentiment, Congress should
pass law enacting slavery in portion OF our Terri
tories be would not oppose his veto 10 what he would
regard the popular will, expressed by the Peoples
Representatives. If General Taylor succeeds in the