Carroll free press. [volume] (Carrollton [Ohio]) 1834-1861, 1848-06-16

MaHANun-@~~~s-----
Pro.idenl upon The Internal improvement bill
OF the secoBd session Of the last Congress-
s.Rssolred, That the General Government has
THE POWER TO construct such harbors aud inn
prove such rivers as are necessary aud proper
Tor the protection Of our Navy and our Com
merce, and also for The deiences Of the coun-
Try"
Well Now. here is a Convention, calling
itself Democratic, buI whose avowed political
principles-noi party principles, but principles
Of public policy-so far from looking 10 the
good Of the People, or making THAI cardinal
Republican principle their rule Of action, have
presented Candidate for the Presidency whom
they herald to the People with the cry of"Long
life TO the VeIol Down with Internal Improve
menIl' This is the substance of the most pal
pable pau Of the Platform on which they have
placed their man. How can the people Of the
West, whose prosperity depends upon the sue
cess Of the policy Of Internal Improvements,
and is destined TO stag0ate and perish under the
policv 10 which the Baltimore Convention can
didale for the Presidency is pledged By that
Contention, support such a candidate and such
policyi Parry foalty, supposed obligation to
party, nav, and doubtless often does, bind man
TO painful sacrifices, but il cannot bind him to
hing himself or cut his throat. Nor can it so
hind communities. The people Of the whole
region of the West are false to themselves aud
TO their posicrily, If they east single electoral
vote for candidate presented to them under
circumstances so offensive aud revolving TO Il
due sense Of what the Government owes to
them and their interests US q part Of The Nation
al Family.
THE BANK QUESTION.
We purposely pass by string Of rusms
comprised in the third, fourth, and fifth propo-
sltions of the Convention. The next is that
which declares National Bank unconslituon-
al. ihexpedient as to commerce., and most dan
gerous TO the public freedom. Now, Nation.
al Bank we hold to be capable Of great good.
But, at present. no party would choose 10 make
the experiment Of one, against the organized
prejudice and party warfare with which they
drove the former one TO its ruin, and TO that OF
great body of unoffending ctizens. Ii is a
public advantage which is no longer possible to
us. Locofocoism, which renders many other
good things impncticable, has rendered that so,
for some time to come. But what is Bank!
great money.ender. Now, certainly il is
usual enough TO hear spendthrilts rail at the
very people who supply them with the means
Of waste: but, for decencys sake, we would ad-
wise u party who have, since Mr.. Folks access
sion, for no public good and every public i'll,
ripled the national expenditures, and reduced
us, for years to come, to the b0rrOtO, not 10 de-
nounce their friends the lenders, without whom
they might have begun but could not have car
ried on for month their Mexican war.
Surely, if National Bank is unwarranled
by the Constitution, State Banks, which they
have greatly multiplied. are directly prohibited
by it, The old Republican party, to which
they profess to belong, set up that very bank
which they denounce. Are they better Repub-
Leans than Madison who signed its charter,
than Crawford who fostcred il, than Calhoun,
70 whom its paternity has been attributed! If
they, and not the war party Of 1919 who Great
cd but the Federasts who opposed il, are the
true Republicans, then what have they to say
10 Mr.. Jefferson, who as Secretary Of State, Gd-
uised President Washington to sign the old IT,
nted States Bank bl What Of President
Jackson, who in one Of his messages recon.
mended bank of fifty millions capital and in
his veto itself declared that he could have furn-
ished Congress, if they had asked him, with the
pun OI Il NullOHuI iDuIlk WlilCH SHOulu W tOI-
sliluIionall The question of Il National Bank
is, however, paraded on the Platform as bug
bear merely, it being perfectly understood 10
be, al this day, if not an obsolete idea, dead
question.
THE DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS"
The seventh proposition may be very wise,
very right, very democratcal; but, unhappy,
il is just that which they split upon. And,
however much they may have tried by its in
scrulabe terms, to myslify their constituents at
home and huddle up the question Of the "Wil-
mot Proviso," they know that good part OF
them dare not openly oppose it.
THE SUB-TREASURY SCHEME.
The eiglh axiom is short and general, being
upon a subject which, though lhoy could not
avoid it, they fear TO hundlo-namely that pro-
found and happy system OF carts and safes call
ed the Sub-treasllry; under which they have
been Obliged to wheel to New Orleans million
upon million of specie for the Mexican war,
while each trembling Receiver and puzzled
Postmaster through the land cursed tho clumsy
conlriyance, tortured himself TO evado keeping
the coin in his cupboard or his closet, and
forced at last, like every body else that does not
hurry his money in 4 hole in the ground TO
lodge II in his ogn private name in some bank
--groaned over'the possible penitentiOry pun
ishment which so many know thoy have incur
redl Who does not laugh over the thing, ex-
cepl the keepers, who, if the penalties of the
law were put in force, will have to weep over
III What daring humbug, what paltry faulty
ever euuaIed this of u Government which is it.
scrobllged TO "rase the wind" by great Loans
and Treasury Notes, and yet keeps up hard
money Sub-lreasuryl
THE PUBLIC LANDS.
The following, which constitutes the tenth
avllce Of the Baltimore creed, might be quoted
II for nothing else, to show dlsingcnuousIy a
grea, public question can bo treated by corps
Of scheming partisans: