Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1848-10-06
For The Enquirer
rnIuIs yyTNrr,n

aHhougn TIE SILVER ven OF .CDfntIid iis m
has been thrown over General Taylor 10 hitr his
features from The vulgar gaze vel his Allison lei
has rendered that yeiL - firjrSdg. ian arm.
deousi and II il he fair 10 judge The man by This
az nao diScs oanes, 1t requires no prophetic gift
| 10 ioreteil taa. unr country may see the day 10
| bemoan his elevation 10 the Executive chair =
| Hear him: "The power given BY the Cons,iu-
| ton to the Executive 10 in;cfpose his veto i a
nigh conservative power, but, in nv opinion.
should never BE- exercised except in cases Of dear
rotation OF The Constitution, or manifest haste
and want OF consideration BY Congress" or &C.
| neral Taylor might have given treyity 10 his
sentiment by saying II will abolish the veto"
Tor his declaration in effect, amounts 10 this ii
General Taylor yields his judgment 10 Congress
| upon questions OF expediencY, aud pledges him
self 10 carry out any bill Congress may pass.
! however detrimental It might be 10 the common
| interest OF his country, see no reason why he
| should not yield also II Congress upon consltu-
tional quesionsi Tor surely, Congress is as ca
| pable as he OF judging OF great constitutional
questions, and it is not likely il will ever pass a
la " in "clear violation" Of lha, Instrument such
as Gen Taylor contemplates in his pfoyiso.-
But whal says he Constitution upon the duties Of
The Executive: Every bill which Shall have passed
the House of Representatives and the Senate
SHALL before il become a law, be presented 10
the President of the u. States. Ii he approve he
shall sign il; but If not, he shall return il with
his objections, &c. Now what is clearer than
this: eff he approve he shall sign ii; but if moi
he shall return IL; making il 4 binding duty upon
the President, should he not approve Of bill,
be his objections what they may, TO return il To
the House in which il originated with his oh
ectons; The Constitution does not say he znou
return should he object, but il says, expressly.
he shall return; so that he is reduced to the d-
lemma of exercising the Veto, or Of violating
his oath, TO support the Constitution; which is,
in other words, perjury. Should General Tay
Tor not allow his personal opinions" to in.
lluence him in the exercise of his Executive du |
ties, and Congress should pass bill upon some !
question Of domestic policy" which meets hi, |
disapprobation he is pledged to give il his sane
ton, reducing himself 10 The udcrous position |
of both approving and disappearing the same |
bill
And this is the man, the embodiment Of this |
monstrous doctrine, the abolition Of the Veto |
power, that is presented TO the people of thi. |
Republic for the highest Office in their silt-a |
doctrine that strikes great conservative power |
from the Constitution, and places the weaker
section Of The Union at the mercy of the |
stronger, at a time, Too, when the South should |
cherish and preserve every barrier guaranteed |
by that instrument
What ought 10 be said Of that fanalicism-fcr
il deserves no other name-lhal dares institute a |
comparison between Washington and Gen. Tay-
lor-and which no, only discovers an exact co
incidence in point o! military talent, but also
holds ina, The parallel is good as regards their
political opininns2 As we know nothing Of Gen.
TayloT's opinions except his views upon the We
TO- lei US see how they coincide with those OF |
Washington. During Washington's adminisra-
ton, the veto power was exercised twice-once
upon an apportionmcnt bill from constitutional
scruples-and secondly, upon bill Tor reduc-
lion Of The army where We find, among the rea-
sons given, moi word is said about constitution
al objections, as o. course there could have been
none Blu, Washington had will and Judge
mcnt al his own, and when he saw the public
good required The inle!posilion of his veto TO ar
res, the passage Of bad Law, he did no, hesitate
10 use it, regardless OF Inc consequences. he did
not rely With implicit confidence upon The wis
dom If Congress, and give blind adhesion 10 all
lis acts, as Gen. Taylor promises 10 do, if the
people will elect him.
But why this great oulrry about The abuses Of
the veto power2 In VIA: has il oppressed the
pcorlel Il is a shield Of protection, aud cannot
Of itself irhic, injury, but may prevent IT, Il
stands between Congress and the people, as he
OF the later. II opens The road Of APP
peal rom the decisions OF Congress 10 the people
themselves; and il is historical iaci, that the
Presiden, has nearly always been sustained by
the people.
Bul why discuss sraveiy this question, that
ssakes the very fabric oil our Constitution r.
hat destroys one Of The branches o! This Go.
remuneration, 10 take away The qualified veto,
IS to make The President a mere cipher II is
oQl he rayns Of the pariizan re hear; and, as
Burke has truly said Faction will make rs
,fics resound through he nation, as if the whole
we're in an up!oar.' But, rest assured, he sober
hought OF he people will bring them 10 The res
:ue, and our Government will yet be preserved
n its ancient purify. The actious spirit will be
ebuked, thai, in its desperate struggle Tor power,
would lay ruthless hands on the Constitution.
B, J.,