Weekly national intelligencer., 1848-08-05

asking the nations leave; let him trump up what
pretences Of invasion, or any thing else he can |;
and see what will become Of him, or what party
will venture to stand by him
Kept straight by this continual accountability
entirely unable to prop themselves upon the will
of one man Of four gears; Ministry must there
have the public confidence, to begin with; and the
instant they take measures which no longer COM
mand that confidence there is an end of their gov
erning for not there can men hold the highest
administrative trusts, the Offices from which flow
all the good or i'll of government, for year after
year, with nothing but single persons conf
dence-whch single person himself is perhaps
any thing but considered proper depositary OF
high power. In Turkey, perhaps, they have Sui
tans and Grand Viziers, the latter made out Of
that other despoism, the empire of the Gar, it is
pretty much the same: but not in Britain is the
Executive like or dislike so al-slficient.
This strange anomaly in our governmental prac-
tice formed in the minds Of the grave and saga
cious men who contrivsd our institutions, no part
of their design. The mischiefs of an irresponsible
Ministry are too obvious; and, as history shows,
all Ministers are irresponsible that rest but on the
Executive approval, and only be reached by
the process of impeachment. For when, in the
course Of events, will such thing happen in this
country the successful impeachment Of Presi-
dent or Of Minister? Never, never! 1t has
seldom been attempted even in England; and that
for the obvious reason that while man is admin
istering such strong powers he cannot be punished,
and that, when he is driven out Of power, nobody
any longer cares to punish. him for it is his de-
privation, not his punishment, which the public
needs; and, satisfied with that, it always stops,
when it has attained it, disarmed of its resent
ment by the mans fall. There needs, it seems to
us, TO be found and practised some means within
own Constitution other than alegal trial. inn
peachment, of rendering an Administration respon-
sible-thatis continually responsible: for remote
responsibility that is four years off, and then
arrives only in the shape of an uncertain popular
election, directed by other motives and perhaps a
totally new state of things-is really no response
bility at all 1t is in this matter as in penal codes,
where all experience has shown that no punish
ment however severe, has much effect in deterring
men from crimes unless it quickly and surely fol
low the offence.
We argue, then that neither impeachment, since il
is felt likely to be enforced-nor failure to
be reelected, which is dstant-acts upon the minds
of men in power: there must be director account
ability. The mild, but immediate one practised in
England-that of the rule that Ministry shall re-
sign as soon it incurs legislative vote of "oss
OF confidence "-is nearly efficient as the other
is idle, and does serve to keep an Administration
in order On the other hand, look at the course oil
the reigning one. 1t incurred, within the last two
years, on some of its leading measures. repeated
votes in Congress which showed it to possess the
due confidence Of neither party: yet there it has
stood, and there it will stand. to govern the free
country which expects from it nothing but public
mischief!
- But we must recall our wandering thoughts
and come to the practical purpose of this Number
Of" the Campaign which is to show what par
The Democratic candidate has borne in the Mexi
can war; OF that war Of aggression, of invasion
of conquest, Of medtated absorption of the whole
of Mexico, and of actual disruption of two large in
tegral States of that Commonwealth, he has been
in his place in Congress, the leading, persevering
and active supporter, as well as Of that other pro-
position (happily defeated) to take possession o.
the Mexican State of Yucatan, under the plea
of defending it from the hostility Of its own popu
lation Without going through the whole long his
tory of his course in the Senate on the Mexican
war, we shall cite from his speeches enough only
to show the unqualified support which he gave
from beginning to end, to the Executive designs
plans, and actions, continuing, to the last moment
of possible protracton Of the war; TO call for more
troops, more carnage, more conquest, and even for
the conquest Of all of Mexico.
When the Message Of the President, first broach-
ing the subject came into the Senate, followed the
next day by the bill from the House of Representa-
tives containing the false preamble, Gen. CAss
theSenator perhaps least disposed to inquire into the
truth of the declaration in the Message Of the Pre-
amble in the bill, or to make any inquiry whatever
into observation-disclosures under which the President had
got the country into this war; He would not oaif he
said to examine the documents on which the Presi-
dent founded the recommendations Of his Message.
ne had no doubt that, when the merits Of the measure
came to be examined, the President would come
out triumphantly. "Let us enter the Mexican ter
"ritory (said he) and conquer peace at the point
"9 the b9yonefi Let us take possession Of the
90 cifu dctato 49, ,u.,, to~,,,s -