The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1848-08-05

ing here. thought hsc right 10 come here
the Senator from South Carolina said / had ,
right to come: the Hon. Senator from ceorsi.
said had a right TO come here: his colleagu,
said IL was right secured TO me her.
high up in the clouds, and not belonging 10 The
world: the Senator from Mississippi said Il was
the ordinance Of Almighty God; am not then
TO enjoy the privileges thus so fully secured q
met have property here, several of NV wo-
men have borneehiIdren, who have partu, seoui-
tar renfrem boInwi them: they are my prop
erty." Thus the appeal viii ba made TO theii
fellow citizens around them, and IL will he ask
ed whether you prepared to strike down the
property which the settler In thcse Territories
has thus acqliredf That will be- the case unless
the negro from Baltimore, when he gets there
and sees the Poems there-slaves not by partus
sfqaifuT oeHfrrm, but by much better title-a
verdict before Justice Of the Peace--shonld de-
iermine 10 avail himself Of the admirable facil-
lilies afforded him by this bill for ginning his
freedom. Suppose my friend from New Hamp-
shire, when he goes home, gets up a meeting
and collects fund for the purpose Of sending
missionary AFTER these men; and when the
missionary arrives there he proposes to hold q
prayer meeting-he gets up a meeting as they
used 10 do In Yankee times, "for the improve
nent Of gifts" lie goes TO the negro quarter
OF this gentleman from Baltimore and says:-
"Come, want brother Cufiee; II Is true he IL a
son Of Ham, but want TO instruct him that he
Is free" am very much Inclined TO think that
the missionary would fare very much as one did
in south Carolina, al the hands Of him Of Bal
timore. SO, you see, the negro is to start all al
once into a free Anglo Saxon in California; the
blood Of liberty flowing in every vein, and its
divine impulses throbbiDg in his heart. lie is
TO say; al am free, am Californian; I bring
the right Of ka6eas corpus with me-" Well, he
is brought up on a writ Of habeas corpus-be-
fore whoml Very likely one Of those gentle
men who have been proclaiming that slavery has
a right 10 go there; for such are the men that
Mr.. Polk is likely 20 appoint. He has pre-
judged the case. On the faith OF his opinion the
slave has been brought there--what can he DO
There is his recorded judgment printed in your
Congressional Report, what will he say7 "You
are slave. Mr.. CALHOUN was right. Judge
BrRRIEs, Of Georgia, a profound lawyer, whom
knew well, was right know these gentle
men we'll; their opinion Is entitled to the high
cst authority, and in the face Of il, II does not
become me TO say that you are free. So, boy,
20 to your master; You belong TO the class parfus
ssqaiftfT ueRfrem; you are not quite enough OF
a Saxon" What then is TO be done By this bill
Oh! a writ Of error or appeal can come 10 the
Supreme Court Of the United States. How
The negro, IL he Is 10 be treated like a white
man, taking out an appeal. must give bonds in
double the value Of the subject matter in dis
pute. And what is that7 II you consider II the
mercantile value Of the negro, il may be per-
haps 81 900 or 1000 But he cannot have the
appeal according 10 this bill, unless ihe value OF
the thing in controversy amounts TO the value
Of S2,OOO. But, then, there comes in this ideal
ity of personal liberty: what is II WORT. p
Nothing at all-says the Senator from ). Caro-
lina-to this fellow, who is better without it
And under all this completely Of legal qulb-
bling and litigation, il is expected that the me-
gro will stand there and contend with master,
and coming on to Washington, will prosecu 10
his appeal two years before the Supreme Court,
enjoying the opportunity of visiting his old
friends about Baltimore! Laughter.
II must be conceded that there's WIDE differ
ence between a case thus submitted to the Su-
Preme Count OF the United States in the absence
OF Congressional action, and that in which
Congress would have decided that Slavery should
not exist IN the Territory; because the Supreme
Court IN that case quoted so oli,n from Peters,
found that Congress had the power TO legislate
ioT the Territories The Senator from 5. C..
concurs IN that decision.
Now, if We can make any law whatever, not
contrary to the express pTohibiilons OF the Con-
StitutiOn, wecan enact that a man With 1900
worth OF bank-notes Of Maryland shall forfeit
the whole amount II he attempts TO pass one Of
them in the Territory of California. We may
say II man carry menagene OF wild beasts
worth $500, 90, and undertakes to exhibit them
there, he shall forfeit them The man comes
back with his monkey under his arm, and says
that the law foTblds him 10 exhibit has animals
there; IT was thought that as an economical at
rangement, such things should net be tolerated
there. That you may do; he OF the lions and IL
gers goes back, having lost his whole concern
But now YOU take fellow that you say is broth
CT TO the monkey-wlth wool ON his head, and
p0ItEs seqtfifHT rcHtTsm engraved on him some
where else, and somehow Congress is impo,ent:
all the power Of the sovereignty Of this country
is impotent TO stop him. That Is a strange sort
Of argument 10 me. IL has always been consSd-
cred that when State forms It's Constitution il
can exclude slavery. Why SO? Because il
chances To consider il an evil. If IL be proper
subject Of legislation in a State, and we have
transferred 10 by virtue of this bloody 20 wer Of
conquest as some say, by purchase as Others
6sintain, ask-considering this as an abstract
ques,lOn-aTe there not duties deyOlvmg mlon us
Tor theperfomance Of which we may not be re-
spOnslble to any earthly tribunal, but for which
God who has created us all will hold Us account
ablel What Is your duty above all others 10 a
conquered peoplel You say 1t is your duty 10
give them Goyernment-may you not then do
everything for them which YOU are not forbidden
iodo by some fundamental automatic Truth at the
foundation OF your Constitution Show me
then how your action Is preeude1, and submit.
Though believe II ought 20 be otherwise, vet II
any Constitution OF my country so oTdains,
yield. The Constitution of some States declares,
slavery 10 be an evil. Southern gentlemen have
said that they would have done away withitif pos
sible, and they have apologlsed TO the world and
10 themselves for the existence Of il in their
midst. These honest old men of another day
never could have appealedto God in the way they
did, had they not been willing to strike oil the
chains from every negro in the Colonies, if it
had been possible for them to do so without up
turning the foundations Of society. l do not re-
viye these things TO wound the feelings of gen
tlemen. / know some Of them consider the in
sttuton as valuable; but many Of them also
know regard il as a curse. But, thank God,
slavery is not in Oregon, il Is not in California,
and when find that you have trampled down
the people in order 10 extend your dominion over
them, feel it TO be my duty, when you appeal
10 me to make laws for them, and the supreme
tribunal has said that havethe power to do so, to
avortfrom them such curse, and cstablishire in
situations, under which no man can say that
another is his property. do not doubt this pow
er. know that it has been considered of old
from 1857 till the present hour to be vested in
Congress. The judicial tribunals in the West
have considered it so, and the Supreme Court
of the United States have said in that decision
80 often referred TO, that il was 30. Have they
found any restrictions upon usl No. And what
would you do if you were IN Oregon today
What would you do, and you, and yous Would
any man here, IL he we've acting in legislative
capacity in that country, say, '1 feel myself
bound 10 admit this evil into tins county for the
benefit of some of the States who were oyerbur-
dened with it, II this were true, il would
IA. tl,a 3,,t, f The frca States IN that fraferusl