The Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1837-1867, 1848-08-12


right 10 come here; his colleague said II was
right secured to me somewhere high up ~
the clouds and not belonging 10 the wOrldi
the Senator from Mississippi snld II was the
ordinance ofAlmighty God; am not 10 en-
Joy Then The privileges thus 80 fully secured
To mo. lhaVg property heres several OF my
women have borne children, who have par
les SaquitlU peai,um born with thenG they are
my property"
Thus the appeal will be made to their Eel
low citizens around them, aud it will lie 0sk-
ed whether you ure prepared TO strike down
tho property which the settler IN those icrrl-
tories has thus acquired. That VIII be the
cnse unless the negro from Baltimore, when
he gets there and sees the Poems there
sIuves not by p1ia9 saIIHW rrnhuat, but hya
much better tilIe--yerdict before Justice
of the Placa--shOuld determine 10 avail HIM
self Of the admirable facilities afforded hlm
hy this bill for gaining his freedom. Sup
pose my friend from New Hampshire, when
hn goes home, gets up meeting aud collects
n fund for The purpose of sending mission
AIRY after these men and when the missionary
arrives there he proposes TO hold prayer
meeting; ho gets up n meeting rs they used
10 do in Yankee times, for the improvement
ofgins" lie goas to the negro quarter Of
This gentleman from Baltimore, and says:--
Come, | want brother CuilcG It is true he Is
Il son Of Ham, but | want TO instruct hum thai
lc ii free | am very much inclined to think
that the missionary would fare very much ms
one did in South Cnroiun, nj the hands Of him
0fBdtimorG. So you see, the negro is TO
start all at once into FREQ Anglo Saxon in
California; the blood of Liberty flowing in
every VEIN and it's divine impulses throbblng
in his heart. lie is to say: clam free; am
Californian; bring the right ofha'eaS cor
pts with me- Well, he is brought up on II
writ oi habGns C0rpus--beIorc whom: very
likely one Of those gentlemen who nave been
proclaiming that slavery las n right to go
thcre; for such are the men that Mr. Polk is
likely to appoint. lie has preiudgod the case.
On the faith Of his opinion the slave has been
brought there; what can he do? There is his
recorded judgement printed in your Congress
SiouaI Report. What will he say? ''You
are II slave. Mr. Calhoun was right. Judge
Barrien Of Ga Il profound lawyer, whom
know well, was right. | know these gentle
amen well: their opinion is entitled to the
highest authority, and in the face Of II 1t does
not become me TO say that you are free. 80,
hoy, 20 to your master; you belong to the
1dss payicS SeyltiW reniumYou arc not quite
enough ola Saxon" What then is TO be
done Ivy this bll?-Oh! u writ Of error or np-
peal can come 10 the Supreme Court of the
United States. How? The negro I'lc is 10
be treated like n white, taking out an appeal,
must give bonds in double the value of the
subject matter in dispute. And what is that?
ifyou consider it the mercantile value of the
negro, it may he perhaps $1,000 or $4,000
lSut he cannot have the appeal according to
this bill, unless the value of the ding in con
1roversy amounts to $4,000. But, then. there
comes in this ideulily ofpersonaI liberty:whot
j. it worth? Nothing at all, says the Senator
from South Carolina, to this fellow who is
9etter without il. And under all this com
peEity of legal qnbbling aud litigation, it is
expected that the negro will stand there aud
contcnl with his master, and coming on TO
Washington will prosecute his appeal two
years before the Supreme Court employing
The opportunity of visiting his old friends
round about Baltimore! Laughter.
1t must he conceded that there is vast
difference between a case thus submitted to
the Supreme Court ofthc United States in the
absence of all Congressional action, and that
an which Congress would have decided that
slavery should not exist in tho territory; he
cause tho Supreme Court in that case quoted
6 often from Peters, found that Congress had
The power to lcgislnte for the territories. The
Senators from South Carolina Concurs in that
decision.
Now, if we can make any law whatever,
not contrary TO the express prohibitions OF
the Constitution, we can enact that II man
with $4,000 worth of Bank notes Of Mary
ia4tI skuIl forfeit the whole amount if he at
trmpts to pass one ofthem in the Territory
of California. We may say if a man carry a
.menagerie orwild beasts there worth $50,00O
and undertakes to exhibit them there, hc
shall forfeit them. The man comes back
with his monkey under his arm. and says
that the law forbade him to exhibit his ami
mails there; it was thought that rs an econom-
real arrangement, such things should not be
tolerated there That YOU may do: he OF the
lions aud tigers goes back, having lost his
whole concern. But now you take fellow
shat you say is brother to the monkey-wtl
wool on his head, and parties ScqttitIU centrum
engraved on him somewhere else, and some
how Congress is impotent; all the power OF
the sovereignty ofthis country is impotcnt to
stop him. That Is strange sort of argu-
ment to me. 1t has always been considered
that when II State forms its Constitution it
can exclude slavery. Why so? Because 1t
chances to consideri it an evil. lfit be prop
CT subject Of legislation in u State, and we
have transferred to us by virtue ofths bloody
power of conquest MS some say, or by pnr-
chase rs others maintain ask considering
tlis an abstract questlon--are there not du-
rlieS devovng upon us, for the performance
of which we may not be responsible to any
earthly tribunal, but for which God, who has
created us ALL will hold us accountable?
SVhat is your duty above all others, to con
uucrcd people? You say ii is your duty to
give them Government--may you not then
do every thing for them which your are no,
forbidden to do by some fundamental aXio
tnalic truth at the foundation of your Consl-
sution? Show me then how your action is
precIuled and submit. Though believe
It ought to be otherwise, yet II amy Constitu-
won of any country so ordains, yield. The
.,'onStiiuiion of States declares Slavery to be