The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1848-04-13


country; and that we might be compelled t.
live under a government of military force
To these suggestions it was replied, that tho
value, it must be unlimited; that the power
was exclusively confined to the Legislative
body, to the representatives of the States, and
to the people of the States, and that it would
be safe in their hands; that the power was
necessary, because we were surrounded by
the colonies and dependencies of powerful
foreign governments, whose maritime powers
might furnish them with the means of annoy.
ance, and mischief and invasion; that il
was necessary to protect our frontiers against
the Indians, and to man our forts and garri-
sons in different parts of the country. Here,
sir, you have the reasons for which the POWER
"to raise and support armies" was deemed
necessary. The conquest of foreign States
and provinces was never dreamt of by the
trainers of the Constitution. But the wisdom
of the past, with the progressive democra-
cy" of the present day, is folly; and indeed,
so rapid has been the advancement beyond
that old-fashioncd democracy, which prevail
ed in the better days of the republic, that
calls have been actually made for conventions
Of the people to reconstruct the government.
To carry out these splendid schemes of ma
tional aggrandzement, it has been found ne
cessary to wage war against the freedom Of
speech and the press; a war infinitely more
dangerous to the liberties of the people than
a war of conquest. The message of Deccm-
Der, 1916, contains the declaration of war
against free discussion, and | beg leave to
read it
"The war has been, (says the President,)
represented as UNI Just and unnecessary, and
one of aggression, on our part, upon weak
and injured enemy. Such erroneous views,
though entertained by few, have been
widely circulated not only at home, but have
been spread throughout Mexico and the whole
world. A more effectual means could not
have been devised to encourage the enemy
and protract the war than to advocate and ad-
here to their cause, and thus give them aid and
comfort"
Here, sir, is a bold, and was about to say,
shameless attempt, on the part of the EXecu-
tive, to stife all inquiry into the origin, ne
cessity, justice, and purposes of this war
All who dare call in question the power of the
President to wage war, and to prosecute it
for the purposes Of conquest and plumber, are
denounced as traitors to their country. And
all who doubt the necessity of the war and
think it could, and should, have been avoided,
are held up as adhcring to, and advocating
the cause Of the enemy. These denuncia-
tons sir, coming from that high source,
should not be suffered to pass unnoticed and
uncondemned The trainers of the Constitu-
ton, regarding free discussion as the great
of liberty, declared, in the first ar
tices of amendments, that Congress shall
make no law abridging the freedom of speech
or of the press" This right of free discussion
belongs to the people, and no power on earth
should be permitted to abridge or impair it.
1t is the great power that overturns despot-
isms and builds up publics-it shakes tyrants
from ;heir thrones and confers the blessings
Of liberty upon millions of our race-it kim
died the fire Of our own revolution and made
us a free and independent nation-and it is
the best security we can have for the preser-
walton Of our liberties. 1t was Sheridan, |
believe, who, in speaking in the House of
Commons on the power of the press to avert
the encroachmcnts of the Ministry, exclaimed
in one Of his lotties strains of eloquence:
"Give them a corrupt House of Lords :;
give them a venal House Of Commons give
them tyrannical Prince give them truck
ling Court and let me but have an unfetter-
ed press, and l will defy them to cncroach Il
hairs breadth upon the liberties of England"
If the freedom of the press were so essential
to the protection of British liberty, it must
be regarded as infinitely more important to
the security of a Government like ours,
founded upon and deriving its support from
enlightended public opinion. But, to pass
on: gentlemen have searched for prccedents
for this war, and the Senator from Illinois
imagines that he has discovered one in the
war Of 1912. THAT war;" he says, "was
declared in the same form and almost in the
same language as the present" Sir, did
President Madison announce to the country
that war existed between the United States
gresS that long existing difficulties between
the two countries remained unsettled that
he had exhausted all his power in making
pacific efforts and that he was unable to
bring the controversy to close; and that it
was for Congress to decide whether or not
an appeal to arms should be made in order
to vindicate our honor and sustain our rights :?
Hear his language:
ave behold, in fine, on the side of Great
Britain, state of war against the United
States and on the side of the United States,
state of peace towards Great Britain
Whether the United States shall continue
passive under these progressive usurpations
and these accommodating wrongs; or, opposing
force to force in defence of their national
rights, shall commit our just cause into the
hands Of the Almighty disposer of events,
avoiding all connexions which might entangle
it in the contest or views of other Powers,
and preserving a constant readiness to concur
in an honorable establishment Of peace and
friendship, is solemn question, which the
Constitution wisely confdes to the legislative
department of the Government. In recon-
mending it to their early deliberations, l am
happy in tho assurance that the decision will
be worthy the enlightened and patriotic
councils of virtuous, a free, and powerful
nation"
Upon this message C0nqreSS announced to