Carroll free press. [volume] (Carrollton [Ohio]) 1834-1861, 1847-08-13

----r=--r.v- -v----------- -
acts, aud the corrupt aud couuptng purposes
which prompted the policy whereby those who
orre our friends, have been made our enemies.
The responsibility is not thus 10 be shifted. The
prominent measures Of this administration were
pretty distinctly shadowed forth at the time offs
inception by the Baltimore Convention. These
measures we're yehemcuty opposed before their
formal adoption by our government, by those
who iarasaw difficulty and danger IN the way,
/ for The Uery reason that the inevitable tendency
Of such policy was TO involve us needlessly in
foreign war. These apprehensions we're scout
ed as idle and visionary. The people were as
sured that there was no danger Whatever Of war
and still less cause Of apprehension for the con-
sequences, should we by any means find our
selves engagcdn hostlues.
/ All! those were the days Of pot.house chiyalry!
We would have Oregon-lhat we would-every
inch of it, up to 81 40-and woe betde the pow
er which should have the temeriy TO question
our "ndispuiable" right to that extent And We
would have Texas too, whcther-or-no, to the
Nueces-and if Mexico dared but TO peep. We
would extend our boundary to the Rio Grande
: and if she did not submit to this with a good
/. grace, we would fog her suddenly, and that
without remedyl Such was substantially the
yauntings Of those who three years ago set them.
+ selves up as leaders Of public opinion. Unlor.
tunately for the country, the counsels of such
+ men preyoiled-and as a consequence, the coun-
try has been for the last eighteen months EN-.
broiled in an expensive, sanguinary and unpro-
flabe foreign war. Wearied Of this state Of
affairs, the people enquire Oft and earnestly
Shall lce hare Peacel And who can answer
this important and most interesting inquiryl Ii
must be by this time sufficiently apparent that il
f is no idle undertaking on our part to dictate the
terms of peace. We may overcome their ar.
mics by superior prowess and diSciplne-we
, may storm their garrsons, and take their cities
we may hold whole provinces in our military
possession. All this we have done; but we have
not subdued their people. We can hardly be
said to have approximated one step towards the
consummation of peace. And even if Mexico
were sufficiently subdued to be willing to trea
upon any terms that our Administration has pro-
posed or is likely TO propose, we have still among
ourselves obstacles to the attainment of peace
not a whit less formidable than are the armies
of Mexico, and the ndomtable spirit of her peo'
pie. There is no use in attempting TO blink these
obstacles. The true question is, hOlO shall zoe
meet them'
Thus far, we believe, every overture for peace
which has proceeded from our government con.
templates the accession Of considerable amoun
Of foreign territory. In fact we have no doub
, that such acquisition lay at the very bottom ot
the motive for bringing about the estate Of war.
But whatever may have been the motive for its
commencement, or by whose act, it is conceded
on all hands that "war exists" The war, when
terminated must be terminated by one of Two
modes, viz by negotiation, or by the subjuga
ton of one of the parties. We take it for grant
ed that our government is not prepared to avow
the purpose of an utter subiugation of the Repub-
lie of Mexico. Our purpose so far as it is pub.
| cly prolessed, is only to take from her about
one half Of her territory; and that for the two ve-
ry satisfactory reasons, first, that we fancy we
need portion Of it, TO afford US an eligible har'
Dor on the Pacific; and secondly, that we must
have it as 'indemnity" for the trouble and ex
pensCs she has put us to in wrestling II from her
And this we are finally to get from her by nego
> liaton.
] Now it so happens that, for the ratification o
/ any treaty. vote Of two-thirds of the Senator
, is made necessary. Should our Administration
! then succeed in carrying out its pans-througt
f the nslrumentaIity Of Mr.. TriSt-or the Join
a action of Mr.. Trist and Gen. Scou--or ShouIC
T it by any other means, constitute government
4 to negotiate with, and then form n treaty will
S such government we should then be scarcely
! step nearer the attainment Of peace than we nov
! are for "terriiOry," we suppose, would be a sub
slanlve mgredlentin in any such treaty, as 1t wouC
5 prove the insuperable barrier to its ratification
g Without territory, the Administration side oil tht
! Senate would 90 againt the ratification. Will
t territory, ond without the application of the prin
D cple Of the Wiimot PrOUiSO, more than thlr
. ofthe Senate would be found against it-so tha
S in either event, under existing circumstances, NJ
valid promise is held out of the termination o
/ the War.
e How then shall it be brought to a closet B,
D acting upon principle recognized TO some ex
! tent among Individuals, but too much disregard
! ed as unbchuing the "honor" of natioaS--ol ACT
+ ing Justly, and "doing unto others as we woul
: that they should do unto u.s." For one, W
e would take even higher ground than that assum
It ed by the "Wilmot Proviso," which only look
r to the exclusion of slavery from any territor
r which may be acquired. We would say Il
t Mexico distinctly and in good faith, we do nc
$ desire your dismemberment-we want none @
t Your demain. We would inscribe upon ou
9 banner, and display it throughout the length an
r breadth of our country, "NO EXTENSION Oh
5 OUR TERRITORIAL LIMITS" And W
S would call upon all good citizens, lovers of ou
common country, to rally under that banner.
THE SECRET HISTORY OF THE WAR