The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1847-12-02

! VI uuCn advantage. Ii VIC can obtain III by
fair purchase for Il Just equivalent, l should
be happy to SEQ 1t SO acquired. As, when
ever the War ceases, Mexico ought to be re
quired to pay the debts due our citizens, per-
haps an equivalent for that Bay may be found
in that debt, our Government assuming to
pay to our citizens whatever portion of it
may be applied to that object. But il should
form no motive in the prosecution Of the War,
which / would not contine a solitary hour for
the sake of that harbor.
But what, it will be asked, shall we make
peace without any indemnity for the expens-
es of the war? If published documents in
relation to the late negotiations between Mr..
Trist and the Mexican Commissioners be true,
and have not seen them anywhere contra
dicted, the Executive properly waived any
demand Of indemnity for the expenses of the
war. And the rupture of that negotiation
was produced, by our Government insisting
upon cession from Mexico, of the strip of
mostly barren land between the Nueces and
the Rio Bravo and New Mexico, which Mc&-
leo refused to make. So that we are now
fighting, if not for the conquest of all Next
co, as intimated in some quarters, for that
narrow strip, and for the barren province Of
New Mexico, with its few miserable mines.
We bought all the province Of Louisiana for
fifteen millions of dollars, and it is, in my
opinion, worth more than all Mexico togeth-
err We bought Florida at five millions OF
dollars, and hard bargain it was, since, be-
side that sum, we gave up the boundary of
the Rio Bravo to which think we were en-
titled, as the western limit of the Province of
Louisiana, and were restricted to that of the
Sabine. And we are now, if not seeking the
conquest of all Mexico, to continue this War
indefinitely for the inconsiderable objects to
which have just referred.
But, it will be repeated, arc we to have no
indemnity for the expenses of the war :?
Mexico is utterly unable to make us any pc
cuniary indemnity, if the justice of the war
country has been laid waste, her cities burned
or occupied by our troops, her means so en-
hausted that she is unable to pay even her
own armies. And every days prosecution of
the War, while it would augment the amount
of our indemnity, would lessen the ability of
Mexico to pay it. We have seen, however,
that there is another form in which we are to
demand indemnity 1t is to be territorial in
demnity! hope, for reasons already stated,
that that frebrand will not be brought into
our country
Among the resolutions, which it is my in
tcntion to present for your consideration, at
the conclusion of this address, one proposes,
in your behalf and mine, to disavow, in the
most positive manner, any desire, on our part,
to acquire any foreign territory whatever, for
the purpose of introducing slavery into it.
do not know that any citizen of the United
States entertains such wish. But such
motive has often been imputed to the Slave
States, and | therefore think it necessary to
notice it on this occasion. My opinions on
the subject of Slavery are well known. They
have the merit, if it be one, of consistency,
uniformity, and long duration. ] have ever
regarded Slavery as great evil, a wrong, for
the present, l fear, an irremediable wrong,
to its unfortunate victims. l should rejoice
if not single slave breathed the air or was
within the limits of our country. But here
they are, to be dealt with as well as we can,
with due consideration of all circumstances
affecting the security, safety and happiness Of
both races. Every State has the supreme,
uncontrolled and exclusive power to decide
for itself whether slavery shall cease or con-
tinue within its limits, without any exterior
Intervention from any quarter. In States,
where the slaves outnumber the whites, as is
the case with several, the blacks could not be
emancipated and invested with all the rights
of treemen, without becoming the governing
race in those States. Collisions and conflicts
between the two races, would be inevitable,
and, after shocking scenes OF rapne and car
mage, the extinction or expulsion OF the blacks
would certainly take place. In the State OF
Kentucky, near fifty years ago, thought the
proportion OF slaves, in comparison with the
whites, was so inconsiderable that we might
safely adopt a system of gradual emancipa-
ton that would ultimately eradicate this evil
in our State. That system was totally differ
ent from the immediate abolition of Slavery
for which the party of the Abolitionists of the
present day contend. Whether they have
intended it or not, it is my calm and delibcr-
ate belief that they have done incalculable
mischief even to the very cause which they
espoused, to say nothing of the discord which
has been produced between different parts OF
the Union. According to the system we at
tempted, near the close of the last century,
all slaves in being were to remain such but,
all who might be born subsequently to spe-
CITED day, were to become free at the age OF
twenty-eight, and during their service were
to be taught to read, write and cypher.
Thus, instead of being thrown upon the com
munity, ignorant and unrreparcd' as would
DC the case by immediate emancipation, they
would have entered upon the possession of
their freedom. capable in some degree, of en-
joying it After hard struggle, the system
was defeated and regret it extremely, as, if
it had been then adopted, our State would be
now nearly rid Of that reproach.
Since that epoch, scheme Of unmixed be-
nevolence has sprung up, which, if it had ex-
isted at that time, would have obviated one
Of the greatest objections, which was made to
gradual emancipation, which was the contln-
uance of the emancipated slaves to abide
among us. That scheme is the American
Colonization Society. About twenY-elght
years ago, a few individuals, myself among
them, met together il the City of Washing
ton, and laid the foundation of that Society
1t has gone on amid extraordinary difficulties