Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1847-08-27
FEDERALISM


Mr.. Jefferson was the recognized father of
American Democracy; Mr. Hamilton of A.
merican Federalism. These were the oppo-
sing elements in the first Cabinet of General
Washington. and in these, the two parties had
their origin. Mr. Jefferson wasa strenuous
advocate of simple, plain, unpretending Gov
eminent, which should exercise its sovereign
control only in cases of acknowledged nation
ality-leaving as much of the duty and res
possibility of Government as posslble,-with
the States and consequently, nearer the Peo-
pie. Mr.. Hamilton, on the other hand, dis
trusting the capacity of the people to govern
themselves, wanted a strong and brilliant Gov
eminent which could overawe the States and
hold in check s'the mass of the people. =
Said he-'1 believe the British Government
forms the best model the world ever produced"
= ''See the excellency of the British
executive. He is placed above temptation.-
Nothing short of such an Executive can be ef-
ticient.'' And Mr.. Adams, another Federlist,
declared that ''the English Government is the
most stupendous fabric of human wisdom"
The original distinction, then, between the
Federal and Democratic parties, was this: The
former desired a powerful central Government,
while the latter was tenacious of the rights of
the States. 1t is not our purpose at this time,
to trace these parties through their subse-
quent career We simply propose to try the
Wings of 1847, by the standard of federalism
of the olfen time.
We will assume that a National Bank,
Protective Tariff, a System of Internal Improve
ments and the Distribution policy, are now, as
they have been, the cardinal doctrines or Wing
faith. 1st, the Bank Can any one fail to see
that the assumed power of Congress to charter
such an institution, places the entire financial
policy of the whole country under the control
of the Federal Government Indeed, this is the
very power claimed for the Bank by its friends
It was christened "The Great Regulator on
this account; and if we admit that it always
exercised its power with prudence, & patr-
otto regard for the general good, it is no less a
Federal measure, and no less an infringement
of the rights of the States We do not vet
know the full extent, nor danger, of the con-
cession we make to the Central Government,
when we surrender to its keeping the whole
money poarer of a vast and powerful Republic.
The gigantic efforts Of the late Bank to pro-
long its existence,-in which it we'll nigh sue
ceeded, notwithstanding it was enervated by
its own corruption and throttled by the iron
grasp of Old Hickory-ought to convince
all that the rights of the States and the liber-
ties of the people, would not be worth a straw,
| with Government and Bank in conjunction a.
gainst them.
By the Tariff, the Federal Government as
sumes to regulate the prices of goods and la
bor-to direct the avocations of men, and fix
the profits of the various departments of bust
ness-to determine what we shall import, and
what produce-and to do thousand other
foolish things which ought always to be regu-
lated by the immutable laws of trade 1t claims
the right to foster particular sections and par
ticular interests, and has always done it, in
defiance of the simple and very limited object
of its own creation.
By its Internal improvement usurpations, it
has always been dabbling, to greater or less
extent, with the sovereignty and purity of the
States; and with so much success, that many
of them, tickled with the licentious dalliance,
are ready to surrender the stern virtues Of self
government and self-respect They do not
think when they yield their integrity for a
| blessing, that the same power may sometimes
| be exercised to their ruin they do not reflect
that their chastity is to be the ultimate price
of these allurements of the Federal Govern
ment The Distribution policy is intended to
accomplish the same end by similar means
The laws of gravltation are no less true in
politics than in philosophy. The larger body
will always attract the less with force pro-
portioned to the disparity of NATTER and un-
less some counter influence is employed, the
less must lose its separate existence. Power
attracts power; and, in our government, the
tendency of things is to centralism. The doc
trine of the whig party tends directly to pre-
cipitate that state of things-to merge the So
vereighty of the States in the Federal Govern
ment-to surrender, one by one, the elements
of an independent existence, until they retain
only those, which, to surrender, would not
weaken them, nor add moety of strength to
the consolidated giant at the capitol.
Fredericksburg (Va.) Recorder.