Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1847-06-05


time, upon that point; bu: when the plan which
he submitted to the President comes 10 be made
known, 1t would be seen that the military men
would have had nothing to complain ol-ihai
Gen. Taylor, instead Of struggling at Buena
Vista with 5000 against 10000, would have
been advancing with 10000 that Gen. Scott,
instead of an entrenched army al Cerro Gordo,
would probably have found the road open TO
Mexlco--lhht the two generals would have met
sooner than they will in the city of Mexico and
that diplomatic mission, nationally constitu-
ted, both in geographical and political sense =,
and attending the army, might have concluded
a peace, solid and lasting, more readily than it
will probably now be done.
| Mr.. b. passed new subject--anj which had
not yet excited public attention--but which, in
his opinion was pregnant with much danger,
and required his early attention. 1t was not
q question Of foreign war, 10 be settled by
arms or diplomacy, but OF domestic legislation,
TO be settled by public opinion, and by votes.
He alluded TO the slavery propagandist resolu-
tons, introduced into the Senate towards the
close Of the late session, and which he stigma
tized as fre'brand, on the day Of their introduc-
ton. On their face these resolutions conem>
plate subverson of the Union, throwing the
guilt oil the subversion upon those who oppose
they propose what no citizen Of non slave
| holding state can ever stand, and what many
from the slayeholdlng states, himself in the
number, would not stand if they could. They
propose the abolition OF all compromises, past
and future, on the slavery question, and treat
as volators Of the rights of the states, and Of
the constitution, and as subyerters Of the Union,
all who will not agree to extend slavery to all
the territories Of the United States, even to the
most remote and hyper Oregon it,
self in the latitude Of Wisconsin and the Lake
OF the Woods They go the precise length Of
the northern aboIltlonlsts, and with the same
| practical consequence, only in reversed form.
The abolition creed is, that the admission of
slavery in any part Of the Union is violation
Of the constitution, and dissolution of the
Union: the new resolutions declare the prohi-
billion of slavery in any territory Of the Union,
is violation Of the constitution, and of tho
rights OF the states, and subverson of the
Union! so true il is that extremes meet, and
that all fanatacism, for or against any dogma,
terminates al the same point Of intolerance and
defiance.
The first effect of this new slavery creed,
which the south was summoned 10 adopt most
Summarlly, would be to establish new polti.
cal test for trying the oulhodoxy of all candi.
dates for the Presidency; and as no northern
man could stand such test al home, the whole
OF them would be knocked in the head, so far as
the south was concerned, al single lick. Tho
next effect OF these resolutions if adop ted IN
the non saveholdIng states, would be 10 put
an end to the present political division of par
ties, and 10 substitute new PARTY in the south
with lis anagonis. in the northl bounded by
geographical lines and founded on the sole
principle Of slavery propagandism. The third
these would ha hat ,ich
is stated by alphabetically on their face, namely,
The subverson Of the Union.
Seeing these resolutions in this dangerous
point Of view, he (Mr. b. had stigmatized
them as tlre-brand on the day Of their introduce
ton, and had since deprecated their application
TO the Oregon bill, BY which the Oregon peo-
pie were left whou, law or government for
year longer. Many persons thought him too
prompt in his denuncat;on Of these resolutions;
perhaps the same persons thought him too
prompt IN denounclng the Oregon joint occu-
patton treaty in l9l8--ihe treaty which gave
away Texas in l8l9-lhe treaty Of annexation,
IN l84l-and all the measures of the Tyler
administration which led to the Mexican war
in 1876! but the truth nigh, be that he was
not too fast, but themselves too slow. The re-
solutions appeared dangerous to him, and no
struck them at their first appari,ion in the
Senate chamber. He had done his duty: he
had sounded the alarm: it was for the people Of
the United States--all the friends Of the Union
10 do the rest. There was no Jackson now
to save the Union by voice, like the command
OF destiny, proclalmIng that IT SHALL De PRE-
SERVED"
Mr.. B. concluded with saying tina, he limited
himself on this occasion, to the few subjects on
which he had touched, without exhausting
them. They were subjects Of present interest,
and Of national import, and rose above the lev.
ell Of party, and were fit to be discussed in this
assemblage, which was not one of party. He
had not acted upon them in party character
when before the Senate, and did not speak Of
them as party measures now. On proper sub
ects, when party principles we're applicable,
he was found close enough TO his party line
When principles did not apply when the sub
ject was either too large or TOO small for party
when a foreign war, or domestic disuuion
was the question, or poor clerk or laborer to
be turned Out Of employment-on such grea,
and such little subjects as these, he chose ralh-
err 10 act in the character of patriot who felt
for his country, aud Of man who felt for his
elow-man.
AN ACT