The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1847-01-22
From the Boston Post.
speech Of MIR. Cushing,

r, HE Massachusett, Legislature, Januarys 1877.
A, - o'clock on motion of Mr. Tolman, of Boston,
the house proceeded to the consideration OF the resolve for
nnrouriating $4,000 towards fitting out the Massachu-
ses regiment OF volunteers, Mr. CushinS Oh Newoury
mort having the foor ,
Mr. CUSHING said he entered upon this debate IN the
determination utter sentiments unsuied to the gray
NV he might say the solemnIty OF the question Inc
biect was Interesting and important IN all It's relations,
moi merely as affecting the State OF Massachusetts, bu
also as affecting the whole United States 1t belonged 10
that great inquiry, What is the duty OF one OF the States
o This Union in time of war; the greatest OF all the pos
se questions within the limits of the federal constu-
ion War of itself calls into action the highest efforts o.
human art, of human intellect, of human courage IL
involves the whole national honor the whole national
beng because the action or nacton OF part OF coun
y in time of war, either aids preudlces the rest IN
lis relation to the common enemy. Parties might play
with public affairs in time of peace and agate upon tins
or that trivial question OF the day; but when war
parties cannot stand before it in IFS irresistible march
cn,shes them, like tornado tearing ITS pathway
through the forest 1t absorbs, controls, dominates all
the passions and emotions of men and of nations The
imagination attaches itself rresstiby to the pomp, PRIDE
and circumstance of military array, and all the spendoi
Of the spectacle of The soberest judgment feels an
repessibe interest in the brave who go forth &c
fight our baes TO do their duty not in the tranquil
rement of the closet not even in the wordy contention
Of the public assembly, but amid the hardshps of the
camp the prvatons and toll of the march, and the dead
" peril of the battlefield And the intrinsic interest
which attaches to all has not been wanting IN the
present. whether we look to the hard fought and well
Kearny and of Wool And all these considerations
ore deeper intensity OF interest in breasts, when,
men and legislators upon their honor and their duty
he members OF the House are called upon to decide what
Massachusetts, shall do in behalf OF her own militia en-
gagged in the with Mexico
Mr. c. said the first great fact to be considered the
discussion, the existence OF war declared IN all the
forms of the constitution 1t immaerlal IN this part
of the subject whether the President of the United States
was or not in fault in the circumstances out OF which the
war grew 1t suficed to all the legal relations OF the
t,,tfh, t,tttnn nf thn uOlr
eminent Congress well President had coOperated
| in the actual declaration OF war.
The second great fact was that the continued by
the Joint action of Congress and the President The
moral az well the legal responsibility of this legal
state OF war devolved both. In ordinary affairs, a
private citizen, a member of Congress, might fold
ams and leave the responsibility to the action of the
majority But war was too vital question to be SO
dealt with They who objected ither to the declaration
OF to its continuance were bound to propose at
least alternative The President must OF necessity ac
on public emergency arising Not to act would, on his
part be decisive action He did act by recommending
war; it for Congress TO adopt or reject the recon-
mendation and was for those members OF Congress
who objected to his recommendation OF war with MeXl
co. to propose other solution OF the difficulty. They
had not done this Massachusetts, had senators and rep
esentatves of the highest ability. Those gentlemen had
not proposed that alternative which IN then
Judgment was preferable TO declaration OF war; anC
which provided in its stead some compatible with
the honor of the United States. And it Is under these
circumstances that the President of the United States
teers
Now, them upon these preliminary facts, the question
Of the duty OF Massachusetts was to be considered Ant
doing this, Mr.. c. said he felt bound was proper
and right to bear in mind the composition of the House
and meet fairly and frankly the state of opinion OF
majority Of its members. He might assume that a ma
orty opposed TO the war, and opposed to the gen
ca course of the President The true question was, how
the question ought to be viewed by such men. They
had the power to pass such resolve unanimously, a.
louisiana and South Carolina had done. They nigh
Id W.T. but nppd nS
They might do it North Carolina had done, and as
New York had begun to do, with preamble, declaring
dsapprooapn Of the origin Of the war OF then
resolve, in their judgment altogether opposed to the
interests OF the COMMONWEALTH But, in all these views
OF the powers OF the House, every member was bound &c
vote according to his conscientious convictions on the
merits of the resolve.
Mr. C. SAID that, with these premises, no member o.
the House had moral right to regard the question who
introduced the resolve, in what mode, at what time
They opposed to the mover be so they consider
ed the time OF its introduction premature be 1t so: they
condemned unusual; be it So All these things were
wholly irrelevant to the moral question what vote II wa:
the duty of a member to give the passage of the re
solve
Mr. C. said the foundation of the whole inquiry lay IN
The great subject OF federal and State rights In the time
o the confederation, the States acted upon acquisitions
o the federal government and they acted az States wcf
mght not refuse to comply, according to their view oil
heir separate interests States Ii was to relieve the
nation from the intoerabe evils OF such degree OF
lshed Now the federal government operates directly
Ion Individuals we'll "a States by the means of an act
o Congress- 1t commands the obedience OF individuals
1T nvokes the cooperation of States Ii State resist
IAN act of Congress by resolutions merely OF its egsa
lure, or by messages of its governor that IS nothing but
Vnrty Oppositlon but il the State refuse compliance with
Tor resist the operation of act OF Congress, that is null
Ihcahon. If an Individual, whether he be private ctl
Yen the governor OF State, resist act OF Congress
IOy speeches. writings opinions only, that also is moth
ng but party opposton but if he resist by overt OF
Force, that is treason to the United States These
nsms, indeed, obvious to the apprehension OF every
fnember OF the House
Two of the States of the Union were cited by Mr. C..
Ia: illustrating, in their political history, the application
Ioi these principles, namely Massachusetts, and South
ICaolna These States relatively to the amount Of their
gence IN the self reliance of conscious greatness and in
the consequent isolation OF policy into which they have
EPecvely fallen al one time another Widely different IN
lathat relates internal government, belonging differ
lent sections of the Union there yet obvious analogy in
Their positions to the greatest questions which have di-
Ivided the Union Though at the opposite extremes of
fpnon that very extremity OF opinion often brings them
together their votes in Congress Above all,
Eghy federal as they both an early perioi Of tn
Federal government they alone have tried the experiment
how far opposition can be pushed by bold ani high
fpred men. South Carolina has nullife1 upon the tax
power of the federal government Massachusetts has null
lhed on the war power.
This enleacy of selfreliant strength on the part OF
Massachusetts and South Carolina to run into extreme
Opposition in the assertion of State rights, has of course
iecte1 preudically the relation OF these States and
ther eminent public men, to the rest OF the Union. w
fee this ourselves clearly enough IN regard to South Car
Iona: il we could look through the eyes of the world
I've should see it also in the case OF our own State
was exempli6ed in the fortunes and position OF two
the greatest men whom the Union had ever produced
tllr Webster and Mr. Calhoun--men who were IN III
Front of their times IN intellect and OF their country II
public services, and who yet are deprived OF the degree
n power and of consequent usefulness winch belong L
ther exalted qualities, BY the extreme sectonaisn an