The daily national Whig. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1847-1849, 1847-11-24


have no doubt of the patriotic motives Of
those who, after struggling to divest the bill
of that fragrant error, found themselves con-
strained to vote for it. But must say that
no earthly consideration would have ever
tempted or provoked me to vote for a bill,
with palpable falsehood stamped on its face
Almost idolizing truth, as ! do, never, ne
yer, could have voted for that bill,
The exceptionabe conduct of the Fed
eral party, during the last British war, has
excited an influence in the prosecution OF the
present war, and prevented Just discrimi-
nation between the two wars. That was
a war Of National defence, required for the
vindication Of the National rights and honor,
and demanded by the indignant voice Of the
People. President Madison himself, know,
at first, reluctantly and with great doubt and
hesitation, brought himself to the conviction
that it ought to be declared A leading, and
perhaps the most influential member Of his
Cabinet Mr.. Gallatin,) was, up to the time
of its declaration, opposed to it. But no.
thing could withstand the irresistible force Of
public sentiment, twas just war, and its
great object, as announced at the time, was
i" Free Trade and Sailors Rights against
the intolerable and oppressive acts Of British
power on the ocean, The justice Of the war,
far from being denied or controverted, was
admitted by the Federal party, which only
questioned il on considerations of policy
| Being deliberately and constitutionally de-
clared, It was, think, their duty to have
given it their hearty corporation. But the
mass of them did not. They continued to
oppose and thwart it, to discourage loans and
enlistments, to deny the power Of the Gene
raj Government to march the militia beyond
our limits, and to hold Hartford Conven-
} ton, which, whatever were its real objects
bore the aspect of seeking dissolution o.
Z the Union itself They lost and justly LOST
the public confidence. But has not an APP
prehension Of similar fate, in state Of case
: widely different, repressed fearless express
! sion Of their real sentiments in some Of oul
$ public meni
; How totally variant is the present war
$ This is no war of defence, but one of unne'
, cessary and offensive aggression. 1t is Mex.
. leo that is defending her fresides, her cas-.
+ ties, and her affairs, not we. And how diff.
(, ferent also is the conduct of the Wing party
: of the present day from that of the major
! part Of the Federal party during the war o.
1912! Far from interposing any obstacles
to the prosecution of the war, if the Wings
, in office are reproachable at all, it is for hav-
ing lent too ready facility to it, without
careful examination into the objects of the
war. And out Of office, who have rushed to
the prosecution Of the war with more ardor
and alacrity than the Wings Whose hearts
have bled more freely than those of the
Wings? Who have more occasion to mourn
the loss of sons, husbands, brothers, fathers,
than Wing parents, Wing wives, and Wing
brothers, in this deadly and Improbable
strife
i But the havoc Of war is in progress, and
4 the no less deplorable havoc of an inhospita-
J BILE and pestilential climate. Without in
: dulging in an unnecessary retrospect ant
: useless reproaches upon the past, all hearts
) and heads should unite in the patriotic en-.
: deavor to bring it to satisfactory close. Il
, there no way that this can be done u Mus
we blindly continue the conflict, without any
visible object, or any prospect Of definite
termination This is the important subjec
upon which ! desire to consult and to com
mune with you Who, in this free Gov
! eminent, is to decide upon the objects Of /;
: war at its commencement, or at any tim'
during its existence Does the power be
long to the Nation, to the collective wisdom
of the Nation in Congress assembled, or i
J it vested solely in single functionary Of thu
!. Government
A declaration of war is the highest an,
most awful exercise Of sovereignty. Th'
T Convention which framed our Federal Con
stitution had learned from the pages Of histo
| ny that it had been often and greatly abus
i ed 1t had seen that war had often beef
commenced upon the most trlAing pretexts
that it had been frequently waged to estab'
lish or exclude dynasty; to snatch crown
from the head of one potentate and place !.
upon the head of another; that it had beer
often prosecuted to promote alien and othel
interests than those OF the nation whose chic
had proclaimed it, as in the case of English
wars for Hanoverian interests and, in short
that such vast and tremendous power ought
not to be con6ded to the perilous exercise Of
one single man. The Convention, therefore,
resolved to guard the war-making power
against those great abuses Of which, in the
! hands Of monarch, it was so susceptible
: And the security against those abuses which
its wisdom devised, was to vest the war
making power in the Congress of the United
States-being the immediate Representa-
tives of the People and the States. So ap-
I, prehensive and jealous was the Convention
Of its abuse in other hands, that it interdict-
: ed the exercise Of the power to any State in
!, the Union without the consent Of Congress
k Congress, then, in our system Of Govern
n ment, is the sole depository of that tremen-
:, dous power, The Constitution provides tina,
It Congress shall have power to declare war
+ and grant letters of marque and reprsal, te
ID make rules concerning captures on lane
III and water, to raise and support armies, t.
a. provide and maintain navy, and to max,
r, rules for the government Of the land and ma
it, val forces. Thus we perceive that the prin
c. cipal power in regard to war, with all it