Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1847-03-20
EQUAL REPRESENTATION.

EQUAL REPRESENTATION.
Throughout the whole OF the last session Of
The Legislature, the most indefatigable efforts
were made 10 secure the passage Of some resolu
ton that would approximate to equal representa-.
ton; but all failed Propositions were made to
amend by striking out the two limits that cause
inequality; the one that gives TO each county one
member, and the one which limits the number oil
members of the House Of Representatives to one
hundred. 1t was impossible to carry this propo.
siton in either house, although it was acceptable
TO most Of the friends of equal representation.
| A proposition was made TO strike out the clause
that limits the number OF Representatives to one
hundred, and make no other change; but this
could not succeed A proposition was then made
to enlarge the House of Representatives to one
hundred and fifty members, with the privilege OF
adding member for every new county that might
be created, which, although not equal, was warmly
supported by most Of the members Of the large
counties; but it was opposed by the small county
sustained. 1t met with no favor in the House oil
Representatives, and failed OF obtaining the con.
sttutional majority of the Senate.
Another proposition was made substantially the
same as the complex system that was contained
in the new Constitution proposed by the conven.
ton. This, although not equal was sustained
by most Of the friends Of equal representations
II passed the Senate by the constitutional major
ity but was rejected in the House of Representa-.
| tives.
A proposition was made in the House OF Rep.
resentatives, giving to each county at least one
member, and enlarging the House OF Representa-.
lives to about 40 members. 1t gave 10 the small
counties one member each, and gave an increase
Of nearly forty members to be distributed among
the larger counties, but adopted scale OF repre-.
sentation that did injustice to the largest countless
and was very Objectionable, because it struck
out that clause which provides that no old county
shall be reduced to less than hoenty miles square,
and it also contained an arbitrary provision that
no county should ever have more than twelve
members, no matter how large its population
This proposition passed the House by the consli.
lutional majority but was rejected in the Senate,
by the votes OF members from the large counties.
The session Of the General Assembly was then
within three days OF the time appointed for its
final adjournment, and as all the propositions
that had been submitted had been rejected, the
opinion prevailed that an adjournment would
take place without any proposition to amend the
Constitution. This was very undesirable result
of the efforts to equalize representation. 1t
would have thrown the State into great confusion,
and most embittered and exasperating state OF
public feeling would have been engendered 1t
would have ehiectually postponed, for at least
two years, all efforts even TO propose further
amendments in constitutional form, and it would
continue indefinitely our present outrageously
unequal representation.
| At the next session, the creation Of new coun.
ties that would inevitably lake place, would re-
duce the representation Of st. Louis TO one mem.
Der; and then the same causes would prevail that
now prevent the passage Of any fair proposition
to render representation equal. Nothing was to
be hoped Tor from postponement until the next
session. so far as the usual mode of amending the
Constitution was concerned, The question then
presented itself--Was the State 10 be thrown
back into state Of revolution? was this Repub.
lie 10 be involved in a state OF anarchy and dis.
cord and perhaps OF boodshed and fatal violence,
by reason Of fierce strife and contention on the
subject OF representation? Was Missouri TO be
involved in disgrace(ul and inglorons civil war,
similar 10 the Dorr war in Rhode Island, for the
purpose of obtaining equal representation by
violent and revolutionary means? These were
the questions practically presented; for an ad.
ljournment without making some proposition 10
amend the Constitution, must have been attended
with these results. Such state OF things would
| be most unfortunate and disastrous in country
of law, order and good molals. Such fatal
result was much TO be deprecated by all true pat.
riots and philanlhropists; by all sound, judicious
statesmen, and by all who love our free inslitu.
tons and desire their prosperity. A few political
holspurs, who wish to convert the subject Of rep.
resentation into miserable partizan squabble,
might desire a different course, and might be
willing 10 plunge the State into inextricable diff
fculties in order TO make little political capital
out Of the conflict; pot>house politician, with
his passions heated by artificial smulants, might
have his courage so elevated as 10 desire such a
fatal conflict, and indulge the hope that in
the fierce struggles incident 10 revolution,
AIRY remedies, he and his partisans might by
chance fall uppermost. But such considerations
ought TO have no influence on men whose only
aim and object is 10 promote the puplic peace
and happiness, and 10 obtain justice by reasonable
and lawful means. A prudent, conservative
policy, under such circumstances, was much the
wsest and most safe. This policy prevailed.
AT the heel OF the session, proposition was
offered TO make one more final effort to agree on
proposition to amend the Constitution, by the
appointment of joint committee TO confer on
that subject, and it was adopted and the com.
mttee was appointed. This committee met and
conferred; the thorough. going friends of equal
representation tried in vain 10 secure the adoption
Of some OF the most unobj ectionable propositions
that had been made, and it was found that the
best that could be obtained was the proposition
that had passed the House OF Representatives,
with some notifications. The committee agreed
10 modify the proposition by striking out the arbi
lrary clause that provided that no county shall
IL.