Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1847-02-18

making this appropriation, mat tne war win
Mexico ought not to be prosecuted by this gov
eminent with any view to the ACKNOWLEDGMENT
of that republic, or to the acquisition, by con-
quest, of any portion of her territory: that this
| government, ever DESTROYS to maintain and pre-
serve peaceful and friendly relations with all
nations, and particularly with the neighboring
republic of Mexico will always be ready to en-
ter upon negotiations with view to terminate
the present unhappy conflict, on terms which
shall secure the just rights and preserve lnvio-
late the national honor of the United States and
of Mexico: that it is especially desirable, in
order to maintain and preserve those amicable
relations which ought always to exist between
neiphboring republics, that the boundary of the
state of Texas should be definitely settled, and
provision be made by the republic of Mexico for
the prompt and equitable adjustment of the Just
claims of our citizens on that republic.
This amendment strikes at the root of the
Presidents savocratic policy, by excluding The
requirement of additional territory By ,oar. Mr.
Berrien sustained this amendment in an able
speech in which he plainly declared that the sla-
vocratic policy must not be pressed
Mr.. CAss, Northern locofoco, followed with
his amendment published in our last leaving it
10 The PreSiden! to make the bargain with Mex
leo, subject to the approval of the Senate. This
was tantamount to motion to reject Mr.. Ber-
ricns misunderstanding the President unre-
strcted; and on this view of it, doubtless, Mr..
Cass afterwards said that he should abandon his
own motion.
We next find Mr.. JOHNSON of Maryland, a
Wing from Slave state, taking the same high
ground with Mr. Berrien. He aid
The tide of opinion is rushing on, and no one
could withstand it. 1t was question of feel
ing; question of human rights which came
home to the bosom of every man in the free
states. Not one man from any one of those
States who resisted the popular impulse on this
subject, would ever come back to this body
again. There was but one way to avoid this
difficulty-and thank God, that one was left to
us-to keep the question out. What did we
want of this territory? Had we not enough both
for the North and the South?
The South had nothing to fear, while slavery
remained as it was, in the States. The Consti
tuition protected the rights of the South. 1t was
a barrier that could not be broken down. But,
as soon as she discarded that shield, nothing
could save the South for an hour,-nothng could
save the Union, the Constitution, which was
destined to be perpetual if any work of man
could be, would perish in an hour.
Mr. CAss followed, and like dough-faced pol
itcian, as he is, took ground in defence of the
administration.
Mr.. CALHOUN next broke ground, and the
reader will find synopsis Of his speech in the
Congressional proceedings. We add more
full report of the concluding portion. Though
he is perhaps the real father of the slavocratc
policy, (having led JOHN TYLER into it, whose
shoes POLK stepped nto) he has become afraid
of his own bantling:
What were the objections to continuing an
offensive war? The vast expense; the uncer-
tainiy of success; the hazard of national reputa-
ton. 10 conquer peace was to prolong war;
1t took two parties to make peace. The defcn-
lensive course he proposed would gain every OBJ
ject of the war,-every object that could be
gained by what was called "vgorous war" 1t
would secure us in the possession of the boun
Diary we contend for, and give us every desira-
Bile security for the indemnties due to our citi-
zens.
Suppose we could march to the city of Mexi-
CO, and there dictate peace-would it be worth
the cost? It would cost thirty millions of dol
lars and the lives of fifteen thousand of our
countrymen. Would any one say that the whole
country of California and New Mexico was
worth the sacrifice? This supposed that we
succeeded in the campaign. Success would
give us no more than we already ave-posses-
sion of boundary and ample indemnity.
But this was only the shell of the question a
ragged and often barren country, full Of rulnous
defiles, was to be overcome.
First, we were to take possession Of Vera
Cruz the home of the yellow fever-the most
fatal climate on the earth. The fever prevails
there eight months in the year. BY the middle
of March, the place will be fatal TO our troops.
We may have force sufficient to take Vera Cruz,
but shall we be able to send an army thence
to the city of Mexico? If not, we must have
third campaign for the object Before that Mex
leo would become better armed and prepared
! We should have, in the mean time, severe
guerilla war; Let me tell you that by the next
campaign, the spirit of volunteering will be over
You must raise hundred thousand men for the
next campaign. If the men can be got, how can
you get the money. Your Treasury notes will
be exhausted You must borrow money, and i'm
pose internal taxes. The States were, many of
them, burdened with debt and taxation already.
Congress was averse to direct taxation. But
again, the country does not tremendously sustain
the war. A vast portion of the people Of
our whole population -believed the war to be a.
voidable, and would not sustain it with zeal.
But deeper question arose. To whose ben
eft should the territorial acquisitions enure.-
If the Northern States are so speedily brought
10 n unanimous purpose, Wudt must NC liie Ieel-
ings of the slaveholding States ?-who saw that
they were to be entirely excluded While this
radical difference existed, would there be unan
unity and zeal in prosecuting the war?
But, if this difficulty were surmounted, what
certainty was there that we should succeed in
conquering Mexico PIN bringing the war to a
close? We should have the same sort of war
that France has in Algeria, and the Russians IN
Circassia. How many campaigns have the
French had in Algeirs /? (lG) We should be
obliged to carry on the war for ten or twenty
campaigns. What after all, would VIC effect
that we cannot effect by defensive line?
If we conquered Mexico, what should we do
with it ? What should we do with six or seven
millions Of people? If we incorporated Mexico
into the United States it would destroy our own
institutions; if we held Mexico, as a conquered
province, it would be equally destructive to us.
Hence it was that he had said that our fate was
mysteriously connected with that of Mexico
This war was rashIy begun. If it should be de-
termined to pursue it Extensively, those who did
it would rue it TO the last day OF their lives.
He should vote against the amendment of the
=. Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass.) Whether
he should vote for the amendment of Mr.. Berri-
en-, or for the bill itself, would depend on future
Developments.
But we turn 10 the House. There is three
million bill there also, and Mr.. WILmor (loco, Of