Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1847-03-31

sioRs. And hence also CongIess has n
more right TO appropriate the Territorie
/ Of the United States 10 the use of any por
lion ofthe Slates,sto The exclusion Of th,
others, ,lhaa;it hasto appropriate the sam,
way the Forts, or other public buildings
or the Navy, or any other property Of th.
Uuited States. Thati. has such right
no one would Eveninre to assert; and yet
!. the one is placed; exactly on THE. same
|grounil Wilh the other BY the Coastita
| tion. 3. ~. 80
| IL Was on this solid foundation that
placed the right ofIhe sIaveholding State:
10 a full.and equal Participation in the Ter.
ritories of1he: Unitad States, in opposition
to the 9eterminaiioli Of the non-sIavehold.
Fing States;to appropriate them exclusive.
iy TO themselves. It was my intention. to
urge,hem 10 vote, but Il was unable 10
do 50, 10 consequence ofthe great pressure
Of business during The last few days 81
The session. II was felt by those opposed
to us, that, if the foundation on which |
placed my resolutions be, admitted, the
conclusion could not lie successfully as.
SAILED; aud hence The bold, but unsuccess'
ful,allempt, TO assail The foundation itself,
| by contending that oursis National or
Consolidated Government, :n which the
States would stand ,oihe Union, as the
counties do the States, and be equally des-
,lu,e Of fall political rights. Such con.
clusion, ifit couldsb BE- established, would,
indeed,. place US andIour peculiar domes-
tic institutions. at tie. mercy Of the non
sIaveholdins States; butlorlunalelyitca can
nolb maintained, without subyertins the
very foundation ofour entire political sys-
,em, and denying the most incontroverti-
BILE facts connected with the foundation
and adoption Of thh G Constitution.
Bu,iilsmay be asked, what do we gain
Ibyhaying the Constitution ever so,cleaFfy
on our side, when a lnajorily,in the non
slayehoIdins Stalesgtand prepared to deny
| it? Possibly suchi1,ay be the case; still
we cannotfail to g gairf much by the advan-
tage it gives US. fsspeak from long expe-
rience. Ihave never knowntruth,p prompt
| ly advocated ih the apirit Of truth, fail TO
succeed ihs,h end.a ALREADY there are
many highly enlightened aud patriotic ci,i-
zeus in those States. who agree wilhus on
IIhis greas and vita salliat: The effects q
assToa npfobabIy greatly
increase their number; aud, what's Of no
|liule importance, siuduce still greater
number to hesitate, aud abate somewha,
10 their confidence iulormer opinions, aGd
thereby prepare the way togfveifu effect
10 another advantage which wespossess.
10 understand what isis, it1will be neces-
sary to explain what's THE motive and
object. Of this crusade, on the part of the
nou-slaveholdius States, against our Pc
culiar domestic Institution.
IL is clear. that il does not originate in
any husllity of interests. The labor Of
our slaves does mol conflict with The profit
of their capitalists, or the wages of their
operatives; or in any way injuriously af-
;fectthe prosperity Of those States, either as
il relates TO their population or wealth:
On the contrary, itgreatly increases both.
Its product those which mainly stimulate
aud rendertheir capital and labor profita.
BILE while our slaves furnish, at the same
time, an extensive and profitable market
for what they make. Aunihilate Tim pro.
ducts oftheir iabor-slrike from the list The
three great articles, which are almost ex
clusiyely, the products .oftheir labor-cot-
ton, rice sand. lobacco. and what would
becume of the great shipping, navigating,
commercial and manufacturing Interests OF
the .slaveholdins States? What of
,huir Lowels aud Waltliams; their New
York and Boston, aud other mauufaclu.
ring and commercial cities? What, to
enlarge the question, would become of,
the exports and imports Of the Union it.
self; lis. shipping and tonnage, 'itsfm.,
mease ;reyenue, in the disbursements Of
WHICH millionsi in those States, directly or
Indirectly, live and PROSPER? Fortunate.
lv, then, the crusade against our domes-
tic institution does not originate in hostil-
i,y orinteres,s. Ifit, did, the possibility
Of .arresting the threatened danger, and
saving ourselves, shorl Of disrupture Of
the Uniou, would be altogether hopeless;
80 predominant is The regard for interest
in those States, bvor all other considera..
tions.
Nur does it originate in any appreheu-
sion, that the slaveholding States would
acquire an undue prepouderance 10 the
Union, unless restricted TO their present
limits. lfcven full share of the Terri.
tories should fall to our ot, we could never
hope 10 outweigh, by any Increased num-
Der Of slaveholding States, the great pro-
ponlerance which their numbers give to
the non slaveholdius States; 10 the House
of. R Representatives and the Electoral Col
lege.1gAlI,we could hope for fwould be,
TO preserve AN equality in the Senate, or,
at most to acquire apreponderauce in
,harbranch oflhe Government.
But ifit originates neither in The one
nor thesother of these, what arei,he real
motives aud objects oflheirerusade against
of,r institutions /! To answer, r,this,. 1t will
be necessary TO explain whattare the feel
ings aud views Of the people, ofthe non:
slayeholdins Statesin reference to il, with
their effects on5,heir party operations, es.
psciaiIy in relation TO the P residential
election. 80 ,i !. )
TTho,,. in; reference IN the subject