Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1847-10-14

furth er annexation Of territory to this coun- {
try, with "a slave representation.
We hear much, just now, of a panacea
for the, danger and evils of slavery and slave
annex alton, which they call the Wilmot pro-
viso. That, certainly, is a Just sentiment,
but it lis not a sentiment to found any new
party Upon. 1t is not a sentiment upon
which the Wings of Massachusetts differ
There is not a man in this hall who holds
to it IN, ore firmly than | do, nor one who
adheres to it more than another. feel some |
little interest in this matter, sir. Did not l
commit myself to it in 1888, to the whole
doctrine, fully, entirely? And | must be
permitted to say that L cannot quite consent
that more recent DISCOVERIES should claim
the merit, and take out patent deny
the priority of their invention. Allow me
to say, sir, it is not their thunder.
'NMr. President, if any newly acquired ter
ritory were to be free territory, still should
deprecate the acquisition. think we have
now large and ample domain, and de-
gree of similarity of character, of identity
of interest that binds us together, from the
Penobscot to the Gulf of Mexico. But if
we 90 on with extension, annexation, over
California, and / know not how far to the
South pole, we cannot say how long such
similarity will continue to exist. May not
the probable tendency of such policy be
directly towards despotic government, or
"a series of despotic governments! Sir, |
apprehendi that for the success of a republic
can government, there should be this de-
gree of identity in popular character and
local institutions. 1t may not be so with
others. The Emp error of Russia may gov
ern his European subjects with one code,
and his Asiatic doininions by another; be-
cause between them there is no strong as
ISOLATION, no great common interests. But
in republic, where similar interests belong
to all similar character to greater or less
extent, is found in all, and where exactly
the same laws must prevail over all, this can
not be. Il does seem to me, sir, to be a
very dangerous experiment to set about eX-
tending orr territory over an almost I'M
known tract, larger than the whole of the
old thi rteen States, and run the risk of a
sufficient identity of character and interest
between our own people and those we an'
| mex.
Moro enterprising spirits may CHOOSE to
take tn at risk. | hesitate
| Again n, sir, this annexation DISCREPANCIES
and der anges the system of our government.
Suppose that, out of this territory, as large
as that of the old thirteen, but five new
States should be made They would have
at the eginning, five members of the House
I of Rep ressntatives, but they would have ten
Senate rs--shall | say Southern Senator's
in Con gress Does not every body see that
this en- tirely breaks up all the intended pro-
p ortion In our system of government ,
What calculation can be made in any thing
C onne' ,ted with the hope of its perpetuity
under such state of things
Sir, men there are who see, and whom
we he ar speak of the duty of ;nvtond;'g, :.
free Institutions over the whole world, Il
p,,5sfb lie. We owe it to benevolence they
think, 10 confer the blessings we enjoy or
every other people. But while trust thai
liberty and free institutions, as we have
expert enced them, may ultimately spreaC
over be globe, am by no means sure tina
all pee pile are fit for them; nor am | deslr
GUS of imposing, or forcing, our peculia
forms, upon any nation that does not wisl
to EN- brace them. When people are fit 70
institu tions Of selt-government, they vii
seek hem and have them, in some form o
other perhaps different, and better for them
than hose of our own country. But yo
canno make freemen out of persons unac
custom ned to self-government, and ignoran
of VIII 1t true freedom is And until pee
pie ha' We acquired that knowledge, they ar
not fit to compose free State.
| hi ID the honor Mr.. President, for
short me, to be connected with the excel
tive 90 vernment. While in the Departmer
of Stat e, it was represented to me, and fe
that it was matter of much importance t
the col nmercal interests of the country, t
obtain some port upon the Pacific, if
could properly and without danger be oil
obtane from Mexico. The port contem
plated ,as that of San Francisco 1t wa
in cont emplation' either to obtain direc
cession of that port on fair terms, or to al
range with Mexico that American ship
might e alter the harbor, and American Cit
zens transact business in the place. as il
our own cities. This was a matter of com
mercial arrangement, somewhat after thu
manner in which Portugal holds Macao, il
China. | certainly thought it then of con
siderable importance, and l think so now
But it never entered my head that to ac
complish this object, useful in itself, and ST
far as it went, we should annex large ter
ritory to the United States, to come into tn,
Union, in one or the other form prescribe,
by the constitution.
Sir, this is our position. Peace may soor
T. come | hope to hear of it before the dawn
ing of another morning. But cannot con
ceal from myself that peace may bring witt
it crisis more dangerous than war w,
know not what new controversies it ma,
bring to us. We cannot tell the terms no
conditions of peace, nor can l now pre-
sumo to say what course it may be the duty
of honest and honorable men in Congress tc
take upon the treaty. | can only hope that
when that important era shall arrive, may
for one, be directed to the true performance
of that duty.
There has been proposition, Mr.. Presi-
dent, to resist the acquisition of any more
territory whatever; and last year the Wing
members of the Senate voted in favor of that
course. Wings from the North and South
we're united on that, The Democratic SEN
ators voted the other way. The Northern
Democracy, (they call themselves so, and |
may therefore use the tcrm,) wished, and
wish now, to carry on the war, acquire all
the territory we may, and receive it into the
Union RELYING on the Wilmot proyiso ia