The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1847-03-22

fewer
snll we trust will initiate the baeiul example he has set
Yes h's lncidentn Mr. Websters public man.
WI De an eternal stain on his memory his enemies po
caly we mean) gloat now, and after ages will
point to 1t as memorable instance of great man prov
ing recIeant to his own fame-to his duty man-his
honor a statesman.
But let us proceed with the records of the cause which
me people are now trying Daniel Webster, the advocate
OF Tree trade and equal rights, Daniel Webster the
advocate OF monopoly and exclusive privilege; We hope
hat none who notice these essays will neglect read
me auhi'ona extracts we propose to give from Mr.. Web
ers speeches OF 1920 and 1884, in connection with others
srklnsy relevant to the question; they are full of in
sructon, and to the honest and sincere inquirer after
truth, hey will yield conviction clear the noon day
sun Discussing the tariff of 1920 with his constituents
| UT Webster is reported thus
f.Ip s opinion measure could prove more injurious
10 the industry ofthe country and nothing inc
such measure necessary He eeranv tnosh, IL mirt
be doubted, whether Congress would not be acting
exercising control essentially the pursuits and
occupations OF individuals in their private
power force great and sudden changes both of occupa
ton and property, upon individuals not incidental
The exercise OF any other power but substantive and
direct power such changes Were wrought incidentally
only and the necessary consequence of such mposts
Congress- for the leading purpose OF revenue, should
whether Congress fairly possessed the power turning the
incident into the princpa and instead of leaving mannao
with primary regard to revenue of enactng laws with
the avowed object of giving preference particular
tons of revenue; and instead of laying such mposs
would best answer the purpose of raising revenue with
tain articles to burdenome with full knowledge
mat the increase of duty will diminish the of
enue raised"
| Spoken with statesman like wisdom Nothing could
be more appropriately sadnohing germane to the
question in issue, covered the whole ground of the
subectmatter controversyree and unrestricted trade
contradistnguished from oppressivey restrictive
system. How Mr. Webster could repudiate such sound
and liberal doctrines for the cold, and heartess, and self
ish views OF the manufacturers, utterly at loss
to understand Could he have urged the doctrine of
cessity, bold as would have been might have served
apology for this fragrant sacrifice of principle and
consistency; but to urge that OF expediency, was
wretched plea indeed to tender his justification for
abandoning the universally recognised truths which he
had eoqueny advocated and defended for many years
of his life. Like Banquos ghost which disturbed the
evesh SAUNDERS OF his murderer it need not be matter of
wonder the recollection of his former powerful inelec
tual efforts behalf of liberal principles, mercantile
freedom and everything calculated to advance nations
welfare, operates as sad drawback to the otherwise
pleasing current Of his reflections when he seeks the
solitude of Marshed to mediate the past the present.
and the future The "waers of Marah not sweet
to the children of Israeli can all of Mr. Websers
But referring again to Mr. Websters speech Of lsao,
he finally illustrates the arbitrary exercise of power by
Congress in reference to their taxing privilege, &c., he
says:
g" would hardly be commended that Congress possessed
that Of general power by which might declare that
particular occupations should be pursued in society, ana
that others should 1t such belonged to any
eminent in this country certainly did not belong to the
ve~ hs @es ayr aha ss
under the authority lay mposis obviously given for the
Sight purposes entirely and levy duties for other OBJ
jecs Congress may tax the land but would be strange
for direct purpose of withdrawing capital from agrcul
and sending trose engaged in it to other pursuits
Inc power however, exists IN one case as much as IN the
Reasoning, surely, could hardly be more conclusive
than this; its force cannot be impaired by the ables ad
vocate OF the tariff policy fortified as ne might be by the
exploded theories of venerable statesmen of past ages,
and venerable statesmen of times well
Listen to him as he spoke then-1S20; what was true
then is true now:
Both these, and all other modes of giving great prefer
enees 70 some m ana some modes Oh investing
proved detrimental They not only restrain private
government
But let us read the following-t is the language of
matured wisdom, of profound and thorough practical
craftsmanship 1t we pampered advocates of pam
pered system!
"To individuals, this policy is injurious it is gov
enments. system Of artificial government protection,
leads the people to too much reliance governmentif
left to their own choice OF pursuits they depend their
skill, and their own industry But if government
sentialy affects their occupations by its OF bounes
and preferences 1t is natural when in Distress that they
eau o of egi ee encH pc m
cey. Agrcuists taxed to-day sustain manufacturers
then more hnpositons perhaps both manufacturers and
agriculture, to support commerce. and when
finds the result less favorable than the original
and OF things He could ha rdly conceive OF
ANYTHING worse than policy which should place the great
of this country in hostility anohera policy
which should keep them conflict and bring
every year fight their battles in the committee
ofthe House of Representatives at Washington"
Speaking of iron in 1924, see how admirably Mr. Web
ster illustrates the value OF labor 1t is theme which
he evidently feels at home But listen to him. We of
Pennsylvania in particular:
Labor is the principal ingredient in the of iron.
nation cannot Increase labor will have but
certain quantity Labor is the great producer OF wealth.
With us labor is independent and proud does not ask
capital for its patronage, but capital solcts the aid of la
Dor. 1t is TO the point TO that have
in abundance and therefore should manufacture for
selves The true inquiry produce the article
useful the cost, nearly the cost,
reasonable approximation foc1rds the cost at phch
import 2 The true why it is not poll
cy compel citizens manufacture iron, is
tat they are better employed If had more of
porcry, Of misery and something Of erpitud it
had Ignorant idle, and starring population might
act up for oon-nakers against the world"
| Now LET us hear what Mr. Secretary Walker says in
reference to the tariff of 1916 1t perfect specimen of
the arguaentum I'D hominem which Mr.. Webster is, we
little much of the theatrical and our baronal friends
-ibl to say the wise meno the east must draw less
than they accustomed TO their fancy, and
| the truth, for facts hereafter:
By freer interchange of commodities, the foreign
ket sopened agricultural products tonnage and
commerce rapidly augmening our exports enlarged
and the price enhanced, exchanges are In our Rvo and
or prosperous and have enjoyed such large
and profitable markets for all products. This Is not
the result OF an inflated currency but Is an actual increase
of wealth and business. Whilst agriculture, commerce,
and navigation, released from and resrc
TONS thus improved and nvgorated manufactures
depressed The large profits OF manufacturers may be
in cases somewhat dimnished but that branch OF
industry reposng it, own skill and resources,
is still prosperous and progressive New manufactures
arc being erected throughout the country, and still yield
greater profit in most cases. than capital invested in other