Herald of the times, and Rhode Islander. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1846-1849, 1847-10-21

say they, I" it 10 unequal. You ofthe North
can settle il. because you can 60 without
slaves. We Of the South cannot se.'le
liz, because we have slaves. II establishes
a derogaioy distinction, and tends to os-
tabl,sh an inequality" Let US consider the
force Of this argument. ] am always
happy to meet Southern gentlemen oi
chsracter, honor, talents and ability on
this q.iesuou. How 10 il with the privilege
which they now have Of representation
disproportoned TO ours ? They admit this
to be an inequality, aud is not new territory
an augmentation Of thai inequality:
Now am no prophet, nor am the son
of prophet |; but il was to prophecy, !
would soy, will say here that the last sub
ject upon which | should venture prediction
would be the course which our friends, called
the Northern Democracy, will take upon this
or any other subject The prediction OF the
weather in the almanac will hit the Truth just
as well as can. hope that there are
many men, and believe there are, in the
!, other party that will help Us. That is, when
4 il comes 10 the vote, they will not admit
State with slave representation. Ii seems
to me that what occurred here at Worcester
few days since, will shed little light upon
that subject. do no, understand that by
that Convention. any purpose OF adherng to
tho WIlmot Pfoviso was manifested un.
deystand, on the contrary, tina. the whole
subject was secuted out Of the delibera
tions Of the assembly. And there are
Locotocos or Democratic members in
\ Maine and New Hampshire. Is it quite
certain that they will depart from the
present administration, and vote for the
|, Wilmot Proviso
| Sir, can only say, that in my judg-
'nent, we are TO use the first, and the
last, and every occasion which occurs,
in maintaining our sentiments against
the extension oflhe slave power. speak
Of it now here, as in my seat in Congress,
as a political question-as a question for
! statesmen to discuss; and entertain and
act upon. do not mean 10 say that the
moral par, Of the question is less import
Z ant, but it is less pertinent to what We
have to do. Ceuainly,I do not mean
To say that it is less important, or not
vastly more important, IN other points h
view bu, | speak of it thus, because that
is the only point ofvicw in which ], Of
\ ficlally, have anything to do with it,
| am aware, sir, that | am using too
much Of this sunlight, aud | hasten To
end what have to say by few remarks
IL peace comes, it will bring with it
some terms. This is matter upon which
all decision must be deferred until we
can know what thcy are. But now sup
pose than no peace is made that the
armistlce is broken of, and the armies
I prepare for new combat. Our armies
remain in the country or the city Of
Mexico, and that is The state OF things
when Congress next assemblies 1t Is
natural to ask what shall be then done 7
| would not anticipate what the exigency
Of the case may suggest. My opinion
is clear, perfectly clear. hold the war
making power to be given by the Con-
stitution TO Congress. l believe that
Congress was surprised into The act of
The 18Th of May, 1916. believe that If
the question had been put to Congress
before the march ofthe armies and their
actual conflict, not ten votes could have
been obtained in either House Tor the
war with Mexico, under the existing
state Of things. The war exists. Sup
pose it continue ill the next meeting of
Congress. What Is i, the duty Of n
good citizen and a good Wing to do 7
Well, | say for one, that | suppose it
To be true, that the next House of Rep
resentatives will be composed of a Whg
majority. | think we have had tones
Of denunciation from the East and the
West, sufficient to insure US that result,
although It will be very great change.
! Suppose that to be so. say at once,
unless the Presiden, Of the United States
shall make out a case, which shall snow
to Congress that the war is prosecuted
for no purpose OF acquisition OF dominion,
for no purpose not connected directly
with the safety OF this Union, then they
ought not grant any further suppins. il
we depart from that, # We say that on
the propriety Of a war, or on The necessi-
~ OF a war, begun or 10 be begun, Con-
gress has no voice, no Constitutional
power, we obli,erale the Constitution.
Wha, was done in the administration
| OF Mr.. Madison just before the close OF
the last war with England? lie placed
his terms for peace before Congress !;
| will not advert TO them, but they were
such as were strong y calculated to create
this dspostion- that, upon these terms
now offered, if Great Britain does not
make peace, we will not vote to refuse
supplies, but we will prosecute the war
To the end. il 80 happened that Grea'I
Britain did make peace, and we were moi
called upon for further supplies Ger
,anly 1t is essential to the liberty of a
representative Government that the rep
resentative bodies which have the power
and the only power To make war, should
hold a cognisance over the objects for
which the war IL prosecuted, and II they
think that tae war originated IN the mis-
ch'evous purpose which | have been dis
cussing, 1t IS their business, their solemn
duty to put an end TO it. That ls my judy
tnent.
! have smuch respect for distinguish.
ed military achievements, hope, az any
man need 10 have-l honor those who,
hatnu ,atlnI n,nn l,v tho conrsp oE prn.