The examiner. [volume] (Louisville, Ky.) 1847-1849, 1847-12-25

its authors would not do what they threaten.
This, we think, is the true explanation. One
party takes decided prO-slavery ground; the 9TH
er, fearing loss Of power, unites with il; and
hence, without any real sympathy of feeling
between parties in the Planting States, there
is, invariably, union Of action, on this sub
ject
| Some of the best minds of these States be-
lieve-and they are PROFESSIONALLY right-that
il fatal move, for Southern interests, in the
technical use of this phrase, when the people Of
the South permitted tho pro-slavery agitation.
1t had its rise in one conviction-(if that had
not been felt, it never would have been resorted
to- that the Free States would be loyal to the
constitution, and that, in no emergency would
the peculiar institution" be assaed by them,
or the Federal Government And this convic-
ton, in one sense, was, and 10, correct. The
supremacy of the State over slavery, is admitted;
the law, no less than public opinion, has put
this principle beyond the power of assault. But,
unfortunately, as the wise men Of the South
would say, there be no agitation of this ques-
/
stroy slavery. ''Give occasion to defend it's
said Judge Castor, sand It's fate is fixed" "Str
IT," said ono of South Cardinals ablest men,
sand no sane man can doubt what the end will
be-" None, certainly, should doubt. For there
is no such thing as impeding, no possibility,
most assuredly,' of arresting the progress of
free principles, when once set in motion. Geor-
gia nay affirm she pleases; South Carolina
may threaten disunion; the whole perpetual
ist clan may proclaim war TO the hilt; but il will
avail nothing. They can neither impart strength
to slavery, nor sap the vitality of freedom. The
power of free principles is deeper and stronger
than any party or sect; or than all parties and
sects combined; and 1t will out--lciH Conquer
despite Of the mad opposition of fierce foes, or
the heated action Of wild and maynard friends
As for disunion, if the Wimot Proviso should
become the law-it is the idlest CANNON, in the
world TO talk about it. Does South Carolina or
Georgia, do any bodies of men in these States,
suppose, that the mid-slave States will ever
tolerate the idea Of disunion, because slavery is
not extended into territory now free9 Yet this
is the proposition, stript of specious disguise,
and painted pretence! Cast your eye, doubter,
over the geography of these States, and see for
say probable, but possible. Begin with the Old /
Dominion. The largest and most populOus part
of it-West Yirginia-would this hour, and by a
large majority, too, disown slavery, If it had the
power TO do it, as the bttsrest of curses. Pro- |
coed to Tennessee. The Eastern division, when |
the convention which formed the constitution |
met, petitionsd that there should be no bondage
Of man to man, and proposed that, with kim |
dred people in the mountain region Of West
North Carolina, they should be permitted to ss-
Come to Kentucky. BY law, no man can bring
slaves into State, so resolved are our people,
that no additions shall be made, by outward |
means, to our black population! Will these
States, can they, under these circumstances, sIfs
tain sny man, or set of men, or State, seeking |
to sever our Union, because the extension Of
slavery is forbid by law Never! "No power
under heaven can force or persuade them to
do that
But suppose the mid-slave states, with the
other states of the Union, tired Of eeaseless as
sault, and angry warfare, should say TO South
Carolina,-"Go'' What could she do What
could she effect, fshe united with her, Georgia,
Florida, Alabama Before two years had pass
ed, suPPOsing these States mad enough to join
her, they would beg to be restored. In the name
Of common sense, what is it, that makes slavery
secure in these States What IL il which en-
sbes shareholders to hold property in them
Nothing but their connection with the Union
Sever that let these States, let shareholders in
them, stand by themselves, fixed mark for the
worlds scorn, avoided without, weak and
POwerless within, and "no power under heaven"
could make a 'stenure'' in man valid IL would
die out, instantly. They who exercised "owner-
ship Of slaves would be starred into the neces-
sity, if other causes failed to reach them, of
making freedom the universal law, contrary to
the statute of the state in that case made and
provided. Disunion is no trifying theme. 1t
is an act which when 'calculated'-as we hope
II will be caleulated-is more fraught with
woe than any within the range of human ac-
lion. But Of all portions of the Union, it would
all heaviest and be felt hardest, by this ultra
1rO-slaEery section-by those who plume them
selves on their bearing, and vaPOr haughti.y as
% what they will submit to-as TO what shall
" shall nOtbe done by the Nation.
In proof of this, as some, slight foretaste Of
he dread evil, we need but look at the con-
iition Of the only State which has agitated
his question of disunion, and sought with
apparent earnestness to carry it out. Nullifca-
ion has cost South Carolina millions of dollars!
For disunion dogmas, she has broken down her
titles, and thinned out rapidly, her population!
Other causes were operating to produce this
esult; but these were the chief, or immediate; so
hat when she dared to threaten disunion in thso-
y, for her leaders were never in earnest, as we
hall show hereafter,) peace-loving citizens
her by thousands, while enterprising
men abroad, refused, by thousands, in conse-
luence, TO adopt her as their home. And such
must be the result whenever, or wherever, the
people of any State seek to destroy our cOnsti-
ution, to threaten even its dissolution, and es-
'scially if they should attempt this, because
he National Government, a Government,
hall forbid the extension Of slavery into terri
DRY now free.
The Georgia senate's fourth resolve means
nothing, or il means, that the STAKEHOLDER, in
ownership over slaves, may defy any
aw, and ride down any constitution. The own