The daily national Whig. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1847-1849, 1847-12-28

ptge of history appears a complaint of some griev-
an q and an earnest appeal for n remedy lest the
) ate should perish OF this TRUTH the great move
ment now impending and growing out of our rela-
ions with Mexico furnishes the last instance. The
ulhcrn StEtGs cry Out that the institution Of Sa
very, in which they say, their safety, prosperity and
influence on the world are involved, is about to be
crushed and they point TO the Wilmot proviso sthe
source Of danger, 10 slave this measure off some
p!opose an extension of the Missouri Compro-
inisei' some 10 abstain altogether from legislation
on It's subect-matter whilst others coming forward
more boldly, confront ii with counter declaration
~ the most emphatic character. Now, is this odious
pFoylso, this striieengenderng proposition entitled
70 the consequence that either side have 'besowea
upon 1t unhesitatingly no.
The grievance lies in the exclusion OF slavery from
territories hereafter TO be acquired by the Federal
Government which represents all the States equally
und alike, and, as h consequence, the loss to the
Slave States OF influence in the Government, and
the diminution in value and security OF slave prop
efty. But this result, TO whatever extent II may be
iruc, will not be caused by the Wilmot Proviso, and
cannot be prevented by any of its substitutes. De-
feat the Proviso and enact either you please of the
other propositions, and the result will still be the
same In previous articles we have endcavored TO
show that the first cause is the war, which the Mex
leans huvc forced upon us and the secondary causes
| the Law OF Nations and the laws of Mexico opera
ting conointly on the conquests which the prosecu
tipn of the war has given us; thar these laws VIII
determine the condition OF conquered Mexico on the
moment that the conquest is made, apd that condi-
/ ton must be permanent unless changed in one OF
the two ways-neither OF which is at all probable
viz the direct Introduction of slavery into tho coun
try whilst yet territory, by act of Congress or the
| voluntary adoption OF II by State which had been
admitted into the Union by free State In all the
discussions which have arisen this proposition
Iuncontrovered, and cannot be controverted and
being true il reduces the Wilniot proyiso TO
| nullity, for good or for evil That famous PROPOSE
| ton thus becomes notorious, merely because parties
have chosen to make 1t a subject on which TO vent
their passion, many insignificant villages are Ia
nous in history because armies have chosen to fight
a battle there, Unquestionably the great event now
| al hand will be gratifying to the "hberty-men, as
they are called; but they cannot eXut because nei-
ther they, their proviso, nor any other of their
! measures will have done aught to produce 1t: nor
the friends of slavery complain, since II will pro-
cecd not from their political enemies but from prn-
| cipes which We're not established Tor their INJURY
and which they cannot wish TO destroy, Standing
clearly and prominently forth, necessary and una
| vIidable consequence of a Just and unsought war;
successfully prosecuted, it should be considered ms
an act of God, and received without scEgratulaton
or useless repining ..&
And here we may remark, that however repugnant
TO feelings the course recommended by sonie of
relnqufshing the glorious fruits OF all our efforts
purchased BY so much treasure and blood OF our no
blost citizens, and rewarding our heroes with the
barren laurel Of good conduct in bad cause, il is
hyei rational and consistent. Abandon the war and
call the armies home, and we certainly shall not be
troubled with the question OF disposng of conquesta
Get rid of the premises and the conclusion will fall
of course %f
efficient cause that shall impose the final limit 10 the
extension Of slavery, and destroy, is said, the
equal standing of the Southern States IN the Union,
and what then! What are to be the means of the
resistance much talked of In various quarters ~
II is 10 be State inierposition notification That
viii not do 4 State can resist only within the linz
It's Of State authority and State force l. within the
limits Of the State Itself and the present matter lies
entirely beyond them. Legislatures and conventions
might decree ns they liked, and the condition of
California or New Mexico be nevertheless unaffected
in the slightest particular A State would but ex-
pose itself 10 rdicne by declaring that certain laws
Of country thousand miles away should not be
enforced when but for the newspapers the Judges of
the country might never know the good people Of
The State were giving themselves any trouble on the
subject.
There remains but one other supposable way and
that is Dsunion-s separating from our league of
States, and with The strong hand wrestling the dis.
pued lands from the dominion Of the Federal Gov
erfnent and disposng Of them according our own
| views What shall we say OF thisl The thrill Of
horror which rises nj the bare thought Were sufii-
Client reply, and yet multitude Of other
| MOI wanting y
/ Dreadful and violent as the means would be- ihny
would be no less vain and Intellectual. Before there
could be even the semblance Of prospect of sue
cess II would be necessary obtain the cordial and
resolute cooperation of all the holding States
and there could be no hope of that The number OF
Staies which SET such value slavery, If indeed
any do, as TO countenance the proposition for mo-
ment must be small indeed large majority would
certainly be found siding with the Federal Govern
4 ment, and behind none in zeal in REFRESHING the
movement as treason and rewnrding its authors with
| the proper doom of traitors
But grant that the iniatuation shnn!d l""--i;a. an
general 81 =. &c o,i,sice all the save-holding States
and 10 tempt them, by an appearance of strength,
TO IN effort, still failure would be inevitable. The
Federal Government, supported by the superior
numbers OF the Free States would in all probability
hold the subject OF contention, despite Of every
effort OF the South, ard free laborers pouring in
would give in permanent, warlik.e population, an
| hourly increasing strength and solidy to the pos
session-whilst the South, even in the very impro-
babe contingency of being able to take and hold the
disputed territory, could do with armed only
as shareholders could never venture with their hui
| man property on n theatre constantly disturbed by
war, actual or threatened. And what would be the
| fruits OF our victory :!
! Under the benehcent influence of liberty and a
harmonious Union, our people have spread over the
land network of family ties, binding its parts more
firmly together than even our constitution and laws
Break up all these suddenly and violently, and for
the love Of kindred and friends substitute malignant
hatred destroy all laws for the delivery Of fugitive
| slaves remove all the checks imposed upon the
blind rage Of the abolitionists swell their faction
until II shall embrace whole States; and encourage
and reward the most daring cinssarics who may
venture among us, to involve us in the horrors OF
seTvile tnsurrectOn trace along the line which shall
| sunder us from those who once were our friends
frontier more than thousand miles in length, and
stud II with forts and csomhouses TO guard against
! armies, abolitionsts and smuggers intersect and
| block up our thoroughfares by land and water, with
the boundary lines Of foreign and hostile nations
create an army and navy ten times more numerous
than any ever possessed by the whole United States
| and furnish them with men and money from the
resources of the South alone; freight steamboats,
with gunpowder and cannon, instead OF the PRODUCES
OF the soil convert out inland seas, now burdened
| with wealth that has sprung up like miracle,
intoa scene of deadly naval conflicts. Then limit
slavery to its present or narrower limits and dimin-
ish its value and security, and we may form some
i conception Of our victory. But who could depict
our defeat if overwhelmed by superior numbers,
defeat should be our lot2
Ii were vain to make the attempt; and our
thoughts revert once TO the Island of ST. Domingo
! Surely the gentlemen who talk much about re-
sisiance cannot be blind TO these things; they are
too intelligent for that, They surely mean to
base their recommendations upon reason and policy,
but upon some other consideration; the sense Of
honor, perhaps that makes peril his life for n
word or that stern herosm which made Cato use
the dagger upon himself, rather than submit TO Caesar
These must be their arguments; and perhaps they
may ns well be left TO urge them upon the practical
sense OF the American people, and 10 reconcile them
with the established rules Of public and private ac-
/ ton prevailing at this day Possibly II may occurio
themselves IL possibly will 10 Others that there
would be prODriety in practiainp their