The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1847-01-30


cesson to each other exists in all its pennlde over our
territories as much within the limits of the States
themselves Yet there can be no conflict; for none Of
the States can make any rues and regulations sepa,
ratey, wilhn We territories, which may bring them in
conflict. The 'iules and regulations" prevailing will
be made by all and obligatory on all through their COM
mon agency, the government OF the United States The
only effect and probably the only object of their reserved
sovereignty IS that II secures TO each State the right
enter the territories with her citizens and settle and oc
cqpy them with their propertywith whatever recog
nsed as property by each State The ngress of the cit
zen is the nSress OF his sovereign who is bound pro-
tect HIM IN his settlement 1t matters not whether he
carries those who slaves or not He is not respon
sble to any OF the cosovercigns for the nature of his
property That an affair between him and his State
PLANT because the southern States occupy portion OF
The territory common TO them with their slaves Did not
this institution exist when they made the compact of
union with thens VIII not every foot of territory
}qed be purchased by their common blood or treasure!
And do they not know that the southern States must
ter it with their slaves or not all Nav, more that in
vast regions where the Anglo Saxon race cannot
cultivate the soil, they must be cultivated by the
southern planter, or be left wilderness. In ey-
ercising common right over property the
southern States only do what the other States have also
right to do without giving any Just cause for pleading
surprise or injustice But it viii be suprseit will
be strange injustice, II portion OF the States, whether
free slave shall presume up their will supreme
the territories and through Congress- any other
fundamentally, shall attempt to exclude any of these
would practically be 10 assert that the sovereignty
the territories not in all the States but in the excluding
portion only And this may be asserted in territories
where the sovereignty OF States complete in the
States, why may not be asserted in the States The
exclusion of slavery is the pretey But does slavery
also exist in the States And if on this account the
sovereignty of States be abolished in their territory
why not in the States themselves? Is not the pretenson
as fatal to sovereignty in the States in the territories
to slavery IN the States in the territories The prin
cpe is the same in both aspects and whilst asserting
gentlemen need not vaunt their magnanimous' forbear
ance towards slavery in the States whilst they strike
down in territories. Their present want of power
| We
cannot byelg to their pretensons place ourselves at
the mercy OF their interests or ianacism The instinct
! of existence itself forbds acquiescence.
Turn, Also Mr. Speaker, TO the effect the government
itself these preensons must produce. 1t is not anata-
cism, or q sense OF right only. which dictates this
policy. Political power, the power of the different
sections of the Union, seeking the mastery, is un-
doubleday strong element in the proposed exclusion
OF slavery from our territory If "a portion Of our
territory is settled by the southern States, twenty eight
thousand white inhabitants may create Statethe rest
Of the seventy thousand required for representative in
are counted in representation Two senators in Con-
gess and representative follow TO the southern States
Now is designed to impede the growth of the southern
riioes The north is 10 grow Indefinitely, and ali our
territories are TO be kept open for their special enjoyment
and aggrandizemen Laying, aside considerations of
the constitution which gives Congress the authority to
control and determine the relative political powers Of the
different sections of the Union Where is the clause
giving Congress any power whatever over the consttu
ency Of the Union BY excluding slavery out of the ter
rtores they determine the character of the constituency
of the territories and of the States which shall arise out
of the territories. Congress does more; affects also,
the taxing power under the constitution; for when d.
rect taxes laid fhs of the slaves liable to
taxation This was supposed, at the time the constitu
ton made 10 be great advantage to the free States
By excluding slavery from the territories, this of
revenue is eXtngushed in the territories and the States
arising from them. ask again. where is the authority
in the constitution do these things? The constitution
has expressly left to the States to determine the auai
of Of
ting that II shall not control the character OF its consttu
ency Yet it exercises this right over the territories, and
States to arise out of them. This TO be
usurpaton but, when the constituency of Congress is
thus regulated not with view TO Congress- but for the
purpose of controlling and altering the relative polit
cal power of different sections of the Union, the usurpa
ton is still less olerabe. agency used by
part OF the States to spread their dominion over the rest
free people did we that there an identity OF in
terests and institutions between the different sections of
the Union. Buthe northern people, whilst seeking pow
er over the SOUTH openly procla-have proclaimed in
this debate that they abhor institutions and that to
overthrow and abolish them the grand object OF these
usurpations. The south is minority, weakening mi
norty, by the rghtiu and natural operation of things
She, therefore, cannot inure the north. They alone
have the weapon OF aggression in their hands II would
be natural to suppose that secure in power, they at least
would be content to await the certain and rapid progress
OF events which must, few years, crown them with
the entire mastery of the Union But they will not wait
They stride the constitution to reach institutions
and force by their hasty and reckless aggessons to
ponder over our destiny when, by tame and long ac-
quescence, shall stand suppants of their mercy Our
fate dark oraces need expound. 1t is trumpeted in
advance-proclaimed In tones of triumph and in
this very debate which should reach every wild and
hamlet in the south
! Mr. Sneaker, have endeavored to show that the ex-
cuson of the southern States, with their slaves from
the territory embraced in the bill, without authority
For that territory, but ttle since it prob-
BILE that single planter would desire to set his foot
within its limits But the right is important; because
applies 10 future acquisitions OF errtory and, by res
ing to acknowledge the obligation of the Missouri
PROMISE you force open the whole question of power
the constitution, the sovereignty OF the States. and the
Liberties and safety of the southern States In lifting the
argument to ITS high and proper principles my purpose
has been TO raise il also, il possible, above the passions
it is well calculated TO excite. Sir lament the Lam
guage OF defiance and contempt towards the SOUTH which
has been used in this debate. What have we done to
elicit IT What have our people done to merit it! Not
only have institutions been gratuitousy introduced
into the House, but the whole south, section has
been arragned and condemned. We told, that
dwared" and " cursed" And as if dsparagement
not enough to produce the desired irritation, we
tainted with our mbeclity! The Union is not in the
least danger from aggressons on our institutions, CT from
under any expressions and wrongs, are sure guaranty
for Its eternal preservation far we are concerned;
and so cowardy our constituents, that they will
hang as high Hannah, any representative who
shall venture to question Union deemed so vital TO
their protection against their own slaves Sir, II the
arch-hend himself plotting dissolution OF the
Union he could not have spoken wisely than
that pride often masters reason, and that taunt is
often more potent than argument Passions lead rev
olutons and TO dare, is to awake them. What
right has he to suppose that the people OF the south will