Baton-Rouge gazette. [volume] (Baton-Rouge, La.) 1819-1856, 1847-12-04

, tlpable falsehood stamped IN It's fare
Almost idolizing truth. "a | do, | ncvct
could have voted for that bill,
The exceptionabls conduct Of the Tcde
raj party. during the las. British war, ha
excited an Influence in the prosecution &
the present war, and prevented n just dis
elimination between the tw7 ware. Tim
was IA war of National defence. required
for the yindiration Of III National right
and honor, and demanded by the ~indignan
voice Of tho people. President Madison
himself, I know, at first, reluctantly anf
with great doubt and hesitation. brough'
himseIffo the conviction that 1t ought 10 be
declared A leading, and perhaps the mosI
influential member Of his Cabinet. { Mr.
Gailafin. was, up TO the time o fits declarn.
ton, opposed to it. Bot nothing could with.
stand the irresistible force Of public seuti.
mem. II was q just war, and ifs great oh
iect as announced nj the time, was ''Ftpe
Trade and Sailors Rights" against the in.
'o'erable and oppressive acts Of British
power IN tho ocean. The Justice If fhe
war, far from being denied or eontrove rted,
was admitted by the Federal party, which
only questioned IL on considerations Of
policy. Being deliberately and constitu.
t~iobally declared. II was I think, their duty
to have give1 10 ittheir hearty cooperation.
But the mass Of them did no'. They con.
tihued 10 oppose and thwart il, 10 disconr.
age Ioans and enlistment=, to deny the
power oFthc General Government to march
the militia beyond our limits, and 10 hold a
Hartford Convention, which. whatever
were ito real objects, horo the aspect #
seeking - dissolution Of thc Union itaclf.
They lost and Justly lost the public conf.
dencc. But has not an apprehension Of
similar fate. in a state Of case widely diff.
Erent, rcpresso1 n fearless expression of
their real sentiments in some of our public
men1
How sJafly variant is the present wnr.
This is ~ war Of offence, but one unne.
cessary an1 Of R,nsivc aggression. It IL
Mexico that ia defending her fresides, her
castles and her ~alfara, mt we. And how
different also IL tho conduit nf the Wing
party ofthc present day from that Of the
major part ofthe Federal party during the
war 1927 Far from i~n'erposing any oh.
~stacIes - the prosecution OF the war, ifthe
Wings in office arc ~reproachable Mt all, il
il for having lent too ready a facility to it.
without careful examination into the objects
of'he war. And. ont ofofice, who have rush.
I'd to the prosecution ofthp war with more
ardor and a%Iacrity than the Wings Whose
have blcd more freely than those Of
the Whigs7 Who have more occasion 10
to mourn the loss Of so1s, husbands, broth.
crs, fathers. than Wing parents, Wing
and Wing brothers, in this deadly
and Improbable strict
BIT the havoc of war il in progress and
the no less deplorable havoc Dan inhospi-
and presidential climate. Without
INDUCING in an unnece ssary retrospect and
USELESS reproaches on III" pat. al hearts
and heads should unite in the patriotic IN.
tn bring It to a satiscactory cIosc.
Is there no way that this can be done /
Must we blindly continue the conflict, with.
out any visible object, or any prospect ola
termination? This II the impor-
tant subject upon which I desire to consult
and to with YOU. Who, in this
free government, is to decide upon the OBJ.
Iects ola war, at its commencement, or at
any time during its existence Does the
belong tothe nation, to the collective
Of the nation in Congress assem-
bled, oris IT vested solely in n single f1nc-
# the government?
A declaration of war is the highest and
most awful exercise Of severe gnty. The
convention which framed orr Federal Cons.
tuition had learned from the pages of histo.
y that it had been often and greatly abuse1.
had seen thai war had often been COM
npnced upon the most trifing p~reterts :
hat it had been frequently wage to
establish or to exclude a dynasty; 10
snatch a crown from the head Of one
,otent&s}Re anil place it upon the head of
mother that it had been often prosecuted
0 promote alien and other interests than
hose Of the nation whose chief had pro-
'laimed it, as in the case of English wars
or Hanoverian interests; and, in short,
hat such a vast and tremendous power
,ught not to be confided to the perfdiors
oFone single man. The conveI-
ion, therefore, resolved 10 guard the war
power against those great abuses, |
# which, in the hands of a monarch, 1t was
susceptible. And the security against |
bose abuses which its wisdom devised was
o vest the war-making power in the Con-
,ress ofthe United States, being the i'm
Mediate representatives of the people and
he States. So apprehensive and jealous
vas the convention Of its abuse in any
,ther hands, that it interdicted the exercise
,fthe power 10 any State in the Union, |
the consent of ongress. Congress,
hen, our system of~government, is the sole
depository ofthat tremendous power.
The Constitution provides that Congress |
hall have power to declare war;, and grant
etters of marqle and reprisal, to make
ules concerning captures on land and
vater, to raise and support armies, 10
and maintain a navy, and 10 make
uIes for the government of the land and |
forces. Thus we perceive that the
power, in regard to war, with all
is ancillary attendants, is granted to Con-
Whenever called upon to deter
nine upon the solemn question of peace or
var, Congress mus consider and delibe-
and decide upon the motives, objects, |
nd causes of the war. And, ifa war be
commenced without any previous declara-
of its objects, as in the case of the ex-
war with Mexico, Congress must ne
possess the authority, at any time.
o declare for what purposes it shall be further
sosecuted. If we suppose Congress does not
the controlling authority attributed to
F; if it be c, Intended that a war having been
,,o onpnvopraJ %ha D-,.;J.n& e Al NJ |