Jeffersonian Republican. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1840-1853, 1847-09-16

4 have believed that in great emergencies the
chief magistrate Of powerful republic, having
10 deal with weak and distracted state, should
rise. superior 10 mere technical forms, and the
niceiies of truth and honor; but it strikes Us
that he would have done better, proved himself
even more patrolic and sufficiently promp, and
energetic, if he had confined himself 10 the or
dinary rules of morality, and The we'll defined
principles Of international law. BY aspiring
TO rise above these, and TO appear original, he
has placed his country in false position and
debarred himself, whatever The Just causes oi
war Mexico may have given US, from pleading
one of them in justification Of the actual war.
We must be permitted 10 regre, that he did not
refec, beforehand, that, fhe placed the defence
of the war on The ground lha. !, already exis-
ted, and existed by the act Of Mexico herself,
and on ,ha, ground demanded of Congress the
means of prosecuting il, he would, in case that
ground proved to be untenabie as he mus, have
known it would, have nothing whatever to al
lege in its or his own justification. He should
have been lawyer enough 10 have known that he
could not plead anew, after having failed on his
first issue. 1t is often hazardous in our plead.
ngs 10 plead what is not true, and in doing so
in The present case, the Presiden, has no, only
offended morality, which he may regard a
small matter, bu. has even committed a blunder.
"The course the Presiden, should have pur-
sued is plain and obvious. On learning The
state OF things on the frontier, the critical con-
dlion of our army of occupation, he should have
demanded of Congress the renforcements and
supplies necessary to relieve i, and secure the
purpose for which it was avowedly sen, to the
Rio Grande and, if he. believed il proper or
necessary, TO have, in addition, laid before Con-
gress full and truthful statement of our rela-
lions with Mexico, including all the, unadjnsted
complaints, past and present. we had against
her, accompanied by the recommendation OF a
declaration of war. He would then have KEEP,
within the limits Of his duty, proved himself
plain constitutional President, and left the re-
sponsibili,y of war or no war 10 Congress, the
only war-making power known TO our laws
Congress, after mature delberation, might, or
might not, have declared war,-most likely
would not; but whether so or not, the respon-
sibility would have rested with it, and no blame
would have attached to the President
Unhappiy, this course did no. occur TO the
President, or was too plain ard simple 10 meet
his appreciation. As if fearful, If Congress de-
liberated, i. might refuse to declare war, and
as if determined 10 have war a, any rate he
presented to Congress, noithe true issue, wheth-
er war should or should no, be declared but
the false issue, whether Congress would grant
him the means OF prosecuting war, waged a.
gainst us by a foreign power. In the true issue,
Congress mi ght have hesita,ed-in the one &C.
lually presented there was no room 10 hesitate
if The official announcement, of the President
was 10 be credited, and hesitation would have
been criminal. By declaring ,ha, the war al
ready existed, and by the &C, of Mexico herself
the President relieved Congress of the respon-
sbiliiy of the war, by throwing it all on Mexi-
CO. But since he cannot lasien it on Mexico
for war did not already exist, or if so, by
our act, and not hers--it necessarily recois
upon himself, and he mus, bear the responsible
iiy Of doing wha, the Constitution forbids him
TO do--o making war without the Intervention
Of Congress. In effect, therefore, he has tram
pied the Constitution under his feet, sci dan
gerous precedent, and, by the official publica-
ton Of palpabe fasehood, sullied the national
honor. 1t is with no pleasure ,ha, we speak
thus Of the chief magistrate Of the Union, for
whose elevation TO his high and responsible Of
flee we ourselves voted. But whatever may
be our attachment TO party, or the respect we
hold TO be due from all good citizens to the civ
II magistrate, we cannot see the Constitution
violated, and the national honor sacrificed,
whether by friend or foe, from good motives or
bad, without entering, feeble though j. be, our
stern aud indignant protest.