Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1847-11-27


during such term Of service unless he commits most
fragrant error and even this will not always deprive him of
it. or else declaration Of by him. the highest offence
against the sovereignty Of the people, would be gnay
rebuked If Congress did not make this war and it did not
possess some inherent power to make ITSELF then
clude that was made directly indirectly by the President
and care not how imperative the exgency il blow
more injurious to the splendid fabric Of our Government than
the blood that has been shed bitter in the social circles Of
our people. If the madness of ambition should far ovceap
itself hurry the rulers Of petty States for self ag
gandizement how would be with rule Of the American
people, possessed Of such engine Of selfish elevation and
social oppression
1t was observed by great statesman Of country and
one not at all hostile the full Of constitutional power
by the Executive that is Of the increase
the Executive the expense Of the Legislative authority, but
he did dream Of such hasty Developments that the first
step Of encroachment would be that Of wrestling from the Le
gsave branch the highest funston that i possessed Inghe
ordinary Of political encroachment the approach Of
usurpaion gradual and disguiseke the gradaons Of
vice. whose familiarity, difficult at FIRST gains by little and
little until we embrace it with Gaternal love.
We find that the war itself improperly begunbegun
by amplng under foot he cons,ituon-that, too, in the
very face Of that branch of the Government exclusively
thorzed make ad pursuing Introductory extract,
what to get byit
We have already got many of those calames of carnage
and cost that unalteably its attendants, and will get the
couptions that always -corupons dangerous to
the social conditions of country even to make statesman
of hereditary monarchy say, that when becomes the
trade of separate Glass; the least dangerous left to
Government is form that class into a standing army.
In the place Of national amy have incurred the burning
hatred of sister Republic, and into the end is
sues of which We may obtain enlarge
ment of public domain, by which introduce people
the character and habits of whom, moral POLITICAL and rel-
gious wholly unlike ownrude, semibarbarous, and
ntractble-wth territory which do not want. Want
Does any feel that be compensated, looking upon
this question of interest," by any accession of land
when we have already ackless regions of unappropated
territory Suffice it, that and for years to come we
have lands than equal the most exaggerated demands
if in future ages it should be needed the progress of wealth
and population will afford to the existing Government means
abundant, without appeal to Thus, in TRUTH we get
nothing that want, but much that we do not want. 1t
may, however, be that the President may have thought that
he wanted something the trading capital of popularity but
alas at the price which must be paid this view
fail II has been found that nation is to be subdued by
something more than single brilliant sally. But, again,
only do the wants the nation suggest under crcum
Stances the favorable such accessions Of domain
avorube TO The peace and harmony of the country 1t is
needless to point to the questions involved necessarily in the
resu-quesons which deeply agatng when the sub
ec, less embarrassed by preudces obviously
evolved, and that, agitaed, may rock with saumne
throes the foundations of national affection. Then
literally sto get nothing by it Of the admiration
of foreign nations-no of their respectuness it be
that which vauees and that proceeds from weaker
to stronger Powers the result merely of the sentiment of fear
We gain but the simple iteration that is warke and
unconquerable people.
We naturally arrive at the question: What had best be
done second in importance other question but that Of
Executive usurpaon Very after the notifying caplu-
lation of CORVALLIS you find the Parliament Of Great Britain
voting under the sanction of of her abest men,
address to the King that end be put to the American
address that promptly met by measures of peace
If Parliament address the King with whom is legimatey
the prerogave, may not we, by Congress- take some
decisive in circumstances of not authorized by
us, in whom alone is this power
If England defeated incurred no loss of national estimation
in acknowledging independence and entering with into
treaties would America suffer- after the dazzling victories that
every battle has bazoned her escuchcon If the Lion
the British Tslcs that had always reared triumphant land
and sea- could crouch the American Eaget mgh the
proud bird now in the greater funess Of growth and power
and victory withdraw her talons from the bleeding body OF
her PROSTATE foe Is Mexico BUNDLED enough in having
her people scouged from the gates Of her capital II cannot
nay, is necessary that nation rich, prosperous pow
erul, and triumphant should require Of people, poor pow
eess and distracted that she should dsmember her States
gu Executive rapacty, or, in the agony Of despair to
claim, 'I vanqushed," crafty the morbid appetite Of
Executive ambition.
America afford to be generous. Then, like the two
hundred and hiryour generous spirits that carried the adj
dress above alluded to- that resulted gorousy to us the
effects Of which limit let adopt plan
which shall make mankind, when they call great, call
also good. Let power with mercy and the
nation lying in the dust will, in future day. rise
up and call us blessed
"Thou must know
''Tis not my profit that does lead my honor
% Mine honor, it," X.
VIRGINIA, NOVEMBER 6, ls47.