The daily national Whig. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1847-1849, 1847-12-20

institution; and arrangements were going on
smoothly for abolshing il in all the middle
States, when the anti-negro-slavery senti-
ment suddenly took on political form, to the
great retardation Of negro-freedom. 1t as
sumed, most unfortunately for the negro and
for the country, that human slavery was
sin in the eyes Of God, and that it must be
extirpated at any and every cost To effect
the extirpaton Of this dire sin, its haters very
naturally looked to national action and It was
not difficult for them to be led into the error,
which we have pointed out in the beginning
Of these remarks, respecting the character Of
our Union and its Government. They saw
the one and indivisible empire Of Great Bri-
tain with her Supreme Legislature abolish ne
gro-slavery in all her dominions by the word Of
| law, and it was easy for them, to forget or
neglect to remember the true nature OF our
General Government and to be eager favor
ers of similar course Of policy to be pur-
sued by Congress without delay.
| Notwithstanding long period Of time has
elapsed since the beginning Of this negro
liberty political party and the country has
been enlightened by the most able forensic
arguments upon the subject and by unan-
swerable judicial decisions, the negro-hberty
party men appear to be determined not to
realize their true position. In the blindness
Of their rage, they would sunder the Union,
That there are exceptions to this state Of
feeling in the party, we freely acknowledge,
but their views have not their full weight
| They are not negro-liberty party men. They
are State's-rght negro-liberty, party men,
and though they are members of the Adolf
ton Party, so called, they are not regarded
by their violent brethren as belonging to the
true faith.
The utter and overwhelming defeat Of Mr..
Palfrey and his brethren, in this bold attempt
to set up their disorganizing doctrines in
Congress, will, we trust, put an end forever
to any renewal Of the effort, We confident
| ly believe that the movement will turn the
| attention of our statesmen generally to a
closer study Of our institutions, and that their
true nature will come to be more fully under
stood and realized. Let but correct views
| prevail Of the character Of our confederacy and
negro-iberty partyism without the States in
which negro-slavery exists will die for want
Of food to keep il alive. Let the enemies of
negro-slavery, who do not live in the slave
states, once understand and feel, that they
have no more right to interfere in the slave
ry Of the slave-states, than the shareholders
have to interfere in the industrial pursuits Of
non-slave-holders, and all cause for dissen-
sion will disappear. The probable acquisi-
ton Of Mexican territory will bring up the
| question of negro-savery in all its forms and
aspects, and in the event that any part Of
that territory shall be declared to be ours, it
will doubtless be preceded by the proclama-
ton Of doctrines that will place the subject
Of slavery upon proper footing and beyond
all power to agitate it hereafter by sinister
men. Political negro-slavery abolition is not
destined for long career. 1t died in Con-
gress ere it began to live. We predict that
| the next Presidential election will witness its
death and burial out Of Congress.
| Slavery is purely local institution. 1t
exists, and must exist by the word Of law
When the American States met in Conven-
ton to form bond of union, negro-slavery
existed in nearly all or most Of those States.
The haters of the institution in that Conven-
ton were quite as decided as any that can
be found nowadays They did not, how
ever, refuse to form bond Of union because
of the existence Of the hated institution
They did not regard the holding Of one man
{ in bondage by another, as sin against God
: That such a bondage was an evil, they adj
/ mtted; but in a union Of thirteen sove-
reigntes, this evil, as well as others, must
!, be tolerated They were tolerated, and the
Union was formed They have been stea.
Oily tolerated since that epoch, and that
Union is now the glory Of our age. Every
domestic institution Of the States, unless sur
rendered to the power of Congress, was re-
served to the States individually. The TO-
; reign negrc-,la trade, belonging to the
t States before the Union was made, was
given up to, and abolished, after certain
tain period, by the General Government by
. virtue of provision in the Constitution it.
self, but the institutions of State negro-sla-
, very and the domestic slave trade were ne
/ yer disturbed. On the contrary, they were
/ recognised in the Constitution as positive in
stitutions, at the will and disposition solely
of the States themselves To assert that
; the people of any one State have right to
! complain, because the people Of another State
devote their industrial energies to manufac-
turing, or to raising cotton solely, and tina,
the compliments have the right to interpose
t by all the means in their power, and force
+ the other States to break up their factories
/ or cotton plantations, is just as reasonable as
: to agree to the doctrines Of the negro-liberty
! advocates, with Mr.. Palirey at their head
II enemies Of negro-slavery living out Of a
: slave State, can make war upon the system,
n under the Constitution, and force its aboli-
S ton, then all the other States can, with just
: as much right, agree to organize and put
: down the civil law which prevails in LOUISE
S ana The State of Louisiana has no more
: power over the one than the other. If she
: can protect the one, she can the other Both
c are her own institutions
E The United States have the power to ac-
quire and hold territory under sort of CO.
ona tenure. This territory is the property