Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1847-06-11

iOCeht ltJtClOH1 III DOtH IlOuStS' AZ
Washington, of the Wilmot ~proviso, by which
slavery was 10 be excluded from all new ter
ritoIial acquisitions, reveals to the world the
fixed determination of a majority of Congress,
10 make the war an instrument for the extern
sion of slavery, and the establishment in new
regions Of what Mr.. Upshur called 'the grand
domestic institution
II is a War to strengthen The Siape Power.'
But it is not merely proposed to cpen new
markets fer slavery; it Is also designed to
confirm and fortify the Slave Power Here
is a distinction which should not fail to be
bcrne in mind. Slavery is odious as an in
s%titution, if viewed in the light of morals and
Christianity. On this account alone, we
should refrain from rendering it any %volunta-
Ty support. But il has been mad the basis
Of a political combination, to which has not
inaptly been applied the designation of the
Slave Power The Shareholders of the
country-who are not supposed to exceed
100000, or at most, 300, 600 in nurnbers-by
the spirit Of union which animates them. by
the strong sense of a common interest, aud by
The a~udacity Of their leaders, have erected
themselves into a new estate as it were,
under the Constitution. Designating the
sentiments of many of the great trainers of
tHot IlSNuihth'. NHO iONOllbASlN CblSlutltu
slavery as tempDrayy, they proclaim it a per-
mdncn' institution; and with a strange lncOn-
sistency, at once press its title to a paramount
influence in the government, while they deny
the right of that government TO interfere, IN
any way, with lis existence. According to
them, it Iuay never be restrained or abolished
by the general government, though it may be
indefinitely extended. And it is urged that,
as new free States are admitted into the Union.
other slave States should be admitted in or
der to preserve, in the Senate, what is called
the balance Of power;' in other " ords, the
%equipoise between slavery and freedom
though 1t mlght, with more propriety, BE term
ed the preponderance Of slavery. The bare
annunclatlon of this claim discloses its alb
surdlty. Is 1t not a mockery Of The principles
OF freedom, which the hearts and strengthen
ed the hands of our fathers, 10 suppose that
they contemplated any such peryerse arrange
ments Of political power?
IL cannot be doubted that His EXcellency
is entirely right when he SAYS, in his mes
sage, that at the time Of The adoption Of the
Constitution of the United States, the final
ext n ;tlon of the institution of slavery was
looked for at no very distant day. and that
so carefully was the Constitution formed
that, when the event took place, not one word
or phrase of it would require to be altered
and no expression in it would give notice to
p~osterity that such an institution ever exist
ed = and further, that the Constitution leaves
slavery where it found it, a State institution;
and though, as a compromise, it did confer
political power upon States which had slaves,
i! tvaS not iniended HAT that power should be
extended bfyond lite States who were parties IL
the compromised
But the slave power has ~triumphed over
the evident intentions of The trainers of The
Constitution. 1t appears that only one new
free State has been formed out of territory ac-
CURED by treaty, while four new slave States
have been established, and the foreign slave
State of Texas has been incorporated into the
Union by joint resolutions Of Congress.
The object of the bold measure of annexa-
ton, was not only to extend slavery, but to
strengthen the Slave Power The same
object is now proposed by the Mexican war.
This is another link in the gigantic chain, by
which our country and the Constitution are
10 be bound to the Slave Power This has
been proclaimed in public journals. The fol-
lowing passage from the Charleston Is. c.
Courier avows it: Every battle fought in
Mexico, and every dollar spent there, but in
sures the acquisition of territory, which must
widen the field of Southern enterprise and pOU.
err in jutre. And the final result will be tc
readjust the balance of power in the confede'
racy, so as 10 gire us control OUcr the operation
IF Government in all time 10 Gomez
lisa Hdr against Tie free States.
Regarding it as a war to strengthen, thu
Slave Power we are conducted to "a nalura
conclusion, that it is virtually, and in its con
sequences, a war against the free States o
the Union. Conquest and robbery are at
tempted in order to obtain a political contro
at home; and distant battles are fought, les
with a special view of s~ubiugating Mexico
than with the design of overcoming the pow
er of the free States, under the Constitution
The lives of Mexicans are sacrificed in thi
cause; and a domestic question, which Shout,
be reserved for bloodless debate in our owI
country, is transferred 10 fields Of battle in
foreign land.
(TO be Continued.)