Democratic banner., 1847-02-15
N@.

in peril, and our patriotism predominatcd
over the petty party %squabbles Of the day.,
there were but fourteen to be found in this
Hall, who were not proud TO share in TIE
glory of that war. Sir, what was the ma.
tional response 10 that declaration? Did.
they say it was a Presidents war? No, Sill;
the people, always ahead of politicians on
great national subjects, had been patiently
waiting to see Congress adopt some mea-
sure to vindicate the national honor; and
when they found that we had been awaken
ed from our letllargy, and had moved in the
matter, the Joyous news was hailed with I'M
bounded applause from one end OF the re-
public to the other. Volunteers enrolled
themselves with a patriotic enthusiasm un-
paralIeled in any country Yet, in the face
of these stubborn facts, gentlemen boldly
assert the people are against it, and that i:
is the Presidents war. The President has
maintained it with a patriotic ardor and a
singleness Of devotion to his country that
does him immortal credit; but the people
intend to be sharers with him in its glory
and renown.
But the President, it was said, had some
vast scheme of territorial ACKNOWLEDGEMENT.
And why this clanor? Was it because our
arms had been successful: Must the war
necessarily assume such a character, in Tie
opinion of gentlemen, simply because it was
not disastrous? What was the basis of this
charge? Why, we were again and again
told, that our commanders were establish
ing governments in the conquered provin-
ces, of a permanent character. If this
were even true, the President could not be
Auro0ol1o co. - n.f:l Ia, CONDITIONED md ~,
proved it. 1t could constitute no charge
against the President. But is it true in re-
lation to CUR gallant commanders? Have
they done anything to warrant this sweep
ing charge of usurpation? Nc; lie under
took to say that their acts had been charac-
terized by humanity, justice, and a strict
regard to the law Of nations. By the law
of nations, :he conquered province passes
to the conquerer, to be held by him subject
TO the fortune of war, and its adj justments
on the restoration of peace; and, in the
meantime, it is his duty to govern it in such
manner as will secure its possession, and
at the same time give the greatest security
to his own troops. The preservation of the
conquest and the security of his own army,
constitute the measure of the power to be
employed. Anciently, the conquered were
regarded as possessing no rights; and the
arbitrary power of the sword was the fate
of the vanquiShed foe. But, in this enlight-
ened age, when even the fury of war is
tempered by the mild principles of Christi
anity, the power of the conqueror is SO far
relaxed in favor of humanity, as to require
the mildest government of the conquered
territory, that is consistent with is srcuri-
ty and his own safety. Hence it has be-
come the modern practice to extend to the
conquered people the blessings of temporal
ry civil government, where it can be done
with safety to the ~conqueror and his force.
But they must not expect to retain their
own peculiar Institutions, but adopt the
thelaws and institutions Of the conquer
ing power. 1t is the privilege of the con-
queror to give the laws; and the most that
could be demanded of him, upon even the
broadest principles of humanity, was tc
give civil law instead of military despotism
These were principles which he presumed
CONCLUDED on second p0ge.1