The Lancaster gazette. (Lancaster, Ohio) 1846-1852, 1847-11-26


sderation would have ever tempted ar
provoked me to vnte for the bill, with a
palpable falsehood stamped on its face
Almost idolizing truth, as ! du, never
never, could have voted for that bill
The exceptionable conduct ofthc Fed
eral party, during the last British War,
has excited an influence in the prusecu
Ition .ofthe present war, and prevented a
just discrimination betweenthe two wars.
That was.a war Of National defence, re
quired far the vindicatim ufthe National
rights and honor, and demanded by the
indignant Voice of The People. Presi,
dent Madison himself, ] know, at first, re
lnctantly aud with greut doubt and hest
tation, brought himself to the conviction
that II ought To be declared. A leading,
and perhaps the most influential member
of his Cabinet, (Mr Galatin,) was, up To
the time Of its declaration, opposed 10 ii.
But nothing could withstand the irrcsis-
table force Of the public sentiment. II
was a Just war, and its great object, as
announced at the time. was Free Trade
and Sailors Rights, against the intolera-
BILE and oppressive acts of British power
on the ocean. The Justice Of the war
far from being denied or controvened
was admitted by the Federal party
which only questioned it on consi,lera
tions Of policy. Being deliberately and
constitutionally declared. it was, think
their duty to have given it their hearty
corporation. But the mass oftbem did
not. They continued to oppose and
thwart it, to discourage loans aud enlist
ments, to denylhe power IF tho General
Government to march the militia beyond
our limits, and to hold Hartford Con.
vention. which, whatever were its real
objects, bore the aspect of seeking dis.
solution Of the Union itself Thcy,losl
and justly lost the public confidence
But has not an apprehension of similar
fate, in state Of case widely different
repressed fearless expression of their
real sentiments in some ofour public menl
How totally variant is the present war!
This is no war Of defence, but one unne-
cessary and of offensive aggression. 1t
is Mexico that is defending her fire sides.
her castles aud her altars, not we. And
how different also is the conduct of the
wlIig party of the present day from that
oftho major part of the federal party du-
ring the war of 1912! Far from interpo-
sing any obstacles to the prosecution Of
the war; if the Wings in Office arc re-
proachable at all, it is for having lent too
reudily facility TO it, without careful ex-
animation into ,he objects of the war.
And, out of Office, who have rushed to the
prosecution of the war with more arlor
and alacrity than the Whigsl Whose
hearts have bled more freely than those of
the Whigsl-Who have more occasion to
mourn the loss of sons, husbands, broth
ers. fathers, than Wing parents, whg
wives and whig brothers, in this deadly
aud Improbable slrilcl
But tho havoc of war is in progress,
and the no less deplorable havoc of an in
hospltable and pestilentialclimate. With.
out ndulgiug in an unnecessary retro,
spect and useless reproaches on the past
all hearts and heads should unite in the
patriotic endeavor to bring it to satisfac-
tory close. Is there no way that this can
be done? Must we blindly continue the
conflict. without any visible object, or
any prospect of definite termnation?- -
This is tho important subject upon which
| desire TO consult and TO commune with
you. Who in this free government is, to
decide upon the objects of a War, at it's
commencement or at any time during its
exlslancel Does the power belong to
the Nation, to the collective wisdom of
the Nation in Congress assembled, or is
1t vested solely in single fuuclionary
of tho government?
A declaration of war is the highest and
most awful exercise ofsovereiguiy. The
Convention, which framed our federal
constitution, had learned from the pages
ofhistory that it had been often and great.
ly abused. 1t had seen that war had of.
ten been commenced upon the most ri.
fling pretexts; that it had been frequent.
Iy wuged TO establish or exclude u dynns.
~; 10 snatch crown from the head of
one potentate aud place it upon the head
ot another; that il had been prosecuted To
promote alien and other interests than
those 0f the nation whose chief had pro-
claimed it, as in tho case of English wars
ior Hanovoran interests; and, in short,
that such vast and tremendous power
ought not to be conlided to tho perilous
exercise of one single man. The Con
ventlon, therefore, resolved to guard the
war-maklng power against those great a.
buses, OF which in the hands ofthe mon
arch 1t was so susceptible. And tho SO.
curlty. against those abuses which its wis.
dom devised was to vest the war making
power in the Congress Of the Uuitod
States, being the immediate representa-.
llyes OF tho people and the States. So
apprchenslvo and jealous was the Con.
vention of its abuse in any other hands,
that II inlerdiclod the exercise of the
power to any State in the Union, without
the consent ofCongress. Congress, then,
III our sytem of government, is the sole
depository Of that tremendous power
Tho Constitution provides that Congress
shall have power TO declare war, aud
grant Letters ofmarque aud rcprisal, to
make rules concerning captures on land
ana water to raise and support armies
to provide and maintain navy, aud to
make rules for tho government Of the land
m nd nnu.l c,..a. M