Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1847-11-27
A VOICE FROM VIRGINIA.
TO THE EDITORS.

Often, in reviewing the writings of men whose
keen vision reaches far into the unseen regions of
the future, we are amazed to discover how accurate
y. by the lights Of rast 40 snlre csenis are pro-
phetically foretold. And yet causes Of action are
so uniform in their operation and results that moral
laws can be reckoned on with all the unerring GER
tainty that we predict the revolution of planet
In the "Federalist" is the following language
For need not be observed that they are pretend
ed as well just causes of war. 1t is too true,
however disgraceful it may be to human nature,
that nations in general will make war whenever
they have prospect of getting any thing by it /;
nay, that absolute nlonarchs will often make war
when their nations to get nothing by it, but for
purposes and objects merely personal such as a
thirst for military glory revenge for personal af
'front.' ambition, or private contracts, to aggrandize
or support their particular families parNSans.
These and variety of motives, which affect only
the mind of the sovereign, often lead him to en-
gage in not sanctioned by justice or the voice
and interests of his people," Here we have a
text prolific of salutary wisdom, from which might
have been extracted lessons that would have saved
to us the loss of many gallant souls, much suffer
ing, and untold amounts OF money. The causes of
our present unhappy state are known to most OF US,
from the period of the annexation of Texas and the
omissions to pay indemnities down to the period of
the mission Of the gentleman of" dolorous' memo
ry. The subject is and has been most paIpably
before the people; they must know, whatever may
be said to screen them, whether the motives of Uar
were pretended or real. The conditions of war,
under the most mandatory circumstances, are re-
cognised by all writers, sacred and proane, and in
all countries that lie not under the heavy folds of
barbarsm, to be most caamitous both in their exs-
tence and consequence; whether proceeding from
feigned or fragrant causes, nevertheless the effects
are and must be regarded always embarrassing,
sometimes fatal TO the virtue and prosperity of
nation. And it thus becomes sacred and positive
duty, higher than the behests of party, as high as
our constitution and liberty, to inquire and to know
the nature of the that find war for the
remedy of every violation of the established laws
of our Government resides nearly or remotely with
the people and their representatives. The power
of making war is one of the most sacred trusts
which in our collective capacity we can commit
Labor has avhy been expended throw around this power
every check against the wild influences of personal amio
or the precptancy of temporary excitemens; and thus
find that with il was, nearly could be, without
counerng the umuts of primary popular reference, vested in
the people, our sovereignty who have TO bear the burdens
OF blood and treasure when is belgerenty exercised
Vigilance of the Executive should be the chief political
rubrc of country Day after day teaches the magn
tude Of its value boldly developed less in the nacton
under consideration than in the reckless Of the
power in the later periods Of the Government To Congress
exclusively belongs the power of in this there be
cav at eas. theoretically, for is plain that he that
runneh may read. Congress shall have power declare
war; is the simple language Of the constitution The grants
bestowed respectively the different departments of Govern
ment stand not only value of the constitution and
liberty but additionally guarded in the oaths and personal
character Of those whose duty may be aid in administer
ing the Government and yet with all this we nevertheless
find ambition ignorance, both, breaking through the
cred deences of truth and patriotism and standing peured
before nation OF. witnesses.
The plain question, denuded of all mummery is simply,
did Congress declare within the meaning of the consu-
ton Let this question be answered yes II So then
we are fighting under the sanctions of that power that has
by yourselves been invested with the auhory not your
constitution has been violated in its important paricu-
lar The subsequent ratification by Congress by
mgates the awessncss Of the commission of the This
power may be exercised by general partial hose by d.
rect or indirect MEANS and the thin that would
msead public judgment by the claims Of disputed territory
and "neutra grounds, involving misty questions of right
calculated to bewder the people, but which, existing and
calculated to produce rupture the Governments
Just such Congress and the President should have de-
termined GA right Of great moment the right Of udg
ing whether nation has real of complaint whether
its allows Of using force and having
whether prudence admits and whether the welfare of the
state demands ihs right belong only to the bcy OF
The nation or TO the sovereign, its representative" Here
you have the language Of Vate This right however can.
not be said with exist either Immediately the body
the people, remotely in the sovereign our President
but in the sovereign he people,, speaking through Con-
gres their representative II may be that his Exceency has
mistaken the import Of this language and concluded that he
the sovereign the representative Of the body of the peo-
pie We are constrained TO conclude that the President in
stead Of referring these questions he ought resolved them
himself, and thus brought condition of public war; not
only not dictated by prudence the cere Of the country
but from motives say the least Of Them that unwe
because unconstitutional or, il unwise certain
corrupt 1.-THE war necessary, was unconstitutional
unnecessary, both cruel and unconstitutional Congress
was the proper judge Of questions leading such results
Personal ambition is most apt employ this dazzling agent;
the Pogeony OF war is pleasing the popular TASTE and
the frequency OF its employment in all countries not senced
by oppression, has, in many instances induced withdrawal
Of the power from the hands Of individual sovereignty
Ia England, while is in itself declared bv Tho KING
vet Parliament has TO grant the supplies hy which II Is
Quoted and that the King though hereditary finds
Parliament that is refractory and is far from being sure
Of having his will in this particular enforced unless he for
the interest Of The nation large Such power amounts 10
little more than bare recommendation and though through
him be consttuonay declared, is apt to be unavor-
ably received than il its unconstitutional exercise by
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