Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1847-08-28


on without great loss of resources to England, and
such loss would be relative gain to France. Nor
is it surprising that it should enter the heads and
hearts of FRnchmen to inquire whether an oppor-
tuny did net now present itself OF Just retalia-
ton upon the ancient rival of France, who had
treated her So i'll in the hour Of her necessities, and
against whom she had laid up such grave matter of
recriminatioa and reproach for some future day of
reckoning.
Ii has been affirmed with emphasis, by some
writers, that before the war began, and during the
troubles occasioned by the stamp act and the COM
mercal restrictions that followed, the French Court
busted itself in stirring up the spirit OF revolt in
America by its secret emlssarles and promises OF
assistance. But much more has been said on this
subject thanlany known or probable facts will war
rant. Flassan, who had access 10 the archives,
doubts the existence of any such designs. He says
that Maurepas and Vergennes, after they came into
the Ministry under Louis the Sixteenth, caused
search to Je made in the offices, and that no Proof
was found: 1t is, nevertheless true that an agent
was sent to America in 1853, by Choseu, at that
time the principal Minister. This agent was the
Baron de Kab then an officer in the French army,
and afterwards distinguished for his military
vices in America. He was probably selected for
this mission because he was German, and would
thus be less likely to be suspected coming from
France. He also understood the English language.
He was instructed to make inquiries concerning the
state of things in the colonies and report to the
Minister. It does not appear that he was author
lied to let the object of his mission be known to
any individual. 1t was merely tour of observa-
ton. He was four months in the country, visiting
the principal places from Philadelphia to Halifax.
His instructions and correspondence are now be-
fore me, and the following extract from letter to
the Minister, dated August g. 1868, will show what
impressions he had received:
sThis country" says the Baron de Kab, will in time
not only throw off its dependence upon Great Britain but
will length invade all the possessions held by the European
Powers in America, well the islands the main land
There every for believing that conformity of laws
usages language, and religion will for time prevent the
colonies unless compelled in selfdeence) from rising
against the mother country otherwise than by refusing take
merchandise of English manufacture and by establishing
nufacures of their And this case, they would
accept from foreign Power, which would only
their suspicion and alarm them for their liberty espe
cialy if these to from France They
would prefer submission, for time at least to the Parliament
of England. Moreover, the colonies will unite among
themselves, their combined force will be sufficient for their
mutual defence An English army, however strong, could
do than avage plumber the maritime towns or
most, few Provinces but could subdue keep them
in subsection The Of the country without much ef
fort the part of the inhabitants is obstacle such an
enterprise which could not be never per-
suade myself therefore, that the Government of Great Britain
little understands interest proceed to extrem
ties with the colonies believe, the contrary that all the
dissensions will terminate the entire satisfaction of the
latter"
Such is the tenor of the communications made
by this agent, and if the Minister entertained any
design of interference, these communications GER
tainly were not such as to fatter his hopes. Cho-
seul soon afterwards retired from the Ministry, and
no proof has been adduced that any other emssary
was ever sent to America by the French Court be-
fore the war broke out. There is strong presump-
tive evidence to the contrary.
But when the colonists had been driven to take
up arms, and hostites had actually begun the con-
troversy put on new aspect, which could not fail
to awaken the attention of France and revive the
Renaissance of her alleged grievances. Ii soon
gave rise to discussions in the Cabinet. At the
very outset, there was strong party for the war,
on the ground OF the old complaints and of some
recent exhibitions of the naval power of England
infringing the maritime rights of France. Count
Vergennes was at the head of this party. He urg-
ed the expediency justice, and fitness of the occa-
sion for war against a nation who had inflicted
manifold wrongs upon France, and whose naughty
bearing Oh Tie ocean was constantly lmpellng her
to new encroachments Another party was oppos
ed to a war as premature. The country was not
prepared for it. Time was necessary to recruit the
finances and increase the navy. The King was of
this party, and he yielded at last to the war party
with extreme reluctance. Notwithstanding this diff
ference, however, there to have been but one
opinion to the expediency of sending secret aid
to the Americans. Even the high-minded Turgot
who opposed a war; advised this course. In his
view it the interest and policy Of France to TO-
men the quarrel between England and her colonies
and leave them to worry and exhaust each other as
much as they might, thus reducing the power of
England, and making her less formidable to France
whenever the time should come for war;
BY what law of nations could this be done. while
treaty Of peace existed between France and Eng
land 1t would be difficult to find such law in
any treatise or recognised code. The French poll
tcians justify themselves by the usage of nations,
and particularly by the example Of England On
several occasions, in times of civil connections in
France, she had tempered with the inhabitants of
the towns and provinces along the coast encourage
ing and assisting them to rise against the Govern
ment. She had received deputies from the rebel
hous Huguenots of Rochefort, and sent aid to sus-
tain the revolt of the Camisards of the Civennes
In the renowned revolution of the Netherlands,
Queen Elizabeth had sent them large succors, and
continually supported their cause, while they were
IN state Of revolt from their righfu sovereign the
King OF Spain, although she was bound by league
OF friendship TO this same sovereign. And in very