Tri-weekly journal., 1847-10-16


not, as may be, slave one, they will be enti
tied to but Representatives in Congress while |
the will have 10 Senators. Does not this
break upon the cheeks, the balance, the real
spirit of our constitution.
There are some, know, who consider it our
duty to spread our institutions over the whole
world, if possible. They consider that by so
doing we confer blessing on mankind.-l
While | sincerely trust that human and civil
liberty and free institutions may extend over
all nations, lido not thiuk we should be desi
rous to impose upon them our distinctive forms.
Let them be prepared for liberty, for republi-
can government, and they will seek and gain
them, perhaps much different, and it is possi-
BILE, improved forms from outs. We cannot
make free citizen out ofa person unaccustom-
ed to self-government. He must be fitted to
be free before he can become just freeman, a
citizen of Republic.
When in the State Department, said Mr..
Webster, it was represented to me that it was
very important to our commercial interest that
port in California, or place where Ameri-
cans could enter and do business as in one of
their own cities, should be secured. / there
fore entered into negotiation for such an object
at the port of San Francisco. But entertain
ed no idea of adding new states or new terrific
ries to the Union.
Peace may soon come. hope to hear of it
tomorrow. 1t may bring real peace; it may
bring the seeds of strife, and open new danger
TO the country. 1t is impossible to tell before
hand what will come, or how it will be neces-
sary to act in the event that results. Last
winter the Wings in the U. S. Senate, both
/ from the North and the South, voted. with per-
haps one exception, against any more territory
being added to the Union. The Democratic
Senators from both sections voted the oppo
site way. Northern Democracy wish to carry
on the war, get territory and let it into the Un-
ion as states, but make them free. The
Southern Democracy take the same course, ex-
cept that they would have the new territory
slave territory. So agreeing as to the prosecu-
\ ton of the war and fhe addition of more ter
ritory, they unite in favoriug these PROPOSE
tions, and would settle afterwards the dispute
as to the new states being slave or free.
!, | have not seen one respectable fair minded
man of theSouth, who objects TO the North us
ing all its power to prevent the increase ofthe
slave power. have found none so unreasona-
able as to dispute our right to this. With the
same firmness with which would resist any
augmentation of slavery, shall not endanger
the constitution BY interfering with slavery as
i is now established in the states. What is
established is fixed. We cannot go back
But for the future am for looking out for our
rights.
Some of the people of the South make one OBJ
lection to the Wilmot proviso, and that is, that
the new territory if added, will be settled by
Northern families, who represent free labor,
f and who willliv by their own labor; while the
people of the South cannot emigrate to these
, new states because they will not be permitted
to take their slaves with them. Hence the ad-
free pop1atSn aohe u DGT Ut tiIesr peoPTe 81 should
, remember that the present representation of the
slave states is an admitted inequality, and by
extending slave states, that inequality will be
in great degree increased and strengthened.
, | am no prophet, nor the son of prophet;
! but were to attempt to prophecy, the last
thing that | should dare predict would be the
, course of the Northern democracy on this sub
lject Some of them doubtless will go with
} the Wilmot proviso principle, but there can be
, no doubt that the general sense of the party is
against it. The proceeding Of the late Locofocc
State Convention prove this fully. Are we GER
tain that the Democratic members of Congress
| from New Hampshire and Maine will main.
tain our positson against the slave power?-
Slave representation, in political point Of
view. is an all important subject. The mora
D view is great, know, but it is with the for
mer only that | have TO do in my capacity as
legislator. The danger of augmenting it i.
imminent, the result Ol uOlES so Idtat, ana VIII
receive my earnest opposition.
I If peace comes-how we can deal with the
r treaty must be deferred till we can get it, anC
r see what tits. Suppose that we have no peace
[ the armstice broken, the war in renewed pro
!. gresss, and Congress assembled. What is ,c
be done? Unless the President shall make out
. case, show Congress that no purpose of acqui
: sition, no purpose not directly connected will
the welfare of this union, is the object and enc
e of this war,1re ought TO go against any NOR,
supplies to carry it on. 1t is the duty of Rep
i resentatives, if they believe war is waged fo
) improper purposes, to put an end to it. Mr.
: Webster elucidated and defended this argumen
/. with more force and clearness, but we canno
il follow him.
IS He would say to those army officers, who
have distinguished themselves in this strife
,s that war waged for vicious purposes tarnishet
~ the lustre of victorious arms and darkens if j
does not blot what would otherwise be glori
e Gus page in our national history.
i In concluding, Mr.. Webster said-Let u
o stand by our principles, Wings of Massachu
n settsl There is hope and confidence in trust
n and every one who does his duty as goo,
!. citizen will save himself and may help to saw,
. his country. This is no moment for shrinking
O or faltering. This is no time to 60 to extremes
: but, standing on our established principles
: and holding allegiance TO our constitution, lie
g us follow those who have gone before and wh,
:, have administered the government on sounl