The Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1837-1867, 1847-10-16

mocracy of Massachusetts. And the Demo
cratic. or Locoloco members Of Congress
from Maine and New Ilampshirc-nrc we
quite certain that they will abandon the adj
mini5lraton, and support the proviso against
The slave power?
rye can only say, and in my Judgment, |
, can only say, Mr. President, that we arc to
usc the 'lirst and last, and evcryloccnsion thar
offers, to oppose the extension of slave pow
or. But speak Oft here, as in Congressos
political question, question Tor states
men to act upon. We must so regard IT, |
certainly do not mean TO say that 1t Is less
important in II moral point Of vicw--that II Is
not more important in many other points OF
view. But rs alegslator, or in any official
capacy, | must look ut it, consider il, and de-
eide it, ms Il matter of political action.
SIR, am quite aware, that nm using TAR
VOC much of this sunlight, and hasten to II
few closing observations.
Ifpcnce comes, it will bring with it some
terms, know net what How we nrc to
deal with the treaty, must he deferred until
Ye have gotit, and have seen what it ie.-
But suppose that peace should not come,
that tho armisricc should he broken of; and
that Congrcs assemblies, with the war III nc
tive prosecution. What shall he done thcn?
Now tins is Il very natural question-what Is
tho answer? would not venture to antici-
Date,Iyhat may be suggested in such an G.
emergency, but my own mind is perfectly
clear hold tho war making power TO he
entrusted to Congress The constitution
placcs il there. believe that Congress was
surprised into the recognition of war on the
18Th of May,1SfG. ] believe that If the CUES
zion had been put 10 Congress before the adj
vance march Of oar troops, not ten votes
could have been obtained TO pronounce tia!
there was then an existing state of things
which amounted to,or justified war; OF to de
clare va: against Mexico.
But war does now exist, and what is our
duty? say for enc, that | suppose II to be
truc,--I hope it is true, that n majority Of the
next House ofReprcscntntiVes will he Wings;
will DO opposed to the war. 'hink we
have heard from the Eas; and the West, the
North and tho South, some things which
nuke that pretty clear. Suppose 1t to he so.
What then? Well sir, | say for one, and at
once, that unless the President the United
States shall make out case which shall
show to Congress that the aim and object
for which the war is now prosecuted, is no
purpose not connected with the safety of the
union, and the just rights of the American
pcopIe-thcu Congress ought 10 pass rcsoIu-
tions against tho prosecution of the war, ana
grant no further supplies. l would speak
here with caution and all just Limitations. 1t
must he admitted to be the clear intent Of the
A-ilhout the assent of Congress. This was
,noGnt as n restraint on the Executive power.
But il. when war has once begun, the Pres
ideut may continue it as long as he pleases,
and prosecute it for whatever purposes lie
,Ieases, FREQ of all control of Congress.
Shen tits clear that the war power il
substantially in his own single hand. Moth
ing will be done 10y wise Congress hastily
or rashlv: nothing that partakes of the nature
ofvolcnco or recklessness; high aud deli
cate regard must of course be had for the
honor and credit of the nation; but after all,
ifthe war shall become odiouS to the people,
if they shall disapprovc the objects for which
it appears to be prosecuted, then II will be
the bounden duty oftheir representatives III
Congress to demand of the President full
statement of his objects and purposes. And
ifthese purposes shall appear TO them not 10
ire founded in the public good, or not consis-
tent with tho honor and character Of the
country. then it will be their duty 10 put an
end TO it,by the exercise of their constitutional
authority. If this be not so, then the whole
balance ofthe constitution is overthrown,and
all Just restraint on the Executive power, in
n matter of the highest concern TO the peace
and happiness ofthe country, entirely destroy
ed. If we do not maintain this doctrine; if
it is not Soft Congress, in whom the war
iuaking power is expressly made to reside, is
10 have no voice in the declaration or contin-
stiGnce of war,-if it is not to judge Of the
propriety of beginning or carrying it on,-
then we depart at once, and broadly from the
constitution.
Sir, need not say that have ms much
respect for distinguished military achieve
,nent ms any man. | would not see any lau-
vrels that belong to it withered. honor those
who arc called on, by professional duty, to
bear arms in their country'S cause, and do
their duty well. would obscure mono of
their fame. But will say here, and to the m,
that it is the solemn adjudication of nations,
and it is the sentiment OF the Christian world
That n war waged for vicious purposes, or
from vicious motives, furnishes tho lustre ot
arms; and darkens, fit does not blot, what
otherwise might be glorious page in the
history ofthe nation that makes it.
Mr. President, ] have done thus what was
informed would he expected of me. l am
sorry it has been performed so imperiectly.
But | cannot sit down, without saying to the
Wings of Massachusetts, here and through
out the Commonwealth us stand by our
principles. There is hope-there is conf
,dence-there is trust. And he, and every
~one, vino will do his duty honestly and fully,
in accordance with just and true principles,
will save himself from the reproach of his
conscience, and muy help to save his coun-
try from calamity. Let us stand, then, by
our Wing principles. 1t is no moment to
falter in the path, nor to move one step to the
right, nor one.step TO the left, of the direc
road. Great names have gone before us
We profess the same principles which they
held, and through which they have made
our country illustrous. Let us follow theil
example. We may not see our way clear out
of the difficulties which now surround us
We may be tossed upon an ocean where we
can see no land-nor, perhaps the sun OF
stars. But there is Il chart and a compass
to to- IL .l,l,.