Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1845-1854, 1847-03-24
Stephen A. Douglass, of Illinois.
HIs SPEECH oN THE PRoYIso

Mr.. Douglass was one ofthe most prom
inent members of the last House Of Repre-
sentatiyes from the northeast. He has
been elected to the Senate to represent that
State, which he has SO ably represented in
the other branch Of Congress. He was
among the foremost ofthose northern mem
bersi who opposed Mr.. Wilmot's amend.
ment to the three million bilL The follow.
ing speech, made on the last day Of the
session, expresses in q few words, the mo-
tives by which we suppose those members
were governed: aa asa4 q 1fetiSo aa4
Mr.. DOUGLASS had contented himself
with giving silent vote on this measure
on former occasions, and would do so now,
but for the fact that there were a few min.
utes remaining for debate under the order
Of the House. He would devote that briei
period to a few considerations on the bill,
and especially to the proposed amendment
known as the "W ilmot proviso." It was
well known that he was in favor Of the bill
and against the proviso. 1t was also well
known that he would have been willing to
have arranged the vexed question of slave
ry according to the principles Of the Mis-
souri, compromise. But all hope of such
, an arrangement for the present was at an
end, and the question must now be deter
mined between the original bill and the a.
mendment. He would suggest few con
siderations, why he thought that every
northern man at least should vote against
the proviso. In the first place we wan
the territory, at least California and New
Mexico; and the adoption Of the proviso
with the agitation and excitement it will
produce upon the slavery question, will
greatly endanger, if not entirely defeat,th
acquisition. The acquisition was essentia
to the commerce, trade, fisheries, and grea
maritime interest Of the north, as well a.
useful to the general interests Of the whole
country. These great interests ought no
, to be hazarded by premature agitation o
an exciting question which may never a
rise, & if it does arise, may be settled ther
as well as now. But above all, the free
States ought to be content to leave it or
open question until we acquire the terrific.
Try. | repeat, the free States ought 10 be-
content, for this reason: Slavery is now
prohibited by the fundamental laws ofMex,
leo. If we incorporate part of the terri.
tory Of Mexico into this republic, the exist.
ing laws of that territory SO inconsistent
with the constitution of the United States
will remain in force until repealed by the
sovereign power ofthis country. The law
of nations is indisputable,. on this point
When the territory is annexed, therefore,
it will come as free territory, with the in
stitution Of slavery prohibited by law, and
must forever remain free, unless that legal
prohibition be repealed. The question
next arises who is-to repeal this prohibitions
We are told in debate that Congress, and
Congress alone, possess the power to pre-
scribe the fundamental law Of the Terrific.
rial government. When Congress comes
to establish Territorial government over
the free territory acquired under this bill,
the question will then arise whether the
prohibition of slavery shall be repealed or
continued. In the decision of that ques.
ton by Congress the free States will me-
cessarily have the preponderance of power.
A large majority of the representatives on
this floor are from the free States, and that
majority is increasing with every succeed
ing census. The power, then, is in the
hands Of the free States, and must exist
there, whenever this question shall be set
tied, if indeed, if ever arise. The south is
powerless in, the settlement Of this ques-
ton by Congress Constituting minori-
ty, the representatives of the south are liza.
Bile at any time to be voted down by the
overwhelming majority from the free
States, if they shall ever attempt to repeal
the prohibition ofslavery in the territory
that may be acquired under this bill -
How, then, is slavery to be established by
law in that territory, except by the consent
Of the free States? And whether the free
States will, Or will not, give their consent,
is question to be decided when it may
properly arise. If the act Of Congress,
creating a territorial government shall be
silent upon the subject Of slavery, still all
lows PooSOu oy thus WI lLltoIlul SON6EMll6ut,
must be submitted to Congress for its as
sent, before they become valid. If the
Territories should repeal the restriction,
still Congress would have the reserved
power Of dissenting to such repeal, and
declaring it null and void. This power is
reserved in all the acts creating territorial
governments, and gives Congress the right
to declare any territorial law void, Of which
it disapproyes. The power, then, is in the.
hands Of the, free States, and why should
we force this exciting question premature
ly, before the territory is acquired, and
when we know nothing Of its extent, situa-
ton or limits2 have submitted these re-
marks upon the assumed position that Con-
gross has the power to legisla4e on the sub.
lect ofslavery in the territories. I, Whether
il does, or does not possess such power un-
der tho constitution, | shall not stop 10 in |
quire, nor is it material 10 my present
purpose; forif Congress has no opo~er to
legislatc upon the subject, i has no con.
siitutional right to adopt this proyiso. In