Juliet signal. [volume] (Juliet [i.e. Joliet], Ill.) 1844-1???, 1847-09-28
The Chicago convention.
NUMBER ~.

under the auspices of the national gov
eminent has been argued on some or all
OF the following grounds:--
First. the power of Congress "to lay
and collect taxes, duties, imposts and ex.
cises, to pay the debts and provide for the
common beforehand general 1ceL fare Of the
United States"
Second. the power 'to establish post
roads,"
Third, the power ''to regulate com
merce with foreign nations, and among
the several states and the Indian tribes. :.
AS to the first and second grounds of
authority, dismiss them for the present,
with the remark, that from them and more
especially from the former was Matched
that system of local improvement mention
ed in my last number as especially obnox-
ious to the Democratic party. 1t has OF
late years wisely been preferred, to find
more definite and tenable resting place
for the cause Of western Lakes and Rivers
upon the latter ground principally; al
though considerations of naval and militia.
~ defence have often justly been employed
to fortify it.
To begin, admit that the naked
authority of Precedent is not the very
highest or most satisfactory rule for set
Ting any great question under political
system circumstanced like ours,-de6nite
in its terms and recent in its origin
Yet. when appearing to US, as uniform and
uninterrupted, favored by strong motives
ofpuhlic policy, allowed by the spirit and
not repugnant to the letter of the consti-
tuition, and fairly become habit of the
government aud of Public opinion also, it
has been held by our boldest and most
independent statesmen, as put beyond
the reach of mere literal criticism. They
have reasoned, that, beside :he Difference
Justlydue 10 cotemporaneous constructions,
made while the new machine was work
ing directly under, what may be called,
its first instructive tendencies, and while
its immortal artifcers were yet lingering
OH the stage to watch with parental anx-
iety its earl " impulses, the lOng-cOntinued
acquiescence of the whole nation in
measures imperatively demanded by its
cardinal interests, served to invest them,
if not with the cypress form, at least with
the essential element Of a constitutional
sanction-the deliberate and unanimous
uiH of the American People.
Now, the right of Congress to appro-
pirate money for Atlantic harbors, light
houses, piers, breakwaters, moles, buoys,
beacons &C., we find in this singular
predicament. The vast interest of our
foreign commerce, the necessity of such
improvement TO its very existence and an
involuntary sense of the nationality of the
enterprise prompted the general govern.
ment to set about il at once, as mere
matter of course. 1t was thought, and
well thought. if there was anything in the
whole range Of political agency. which
was pre- eminently its business, it was
that of making due provision for the dis.
tributive branch of our national industry,
upon which all tho others depended for
their complete development and reward.
1t is not disrespectful to them to suppose.
that they took for granted, as one of the
vital necessities of American policy; in
which view, they boldly set the example,
which all succeeding administrations have
as boldly followed, ofamP lie Expenditures
upon the sea board.
When in the leisure of political studies
We come to look sharply into the subject,
we discover that the whole constitu-
tional authority, under which this stupen.
dous brood of appropriations must he
sheltered,is simply The power ito regulate
comnerce" That this is not very full
nor very explicit, in and of itself, for the
extensive purpose which i! has been made
to subserve, | think no candid mind will
deny. Webster himself in his Chicago
|, letter, rather intimates, so far as the cause
of internal improvement must be pleaded
: Oil this ground, that were it an entirely
, new question, presented markedly, for the
first time, it would be tightish squeeze
} even though his latitudinary notions
And dare say, that all our great men. who
) have yentured to look at the matter crit.
; cally, have been fain to turn away froI
, the dim discouraging twilight shed by the
] letter OF the constitution, into the clearer
! and more satisfactory considerations o
) oUer ruling Prpediency, general Gcquies
cence and long established usage. Ever
: Gen. Jackson, distinguished as he wa,
\ for bis strict constructions upon the fun
, damental law. unawed by mere preceden
) and unseduced by occasional policy, still
: seemed central, in his celebrated messag,
) upon the MavsviIle Road Bill in 1880, Il
. give in his adhesion to the established
course ofthe government as to improve
provements ola decidedly notionalcharac
J ter, solely upon these grounds. Fortunate
! Iy, the whole range of our national affair
!, can afford no parallel to the peculia
) circumstances which characterize thil
, subject; subjectin relation TO which th'