The Abbeville banner. [volume] (Abbeville, S.C.) 1847-1869, 1847-03-10

tllS DOuy OH the sue OF the nOn-SlaVGhOld-
ing States, who will thus be enabled TO
sway every branch of this government at
their will and pleasure But, sir, if this ag-
gressive policy be followed the determi-
nation Of the non-slaveholding States, is to
be adhered to hereafter, and we are to be
entirely excluded from the territories which
we already possess, or may posscss-if this
is to be the fixed policy of the government
I ask what will be our situation hereafter?
Sir, there is ample space for twelve or fif-
teen of the largest description of states in
the territories belonging to the United
States. Already a law is in course of pas
sage through the other House creating one
north Of Wisconsin. There is ample room
for another north of Iowa; and another
north of that; and then that large region
extending on this side of the Rocky Noun
tains, from 40 degrees down to the Texan
line, which may be set down fairly as an
area of twelve and half degrees of latitude
that extended region of itself is suscepti-
BILE of having six, seven, or eight large
States TO this, add Oregon, which ex-
tends from 40 to AZ degrees, which will
give four more, and mako very mode
rate calculation when say that in addi-
ton to Iowa and Wisconsin, twelve more
States upon the territory already ours
without reference to any acquisitions from
Mexico-may be, and will be, shortly added
to these United States. How will we then
stand? There will be but fourteen on the
part of the south-we are to be fixed, Iimi-
ted. and forever--and twenty-eight on the
part of the non-slaveholding States -
Twenty eight Double our number And
with the same disproportion in the other
House and in the electoral colIegel The
government, sir, will be entirely in the
hands of the non-slaveholding States
overwhelmingly.
Sir, if this state Of things is 10 60 Oh. IF
this determination. so solemnly made, is to
be persisted in, where shall we stand, as
far as this federal government: of ours is con-
cerned? What, then, must we do? We
must look to justice-to our own interests
to the constitution. We will have no
longer shield even in equality here. Now
can we rely upon the sense Of justice Of this
body? These are the solemn questions
which put on all sides.
Sir, look to the past. If we are to look
to that-I will not go into the details-we
will see from the beginning of this govern,
ment to the present day, as far as pecuniary
resources are concerned-as far as the dis
bursement of revenue is involved, it will be
found that portion Of the community which
has substantially supported this govern
ment without receiving any thing like a
tantamount support from it. But why
should go beyond this very measure it,
self Why 60 beyond this determination
on the part of the non -slaveholding States,
that there can be no further addition to the
slaveholding States, TO prove what our con-
dition is2
Sir, what is the entire amount of this po-
licy? will not say that it is SO designed.
l will not say from what cause it originated.
l will not say whether blind fanaticism on
one side, whether hostile feeling to slave
ry entertained by many not fanatical on the
other, has produced it; or whether it has
been the work of men, who, looking to po-
litlcal power, have considered the agitation
of this question as the most efectual mode
of obtaining the spoils of this government.
look to the fact ITSELF 1t is a policy now
openly ayowed to be persisted in. 1t is a
policy, Mr.. President, which aims TO mono
police the powers of this government, and
10 obtain possession Of its patronage.
Now, I ask, is there any remedy2 Does
the constitution afford any remedy2 And
if not, is there any hope2 These, Mr..
President, are solemn questions-not only
to us, but let me say to gentlemen from the
non-siaveholding States, 10 them. Sir, the
day that the balance between the two Sec
tions Of the country-the slaveholding
States and the non-slaveholding States is
destroyed, is a day that will not be far re-
moved from political revolution, anarchy,
civil war, and widespread disaster. The
balance of this system is the slaveholding
States. They are the conservative portion
--always;wilI be the conservative portion !;
and with due balance on their part may,
for generations to come, uphold this glori-
GUS Union of ours. But if this policy should
be carried out-if we are to be reduced to a
handful-if we are to- become mere ball
| to play the presidential game with--to
count something in the Baltimore caucus
ifthis is to be the result t--wol wo! say
| to this Unionl g.Ss.3:2 ..5s - S
Now, sir, put again the solemn ques.
ton docs the constitutii ton afford any reme
dy? Isthere any provision in it by which
this aggressive policy boldly avowed, as If
perfectly consistent with our institutions and
the safety and prosper Of tha United States?
maybe confronted this q policy con-
j. 4 - s.v1t fh S-~h