Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1847-09-10

l.
seems to have taken our paragraph OF two
weeks back in no very good part. We are
sorrv for this. Notwithstanding the lecture
which the Mercury has delivered us, we still
adhere to the idR expressed in that short arti-
Gle. We still think that the constant agta.
ton of the question cannot fail to have the
tendency OF inducing the Abolitonists of the
non-slaveholding States to think that we OF
the South feel some doubts as to our rights in
the Unicn, and under the Constitution. Now,
for our own part, we look upon the doctrines
preached in the WiImot Proviso as so far at
variance with what we conceive TO be our &C
tual rights, that their enforcement by the nom
slavcholding States would almost unavoidably
work disruption of the federal compact. We
cannot conceive that the people of the South
would ever dream of permitting the Wilmot
Proviso to 60 into practice. If they did, we,
for one, would ever after look upon the poit-
lcal slavery and degradation of the Southern
States as almost irrevocably sealed. These,
our views, may be strange and erroneous, but
they are expressed after some reflection, and
with all the Importance of the consequences
considered and taking this view OF the sub
ject, we are under the impression that firm,
resolute, and, at the same time, calm and dig
nihed front, should be presented to on. oppo-
nents, which, in our humble opinion, would
produce better effect upon them, so far as
our Interests and rights are concerned, than a
continuous and fidgety agitation of this, in our
opinion, so delicate question. We do not
wish to be understood as saying that Southern
presses and Southern men should not express
themselves on this question as strongly as
they choose, but we would be understood as
saying that the course of such papers as the
Mercury is rather calculated to work an iniu-
ry than good 10 the cause in which we are
so deeply interested. But the Mercury says
that we have not indicated when, in our opin-
ion, the time for action is to arrive. We
say, whenever the question comes up in such
shape that we must meet it boldly or succumb
to the non-slaveholding States Whenever it
comes up in such G shape in the national Le-
gislature there is but one course for the South
ern delegation to pursue. Let them speak the
mind of the South plainly and boldly, we:
calmly. Let them tell the North at once,
without mincing the matter, that such an in
vasion of our undoubted rights, as that con-
templated in the Wilmot Provso, will not be
tolerated by their constituents ard let them,
if the North insists upon its enforcement, in
their places, whether in the Representative
hall or in the Senate chamber, tell the North,
on behalf of their constituents, the people OF
the South, that the Union is at an end. This
is the course, if our opinion was worth any
thing, we would recommend. In our judg-
aent, this is the way the matter ought to be
met by the South. True, the Mercury may
say that, even granting our course to be good
one, our presses should be preparing the South
ern delegation for such an event. We think
they are prepared. We cannot conceive that
there could be found Southern man, of sulll-
cient intelligence and standing to get him 4
prepared TO meet this question in the right
way, no matter in what shape it may come up
But the Mercury thinks that possibly our
hands may be tied, whilst waiting for the
"pinch" to come We think not. If the
Southern delegation in Congress Will only do
It's duty, we have no idea but that all will be
well. We have no idea that the New Eng
land States will be so demented as to pursue
the matter, if they can only Be convinced that
by so doing the Union would be at an end.
We 90 not, however, think that it is a ques-
ton to be trihed with We think that ere long
it must produce crisis which will demand all
our firmness and all our patriotism. We do
not think that the course of the Mercury is
calculated to postpone that crisis.