Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, 1847-12-01

hearty cooperation. But the mass of them did mn
ihey continued TO oppose and thwart it, TO discou
age loans aud enstments, to deny the power {
the General Government to march the m;l;,;, h,
yond our limits, and to hold Hartford Cnnven,;o,
"hich, whatever were its real Objects bore the as
Pect Oh seeking dissolution OF the Union itself
6hey lost and Justly lost tho public confidence
but mas not an apprehension of similar fate, in
state Oh case widely different. repressed fearles
expression OF their real sentiments in some Of az,
public men2
How totally variant is the present war; Tbi
10 no war OF deience, but unnecessary and of of
iensive aggression. 1t is Mexico that is deG.ndin,
ner resIdes, her castles and her altars, not we
ana how different also is the conduct of tho wbio
parry o! the present day from that of the major par
OF the federal party during the war of 1919! ia,
from interposlng any obstacles to the prosecution OF
Inc war, II the Wings in office are reproachabIo a,
all, 1t is for having lent ready facility to il
without careful examination into the objects of the
war. And, out of office, who have rushed to the
o! me war with more ardor and alacrity
man the Wings? Whose hearts have bled more
freely than those of the Wings? Who have more
occasion TO mourn the loss of sons, husbands, bro
lheis' fathers, than wing parents whp wives and
wing brothers, in Unsteady and Improbable strife
But the havoc of war is in progress, and the no
less deporable havoc of an inhospitable and pesti
lehtia! climate Without indulging in an unneces
sary retrospect and useless reproaches on the nos
endeavor To bring il to satisfactory close Is there
no way that this can be done2 Must we blindIv
continue the conflict, without any visible object or
any prospect Of definite termination! This is the
important subject upon which desire to consult
and commune with you. Who in this free rov :
eminent. Is TO decide upon the objects Of war at
lis commencement, or at any time DURING its e,is
fence does the power belong to the Nation. in
the collective wisdom of the Nation in Congress as
sembled, or is it vested solely in single function
airy OF the government
"A declaration OF war is the highest and most aw-
tui exercise OF sovereignty. The Convention, which
framed our federal constitution had learned from,
the pages oil history that it had been ofen and great
~ abused 1t had seen that war had often been
commenced upon the most trflng pretex,s: that Il
mad been frequently waged To establish or exclude
dynasty 10 snatch crown from the head of one
Polen'ate and place II upon the head of another
'hat IL mad often been prosecuted TO promote alien
and other interests than those of the nation whose
chief mad proclaimed IL, rs in the case of Enolsb
wars Tor Hanoverlan interests; and in short that
such vast and tremendous power ought not TO be
c0nfded to the perons exercise of one single man.
lhe Convention, therefore, resolved to ruarJ tb,
war making power against those great abuses. OF
which, In the hands Of monarch i, was SO sus
ceptble.
And the security against those abuses which its
wisdom devised, was to vest the war-nakino power
In the Congress of the United States being the i'm
30 apprehensive and jealous was the Convention of
Its abuse in any othor hands, that interdicted the
exercise OF the power 10 any State in the Union
without the consent Of Congress. Congress, then.
In our system of government Is he sole depository
vi that tremendous power.
The Constitution provides that Congress- shall
have power to declare and grant letters of
marquc and Teprlsal, 70 make rules concerning can
lures on land and water, to raise and support ar
mics, TO provide and maintain navy, and to make
rules for the government Of the land and naval for
ces. Thus we perceive that the principal power
in regard TO war. with all its auxiliary attendants
is granted to Congress. Whenever called upon 10
determine upon the solemn question of peace or war
Congress must consider and deliberate and decide
upon the motives, objects and causes of the war
And, IT war be commenced without any previous
declaration of its objects, in the case of the exist
ing war with Mexico, Congress must necessarily
possess the authority at any time to declare for
what purposes it shall be further prosecuted If we
suppose Congress does not possess the CONTROLLING
authority attributed to it, ifit be contended that a
war having been once commenced, the President
of the United States may direct it 10 the accomplish
ment Of any objects he peases, without consulting
and without any regard to the will of Congress the
Convention will have utterly failed in guarding the
nation against the abuses and ambition Cf a sinre
Individual
Either Congress or the President, must have
the right Of determining upon the objects for which
Il al Sudl Ue prosecuted. JH6Tc 10 no other al
Tentative. If the President possess it and NAV
prosecute it for objects against the will OF Con-
gress, where is the difference between our free 20
vernment and that any other nation which may
be governed by an absolute Gar Emperor, or
King
Congress may omit, as it has omitted in the pre-
sent war, to proclaim the object for which it was
commenced or has been since prosecuted, and in
cases of such omission the President being charged
with the employment and direction Of tho national
force, is, necessarily, left to his own judgment to
decide upon the objects, to the attainment Of which
that force shall be applied. But, whenever Con
gresS shall think proper TO declare, by some au-
thentic act, for what purposes war shall be com
menced or continued, 1t is the duty Of the Presi-
dent to apply the national forco to the attainment
of those purposes. In the instance of the last war
with Great Britain, the act of Congress by which
it was declared preceded by message Of Presi-
ident Madison enunerating the wrongs aud injuries
Of which we complained against G. Britain That
message thereforej and withou, it the we'll known
objects of the war, which was war purely of de-
fence, rendered it necessary that Congress should
partcularlZc, IN the act, the specific objects for
! which it was proclaimed. The whole world knew
that it was war waged for Free Trade and Sal
| lors' Rights.
! 1t may be argued that the President and Senate
possess the treaty making power, without any ex-
| press limitation as TO its exercise; that tho natural
and ordinary termination Of war is by treaty Of
| peace and, therefore, that the President and Sc
nate must possess the power 10 decide what stRu
latiobs and conditions shall enter into such treaty.
But it is not more true that the President and Sc
nate possess the treaty making power, without lin
itation; than that Congress possesses the war ma
king power, without restriction. These two pow
ers then ought to be so interpreted as to reconcile
the with the other and, in expounding the
constitution, we ought to keep constantly in view
the nature and structure Of our free government,
and especially the great object ofthe Convention in
taking the making nnMer out of the hands of