The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-17


surely ready TO como to our offered lerms-ior "
that were the fact, Mr. Pakenham would have been
so instructed, and would by no means have summa-
iIy declined our ofer-but the language, being IN
terpreted, is this: "fhe question, nearly thirty
years old, has now taken wholly new shape; nego-
tiation has stopped; the matter is laid before Con-
gress; arbitration win probably be rejected; the
tice recommended by the President will doubtless
be given; and, if so, the alternative must be
adjustment more serious difficulties all this is
ilst0, and it brings us to a stand; all the world
knows that we can fight when we see occa-
sion, but war between England and America is
a serious business, and we must see whether we
have title enough to go to war upon; it may very
probably be necessary for us TO make new offer
In this new pressure of the case; the Times shall feel
the public pulse and then we will put out tsslsT
in Parliament" This, and not assurance of eOmpro
mise, is the plain English Of the premers diplomatic
words. They were spoken, not in an inundated
spirit-England is not to be intmidated-but they
were spoken as a statesman would naturally speak
under grayest responsbilities-in the presence of
great difficulties at home and abrosd-under the
pressure Of new and fearful alternative, and with
no firm ground Of right under his feet They were
spoken in consideration and in hesitaney, and in
something like halfresoved retraction. lii a new
tone for the British govemment-newest of all on
this question Of Oregon. Contrast this hesitation,
this "eannot say" Of the British minister, with any
thing that ever fell from official lips in England on
this question OF Oregon from 1918 up to ls45.
n \ II Iahn
his violent declarations against American rights in
Oregon in April last. Contrast the articles of hs
Times, TO which we have referred, with the whole
previous course Of its raving against US Certainly
all these things are by no means an official Gs'ur-
anes that England is ready to compromise on our
terms. Far from il. But they are more pacific and
more reasonable than the tono Of the British govern
ment has ever been before.
What is the one nr1 fact in the case Clearly
it is the ntW dhsrnaUe, written down in the
message, sure TO be sustained in the House, sure to
be triumphant in the country, and altogether
likely to be upheld in the Senate. That alternative
isno heretofore, adjustment or joint occupation
compromise or joint ccupation-recogniton Of
American rights joint occupation; but it il adjust
msni Through Interrogation Of American rights
further aud serious difficulties What caused this
new alternative, and thus caused the British govern
ment to ponder about returning Mr. Gaatin's old or
fer and to appear TO hesitate about approving the refusal
OF Mr. Folks new one' Why, plainly enough the
stand Of Executive before Congress; the decla-
ration Of the message that, in view Of the past, mo
compromise ohich zoe ought 10 accept can be tIpscted
and the consequent call upon Congress to stand by
the rights and the honor of the country These are
the facts which have brought about the new British
tone, such as it is. The next steamer will tell
US Of this tone in view Of the "notice" vote
Of the House. We believe that that vote
('three TO one and one over" and the word
comprOmi,. pOt,d our will cause, as without
any intimidation, in the vulgar sense Of that
word, it may we'll cause, the British tone to be
yet more pacific. Let the Senate break the force Of
that poie, and shake in the eye Of England The firm
stand Of the nesags-let this be done in the
Senate by vote, recommending a compromise,
and we are carried back again well nigh TO where
we were when the subject came before Congress;
back from consideration Of Mr.. Galatians offer"
and "doubt as to whether Mr. Folks ought to have
"north branch of the Columbia, by the middle Of its
channel to the point where it enters the sea-" Let
the Senate bate jot Of the pressure of the new
| alternative, by adrising compromise, and we shall
quickly find that the compromising spirit of England
will take its old stand on the north bank of the Co.
lumba, and compromise away from it only by steps
both small and slow THEREroRE it is that, in
| view Of the language of Sir Robert Peel, we trust
that the second section Of Mr.. Coquit's resolution
will prove unacceptable to the Ssnae-even it
proved unacceptable to Mr. Critenden. If it be
fastened the notice, the poror Of The notice, else
full of hope, will be struck with palsy.
By these remarks we do not profess or pretend to
mark out the course of the Executive action We do
not profess to speak for the Executive-to say what
it will do, or what it will not do. We have never
presumed to ask the Executive what course they
would pursue-whether they would compromise,
or motor upon what terms they would compro.
mise, if they would compromise at all. 1t is the
very last question which should venture to ask
And, therefore, we beg it to be understood that we
| do not speak eE cathedra for the President. We
speak no more than we believe any senator is a,i-
thorzed to speak for him, on delicate question, in
which foreign nation is concerned. We confne
our remarks only to the action Of Congress- and the
effects which these resolutions, in certain qualified
| FORM might have on the action of Great Britain.
| We shall resume this discuss ion hereafter.
SPEECHES IN THE SENATE.