The North-Carolina standard., 1846-09-09

(which il sis beingp treated by that rascalIyfe
low. ad ralorems! Ad ralorems! Come up
here, siri Did you qohistle, sir2 mo sir
! Congress whistled" And so it has been all the
time The people made Congress; Congress
made 0d valOrems and yet the Ex-senator kicks
and cuffs poor Gd U0lOrems, just as if G6 Oa1orems
were somebody, and Congress and the people no.
body Mr.. Minimum is to take his fill out Of wool
! lens and cotton cloths-is to riot in lle and cut
all sorts of capers at the public expense; Mr..
Specific is to sweeten himself with sugar, preserve
himself in the best salt, and get gloriously drunk
on French Brandy and Wines; but poor Gd raI-
Orems-without even a prefix sufix to his
name-just let him dare to say he is honest, or as
old as the government, and the Ex-senator not
only calls him the father of frauds, but I" nea0
principle"-a modern Melchisdec without "be-
ginning of days"-a something responsible
, only to the Treasury Department" Poor 0d
vGLOrems! H
MR.. HAYWOOD IN FAVOR OF PROTECTION"
The Ex-senator, at the close of the following
paragraph, proceeds to argue n favor Of "mod-
crate, incidental protection-and he endeavors to
bolster up his arguments by quotations from the
NASSSoSCS VI SSVcIdI VI Tue 1TSSlQeUIS. SAYS.
Sin none of the tariff acts of the United States
in former years was the industry of our own coun-
try burdened BY Determinations made against
home manufactures. Their policy was 10 build up,
and not TO destroy-to protect, and not TO oppress.
Not so the Experimental Tariff. And is il not a
mistake 10 suppose that the Republican people of
North Carolina were at any time, hostile to those
acts merely because they were protective ?' Our
hostility was aimed at the ertent of the thing not
the thing itself-at ertren1e protection, not Pro!ec-
ton per With here and there an individual
exception, (for Republicans in those days were al
lowed TO differ) boldly affirm that this was the Re
publican doctrine of our State and the people will
know it TO be true, when remind them that il was
precisely the point of our dispute with the Nuil'h-
ers. They were against protection out and out
We, the (Jackson) Republican party of North
Carolina, in particular, went for incidental protec-
tion-rnoderdte protection, BY "judIclous tariff"
They were for declaring the tariff of 1928 and 1892
unconstitutional, and nulifYing il, because il pro-
tected manufactures. We thought l: was unjust,
because the protection was ertreme, but not un-
constitutional, and that the Union must be pre-
served" What the Republican party of North
Carolina thought then, l thought, and spoke, and
wrote" - @
What does Mr.. Haywood consider g the indus
try of our own country2" Is he opposed to the
Tariff Of 1916, because, instead of bestowing all
its favors upon the Manufacturers, it discriminaes
within the revenue standard for the benefit of the
planters and farmers, and of all other classes
" Home manufacturer indeed In the United
States there are about four millions of persons
engaged in Agriculture, and about eight hundred
thousand in Manufactures Ever since 1916, |
with some trifing exceptions, Determinations for
protection, and not for revenue, have been made
aganst the interests Of Agriculture, and in favor
Of handful Of Manufacturers; and during this
period of thirty years, ihe farmers and Iaborers
have languished, while the Manufacturers have I
Drospered, and have been able to divide their ten
iteen, and twenty per cent. per annum. Look, {
or instance, at the City Of Lowell, Massachusetts. 4
Under the operation of the Tariff of 1S42 that : :
y has been adding to its wealth at the rate of p
i've hundred thousand dollars per annum and o
hat city, hardly speck amid the bou ndless a
wealth of Massachusetts pays at this time more d
money by way of animal taxation into the Trea- Il
ury of that State than North Carolina collects Il
rom her citizens during any one year to defray s
he expenses of her government Lowell gains L
n one year five hundred thousand dollars; North d
carolina exports in one year produce TO the a. C
lount of three hundred and fifty thousand doll IL
lrs This simple fact speaks volumes. For c,
leir fabrics the Manufacturers of Lowell get the b
ASH if they desire it, for their produce the peo- q;
lie OF this State get in return for the most part
lgar, SALT molasses, and iron-articles burdcned ir
y the Manufacturers Tariff Of 1912 with an di
,ormous tax. No wonder the old State becomes pc
pore: and poorer every day! No wonder the IT, =,
rmer is reduced in his profits year by year, un it,
at last it comes to a mere struggle to keep his ly
tIe property together! And yet MIR. Haywood ,h'
ould have Determinations in favor of home DO
favor of the rich against the ce
,or-in favor Of the strong against the weak mc a..
favor of one class of eight hundred thousand, bu
ID against four millions of farmers and all other
assesi Al
We should like to pursue this branch of the HI
b|ect further; but we compelled by our lack he
space to proceed upon another point in this Or
traordinary Address of the Ex-senator. VIC
Mr.. Haywood quotes from the Messages of poi
en-. Washington, Mr. Jefferson, Mr.. Madison, for
r. Monroe, and Gen. Jackson, TO show that An
incidental protection is constitution wit
and that such protection ought to become the wh
ablished policy of the country. But he does sin
t enlighten his "countrymen" upon the cir beg
instances and condition of the country at the inc
he these Messages were written; nor does he pol