The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-20

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war. BY this party, we are rudely assailed, our
! claims are repudlated, and our whole policy is
msrepresented. But | think for this party great
allowance is to be made; and we must now be too
prone TO take offence at proceedings which are
mainly attributable To the effect of public ipsttu-
ions, the yehemence Of the popular will, and the
operation OF the electoral system There are SIM
| liar influences with which we are more or less
familiar at home; but that this party should faith
fully represent the opinion Of the enlightened
Jority OF the people of the United States does seem
TO me impossible In country where statesmen
are found as sagacious as any in the world-where
wealth Is as great and diffused as in England
and where the country is subject TO the same in
nuehces as here IN respect of morality and religion,
cannot believe that public opinion is truly represent
ed by the party have spoken Of | cannot believe
that the people or the government Of the United
Sales would rush into a without any Just
eayse at a time when America would be partaker
IN the benefit OF that enlightened system Of com
merce we are about TO adopt and the intelligence of
which has been received in that as we'll as other
countries with all satisfaction. think on the pres.
ent occasion II Is quite unnecessary for me 70 dc
more than move for the production of such
pondence as can be produced consistently with re-
gard TO the public service, and also inquire Of my
noble friend what course the government propose TO
adopt III the event of the Senate Of the United States
concurrIng In the resolution to give the IL months
notice. though venture to say that such notice, in
Sau VI oenS construed as "a hostile declaration, would
DC viewed on our part as an indication of desire 10
effect without further delay an arrangement salts
factory and honorable TO both parties, and in a
ner calculated to render more enduring those friend
i y relations which have hitherto subsisted between
the two countries, and which, in their mutual inau.
ence, hope and trust will never he destroyed.
Hear, hear. The noble earl concluded by moving
for the papers
The Earl Of Aberdeen (Who was at times almost
lnaudible) said My lords Ia the very delicate and
dlfheult position IN which placed it might per-
haps, appear natural that should have viewed with
some degree Of hesitation the notice which my noble
friend gave yesterday. But my lords, however
much this might, under ordinary circumstances,
have been the case, felt certain, in the case of nv
noble friend, that his sense Of public duty and his
intimate knowledge of the great interests at stake
would prevent him from adding ANYTHING TO the
difficulties with which the question is already
| surrounded and, at the same time, that his own
| feelings would lndlspose him TO make his mo-
usn the subject Of any embarrassment. NV ex-
Pectauon has been fully realized by the speech
which my noble friend has made Hear, hear
My lords, think that the desire expressed by nv
noble friend is quite natural and reasonable
think, when we are receiving from time to time
from the United States information and documents
OF the highest interest and importance affecting
us IN the manner in which these transactions
do, II Is quite natural that your lordships and
the public should desire TO receive from the govern
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these transactions, accompanied by such other in.
formation as II may be safe and proper TO give !
therefore think have no valid reason for directing
to the production Of those papers for which my no.
BILE friend has moved, especially a great portion
Of them must be already well known TO your lord
ships and the public. But must reserve to myself
the discretion OF, for the present, suppressing
large portion of the correspondence which has taken
place between her majesty's minister in the United
States and myself, the production OF which at this
time would be injurious TO the public interests
Hear. My lords, will say further that should
not be disposed voluntarily TO lay on the table any
such information. In the first place it is quite un.
usual IN the midst of a negotiation of this magni-
tude, without any special object in view to produce
to Parliament accounts Of the particular position we
| may for the time being find ourselves in. [Hear
IL is true that the government Of the United States
has acted differently, but their situation is different
| from ours. The executive government of the Uni
ted States had to call the legislature to take
direct course on this subject. The President of the
United States proposed to the American legislature
certain measure, to which he required their assent
and ofcourse he was under the necessity of furnish
| ing them with the materials on which TO form an
opinion IN coming TO decision question of such
| importance But that Is not case. Her maes-
TVS government have no intention of calling on Par
Lament at this moment for any opinion nor do IN.
dersand that it is the intention Of my noble friend
| or of any other member of this house 10 call on
Parliament at present to pronounce an opinion
These circumstances therefore, would have indis.
posed me from voluntarily laying the table in
| formation at this moment.
| Another reason also would prevent me from vol.
UNFAIRLY coming down with any such information to
the house. must admit that from the aspect of the
negotiation, as reported in the papers which have
been produced in the United States and which am
in condition to produce to your ordships an infer
ence might fairly be drawn not favorable TO the re-
suit OF the negotiation In which are engaged
they would be calculated to induce us to augr unfa-
vorably Of the result. For this reason therefore
should have wished not voluntarily to submit to the
house, in such stage of the negotiation as that to
which we have now arrived, communications which
| are calculated TO produce such opinion. Hear
Nevertheless, it is my decided opinion that such an
opinion would be unwarranted. | cannot bring my
self to believe, my lords, however the effect pro-
duced by the papers have referred to might be as
| have said cannot, repeat bring myself TO be-
lleve that any reasonable doubt remains Of our be-
ing able to bring this matter to a satisfactory con-
cusion. Hear, hear. | have no doubt of the
sincere desire Of both governments to arrive at that
| result; and | hope that my noble friend will not
think me guilty of any uncoureous conduct, if |
decline to inform him of the steps which, in the
present uncture Of affairs, her Majesty's govern
ment may think proper to take in pursuit of the ne
gotiation. He may look on it that believing as ! |
do that war is the greatest calamity that can befal
! nation, and the greatest crime, generally that a |
nation can commit, [hear, hear,l he may RELY that
every effort consistent win the national honor will
| be employed to avert it. Hear, hear NV lords |
will not lay claim to your indulgence beyond what
| am fairly entitled to; but If might, without pre-
sumption, add the expression ofan opinion it would
be that you would believe that the conduct of this
great transaction will be forbearng, concilatory
moderate and just, without any sacrifice of honor
or Of the real interests of the country. Hear.
| But my lords, on the other hand, it is certainly |
possbe-though would reject the notion-that all
our efforts may be unavang. In that case can
cure the support and countenance Of every one of
your lordships but the sympathy and appreciation
also Of every state in Europe, and of the whole civ
ilized world. Hear, hear.l My lords, think nv
noble friend will perhaps, not expect me to go fur
Their into the subject at present, and will conclude
the few words which have thought it necessary to
address to your ordships, by repeating emphoti-
cally what her Majesty has been gracousy pleased
| to say from the throne: "That no effort will be
spared, consistently with the national honor, to
bring this IN nm nd