The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-01-10

country, and make up the complete system OF gov
ernmenti the one is family government tho other
elvll government. Family government 10 found5G
In the natural affections Of the heart and is intended
10 rest for its efficiency and happiness, on these
feelings. The domestic relations Of husband and
wife, and parent and child as moments reflection
teaches, are founded in that element of the human
constitution known under the name OF love;
and from these relations result, and, OF course,
resting on the same fundamental element, the
rights and duties Of family government with all the
pleasing and important Incidents which attach to IT,
Civil government has its origin in edfernt element
of nature more stern, but not less useful than
that other element inst mentoned il is denominated
justice. To obtain and secure this, men submit
10 the restraints Of governments and il is the
sole original principle and object Of civil gov
eminent While, therefore, family government
aows spontaneously from the affections Of the
heart, under the necessary operation Of those kind
impulses which Providence has implanted in our
nature civil government is the result OF calculation
and, though 30 far natural az TO look 10 original
element in the constitution Of man for i,s origin. is
in fact an artificial combination Of aurnan oontrl
vance for purposes OF utility. IL is no sckly dream
OF childhood recoeciions, but stern reality OF ae'
tual life
The difference between the domestic affections
and our love Of country, generally called Patriotism
is equally and Enthusiastically distinctive. Like
the institution in which they originate, and have
their sweet and holy exercise, the domestic atiec-
uons now from the naive charities OF tue hcart, und
are undying as nature is immutable. Not
so in patriotism. II is an accommodated and
calculating feeling. True, the element out Of
which It grows is natural; but that element
is sense of justice, and requires the obsery-
ance Of justice on the part of the government to
keep il alive in the bosom OF the citizen. While,
them the simple practice of justice in the govern
ment may cherish, aud warm into an enthu-
siasm coyetous Of danger and death for the
country, in times of difficulty, this feeling Of
patriotism, il is manifest that the practice
Of injustice must eradicate II, because il wars
upon the very element of its existence Now, the
government which, in its constitution and admins.
tration brings insuperable Inconvenience TO the in
dyidual, is to him unjust; and though he may not
be alba TO trace the metaphysical chain Of ideas by
which TO connect the cause and effect, his heart, in
its love ofjustice teaches him instinctiyey that he
is the victim Of a system which works better for
some than others. This he feels to be unjust; and
TO him II is the same, whether injustice comes from
design in the individual act, or is the necessary re-
suit of a system. All men hate tyranny, and hate
IL less in systems than in the administrators OF
systems II is this principle which leads foreigners
TO leave land in which, though may be the place of
their birth, they have failed to enjoy the convent
and BLESSINGS Of government in which they have
felt oppression and injustice in the action Of the
very system. Ii is this principle which makes
them willing to exchange native home and all its
sweet delights for an alien strand, where juster
system may be found. IL is the operation Of the
same principle, in a modified form, which continu-
ally induces citizens to seek the wilderness and
erect new States. BY so doing, they remove them
selves from what, at first sight, appears to be an in
justice Of the best system, though necessary nus-
tice, because, without il, no system could well ex-
list, To more equal field for exertion.
The argument, then, being founded in total mis-
apprehension of the true origin and object Of civil
government, is equally false in its application and
differences.
But in the second place, the argument contains
its own refutation. Ii admits that citizenship may
be prudendy conferred the alien after residence
of twenty years among us. If the objection Of
foreign BIRTH for the reasons gwen is good up to the
period of twenty-one years, it. is equally good to
every period and ought to nhbt naturalization en-
tirely. At the period Of tweny-one years, no more
than at shorter period, do foreigners cease to have
been born abroad; nor do they lose the dreams OF
childhood; on the contrary age advances and the
busy and of life intermitted in
obedience to the demands of inhrmity, memory be-
pleased in the rctrospecton of the past,
and recollection more delighted with the scenes Of
early years. The very poetry Of old age is embod-
led in its own favorite expression, "when was
boy" All its dreams and notions Of excellence run
back into that innocent and witching period of OK
stencc The argument is therefore suicidal, it APP
plies forcby at the end Of its proposed limit as at
any other period
In making the motion which propose to submit
before resuming my seat wish TO be understood
that it proceeds from no disrespect to the source
from which the resolutions proceed. | am an adj
mrer of much in the history of Massachusetts,
however may be opposed to what have generally
been her dominant political opinions. There IS
much of poetic feeling which associates itself with
the character and adventures of the pilgrim fathers;
and the MayAoWer is sort of fairy ship, and those
who came in her are invested with all the charm
which is found in the creations Of poetry, or the
tabled heroes of romance. Who can ever ren1em-
Der the early scenes of our struggle for freedom
Iuh cnn pf nkpr,s or cOntempIae
scenery about Boston, and not be sensible of emo
tions of welcome pleasure? There are many
points there on which memory delights to nger;
and that lofty shaft which pierces the skies in the
vicinity of Charesowp, marking the first blood
consecrated to the cause of American liberty, does
honor to the people who raised it, and among whom
it stands Yet it is not for these recolecons that
would do justice to Massachusetts,. That would
place her rights the insecure basis OF caprice or
taste No; il il because she is Of the sovereign
States of this Union, and entitled by the compact,
to be heard, that am willing to hear her. have
heard her voice respectfully, but it does not address
this House, it speaks her servants touching their
action in regard to q certain subject.
Mr. WINTHROP here rose to explain, and the
floor being yielded to him for that purpose, he pro-
ceeded to say, that the form of these resolutions,
which the gentleman from South Carolina appeared
to regard fatal to the motion for their reference,
was only the same form which was employed in
every resolution sent here from the legislature Of
of instructions; yet they had all been presented here
by the representatives Of the State, and had been
considered and acted on by the House.
Mr.. SIMS resumed. The gentleman seems to
have inexperienced me. l have not meant to
complain that he has presented these resolutions to
the House; was, perhaps proper for him to do so;
and having done so, it proper for the House to
hear themj but beyond that the House had nothing
to act upon. As that is the customary form OF pro-
ceedng, willing that the resolutions should be
a E,,ta ftart I,t II tbar, ia
respect in laying them on the table. They ask for
no specific action on the part Of the House. They
call for action on the part of the representatives
from Massachusetts,. H. in obedience to the request
Of his State, the honorable gentleman had any plan
to submit in relation to the laws of naturalization,
let it be respectfully received and impartialy consid-
cred But submit that, after so long discussion,
and especially the House possesses no cons'itu-
tional power TO touch the right of suffrage, or reach
the ballot-box in any way II is time to bring this
debate to a conclusion. will therefore move that
the resolutions, with the motion preference, be laid
on the table.