Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1846-04-03

and enlarged experience have elevated to the high
places of q nation, should be received with defer
ence. and questioned only upon minute and care
full scrutiny. We are not of that school of rigid
ultralsm which would condemn every thing that
comes from the other side. Men often learn as
much truth from their enemies as their friends, and
lame opposition to measure is fully as operative,
and frequently more conclusive in its favor than
the best conceived and most labored vindication.
We hope that in the remarks we are about to make
concerning the late speech of Mr.. Calhoun, every
reader will understand that we do not desire to de-.
tract one iota from his acknowledged merits. We
would not ,ear one laurel froa his manly brow,
nor impair in the slightest degree that high con
fidence which the Democratic party repose in his
exalted purity. There are many other gentlemen
in both houses of Congress, who would suit our
purpose equally well. Many other speeches have
been made at Washington during the present sesr
criticism but we prefer Mr.. Calhoun, and we pre-.
fer his speech to all others. We take him to be
the acknowledged leader of those who are opposed
to the Oregon policy of the Administration, and
there is something grateful in the task of meeting
that opposition in its strongest development, and
in the person of its most formidable champion.
With these preliminary observations, we pro-
coed at once to consider in what does Mr.. Calhoun
differ from the Democratic party on this question,
and how far his objections seem to affect the pro-
Dria 0f at the 0f the
President.
1t is within the recollection Of cur readers that
in the Convention, at whose instance Mr.. Polk re-
ceived the support of the Democratic party and
became the successful competitor for the Presiden
tial chair, certain resolutions were offered and pas
sPd, which were meant to avow the leading doc
trnes of the Democratic faith, concerning the ques-
tons most intimately connected with the then pen.
ding election. These resolutions were intended
TO a sort of political creed, a showbl AMI
in accepting the nomination under these resolu-
tons, Mr. Polk adopted them as his rule of polit-
cal conduct. If the resolutions meant anything at
all, they were obviously intended for this very pur-
pose, and if they were not, no possible re
cessity can be shewn for their publication. Now,
one of these resolutions declared the American ii.
tie to the whole of Oregon clear and indisputable.
and we are to search for the meaning of these
terms in the speeches of the delegates ami the o.
pinions Of the public at the time of their passage
both these, the only available sources of infor-
nation, concur in establishing the limits of the
American title to point not short Of the Russian
boundary. Well, Mr. Polk acting in perfect &C.
cordance with his known principles, and what was
very naturally expected of him declared on his ar
rival at the capitol. speaking in the language of
the resolutions, the title to the Oregon is clear
and indisputable." If there had been, previously,
doubt of the binding force of the resolution or of
Mr.. Folks adoption of it rule for political con-
duct, that doubt was then forever removed. Still
it is but fair to allow that, as has been claimed,
the resolution was conceived in such general terms,
that right on the part of the British to a portion
Of the territory, might be admitted without doing
violence to the letter of the may have
been meant only to hold that our title to the whole
of Oregon meant but the whole of what should he
afterwards adjudged our share. If there is any
strength in this view Of the thing, those who in
cline to that opinion are welcome to it all. We
have always thought that the whole meant moth
ing but the whole, and not the whole of part on
ly-and that such was the view. toe. of Mr.. Polk
himself we take the liberty of showing by his own
words In pretty plain language, he says: "Thn
entertaining the settled conviction that the British
pretensions of title could not be maintained to any
pie of public law recognized by nations, yet in de-
ference to what had been done bymy predecessors
and especially that propositions of compromise had
been thrice made by two preceding admnlsira
hpns, and that the pending ne
gotlallons had been commenced on the basis Of
compromise deemed it my duty not abruptly to
break it Off" Here we find Mr.. Polk styling the
British claims pretensions, and entertaining the
settled conviction that they could not he maintain
cd to any portion of the Oregon. differences, clear
and strong as holy writ, would lead us to suppose
that with such opinions he would refuse to enter
tain or offer any proposition for compromise, in
volving. as it does, the existence of conflicting
rights; aud we entertain no doubt that had he been
free to pursue his own course in The matter, no
offer upon such basis would have been made or
entertained Nor do we see any reason to think
he will do now. According to this view, the
unavorabe tenor of the message on the subject of
compromise, does not proceed. as Mr.. Calhoun
would have US believe, merely from the ill-success
of negutiation nor mainly from the fact that the
offer of compromise upon the basis of 400 was
rejected" because, in TRUTH that offer rendered
necessary TO Mr.. P, and made, we have
seen, i'll direct opposition to his own settled con-
victions, and altogether in Difference to what had
been done by his predecessors, and this is proved
by the fact, that Immediately on the rejection of
that Offer the PRESIDENT as if in a hurry to take
advantage of the opportunity, Immediately with
dew it, and ordered Mr.. Buchanan to assert SOW
ereign and exclusive title to the whole territory.
This able vindicaton of our rights laid before
the public at the same time, with the history of the
transaction ITSELF and the favor with which the re-
publican party received the latter proceeding is
best shown in the violence with which they de-
nounced the former. We have, too, another stri-
king proof of the popularity of the measure in the
Discrimination which Mr.. G. so earnestly processes
to allow the question to so before the people in
the next Presidential election. To avoid accusing
him of interested views in this particular, we pre-
fer thinking that he fears the result would be I'M
favorable to the settement'of the question on any
other ground than the full and absolute possession
of the above territory. Mr.. Calhoun knows that