The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-04

was followed in a reasonably short time by the set
element of Astoria Now sir, thus far our tltle--as
proved three years ago-ls avery clear snd salts
factory title do not say that i is title Of that
character which we have IN the city OF Washington,
To the soil on which this Capitol stands. IL 10
uninhabied country, and whatever title we have Of
it, even il perfectly clear would still be fair sub
ieet for negotiation and reasonable compromise. BY
that mean that we should not absolutely claim any
thing south of that line bat upon certain principles
Of concession and lberality-certAln temporary adj
yantages and water privileges conceded to Great
Britain And having thus stated my clear opinion
Of the title of the United States under the discovery
Of Gray, and the subsequent exploration under the
authority of the government Of the United States,
shall proceed TO give some reasons why believe
ought not to think Of going north Of the parallel
Of ago. Several senators who participated In the
the discussion seem TO regard this as question Of
legal obligation--as If the offer Of 49o still
binding upon US do not think so. But ! pre-
sumo there is no senator who does not believe that
an offer made by our goyernment--yo voluntarily made
four times-and extending to point beyond which
we have never claimed in any Of our negotiations by
an actual offer--we never have proposed to 60 be-
yond 49o-the first offer in 1918 by our govern
ment was 49o-in 1924 il was the same.-n 1926 the
ssme-in 1874 the same. say, then, put il TO
senator's what would they think II Great Britain in
stead OF Insisting upon her former offer, should
fuse to accede TO that now and come south Of III
Are we not in this case admonished To adhere to
the rule, "as ye would that Others should do unto
you, do ye even unto them" venture TO as
SECT that the blood Of every senator, and OF every
citizen Of the UnId States, would rise to the fever
heat and the war-ery be instantly raised, IL Great
Britain were 70 retract her offer, and insist on
coming further south This is not a preston Of OBJ
legation Ills question Of prudence and equity be-
tween the two nations. In 1918, when at the head
Of the government, and In the cabinet were men
u. IL.
luton and the war Of 1872 the first and only offer
made was tso Subsequent to that, at various
times the same offer was made. Now, | ask
What new light has broken in upon uS What new
discovery has been made What new argument has
been advanced Upon what principle can we now
offer the British government less than We offered
them Is our claim any clearer Is that Of Great
Britain any worse We stand precisely where we
stood in 1918. All that has since been done amounts
to nothing. Where were we them What were
our nights them We had a right founded upon dis
eOyery and a settlement restored to by the British,
to-be-sure, but abandoned by those who had occu-
pied il. am not sure bat there not single
citizen OF ours in Oregon in 1918. Well, thus we
Stood and in that state Of the case, the British be-
ing in possession Of Prasers river and various set
dement's, that convention was made. Now, my
opinion--to be BRIEFS, that the claim Of Great
Britain is founded, not upon the NoOtka Sound
convention, which gave her no right at all, but
rather mared the right which she has-but upon
the settlement on Fraser's river, which happens TO
run precisely on the1ne OF I9oi and that Of pre-
cisely similar character is the claim Of the United
States Such, then, is my view Of the title. And |
would now 90 farther and state what my view is Of
the possibility OF adjusting this question. And |
hope that and representatives in Congress,
and The people Of the United States will all take this
subject into the most serious and solemn consid-
erution for | regret to be compelled to say
that do believe that at this very moment we are in
more danger Of being involved in a war upon this
miserable question than have been at any
former period. give my views, and shall be very
happy TO hear any argument making the claim OF the
United States stronger. Well them ask, taking into
view the course heretofore adopted by our govern
ment, and the offer repeatedly made is there a
tors there any man Of intelligenee-who believes
that Great Britain will ever adjust this question upon
any basis short Of 490 The honorable senator from
Arkansas had the candor to admit that he did not
think il possible that Great Britain ever would con-
cede the title Of the United States to $40 40. Then
we must make up our minds TO settle this on the
basis Of 49o, or go to Ii Is distinctly ques.
ton Of peace or war and as such il should now be
presented to the Senate and people Of the United
States. The simple question is will you settle thi'
peseeaby and honorahly upon the basis Of 49O, Of
will you go to a which no human being knows
whom and how it will Terminated Now sincerely
believe that IL brief view of this title j: really
exists were presented to the people Of the United
States, and the question were distinctly asked Will
you give up all beyond Age, or go TO with
Great Britain ninety nine out of one hundred woulC
declare, "Fix upon the basis of ago, and avoid
a war" Great God! | have been shocked a
the indifference with which some senators hav,
spoken Of war 1.-THE honor Of this country wer,
invoved-if its liberties were in the slightest de-
gree endangered-if any disaster growing out Of thu
question threatened the fortunes Of free insttu
| TONS never should hesitate at enceuntering any
hazard to avert the evil. But is there any sucf
danger Is our national honor in any way involved
Suppose Mr.. Buchanan to offer tomorrow III,
| precise proposition offered by Mr. CALHoUN-tht
basis Of Ago with the navigation Of the Columbia
(Which may be valuable 10 England-is Of no value
| to us )-suppose he were TO make-not merely tn,
offer he made in July or August last, but the ofe
made under the sanction of our government former
y-l should like to know how the honor Of tn,
United States would be involved | should like tc
know how the present administration would be dis
graced by settling this question on the terms pro-
| posed by sages Of the revolution, and patriots Of
| 1872 There does seem to be something hike an
undue and unbecoming pretenslon in this matter
| | should not wonderf Great Britain felt that he
honor in degree affected by thus attempting
to exort obtain from her terms less advantageous
| than those we had repeatedly offered. Has
| Great Britain become less tenacious of he
| rights, or have we become much more able tc
maintain ours' | shall not enter into any question
as to the relative power of these two coun
tries. The power Of each is great enough fo
any purpose; and here permit me to say tina
| | do not believe there ever has been since tn,
| foundation of the world two nations between whom
a war would be awfully destructive as a wa
at this moment would be between Great Britain ant
the United States. The of antiquity were war;
of nations destitute Of commences involving, indeed
great loss ofhuman life; buta war between two suci
nations as Great Britain and the United States, ever
il not single life lost--even if single vesse
were not captured-woud, in consequence of thu
unavoidable suspension Of commerce. be war o
widespread desolation. Thousands, millions II
| both countries would be reduced to povery--to nc
tual suffering. The calamitous consequences o
such a war, independent altogether ofthe boodshet
and loss of property, would be ncalcuable. Some es
Inmates have been made of the consequences of sucl
a war; And indeed, | do believe that this is one o
the cases in which il is proper to count the cost.
prudent man, if his honor be nssaied will sacrifc
his life without any calculation at ALL But when I
question represented involving the sacrifice ofa smal
proportion of property to which the title is une
quivoca it is a matter Of prudence whether NOR
will be gained lost in the prosecution of the claim
a. g hiu