The New era. [volume] ([Portsmouth, Va.]) 1845-1847, 1846-01-17

But know of no treaty in modern times, be-
tween equals, in which one of the parties, after
war, has given up the whole subject in con-
troversy without an equivalent. There NAV be
such instances, but do not remember one, even
in the most successful period of the career OF
Napoleon. Neither Marengo nor Austerli,z ever
gave him such results in his treaties with Austria
Ut all the European nations, Great Britain is the
most distinguished for the pertnacity with which
she has hitherto struggled for her rights and her
honor. Now, Mr.. Chairman, is there man
amongst us who supposes-does the widest
dreamer of us all believe-that she would ever
close war by yielding not only the whole sub
ject in dispute, but her own undoubted territory
until she had first waged it, and been defeated in
It, as war not only of mastery, but of existence
Would her sagacious statesmen be slow TO per
ceive that any treaty which branded her with the
visible stamp of inferiority after war would be
the sure precursor of her downfall2 She knows
that the hungry and expectant eye of continental
Europe is fixed upon the prey which division
OF her mighty empire would afford. She is aware,
too, that the calculation has already been made as
to how far the invention of steam has DESTROYED
the security of her natural deiences-of her in
sular position. She no longer feels able to con :
tinue the proud boast that s' Britannia needs no
oulwarks, no towers along the steps," for she is
now engaged in constructing coast defences-
ohe must feel that the whole charm of her power
lies in the idea Of her inrincbity on the seas
and in her colonial possessions. To d roy by
her one act this idea, would he TO hold forth the
signal for the eaglee TO gather to the banquet ar
would involve the loss of power, empire, and
character itself. Can be mistaken In sup, sing
that war which brought her to such conclu-
sion, would probably be the longest and bio diest
ever known in the annals Of mankind Gentle.
men have promised that this thing shall be done
do not stand her to dispute it, In the event of
war, | wish that they may be able TO make
good their words. But before this can be &C
complshed, we must track the British lion in his
blood from the rising to the setting sun. We
must hunt him from stronghold to stronghold until
we have pursued him throughout the circumfer
ence of the globe. Every sea, every cline must
become familiar with the noise of the terrific
strife. Far distant people, nations to whom as
YET we are scarcely known, must be startled at
the apparltlon OF this new power which is to
struggle with Great Britain for the mastery in
places. where she had longed reigned the most
supreme. From Alden 10 the Ionian isles we must
pursue her over wave and through fortress. on
one continuous line Of blood and fire, until we
nave swept her flag from the seas, and buried
ner ieeis In the ocean. We must throw down
her places OF strength; we must despol even her
gardens of pleasaunce. Yes, sir to this
dreadful extremity must we bring her. before she
can agree to conclude the contest upon terms
which would destroy her most cherished senti-
ment OF national pride, and probably lead to the
destruction oil the mightlest empire which as vet.
the world has known.
III we are to obtain what gentlemen have pro-
missed us, such must be the war which we are tn
wage What, MIR. Chairman, must be the con-
sequences of such war upon ourselves and opr
institutions? Who can foresee these conseouen
ceS IN all their extent, or undertake 20 measure
the results2 How great would be the DANCER of
Capitalization of all power in the federal govern
ment, and of an obliteration Of the lines of State
authority How many hundreds of millions ofdebt
should we entail on ourselves and our posterty
How tar should we fall into the lower depths of
the paper system? To how distant day in the
greek calends should we postpone those great
democratic reforms which we had fondly hoped
we were about to introduce, and for which we
have labored so long and often with such doubtful
success! We should 90 into the war free
happy, and moral people. Who can undertake TO
ioreteil the extent and nature of the TRANSITIONAL
'lons winch we may undergo before we come out
OF IL, or who can measure the waste of all the
elements of human happiness and social order
which such war would occasion? Should we
De Justlhed IN the eyes of God, or of mankind.
lot thus perlllIng the great interests of oar coun
Try ana OF humanity for the sake of obtaining DOS
session of Oregon few years earlier, when we
are sure of acquiring in little later by honorable
and peaceful means? Could we be justified in
exposing the country to such extremity if there
De even probable chance of acquiring the terri
Tory by means not only peaceful but compatible
WIN our honor! Or if war and such war be
inevitable, ought we not to postpone it until we
nave more men, more means, more resources, and
more suspicious circumstances for its commence.
ment?
[Concluded'in next.1
WHITNEY's RAILROAD is maxim q s,;r -