The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-01-14

have the sympalhies Of tho masses in all nations
that the people who bear the burdens Of oppression
and WHO 30 frequently seek 10 escape . this eoun-
try from the merciless exaetons governments that
sustain themselves by immense standing armies
will not willingly battle in the cause oftyanny
against that OF freedom. They forget that Ireland
10 luminous that Canada only waits for fair OPP
Portanity to throw ofLhe British yoke; that Louis
Phlippe cannot be expected 10 live much longer;
and that the British people themselves grooming
resllessly under Laws which deprive them Of bread
and al tue same Tune exact from them interest upon
debt Of four thousand millions OF dollars "a wei
revenues 10 support vast and splendid government
Sir, when these things duly weig he'd the ermi.
nation Of such contest may not be quite so unfa-
vorable TO us as some gentlemen imagine. If war
lie fearful to u.s. il Is equally formidable to England
She Is not in situation to court war We never
have, We never shall court IT,
Gentlemen speak Of the preparation Of England,
and our want Of IT, They point 20 the steam feet of
that naughty nation, and tell il will blow our
navy out Of the water, and demOsh our cities.
shall make but one remark on this subject. Ii IL
fortunate for US, that we have not friuensd a say
our strength and our means in maintaining large
standing armies, and building mighty fleets. For
this is an age in which great inventions have been
made. Man has been calling TO his aid, and subdu-
ing 10 his purposes, the tremendous powers Of ele-
mental nature. And II not greatly mistaken,
there are now spirits az work in this Capitol whose
inYentlOns, sanctioned by scientific minds and APP
PROVE by practical men, will aupersede any former
combination Of forces, and render the boosted Brit
lsh navy conn sratively clumsy and powerless.
This government may not have the wisdom 10
adopt them That remains 20 be seen. At all
eyons, sir, we never can perhaps We never ought TO
be better prepared for than we are at present
except when the occasion itself shall imperiously de-
mand the preparation. IL is only at a crisis like
this, when we shall be suddenly brought into dan
ger OF conflict with other powers that our sluggish
energies wall be awakened. Let tho hour Of action
come and this great nation will fleets and col
lect armies, with celebrity which will aslonsh the
world. Sir, hope the occasion will not come;
believe II will not; know IL cannot unleas Eng
land shall wanIonly invade our rights
But gentleman, in this debate have endeayoted 10
look into the future, and calculate tho
Of war 10 our free institutions. Doubtless war must
tend TO strengthen the central power, and il cannot
by any means be the element IN which our insttu-
tons will flourish best | deplore the havoc, the
exhaustion, the taxes, the debt, that must be
the result Of such u struggle. Yet our coun-
try nurlured in war. Our institutions took
their very start from the Iumult Of the battle
field, and they have since been tried by another
stern ordeal, in a conflict with the same powerful
people. lfl should be our fate again TO be inyol.
| we'd IN the same calamity does any gentleman be-
leve the result will he less glorious than in the two
former wars If such fears steal into our hearts, the
battle Is already lost. IL We must 90 into the con.
hIet, let US at least 90 with usual confidence in
the stars which have ever led US to victory.
have argued that the proposed notice is not in
| ltself cause OF war; ard think have fully sus-
tanned the position But gentlemen may say, al
though notice itself may not be a sufficient proyoca-
uon, the measures contemplated afterwards will be
the cause Of hosutes What measured Will it
be the extension OF our laws over our citizens in
| Oregon England has long since done the same
thing. Will II be the erection Of forts within the
territory England already has there her fortified
stations. What measures have been proposed
which can possibly be objected tor Is the occupa.
ton OF Oregon by emigration from the United Staiesi
Ii this be the fancied cause Of war, do why
we, who desire 10 give the notice, can be more re-
sponsible for It than they who oppose it, for not one
OF the opponents Of this has failed to say
that our population would finally settle the right TO
the whole OF Oregon. Then, IL understand them
correctly, they are for occupying the whole
Of oregon as wei as we. Some Of them, in
! deed, have expressed a perfect willingness to
do everything that has been proposed, except the
giving Of this notice. | cannot but think there
Is some little inconsistency in these two po-
sllIons. 10 those measures will excite England to
war rih notice, will they not do oiihom notice
Might not England, perhaps, complain Of viola
ton on our part of existing treaty stipulsons' And
would not this be pretext for war, which would
not exist after the treaty shall have been terminal ed
by the the stipulated notice. ask, sir, what we
have proposed to do, that all other gentlemen in this
House not willing to do leaving out of view the
!
itsef, is evidently not war; those gentlemen arc as
ready 10 plunge the country into a war as We
for they would do everything of warlike nature
which we propose to do.
MIR. Chairman, do not believe this notice will
! produce war. | believe, on the Contrary il will
tend to hasten the peaceabe adjustment of the aues-
ton. Am required to say why | believe this:
might well answer, that have been negotiating
under the existing convention for than quar-
ter OF century, and yet we have made no progress
Whatever IN the business. | might well argue that
our experience has proved that the conventions so
far from assisting the negotiations, have retarded
them Sir during this long period the life of a gen.
Grafton diplomacy has exhausted itself II is time
to cease this diplomatic trifing II is time to assert
our rights, and firmly to maintain them. In order
TO do this, we must change the face of things. We
must alter the circumstances by which we have
heretofore been fettered. We must brush away the
cobwebs which have been suffered to be woven over
| the subject, obscuring the vision both of England
| and ourselves. i ask If there be not force in this
positons We have tried negotiation under
these conventions, for a period long enough to
have settled dozen such questions, if there
had been any real disposition on both sides
to settle it, Shall we not now try what
success we shall have in the absence Of these
conventions? This course commends itself to our
judgment. We have tried the one with complete
failure-now let try the other. May we not at
least hope for better success in the altered circu,n-
| sances' What will be the force and power of the
| new circumstances which we propose to bring
about When this notice shall have been given, the
United States and England will stand unramrneI-
ledreeve ed from all emba ssng agreements what
ever-naked before the world-each standing upon
its own proper rights They will stand face to face
looking each other in the eve and perfectly con
scious of the dread alternative which will follow a
failure to adjust the dispute by a treaty. They
will deeply feel the absolute and pressing necessity
of amicable action. Shall we not bring il to this
crisis Does any fear il acknowledge it is
dangerous; but not more dangerous than tardy and
temporzing policy. Here are Sylla and Charybdis
We must pass. Shall we not grasp the helm stern
ly and firmly, trusting to our prudence and skill to
guide us through the dangerous abyss'--or shal! we
beat about listlessly, backwards and forwards I'M
certain what shall be our course, yet perfectly con-
scions that sooner later must endure the peril
Sir, when things shall be brought 10 this point,
must war necessarily follow' In the 18th century,
with all its boosted civilization and morality, must
TWO great nations fear to come up boldly to the adj
Jusment of great question, lest deadly conflict
may ensue' Can England go to war in the face of