The Mississippi Creole. [volume] (Canton, Miss.) 1841-1851, 1846-04-04
nan-rs.llonal.

nected with the negotiation, MT, Y. ieh nnWll-
ling to examine the question of title He thor
it would b. indelicate ior him TO do SO, Mr..
Calhoun thought that every one would perceive
that tho aspect Of the question had changed
since thsmeeting Of congress. The President
then declared in his message, that "no compro-
mise which might be made ought to be acceded
to, and that at the end Of lhe year the time
wouldhave arrived When oprc laimsio the ter
ritory must be Inserted, or ahandoned.n He
thought there was a fair inference that il the
British Government would renew the offer Of
Ago, il would be accepted. He thought that
those Senators who went fol the whole fore
gen thought 50 too,
mr.. Calhoun was opposed to giving the "no-
Iice" at all. He thought il would not lend to
a compromise, and therefore he opposed il. He
and bis friends did not regard our title to the
whole 81 Oregon as clear and unquestionabIe,
and he thought the subject, therefore, q proper
one for compromise, lie hazarded nothing in
saying Tint alarge majority ofthe Senate were
IN TavUrO Honorable compromise. The British
Government was also in favor Of an amicable
settlement Of the question, and upon the basis
offered by as and rejected by England. The
derIaralion of Sir Robert Peel on this matter,
oughtto have its effect upon the Government,
and lead to d neutrality-suspicious. whichwas
the only obstacle in the way Of a peaceful set
Element 81 the question. He trusted, though he
could not say SO upon positive information,
that information had gone to Europe, which
would result in negotiation. When the Presi-
dents Message was delivered there was no hope
Of compromise, but. there was no hope now.
All must see it-all must feel it. 1t was
the highest consistency now to compromise
the question. There were different ideas Of
consistency. Some gentleman would adhere to
one thing always, no matter what the circum-
stances. Some would adhere to men whether
their principles changed or not. He hoped that
y his friends who went for the whole Of Oregon
Q had themselves changed these opinions since
9 thessmeeiug Of Congress. They saw a divided
e party, and a divided opinion. Did 1t then be
come them to give the notice, 10 refuse com
promise, and to claim the whole Of Oregon!
he appealbd4o his friends, as %patfiots, to decide
this question. The House Resolution he could
IN not vote for, because it was e1uivocal in its
character. II notice be given, let itbe givenin
npIain and meaning manner, SO that the Presi-
dent ahd'the world could understand what was
" meant BY II. He was inclined to give the n,-
ge tice in such a form; as was recommended by the
3 resolutions Of the Senator from Georgia, but be
heldihis vote subordinate to another question,
which was, thatthe question should be setllad
Or and without an appeal to arms. He was
70 resolved to do nothing which would prevent an
( ~amicable adjustment Of the whole question.
Mr.. Calhoun then vindicated his consistency
y and the position he took in t843. He was then
2 for adhering othe convention, and thought the
time had come for abiding by it. Oregon was
easy forus tbcolonize, and difficult for England
to c%olonize. ToEngland the territory was Of
nd comparatively no value, not so much as New
er Zealand, while the colony itself was 10000
% miles Of, or nearly the circumference 81 III,
III globe.
Mr.. Calhoun was for compromise and agains
war. The time had some when compromise
ad must be made on the basis Of 400. He had NJ
vt ~unmanly fears pbsut war, He could appea
ar 10 his past history in this respect. ne regarde,
Of peace as apositive good & war as a positive ev
evil He was for compromise. The work
Of war would accomplish a mighty social ant
= political change. There was no power whicI
could do us SO much good in peace and so muc
harm in war as England, & the good & evil wer
every way reciprocal. He believed the wa
-, ! would be useless, and plunge US in debt 500
" 200. A war would be the death Of Estate right
and forever establish a military d~espotism
Losses of property and losses Of life woul
come also, from war-but these were nothing
~ for time could remedy oil this. AS the f1eat
IA Of humanity, civilization and progress, he wal
4, for peace. How, then, could men VIII,
~ were democrats par e~zesllence be in fav
or Of war, when banks and paper none
were its smallest consequence. Steam anC
electricity werea the modern means BY whicI
England and the United States were difuslnI
Blessings over the world. Let peace cOptinu
and the period predicted BY philosophers, de
scribed by poets and seen in holy visions woul
ah- arrive when men would no longer learn hot
and TO 60 to war. Peace was pre-eminently on
,ws policy; other nations might resort to war to oil
tain greatness, but we were great already
his nation covering, twenty-three degrees of lat
ior tude, Our great mission was TO occupy III
whole domain with::a v%irtuous population
spread towns and cities over the whole surfac
ing War was but an impeachment in this great wor
ini- Establish peace, and time under the guidan,
&C. ola wise and cautious policy would effect Al
,es- A "wise and mastery inactivity'' would pro-
profound wisdom with us, Time would eHer
~, everything. We had a growing population
MI 0 ,OO0 q year, and would be a million 500
Before some Of the Dung Senators were