The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-08-18
BAR. HAYWoop,s AnpREss

| Mr. Haywood requests us 10 lay the whole Of his
address 10 paper before our readers. We cheer.
fully comply with his request Il occupies so much
space 10 our columns that we have no opportunity
even Il We had the disposition, to accompany il with
suitable comments. When he resigned his seat in
the Senate Of the United States, il was at moment
OF the deepest excitement that we have ever wit
messed IN this city. IL pervsded all classes Of the
community IN and out Of Congress. Upon his I'M
expected course the fate of the great question Of the
country and of the age-the most important measure
the country and ofthe administration appeared 10
depend in all human probability. We breathed the
same heated atmosphere, with not only the whole
democratic delegation Of his own State but the great
mass Of the democracy Of other State. Almost all
we're indgnant-almost all asiounded at his ex-
traordinary separation from his party and the adj
minstratioh, upon a measure which We deemed so
vital to our country. But wing member from
Tennessee saved the tariff bill from destruction, and
Mr. Haywood from the indignation which would
have been generally excited. The bill was saved
the storm was in great degree appeased. We still
deeply regret the course which Mr.. II. has pursued,
but the excitement Of the stirring scene has van
ished and we feel il due 70 Mr.. Haywood 10 pub
lsh his letter, and give him an opportunity of be-
ing heard by his countrymen. We have had no
time to analyEe all the positions Of his letter; but so
far as we have weighed his arguments, they are not
calculated to sbate regret reconcile our judy
ment 10 the attitude he has assumed. portion Of his
elaborate letter is devoted to disparagement ofthe ad
Varsm principle Of duties. We cannot for the life Of
u.s. feel the force Of his arguments his precedents
We cannot see where Is the justice Of laying duty
goods not according TO their value as ascerained
by the most experienced appraisers, and as guarded
against fraud by the most vigilant restrictions,
but by specific duties or by minimums. In
lieu OF the ad palrsm standard substitute either sps-
eife duties or the minimum principle, and how do
we better avoid impositions upon the consul
meE, especially the poor consumer, or the ope-
ratiye OF moderate means Take the specific du-
ties. Levy the same rate Of duty upon a pound
Of coffee, or upon pound Of silk, however differ
ent their qualities or their values and where is the
equality or justice Of the assessment The same
quantity Of cheap and ow-priesd article pays as
much duty luxurious and high-priced article,
and the poor laborer may pay twice as much tax in
proportion to the value as the rich monopolist
Again, IL you adopt the minimum principle, and
estimate yard Of cotton, which may be worth six
cents in England, as lit were worth twenty cents.
and the consumer OF the coarse cotton may pay
three times as much duty in proportion to the value
as he who uses yard Of cotton really worth TWEEN
ty cents yard. Yet the political economist who
abandons the solid bona fde valuation principle has
to resort either to specific duties, where the most
unequal values pay the same amount of duty, or
the grossest frauds may be practised by fictitious
valuations, estimating yard Of cloth, for instance,
to be absolutely worth twenty cents, when in fact
il is only worth but six cents. We regret, there
fore, that Mr.. Haywood should have fallen into an
error which no precedent, no high names, no srgu-
ments, however ingenious, can possibly justify in
the eyes Of the country.