Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1846-08-28
NEr. IFaywOOd's Address.

time has elapsed since the affair OF which 1t speaks
took place, to allow mems minds to cool. The
address itse'f was wisely timed to come before
!, them when reaction might have been expected.
There is little else spoken of in connection with
the political questions OF the day. and before long
the public voice of the State will be heard in re-
g ply.
We are sorry if the remarks arc about to
make will add one sting more to Mr.. Haywood's
conscience. If that be half as sensitive he pre-
tends it must already affiict him beyond measure.
But it is our duty as public journalists to make
, opinions known in matter in which they are
expected. We have already denounced his con-
duct as teachcrous to the party, and false TO the
great interests confded to his care. We have lis
tened to his defence with patience and forbearance,
and though we will perhaps contribute little moro
to that notorety which MIR. Haywood seems to
desire, we are bound, however unwilling, to take
him up again, and add few, very few words,
before we hand him to that bitter obscurity which
will hereafter be his fate ; a fate melancholy
his fall as damning and irretrievable as the double
treachery which was its cause.
1t might reasonably have been expected that, in
the eleven columns over which he has spread his
labored defence, Mr.. Haywood, man gifted with
talents far above mcdiocrty; lawyer, accustom-
ed, through long practice, to speak any side,
would have something to say in palliation of his
extraordinary corduct. We confess that, for the
honor of the good Old North State, we hoped that
i'll our first remarks we had gone too far, and fan
cied enough might be found in his address to vim
dictate his motives, if not to sustain his Judgment.
We thought he had been led astray, and though
mised, might still be patriotic. But as if to in
woke deeper cry of execration, he has shewn
shameless act Of public delinquency, to have been
dictated by no single, pure, or worthy motive and
unsupported even by the ordinary ones of virtue
and conscientious scrupe. Nor is this all. convic-
tod before the world and manifestly quit in his
own estimation, he ventures, with an ef1rontery
equalcd only by the occasion, to bring himself be-
fore the Democratic party an injured and an
outraged man, and appealing to facts without their
observation, and beyond the test of their enquiry,
boldly claims their acquittal Better far better for
him. had he kept silent, and trusted his fate to the
influence of his friends 1t was not enough that
Mr.. Haywood should disregard his most solemn
Ipedges. 1t was not enough that he should peril
the interests and the leading measure of his party
he must insult their understandings also He has
violated their confidence, and he would now abuse
their crcdulty. 1t may have gratiGed Mr.. Hay
woods conceit to have observed in former insan-
ccs, how opposition would bend to his will, and
resistance vanish before his power, for he seemed
equally strong to court and to quell them-but let
him not think he stands in the same position now.
We tell Mr. Haywood that he has raised storm
which he can no more control than can babe the
torrents of Niagara. This is no Convention buSi-
ness ; no local matter in which to secure the aid
of his talents and his strong influence, we
were content to put up with his vain eccentrici
ties and consistent hauteur, his glarlng weakness
and naughty presumption. Elected by accident,
and merely for compromise, he at no time posses
sed the full confidence of his party, and this act of
resignation when the whole country was looking
to his vote and when it might reasonably have
been expected to have decided the fate of the mca-
, sure, while it deprived him of the high position he
filled, took from him at the same time the inf1u-
= cnce which was attached to it. with al the con-
sidcraon and esteem which caused his elevation.
Stripped of all the imsy pretenccs and frightful
d Verbosity by which the statement is encountered,
Mr.. HIS opposition to the Tariff Bill proceeded, LIST:
From the fact that, in his estimation, it does not
/, afford sufficient protection to the manufacturing
: interest. He agrees that the Tariff Bill of 1912
was extreme in its protective features, but contends
that some protection is just and necessary-that
l. the main object ia such measure should be to hit
$, the nearest possible approach to that happy
mean between total abandonment of protection
- on the one hand, and its adoption as primary
. object on the other" These seem to be his con-
II victions-for no bill which does not embrace this
l. principle, lie conscientiously vote The Ta-
riff Bill of 1914 was such bill. The Tariff Bill
of lS46 was not. Such we believe TO be ialI
If statement of his position on this point. We are
T. sincerely DESTROYS Of meeting it fairly and fully.
% Now, if in these features we should succeed n
establishing, to the satisfaction of any reasonable
of man, that the two bills are IDENTICAL both in prin
Il ciple and detail, we hold Mr.. Haywood convic
u ted of deliberate treachery in accepting seat il
the Senate, in the first instance for if they b,
tho Same, the objection applies equally to ont
the other and Mr.. H. is found voluntarily pledg
6. ed to the support of measure to which he wa
in conscientiousIy opposed. If we should go furthe
'g and demonstrate that McKay's bill of 1916, wher
40 1t does differ with that of 1914, is SO in favor
the classes hitherto protected Mr.. H. stands con
or victed OF equal violence to his own feelings an,