The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-10
THE DAILY UNION.

dous consequences which all parties agree in saying
lie beyond the giving of this notlee, II no anicable
negotiation takes place. | have heard the idea sug-
gesed, that II the notice is given the two nations will
be brought to think seriously; that they will be
brought face TO tacesee the peril OF their positions,
and meet II; that the good sense Of the two nations
VIII, at tins eonJuncture, iRterpose and keep the
peace. Now is il come TO thisi 10 il possible that
the good sense of these two nations is now so be-
numbed and asleep, that il is necessary 10 disturb
commerce and injure the trade between the two
countries, to spread trouble among our people, to
create alarm and panic IN this country and all over
the WORLD is II possible that oil this must be done
before we can arouse the good sense of the two ma
tons 10 enter into an honorable adjustment II seems
TO me that the good sense of both would interpo,e
now, or at any time, If allowed. What is the diff
Guilty now to the compromising, terminating, and
settling these disputes | have heard and read in
the papers-but they are not the best authority ON
such matters-l have seen II stated, say-and the
information | received also from quarter such as
leads me to believe II is true-hst our government
have been well advised that this controversy touch.
ing the northwest coast Of America may now be
djusted il the negotiations transferred to London
That is the opinion of the American minister in
London, who is ready and willing to enter upon
them in the full belief that II can be adjusied-the
Senate here holding the control. Why is that re-
fused ! do not know; but this | will say, if there
be such proposition made to our government, AMI
III u
steps whatsoever towards an honorable termination
Of the dispute, they will responsibility TO this
country they discharge. Is il kept here
for the purpose Of being under the jurisdiction Of
any particular individual Is it supposed there is
30 much honor To be achieved by treating the mat
ter here, as not TO allow the American minister
abroad 10 participate in il
Mr.. ALLEN. ! would suggest 10 the senator
from Maine, whether il be for the public interests
to assume that this government has received in
timation from our minister in London, which has
not been made public lf we are to proceed on hy-
pothetieal theses, sent abroad by mere rumor,
where will il end Such is not argument; but a
course calculated to prejudice this country in the
judgment Of the world.
Mr.. EVANS. Well, | can hardly say il is wise
or not TO assume any such thing. IL has been as
serted very publicly; do not know its truth; but,
as said before, had the intelligence from such a
quarter as to lead me to regard il as true. would
, not say anything to prejudice the administration,
but expect they should and will take little warn
ing but will say that If they have received such
proposition, and they decline TO act on it, nothing
take away the responsibility they shall incur If
war ensues | think from this circumstance, how
ever, that they TO settle il here for do not
think the refusal to act the offer would be
given on any other idea. attach great deal OF
weight TO the observations made by the senator from
North Carolina; but | do not know he is right in
ascribing to the President the intention Of using
this notice. If put in his hands for compromise and
negotiation How is il to be accounted for that the
government so Indifferent TO all they should at
tend 10 in such emergency-to the power Of de-
fence and aggression on our part-if they did not
contemplate an ad justment. As the senator from
South Carolina said the other day, why, If they
regard war likely to grow out Of this question,
do they not turn their attention the import
ant Of all subjects-their finances Not move
ment whatever has been made towards putting our
selves in f state Of defence; and cannot but be-
Iieve the refusal to transfer these negotiations to
| London, coupled with the refusal to prepare for
hostlites is earnest that they mean to settle it
| peacefully here. If so, | want to know why
run the hazard why complicate the diff
cutesi The senator from Ohio and his friends
on the other side, | know, regard it in the
hight Of an assertion Of our title to the whole terri
tory In that aspect, can never vote for 1t; for
have more than once said cannot give my assent
to it I'LL feel some reasonable ground Of assurance
it ia not to be used for any such purpose meas
ures as would inevitably bring into collision with
Great Britain. Gentlemen speak Of the results
which are to follow it seems to me, in manner
much too light for so serious question. What, it
il asked if there be war; what great harm it
do, Very little injury will be inflicted in conse-
| quenco Of it as il war such a light or trifing
| matter Why, sir, TO talk Of war now, in the mid
die of the 18th century, in that way-condemned,
as it is, by the judgment Of the civilized world-ap-
Y,
strength Of public sentiment against 1t, almost inn
possible to bring civilized nations into war. Do
YOU not see that nearly all the great difficulties that
have been the cause of wars are djusted Matters
that a century ago would be the certain of a
bloody war; are now settled in few days. Sir, the
opinions Of the world changed in regard to war;
and above ALL we, a republican nation, ought not
to regard war as so light an evil. Some one has
said that war is a game for kings to play at 1t is
the play Of kngs-the Ultima ratio regun. And yet
it is so patriot: to talk of war and speeches tend
ing to war are patriotic speeches if ones read-
ness to plunge ones country into all the calam-
ties of is an evidence Of patriotism and
love of country. Now, sir, war is among the
greatest if not the greatest calamity that atlict
ed the world. War is of itself curse; peace a
blessing; and he who would change the Blessing for
the curse, and plunge his nation into this terrible
alternative ia bound to show clearly that there is no
other way left to preserve national rights, national
honor, and the interests OF the country-none what
ever. But what says the senator from New York;
Here Mr.. E. read an extract from the speech Of
Mr.. DICKINSON, and then proceeded. Now, sir,
rather than surrender any part of this country there
is nothing which bring in its train the sem
aor would not rather undergo nothing which it can
bring, of all the desoation, the burning cities, or
impoverished people But that is not all War
brings, among other things, conquest desolatlon
of our Union, serye war, anything, every
thing all that the Imagination of man can con-
manufacturing the mind Of man can at
tribute to war consequence, the senator
would not rather undergo before he would surren-
der any part of this territory. have said rePub-
lie, of all governments, ought to beware of war Is
it not period and state of war that popular rights
are trodden down. Is it not then that takes place
the ACKNOWLEDGMENT and consolidation of monarchy,
and the 'tramplng to the earth Unpopular power
the tyranny of the strong over the weak, and the
bands of social union torn apart Yes, kings may
play at this game it is their ultima ratio; it is their
harvest for there are spos to be seized and disrbu-
ted all wrung opt of the blood and tears of the people
At what period do popular rights make the greatest
advanced When have despotic and arbitrary gov
ernments reliquished their demands Precisely in
periods Of peace Look at the last 80 years; since
that period popular rights have undergone a
greater progress and become better understood
and are better preserved than In the present
day there is constantly increasing tendency to Sc
cure the rights of the masses of the peeple. Re
publican governments are established and extended,
greater security is afforded, and the powers of mon
archy are curtailed; these the effects of peace