The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-26


The "New York Journal Of Commerce" makes q
long quotation from Of the editorial articles in
the "Union," and controverts the position which il
takes that the change in "the British tone" Is to be
attributed "to the tone of the Presidents message"
at was reserved (says the JournaD for the pres
ent administration to discover that the way to make
proud and powerful nation moderate, is by taking
exactly the opposite course TO that recommended by
the wisest Of men, inspired by wisdom itself"
We happen to have before rs two letters written
from Europe; one is published in the Philadelphia
"Public Ledger" Of the 23l nst written from Rrus-
sels on the ist and the other from the last Phadel
phia "North American" written from Paris, Feb
26th. We shall make few extracts from each, to
show how completely two intelligent men abroad
agree in considering the tone in England affected by
the tone in American
From the BRUSSELS Letter
'sThe giving Of the notice would only be looked
upon earnest desire TO settle the matter in some
sort other; and il would give the two countries
years time for listening to reason and argument
would, in all probability, oblige England TO come
forward with some distinct proposition, which would
at least be starting point regards the reopenng
Of negotiations The giving Of the notice would be
manly thing, which would entte to the respect
of the world; &c.
"Thus far the English press-with the Times at
its head-has already set the public mind in Europe
right on the subject of that notice, and without being
partisan pro contra, wing democrat, on
ly say an American with my eyes wide open to
the relative position of Europe and the United States,
and sincere LOVER OF PEACE, that the notice
may be given, and that soon
siWe may wait ten years and not find England in
better condition to treat with us than now-when,
on the eve Of great experiment, she is dependent
~ H..
modites for her ordinary revenue-whcn Ireland is
yet in very questionable siate-when Franco
mean the French peope-are with difficulty re-
strained and when the policy of Great Britain in In
dia and China is yet unsettled. A more plen-
tiful harvest would, perhaps make England use a
very different language toward us; for neither she
nor the government of France lack the disposition TO
do us injury, if they could do so without injuring
themselves" .. .... .... .'a
"England, as said above, is on the eve Of great
experiment for there is now no doubt whatever that
the corn.laws will be abolished, and that Sir Robert
Peels principal measures will pass the present Par
lament by average majority Of one hundred.
This, therefore, is not the time for her to
swords with any power, provided It shall appear
that the other power has sword, and not merely a
place for it, which for economy's sake it does not
choose to FILL Nothing but very defehceless state
may invite demonstration on the part of Europe
If in the least degree prepared for attack,
there is no danger whatever Of its being made"
"President Folks manly declaration has gone
forth to the world, and has redounded everywhere
to our honor. This is now fixed, ncontrovertble,
accomplished fact, which has done good; and our
duty nation isto stand by the President and his
able secretary who has established the ethical part of
the question beyond controversy. Hesitation now
takes away the strength of the moraand national posi-
ton we have assumed, and looks like want Of conf
dence in cause, which can, in no way dscernible
TO ordinary capacities improve condition. Again.
the question is not what Mr. Allen, General Csss,
or Mr.. flanagan ought to have said, but what
they did say, and whether we increase the respect
of other nations by throwing ridicue their state
ments, and opposing their precautionary measures.
The notice. after all that has been said and done,
ought to be given il notb by joint resolution Of both
houses, at least by resolution enabling the Presi-
dent to give the notice as he may deem ht Neither
ought the notice to be given without some show of
activity on our part; and this repeat, is the only
| means of preserving peace and settling the vexa-
tious question. We have seen how perfectly con-
temptible Mexico has rendered herself in the eyes
of the world, merely by not suiting her actions to
her words; and we ought to beware how we initiate
so despicable an example. To reason with your
hands in your pocket, unless for the purpose Of ta-
king money from IL, is brandishing tin sword,
which may prejudice our cause. No one doubts
our will and bravery 10 enforce it, but every sign Of
division in our ranks, and especially in the demo-
cratic party, which is looked upon the natural an
| tagonist Of Europe, inspires enemy with hopes,
and diminishcs the confidence of our friends"
| From the Paris letter. Feb. 40
al do not know how you feel in Philadelphia about
peace or war; but certainly this side Of the water
we feel pretty certain that the matter about Oregon
if il be not spoiled by many cooks at home, will
be satisfactorily settled There is scarcely sensi-
BILE man but believes that England IL the 49th par
allel be again offered her, would take great care not
to refuse it, But, the other hand, il is equally
perceptble that the more Congress talks peaceable,
| the less will the British cabinet, and with il the
British press, feel the necessity Of maintaining or
cherishing it, II the British government be under
the impression that peace IL always sure to remain
to il dernier resort instead Of first one nego-
Itistons may continue, until some striking fact IN the
disputed territory may initiate some more prompt,
perhaps more perplexing proceedings.
"The great object is to settle the question without
any previous overt act that can be construed by
Ieiher party az declaration Of war but u u quite