The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-02-26
THE DAILY UNION.


mate decision l think we should not hasten to the
end Of this matter. There is no necessity for il as
relates 10 ourselves, for the notice proposed is not
TO be given until alter the expiration OF the present
session Of Congress. see no necessity for hasten
ing IL. The subject, in the mean time, is open TO
negotiation, as a diplomatic question, between the
proper departments Of this and Of the other govern
ment They have their duty to perform, aud theirs
Is the primary responsibility this great question
To that hold them To that trust the people ofthe
United States will hold them. To that all the world
tho public opinion Of Chrlstendom and ofeivllized
mankind elsew here-will hold them; and not one
jot Of that responsibility am willing to abate-Dot
one If they feel their greatness let them also feel
their responsibility 10 the world, and still more es'
peeially to their own country. They who should
involve this country IN needless war, VIII bear re-
spOnsbty heavy enough to sink navy, sir. Let
them be warned To defend the rights Of their
country great duty To protect the leterests OF
their country their duty and ofthose interests peace
is the greatest and mighuest of ALL These duties
not inconsistent II ~ no Wanting spirit that Is TO be
acted on here. No fanatlcsm in politics must be
suffered guide the counses Of great nation upon
so solemn and serious qus stlon. Considerations
of a much more profound, Of higher and nobler
chaIact to be the rule. No hssty conclusions
between individual negotlators no little pouting and
irettng struttng upon the stage can be any usti-
hcation 10 the American people or before the world
at large that of these cabinet squabbes dlplo-
set to war and to cut each others throats No, sir;
the people Of the United States will regard il in a
different light. We have necessity 10 go to war
10 make a character. None. We have a character,
SIR. We are not obliged to set up idle pretensions
lest the world should doubt or mistrust u.s. IL is
the character Of republics everywhere 10 indulge
perhaps, TOO much in military spirit; but ours is
known. We have genealogical title TO IL. We
have historical title TO IL. We have public and
political character. We have, above all, national
| honor, and that 10 enough without boasting OF H..
IL 10 the grand Characteristic Of great nation con-
scious Of its character, that IL vaunts not-that il
boasts not Of its power TO do right When wrong
10 attempted, is not necessary 10 despseto vilfy
other people. There is necessity Of assuring
the people of this country and the world. that
our disposition 10 TO preserve the peace Of the
couDtry-a disposition that will manifest itself in
action TO the ultimate limits OF our constitution.
al and rgh6u and proper power to render itself ef-
fectual-not improperly-not by needless inteTfer-
ence; fear that moro than anything elss. We have
no disposition TO rush into wsr-none; and our
course will ultimately prove so, whatever differences
| may be drawn in any quarter to The contrary. A
great majority Of the Senate is anxious-we all
anxious for peace. majority is decidedly in ia
yor Of preserving the peace Of the country honor
ably, and Of settling this question peaeeably and
| honorably by compromise, negotiation, arbitration,
or by some other mode known and recognised
among natl a suitable and proper and honora-
bic mode Of settling national questions. For one,
express my regret at the rejection Of the proposi
sition for arbitration do not desire to interfere
with those hands rghtfully and constitutionay en-
gagged in The negotiation OF this subject; but do not
know what right we possess to exal ourselves above
all law heretofore recognised amongst nations, and TO
say that our territorial disputes arc he placed above
all arbitration. What is this Upon what ground
do we claim this mighty prerogatiye above oil
other nationsl II is discretionary, certainly
to accept or reject arbitration; but to assume
that no territorial dispute of ours shall he
submitted 10 arbitration is Interpolation into that
great code Of pscihcstion which the world has
adopted, and acted upon from the beginning. We
have ourselves adopted il. The choice of an arbi-
ter is another thing. The administration may have
good reason for rejecting the arbitration Of crowned
| heads. But crowned heads, thank God, are not the
only heads in the world, any more than they are
the best heads the wisest heads. There are 9TH
heads borne by private citizens humble in every
other respec, but in their moral and intellectual
greatness and the elevation which their virtues give
them. And 10 such men it seems to me
could without shame express himself unwilling
to refer the arbitration Of this matter. Why not
offer such arbtration' What glorious homage
would this republic render 10 its best principles
by accepting the arbitration Of a tribunal composed
Of men distinguished only for their talents knowl-
edge, science, and moral worth. That would
tend greatly TO the elevation OF the age. Neither
the steamboat nor the mighty ship, which, with
wonderfully contrived machinery, poughs the
ocean, defying il were both wind and wave,
il so wonderful in the world Of arts and me-
chancs as in the great progress Of science asd
civilization would be the spectacle of such a
tribunal. And for that great work 10 have pro-
ceeded from the hands of this free government,
from republican hands, how majestic the spectacle
II would have been worth more to the world than
all Oregon If every inch Of it would have been to Us;
and tn. proud reputation and character that would
have resulted from that would have added to that
national honor nbOut which we tslk nj
which Is the richest inheritance Of nations fresh
lustre that never would have faded away IL would
have been a boon far more valuable that any terri
tory on the northwest coast Of America These are
my sentiments on that subject. think, therefore,
Mr. President, that there il occasion to proceed
vote. We are well enough known everywhere,
trust and do not need any such means of declaring
our disposition and character. | would have no.
thing done in Incorporate matchmaking unad-
visedly. All that we shall do ! would have done
wisely, justly, and in order; and it will be done
In the confidence of such character this, place
MY reliance.
Mr.. WEBSTER. / concur very cordially in
what my friend on my right [Mr. CRITrEsDENl
says. My purpose when | arose was merely to see
whether the question on which we are deliberating
might not be presented in much more convenient
form than that which 1t at present assumes. The
honorable senator from Kentucky has an amend
ment pending TO the resolution Of the House. The
honorable senator from Georgia offers what he
would propose as an amendment, were il in order.
1t is not in order. The question then was,
whether it would be well enough received by
the honorable senator from Kentucky az 10 be n
substitute for his. He says that npon reHec-
ton, the frat Of the resolutions of the honor
able member from Georgia, seem equivalent to his
own, and so far, no can have no difficulty in accept
ing 1T but the second resolution of the gentleman
from Georgia is a substantive proposition going
somewhat further than his and therefore not nat.
ura' substitute for it, IL, them it be the DISPOSE
ton OF the House to act upon the subject little far
Their than was proposed by the resolution of the
member from Kentucky, the only question, I sup.
pose, Is whether 1t would suit his convenience and
sense of propriety, and duty to withdraw his rcso.
luton, and let this be moved, reserving to himself
the power Of acting upon disposing of the second
branch of this proposition according to his judg-
ment
Mr.. CRlTTENDEN. accept of the first sec
Qoyto the striking out Of my entire resolution.
| NMr. WEBSTER. Very well. do not think it
IL of any very particular importance that VIC express
any opinion in the Senate to-day, or tomorrow, or
this week, or next week. ] do suppose that the
proceedings OF The Senate upon this whole subject
| rs kaI ,s,,.h &c