The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-04
THE DAILY UNION.

may he necessary that thnt same solemn warning
should penetrate these marble halls, which has said
10 other improydent nations--awake the enemy
10 upon you II, then, both the senator and myself
were appTehensive Of war, and he thought il could
rot DC ayerted, the "dismay and alarm
which my remarks oecasioned did not result from
any difference Of views upon that subject. And, az
these remarks had but two objects-one to show the
danger we were in, and the other 10 guard agains
tit would seem TO be the latter at which the hon
orabe senator took exception and il is certainly
cause OF modification that managed my subject Sc
awkwardly as TO convert my propositions for de-
fence into matter for "alarm and dismay"
Since then, however, sir, another note of warning
has reached US from the eastern hemisphere and we
not only know that England Is arming bat the soy.
ereign herself has announced the fact in the mos
imposing manner, and has called upon Parliament
10 extend these ornaments still further. And we
now exhibit 70 the world the extraordinary speeta.
Gle Of nation in a state Of perfect ranquillity-I
might rather say Of apathy, almost-wlthout an ar
my, without milltafor our militia is unfortunate
ly nearly disoTganized-wth unfinished and unfur.
nlshed defenees, with an Inadequate supply Of the
'aaisrisl Of war, with navy calculated only for q
state Of peace, with three thousand ak hundred
miles Of seacoast on the Atlantic, and one thousand
three hundred miles on the Pacific, and four thousand
one hundred miles Of interior frontier from East
port 10 the line where $40 40 strikes the ocean and
two thousand four hundred miles of interior frontier
del Norte-making boundary Of eleven thousand
four hundred miles, agreeably 10 the calculation
have procured from the librarian and penetrable in
all directions. While, al the same time we are in
yolyed IN great controversy with the most formi.
dable nation-fomdable in the means of iniurng Us
upon The face .f the globe, which is buckling on
its armor, and telling the world, through It's soyer
eign, that will maintain lis interests and its honor
which, being translated into plain American
means that Il will hold on 10 It's claims
Mr.. President, great deal has been said both
here and elsewhere, respecting the probsb ilily Of
war-whether 1t will result from the present cond.
ton OF the two nations. Some gentlemen think thu.
is legitimate subject Of inquiry arising out of the
principal qusstion--that Of the notiee-drec,ly be-
fore US; while others think we should decide the
question on It's own merits, leaving out of view the
consequences TO which il may lead. Certainly, q
question Of territorial right should be judged and
determined markedly, and unembarrasSed by Other
considerations. We owe that TO our own honor
Still, it becomes prudent men, especially prudent
statesmen, when taking an important step, to look
to Its results. Neither national nor individual acts
are lnsulated-one measure leads to another. II
seems TO me II Is not only eur right bat our duty
the representatives Of the States to inquire where
this measure will conduct US. If to stable peace,
so much the better. II TO war let us contemplate its
prospects and Its dangers and let us prepare for ts
consequences. But al any rate, let US commune to.
gether and not blndly rush into the future rather
driven by our instincts than guided by our reason.
Our first object ~ 10 preserve rights our next
to do that peacefully. While we all hope that war
will be avered that hope will never be strengthened
by undertaking the capacity Of either nation to de-
fend itself, or TO inure its opponent For my own
part see no want Of patriotism in stating plainly
and frankly the means Of annoyance that England
possesses and think the course of my honorable
friend from Delaware upon that subject was equally
patriotic and ludicious. There is said to be bird
in the desert which hides it head in the sand, and
then thinks is safe from danger, because il cannot
see II. Let US not initiate this folly Let US look
directly ut what we must encounter If we are forced
to war, and then let US behave like reasonable men,
and make reasonable preparation to meet it,
| see it said in a late London Herald that we can
not carry on war because We cannot procure the
means to meet the necessary expenditures. The
same assertion has been made in SEINE Of our own
journals, and even by higher authority. The SEN
ator from South Carolina has referred in this con-
nexion to a venerable man, for whom, and for
whose patriotic services, have great and sincere
respect, who has awakened from political sumber
Of almost quarter Of century, and presents him
self 10 his countrymen with elaborate statistical
tables, showing the pecuniary cost Of war, and the
burdens 1t brings with IT, All this is unnecessary
II is taught in the very horn-book Of national ex.
pendtures. Ours is not a question OF the cost Of
war, but of its necessity. That same eminent man,
the survivor Of the cabinets Of Mr.. Jefferson and
OF Mr.. Madison, was understood, in 1872 to enter
tain similar repugnance against committing the
destinies OF his country to war which he now ex-
hibits, and to foreshadow similar difficulties. l dc
not know If the fact be so. ! can repeat only the
rumors of that day. 1t was then asserted and be-
lieved that some report or document from the Sec.
rotary Of the Treasury was intended to dampen the
national ardor, by an imposing array Of the contri
buttons it would be necessary to levy upon the
country, in the event Of war, and thus to pre-
vent its occurrence. But the effort, if made
was useless then, and it will be useless now
The war went on, because it could not be
avoided without sacrifice of the national rights and
honor and il came to q glorious conclusion. II
pushed us forward in all the elements of advance
ment; and as we did then so shall we do now, Ifs
war is forced upon us, we shall meet it with its dan.
gers and its responsibilities. No array of figures
will stop the people in their patriotic course. You
might well attempt to stop the surges of the
beating upon the sea-coast by marks in the sand
which the first wave sweeps away, and then passes
on.
As to this notion that a war cannot be maintained
without cash enough in the possession Of the gov.
eminent to carry it on, or the of procuring il
at any time by loans, the two successful expert.
ments we have made have demonstrated its faacy
do not stop to point out the pecuiarities in our
condition which prevent our national exertons from
being paralyzed by deficient resources. They are
to be found in the spirit and patriotism Of our peo
pie; in the common interest they feel in govern
ment established by them, and responsible to them;
in the system Of private credit which almost makes
part Of our institutions, and which often separates
by wide intervals the purchase and the payment; in
the abundance and cheapness Of the necessaries
of life, and in the military ardor which stmu
lates Our young men, and sends them to the
standard of their country No modern CrGsus be he
king Of hnanciers, or a fnancier Of kings, holds
in his hands the action Of this government. But
even in Europe, decisive experiment has shown
that the exertions of a nation are not to be crippled
by crippled treasury. One Of the great errors Of
Mr. Pitt arose from his belief that the French
sources and credit were deranged and almost de.
stroyed, therefore France was incapable ofthe ne
cessary efforts to defend herself against the formi.
dable coalition, at the head of which England placed
herself, and to maintain which she poured out her
blood as freely as her treasure. But the result
proved the folly and the fallacy Of all this, nowitb
standing the depreciation Of the French paper, and
the difficulties consequent upon it. What was the
progress and the result Of this effort to prevent
people from changing and recognizing their gov
eminent, is written upon the pages Of quarter Of
a century of war, and still more plainly upon the
oppressed taxation of England, which now weighs