The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-14


! In conclusion, he gave notice that when he wrote
his speech he should take the liberty include
other points upon which want oftme prevented his
now dwelling.
Mr.. TlBBATTS mentioning the fact that he had
had the honor OF occupying the chair OF the commit
tee when the resolution for giving the notice was
under consideration and had thereby been prevented
from addressing the committee, proceeded TO
give his views upon the general subject, OF which
we give but sketch at present; but which will be
more fully presented hereafter.
II He alluded TO the resolutions OF amendment,
which he had proposed 10 the resolution for giving
the notice, and to the opinions therein expressed,
; which still remained unchanged. He believed that
the true Of the country was TO give the no
tce Great Britain for the termination OF The con-
vention Of 1897 and inasmuch ss was apprehend-
ed by some, that this notice would be considered by
Great Britain declaration OF war, he was Wiling
to accompany the notice with declaration on the
part Of the President, that the matter 10 still open TO
negotiation and that the power of the govern
ment relating both the army and the navy should
be placed under the control Of the President, with
su hicient amount OF money TO make all necessary
Or operations for defence He still Of the same
opinion. He did believe that delay had been Of
benefit at all; he contrary that 1t was preudi,
cal to our interests. We already found il declared
in England that there would be found party in this
country who would sustain them This was doubt
less mistaken idea. But the longer we delayed
this matter, the difficulty should find in set
ling il.
He was gratihed to see that the amendment of his
colleague, lMr McHEskr,] combining the operation
Of this bill to south Of i9o had been voted down.
But he thought the time had come when this House
should declare whether II was for 49o or $40 40,
and upon this bill. Mr. I. reviewed the course Of
this government, tracing the unity Of the position
occupied by from the year 1927, when we claimed
the territory up to $40 40 down to the passage by
this House at the last session by vote Of lao TO So
ofthe bill extending our jurisdiction up to $40 4O
and he took the position that the democratic party
in passing this BILL held the President The idea
that they would sustain him in asserting tho right
and title Of this country to 5000.
> IL was important for two reasons, that the LIST
section Of this bill should what believe to
te our rght-frst because the British government
would believe that we were backing out from eur
pretcnsIons II, believing that have Just title to
$40 4U, do not declare IL; and second, did
not believe that entitled to SO 40-that the
President Of the United States might know that he
was not TO be sustained by Congress in asserting
our claims higher than 49o.
. He was no advocate for war. The civilized
world, for twenty years, had enjoyed peace
that has aided the prosperity Of the world in every
respect, and any man who without just cause, should
disturb its peaceful relations would deserve the
crations Of mankind. But he would not be deferred
from the anticipation Of tbs evils of war-which he
portrayed in strong terms-from the assertion and
maintenance Of our just rights. They should, at
once be declared by the representatives Of the peo
G pe-as far as they believe them to exst-in order
that the people might be informed Of the opinions OF
their representatives. The people, after they
satisfied Of the extent of their just rights, wanted
no more, but they would submit to surrender none
Of them Though he was no advocate for war, he
yet apprehended no danger TO this country from the
i ultimate result Of conflict with Great Britain, or
any other nation or nations. The declaration of
with Great Britain would sound the tocsin of
the conflict which should drive forever the British
power from this continent
' MIR. T. examined at some length, and with mi
nueness the question Of title 10 the Oregon terrific
ry as founded on the several grounds Of discovery
exploration, &c arriving at the conclusion that the
right OF discovery and OF formal possession according
to the usages Of those times, and Of grant from Fer
dnand and Isabella, according TO the laws Of nations
then received by the Christian world was in SPAIN
that the right Of exploration and settlement in
the United States that Great Britain never did make
any permanent settlement prior to the convention
of 1878, and could acquire right since that time,
because Of the existence Of the convention of non
occupation; and that, the termination Of this
vention after twelve months notice, the claims Of
the two nations would remain the same as they ex-
listed in 1878, with the exception that the United
= States had subsequently, lin 1879 acquired the
~ right Of Spain, and had thus in her own right and
in that Of Spain, the elements Of discovery, explora
ton, and settlement, which constituted good and
valid title TO the whole territofy.
e He referred to question previously put by his
colleague, Mr.. G. DAvps,l how the present Execu-
tive who believed were entitled to $40 40 could
offer to the British government the line of 400 and
said he Would answer his honorable colleague by
asking him another question. II the venerable gem
tleman from Massachusetts believed our title good
TO $40 40 how could he have offered to the British
nj government the line of AGO. And if Mr.. Clay
4 who that genueman's Secretary of State, be-
lieved title extended far, also, how could he
NJ have offered AGO. Mr. Polk himself declared that
he had made the offer in Difference the acts Of his
n predecessors but this did not apply TO the
gentleman from Massachusetts and to Mr.. Clay in
II asmuch as the offer had not been made previously
to the time when made by them.
He argued that this matter would not be settled
between the two countries until the notice is given,
because any alteration Of the present existing state
il of things would be less favorable to British interests
than her present position, enjoying, she Does the
If right of navigation and Of trade-a free introduce
n ton of her merchandise into that territory. For
this reason the notice should be given, war
measure, but as peace measure. No man could
doubt Che said if this matter not settled with
Great Britain in very short time, but war must in
v evtable ensue.
He contended that we had right to pass this bill
J., whether we gave the notice not With or with
out the notice, had the right extend the shield
of laws people in that territory, and to
v carry out all the measures recommended by the
President.
= But gentlemen asked "What do YOU expect to
y do, provided this notice is given'" Could any man
IT doubt that after the termination of the twelve
months Of notice wonld extend our Jurisdiction
o up to $40 40l No man could doubt it. The result
. was plain. This question must either be settled
by negotiation, or collision between the two coun-
o tries would certainly follow.
? Mr.. T. concluded by renewing his appeal to gen
tlemen, who believed that we are entitled to $40 4O
to out and declare it this BILL that the Pres
v ident, and the trcaty-making power, may know to
what extent they will be sustained by the represen-
e tatives of the people. If they believed that our
claims went only to 49o let them equally declare i,
= for the reason. For one, he took the former
q position, and he should come out boldly and avow
"a, Ne ii pt H.
take the proper course in the matter he would not
= praise or blame the action of the treaty making
: power in advance.
Il Mr.. VINTON obtained the floor, and offered the
following amendment to the amendment:
9 "Propided That nothing in this act shall be SO
construed executed to deprive the subjects OF
Great Britain of any of the rights and privileges Sc
cured to them by tho convention sipned nj opdon