The North-Carolina standard., 1846-03-11


pioneers, both in possessing themselves of the
country, and in the rapid population of il, was so
graphically described by the honorable member
from Indiana, [Mr. Kennedy.l and whom he so
faithfully represents on this floor. L never can
believe that they will allow the cross of ST..
George TO float in triumph over any portion of
that territory But if misfortune should lose us
The country in the beginning, there never can be
any possible chance of our losing it aItooether
If Great Britain should expeI our people from the
territory, we can take possession of Canada, and
New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia; and when
we become tired of fighting each other, she will
give us Oregon, and We will probably surrender
these countries TO her. But, if we should unfor-
tunatcly lose it altogether, we, shall have the
qualification of remembering that it was lost by
the fortunes ofwar rather than by ignobIe surrcn-
der-that we were at least true to the motto which
we have adopted in the management of our for
elgn relations, to ask nothing but what is right,
and to submit, with impunity, to nothing that is
wrong and that we have not been altogether
false to our reiterated assertion that our title to
the whole of Oregon clear and ndis2utable.
Other gentlemen have descanted most beauti-
fully upon the prosperity of our country; its
wealth, its commerce, and the achievements of its
arts and industry; and we are bid TO look upon
them all as the trophies of peace. That peace is
the immediate cause of this, / am ready to admit
But there is class of causes called remote causes
and they are frequently entitled to more weight
when results are to be considered, than those
causes which ale seeming y more direct and man.
fes:. And among the remote causes which
have enabled US to- attain present position, in
all that aggrandizes people, the two wars
through which we have passed, ,are certainly en-
titled TO no little weight and consideration. The
first war brought ont our independence and gave
us existence as a free confederacy of States And
the second gave our people a name for valor and
unconquerable determination, and for ieaously of
our rights, which challenges respect tor US in ey-
cry sea and in every port This respect sir, is
the chief element and support of extended COM
mercal prosperity. Let us forfeit that by any
surrender of ou- just and proper rights, and these
monuments of our enterprise and adventure, to
which we now refer with so much, and with such
just pride, will be humbled and IeyeIed in the dust
And would ask, if Great Britain stakes nothing
in this conflict2 Where are her. wealth. her
prosperity, her commerce, and the achievements
Of her arts and her ndustry2 Where are the
thousands and tens of thousands of her peope.
who are now employed in manufactures, but
whe ifthe supply of cotton shall be cut off by
war, will be thrown out Of employment and re-
duced to beggary and starvation 2 Where are
the mutterings Of the gathering storm, which are
constantly heard amongst her cnsIaved and starr.
ing populace, and in the very heart of her king.
dom2 Where IS Ireland, with her convulsive
throes for the very birthright of freemcn-direcI
representation Where is the wild, the brave
afghan, who, in the rude mountains of his native
land is beating back with fury and destruction the
wave Of British power, as at each returning wave
it seeks to ovcrrun his own, his native land
! Where are her numerous colonies and settle
ments, scattered throughout the habitabIe globe,
bound to her only by fear, and who are seeking
the first favorable opportunity TO throw off the
yoke Of her exaclions and expressions Where
are all those nations of the world, who. accord
ing to the honorable gentleman from Virginia,
[Mr. Hunter,l are standing by, painting for her
overthrow, and ready 10 gather up the spoils oil
her dissolution Is it true that we have every
thing to discourage, and she everything to prom
and urge her TO the conflict If the sympathy
of mankind be the platform on which we are
first TO place ourselves in order to ensure success
where, [ would ask, amid the realities of :he pic
ture have drawn, is she 10 obtain even a foot
hold2 I. ... ...e ...'
There is yet another and distinct class in this
Housc-for on this question there are severaIcIass
es, as well as shades fopinion--l say there is a
class who opposed to this notice, because they
are of opinion that the President and Senate have
that authority, as the trcaty-making power, and
they opposed to what they consider unnecessa-
ry and Unauthorized legislation. 1t is true that
the President and Senate have the power 10 make
treaties by the constitution. But that the power
to make carries with il the power to annul and alb
rogate may admit of some doubt. 1t is true, there
are cases in which they may destroy former
treaty, by making later one, whose provisions
conflict with the former ; but this is but the conse-
quence Of their power 10 make. But that they
may of their own mere motion, by way of notice,
proclamation, or otherwise, put an end to a sub
sisng treaty, when the terms of the treaty confer
no such power on either, may we'll be question
ed ~.
And when reference is had TO another clause Of
the constitution, which gives TO treaties when pro.
perly concluded the force, and power, and name
Of td10, this view of the case would appear Ia
receive additional strength. This clause would
seem to bring treaties. when once made, under the
control of the aw-naking power. which embraces
The President and both houses of Congress II
these consdcrations, which would seem 10 confer
the power on Congress the President co-opera-
ting are entitled to any weight and there be like.
wise any force in the arguments which cobfne this
power to the President and the Senate, these con
1icting opinions and arguments but show that the
question is involved in doubt And where there
is doubt as to the question, whether any power is
properly to be exercised by part or BY the whole
of the Legislative authority of the government,
that construction ought to prevail which refers il to
the whole, as being more safe and more in nnison
with the spirit of our institutions Regarding il,
therefore, as a question of doubt, the President
certainly acted with prudence in concedng the
power 20 Congress conjointly with himself and the
people will commend him for his prudence. ,al
| Again the question of terminating the treaty,