The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-04


yded. He meant General Cass, whose breach OF duty
10 his own government 30 diserefiiabe, and
even more fragrant than his breach OF duty 10 human
NY as man, and the free descendant OF Tree Eng
sh parents, and whose conduct IN all those partleu-
lars II wasimpossible 10 pass over or palIate Tins
person, who had been sent 10 maintain peace, and 10
reside al PARIS for that purpose, after pacific relations
/ had been established between France and Amenes,
did his best 10 break it, whether by the circulation OF
statements upon the question Of international law,
| Of which he had more conception than Of the Ian
guages that were spoken ln the moon, loud laugh
ter" fths provoked their grave lordshps 70
merriment,) "or by any other arguments of reason,
for which he had no more capacity than he had for
understanding legal points and differences.
" For that purpose he was not above pam
dering 10 the worst mob feeling of the Uni
ted States''a ialoisss set Of rabbls politicians AZ
inferior cast and siaion'''a gropeiiing grounding
sci Of poAieians'a set Of mrs rabbie. as eoaSsds-
isagsisssd from persons Of property efrspeeabhty,
and Of iTrmaiion' ''' grouadiiags ia station" Sc.
And am thus characterized by this modest and
moderate English lord, because did what liitle was
U my power 70 defeat one of tho most asg,ious at
tempu OF modern times 10 establish dominion
over the seas, and which, under The pretex OF sbol
ishing the slave trade. and by virtue Of quintupe
| treaty, would have placed the flag, and ships, and
seamen ofoor country at the disposal of England.
| Lord Broushsm did not always talk thus-not
when one OF his friends applied to me in Paris to
high quarter by one of those imprudent and impul-
| sye remarks which seem to belong to his moral
| habits. The effort was successful---And now
my account Of good for evil with Lord Brougham
10 balanced.
| IL is an irksome task to Gull expressions like
these and repeat them here. ! hold them up not as
a warning--that is not needed-but to repel the init
nation that ought TO study the courtesies Of our
position in the British Parliament.
When came here, sir, felt it due to myself to
| arraign ones motives, but 10 yield the same
| credit for integrity Of action TO others which !
claimed for myself The respect owed TO those
who sent me here, and to those TO whom was SENT
equally dictated this course. IL some Of US, as has
been intimated are small men, who have attained
high places If we have other claim to this false
distinction, hope we shall at least establish that
claim which belongs to decorum of language and
conduct, 10 life and conversation. We all occupy
positions here high enough, and useful enough, II
usefuy filled, to satisfy the measure of any mans
ambition. IL ought TO be our pride and our eff
fort to identify ourselves with this representative
body Of the soveregnties of the States. With
this great depository of so much of the power Of
the American pesple IN the three great departments
of their government executive, legislative, and ju-
dicial-to establish esprit du corps, which, while
II shall leave US free to fulfil our duties, whether TO
our country or TO our party, shall yet unite in
determination 10 discard everything which di.
minIsh the influence, or essen the dignity, of the
honor of seat here, will do nothing to counteract
these views. ] will handy words of reproach with
no one. And the same measure OF courtesy | am
prepared to mete to others, trust will be meted by
others to me. At any rate, If they are not, | will
have no contention in this chamber.
have regretted many expressions which have
been heard during the progress of this discussion
Faction, demagogues ultra patriots, ambitious leaders
ietiammaiory appeals, inpectipe little seeking 10
be great ones and other terms and epithes not pleas
ant to hear, and still less pleasant to repeat Now
sir nothing 10 easier than bitter retort and he who
mpugns the motives Of others, cannot complain if
he is accused Of measuring them by his own stand
ard, and seeking, in HIS own breast, their rule of
action Ii one portion of the Senate il accused of
being ultra the side of their countrys preten-
sions, how ensy to retor The charge by accusing the
accusers of being ultra on the other But what is
gained by this war of worlSS Nothing. On the
contrary, we lower dignity senators, and our
characters men. FIR myself | r-pudlate Il all
will have no part nor lot IN It, question the
tIves of no honorable senator. believe nave all
one common object--the honor and interest OF our
country. We differ as to the best means Of action
anu that difference is of the tributes due to hui
man .falllbuy But there is exclusive patriotism
| on side other OF this body; and hope there
will be no exclusive claim to il.
Some days since, in an incidental dscu ssion
which sprung up, remarked that could not per-
ceive why the parallel of 400 was assumed as the
boundary of our claim. Why any man planted his
foot on that suggestions line upon the face of the
globe, and erecting barrier there, SAID all the
| north belongs to England, and all to the south to
| the United States. My remark was merely the ex.
preston of my views, without touching the
| on which they were founded. The honorable sena-
| tors from Maine, and Maryland, and Georgia, have
since called IN question the accuracy of this opinion
| and have entered somewhat at length into the con
sderations which prove that line the true line of de-
| marcation between the two countries. And the
n
much stress upon this matter making 1t in fact the
foundation of large portion Of his argument That
parallel is in, his view, the wall of separation between
our questionable and unquestionabe claims
To the south he would not yield; to the north he
| would, though he thinks that there our title is
| the best. There is an erroneous impression upon
this subject somewhere, either with the ultra or if
| ! may coin word, the tn-,ltra advocates of Ore
gon; and as this line seems TO be a boundary beyond
\ which we may look, indeed, and wish, but must
not 20, 1t il worth while to examine summary
what its real pretensions to the character thus
assumed for it, of being the line of contact and of
| separation between two great nations.
| There Is no need of discussing the ght Of
| civilized nations to appropriate to themselves
countries newly discovered and inhabited by bar
barous tribes The princ pie and the practice
| have been sanctioned by centuries Of experience.
What constitutes this right of appropriation so as
to exclude other nations from its exercise in given
case is a question which has been differently set
tied in different ages Of the world At one time it
was the Pope's bull which conferred the title; at
/ another it discovery only; then settlement
| under some circumstances, and under others dis
covery and then settlement and discovery combined.
| There has been neither uniform rule uniform
practice. But under any circumstances it is not
easy to why certain parallel Of latitude il de-
clared to be the boundary Of our claim. IL the
valley Of river were assumed, principle might
be also assumed which would shut up in it. This
would be natural and tangible boundary. How,
indeed, England could look to her own practice
and acquisitions, and say to u.s. you are stopped by
this hill, or by that valley, or by that river, know
not England, whose colonial charters extended
from the Atlantic to the South sea, rs the Pacific
ocean was then called, and who actually elected the
French from the country between the mountains and
the Mississippi, where they had first established
themselves, upon the very ground that their own
rights of discovery, shown by these charters rat
indefinitely west, and who now holds the continent
Of Australia region larger than Europe--by virtue
of the right Of discovery; or, in other words, be-
cause Captain Cook sailed along portion Of its
coast and occasionally hosted pole, or buried q