Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1846-09-22

saliH Will plUpiIti) HdNe urSu ldiu, VI TIC
power existed, il was in 1859. We had but
short time before come our Of The long and bloody
war 81 the Revolution. Il had been the policy OF
The mother country 10 discourage manufactures
IN The colonies; there had consequently few grown
up in America. During the war, our people had
suffered intensely for the want OF their products.
There was very naturally at that time strong
wishthat in any subsequent war we might not be
IN The same situation. In addition 10 this, we had
come oal OF the war loaded with heavy national
debt, and The great difficulty with the patriots OF
the land was 10 raise revenue TO meet the en-
gasemenls, and sustain the credit OF The Govern
ment. lfthere ever was time when high tariff
would have been tolerated, was then. As there
were but lew manufactures in the country, the
lorel9n articles would not have been superseded
IN The market by domestic products. A high tariff
al that time would have produced large reve-
nue., which was 50 much needed. Besides, il
would 4: the same time have given protection 10
the manufactures while they were in their inian-
cy. Yet, with all these inducements 10 enact
high protective tariff, the average rate Of duty in
The one they did enact was l-2 per cent. onlyI
And The highest rates imposed were upon luxu-
ries not produced at all in this country. Yes, sir,
his IS The character Of the act the fathers
Of the republic enacted al time when
The pecuniary wants OF the Government
were such that il was compelled 10 resort 10
direct taxation al the expense OF domestic dis
content aud actual iusur.ecion And this they
did rather than enact tariff with an average
higher Imam 5! per cent. This the law, casual
expression in the preamble Of which is seized hold
oil AS a recognition OF The power OF Congress
10 enact protective tariff But here is prac-
tical test OF the character OF that law. Gentle
men say il was protective tariff. 1t was pass
ell when our manufactures We're in their infancy,
the full vigor Of manhood, and OF course require
less support than they did then Will gentlemen
now take for their manufactures the protection
which was accorded them then7 Sir, we all
know they will not Why, sir, il we were now
10 propose such rate OF duty as was adopted in
1879, these gentlemen would he ready for open
rebellion They are not satisfied with rate Of
duties on an average five times as high. And
yet they tell Us about the ACT Of 1883 being pro-
tectiye tariff. Such thing as a protective tariff
never was heard OF until 1916.
But, sir the power 10 levy protective tariff
mol only is without warrant in the Constitution,
but it is most papably in derogation OF its spirit.
In constituting The Constitution OF The u. States.
like all other instruments, you must not look 10
lis letter only, but II The spirit in which il was
lramed-to the mschics designed 10 be avoided
by il; and you must So construe il as 10 advance
its object and 10 suppress The mischief. What
were The abuses against which our Constitution
was designed 10 provided The whole Of thai
grand Increment, commencing with the dawn oil
our revolution, and ending with The adoption OF
the Constitution Of the United States, was set on
foot 10 gel clear oil the piles Of regulations tram
mels, restrictions AMI monopolies with which the
private pursuits OF man were hurdened and ha-
raised. II is very narrow and contracted view
Of that movement 10 suppose that il was against
any particular statute u The British Government.
II was against the abuses Of The British system
against the relics of feudal and dark ages among
which were the legislative claim OF interfering
with the religion, the commerce, and the private
pursuits Of the people. Al this our fathers thought
wrong They were Of opinion that when Govern
menl took etfectual means 10 encourage Industry,
by securing to il is fruits, 10 secure property, re
press violence, and discoun,enance lTaud-when
il had taken elieclual means Of securing man in
the unmoles,ed liberty in his person and property,
that il had exhausted its function. Fortu-
nalcly, the right ul Government 10 interfere
with our religion IS taken away in the most
emphatic manner. But religion is a universal
truth. II is unaffected by time, place, or cir
cumslances. The true religion for one man is
the true religion Of all. II il was not therefore,
lor lis lranscendenl importance, concerning as II
filter subject for legislation than The pursuits ot
industry, which are affected hy soil, climate, ha-
his, tastes and a thousand things which make
il peculiarly proper that individuals should not
be interiered with in them by Government. In
dividual tastes, habits and interests will always
direct them 10 the pursuits which they had better
follow, without the interference Of Government
And am in favor of leaving every man in his
industrial pursuits, as in his religion, Ia work our
his own salvation in his own way. Government
is incompetent 10 this business, and il cannot
undertake il without mischief What one Of my
constituents would allow me 10 regulate his pr-
va!e pursuitsl II he would not allow inr, how
much more reluctant would he be 10 allow Re-
preventative from Maine or Texas? And the
same would be the case with them. Ii no one
district would consent that lis own member, ac-
quainled with their wants and habits should con-
lrol them in their private pursuits, why should
they be more willing that We should collectively
do i'll
There is no policy on earth so fatal, particn-
larly in tree government, as that by which The
people are taught To look up 10 and lean upon
government too much. Adversely will sooner or
later betall all pursuits. Teach the people, on
such occasions, 10 rely upon themselves and you
make them good citizens; but learn them 10 look
up 10, ant lean upon, the government, and when
disaster Comes, they call upon The Government
which is poweress 10 aid without wrong 10 Others
and you breed discomfort and disaffccton. This
is particularly the case with manufactures. In
them there is a constant tendency in production
10 ouirun consumption. There IS constant ten
dencv TO embarrassment; and il government in
lelieres al ALL whenever il occurs there is cla-
NOR, and il is appealed 10 for more protection.
Before Congress determines 10 adhere 10 the lu-
risdiclon OF protection, desire il 10 consider 10
what il will lead. Ii you lesslate al all upon
this matter, your legislation must, and ought to
be complete. If you take control Of The subec,
of manufactures, you must sooner or later pass
all the laws incident 10 il. Well, what are lheyl
More than half Of The legislation OF Great Bri
tain, and other manufacturing nations, relative
10 manufactures, is in regulating The hours OF
labor the ages a, which persons shall engage in
them, &C., &c. There is no necessity for such
legislation here as yet, bat il will come. The
time will rapidly approach, il you perseyere in
your present policy. When II does, what will
you do? Have you any power 10 entertain any
such legislation No one will pretend that we
have. Well, will you by legislation drive and
enice labor into a pursuit. the natural, indeed |
may say The inevitable tendency of which is 10
make such legislation necessary, when you have
no authority 10 resort 10 in Can this be righil
Is il right 10 legisae for the protection Of The ca
pta connected with this pursuit, when you have
no power 10 lesisae Tor The security OF The labor
engaged in il? Will you say, we will leave this
TO The States7 Then, say, leave the whole sub
ject.
These views are so obviously correct, and they
are in such exact keeping with our system OF go
ycrnment, that do not believe any one not per-
sonally interested would controver them, if il
were not for series uf tallaces which the inge-
guilty Of these persons have enabled them TO fas-
len upon the public mind. As disasreeable as is
the task desire to expose some OF them. And
the first which shall notice are two advocated
by the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr..
Winrhropl notice them first, as they are more
Immediately connected with The question Of con-
stitutonal power which | have been discussing.
That gentleman maintains that ''lhe real revenue
Tariff is the reasonable protective Tariff" and,
10 sustain this position, he assigns these reasons:
nThe productiveness Of revenue system de-
pends moi on any abstract principles, or arbi
irary arrangement OF duties, but on the ability Of
the people to import and pay for whatever they
want from abroad. The consuming ability OF
the people is what constitutes or causes The srea!
difference between The operation of one tariff and
another tariff, or between the operation Of The
same tariff a, different periods"
a nj n corroporale them h. reads the following