The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-02-16

run-embarrassed at every point, and sinking deep
and deeper at every step. One OF the chief causes
| of that depressed condition represented by the
senator and properly represented, to be an opprss'
i siye system Of taxation, But different state Of
things exists now. Happily for once, the pre-
dictions Of the senator have not been realized,
The nation is now ia a state Of unexampled pros
perity and the cause of that Is TO be found IN the
salutary condition of the currency, Just as the re-
verse the cause of former prostration. Well,
then, If the giving Of the notice was the proper
course IN lo43-i il should necessarily pTecede the
adoption of measures to take possesslon-why is II
that we cannot promptly give the notice howl The
senator from South Carolina suggests a different
plan. He prefers leaving u TO the operation OF time
to the silent and quiet eneroachments of our hardy
and enterprsIng people to acquire that possession
! for US; and does not every gentleman know that
while our hardy and enterprlsing people press
ing on according to the plan Of the senator from
South Carolina, they are exposing themselves to
great difficulties without the protection Of American
laws and American tribunals II that state Of things
! continue, is il clear that we will have many
repetltiobs Of the Caroline affair." But will not Eng.
land see the course Of this country fit adopts that
recommended by the senator from South Carolina :
Is il not her custom 10 be ever on guard, watching
an opportunity to press her claims-claims however
feeble and weak | appeal to the senator himself
invoke that patriotic spirit which anlmstes his boz
SOM ask him, with all solemnity, what course
does he regard most likely 10 rebound To the honor
Of the country, and to the promotion Of its sacred
rights Which will read best on the imperishable
page Of history, the dre.t, and bold, and
prompt progress 10 our object, or the slow and
stealthy' But let me pause. | will not use
that term. will not so characterize any course
OF conduct recommended by the senator from South
Il Caroline. For him entertain unminged ycnera-
ten. His great character, identified as il is with
many most glorious scenes 10 the history Of my
country for the last thirty years, never can cease
TO admire. Never hand Of mine will he outstretch-
ed in the vain attempt 10 shake single laurel from
that venerable brow. venerate him for his viz
tues-for his pariotism-for his lofty intellect-for
the spoless purity Of his whole private life, on
which the future Plutarch Of his country will de-
light TO dwell and from regarding which SANDER it.
Il self
i Whose breath
All corners Of the world"
shrinks covering and abashed. And il might be
4 permitted TO offer an aspiration in connexlon with
his future career, would be to the effect that moth
ing will ever be done by him to that brightly H.
4 lumned page which the record Of his public life will
II fll will not, cannot IN this connexion the
word stealthy any word that could possibly give
offence TO the senator from South Carolina. Let me,
them apply the term eireious to that line Of policy
which he has thought proper to recommend on this
II question. And ask, how would il read in AFTER
times that the first chapter Of the American history
cessful struggle Of handful Of coonists with the
greatest power Of the world in the resistance Of an
i unjust tax, whilst the second chapter was blurred
and blotted by the sad, sad story Of the and
cowardly submission Of the descendants Of that
same race of heroic men, when they had grown
up to number twenty millions, and occupied the
first rank in the scale Of nations' trust no such
! chapter will ever disgrace national annals
Such chapter must nOi-will hot-be written
word or two now about arbitration, which oc-
cupes the attention Of portion Of the press The
rejection OF that proposition by the President meets
with decided Interpretation in some quarters, and
| understand that speak now Of portion Of the
public press, not Of the opinion Of any honorable
senator. But with the people, so far from weakening
the strength of the administration that act has ad.
ded 10 It new vigor and power, if that had been ne
oessary. To arbItrate-what' A question in which
we assert there is no dispute. Submit to arbitra.
ton, as in the case Of the Maine controversy, when
a crowned head, with all imaginable gravity, dec
ded that certain line should be drawn from the
most northeastern point although the treaty origi
mating the dispute which he had professedly taken
up decided that'th line should be drawn from the
most northwestern branch of the river. Just i'm
agine man who has purchased a farm from his
government and for which he holds a patent, con-
senting, when powerful and wealthy neighbor
makes claim TO his property, 10 submit the matter
to arbitration What opinion would you entertain
Of the common sense Of that obging and accommo-
dating disputan' As to the submission of the
case to select board of arbitration, that
is most absurd. Is it not likely that the
wealth and resources Of the powerful neighbor
would be directed to the not very honorable but
subtle policy of addressing certain arguments to the
arbitrators not unlikely prove very satisfactory
and sound to some Of them' The country, sir, sus.
tains the President in this wise and proper rejection
of the offer OF arbitration. Our claim is settled We
cannot consent to submit 1t TO any arbiter. There
is another point in the Of the senator from
South Carolina, to which would allude. mean
his course on the Texas question, conrasted with
his course on this Oregon question. He now stands
before his country in the leadership of what is called
the policy Of peace. "Peace, peace, peace-eyery-
thing that is honorable for peace isthe cry When
! the question of the annexation of Texas was pend
ing the honorable senator, 1t appears to me, did not
hold peace as so pre- eminently valuable. refer in
proof to his etterhs celebrated etter-a letter not
likely to be forgotten-to Mr.. King, our minister a,
Paris The tone and spirit of that letter must ha We
been offensive In the highest degree to Great Britain
IL war comes out Of this Oregon question, for nv
own part | should not be surprised if that letter
would be found lying at the foundation of it. 1t was
shortly after its appearance that the British govern
nent commenced the augmentation of the deences
Of that country. The senator from South Cal olina
then planted himself on the highest possible grounds
Yet he now offers to buy of England by five and
half degrees in Oregon So far the power
to make treaties is concerned, it is peculiarly the
sovereign power of the State Wherever the power
Turkey, of course the exercise of all power is un.
limlted--the government is absolute The only
recognised will there is that Of the car or the au-
tocrat, or the emperor the sultan. In constitu-
tional monarchies, like those of England and
France, it is different. There power is, in some de-
gree, limited. But where the treaty making power
in England and France begins and where ii ends, /
cannot, for the life of me, discover. In the mixed
form Of the British government, where the monar-
chica and aristocracal principles alternately pre-
vail, there are certain checks it is rue bu, these
checks are those of the one branch of the govern
ment agalnst the other, and for all essential pur.
poses they are discretionary. There is no power.
however arbitrarily exercised the part of the gov.
eminent, in England which cannot be justified I'M
aer me british constitution, by analogy, any rate
if not by precedent drawn from some portion of the
tortuous, dark, and troubled history Of the country
i whenever the case demands it, the use of the word
necessity Is made to stfe every murmur and subdue
every manifestation Of insulted right Fort,lnatelv
different state of things prevails here All power
no matter on. whom conferred--is bestowed from