Martinsburg gazette. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1833-1855, 1846-08-06


duties on foreign imports. That majority has
manifested itself IN various ways, and is attes-
ted by its Representatives ~ the other House
lcf Congress, By whom this BID has been ap-
iproyed. and whose votes un1enIabiy indicate
jihe popular sense ia the large proportion OF
eighteen out Of The twenty eight States. In
this Senate, an analysis OF the vote before me
!discloses that while six States (Ohro, Virginia,
New Hampshire, Georgia, Michigan and
Mane) are equally divided. J., Qlouisiana,
Pennsyl vania, Delaware, Kentucky. Massa-
lchusetts, New Jersey Rhode Island, Connec-
ticui, Maryland, North Corolna and VerrnonD
are against, and eleven (Arkansas, Missouri,
Alabama, Illinois, Indiana, South Carolina,
Z Mississippi, New York, Texas, Tennessee
and Florida are for the change. Peculiarly
situated as | am in my relation 10 The national
/ Legislature, these impressive facts cannot be
ioyerIooked. In case free from constitutional
objection, could not iustlfiably counieract, by
sort Of official veto, the general will
The struggle to exert without abatement the
constitutional power Of taxation IN such man
ner as TO protect by high duties ON imports ma
ny of the productions OF our own som and labor
from the competition Of other countries, has
endured for more than thirty years. During
that period a system of high taxation has pre-
vailed with fluctuations OF success and failure.
| II is as vigorously and as exactmgly insisted
upon now as ever: and indeed 1t would seem,
IN Some instances, as II the longer the advan-
tage ofa particular tax was enjoyed, the stron-
ger became the desire for its continuance, and
! even its augmentation. And yet il ought to be
remembered that this exercise Of the taxing
power BY which the great mass Of consumers
are made to swell the profits of few branches
of industry, was originally intended TO be tenn
porary, TO be continued only SO long as It's con-
finance was necessary to the industrial indie
pendence and safety of the whole people
Such was the language, the incubation, the
spirit, in which it was proposed and justified
by its earliest and wisest friends. The design
was to foster feeble Infant" manufactures,
especially such as were essential to the defence
OF the country in time of war. In this design
the people have persevefed until, with some,
bot not weighty exceptions, these saplngs have
taken deep root, have become vigorous, expan-
ded and powerful and are prepared to share
the common lot Of human pursuits, and TO en-
ter with confidence the .ieId of free, fair and
unive-sss,, competition.
| The arrival of this period of time, long pro-
missed, has been anxiously looked for by a
large and Justly respected portion Of our fellow
citizens. who deemed themselves peculiar and
almost exclusive sufferers by the policy of pro-
lection. They have neutrality-suspicious. i'm
observation-disclosures to anticipate it, Their
numbers al first entitled to influence only from
their patriotism and intelligence, have gone on
gradually increasing as the system rpened to
| its fruit, and they now constitute what | am
bound by registered facts to regard as decided
majority of the people and OF the Union.
| It is undoubtedly true, that this change of
| financial arrangement, brought about by public
opinion ''ri,ich ere'ychere ought TO guide and
| Influence statesmen" should, nevertheless, be
characterized by moderation, nay, by scrupu-
lous tenderness for those interests of our fellow
citizens that are to be affected by it. The leg
islation which encouraged their investments,
their educational training, OF their habits, should
cease, finally and firmly, if required, but still
soothingly and gently and hence | may be
pardoned for expressing regret that certain
provisions which, in their bearing seem 10 me
lrenchant and sudden beyond the calls of occa-
sion, have been allowed to remain as parts Of
this bill. Were it in my power TO except these
provisions from the operation OF nv vote,
would do so but, viewed as a whole, as
measure 10 accommodate vast and intricate
subject to the prevailing sentiment OF the
American people, 10 reduce the burdens artlh
cially imposed upon the laborlDg and produc-
tive masses, and 10 reconcile diminished res
friction of trade with increased contributions
from it, cannot resist the impression that the
bill is more equal, more tempered, and more
lust, than the act OF 1912, which ii supersedes.
That it deals with some pursuits and resources
of nv native Commonwealth less kindly than
she might well expect, does not relieve Inc
from my duty, but only makes its performance
personally reluctant and painful.
In aid OF these considerations, adequate, per
haps, in themselves to control my vote, there
is another which, | am free TO confess, nothing
but an unforeseen, sheer and pressing public
necessity could ever induce me TO forego or
forget In strict concord with the letter and
spirit of the Constitution, the Vice President of
the United States. now called upon to act, is
the direct agent and representative Of the
whole people. In advance, and dependent
upon contingent results, II IS perfectly compe-
tent TO this, his national constituency, TO give
instructions, and to receive pledges for their
execution. On this identical subject OF Tar
! if of duties on imports, whatever may have
been the course OF local and casual inconsist-
ency, my own honor can admit ofno dlScam-
er Of instructions that were formally amour
ced, and my own good faith stands invlolable
TO pledge voluntarily given. II by thus act
| ing il be my misfortune 10 offend any portion
| of those who honored me with their sutlrages,
have only to say to them, and TO my whole
country, that prefer the deepest obscurity of
| private life, with an unwounded conscience,
TO the glare of official eminence, spotted by
sense Of moral delinquency.
The presiding officer, having given the
castings vote in the affirmative, the bill was
ordered to a third reading.
! FERocious ATTACK BY PANTHER.-Mr. w.
w. RICE of this parish, has given an account