The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-01-28
THE DAILY UNION.

is il for a moment to be supposed that either party
contemplated that the effect OF that notice would be
to produce a war Certainly not. Both nations, in
peace and satisfaction, abded by The terms OF thpI
convention up 10 1927 and then, after most pacific
and deliberate investigation OF the whole matter,
what did they dor Why, they extended 1t indeh-
ntely. Is il possible tat the great and wise men Of
this country and OF that, can have been nursing
from the year 1918 10 the present moment ban-
ling Of which they have deliberately determined
10 produce war, 4 take IL for granted then, that
from the course heeetofore pursued on, this ques-
ton, from its inception down TO the present instant,
neither party have regarded it as at all Of
Certainly not They never so regarded II IN it,
inception, and never, so far as have been able to
detect, at any subsequent period OF It's progress
Well, what is the state OF that question nO~f We
have been told over and over again that this nego
tiation has been 90 abruptly broken of, that just
ground has been left which to renew III that there
is no basis upon which a treaty between the two
countries can be formed. Well, do not pretend
TO be much sklled-to be at all skilled in the rules
Of diplomacy but let me ask, does the mere making
OF proposition on one side, and rejection OF II on
the other necessarily lead 10 war; Certainly not sir
But as TO the "notee"-that, MIR. President, is be-
lieve, the great point on which the whole question
turns and we are told that that notice. which was ex-
pressy provided for in solemn convention nearly thir-
ty years ago-a matter Of compact, OF smicable
OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES the giving VI luaA uOuSct "uicn was
anticipated from the beginning, is 10 involve this
country in a war with Great Britain Let Us look
at that for moment. Can il be believed that intel
ligent parties TO compact-a compact or a conyen-
tion-woud consider their rights violated by the ter
minslon Of that conyention-by the very means and
according To the very mode proposed IN the pro-
visions OF the compact ITSELF Upon what ground,
ask, is presumed that either this government,
that Of Great Britain, or any power of the civilized
world, can regard the giving Of this notice hos
tile measurel Is there anything In that for which
we have not bsrgains3 Nothing. We fall back on
the express supulstishs Of the compact into which
we originally entered We propose to terminate
this state Of things and with what viewi Surely
not with the design of involving the two countries
in all the misery and untold horrors Of war. But
do il for the purpose Of establishing the relations Of
the two countries, far as that convention is in
yolved, on a permanent basis, with view of re-
moving them from that temporary ground on which
they have stood for nearly quarter of a century,
and establishing them on permanent foundation
From all the examination which have been able
to bestow on this part Of the subject | have been
unable 10 come 10 any othsr conclusion than this:
that the relation OF the parties-l the title OF
the two partes-can never be 50 properly settled as
by giving the notice, and 50 abrogatng the conyen-
ton. | think the case very plain one. Two
parties claim title 10 certain tract Of land +,
but, before settling the question, agree TO oc-
cupy il conOlntly for season. They do not
thereby, by any means, determine that one or the
other must be regarded a respasser, TO be re-
moved by force. believe further as have said,
that the only means by which this question ever
be peaeeably settled will be by giving the notice
and Why The arrangement has been satisfactory
one TO Great Britain, and why be in hurry TO put
an end to III She gets oil she desires, and therefore
is not disposed to abandon It, The signs at home
and abroad in regard TO war appear 10 have changed
in every Quarter except certain quarter Of our own
nfnr al NJ 81. g. IN
establish q ministry in England, every body
said that with the Peel administration there had been
some chance Of u settlement, but that with Lord
John Russell there would be no chance Of a settle
ment without recourse 10 the last resor-a resort 10
arms But that case has not been presented; and il
should be borne In mind by the Senate--espscally
by that portion Of 1t which regards as inevitable
and not to be averted-that the British govern
ment-l do not speak Of the British press, that is
not the govemment-has at no period placed this
subject beyond the reach Of negotiation. At the
time when SIR Robert Peel defined his position and
took distinct and definite ground on this question,
what did he say To a question, twice repeated
what was his answer Not that they held their tia.
to Oregon-no, the word "title" was never used
but that they had rights there clear and unqueson-
ale, and when 1t became ne essary to defend those
rights they we're prepared TO maintain them Was
that a warke declaration Not word was uttered
about the "title''-it was only affirmed that they
had rights there which they were resolved to main
tain But whatever danger Of war might have been
apprshended from the going out of the Peel minis
try and the coming in Of tbs Russell ministry, is
now altogether dispelled. The Russell ministry
failed in formation, and the Peel administration ha.
been renstated in power There have been various
other topics connected with the discussion of this
question, and all Of which have entered properly
enough into the consideration Of this BILL | have
been told--in spirit of fervent patriotism no
doubt-that in reference to this great existing con.
tl,At
to prepare the hearts Of the people Of this country
for war. Upon that point also, differ totally with
| certain honorable senators. l ask if the improve.
ment the civilization, the christianity of eighteen
centures are now to be enveloped in dark and por
tentous cloud' Are we to be driven back to the
| horrors of the dark agesi If had the power "a
speak by authority, would endeavor to prepare
the hearts not only Of the people of this country
but of all countries, for peace MY exertons would
be to bring about that glorious period-that latter
day Of perfect light and lberty-when, as the in
spired seer has foretold, the nations of the earth
shall learn no more. An honorable friend neal
me, MIR. - in the ardor of the debate yester
day, intimated that there must be lack of patriotism
on the part of those who did not exactly go with
him in his advocacy of this measure; and presum,
that his alusion was to the question Of the Main,
boundary. He was entirely mistaken. | regart
that as the best patriotism which preserves the peo
pie Of the United States in the pursuit of those OBJ
ects, and in that course ofpolicy which has ALREADY
conducted them to great prosperity and glory, ant
on a continued adherence to which the fulfmcnt
their destiny depends. | say to my honorabl,
friend on the left, Mr.. FAIRFIELD and to the dis
tnguished senator from Michigan on the right, [Mr
CAss, that it is not by preparing the hearts Of thu
people of this or any other country, for war, tina
the grand objects Of humanity-of civilization--h,
great cause Of mankind itself may be best advanced
incline entirely and totally to different opinion
But must be distinctly understood on that point
admit that when the struggle comes, l shall no
only be for war, but for war to the knife. But tina
is not the question which we are now called on t
entertain. The great question to-day, is in the dis
posal of this BILL first, whether there Is such proba
bility of war as will justify the government Of tn,
United States in running into enormous expendi
ture' That question being decided in the negative
think it must be- there remains no question abou
patriotism in our action. Let US look at this bust
ness in calm and candid spirit. Let it be so re
garded by both bodies of the chamber. Ant
now, is war likely to occurl Are there nc
means left to avert the difficulties which seem now
to be threatening and can that prevention be eff
| cnn With the honor Of rho ,o,,,x..