American Republican and Baltimore daily clipper., 1846-08-20

aud the older and more mature establishments
are compelled to diminish their operations |
forthwith, and consequently to discharge
number of their laborers, and reduce the wages
of all. The iaborers suffer more than the oWh-
ers, because they are less able TO bear 1t. Inc
sudden loss Of work will be to many OF them
and their families loss of food and rament
and that which the aw-maker is commanded
t. pray for-his ''daily lroad"-he would be
| thus rudely taking By law from the working
| man of his country. And the experimental Ia
riff act was the more Objectionable, inasmuch
as many of our countrymen-thG Northern la
borers, who are to suffer under twill be put
out Of employment in the beginning OF the
winter, when other employment will be obtain
ed with great difficulty; and at the North the
poor, without labor and wages, encounter de-
gree of suffering in that inclement season which
we have no just conception OF at the South
| You must see it before you can lully appiecl-
ate it. Also, sudden alteration of the tariff
must of necessity disturb the home market of
our manufacturers, coal-dggers and mechan-
les, and involve hundreds and thousands, in
losses to some, ruin to others, and suffering
TO many.
Even bad tariff law, then, should not be re-
peaIed so as to fall down too hastily, when its
gradua! abrogation would create less lnconve-
nience TO the Government, and its sudden
change may oppress the poor, or do injustice to
any section. The Government ought to have
| compassion on all the people, and particularly
upon the aborng classes The manufacturers
at the North are not all "Abbott Lawrences, p"
whose fortune has been the theme of so many
tariff speeches. The compromise tariff act,
under Gen. Jackson, in 1888, reduced the du
ties gradually and periodically for nine years.
II gave nine years notice. This Experimental
Tariff will reduce all the duties upon only four
months notice! The latter was harsh, cruel,
unjust legislation; harsh to the wealthy, cruel
to the laborer, and uni ust to both; and the ge-
neral welfare DID not require it.
| Third. The independent Treasury, Of itself
great change; the Warehousing act another;
and the Experimental Tariff the greatest Of
them all, will, when taken together, work an
entire revolution of our financial system. One
at time they might have been introduced
more safely, some of them wisely. But, by
being so nearly united, as they will be, in the
time of their commencement, it is calculated
TO excite apprehension and alarm. To put
them into simultaneous operation was, indeed,
political movement Of party too violent and
too potent for good. They will affect all the
business of the people most injuriously; and,
with a Government expenditure of fifty mil
lions and a revenue under twenty millions the
Government itself may be crushed under their
combined operation To attempt it when the
nation was at war abroad, and the Government
was in the money market, or soon expected
there, as borrower at home, clearly appeared
to my mind to be unwisely jeoparding public
credit and private confidence. Revolutions are
seldom reforms, and certainly reforms need not
always be revolutions. One must reasonably
| fear that, without miracle, such strong mea-
sures, acting with their combined power against
the existing order of things in the country,
may create a reyulson in trade, pecuniary dis
tress, hard times, popular eXcitements, and sec
! tona agtationS, preceding another contest tor
the Presidency, and do nobody any good but a
! few political agitators and rich spectators |
thought they would 90 veiy far towards produ-
cling an overthrow of the Democratic party,
if they did not entirely accomplish it. These
consequences were too natural not to be appre i
hended; and the last mentioned result was op-I
emily predicted by some and probably antcipat-
ed by Others of my own friends, who yet voted
for the experimental tariff bill without approv-
ing of it. Unless it should be repealed, or ma
erially modified, its consequences now belong
not illustrate the grounds Of my conviction by
minuter statements Let time test its correct
ness.
Fourth. In none Of the tariff acts ofthe U.
nited States in former years was the industry
Of our own country burdened by dlscrmna-
tions made against home manufactures Their
policy was to build up and not to destroy, to
protect and not to oppress. Not so the expert
mental tariff. And is it not mistake to sup
pose that the republican people of North Car
olna were at any time hostile to those acts
merely because they were 'protecipe?" Our
hostility was aimed at the eTtent of the thing,
not the thing itself; at ertreme protection, not
protection per Sc. With here and there an in
dividual excepton-for republicans in those
E days were allowed to dffer--l boldly affirm
that this was the republican doctrine Of our
, State and the people will know it to be true
when | remind them that it was precisely
F the point of our dispute with the Nulli6ers.-
They were against protection cut and out we,
the (Jackson) republican party of North Caro-
lima in particular, went for incidental protection
moderate protection by 'judcious Tariff
They were for declaring the tariff of 1928 and
1892 unconstitutional, and nullifying it because
it protected manufactures. We thought it was
uni ust because the protection was ertreme, but
not unconstitutional, and that the "Upion
| must be preserved" What the republican
party of North Carolina thought, thought and
I spoke, and wrote.
! FROM GEN. KEARNEY's EXPEDITION. The
st. Louis Republican says that an express
reached Fort Leavcnwortn on the 9th inst. from
Gen. Kearney's camp. When the express left,
Gen. X. was within one hundred and thirty
miles of Bent's Fort. The troops were pro-
uressiup rapidlv and comfortably What if