The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-23

said 10 this Senate. The events Of The last lew
weeks speak for themselves. Believing that so Jar
| as the President has been concerned, the BRUSH
Government has got no advantage OF us, con
fess did feel mortified in reading the news by the
last steamer at the necessity Of eoncedng TO the de-
bates of tho British Parliament decided superiority
over those Of ourselves in their dignity and modera-
ton; and il would be quite a satisfaction TO me TO
| get news by the next packet Of an outrageous de-
bate in the British Parliament at least sufficient TO
put us even with them on that score. cannot help
Isoms Senator. IT'S likely you'll be graft
fed."l
But surely the fault is not altogether that Of the
President. Had he known ever so well that his
recommends to lsgslais IL Congress saw fl, so
as to help his progress in negotaiton would be mis-
construed into invitation for all sorts Of interler-
ence by Congress with the more appropriate duties
of the Executive, he would hardly have been iusti-
fed by il to omit all or any one thing which he has
done. He has, as l understand his Message, but
done his duty, and no more, and he dared not do
less hope senators viii see, in all this, an excuse
for the President, il they do not find in il iustih-
cation for his Message TO Congress communicating
he correspondence pilh tie British minister. That
the President sent this Message to Congress might
be excused, indeed, for other reasons, without a
heavy tax upon our charity. He was bound TO
presume that Congress wise and prudent legs'
lators; that they would say nothing TO embarrass
negotiations unless Congress really wished 10 defeat
negotiation; and even in that case he may have
thought that, an by the Constitution treaty making
belonged TO the President under the advice Of The
Senate, his own "friends," without any reeommen.
dalton from him would long ago have proposed and
voted directly "thai the President shall be ADVISED
by the SENATE that he is mistaken in surposng the
nation committed itself to any compromise, and
that the negotiation upon that basis ought 10 be con-
cluded if that indeed, be the decision of the peo.
ole f." That would be DOING something.
do not affirm that the President thought all this,
or any Of it, Yet another thing has struck my own
mind with some force, and possibly it might not
have been without its influence upon the President.
When he came into Office, he declared his belief
that our title TO Oregon "cear and unquestona.
bic" In prosecuting the negotiation, he found It IN
be his duty to offer line Of compromise at 49o,
and to give up James X. Folks opinion To
the Presidents obligation to preserve nation
al honor From some cause or other the public
mind had been preoccuPed with the belief that
this offer had not been made by him. But as II
had been made, the President might have felt, and
probably he did feel, solicude at the meeting OF
Congress TO tell the whole-to let out the sertt-
and to prevent il he could, clamors calumny upon
the subject. Had the President dreaded the same
clamors and sought to avoid, by such disclosure,
denunciations like those which have been unceas-
ingy poured out upon the heads Of the great men
who negotiated and voted for the Washington trea.
VI
for t-not rery much. That Washington treaty
seems to have become a favoriie hobby. Perhaps il
is 10 be kept agong until il can get company. II
may be that the President did not wish TO furnish
the 2anion for il by keeping his "friends" un-
apprised Of the important fact that he had offered
compromise. should not wonder at il, il he did
not As it is, that thunder will all be spoiled, far
as conesalnent goes.
| have seldom heard a discussion, Mr.. President,
about territorial rights in any qusrter that BEN
rows speech against WEBsTER's treaty was not re-
produced. A new edition Of an old speech abridged
to be sure, but not i'm proved. Our politicians
determined to convince the world abroad and the
people at home, whether or not, that our nation is
always overreached, cheated, and disgraced. But
why do this il at all, long after treaty has been
soemnly ratified by vote OF 80 to 8! in the Amer.
lean Senate? Let not Senators give their aid to it,
say, as we love one another or the country. | Ut
| ter no complaints against the speech itself OF my
| honorable friend from Missouri, [Mr. BENTON
Like everything else that comes from him here, /
| was eloquent. Ii was IN season and at the RICH
time when he made it. The occasion which callel
il forth has now passed, and along with it the strong
excitements under which the speech was made
The constitutional authorities Of the government
overruled his objections, and il is no disparugemen
to the fame of the speech or Of that Senator to be
lieve that his noble and generous heart would b.
able to see now land his manly character would lie
him own iD that there was quite enough Of invec
tive and suspicion in the speech when it was made
know not how he feels under its repetition, with o
without notes, but have admired the patience q
Senator'S implicated by denunciations about tn
Washington treaty, and wondered how they cou
silently endure it. Certainly, when such things are in
roduced here they in exceeding bad TASTE and ver
like what venerated friend of mine used to call tn
dulest thing in the world TO listen at-"old psian,
sung orer dead horses" Out Of the Senate it is tn
game by which great men of this nation are to b
| kied off nd left eYaltinp Eufe
to big Offices.
But, Mr.. President, let all this be as it may, ant
let il be right wrong in the President to have
his Message, and the information in it, to the Con
eress of the United States: he has done 1.-THE &C
I is past recall. The subject is before the Senate
and with all its embarrassments, it has become ne
I cessary for the Senate to act upon it, and, in m
Judgment the sooner we do that the better for tn
country.
$ In Older to act Alright we must look to the Pre-,
D ident's Messages, and see for ourselves what pos
ton he occupies. | agree entirely with som
: other Senators that we cannot take our pos
y ton upon this question Of the notice until W
Q see the position OF the President. See it, near
with a reasonable certainty; as positive certaint
J cannot be arrived at and cannot be expected If
means to negotiate for compromise, or if there
Z pending negotiation, it would he unwse unprect
dented and indicate for the President either hin
self directly, or indirectly through another person
10 declare beforehand any determination OF his
o mind upon questions to arise in the further progress
= of such a negotiation. shall, in justice to hin
j. have occasion to point out to the Senate hereatt
how think this silence--this necessary silence
proves almost Of itsefthat his Thoughts turne
J. | on peace"
!, But what 10 the position Of the President in III
4, ,egotation' About it there would he less doubt
u there had been less effort to assign the President
p extreme position. and false position. What ia
he "records'" Where does he standl We mu
y see before we fling him the notice to terminate Il
l convention Of 1927.
= First, we all know that the Presdent--whose a
!, sent is ndispensabe-wl not agree to an arbit,'
ton. do not stop defend or accuse him for thi
belongs to some other occasion. IT, in the Prov
II dence Of God, this Oregon controversy should term
e nate in a conflict, the responsibility Of having r
d iected arbitration will be fearful one. and he W
nave to meet il. But tho responsibility has been t
'e ben by him. The Senate, therefore, must now pr
? coed upon il as fact--a "fxed fact"-that arbr
II tion is out Of the question. We cannot help it
we would; and owe it to candor to say, that Iwou
ID rot If I could.
Well, then, we have seen in his Message tn
al Great Britain made an offer Of compromise, whiC
y | vas re;ected Nv the American government, in Al