The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-04

Idepositsries of the treaty power 10 confirm
the act of the President should il come here for con
hrmation. What, sir, is a compromise II is an ofe
made by one party 10 the other TO take less than hi
whole claim, with a view to an amicable adjustmen
lofthe controversy whatever his may be. The doctrn
Of compromises is founded upon universal reason
and its obligations, believe, are everywhere IN,
same, whether in the codes of municipal or genera
law. An offer made in this spirit never furnishe:
the slightest presumption against the claim Of the
party making IT, and for the best Of reasons, moi
only that this aaicable process Of settlement may
be encouraged and extended, bu, because it vii
ohen happen that both individuals and nations may
be willing 10 sacrifice portion of what they con.
slider their just rights rather than encounter the
certain expense and trouble, aud the uncertain issue
OF litigation whether that litigation be in a court oil
Justice, or upon battlefield. Such is the genera
principle; and the practical operation Of any Other
would hold one OF the parties forever bound, and
leave the other forever free, One makes his offer
and must adhere IT, while the other declines H.
refuses ", and rtiii rnsy hold 70 IL indefinitely.
Surely i cannot be necessary TO pursue this Illus
iraiion farther. Such construction az this which
plays fast and loose at the same time carries with
u its own refutation, however respectable the au-
thority which attempts support IL. But reyertine
to the obligation Of the President, what says the
honorable senator from Maryland He says that
tho Presdent-not James X. Polk, but the chief
magistrate OF the Misunderstanding felt an implied OBJ
all time to accept it, and, suppose, patiently To wait
for h tll the demand comes must say, that in
this brief abstract Of the Presidents views the sena
tor has hardly done justice TO him | do not stand
here 10 say what the President will do should Great
Britain propose TO accept the parallel Of 49o as the
boundary between the two countries. In the first
place, il would be TO argue upon a gratuitous as
sumption. have not the slightest reason to be-
heve that the British government have given any in
timation that It will ever come back to that line
But in the second place, il it should, what
them The inciPient step is for the President
20 take, and | should leave the matter here
without remark, had not the senator from Ma.
ryand, and the senator from North Carolina
and other senators, labored to impress the conyc.
ton that the Presinent ought, and must, and would
close with the British proposition to accept the par
allel OF 49O, should il be made. shall not analyse
the words OF the Presidents message, but content
myself with general alusion to il. Truth is sci
dom promoted by picking out particular phrases,
and placing them in juxtaposition. The President
says-and il is evident the whole message was care
fully preparedhat though he entertained the settled
conviction that the British title any portion Of Ore
gon could not be maintained; yet in Difference the
action of his predecessors, and to what had been
done, and in consideration that the pending nego-
tiation had been commenced on the basis of COM
promise, he determined, in spirit Of compromise,
to offer part Of what had been offered before-the
parallel Of ago, without the navigation of the Co.
lumbia river He says this proposition was reject.
ed and in what terms we all know and that he i'm
mediately withdrew IL, and then asserted our title
TO the whole Of Oregon, and maintained it by ire
frngable arguments Now sir, | am not going 10
argue with any man who seeks to deduce from this
language a conviction in the mind of the President
that he considers himself under the slightest oblga-
tion 10 England accept the parallel Of 49o should
she desire it as boundary In this account Of his
proceedings he is explaining to his coun,rymen the
| operations Of his own mind the reasons which in
duced him to make this offer, made, as he SAYS Sin
Difference alone to what had been done by my pre-.
decessors, and the implied obligations their acts
| seemed 10 impose" What obIigationsp None to
England for had been created but the obliga-
tons imposed upon prudent statesman to look at
the actions and views OF his predecessors and not
TO depart from them without good reasons. The
obvious meaning is this: | found the negotiations
pending; after an interval of almost twenty years.
they haa been renewed; they began on the asis of
a compromise, and though three times a compro-
mise had been offered TO England and rejected,
and though she had not the slightest right 10 claim
or even expect it would be offered 10 her again
' and though determined that the same proposition
should not be offered to her, still as proof of the
moderation of the United States, deemed it expe-
dent to make her another offer, less than the prece-
ding one, which quarter Of century before she
had rejected. A curious obligation this, if it has
reference to the rights of England, and a curou !,
mode Of fulfilling it! IF he the Presidency were
under any obligation to her. the obligation was com.
pete to make the offer as it had been made before
And she has the right to claim the navigation
of the Columbia river tina, she has to claim the par
allel Of ago as boundary; and the honorable sena-
tor from Louisiana has placed the matter upon this
very ground.
Assuming that the obligation referred to by the
President was an obligation to England he thinks
the President failed in his duty in not carrying out
his own views of the national duties.
| Why, sir if offers Of compromise were to be
made ill doomsday, the rights Of both parties would
remain in their integrity. And what offer creates
this implied obligation Several offers have been
made by our government to that Of England for the
adjustment Of this controversy Which creates this
obligation, one Of them, all Of them, But it is
very clear sir that neither of them create it. The
common-sense view of this subject is the true one in
this CASE as in most other cases. The party offer
ing says its adversary, will consent to tina, line
you consent to It, controversy will be AMIGA
bly, adjusted. The only obligation created by this
act is to allow reasonable time the other party for
decsion and then faithfully to adhere to the terms
should they be accepted. IL unreasonably delayed
still more if rejected, both parties thrown back
upon their original position unembarrassed by this
attempt at cancellation.
ties | am not afraid to leave them with hm--they
are in safe keeping Should the question respecting
this parallel ever be presented to him for decision
have perfect conviction that whether he decide for
against it, refer to the consideration of the
Senate, he will fulfil his responsible duties with
Conscientious regard to the high obligations he is
under to the country and to the constitution. But
we, TOO, have duties, and among these may be the
necessity of deciding for ourselves the nature and
extent Of this obligation upon the nation.
! | do not speak now of any considerations Of ex.
pediency, which may operate upon the decision Of
this matter. There none which will operate
upon me-
| But assume to myself no right to prescribe the
course of Others whether Of the President Of the
Senate, or to judge it when taken. But reject this
doctrine Of national obligation to England. deny
the right of any one to commit the faith Of this
try to a rejected lne-to bind us, leaving our oppo.
| nent unbound--to convert mere offer Of compro-
mise into the surrender Of claim 10 change the
established opinions and usages Of the world upon
this subject. 1t seems TO me that cause cannot be
strong which needs such auxiliaries for it's support
But, sir, this doctrine as | before observed, ond
the course of the remarks by which it is endeavored
to maintain it, furnish to me conclusive arguments
against the reference Of this controversy arhtra-
ton Here, at homo, in this coordinate branch Of
the national legislature, we are told and almost ar
4 IL.