The Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1837-1867, 1846-03-14
Miscellaneous.
An Eagle-Eyed Glance at Eng
land.

w
most interesting Letter to the public. Itcon
tains the views ola distinguished American,
lmany years ofwhose life has been passed in
Great Britain, upon the past,present g. prob
able course of political events in England.
We need not ask for this Letter n careful ne
rusal. 1t will command that. And when
read, it will be superfluous for us to add
thai its writer is no ordinary man.-yRb. Eve.
journal.
LONDON, January 81, 1876.
The British Constitution was not formed
like ours, in an assembly of statesmen. II
grclO up under the fostering care ofthe church;
and while it was weak, like an infant, the
church nursed it like mother. Its heo,y of
Justice and freedom, and common rights, was
the work of the Church. But the Church
could not alter the condition ofhuman nature
The principles were derived from her; the
practice was necessarily marred and modif-
ed by the degeneracy OF fallen man.
1t was in an age when physical power and
fierce passions had much sway. In an age
when among other things, the possession of
aud including, ofcourse, the SerfS who cult
waited it, was the only recognized title to the
exercise of political power in the State
This is the true but remote explanation of
the predominant influence exercised by the
owners of land in this empire. In ruder ages
the Baron sounded his horn, and his serS as
Sin duty bound" rushed to his standard The
last scrtS we read ofwerc found on the Royal
estates in the reign of Queen Elizabeth
Throughout the rest of Catholic Europe serE-
ace has been abolished.
From this period things changed their
names, but not their essence. Religion lost
its influence, except as Il sentiment working
in the breasts of individuals. Its authority nj
all events was gone. The serfS had already
emerged into tenants and the old Baron be-
came the modern Landlord. He sounded his
bugle no more. But he eXacted the tribute
ofte,td1L sovereignty, under another form, as
vigorously as ever. According TO the prin-
cIpes ofthe Constitution, political rights be-
Ionged TO the occupiers as well as the owners
of the soil. But the owner naturally requr-
ed that these rights should be exercised in his
favor. He was the protector of his tenants
now as he had been ofhis SerfS before. His
interests became interviewer with the inter-
csts of the whole class TO which he belonged
and so did theirs. Hence you may find
that from time irnmemorial the Ldnfed interest
of this empire have ruled supreme in the
Legislative, Executive and Judicial depart
mcDts OftIIis government Their laws are
framed, to some extent, on the theory of the
Constitution. But their spirit always, and
their letters most frequently, directed to
strengthen and perpetuatc their own interests
asindividuals, and prepotcncy as n class, in
The counsels ofthe nation. The lie gislation
itself was in their hands; the Interpretation
and the execution fthe laws were but corrol-
iaries other power in framing them.
The first great breach on this seemingly
impregnable fortress, was made by the re-
form bill. BY this, other but still weaker ell
cments, were admitted into the agency of
working the British Constitution. Since
then these weaker elements have become
strong, and have waXed impatient at the SOY
creignty which ''landed property" still cXer-
ciscs over other property, in the counsels of
the State. "Cheap bread" on one side, and
'protection" on the other, are the party cries
which are now substituted for the red rose and
white of other days. These do well for par.
\ 1y notices. But the true contest is between
\ the hereditary ''acre-kings," and the upstar
\ 'mOney-kings," with or without acres. Al
\ regards mere percentage on capital, the
a money kings" receive perhaps as large divi
" dends as the others. But the landlords, be
Y side their interest on capital invested in land
receive in votes, their tribute of fealty from
their tenantry, and thus bring an overwhelm
n ing influence into the measures ofthe govern
y ment. The deep and unspokcn spirit anC
# destroy this influence. 1t is TO withdraw
# from capital invested in land all political ,corti
~ which shall not be equally recognized as at
n taching to capital invested in bullion, State
stock, or any other species of definable ant
VI lawful property. This is the real question
and not "protection" nor yet "cheap. bread
N From all see and hear, ! think the Corr
n Laws are irretrievably doomed, and that til,
present minister, for having had the incon
N sistent boldness to advocate the change, is al
n rretrievably damaged. Ie will divide the
"A party into the extreme and moderate Conserv
atives, as they chose to call themselves
ton Ofthe Tories, under Sir Robert Peel
VIII fall in with the higher section of tn,
Wings, under Lord John Russell; or what il
more likely, that there will be dissolution OF
Parliament, in which event the Tories il
their broken up condition, will be no mattel
"A for their opponents of all shades. 1t is no
merely the growth ola "moneyed," in con
tradiction to "landed" aristocracy, that ha
swelled this movement into an absolute ne
cessity fora change. The poor ofthis coun
try have been worked down so low, that n
more revenue can be exacted ofthem, in TIN
way of taxes, for dear bread or otherwise
Nay, large proportion of them now are add
ing to the burthen, under the weight ofwhic
they have been crushed to the earth. TIL
direction, therefore, of the new policy, is t.
retrieve or repair the damage of the cours
hitherto pursued,which was virtually to max
The rich richer, and the poor poorer STILL
Not that the poor are to be elevated but tn
rich are to he brought down. They sha
nave to bear alone the taxation, the weight o
Which they had hitherto contrived to shift il
great measure from their own shoulders t
those of the poor.
Il, The Income Tax was the first direct legis
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