Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1846-10-31


mission that it is so
We hope the reader will pardon this heavy draft
upon his patience. Thus far il was necessary
not to our own justfcation-for we have taken care
that that should 60 along with us at each step-but
that, for once the insuferable misrepresentation
published here under Executive patronage may have
their need of minute exposure That we have now
given them, to the main part of our specifications,
and shown that there is not even pretence for the
Onion'S assertions, except such as got by mere IA
bration. The rest Of the comparison we need not
inhict.
The Union next proceeds to try to show the
Identity between our declarations and its own ia
bricatons. This, of course, is done by assertion,
not by actual comparison. We need not, how
ever, weary our readers with copying deliberate
argument that white is black.
But, after all, we have something to thank
the Presidents paper for in what it next goes
about-the subject of our calumnies," our " ini-
quitous calumnies" of Mr.. JEFFERsoN's written
opinions on Abolition. lit last it does cite the
main extracts which we gave in proof; and this is
benefit which we scarcely hoped-nay, which
we should not have got, but that the Union thought
to turn that seeming piece of candor, so long with
held, into fresh resort of deception 1t copies, from
the Notes on Virginia. Mr.. JEFFERsoN's plan of
emancipation a part of our extract from his SUBJ
sequent proposal, in letter to Mr.. SPARKS, to ap-
propriate the public domain in aid of emancipation ;
and his words, in letter to JOHN HOLMES, saying
| that there can be no property in slaves. 1t them
emitting the citation given in our sequel, of his
words declaring that the Divinity has no attribute
which could take the masters side in servile in
| surrection, goes on as follows:
"Ths the whole sum and substance Of the proof upon
which the lntegencer hurls against Mr. Jefferson the follow
| ing accusation:
that in l777 Mr. Jefferson the author of good deal
the most radical and ruinous plan of abolition that it has
ever been hap that this being the beginning,
he refers with compacency it at the close of his career
in 1924; that his intermediate opinions did vary
But the Wing journal does not stop here 1t goes on
at the close OF its article to assert in TERMS that Mr.
prepared to that the laws nothing against any
his new-ashioned political truths, and that there could be
property in human beings which is in reality the and
substance Of abohtionism"
This the Union cites as if an independent asser-
ton. Now, what was it! Our inference from
Mr.. Us words that "slaves were miscaled pro-
perty'-an inference of the correctness of which
we put it in every readers power to judge, by
placing its grounds-that from which twas drawn
before him. The Union then goes on:
"And finally, the Wing journal caps climax Of its
caumnies by assuring its readers that Mr. Jefferson must
the close OF his days. have held the opinion that the Federal
power could, of its own direct authority, emancpate the
blacks without IN any manner consulting the States"
Here, again, we have the same trick We did
not like the Union, charge man with just what
suited US, offer none of the requisite proofs, and
then proceed to blacken him upon differences from
our own fabrications. We pursued different
method: we gave his own words, referred to the
books, and then stated what we take to be the ef-
fect the logical consequence of his proposal to ap-
prapriato tho public domain in aid Of anvipaton
that it proved him to hold that the General Govern
ment can emancipate all slaves for that he had
always asserted it one of the highest constitu-
tonal truths that IL can only make appropriations
for those objects oUer Uhich IL has original and
independent po,cer.
But the Union next resorts to fraud upon Mr.
JEFFERsoNs text in order to make rs appear TO
have committed one. 1t goes on thus
"Now, will any of the readers Of the Inelgencer who
have been IN the habit Of putting any faith in the
tons of the Inegencer points connected with party po
tcs, believe that in the pery letter which the Intel
gence quotes make these It's charges against
Mr.. Jefferson, he uses the following language
" Their estimated pnLle property in the first place
for actual property has been lawfully Vested in that FORM
and who La,cfuy take from The possessors ?? at an
average OF two hundred dollars cach young and old would
amount to six hundred millions Of dollars, which must be
paid or lost by somebody
"And again, in reference 10 his view OF the working oil
his plan, he adds:
g" In this way uolation Of pirate right is proposed
Voluntary surenders would probably fast the
means 10 be provided for their would be competent
to it,"
/ II our readers will please turn, in Jefferson's
works, to this letter to Jared Sparks February A.
1920 they will that in the first of the FORE
going extracts Mr. JEFFERSON is confuting the plan
of African colonization that he is speaking Of the
I" estimate" in that plan, not his own. This can
escape nobody-not even the editor Of the Union
for Mr.. JEFFERSON had made no estimate for
compensation in his plan he is, in this very
sentence, Directing to the estimate of two hun
dred dollars per head, that it will amount to six
hundred millions, and that somebody must lose it
and, further on, when speaking of his own plan,
ne several times intmates that the masters would
under it, liberate the slaves gratuitously. More
over, let any man read the extract from the Notes
Virginia, and he will see that it affords but one
concusion-namely, that no compensation to the
master was proposed. Indeed, SO poor was the