The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-01-03


is il indeed true, that territory Of twelve and halt
| degrees Of latitude, and extending from the Rocky
mountains 10 the Pacihc-s territory OF hteen hun
bred miles upon thai ocean, measured by the IN
dentatons Of It's shores object so ieonsidsraos!
But, sir vast this territory is, and utterly meal
culabe as is its value TO the United States, the right
constitutes object greater than the territory
ITSELF and would constitute such object, II II
covered but single acre Of soil. The American
people oton the territory. They have right TO IT,
A right which national honor and national Interests
| require them 10 maintain--to maintain the more
inaexibly, the more punetliousy, because 1t is
unjustly and arrogantly disputed by government
whose ambition claims the world, and whose arms
threaten the Independence Of all nations.
| In eonnexion with the hope which the senator
| from Georgia expressed, that further negotiations
might bring this controversy TO an amlcsble ADJUST
ment, he expressly declared that by adopting the
principle Of compromise the basis Of negotiation,
each government had acknowledged the rights Of
each other in the terrtoryi that the government OF
the United States had, therefore, already acknowl
edged that Great Britain had right in the territory
| or 10 some part Of the territory.
| This proposition utterly deny deny that the
proposition of compromise, whether made or accept
ed by the United States, is an acknowledgment Of
any right in Great Britain TO any part of the terrific
| ry proposition TO compromise Acknowledges no
right, no title, principle. IL acknowledges moth
ing but fact Il Acknowledges the fact Of existing
claims not existing rights But the contrary,
the very idea of compromise is negatoD, by
the party who proposes IT, OF the rights Of the party
to whom il is addressed. Did lhe senator ever hear
Of nation poroposing 10 compromise Us rights, or
accepting proposition asking il to compromise its
rights until II had been subdued by arms, and COM
PEELED TO accept the terms offered by its conquer
onl
A claim is one thing, right is another the first is
fact, the second is principle. II a proposition to
compromise were an acknowledgment OF right, that
very acknowledgment would end the controversy,
and leave sublect-matter Of compromise.
No sir; neither by rendering, nor by accepting,
propositions Of compromise, nor by either Of the
two conventions, in any state paper, nor by any
fact argument, has the government Of the United
States acknowledged the right Of Great Britain
to single inch Of earth, or drop Of water upon the
American side OF the Pacific ocean. The conyen-
lions OF eighteen hundred and eighteen and eighteen
hundred and twenty-seven, both guard, by express
language, and in the most explicit terms, against
the possible conclusion that the rights Of either party
were acknowledged, or in any manner affected by
those conventions. The very for those con-
ventions, and for the several propositions since sub
mtted the basis Of neg citations, was that neither
party ,eouid acknowledge the rights Of the other
The senator from Georgia is mistaken, therefore, in
supposing that our government has at any time, or
in any manner, weakened our claim to the whole
territory, abandoned right TO any part Of It,
by express implied acknowledgment Of the in
compatible right Of Great Britain to one Of that
territory.
In connexion with this part of the subject, and
with the suggestions which have been made TO
the possible results Of future negotiations, deem IL
proper to make some observations upon the state OF
the controversy presented in the Presidents
message and the correspondence he has laid before
From these documents, it appears that the present
Executive did submit TO the British government the
proposition which his predecessors had before sub
adj narotlel
as the line OF boundary But, in this proposition,
the President did noi his predecessors had DONE
include concession TO Great Britain OF the joint
! navigation of the Columbia river The proposition
thus submitted was promptly and sternly rejected
by the British minister, in a tone but little milder
than that Of arrogant defiance. IL was then rs
promptly Withdrawn by the President, out In Ian
guage more compatible with the dignity Of diplp-
matte intercourse, and with the calm conscou sness
| Of right This withdrawal was accompanied by an
argumentstive paper addressed by the Secretary Of
Stnte under the directions of the President, to the
British minister, enforcing our claim to the whole
| territory in question, .a- a-
Such is the condition in which this last effort to
negotiate has left the subject. Its whole aspect is
changed. 1t is no longer the same question it was
before. The circumstances under which the last
proposition was made, those which attended its
withdrawal, and the submission OF the whole matter
to Congress, by the President have placed II out of
the power of Great Britain rightfully to complain
out of the power of the world justly TO condemn the
course of our government--and out of the power of
government itself to recede below the parallel of
| $40 40', without receding under cloud.
| The British minister had invited our government
to submit proposition. Our able Secretary of
State, Mr.. Buchanan,l in the name Of the Presi-
dent, accepted this invitation and did accordingly
submit proposition. In the very paper which
closed with that proposition, the Secretary Of State
forth, with great clearness and power the evil
dence of our title to the whole territory In that
paper, he distinctly informed the British minister
that the President entertained the opinion that our
title TO the whole territory clear and perfect.
That "such being the opinion of the President in
regard to the title of the United States he ,couH moi
hare consented 10 yield any portion of the Oregon terri
tory, had he not found himself embarrassed, if not
committed, by the acts Of his predecessors" These
things the British minister knew when he received
the proposition, because they had been officially
communicated to him, with the proposition itself
He knew that the proposition was made against the
individual judgment and feelings Of the President
as to our title. He knew that the President had
submitted the proposition, under circumstances
which he felt to impose some restraint upon the
freedom Of his own Judgment The Secretary OF
State had expressly told the British minister that
the President apouid moi hare submitted the PROPOSE
4 ton had he been freed from the embarrassment
which the acts of his predecessors had imposed
| upon him. The British minister knew, therefore,
what must follow the rejection of the proposition
made under these circumstances He knew that if he
did reject the propositions that very rejection would
Of Itself, and by necessary consequence free the
President from the embarrasaments under which
the proposition had been made, compel him to
withdraw the proposition, and to resume the posi-
ton which his now unenibdrrasssd judgment dictated
as being necessary to the preservation of the rights
+ and honor Of his country. With a knowledge OF
those consequences, the British minister did, prompt
y, sternly, and Extensively reject the proposition
, without submitting another in its stead without
even word OF explanation calculated to soften the
harshness OF the act but, the contrary in man
ner Indicative of his final purpose to close forever
I the door of negotiation. With his government
therefore, must rest the responsibility Of all succeed
ing Consequences
Inc PRESIDENT IL a man pre-eminenty endowed
with those qualities which render public man mos
valuable 70 his country-integrity Of purpose ant
strength OF will, sustained by clear, comprehensive
practical sense. He felt and he appreciated III,
circumstances under which the first nation in III,
world had placed him in the first Office the world
had TO give. He was aware that some Of his coun