The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-07-25

seen that more than one-haf Of them were es'ao, |
Iished after the adoption OF the compromise act, !
recolleet that IN Virginia most oi INC io0'oS
were started after that time.
With what face, then, can persons ehsaseu
in those establishments come before the nauon
and insist that they will be wronged oy the OIL
before the committee, which gives from 70
~ perl cent higher protection hah Ihey 1ouiu
have calculated upon when lhey went unto 'He ouS'-
nessi r."t .Ha.
Notwithstanding all this, we viii have regular
manic got 10. But no one can be disappointed al
Ibis. When did privilege ever surrender Its adj
yanages without complaint We have had hne COM
menaIy UPON this subject in the history OF tho re
cent commercial legislation of Great Britain. The
Right Hon w. Z. Gladstone, In his late very able
review Of this subject, says;
NEARLY one hundred and fty questions discussed
between nc and @ .GIoSs M
In the law and twenty six divisions were taken
IN the House Of Commons, many OF which however,
NE Government" some hs ssys Kicked and plunged
vigorously, but in vain and some made ~ their minds
thought the sscrhee required ofthem great and many
more who thought their duty under the distressed cir
must been alike surprised 10 discover by subsequent
experience In how many cases the mountain has SIMPLY
~ ofold, Produceda mouse"
He gives many instances where persons proved,
changes proposed would ruin them, who afterwards
admitted that they either had not been affected al ALL
or bene6caIly. And in this country j have no
doubt the better market at home that the increased
prosperity which will result FROM greater freedom
of commerce will produce, viii more than compen-
safe them for the protection which will be with
drawn Greater prosperity in the agricultural a1d
cnm msrei.l pursuits always has, and always VIII,
add greatly TO the consumption OF Manufactured
articles. ' ..
II there are any manufactures which cannot exist
with the rate Of protection which this bill will give
them IL shows that the country is not ripe for them
and il must be bad policy 10 force them, by egsla
lion into premature existence
The manufacturers even under the revenue bill
propose will enjoy ADVANTAGE ~asG no other
But we do insist that the undue protection shall be
| Withdrawn which burdens every other interest.
That they have received this undue protection a
simple fact will prove Professor Tucker, by cal
culation based upon the census, endorsed by Mr..
Ryes in his speech in 1914, shows that the average
decimal increase Of wealth IN the last fifty years in
the various branches of industry have been about
50 per cent while the increase of anufacures for
each term Of years since 1890 has been at the ex-
traordinay OF 2S4 per cent No one VIII pretend
that we are naturally well suited for manufacturing
pursuits as we for agricultural and commercial
Our cheap lands, fertile soil, genial and healthy
climate ali fl admirably for agriculture and the
many articles produced IN II, which are IN de-
mand in every quarter Of the globe, together with
the cheapness with which vessels can be built and
give US great commercial advantages, and
vet the manufactures have greatly outstnpped both
How is this to be accounted for upon any other sup
position than that the latter pursuit has received
undue legislative protection' This is what wish
TO withdraw. We think there Is particular congo
niality between agricultural and Its sister CONNER
cal pursuits and republican institutions. And we
we have seen nothing in the character OF manuiac-
turing population elsewhere TO tempt us TO force Il
| into premature existence here. In the dispersed
| population engaged in agriculture and commerce,
you have no such facilities and inducements TO mobs
combinations, and crime, as you have in your
crowded manufacturing towns. They ought not
| to be sought things to be desired, but submitted
to as necessity, growing out Of dense popula-
ton not otherwise TO be employed. There is a
/ simple test which every apply for himself,
to determine whether il is desirable to entice our
people into manufacturing pursuits, when they can
/ be we'll employed in agriculture and commerce.
What father or mother would prefer to his or her
son or daughter put to work IN manufacturing town,
| with its hot and impure atmosphere, both moral
and physical, to beng employed in navigation,
ploughng the majestic ocean, or engaged in the
| peaceful and healthful occupation Of the farm
| What is desirable for one must be 30 for all.
| 1 confess my sohctude for the success Of this bill
1 il very great. Not that thiRk our final triumph
can long be delayed. Our triumph is certain; the
| only qaeston il one of time. Other nations are
throwing of the commercial shackes, the growth OF
! centuries and we must follow. IL il true, in the
removal of these RESTRICTIONS by other nations,
which, when they existed were made pretext for
inventng similar ones, our tarAites find new argu-
ments for protection. Before England established
the corn-laws, we were asked, will you take her
manufactures when she will not take provisions
Let her repeal her corn-laws, and we viii remove
| the duties from her manufactures But she no
sooner does il than are told, England has grown
| rich by restriction and now she wishes TO grow
richer by casting it away. Whether she relaxes
| or not, we are alike to be memorable. When she
maintains the restrictions she finds in existence, we
| use her conduct as the apology for nyenting new
ones. When she removes such restraints we per-
ceive only deeper plan for bringing about ruin
| by cheap productions, which requires of US still
| more mperiously the multiplication Of our repres.
sve and prohibitory enactments! All this will not
do; the days of the restrictive policy numbered
1t may drag out a sicky existence for a brief Pc
Rod, bu, it will pass away, only to be remembered
for its folly.