Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1846-01-23

propose to make the law the other way, that
no white children should be educated out of
the public fund, that the doors Of the district
school should be open only to children of col
or, the numerous expounders of the conslilu-
ton. in this House, would all start up in a.
iarm, they would all open their mouths at
ono 10 pronounce such ii law uncons. tuition
al and void. And yet, would not the Legis-
lature have the same right to enact such alaw
in the one case as well as in the other!
IT, view of the utter Inconsistency of the
laws in question, with the provisions and
spirit of the constitution, II is 10 us a matter
of wonder and establishment, that any law
makers, protesting 10 be governed by the
principles of that instrument, could ever give
their sanction to the enactment of such laws.
But there is another thing equally wonderful
and amazing, and that is, that men should
now be found in our Legislative body, obSti-
nately bent in persevering in the support of
such laws, and refusing TO lend their aid in
their repeal.
The committee are irresistibly brought to
the conclusions, that the laws under discus
sion are contrary TO the letter AMI spirit OF the
constitution, aud should therefore be repeal
ed without delay.
We shall now consider the subject under
our second proposition, that the laws in ques-
ton are opposed to a sound and enlightened
public policy.
1t is always a bad policy in any govern
nont to enact, and continue in force, an un-
just law and peculiarly so in a government
like our own, where, to insure regard and eff
icicncy to our laws, we are wholly dCpen-
dent on the moral sense and power OF the peo-
pie. Whatever support men may give to
such laws for the time heing, from interested
or mercenary motives, the government which
enacts them is sure to fail into contempt
with the people at largr, and in the eye1 OF
the world. And there is no Disgusting the
fact, that the existence of the black laws On
the statue book of our State. is disgrdCing
the government in the eyes of our citizens,
and weakening the authority Of all ouI legiS-
lation. And who is benefited by such med
suresl Does the white portion Of our COM
munily derive any advantages from denying
to the blacks a participation in those prlvile-
yes secured by our organic laws, to every
in!abitant of the State. We trow not. Ca
ses are Of frequent occurrence in which we
need the aid of colored persons as witnesses,
in deciding controversies between one white
man and another, and in bringing white often
derS against the State to justice.
The least degree of reflection must con-
vince every one that the ends of Justice must
often fail of being accomplished, unless eve
ry person is allowed to give evidence, in any
court, who is capable of understanding the nl-
ture and obligation Of an oath, and who has
honesty enough to tell the truth, let the
~tincture Of his skin be what it will.
do we find recorded in history a single in
stance where evils have resulted to any com
munity, by reason Of extending to all its
people equality of political privilege. 1t re-
quires no laboTed argument to show that the
education, aud the consequent elevation Of
the colored people Of our State, will increase
the whole amount of intelligence, and eX
tend more widely the moral influence Of the
people.
But it is objected, "that the children of the
two races cannot be educated together in the
same school, that they will not stand in the
same classes, nor associate in the study of
the same lessons" We reply, that all this
has becn done in other Sta.es, and amongst
people quite as refined and intelligent as our
own, and We hear Of no evils arising there
from. We deem all such prejudices unre.-
souable, and therefore trust they would not
be Of long continuance, but while they exist
they can he no excuse for injustice.
Admitting that this kind Of prejudice is
now so inveterdte in some parts of our State,
that white and colored children could not be
associated in the same school, still this is no
good reason why we should deprive the lat
ter Of their just right in the public fund
Some other arrangement might be made, ny
which injustice might be avoided. And it
is believed the provisions of our school law,
as it now stands, would aitrl an adequate
remedy for this difficulty. The directors Of
each school district are authorized to eStab-
llsh such number OF schools, and employ
such teachers, and TO divide of the scholars,
assigning such number and grade to each
teacher as they may think proper.
But we are met with another objection, at
is said TO be in vain to attempt 10 elevate
the moral and Intellectual condition Of the
colored rAce"-"that the blacks have Il great
er share Of depravity"-'that they are more
addicted to vice"-'that the records of crime
show a trlglttul disproportion in the number
of black and white offenders" Admit this
assertion to be true, and does it not afford
the strongest evidence that our whole system
Of treatment towards that race is wrong, and
attended with the worst eifec S, and that it
is high time to change the whole course of
our policy In relation to theml
What evidence have we that the negro
race is worse by nature than any other por-
ton of the human family! On the contrary,
we have the testimony of every intelligent
traveller who has visited them in their native
wilds of Africa, that this race is the most
mild and inofenslve of all the uncivilized
tribes on the face of the earth. What other
portion of the human family, with the same
kind OF treatment, oppressed and down-trod
den, denied the right and privileges of men,
as the negroes have been in this country,
would have made Improvements in know!-
edge or virtue than theyl Like the tyrant
of Egypt, we have been requiring bricks
without straw. Nomln has any right to say