The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-09
THE DAILY UNION.

all other amounts settled at the Treasury Depart
mont NAT ceruhcste he must give, and he Is re-
sPoosibe nor Il, as have always held myself re-
sPonslpe 20 me country for all time, so long al
; i've, Tor the expenditures OF thst money.
And here take occasion 10 say that differ with
the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. BArLY, I and, |
believe, other gentlemen who have stated that the
DAY OF Impeachment has passed, by the eonsttu-
: aon, IRON tho moment the public Office expires. |
hold no such doctrine. hold myself, so long as
have the breath Of life in my body amenabe 70 inn
parchment by this House for everything | did
during the time held any public Office.
Mr. bAfLf. ls not the Judgment, in case OF
Impeachment, removal from Office
} Mr, ADAMS. find disqualification 10 hold any
) once OF honor, trust, profit under the United
States for ever aferwsrds-a punishment much
greater In my opinion than removal from Office Ii
Shnss 10 man as long as he lives and IL any pub
nc omcer ever put himself in position be tr ed
oy impeachment, he would have very little Of my
gooa opinion, II he did not think disqualification
IRON holding Office for life a more severe punish
mens than mere removal from Office. ] hold,
therefore, that every President of the United
states, every Secretary Of State, every officer i'm
Pesehable by the laws Of the country is as liable
twenty years after his Office has expired az no is
whist ne continues In ONCE; and if such is rot the
case, u an officer could thus ward of the pains Of
Impeachment, what would be the value Of the pro-
| vision, or when do you suppose discoveries would
DC made that would render Impeachment effectuaR
speak with reference 10 the provisions ofthe eonsti
lauon and 10 the great object contemplated by these
provisions; and now say that IL one tenth Of the
charges against the person who is here attacked are
4 uue, impeachment, in nay humble judgment, is
4 the cou<se which ought 10 be pursued br this
house and that in that process Of Impeachment the
usual requisites Of justice to every charged with
heinous crimes and misdemeanors should be COM
piled with that the accused should have notice Of
i me impeachment that he should have notice Of the
| evidence TO be brought against him; chat he may
have the means Of defence before the bar Of this
House, and that he may not be reached by side-
blows by applications for what may be dragged up
| out OF the Department OF State, when he was In
that ONCE, TO njure him in the public mind proba-
bly, for services fthe first importance to the coun-
Try.
| As 10 other parts OF the resolution, calling for
copies OF papers in relation TO fee probably paid
TO alawyer in the defence ofa on trial in the
State Of New York. or other things, documents
which may possibly bring up the broken ruins Of
conflict between the government of the United States
and the governor OF the State Of New York at that
time, matters which believe had much better be
suffered TO slumber as they have done for many
| years past, when connected with the charge OF
corruption, should be very reluctant TO give my
vote for such a call As To the negotiation
on the Ashbursn treaty, | have no doubt
that there were transactions passed between the
proper departments, some parts Of which may be
brought To light by call on the Department OF
State But If the secret features Of that negotaran
are be called for and laid before the House. ex-
pect you will have calls for information, OF which
/ you will find no trace in the Department Of State
and which will implicate so far perhaps as even to
expose TO the chance Of public eensure those by no
no means included in the resolutions. There is
probably much secret history connected with that
negotiation and that treaty, which believe IL you'd
be quite well to suffer to pass into oblivion. But
if they are TO be brought forth, shall vote that
all may be brought forth, and then | think we shall
hay m ofha
besides the Secretary Of State.
So far concerns the charge OF corruption against
a senator Of the United States from my own imme-
diate commonwealth man highly honored by his
fellow citizens not only for the services rendered in
the negotiation Of that treaty, but for many other
public services Of the first importance, I, for my
part, have objection to call for anything in the
Department Of State, because it is my full belief
that any thing which is ELECTED by that inquiry will
operate far more to Justify him, than TO sustain
any charges against him. But, repeat, il this call
Is to be made as to the employment Of the secret
service money, in the Of that negotiation il
must be made not on the Department Of State, but
upon the President Of the United States The pres
President think il extrsnely probable though
! II may not be 20, will say that he knows no more
about the application Of the service money at
that time than this House knows. Therefore the
information requested cannot be furnished. And i'll
the call is made upon the Department, then say
will not the purposes because il is the Pres
ident's order which is 10 inquired into and not
| anything that necessarily passes through the De-
partment Of State. II Mr.. WEBSTER employed one
dollar either to send express to New York, or
to pay the district attorney TO conduct the defence
Of Mcleod, or for any other purpose, he could
not have done 80 without order from the Presi-
dent for which the President and not the Secretary
Of State, is responsible IT. therefore, the gentle
man from Pennsylvania will come forward with an
avowal that it is his purpose to impeach Mr.. Ty-
Ter as President of the United States and that he
inf that bay. oh
lection.
Mr.. ING ERSOLL was here understood to say
Though the reporter only conjec,ures; that is dis.
tinct resolution.
Mr.. ADAMS. Well, if that is a distinct resolu-
tion the call ID proper upon the President to fur
nish copies of the papers Gas understand it. in the
Department of State in relation to the negotiation of
the Ashburtor treaty. |
| Mr.. lNGERSOLL. 1t is not for that.
Mr.. ADAMS. Well then, cannot see for what
| lawful purpose it is. cannot vote for it. | am
willing to call on the Department of State for any
thing there, whether the negotiation of the Ash
burton treaty, in relation to the proceedings the
case of Mcleod or for the correspondence with the
governor of New York. There was undoubtedly, |
| as well knew at the time, a correspondence be- |
tween the Department Of State, under the order Of
Mr.. Tyler, and the governor of New York; and ! |
do not know but what we shall hear Of it in |
due time as casting, in the opinion of many per-
sons, some censure the administration Of that
lision of serious and dangerous nature be.
tween the administration of the United States
and the governor of New York, at a time
when an intimate friend Of mine, one Of the best
men in the world, Mr.. Seward, was governor; and
| think it possible that in that correspondence
which is called for here, it will be seen that there
different views entertained by Mr.. Tyler, the
head of the administration, (although communicated
through the Department of State,) and Governor
Seward. One Of the most unfortunate circum-
stances attending the then state Of things was this
very collision between the general government-and
the government Of New York: and it point
upon which I was infinitely more apprehensive than
was to the difficulty with Great Britain. Now,
it is we'll known that the gentleman from Pennsyl-
vania was very much dissatisfied with the negotia-
ton Of that treaty. 1t is we'll known for he said
here, time and time again, that he wanted to take
the sense of the House upon it, and he once said
that the ratification of the treaty depended this
House.
Mr.. lNGERS0LL. And the proposition was
| do., hui ho