Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1846-02-06
THE E QUESTION.

10 make a few extracts for the benefit Oh our iea-
ders. II contends that the present Administrator
"~aclually did take The first decided step t0rwa1A III
The mauern-and that this alone induced Great
Britain 10 "begin 10 think il worth while 10 setue
The matter" Referring TO the new and pacihc-
hooking tone of the London Times, the Union
says: -,
nWe insist. moreover, that this is he pery fra
Indication, clear or faint, that England mas ever
shown of anu. tie slishtest, disposition or design
IN senLe The matter al all. Every man knows
,ha, through her whole negotiation game, up TO
ISa5 ENGLAND has PLAYED shy-we do not choose
~ saw olaued false. Her offers to us, one and all,
have been simply diplomacy turned into farce tor
International amusement. The President atlenSth
brings the Oregon dispute before Congress, ana
then. while one cabinet alter anotner goes 70
nieces in England, in face of the 'daaty.bread' ques-
lion the British press really begins, at the eleventh
hour. 10 nav US The respect of talking seriously
about Oregon.
"a nd then what course OF action is proposed
among ourselves Why, the Senate, and the
Honse. and The country, are urged, in rieD Of his
change. and because OF This change, to oppose, and
thwart, and cripple, and cut short The policy OF
the Executive, chieh clone produced This change.
Because, by having put our foot forward for The
first time, we have brought our opponent to think
| oil OUe[lU0 Us llCtuIb pOhtO tuoI hG v OlCi
ed rs before, therefore we must draw our foot
back again as quickly and as quietly as possible,
and so place ourselves in The very position We
have stood in for twenty.seven years, without
getting anything that ought 10 be called the ghost
of an offer; and We must so draw back for the
sake OF settling The question!
"Fancy Richard Roe acting in that style in his
controversy with John Doe. Richard haggles in
private with John for a quarter ola century or SO,
taking great pains, and making offer after offer,
really wanting the dispute sellled. John plays
oG, negociaies, but makes no serious ofier-is
willing TO talk, but prefers decidedly not 10 say
anything. Then Richard, seeing thatthus far he
has taken nothing by his motion, begins to think,
in earnest, of going 10 Ian on the m~alter-draws
up his statement OF facts for the la wyers, and asks
them 10 serve John with a notice to quit; there
upon. John sends word 10 Richard-'Well, since
uou are so much III earnest, l think we may as well
iry and settle on your last offer but two; better do
that than go into court And then poor Richard
is demented enough 10 stay all his proceedings at
once, and say in return, oh never mind | was
only in fun! / don't think of going 10 law! Ishan't
serve the notice on you-let usharc some more long
talks, lust as noe had bcforer The books tell US OF
a few of Richards i%ollies; but has he ever been
made, by the most ~resolute devotee ofthe common
law, TO do anything worse than this2
"Now, if in view OF the last news, we send
back to England BY III next steamer, that we do
not mean 10 give the notice, nor build any more
steamers, nor pass an Oregon bill, nor take any
of The steps in maintenance OF our rights which
The President recommendations, we ask, does
our cause differ from poor Richard Roe's II
we do thus place ourselves in this wretched plight,
will it be any the less a folly in US, because We
look big, call ourselves Jonathan, and have 10 do
with John Bull?
"We address this argument and illustration,
be il observed, 10 those presses and those States
men who are saying: The last news is so paci-
Gc Nop, We shall get along very well without
the notice' We say it is the prospect and e1pec-
,ation of the notice, and of the other measures BY
which The President advises that the notice be
followed up, that hare alone produced The present
pacific tone in England. Is there any doubt OF
this2
sand now that he has succeeded in bringing
England 10 a serious consideration Of our rights,
we are advised 10 relax his course OF policy, 10
abandon the notice, TO finch from the manly as
sertion of our rights, and TO fold our arms in the
very crisis of the question. Because The Presi-
dents message has SO tar worked well, therefore
we must abandon its position. We should re-
linQuish our preparations, too, in consequence oil
The very false logic which is a1oat in our streets
and in our wigwams. We are TO have peace,
and no war-and, therefore, why should We pre-
pare for war; Now, it turns ont that the naval
preparations which the President recommends,
in the shape Of an enlarged system of steamers,
will be always q wise policy, whether We
are TO have peace or war. In peace prepare
Certainly TO some extent) for war; But ini ad-
dition to this consideration, we have 10 r~ecollect,
that though peace may be more probable than
war with England, yet We canno, be certain OF it.
What is certain, is that the probabilities for peace
are increased BY our being better prepared for war.
Without the proper preparations, we may be
placed in such a position as 10 be provoked 10
war; whereas some preparation, OF which England
has no right 10 complain in The midst Of her own
arrangements, and in simple imitation OF her own
policy, may really assist in keeping the peace OF
the two nations. We go, therefore, for the mea-
sures OF The message as our shield and our safety.
We go for emigration, and all the measures
which may facilitate and promote il. We go for
extending our jurisdiction, post office, and Indian
agency, over our counirymen beyond the Rocky
mountains. We 90 also for an adequate system
OF preparations"
In treating with nations, we should be govern
ed by The same rules as In our daily intercourse
with individuals. Would it be wise in a man TO
change his firm yet moderate position, because il
is evident that such a course has succeeded in in
ducing a peaceful and permanent settlement of
the controversy So in The Oregon question:
The last news inform US, that the measures re-
commended by the President have been we'll re-
ceived-and have produced a favorable effect in
bringing Great Britain TO a serious reflection as
to the pacific adjustment Of our difficulties. Were
We now to reverse our policy, which has worked
SO we'll, we have great fears that il might peril the
present peaceful state Of affairs. For the sake OF
peace, then, we repeat, we hope that Congress
will support the President, pass the %"notice," and
settle the question now and forever.
The New Orleans Picayune iudulges in some
amusing speeulalions as TO the real objec! Of the
present mission Of Capt Elliott 10 Texas; viii
Their he had vowed upon mis- "white hat" never 10
return-if he could help it. "He has lost the
chase; why whip him in after The death7" Seve-
raj reasons are assigned for his extraordinary Vi
sit. One account is, that he has gone 10 Texas
to make a last protest against annexation. An
other states, that the lodging Captain is instruct
ed to protest against the extension Of the revenue
laws Of The United Stales,over Texas ill the e1
piration Of a treaty which has some years yet 10
run, between Great Britain and Texas, Tin her
sovereign characler) in which certain CONNER
cial and other advantages are secured to the for
mer. But, as the Picayune Justly remarks, Tex.
as.is now an integral portion of our Contedera-
cy, and If Great Britain has any complaint 10
make at The extension of our revenue laws over
Texas, she should make it against our Congress
and The Union. This appeal 10 an individual
member OF the Republic from the action Of the
whole Union, may well be considered as SAVIOUR
ing of imperiinent interference. But in such
wild-goose expeditions Capt. Elliott has always
been engaeed-and is ever doomed 10 defeat
The Picayune graphically says Of him, NE is a
kind Of locomotive diplomatic bankrupt ADJ
Whatever his present object may be, he is doubt
less bent upon some mischief. But he is so well
known, that he does not even require to be watch