The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-25

charity 10 believe that Great Britain has no desirs
for war, and will not resort TO it upon mere
ainnsy psefsxts Whsnf speak Of charity, 1 do not
mean that slntod, sssasvms thing which eynees IL
self in giving aims To the poor. speak Of great
feeling faaiioss brotherhood Of great principle
Of civilization and humanity--lhst great feeling Of
allied 70 faith and hope and - said 70 be greater than
eitkes IN thetwe nations are under the influence
Of lhls iseling, andI beioss they are, war cannot
come OF this Question. N h5scln Et..'
10 But even should 4 be mistaken in all my antici-
pations in regard to the final result of this ques-
uon, there is one thing AZ which cannot be mis-
takenj and that is, that the responsibility or the
blame or this war cannot attach 10 the present ad=
Authorization of the government Of the United States
Pubic opinion in this country al least, Is divided
between ago and $40 4O, Much the larger portion
Of the people and Of their public servants, believe
that the American tide Is good 70 $40 4V. But the
President in spirit Of cornpromise, offers to settle
the long pssdiag controversy at ~ and senators on
the other side say that they are willing and ready, It
necessary, TO fight for ago H. therefore, war comes
the responsibility win be on Great Britain, and great
VIII that responsibility be. The President will, at
least enjoy the reflection that war q nnot with pro-
priety, "shske her CORY locks a. him.
d But IL is said that, although he President was
right in offering 49o, he was wrong in Withdrawing
il. do not think So Something is due 10 the
dignity Of nations; and for one shall always in
sist that the government OF my own country shall
no, be unmindfulof a. fthink the President was
porinesy right in Withdrawing the proposition after
IL was rejected And II my views could prevail
that offer would never, never be renewed by the
government OF Tine United Ssstes. There is point,
up 70 which concession Sa virtue; but beyond
which Il Is Humiliation and degradation. This whole
doctrine Of eompromise has been misunderstood
or at least mssts,ed. effrswo parties are ntigsting
any subject matter, and oas of them offers TO con-
cede part in order 70 Astls ~ and the other refuse
liz the rights OF the party offering are not at all at
fected by il. Thia y ths gaieof law, reason, and
morality Neither can AZ all CONCUR in the opinion
HAYwooD, that 4 the proposition 20 ''eompromise
at ago should be- made BY the British government,
the President would be bound 10 honor 10 accept IT,"
Not at all II that proposition should be returned
by the British government Il wiif present question
of sxpedieney merely There viii DO no obligation,
either Of honor or morsliry; bat the government Of
the United States will be al full and perfect liberty
20 ask itself the simple question what 10 best tn be
done' And she can answer that question either
way, without furnishing her honor, or violating any
principle of moraltyj neither Of which, have any
fear, will ever be done by the present adminisra-
| ton, Boz rirua bod i.,U f-Is 'gI .|...
| come now to the particular form of the notice. 1
prefer simple, naked notice; not only because the
Committee on Foreign Relations the constituted or
| gan Of this body, has recommended that form, but
because IL Is, in my Judgment, most proper This
10 business transacton --imporant, to be sure, but
40 much the better reason why IL should be plain,
direct unequTocaL Next 70 the report Of the Com
mtiee on Foreign Relations, prefer the resolutions
from the House OF Reprcsontatyes not only because
they are proper in themselves, but in consideration
Of the vast and overwhelming majority by which
they passed through that great citadel Of freedom
the representatives of the people For the PROPOSE
ton Of the senator from Georgia tMr. CoLaUIrrl |
cannot vote. Afer what has taken place in the pro-
gress of this negotiation viii vote for s,thng that
has the word compsomise in IT, II we 100 90 be I'M
able to carry the report Of tho Commtta9,n Foreign
Relations, or the House resolutions, will vote for
whatever consistently With the honor and the inter
est Of the country, may be most acceptable to the
Il Senate Unanimy, with me, il great object This
| Is no party question. IL 10 purely national | will
therefore act with those, OF whatever party, who
cording to my views, insist most strenuously upon
the honor and the interest Of the country. will not
knowingly sacrifice particle Of the one, and shall
be very sparng in urrendsrihg any portion Of the
/ other. -. II ,...t. ,..st.r
| L have stated the main reasons why am in IA
vor Of giving the notice. There is one other of
general nature, Is one Of those great questions
OF general nature, in which the people of the
country havea common interest," and am anxious
70 have II disposed Of. y In addition to that, l am
tby this as was by another great question: look
upon Of the inevitable steps in the progress
of our destiny a. a nation. know that some SEN
II
4 most appFoachlag n1ioAAIs. For one, see, or at
least think see the hsnd Of destiny in the career
of individuals and Of nations. Towards the COM
pletion Of that destiny in which, under Providence
we are humble Instruments, frankly confess that
have looked forward with hope and exultation, az
TO the time when the tree Of liberty planted by the
labor and waered by the blood Of the heroes Of the
revolution, should be seen throwing its luxuriant
branches across the majestic heights Of the Rocky
MOUNTAINS; and when the oppressed and the down.
rodden q the 2atohs who haye 20 long sat in Polit-
ical darkness should be seen focking in crowds to
the shores Of the Pacific, and finding peace, and
curity and protection, and all the blessings Of regu
lated liberty, the trial by jury, freedom Of con-
science and ofspeech the writ of habeas corpus, and
the freedom Of The press, and, above all, that great
distinctive feature Of freedom, the right Of suffrage
and eligibility to Office, beneath the shade Of its pro-
tecting boughs. have no fears with respect to the
perpetnity Of our institutions. My deliberate opin-
ion Isl that, if we should retain sufficient amount
Of public virtue TO cntitle us TO that portion of
| the Divine protection which we have heretofore
enjoyed the United States are destined by their ex-
| ample, to give freedom to the world.
Mr.. President, il is not to be disguised that
entering on new era IN our history as nation.
From handful Of feeble and oppressed coonists,
amounting to less than three millions, we have, in
less than three. quarters of century, risen to TWEEN
,y millions of inhabitants, blessed with every vare
ty Of climate, and SOIL for its extent the most fer
tile and productive on which the sun has ever shone.
1 Numerous rivers ron their ceaseless tributes to
the ocean through every section Of our extensive
country, bearing on their bosoms the products
ofour diversified labor, where vigorous and healthy
| commercial marine is ready to transport them
abroad, and bearing back in return the productions
Of every part ofthe habitable globe. Education, and
the arts and sciences, unfolding to the hidden
treasures, and all the mysteries Of nature A free
government and religious federation make up the
sum Of our political prosperity and greatness. We
sand upon ennence, where the eyes Of the ma
nons are directed toward VS. Il becomes US, then, to
pursue such course in our transactions with the
rest of mankind, AZ may promote the fulflment of
our destiny as nhtioh. This can only be done by
d firm and rigid adherence 10 the eternal principles
Of justice. Ard conclude with the expression of
the fervent hope, my a. we hnay sdIudge and de-
we appear at the awful bar of that tremendous
tribunal where the accounts ofindividuas and Of
nations are finally settled, and where the record
.lA