The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1846-10-22

) ConSummatlOn. And her regrets unuef I'll
calamitics which have followed the deed c
. wrong, may be aileviated by the reflection
that they are not Of her own procuring.
There is, no viewer, no occasion to dcspal
: for future efforts. Iu the lessons of wisdom
= which the past may have impressed, and il
= the gradual progress of enlightened view
t and just sentiments in regard to the intrinsic
wrong OF slavery and its unworthiness of
rank among the interests Of the nation, W,
may see far presagcs, for the future, of NOR,
auspicious results.
Among the recent measures Of the genera
government, Vermont cannot but deeply fee
that OF the overthrow Of that system of pro
tective policy under which she had been en-
loying such unwontcd prosperity. This mus
be regarded as one Of the bitter results of thai
addition already spoken of, which has beer
made to a pollcal power in the government
which we must expect will ever be hostile to
the in;eres $ of free labor. But Vermont can
not see her interests crushed and her prosper
ity stayed, without uttering her clear and
deep-toned condemnation of the ruinous pol
icy under which her prospects are thus blight
ed. She has insisted, and will sill insis upon
protection, as a true and correct system of
national policy. Her convictions both in re-
lgard to lis utility, and the obligations of the
government to yield to her its benefits, have
been too clear to allow her to be shaken in
her belief, or frightened into quiet submission
by a distinct and open reputation OF the pro-
%tectivc principle.
In regard to the advantages of the system,
no proposition, it would seem, could be more
clear and palpable than that the nation which
protects the labor of its own population, which
fosters and encourages its own industry in all
its various pursuits, and aims in its whole pol
icy to secure so far as pra tisab!e, the produc-
ton, within its W limits, OF every article re-
qnisite for the supply Of its wants, will be like.
ly to increase in wealth, and its attendant
means of enjoyment more rapidly than one
which colby turns away from its own indus
trial pursuits, Withholding its fostering care,
and pursuing a course OF policy rather calcu-
lated to stimulate the industry of other coun-
tries, by opening to them u market in which
all restrictions against a %ruinous competition
have been removed. No doubt could he well
enter:ii ned in regard to the result. And in
consideration of the large proportionate a.
mount OF the products of a nations labor
which is required for immediate consumption,
the effect OF adding, by such encouragement,
but a fraction to the ordinary amount of that
labor, Is to add to its surplus products, and to
increase a nations wealth in the shape of per-
mancnt Improvements and accumulated
means of ministering to the higher wants, in
a much greater proportion than at a hasty
glance wohld be apparent.
But no argument or theory could be need
ed when we have such ample evidence upon
the point In our experience under the pro-
tective tariff of 1912. A general prosperity
fnf,rn unknoup how, oU;L;t, ;t,,If ,-l 49,
serts, in unequivocal language, the wisdom and
Under it, industry has been reap
ing, in every department of labor. IL compe-
tent and sure reward for her tolls and an in
crease Of the comforts of life among all class.
es has been so palpab!y and so universally APP
parent that the least observant could not fail
to perceive it, nor could the hardest dare to
deny its reality. And why has a blight been
w~antonly thrown over this cheerful and graf
flying prospect?
To deny to the Congress of the U. States
Inc right, in levying duties upon imports, to
discriminate in the adjustment of those du-
les, for the specific and distinct purpose Of
protecting such useful branches of industry
Is may require this protection, in order to en-
ure their prosperity, is not only to deny to it
: iS'S nav III A-IlCIlI, Dlb W |
~epuliate one of the leading purposes and
.nds for which the confederacy was formed,
md to discharge it from one Of its highest and
most sacred obligations. Vermont will de-
lounce the doctrine wherever she meets it,
hat any government in which she is concern
vas instituted to provide for its own wants,
the interests Of the people were to be
egarded as beyond the scope of its purposes.
indeed, the heretical proposition bears upon
face the stamp of its own absurditv. Yet
his regard for the industrial Interests of the
ountry, which we ask of the government, is
II no practical shape Incompatible with a pro-
'ision for its own distinct wants. We are
ontcnt that Congress should impose such an
mount Of duties, and such only, as will raise
sufficient revenue to meet the expenditures
t the general government, while we insist
hat determinations be made for the distinct
nd prominent purpose Of granting protection
wherever it is needed. Let the relative
Gale of duties be fixed in accordance with
his principle, and the absolute rate we cheer
ully leave to be determined by the necessities
# the case.
The rejoicing, in foreign lands, which has
'een elected under the assumption that
henceforth the principle of duties for protec-
lOil must DS NOllSiNlCICu tc dDdtltlDlCu Ill IIc
United States" is not without sufficient &C.
aston, ii this abandonment is, in truth, des-
med to be perpetual. Under it, we suren-
Ter to be shared with other nations, no small
'ortion Of the benefits justly a%ccruing to us
rom the industrious and cntcrprising habits
t our population dividing the fruits of Il
oil which in the Otherwise favorable circ UNI
tances under which it is bestowed, ought to
uisn re ohnyn tba common LOT of h,,p,n;t, -,
enjoyment Of the comforts and blessings
life.
1t cannot however be supposed, that those
Who advocate and sustain the free trade pol
cy, contemplate this ra5ult as a primary and
lirect object of pursuit. But the important
consideration that this policy benefits other
ands at the expense of our own, is overlook
ID by the supporters Of the system in their
.al.nu.I -lu.Ina- -