The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-07-03

ing The world for lis empire and governed by the sell
executing laws Of equality and justice, which ar
founded In nature, and expounded by experience
Bat h was not until after centuries of error an
hard earned experience that this theory has bee
reduced TO practice IN the country Of its origin
was reserved for the present day, and England
master statesman since the days of Chatham, to ia
iroduee these principles into the legislation of hi
country IN opposition TO most powerful vested in
.erests and at the sacrifice OF his preconceved opin
IONS OF long cherished party attachments, and, i
may be, ofpower and place itself
Ihls wonderful revolution in the British CONNER
cial system Is triumph achieved by experience al
ter reason had failed. The great minister reste,
ms Justification Of the change, not on thereteal rea
soning, but upon the experience Of his own eoun
Try, and the practical results Of his own system a.
tar as It bad been developed. To this he might vel
have added the experience of this country, and o
others. IL any man II tins House were called up
on TO point out the proyision IN our constitution
which, next 20 the Impulse given by free inst
tuuons, had ministered most TO our growth an,
prosperity, he would doubtless select that winch es
tabshes perfect freedom Of Intercourse and trad,
between the States Of this c5nfederaey Herr, sur
are 10 be found the indissofubie bonds Of our con
federacy, and the true secret Of our wonderful pro
gress. Suppose the case that each State had re
NAMED free, separate, and independent en-.
joying peace at home and abroad and hedgeC
around by restrictive or protective sys
present, whether, in his opinion, the sum tota
OF the wealth Of all the States would have beea a.
great as t now iS 1 think, sir, | hazard little In
yenturing the assertion, that no one would answer
IN the affirmative. II this be So what Is Il but
perenee Of the most positive character in favor OF
the vast and lnestmabie blessings OF free trade'-
our own experience In this respect is by no means
an isolated instance. We see in the customs union
of Germany confederucy, formed for no other end
than that of securing the benefits of free trade
amongst themselves. lr results have already been
such TO excite admiratiun and expectation IN the
minds of all Europe, With the disappearance Of
the custom. house business we see fast passing AWAY
the ryalres and jealousies which have so long dis
tracted northern Germany, and have arisen from its
separation into small communities, and the differ.
ence Of races amongst those who inhabit H. The
great work of Matchmaking Germany has already
commenced under federative system, first founded
for commercial purposes. More distant and magni-
hcent prospects are opening 10 the view in each
step IN the development Of the grand experiment,
and the confederacy is already looking far beyond
the ends for which II was created But il may be
said that this union, like our own, has adopted a
restrictive policy towards the residue Of the world
This may be proof that neither we nor they have
understood the whole lesson taught by experience,
but by no means impars the force of the evidence
to be derived from the happy results Of the partial
experiment which these States have already made.
As far as these States have tried the experiment
amongst each other, IL has operated well--wonder-
fully we'll; and apart from the march of truth and
the force of reason, there natural and physical
causes at work which must extend their principles
still farther. Freedom OF trade must follow as
a natural consequence upon freedom and in
creased facilities Of human intercourse. Steam
power 10 destined TO work as wonderful revolu-
tons in the moral as the ply sical world It's path
is not terminated by the boundaries between nations
Ii traverses the ocean and the plain; it opens
fk,n, ska.
the tide Of human intercourse and trade from CLINE
TO cline, and land to land, IN despite OF the obsta-
ees interposed by the prejudices Of race the div-
sons Of nations, and sectional legislation Steam
routes in Europe are already regarded not in sec
tional but continental point Of view. States may
furnish the different links, but each forms part of
one great whole, and national boundaries will not
be allowed to break the continuity of the endless
chain Of travei and of trade. I'VE already hear of
five great lines which to traverse the continent
of Europe from north to south and west to east, in
directIons-one from Edinburgh, through
London, Dover, Calais, Paris, Lyons, and Avigron,
to Marseilles; another from Hamburg through Ber-
lin, Dresden, Bremen, and Graz, to Mentz; anoth-
er from Hanover, through Paris, Valenciennes, Co
logne, and Hanover Stettin; another from Nantes
through Paris, Strasbourg, Carsruhe, Ratisbon, Vi
emma, Presbourg, and Perth, to the Black sea; and
fifth from Teste, through Bordeaux, Cette, Mar
settles, and Rome, to Naples Most of the links
and the completion of the whole is spoken OIL
know not how lustly--with the utmost confidence.
Can any man doubt but that these facilities for in
ertourse must bring nations together, and in
a kndier splrit-a spirit which will promote free
not only of trade, but of thought and
opinion Sir, sooner or later nature will enforce
her laws, and, in despite of human legislation, dis
pense blessings to man, to which his reason ought
to have directed him, if his prejudices had not for
hidden him to use them When the selfish in
stinct prompts nations to grasp at more than their
share of the commerce of the world, nature has 30
arranged it that experience will teach them that the
of the attempt is to obtain less even
han they are fairly entitled to. 1t was upon no
theory that powerful and selfish interests in Great
Britain have yielded their tardy to the prinei
pies of free trade. They yielded to the lessons of
experience, which appealed to their selfshness, and
pointed them to still greater sources of prospertyn
juster, more liberal, and generous policy. Who
ever will look to the history Of the change in the
British commercial system, will find that it has
been the result of experiments, cautiously tried, and
10 convincing in their actual operation, to have
the opposition of hereditary prejudice and
IF selfshness which had been fostered and SOME
what excused by long course Of class legislation
Nothing can be clearer than the proofs adduced
by Sir Robert Peel, from experience, that the
-esut Of every removal or mitigation of
he restrictions upon commerce, had been to
Increase the production and wealth, and 10 enlarge
he sources Of taxation of the country. From
which proposition there mentally flows the coro
airy that every increase of duty beyond the rev.
,nue standard for protection diminlshes not only
he wealth, but the revenue Of nation. have
been thus particular, Mr.. Chairman, in referring to
he experience Of Great Britain and the great truth
which it has demonstrated, because intend to
maintain its existence here as well as there, and
eason can never come so strongly backed as when
t is sustained by experience. If it can be proved
hat the effect Of duties for protection and beyond
he revenue standard is to diminish the sum Of the
wealth of the nation as well as the revenue Of the
no one could be fonnd selfish enough
o advise US to interfere with the natural course oil
industry and trade to benefit portion Of our peo-
pie at such an expense to the whole. have never
heard any maintain so monstrous a proposition;
out all who have supported the restrictive policy
have urged that its ultimate effects would be to in
crease the wealth Of the people and the of
revenue to the government. This then, Mr.. Chair
man, is the great proposition upon which the friends
and opponents Of the protective system are at is-
sue Does it increase or diminish the entire wealth
Of the whole people and the sources Of revenue to
The government If l can prove that its tendency
is to diminish them, then any bill like the present
which removes some of the existing restrictions on
,npo ouuht he satisfactory tn all But IT,