The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-02-23
America would not be unpopular in England, and

and retrenchment. Let not the American govern
ment rely too confidently on the reluctance OF Eng
land TO engage in war The hhsnSh ministry ana
the English people know too well the position OF
this country among nations TO seek the occasion Of
an unnecessary rupture. The acquisitions of past
successes and the undying fame Of ancient strug-
gles are sufficient equally for our pride and our
ambition We feel that there is nobler field open |
TO us even than that Of arms that there other
victories purer than those of war. We would avoid
a conflict with any people, but especially with those
who are bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh. |
Yet, lei the know that our love of peace springs
from principle, not from fear and that if, unmndful
of great duty and careless of great crime, they
ect the peaceful and bloodess arbitration which we
have now proposed for appeal to the sword,
that we take up the gage fully prepared TO go through
the trial without and without apprehension OF
the result The miseres produced by such decl-
sion would be infinite, the sin Of provoking them
enormous; but the sin and its penalties would re-
bound on those whose ambition suggested, or whose
weakness scquiesced in, the abandonment Of more
honest and more moderate councils"
THE NEW COMMERCIAL POLICY OF ENGLAND
SPEECHES OF SIR ROBERT PEEL.
We cannot fill up our columns more to the inter-
est of most of our readers than by presenting those
portions Of the two great speeches Of the English
prime minister delivered in Parliament on the even
ings OF the 22d and 26h Of January, which contain
liberal commercial policy, and the plan Of that poll
cy which he now seeks to carry into effect. Two
speeches Of greater practical importance TO the BUSH
ness Of the whole commercial world, have scarcely
ever been delivered within the walls of Parliament
Nor is their ability less remarkable than their char
acter and import. The friends and the foes Of Sir
Robert agree that he has made the most of his case
that called TO act in almost unprecedented crisis of
English affairs, he has presented the reasons Of his
course in the most imposing attitude, and with COM
msndng power; and that in taking leave Of the old
restrictive policy Of England and entering upon the
new commercial era, the English premier stands
jusuhed, so far as fact and argument can make JUS
thcation, in the eyes Of the world
After bespeskiug the indulgent attention Of Paria.
ment, Sir Robert, on the first night Of the session,
thus gave the for the change in his CONNER
cial policy. We cannot undertake to condense an
argument, embracing such multitude Of facts, and
stated with much brevity and force 1t is one of
the most victorious indications of the freedom Of
commerce which we have ever seen.
SIR ROBERT PEELs SPEECH
al wish to explain what were the grounds which
led me, and those with whom acted, humbly TO
tender to gracious sovereign the resignation of the
trust she had rePosed in them. | wish also to ex-
| PLAIN what were the circumstances under which
that trust was resumed, and why | now appear in
| this place as a minister Of the crown. The imme-
date which led TO the dissolution Of the gov
eminent in the early part OF the winter was that
great and monstrous calamity, by which an article
OF food on which great number Of the people in
this part Of the united empire and still larger num-
Der in the sister kingdom, depend mainly for their
subsistence was seriously injured and the supply ma
| lltFl - ~. 4 L.
and proxImae cause Of the difference in the Cabinet
but II would be unfair and 'uncsndid on nv part if
attached undue importance to that particular sub
ject. That particular appeared to me to pre-
cude further deay--to require immediate decision +:
that is immediate decision not only upon the course
necessary at the time to be adopted, but immediate
decision as 10 the course to be ultimately taken with
regard to the laws which governed the importation
OF grain. will not, however, assign to that cause
undue importance; ! will not withhold the homage
due to the progress of reason and TRUTH by denying
that my opinions on the subject Of protection have
undergone change, loud and repeated cheers from
all sides will not, either in private or in pub
Tic situation, dispute-on the contrary | will as
sert-the privilege Of yielding to the force of argu-
ment and conviction, and Of acting upon the results
supposed that there is something humiliating in
making such declaration, [cries of mo, no.''l
feel no humiliation, [cheers.l | have not that
confidence IN the muiuve capacity of man to
determine at once what is right or wrong, as to
'hink there Is any reason for feeling abashed at
admitting the error Of a received opinion In
this | should feel humiliation-that if nv opin-
ions had undergone modification, pretended still to
adhere to them, under the fear Of an mputation of
inconsistency. Loud cheers.l The question is,
whether the motives for a modification or dualifca.
ton Of opinion are sufficient and honest Hear
Nothing could be more base on the part of public
man than to protect himself from danger by pre-
tending change of opinion; but, on the other hand.
nothing can be more opposed to his duty to his SOW
erelgn and his country than, seeing reason to alter
his course, he precluded himself from alteration by
the fear of charge of inconsistency [Cbeers !
The question: as have said is whether the motives
Tor his modified opinion are sufficient and sincere
Those who contend for the removal ofimpediments
70 the import ota main article Of subsistence such
as corn, nave an immense advantage over their op-
Ponents' Tor the natural presumption is in favor of
Tree ana unrestricted intercourse. 1t NAV indeed
be possible to combat that presumption; il NAV
be possible to meet its advocates in the field of ar
Sument, by showing that there other and greater
advantages arising out of the system of prohibition
than out OF the system Of unrestricted intercourse;
put even those who so contend will , | think, admit
mat the natural feelings of mankind are strongly in
ayor OF the absence Of all restriction and that the
presumption is so strong that we must combat il by
an avowal OF some public and sufficient motive
we oil admit that there is danger in defending the
protective system, on the ground that it is for the
oo"Sht VI q particular CiaSS lhere danger
that; but my honorable friends, the most strenuous
advocates Of protection, have rested the defence of
1t upon higher principles and interests They have
alleged as myself have alleged that there arc pub
ic reasons for not altering the sys,em; and it might
be absolutely necessary, in the existing state of
public feeling, to consider whether the public
grounds on which an alteration Of the corn-laws
could be resisted were sufficient. | apprehend those
public grounds to be either that protection TO do.
nestle industry was required, and tina, agriculture,
being branch Of that industry, was entitled to its
enormous debt, and with heavy load of tax
auon, It was necessary that domestic industry
should be protected from the competition of foreign
ers; or, again, that the interests of the great bodv
OF the community, of the laboroas class Of the p,o
pie, were not committed in the ques,ion-that the
rate OF wages varied with the price of provisions
that high prices implied high wages, and that low
wages were concomrtant with low prices Again,
u might be said that the land entitled te protec.
ton on account of the peculiar burdens affecting il
But that, let me observe, is a question of Justice
rather than of policy. The advocates of protection