Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1846-08-20

tabsh this Constitution for the United States of Amer
ica"
This object, these objects, are expressed in def
mite terms which were well understood and probably
no two persons understood them differently. The lib
erty, the blessings Of which they were securing to
themselves and their posterity, was well defined in the
declaration Of independence, made by the Continental
Congress- and established by seven years war, and
sealed with large portion of the best blood of our
country. That liberty, TO the blessings which
all human beings, who should inhabt our territory had
and have, and in all future time will have an equal
right. No distinction of color is suggested Or appa-
ently thought Of in the declaration Of Independence
or in the constitution of the United States. Whatever
may be their complexion, they are created equal and
are endowed by their Creator with the inalicnabe
rights, of life liberty and the pursuit ofhappness.
Now, would ask, what part Of the constitution OF
the United States would give sanction to law OF
Congress- that should subject men to bondage, or aid
to perpetuato their bondage? There surely is moth
ing oftho kind among the powers expressly given to
Congress, and enumerated in the eighth section Of
the first article of the constitutions; the object of which
section is to define the powers of Congress- Thus far
then, the preamble and other parts of the constitution
harmonic together, Those who would claim from
the constitution any sanction of Slavery or the right OF
Congress to pass any law giving such sanction, must
Claim 1t by implication merely for it surely is not ex-
pessy given. And here, let me ask is our constitu-
ton such rope of sand, that the dearest rights
attempted TO be secured by it, can be taken away by
mere implication? Is the liberty of our citizens or Of
any one them, to be lost forever by some implied
right, in the details Of the constitution, to undermine
and destroy the whole basis of that constitution p
Strange logic a strange pretence lfsuch ideas will
pass the ordeal Of our Judicial Tribunals, well may
the Monarchs of the earth cease to fear the ultimate
triumph of Republican government, or of liberty itself
But will not stop here, deny there being in the
constitution, any ground whatever to imply any
ton of slavery or any right in Congress TO afford such
sanction. The constitution speaks for itself; and all
parts Of it must be construed by each other And
surely, can infer from expression in any de-
gree cquivocal, what is obviously at war with the
whole body and object of the constitution. Should it
be said there some expressions in the constitu-
ton which must have an ausIon to persons in state
Of slavery, it may well be said in reply that the fra
mers of the constitution were so disguised with the
system Of slavery, they intended it should soon be for
gotten that such a system ever prevailed in our free
country. The word S'aroy is not mentioned in the
constitutions neither is the word SaUe We will ex-
anime presently whether any, and what even blind al
fusion is made to the subject of slavery, and the
H.
pendenty ofany eXtraneous knowledge upon the sub
ec For if the trainers of the constitution have not
told us plainly what they did mean, Or to what they
alluded in particular expressions, how can dccy-
pher what they would have told US, had they expressed
their ideas fully? and, if there remains any ambgu
y whatever, all must be construed in favor of liberty
and as before observed, so construed as to subserve
the declared objects of the instrument or compact
But will row advert to such provisions Of the const
tuition as could possibly have alluson to slaves OF
slavery
The first we notice is section 9th, of article lst
which is as follows : "Ihe migration Or importation
of such persons any of the states existing shall
think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the
Congress prior to the year thousand eight hun
bred and eight; but tax Or duty may be imposed OF
such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for eacl
person." This section acknowledges the then exis
ting sovereignty of each state with regard to migra
ton importation of persons from foreign countries
That is, each state might admit or exclude at pleas
ure They might admit Jews, and exclude Mahom
medans. They might admit the French and exclude
the Turks. While one state did this another state
might do the reverse, in each case. And each nigh
admit conyics from other governments, those from
England are admitted into Botany Bay And witt
this sovereignty Congress could not interfere prior tt
the year one Thousand eight hundred and eight Ant
still if any from extraneous knowledge ofhe slave trade
should suspect tlat the impotaons of slaves was thu
matter in contemplation, they surely cannot conten
that the gvins to Congress the power of prohibition o
suspendng that power for fixed period, was sane
toning slavery.
now proceed to notice the apportionment of Rep
resentaves and direct taxes, which is to be determn
ed by adding to the whole number of free persons, in
GLIDING those bound to service for term of years AM
including Indians not taxed three fhbs of all othe
persons. Probably the expression, all other person
meant slaves, and so has it been understood in prac
tice. And it is difficult to conceive what but slave
remained to be called other persons; and yet in thi
we meet with a strange inconsistency: for those Jaw
ofthe southern States which attempt to make mel
slaves, do it by taking away their personality, and ma
king them things, goods and chattels. Bu
passing by this inconsistency, and admitting, far
this discussion is concerned, that five slaves are to b
reckoned equal to three freemen, in apportoning Ref
resentatives and direct taxes STILL it may be asked
what sanction does slavery derive from this? Wha
intimaton does this give whether slavery is right @
wrong? In this view of the subject it acknowledge
the existence ofislavery; and nothing more. Were
certain that Congress would never, in all coming time
levy direct tax, this provision would furnish stron
inducemen for Shareholders to urge a continuance
their system of slavery. They may now feel this ii
ducement very strongly underline present distant pro:
pect of direct taxes. Twenty or more members
Congress, representatives of property, to wit good
and chattels and these members paid from the Treas
ury of the United States and twenty or more vote
fof President and Vice President of the United States