The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-07
SETTLEMENT OF THE QUESTION.


it-of settling the Oregon question s0laout involving
the two nation. in turthsrdf6euy That hope stands
in large measure on the chance Of UNAsIMrr in the
different branches Of our government In the nsv
policy, and on the nsp basis Of negotiation laid
down in the message. That unanimity will doubt
less como at last; but it may come too late to pro-
serve the peaceful relations of the two countries No
long time-not many months, perhaps-will, in
all probability, pass before the masses of men in
this land will stand up as one man on this question,
with one will, one purpose, one fixed resolve. When
our country shall present to England this imposing
spectacle-then, and we fear not before, will the
question be settled in peace, " mean tius hestancy,
irresolution, indecision in our national councils
shall not have been too long protracted. In view Of
this spirt-this dissension between the different
branches Of our government-the British ministry,
confding in the unanimous support which Parlia-
ment profers it on this question, may long plant
itself upon an ultimaium from which cannot re-
cede, and which ,Qi cannot accept. Then the SEN
tment Of this nation will be one. But it will
be one in view Of a war with England then
inevitable May that harmony of sentiment among
Us yet be reached in time in time TO operate
as a new and mighty instrument Of negota-
ton while negotiation Is yet possible-in time
to appeal, not to the fears, but to the prudence,
to the love of peace, and to the humane dread OF
war in the British government before such an APP
peal shall be precluded by its solemn, publicly pro-
claimed, fully committed, and therefore irrevocabs
decision Such, surely, must be the earnest prayer
Of every friend Of peace throughout the land.
And why should not this harmony of action in
our government, on the basis Of the message be
reached in time' Certaisly-and this is the point we
inaist uPon-the Oregon uestion should not be now,
in any strctness ofterms party question. IL is not
sectional question. II is, a. has been often said
perhaps not always with due sense Of the whole
weighty import Of the words-t is in its very nature
wholly national question. IL was not raised and il
cannot be laid by all the potent sorcery of party
| spirit 1t has grown upon us with our growth.
The pioneers Of our advancing civilization esme upon
u in the far wilds of the West. In the inevitable
march of our national progress, we have met this
question; and we must find its peaceful solution in
the unity Of our national purpose and sentiment
And if, as is in our view most manifest-ifa ma
tional rally must al last be made upon this question
before the British government can be brought to
settle it, why, ask again, shall not that rally be
made the platform of the policy laid down in the
MESSAGE What one chance of suitable accommoda-
ton of the controversy does that platform exclude !
What one solitary offer, just and fair, consonant
to our rights, and compatible with our honor,
does the position taken by the. Executive in
the message, bar the Executive from accepting :
~. Of L.
in the message was framed in wisdom. 1t is
broad it is broad enough. 1t admits every
thing and it excludes nothing which this country can
erer sanction. Nor is this all. At what time and
by what statesman was the question ever placed in
better prospect of adjustment, and ever brought
nearer to adjustment than within the past year by
Mr.. Polk Was it in 1879 Was it in 1896, when
Mr.. Galatin made his offera Was it in 1912, when
Mr.. Webster and Lord Ashburton thought the
question too difficut-mark the fact mark the fact
100 difficult, not TO SETTLE but TO discuss? 1t il
history now that with one accord, and swiftly, the
British statesmen put back upon Mr.. Galatin's
hands his immense concession-and that too, when
the navigation of the Columbia, which he offered,
universally considered to be of far greater value
than tits proved to possess tits history, too that
Lord Ashburton and Mr. Webster, in l842, laid the
Oregon question on the shelly (though set down in
their 'full powers, incapable of settlement, and
likely, if they even opened it, Ito obstruct, if not de-
feat their negotiations on other points,
Such were the history and the state Of the ques-
ton, and such its hopelessness of adjustment, on
the. old policy and basis Of negotiation. Mr.
Polk, in view of this fruitless and hopeless
past, took nep stand. In his first official act he
proclaimed to the country and to the world
what had before been locked up in the archives Of
diplomacy, the unwavering confidence of the exc
cutve branch of this government in the validity and
soundness Of our title to the "whole of Oregon"
In so taking his position, he announced by imp-
cation that any compromise nhatspr on our part was
just so much eoncession--concession to be guarded
and lmited--concession to be met farly-conces-
sion in view of illusrious precedent of high public
policy and of large established nterests-and, most
Of ALL concession in the spirit and in the sacred cause
of public peace. This was truth and ne,o truth Il
placed our whole diplomacy on new ground, and the
very highest ground. From that ground Mr.. Polk
made his proposal Of compromise. And what was
its effect True, it was refused at once by the
British minister here but the British prime minister
at home faltered or seemed to falter, before it, He
"could not say" 1t should have been refused. He
"would say it would have been better to send it to
England for consideration
And this language Of new respect and new
moderation, in reply to Mr.. Folks ne,o pre-
sentiment Of our case, is uttered by British
minister who has just approved himself to Eng
land the inevitable man" of the crisis and of the
time; who comes into Parliament strong enough to
declare neutrality-suspicious. Of his own party; strong
enough to demand the subordinate cooperation of
his rival party leader strong enough to plant him
self directly in the path and full before the
face Of the whole landed interest Of Great
Britain; strong enough among the people,
even while welding already majority Of
ninety-swen in the House Of Commons, to
threaten his opponents in the House of Lords
with dissolution Of Parliament minister, in a
xrord .v, wing the whole pubc mind of I'm GLAND