The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-03
CONGRESSIONAL.
SPEECH OF Mr.. HARAIlso
~ GEORGIA.


In tls HOUSE u Rsprosxiaiisss Fstsu@ys ., Isls--0s
the Oregon question.
The rssolution from the Commii,es "a foIsisn AZ
fairs, requiring the puessdent 70 notsfy ursa'
Britain Of the intsaiioa Of lhe Uniisd bisiss =
tsrminaie tho loint ooeup.noy u ossgon, sad =
abrogaie the convention Of ls@l bsins a"esi go
alteration Ia COMMITTEE Of tho whols-
MIR. HARALsoN otsainsd tbs aOo1, and sp-ss
% follows:
is,s on the part OF some gcssse~sn 70 Obtain lhs
floor, and the near approach ~ lhs he~s - ~hlth
esa dsezts ~ou iris suo1ct moxi he hfoUghi 70 .
dose induce me TO promise not " avail myself a
The full length Of time allotted TO me BY me ruis.
Had there been little or debate upon he rcsoia.
ion; had the House come up promptly % the rec
concentrations Of the President, and declared that
the convention should terminate according 10 the
treaty stipulation between the United States and
Great Britain, doubt not, sir, Il would have bsen
far better for the interests Of the country. We
should then have been spared much which Ne have
heard calculated to humitate us IN our own esiims-
lion, and in the estimation OF others. We should
then have spoken language in which we had 4
right TO indulge towards the British nation and shs
could have taken no exception 10 our action. There
could have been no war in the measure. Boz IN
this debate the war-cry has been raised (no by the
friends OF the notice, but by those opposed 10 ~
and our have been filed with eloquent de-
scnptons Of the horrors OF that war which s TO
come upon u we shall dare TO give this notice.
This argument (if IL deserves the name) addressed
10 our fears, followed by the communication OF our
minister at the court OF ST. James, recently made TO
this House by the President, leaves no slterns
tive which can be adopted with honor 10 the country
but to give the notice. We shall have acted DAG
iardly If we fail to do so. desire no war is TIE
interest of my constituents, and believe il the in
tersst it ought to be the desire Of every American
citizen, to preserve peaceful relations with all the
other powers Of the earth. But although this is
their interest and their feeling, they require that
these amicable relations shall not be purchased nt
the sacrifice Of national honor. No nation can long
preserve peace that disregaIdsfs sacred obligations
While we would do justice 20 others, must be
prepared to exact il from them; and to let threats
or menaces, direct indirect, influence action.
10 the letter of Mr.. McLane, of the Sd January,
1916, to his own government, it is communicated
that Great Britain is making warlike preparations
tits true, Lord Aberdeen does not say to him that
these preparations were intended for the United
States, and for no other purpose; but says they will
be useful and important" in the event of difficulty
with us. IL was not 10 be expected that he would
admit that they had reference to- and were intended
solely for, this country; for such declaration
would hsve resulted and rghtfully too, in the with
drawal Of minister from that court. But il they
were not designed by that government to be used
against US, where the necessity Of the insinuaton,
that in such crisis" (alluding to the possibility
of rupture with the United States,) "the ,oa,iike
preparations noio making irould be useful and impor-
Ant?" That these preparations have reference, to
some extent, TO the differences between the two ma
lions, no statesman can doubt! For what other OBJ
'ject can they be intended Is England at war with
any other nationi or is there any probability tina,
she will be- little war, to be sure, 10 going or
between her and France combined against one Of the
South American republics. Can these extraordina
ry preparations be intended for that quarter' Ger
,ainly not. The king of the French, in his recen
speech, said that the most amcabe relations existed
between the government of France and that of Grea
Britain. For what quarter are these preparations
designeds Let US see what opinion is entertained
upon the subject by Mr.. McLane, the American
minister at London. In the letter TO which have
already alluded, he says
I'm regard to my opinion upon this subject, which
the President has been pleased to desire,
is altogether probable that the possibility Of other dcul
ties from other quarters in Europe
may have influence in debating the policy of the exter
n viii the
fowadness Of Lord Aberdeen and without meaning to d
in convarsson do not think ought to be al
sumed by any that warlike preparations upon such
could not have indirect reference TO the possbl
contingency Of rupture with US And at the same time
psciay 80 far as they consist OF an augmentation in
number of and Of the naval marine general,
the most useful in war with our country am pr
pared 10 say do deem material to decide how IA
scs.r and purposes Of he warfe preparstons now
by Great Britain under the Giro umstanccs They ay
snd saa
that the apprehension of difficulties VIZ tue United s'a'e
had no share in them" ~
No van credit vo,r own s.nister' Are we to pu
,n, S wv o'.I.. y oul made by our own &C
a,.yd; ,a,a ~ VIC the court of St. Jamesi
m ,hsn ,hs fss, fishing as it may seem, presents
se IT'D that ,V r.. sh government whilst actually
nscn,,;a,as. the United States in relation to III,
Oregon y dory, is also making preparations fo
w,re .;,T expecting it or with view Of intimi
a. ,ds, and driving US, through our fears, from
,a'assertion of just rights. Had this government
51dled on the British penipetentary here to disa
vow that these preparations were making as agains
the United States, and refused further negotiations
correspondence until that dsavownl had beer
made, it would stand justified before the world il
they aecredit the recent communication of our min
lister at London. e.-
My honorable colleague, Mr.. KMe, whom dt
not now see in his seat and who submitted propose
ton for arbitration some days since has propc
to withdraw it, 1t may not be proper for me to com
ment on the amendment which he gave notice of hi:
intention 10 offer at the proper time, (and which
was printed as it has been Withdrawn; even Il
notice the course of remarks in which he felt 1t hi
privilege to indulge. Upon a great national ques
ton, involving the interests and honor of the nation
he who feels himself at liberty to attempt to give
party cast, shall be entitled to all the honor nnt
glory which he may reap from his course as wei
as all the enjoyment which he can derive from it
1t may be well for him, however, TO remember
when he speaks Of bullying and pettifoggiGg, ant
charges the government with acting not for the in
teress Of the country, but for the purposes Of pc
hsical sggrandizement that Mr.. Clay himself tool
strong ground against the British title to any portion
oforegon. He should remember that, when III,
President, in bis inaugural address, at the eastern
portico Of this Capitol, reannounced the American
title as cear and unqucstionable," it met with gen
era and hearty response from every section of tn
Union. Not wing press dared to gainsay tn
declaration or object in any WY to the sentiment
until Sir Robert Peel, the British premier, NOR
than month afterwards, with true British diploma
ey asserted the title Of that government TO be clea
and unquestonable. had intended more fully .
notice the remarks Of my colleague, and to hav
given his amendment that comment which II d.
served; but ne the amendment has boen with
drawn, and my colleague does not seem to be in hi
seat, refrain. The substance Of his amendment
before the committee in the proposition Of the Bri
sh minister in his letters to our Secretary Of Smu
That prop osilion was made TO Mr. Calhoun, not
detail, il is true bus in principle ndrcceived sue
answer az was approved by the nation. 1t was d.
u.