The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-13
CONGRESS SIONAL.
SPEECH OF MR.. WOODWARD
Oh SOUTH CAROLINA,

The resolution from the Committee on Foreign AZ
fairs, requiring the President 10 notify Great
Britain Of the intention Of the United States to
terminate the joint occupancy of Oregon, and to
abrogete the convention Of 1927, being under con-
sderation in COMMITTEES OF the Whole
Mr.. WOODWARD addressed the committee as
follows:
Mr. CAkiasAss ann not OF a temperament 10
take much pleasure in addressing argument TO 9TH
sr in the absence Of all hope of being able to inhu-
sncs their opinions, control their action; and
perhaps, there never was and never may be, an oe-
cason, less favorable TO such hopes than the pres
ent. ] know there is in this committee large and
determinate majority opposed TO me- but that oppo-
stion has not diminished my confidence in the just
meas OF my views, or shaken, IN the least my pur-
pose Of adherng TO them.
Among the great variety Of matters discussed, on
the other side Of the argument, there is one ques-
ton that has not far as have heard the debate
been so fortunate as TO be incuded and that one
happens to be the only question properly before the
committee. There may be something of severity
in thus structure, but appeal to the justice and the
eandor ofmy opponents TO bear me ont in the gene
ral truth Of the declaration. We have had decla-
nation and discourse interminabe upon our title
TO Oregon; the importance Of that country to the
Union; the who the British ought not TO
have IL; the proprety Of promoting settlements there;
the duty and necessity OF extending laws and pro-
tecton to the settlers, the right to give the notice.
&c, &c, &c. VINO, sir, denies that we have
rights in Oregon, or that they must be defended,
whenever or from whatever quarter assailed2 Who
desires the country to fall into the hands Of the
British Who Ii opposed TO its settlement Who
Is not ready 10 vote for all such laws az may be
essential to the wel-being Of our people there' Who
stupid "a TO question the right give the notice.
TO declare even, if il suits You to do soi Sir,
am ats loss 10 conceive what motive could have
tuced gentlemen, putting aside the real question
ofdebate, to spring upon the committee innumer-
able false issues, and to argue them with a SOL
smn vehemence, positively disgusting to the can
did and Ingenious mind. Am | TO indulge the
suspicion, that their purpose has bsen to exhibit
the minority in false light before the country to
put them IN position they never meant to occupy,
and to impute TO them sentiments and opinions they
never entertained but do utterly repudate! This
might be considered an uncharitabIe suspicion
and, Of course, would exempt from ii all who
might be entitled 10 escape under the plea Of igno-
rance; but with regard to those who are wise an A
discreet, what could they say why sentence should
not be pronounced upon themi / shall not under
take TO affirm, what has been the object o. this most
extraordinary discussion; but have no hestancy in
saying what il has, in fact done 1t has perverted
and falsfed everything it has touched. IL has sent
forth no shining light TO the country, but enveoped
everything in darkness Its only tendency has been,
produce that very thing which it is the object OF
free discussion to desuoy-ignorancs. Sir, choos,
not TO refrain from speaking with degree of free
dom on this occasion. Sentiments of profound in
dignsiion impel me.
Mr.. Chairman, let US see what IS the question
this committee ought TO have been discussing and
to which my friends in the minority have vainly en-
deavored TO draw your attention.
We have a convention with Great Britain for tht
Joint use and occupancy of the northwest territory
That convention provides that either party may an.
null it, by giving twelve months notice to the othe
party. And the only question before the committee
upon which there is difference of opinion, is, Shal
the notice be siveni So, the question is merely one
of notice. Nor does 1t involve the substance of no
tee, but only the time. All agreed that the no.
tice should be given at some period not very re
mote But is it expedent, is it good policy, to give
it at the present timel think it is not And as i
is preposterous to pretend that national honor, o.
dignity, or essential right is involved in this matte
of time, maintain that considerations of good poll
cy and expediencv ought to direct counses, ant
determine our action. And this SIR is the issue tina
gentlemen ought to have met, and which the homo
Of our country, and the welfare Of the people, mad
their duty meet, and discuss in an honest ant
satesmanlike manner. And dismssing every feel
ing of prejudice from my mind, / now propose t
express some views upon this question.
We are not, MIR. Chairman, the advocates of tota
inactivity on this subject. On the contrary, | be
Iieve the time has come when it is proper to adop
Oregon territory, and give law and protection 4
our people there. But do not believe the time ha
yet come for abrogatng the convention of join
occupancy.
II has suited the views and purposes of gentlemen
to represent this policy of mastery inactivity as
South Carolina scheme; as though il was no
adopted as far back 1918 by the united councils
of the nation; as though after experience of tel
years, il wus not again established in 1927, by
unanimity almost unexampled; as though it wa
not adhered to throughout the twelve wears Of An
drew Jackson's administration, and that of Mr.. Va
Buren,; as though South Carolina were doing any
thing more than advising you not to disturb wha
30 much wisdom and disinteresicd patriotism ha
devised and sanctioned and what so long perot
of time had proved to be beneficial. You air, an
not we, are proposing innovations and new scheme
OF policy. You advising to set at naught tn
councils that have endured Throughout, FIVE admir-
istrations, the wisdom Of which councils was, a
the while 80 self eyiden, and papabe, that the cur
ming sefshness of party, or the schemes of pottin
ambition, never ventured to make question abor
1t; and am at a loss to what Else ever cou
have made question about it,.
Let the committee follow me a moment, while
give a brief account Of this matter. Gentlemen n
present Grent Britain aiming to keep off
long as possible this question or notice, and ou
selves, as the dupes Of her temporizing policy, de-
tined to be caught in some she has laid in ii
future for us. l deny that this policy is
British origin. 1t is our own, both in its b
ginning and its continuation. The first concepto
Of it we find in the instructions given, in 1918,
Mr. Rush, at that time minister at the Court
st. James. II the desire OF Lord Castlereagl
the English minister, that the conflicting claims
the two countries in relation to the northwest teri
tory, should be included among the subjects Of NJ
gotation then pending at London, and be broug
to a final adjustment Mr.. Rush sought instru
tons from his government, and Mr.. ]. q. Adam
then Secretary Of State, IN his instructions To M
Rush, for the first time, sets forth distinctly ar
most Complementary the policy Of stalking Gregg
upon tme.n Abiding to some things proper TO
mentioned by Mr.. Rush to Csstlereagh, in regal
to this matter, Mr.. Adams proceeds as follows:
thpse Ia, I n.
conversation than any more formal manner il may pI
remark the mnuteness Of the present eth
Great Britain the United States involved In this &C
eern and the ingnsss for that reason Of this 20
eminent include It among the objects Of serious dscr
sion with them. Al the same time you might give him
understand though not unless In to avoid eve
hng offensive In the suggestion that from the nature
things in the course OF future events toregonI thou
ever B,eom, an object OF serious Importance TO the Unit
States, II can scarcely he supposed that Great Brtt
would end useful advisable to resist their claim
Possession BY systematic opposition"
He then adds, that Great Britain could have Z"
solid interest" TO prevent the extension Of our u
rtory "until all possibility Of doing so shall ho