The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-07-15
con REssIoNAL.
Speech OF MR.. HUBBARD,

The bin reported by the chairman Of the Commit
ice OF Ways and Means, providing for reduc-
lion of duties on foreign imports from their pres
mi rates 10 the revenue standard, being under
consideration in the COMMITTEES Of The Whole,
Mr. HUBBARD, Of Virginia, addressed the Com
miltse az follows 0
M, CHlIssAs. ! rise, briefly TO state my reasons
for supporting the bill under consideration, ard TO
.bov that il contains much 10 commend u 10 the
favorable consideration Of the country. IL greatly
,e,, existing high duties. IL abeiishes the spsei-
b, as well as the minimum principle Of imposing
Gnt,s The former ID clearly intended TO sustain
,Ls u,oisre features Of the bill Of 1912 and has the
direct effect OF increasing the rais ofproIection the
article on which the duty is laid becomes cheaper
"A for instance, specific duty of 81 IS per 100
pounds pom rolled bar iron, tho last fiscal year
souaI 10 an ad valorem duty Of rs per cent Rolled
bar iron was then vaaed at the custom-house at
Al 65 per 100 pounds Nor Il Is clear that when
yol.d iron fiils in price, the specific duty Of 81 25
n,r 100 pounds will increase the Of ad valorem
duty thus giving the manufacturer higher protection
exactly in proportion as iron falls IN pnce. The
effect Of this increase duty az iron becomes cheaper
4 more efeetually sreiuds the importation Of IT,
,bn, preyentiug the government from deriving any
reasonable amount Of revenue from that But
IN dining that, YOU also curtai the commerce Of the
country thereby doing great injury to other great
interests The minimum principle is If anything more
obnoxious than the specific because Il sccomplishes
more Injustice under Legislative fctons and gbiiya-
~ valuations. As, for instance, the present Law
declares that "manufsetures OF cotton, no, dyed,
eolored, printed, or stained, and not exceeding In
value twenty cents per square yard shall be valued
al twenty cents per square yard, and pay DUTY
Of 30 per eentum ad paiorsm. Now, under this
legislative device, plain white cotton, costing six
cents per yard, Is 10 be valued at your custom
houses though in fact, II cost twenty cents; and
A.f.y af1 .I
IOrsm not upon the real Of six the yard,
but the fictitious price Of 20 cents the yard. BY
this minimum system Of taxing cheap white cot
TONS you in fact tax those costing only six cents
the yard when imported, the enormous duty Of six
cents the yard By species of hocus pocos le-
gslauon you deceive plain people into the belief
that you only levy duty by the bill Of 1912 on
cheap white cotton goods Of 30 per cent. ad vaorem
vet, in fact, should goods Of this description be
imported, they would have to pay 100 per cent.
duty. But this minimum principle is means Of
imposing much higher duty on the cotton costing
only six cents the yard, than on that description
costing IL and 20 cents the yard; because the
more nearly the price Of the imported cotton goods
approaches the minimum price fixed by law, which
in this instance is 30 cents The yard, much
nearly is it an ad valorem tax. II it is expedient
to impose an sd valorem duty on white cotton
goods costing 20 cents the yard, Why is IL not
equally fair and just to impose an ad valorem duty
on white cotton goods costing only six cents The
yardi Nay, sir, justice and honesty in the latter
case imperiously demand IT. because the cheap
goods usually purchased by The poorer classes should,
where any difference is made, be more iighly taxed
than the finer and more costly article bought by the
more trealihy. The word mamuni is Of Latin origin,
and means the least smallest quantity; while
marinium means the greatest or largest quantity.
With this plain and obvious distinction between the
meaning Of the two words, yet the former is
ec,ed and used in the bill of l842, to designate
price which in fact Is marimum when we take
into consideration the average value Of white cotton
goods usually consumed in the country. There is
no good for using either Of these arbitrary
terms, as they only tend to render fhe law more
difficult of comprehension To the great mass of the
people. For the FIRST time in the history of our
federal legislation, now propose to introduce en-
trely in tariff bill the ad paiorem system Of taxa
ton. This Of itself is a powerful argument in ia
vor Of the bill now under consideration.
After years of angry discussion, and varied mu-
tatons parties, the democracy have at last so far
succeeded in indicating their principles before the
country as not only TO have elected President ia
vorable to revenue tariff but, we believe, ma
jorty in both houses of Congress. The duty now
devolves upon the democratic members of Con-
gress of giving their principles the sanction Of legs
ative enactment. We owe II 10 the country now
just the tariff, and make il strictly revenue
measure. In doing this, the democracy need take
ties, but making justice and fairness our guide, we
desire not to mystfy our acts, but intend to place
before the people tax bill they all comprehend
and appreciate, from its simplicity and the intrinsic
correctness of the principles upon which IL based
The adj raiorem rate ofimposing duties is ineligible,
and the principle is just; so, therefore, we
boldly place measures on the democratic doc
trine of extending even.handed justice To oil. We
say to the importing merchant, we will impose
duty on your goods according TO their paus; thus
leaving the ,oeaithy who the costly articles
to pay most of the tax, while the poorer classes,
usually consuming the cheapest, will contribute less
towards defraying the expenses OF the federal gov
eminent
The extensive importation Of cheap foreign goods
the plea assigned by the advocates of the tariff
act passed in l842, for demanding high duties to
protect American manufactures against what they
characterized the productions of the "pauper la
Tor Of Europe" The emil complained Of, then, by
the manufacturers, was cheap foreign goods coming
into successful competition with our American
manufactures. This they represented as most
enevous epii. 1t was urged that our well.fed, free
American labor could not compete in open markets
with what they stgmatized as the "pauper labor Of
Europe" This alarming calamity Of cheap goods
was greatly deprecated by our manufacturers, and
for the most obvious of all reasons: it curtaIled
their profits; but il enriched labor and admins cred
TO the comfort Of the needy consumer | never
heard of the people raising cldmor because goods
cheap The purchaser naturally desires to
buy the best terms; So therefore, the less money
the people have to pay for their merchandise, the
better for their interest. But if the same cause
which enables them TO buy on the best terms also
enables them to dispose of their productions at the
highest rates, why certainly they doubly benefits
ed. Then no rational people will complain Of being
enabled to sell and buy on the most advantageous
terms The peope-he great mass of the oonstitu-
ent hody--did not ask Congress- in 1912, to inter-
pose obstacles in the path Of commerce, as to i'm
pede it's career, and thus, by diminishing competition
from abroad, enable our manufacturers at home
greatly elevate the price of their goods. But the
manufacturing classes and those Immediately in
their influence, implored Congress to grant them
protection against the millions Of cheap foreign goods
daily thrown into the American markets, because
he competition lssentd their profits Their unjust
and selfish request was granted. The experiment
has been fairly tried. The tariff law Of 1912 did
enhance the price Of goods. Not only did il do that,
but accomplished it by diminishing our commerce,
ard greatly lmparing the value Of our agricultural
staples This fall in our leading agricultural staples
has had bghting effect upon the mechanics, trades
men, professional men, and all others employed IN
the agricultural districts This wing remedy Of er-
GLIDING eheap foreign goods from fair composition