The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-10

Fort George Well, fupon that we are going TO
claim the whole eountry-that which we then claim
ed and that which we now IN addition elalm--i am
sure very serious question VIII arise between US
and England. They will say at once, we restored
YOU thai of which you were IN possession What
was thall A trading establishment al .he mouth OF
the Columbia. IL was not government establish
ment at all. lft had been a military post, or civil
where there we're officers OF the Uni
ted States exercising authority, undoubtedly the res
toration of il would have restored all the country
over which that jurisdiction had been Claimed and
exercised But here was no government establish
ment IL was the settlement OF mere private ira
ders. Then comes the question whether we are
thus RENTED TO our possession, and can set up a
claim to the whole country. That Is a serious
question. Great Britain will insist that all she
gave up was The settlement OF Fort George, which
then was at the mouth OF the river, and the con-
troversy was rather about the mouth OF the river
BY thai restoration they would be eound 10 aunt
that the mouth Of the river was restored, and per-
haps that portion Of the territory-posslbly the
whole valley Of the Columbia. But after al
there is a very grave question as to what they did
in that Official surrender and what would be our
rights IL this notice were gwen and the convention
te rmnated IL is obvious that II Is open 10 donbts
and difficulties which will not by any means rem
der the process of adjustment more facile. Great
stress has been laid upon the alleged fact that the
settlement at Astoria was made by American cit
gems What about all thati True, Mr.. Astor
fitted out ship and sent IL there, and this establish
meai sas founded. But who did he sendi Who
were ~ sished with the money Mr. Greenhow
states il, and admits that there was company
formed, Of which Mr.. Astor was one OF the
partners, furnishing the money; the others being
mostly, il not all, British subjects from Canada,
who went with Astors money and founded this
settlement. They were the persons who surren-
dered. Now, why may It not with as much JUS
tce be argued that this was British possession as
that il was an American Il was founded by
company composed Of subjects Of both countries,
taken during the war by British arms and restored
in 1918. | think we had better stand by the
restoration to the extent that we can well
maintain it, but not 10 graft upon il other and greater
rights which we cannot educe from il by any just
process Of reasoning. That is Of the difficulties
in the way, and the ground of Of the objections
which have to the passage Of this notice, II Il 10
10 be understood that we thereby Immediately arc
TO set up claim TO the possession of the whole Of
the country. And the senator from Illinois sup
poses that If that is not yielded actual possession
is not acknowledged, and our laws enforced there,
there will be just cause Of war. II all the premises
he has assumed were true il would only show still
more clearly that there serious difficulties in the
way Of final adjustment of this matter. The SEN
aor says that in legal consideration would be in
possession. What would be the actual state of
things Who would actually be in possession
Does he suppose that Great Britain would at once
abandon the whole country, and admit our right to
the possession Of the whole Of it-that she would
admit our right to $40 40, and at yield all her
claims' | imagine not. Now these are some Of the
difficulties which, in my judgment, would attend the
giving of this notice. and which appear TO me quite
insuperabe. But il is said that will facilitate the
peaceful adjustment, hasten the amcabe termlna-
ton Of all these difficulties. II thought so, with
all my heart | would go for il. ! am ready to do
anything reasonable and proper to bring this mat
ter to amicable settlement IL this notice, given
in any form, would do that-lf 1t would lead to
such result would go for it. But how is it to
do thnI-how Is II to operatel-how bring all par
ties to a better understanding Will its adoption JUS
tify US in making more liberal offers TO Great Brit
ain than we have made, or can make without it, Is
the administration expected after the passage of the
notice. to come forward with liberal proposition
for the settlement Of the pending difficulties than
could be offered without the notice? suppose that
is hardly expected or intended. Well, then, if the
notice is not intended to produce more liberal offers
on our part is it designed by that to intimi-
date Great Britain Do gentlemen expect that' Do
they suppose that, AFTER the notice. Great Britain
will be forced inlo position available Ii any
think So of course it will govern their conduct But
have no sdch idea. Let England know that that is
your opinion, and, my life for it, we will have no
amicabIe adjustment That 10 not the way to attain
an amicable and honorable adjustment Of national
differences. How, then, is the notice to have any
effect with either Of the parties to lead to a
peaceful arrangement | am very much afraid that
the effect of it will be to interpose Obstacles
certainly it will interpose new and most serious OBJ
stacles in the way Of peaceable adjustment if it is
to be given and executed in the indicated by
the senators from Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, and
their friends. Certainly in that case the obstacles
will be insurmountable. All but they say there
will be no warifwe do not settle it peaceaby there
will be no war about it-because mark the Sc
quence of their arguments Great Britain dare not
go to war with this country, singe-handed, for Ore
gon. OF that the senator from Ohio, Mr. ALLEN, ]
gives us most positive assurance. And the senator
from Illinois, Mr.. BREEsE,l appears to have the
same opinion. Great Britain dare not go to war
with this country, singlehanded, for Oregon! lfthe
gentlemen have no other ground for their belief that
the peace of the country will be kept unbroken than
that, will not debate the point with them any fur
Their. The senator from Michigan, [Mr. CAss,
with his enlarged experience and observa-
ton believes no such thing that. Certainly
Great Britain will resist pretensions. Then
how 10 war to be ayerted-peace secured-and an
amicable arrangement of the matter effected by CIV
ing this noticei Why, the gentlemen all tell us
with the utmost gravity--really looking as if they
quite in earnest, and perfectly sober-that this
is no cause of offence to England that the notice is
provided for in the treaty. and that England cannot
declare war against us for doing what is provided
for by the treaty. Well, suppose nobody ever
imagined tnat EnB'dnu would declare war against
us for giving this notice, and have no doubt she
would not, if we would stop there. But do gentle
men propose to stop there' Do they intend to do
nothing else, They tell us that this is but the first
step in series Of measures which are to be adopted
for the maintenance Of our rights to the whole ter
ritory, Now what are these other measures Are
they provided for by the treaty. We know what
they are to be: They are to be measures
for taking actual notwithstanding up our
authority maintaining it by terrifying the
country-repelling intruders, and so on.
1t is said Great Britain will not dare to declare
war for that. Well, perhaps not; don't think my
self she will. will tell you what think she will
do. Do you give thia notice, without bringing af
fairs to an an,icable termination; take measures to
assert your Jurisdiction there; Incorporate this terri
tory into the Union, and extend your laws over it
am inclined to believe you will, when you come
to do that, find force there ready to resist you,
and COLLISION will be inevitable. If you should
happen to be overpowered there, and Great
Britain should take possession Of the country, or Of
certain prominent points Of il, you would then ex-
pei her by force, or permit her to remain. But who
is to begin the war; Their soldiers, with force and
arms enough, and at the point Of the bayonet, will
ma ptai ,ban H.,