The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-02-24
ENGLISH VIEWS.

| The Morning Chronicle OF the 18th January
commenting on Mr.. Hannegan's and Mr.. Calhoun'
resolutions, thus rsbukos tho "esdng journal" tn,
London Times!
1--WE are constrained, therefore, TO repeat oul
warnings this subject. Let US negotiate, earnest
ly, skilfully, and with every possible desire to
avoid the unspeakabe calamity of war but let us
not so far presume On the impossibility Of thai
event as TO let come upon us unprepared We
must judge Of the dispositions Of the American peo-
pile by those which their representatives eyince, and
the latter, far a. we have seen, are either doubt
ful or dangerous. But while we refrain from en-
couraging expectations Of pacific settlement, for
which there appear no adequate grounds, we r1dst
diselaim oil participation in the opinions Of those
who represent that war With America would be
popular in England. The Times OF yesterday, In
article calculated 10 do much harm, declares that
war (lt does not matter, we presume, with whom
would now be popular and that "a war with
America would DO the very farthest from Icing
unpopular We are even told that 1T is not the
srstocratie sentiment Of birth or association that s
offended at American pretensons, and longs for The
opportunity Of an .fmfriedn conflict 1t would be,
IN fact, strange TO say, amongst men OF liberal
views, that such policy would find its chief sup
porters. The explanation Ia TO be found in the fol-
lowing paragraph, which, considering the ability
and influence Of tho journal putting It forth would
be sufficiently mischieyous without the paltry and
i'll hammered insult with which it concludes;
"'The man who has taught himself to believe
regal government an unnecessary luxury, and tho
crown an expensive Neutrality-suspicious. whole soul
is wrapped DIP in visions Of ideal freedom-such an
one looks ,cih loaihing poliiy corrupted IN all IL,
channel, oth tse Joulsa penality. The more sober,
but not less bold admirer ofpractical liberty shrnks
with disgust from the contemplation Of republic
vhieh 6sIis, lis high prstnsionJ by the undieaiion Of
Slavery and the federation of Lyneh-lato. The man
Win in ENGLAND il the firm and fer Tter of
popular rights-who is sprung from the masses Of
the people, and identified with their puvileges-so
far from gazing with distant admiration on that
model state which men Of his own kth and kin
have fashioned into a condition conformable with
proscriptve notions OF political equality-he turns
with indignant seorn from the inconsistency OF i'm
perial pretensions advanced by democratic cabi-
net and re-echoed by vast popuace IN nasal jar:
gon compounded al once Of bad grammar ard Oorse
principle
1--WE cannot answer for the opinions Of those
who entertain preference, either practical hoo-
rstca, for the institutions of America those of
England, though we apprehend the number Of such
persons to be so small to make their feelings Of
little Importance upon the question Of peace or
war. But with respect to the bulk OF. English
liberals-who, fully sensible of the blessings of
freedom of opinion, and stability combined with
progress, which are enjoyed more fully by the
English nation than by any other, also appre-
ciaie the good derived by twenty millions ofa kim
dred people, from kindred, though more democrat
ic instutons-we are bound to express our belief
that they have not one particle Of sympathy with
the supposed longing for American conflict.
There is no doubt class Of persons in England,
who, with tastes more highly cultivated thaa their
powers Of judging, are apt TO settle grave political
questions by sentiment alone. To the lazy fastid-
ioosncss OF such minds, the prosaic con'forts en-
joyed by the mass OF the American people, under
their democratic government, make no a,onement
Ca h., -
the working Of the principle Of political equality
gives occasional prominence. But the opinion Of
Woodworking and hard -thinkng England is not rep
| resented by these feeble senumentalists. On the
contrary, VIC believe that the English middle class
regard the mighty transatlantic republic not only
with admiration, but with pride, magnificent
demonstration of the progressive energy and self
governing power of their own victorious race. It's
| continued maintenance Of slavery they deeply de-
pore, but they remember too well the recenness Of
their own dellyerance from the same stain, and the
| unwillngness ofthose Engishmen who were them
selves slave owners to Join in getting rid of the stain
TO reproach America with the fatal legacy which
her English parentage bequeathed her. As to We
nality, it would be somewhat strange if nation 90
familiar with the practice Of bribery at parliament
! tary elections should by any suggestion on that
head provoke reference to its own shameful expe-
rience."
! But the Morning Chronicle treats the Oregon
Question throughout as subordinate to the question
of free trade On the 18th of january, for example
it thus urges the opening Of the ports as a peace
measure
"We confess, if the question were merely one o.
diplomatic arrangement between two powers having
no other relations with each other--if the Oregon
dispute stood absolutely by itself, the only
topic of international interestf it were to be set
tied exclusively on its own merits. as these are un
derstood by the governments Of tho two countries
we should now despair Of it's receiving any othe
solution than that Of war. Diplomacy has done it,
very BEST and declares that it can do no more. Tit
controversy is exhausted, and the disputants re
main exactly where they were before. Compro
mise has been tried and has failed. The Ameri
have theirs; the chief magistrate of the American
republic that he satisfactory evidence ha
no omise ,ohch the United States ought to acoep
can be affected The arbitration Of friendly powe
has been offered, and declined. The American
fall back on their absolute rghts--we on ours; ant
the interim and terminabe compromise, which salts
fed former generations Of dpomatists, is about Il
be rescinded. Now, if this were, practically, tn
whole Of the case--if there no new and colat
eral consideration yet remaining to be taken int
the account, what could be the end of Il but WAR
at is plain that, il this most disastrous Of calami
ties is to be averted some new element must be in
PRODUCED into the question. We must find som
new and more powerful solvent for the difficult
which wearied and dsheartened diplomacy aban
dons in despair. The question must be surrounds
with new relations, presented to the American min
in new aspects. The field Of view must be enlarged
and diversified by the introduction of new objects
the juxtaposition of which will show This in Its
} dimensions and proportions In other words, W
must bring COMMERCE to our help. We mus
strengthen the hands Of the peace party in tn
American republic, by reinforcing their pacific an
patriotic counsels with the argument Of commercit
) interest. We must disarm or neutraze the pas
sions Of the war party, by presenting to it this
which interests 1t as free-trade party We NUT
subdue the hostility Of the belcose and ambition
+ western States, by addressing them in their otht
character Of corn-growing States. And we must
this soon--at once-for time presses do il ere nj
tional passion reaches that point Of development
which the sense Of national interests becomes pow
eress. And WE must do it--both because the ct
quette Of diplomacy now gives the initiative, an
still more because we alone can do it with effect.
Never in the history Of nations did such var
: ETY. Of considerations---sach Of them separately
hrst-cass magnitude and force-converge to OF
II Il r. Il