The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-08-18

| the government, and its sudden change may or
press the poor, do injustice to any section. Til
! government ought TO have compassion on all tn
people, and particularly upon the laboring classes
The manufacturers at the north are not all "AbbOt
Lawrences," whose fortune has been the theme o
so many tariff speeches. The compromise tariff
act, under General Jackson, in 1888 reduced tn,
duties gradually and periodically for nine years.
gave nine years notice. This experimental tariff viii
reduce all the duties upon only four months notice!
The latter was harsh, cruel, unjust legislation
harsh to the wealthy, cruel TO the laborer, and un
just to BOTH and the general welfare did not require
il.
Third. The independent treasury, of itself great
changes the warehousing act, another; and the ex.
permental tariff, the greatest Of them will
when taken together, work an entire revolution OF
our financial system. One at a time they might have
been introduced more safely, some of them wisely
But by being so nearly united, as they will be, in
the time OF their commencement il 10 calculated 10
excite apprehension and alarm. To put them into 81
muitaneous operation, was indeed, political move
ment OF party, too violent and too potent for good
Ihey viii affect all the business of the people most
lnJurlonslyi and, with government expenditure OF
hfly millions, and revenue under twenty millions
The government itself may be crushed under their
combined operation. To attemptit, when the nation
was at war abroad, and the government was in the
money -markei, or soon expected there, as a Dor
$500 e'hOhNi uppcdItu 10 my Hlnu 10 De
unwisely departing public credit and private con-
denee. Revolutions are seldom reforms, and GER
tainly reforms need not always be revolutions. One
must reasonably fear that without miracle, such
strong measures, acting with their combined power
against the existing order Of things in the country
may create reyulsion in trade, pecunary distress,
hard times, popular exciements, and sectional az
taons, preceding another contest for the presiden-
ey, and do nobody any good but few political ag-
laters and rich spectators. Thought they would
go very far towards producing an overthrow of the
democratic party, II they did not entirely accom-
Plsh H. These consequences were too natural not
TO be apprehended; and the aforementioned result
was openly predicted by some, and probably antci.
pated by others, Of my own friends, who yet voted
for the experimental tariff bill, without approving OF
H. Unless II should be repealed or materially mod
lhed It's consequences now, beloHg TO the develop
ments Of the future; so | need not illustrate the
grounds OF my conviction by minuter statements
Let time test its correctness.
Fourth, In none ofthe tariff acts Of the United
States In former years TIE industry Of our own
country burdened by the determinations made
against home manufactures. Their policy was TO
build up, and not to destroy-to protect and not to
Cypress. Not so the experimental tariff And is il
not mistake TO suppose that the republican people
OF North Carolina were at any time hostile to thoa,
acts merely because they were "proteetips?" Our
hostility was aimed at the trtsni Of the thing
not the Thing itself--at ertrtme protection, no'
protection per Sc With here and there an in
dividual exception flor republicans in those days
were allowed to differ | boldly affirm that this
vas the republican doctrine OF our State; and
the people will know il to be true, when u
remind them that it was precisely the point Of gu
dispute with the nulhfers. They were against pro-
tecuon out and out We, the (Jackson) republican
party Of North Caroline, in particular went for in
eidental Protection-nlodsraie protection, by JUDI.
cious tariff" They for declaring the tariff OIL
1928 and 1882 unconstitutional, and multiplying it,,
because 1t protected manufactures We thought i'll
was unjust because the protection was erfremt, but
not unconstitutional, and that the "Union must be
preserved" What the republican party Of North
Carolina thought then, thought, and spoke, and
wrote.
And coming down to more recent events let me say
that Mckay's bill of 1874 tariff of incidental
protection, which you and l. and all the democrat
in Congress from North Carolina, approved and
sustained, and the people of our party, in North
Carolina nowhere opposed last year, and the press
ofthe party defended up to the Inauguration and az
forwards, and even down to the day Of the report
from the present Secretary of the Treasury Care
tai study, longer experience, and closer examna-
lion, have confirmed me in the faith Of those times,
fortified, as il was, by the authority Of the admins
ratons Of Washington, and Jttsrson, and Madison,
md Monroe and Jackson all southern republicans
md southern Presidents. Is consistency treason
L may be misfortune to me that l was unable to /
change with the times, but it would be crime to
Ieny my faith. To avoid misrepresentation, give
you the words OF those wise and eminent and patri-
tic men. Hear Washington: i
Extract Of speech Of George Washington, President
the United States, TO Congress, January 3, 1890.
"A free people ought only to he ped, but DISCIPLINE
~ to which end uniform and wedgested plan Is requi
te and their safety and interest require that they should
romote such as tend to render them indepen
lies " ..... 20
The advancement of agriculture, commerce. and manu-
actures, by all proper means wH not fsi need recon-
aendation."
In accordance with this general recommendation,
he House of Representatives passed resolution
Erecting the Secretary of the Treasury (Mr Ham
lton) to report to them upon the subject Of manu-
actures, and particularly as TO the means of pro-
states Independent Of foreign nations for military
nd other essential supplies; and his report sub
nitted in December, 1891, wherein he said
The expediency Of manufactures in the United States
which was not long since deemed very questionable
ears at this time to be pretty generally admed"P 1913
And again he said /
"a question has made concerning the constitutional
light the government of the United States to apply this
peoes Of encouragement ito manufactured but there
ertainly good foundation for such question: 1876
And again he said: o."
at is uncommon to meet with an opinion that though
promoting Of manufactures be the interest OF
the Union, it is contrary to that of another part The
orthern and southern regions sometimes represented
having adverse interests this respect Those cali
manufacturing these agricultural States; and species Of
ppostion is imagined to subsgt between the manufacture
az and agricultural interests. ...t ,. ..... I
ideas of contrariey of interests between the northern
nd southern interests OF the Union in the MAN.
bundled they mschievous The diversity OF circum
tances which such conrarety is usually predicated
uthorizes directly contrary conclusion Mutual wants
onsute of the strongest links Of political connexon
nd the extent Of these bears natural proportion to the d.
ersity in the OF mutual supply Suggestions OF
pposte complexion to be deplored unfrendly
the steady pursuit Of great cause, and to
ne perfect harmony Of all its parts p sL see State
apers, Finances vol !, pages 1873 l3i, and 1867
These were the doctrines Of Washington, and Of
Vashington's administration. And now hear /
Washington again!
rtract Of speech Of George Washington, President Of
the United STATES, TO Congress December 7, 1876,
Congress have repeatedly, and without success d.
nced their attention to the Of mGnltatnrss
he object is Of too much consequence not TO insure
of their efforts in every way which shall appeal
ligible." ~. ....' 49,.
Hear Jefferson
srtrdct Of message from Thomas Jefersoa, Pres-
dent Of The United States, TO Congress, November g.
1908.
ir1-lo of,ur h.