The daily union., 1846-10-31

within itself, whatever was necessary for the con-
sumption Of its own inhabitants, Although that
forced and unnatural system has been generally
abandoned by civilized nations the on which it
was based has not been wholly eradicated. The ar
guinens daily urged by proteetionists at the pres
eDt time, indicate that political science has, as
yet, much real progress 10 make. To pass laws
with the view of forcing labor IN direction which
y would not voluntarily take, 10 70 suppose
that governments ere established, not for the pur-
pose of securing to each citizen his rights Of person
and property, but TO create an artificial state Of so
ciey, dependent, for It's existence, ON the VIII OF
the legislature, and subject 10 all Of the fluctuations
Of popular sentiment II Ia declared that, nasmoeh
as Il is for the interest of each nation TO produce all
that u consumes government should undertake the
regulation Of private industry, 80 that home pro-
ducilon and home consumption may always 80
hand in handj or that tho homo supply may
always equal tho home demand. This prop
osiiion, however beautiful il may appear at
first sight, and however hattering TO our national
pride, a. when examined, found TO be destructive to
individual liberty, which, after all tha, may be writ
ten said, is the great end to be attained. To in
sure the exact balance between domestic production
Rnd consumption, IL is necessary that the people
Should not only be % divided and subdivided into
classes to produce all that 10 necessary for ma
tional consumption, but that they should consume
just what Is produced at home. Laws would be
necessary for the regulation Of consumption as we'll
as OF production. Or, 10 adopt the reasoning OF
modern protectionsts laws should he passed en-
couragipg home consumption well as domestic
industry complicated order Of things which hu-
man wisdom has never directed benefcially, and
which il never make operate happily.
"Tbe exploded systems Of government presup-
posed that few should rule the many-that the
masses could be suffered TO regulate their own
private AFFAIRS consequently they were not consulted
in law making, or in the choice Of their rulers.
few became professional law makers or rulers, and
l. - ~. -
sential to general happiness. Gross al this error
is admitted TO be, il s merely carrying out to It's
legitimate consequences the general principle on
which the protective theory is founded. We shall
not stop inquire into the effect Of such principle
upon civilization, itself, in generating what may be
our purpose that If it were universally practised,
whatever one country might gain in its aggregate or
national Independence, would be unayoidably lost
in individual liberty or happiness. The tyrants
plea has always been the public good. Personal
rights and freedom have often been uampled upon,
under the pretence that the general welfare required
the Individual u, be sacrificed. Constitutional gov
ernments have consequently, been framed to secure
to each and every person his inalienable rights,
among which, says the declaration Of Independence,
are life, liberty, and the pursuit Of happiness
Masses or majorities repel aggression on them
selves; individuals must suffer without hope Of
dress, Hence the necessity of written constitutions
his rights by restricting the operations Of the gov
eminent within proper bounds and confning il to
the exercise Of general duties in which all are equal
ly interested. .,.... ...
at is important that these primary truths should
be frequently adyerted to, in order that erroneous
principles may not be admitted in practice, and as
they widen their sphere Of influence, swallow up
one individual right after another. The experience
Of all past times teaches how dangersus il is to per-
NIT governments to transcend their true limits-to
pass beyond the wel-defned boundary separating
individual from public affairs. The admission Of
general principle which viii tolerate government in
reference with matters beyond its legitimate control
may lead, and materially tends, to oppression. IL
matters not what form that interference takes
whether II assumes IL to be the right Of the govern
ment to control the industrial pursuits Of the
ry-to break up one branch of business that on its
ruins another may be built--or takes the mider
form Of fostering interest to the neglect Of anoth
er The protectionists ask but little for agricultural
commercial industrytheir solicitude ia for man.
ufacturcs but not for all branches of manufacturing
pursuits. The smaller capitalists or mass Of me-
chancs not thought of, It 10 only few manufac
lures that urge upon the attention Of the govern
men, and these are not such branches directly
connected with government operations. The whole
industry Of the country must be disturbed, accord
ing to the protective theory, that few may be in
duced to embark in specified enterprises"
These general views are, of course. not now.
They never more clearly set forth than in the
following passage of the Cd chapter 4th book Of the
celebrated "Wealth Of Nations" Of Adam Smith,
published as far back as l775-'6-those great times
which gave birth to our own Declaration of Inde-
pendence:
"As every individual endeavors as much as he
can, both to employ his capital in the support Of do
mestic Industry and to direct that industry that
its produce may be Of the greatest value; every indi-
vdual necessarily abors to render the annual reve-
nue. of the society as great he can. He generally,
indeed, neither intends to promote the public inter-
est, nor knows how much he is promoting it. BY
preerrng the support of domestic to that of foreign
industry, he intends only his own security; and by
directing that industry in such manner as its pro-
duce may be Of the greatest value he intends only
his own gain, and he is in this, in many other ca
ses, led by an invisible hand to promote an end
which part of his intention. Nor is 1t always
the worse for the society that it was part of it,.
BY pursuing his own interest he frequently pro-
notes that of the society effecually than when
he really intends to promote it. have never known
much good done by those who affected to trade
for the public good 1t 10 an aectaton, indeed, not
very common among merchants, and very few
words need be employed in dissuadiDg them from
II.
"What is the species Of domestic industry which
his capital can employ, and Of which the produce is
likely to be of the greatest value, every individual
il is evident, can, his local situation judge much
better than any statesman or lawgiver can do for
him. The statesman, who should attempt to direct
private people in what manner they ought to employ
their capitals, would not only load himself with q
most unnecessary attention, but assume an authority
which could safely be trusted, not only to no single
person, but to no council or senate whatever, and
which would no where be so dangerous as in the
hands Of q man who had folly and presumption
enough to fancy himself fit to exercise il. n, ,e
ITO give the monopoly Of the home market to
the produce Of domestic industry, 10 any particular
art or manufacture, is in some measure 70 direct pr-
vate people in what manner they ought 70 employ
their capitals, and must, almost all cases, be either
a useless or hurtful regulation. Ifthe produce Of
domestic can be brought there as cheap as that Of
foreign industry, the regulation is evidently useless
fit cannot, II must generally be hurtful II is the
maxim every prudent master Of family, never to
attempt to make at home what it will cost him more
to make than to buy. The tailor does not attempt
70 make bis own shoes, but buys them Of the shoe
maker. The shoemaker does not attempt to make
his own clothes, but employs a tailor The farmer
nj fnr fhn the h,,f