The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-05-27

the territory to claim the protection Of our govern
ment the subjects Of Great Britain who were there
had, under their charter from the crown, ample au
thority 10 govern themselves, and protect them
selves from the attacks Of the Indians while carry
ing on their business as traders with them
About eight years ago our citizens commenced set
Ting in Oregon, and they now far outnumber th'
British; they have increased to some eight or ter
Thousand, and claim the protection OF our laws
Thus the necessity for settlement Of the question
OF title has become more and more urgent The
subject was several times brought before Congress
prior the last session. but proposition was ever
seriously urged believe until then, TO dissolve the
convention with Great Britain. Al that session we
were officially informed that negotiations, with a
view to the settlement Of the question futile, werego-
ing on, and had every assurance that thers was
fair prospect ola favorable result Nevertheless bill
was introduced and passed this House, establish
ing a separate territorial government in that terri
tory up to the utmost claim we haye--54o 4V-with
provisions even stronger than the bill now before
us contains, and containing section requiring the
President 10 give notice OF the abrogaton OF the
yention; that at the end oftwelye months British
subjects there were to come Immediately under our
laws and liable 10 be expelled the country Against
that bill voted; and against such bill presume
there are scarcely any members now here who
would not vote, although the circumstances now
would much better justify such measure than a.
they then existed.
The objection to that bill did not consist alone in
the amendment offered and adopted just before the
vote was taken, providing for giving the notice OF
the termination of the Joint occupancy, against
which almost the entire democratic party voted
There were other obiectIons-all that are 10 be
found in this bill, and more than my time will allow
me TO point out That bill failed in the Senate, and
the negotiation went on here between the Brush
minister and this government. Inc disclosures
made by the President in his message to the present
n. -. ID
important chapter to us. Instead Of favorable
prospect Of an amcable settlement of the vexed
question by negotiation, he told US that, after repeat
ed efforts all prospect of termIn atng the controversy
in that way had failed, and that mo compromise
which the United States ought TO accept can be ef-
fected." He disclosed TO us another very import
ant fact that in the Of the negotiation, 'in
Difference alone to what had been done by his pre-
decessors and the implied obligation which their
acts seemed 10 impose" he had proposed TO the
British minister TO settle the question IN dispute by
dividing the territory the 49th parallel Of latitude
This most liberal offer was, however, refused by
Great Britain, and afterwards Withdrawn by our
government. Thus the negotiation was found by
us at the meeting Of Congress.
The improperly Of going into investigation
Of the title to this territory, when that is the sub
ect Of dispute between the two countries, (and
hope still of negotiation also,) must be obvious to
any one unless confined to our side OF the question,
and then it ceases to he free discussion. Nearly
every one who has spoken on this question, admits
the impolicy Of debating the title, and still have
scarcely observed one who has not committed him
self upon il. This has been the cause Of great
deal OF feeling here and has preudiced negotiation.
Our speeches. especially If they favor the British
claim, are freely published and circulated the
other side Of the water, where the defects IN our
tile and our divisions at home are thus exposed.
II is said, however, that is necessary TO expose
the weakness Of claim (if it is weak to the
lfan nd for ht laQfan afa
of public opinion may be created This evil may
be avoided, however, by other modes, without run
ming into the other extreme of making such con-
gressonal speeches. This objection may be obvia-
ted by addresses to the people directly, giving
views the subject Of the title, without adopting
the usual course Of making Congress the vehicle for
conveying our opinions on the subject to the coun-
try. Congre ssonal debates however obscure the
speakers here, all read in such foreign
tries feel an interest in the subject. They are
read there authorities against u.s. as we read here
speeches made IN Parliament, as evidence against
| the British claim. | have thought and must all
who will examine the able arguments Of our present
and late Secretaries Of State in favor Of title
| that we may safely rest our case in such hands.
have considered 1t great misfortune that circum-
stances rendered 1t necessary to bring this question
before Congress, because Of the improprietes that
have been alluded to. Questions touching our for
egn relations ought always TO be cautiously ham
died; they much safer with the Executive branch
| of the government than with Congress. For one,
while | am far any one here from such infu-
ences, believe il to be my duty to sustain the Pres
ident in carrying out his views upon such questions,
when can do without violation Of my principles
On the present occasion, am free to say, without
intending to commit the | have deprecated in
others by examining the title, that | heartily ap-
prove Of the Presidents course in offering the COM
promise he did. He has been, as | sincerely be-
lieve, most unjustly censured for making known
upon what terms, at what line, he would or
would not settle this question. IL gentlemen will
reflect upon the duties Of the President, they may
| rack their brains in specializing to what he will
| do-they may work themselves into a desperate
passion, because this that is likely to be adopted;
but they never blame him for refusing to pub
lish his views IT, as have shown, the wordy, and
often ll-considered, speeches in Congress capa-
BILE Of making mischief in negotiations, how
much would the indscreet expressions of opin-
ion by the President on propositions that may new
er be made, produce'
Tn, President recommended notice to be given
under the provisions Of the treaty for the ermina-
ton of the joint occupancy This, after protract
ed debate, passed in this House. and has, after
still more delay, passed the Senate with an amend
ment. Upon that measure desired to express my
sentiments when it was under consideration here;
and made repeated efforts to obtain the floor, but
| without success did not desire then, as do not
now, to discuss the title, but to assign my reasons
for voting at this session for giving the notice, hav
| Ing VOteu at the laSt SESSION against IT, desired
TO say, that were informed at the last session
that negotiation was progressing under favorable
prospects, to have given the notice without the
very Objectionable bill Of which it formed party
would have been improper and unnecessary. But
since that time negotiation has been tried and failed
thus far at least, 10 settle the difficulty. Since that
time the people have taken up the subject, and de-
mand its speedy termination in some way What.
ever may have been the advantage of the Joint oc-
cupancy treaty to US, as a means of avoiding the
consequences that naturally would have resulted
from the repeated failures to settle this question by
amcable means, until we could settle the disputed
country with our citizens and prepare to meet the
consequences, after the question had taken such
hold upon the public mind-after certain politicians
had seized upon it political machine to pull
down some men and elevate others-it was time to
bring it to a close, to take it from before the public
and out Of the hands Of partisans.
It is not strange that the people do now demand
a settlement Of this question. They naturally con-
cude that if the country, any part Of it, belongs
IN us we onpht 10 have il exclusively in our posses-