The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-15

ting up the peace Of the country upon most dam
gerous issuei But in Gonnexion with thus, sun
more important consideration presents ITSELF II
takes two-thirds Of the Senate 10 ratiy areaIy' IL
therefore, the $40 40 men in the Senate can mus
ter even even minority sutcentto defeat the treaty
then the law goes into effect by its own force
Does this not present a powerful motive e, the ex-
IRENE $40 4U mem Il is not at all 10 be wondered al
that they are so much delighted al the prosper oil
the passage of this bill.
| think the time has arrived when congress
should either cease action on this question, or else
speak out and tell the country what we intend do
ing II we intend TO have call Oregon" OF hght,
let us say so, and then the country VIII understand
us Lei our bravery be in action, and not IN
speeches. Let the Countryside peaceful, quiet cii-
zens of the country, know what we are doing. p.
But no; this Is not TO be done. The country IL 70
be led on step by step; and what folly produces is
to be set down TO necessity. The war spirit Is TO be
kndled, but mixed up with great professions ofloye
for peace. No one on this hoor processes to love
war. All profess extreme attachment for peace
aud the steps which have led W almost into the
flames Of an unnecessary war, have been proclaimed
as treading in the surest paths OF peace lie well
recollected the progress Of this proposition OF love
Of peace al proclaimed at the various stages OF The
"notce." At first "notce" was considered bold
measure and was 80 proclaimed 10 the country.
When the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr..
ApAasl declared himself for notice, the House
and galleries resounded with admiration OF the
boldness Of the deed. Ii then payiike TO be for
notice But the country began to speak out In ia
vor Of honorable peace, and against unnecessary
war And forthwith "notiee" became peace me IS
ure-and those who were for IL claim 10 be most the
friends of peace, And the "masterly Inactivity
men" we're very nigh being considered as on the
war side Of the question. .
And now desire 70 say something Of the causes
which have produced this unhappy state Of things.
In an evil hour for the welfare OF the country, this
question was seized upon for the purpose Of presi-
dentmaking. Ii was laid hold OF as one Of the
elements OF agitation in political campaign, to
override other questions. An exclusive claim 10
"all Oregon" was set up, and any one who dared to
doubt the proprety OF this was TO be denounced as
on the British side Of the question. The Baltimore
convention emblszoned the claim upon its flag, and
Il was shouted over the Union one OF the watch
words Of party. Next came the inaugural address
Of the newly elected President-and il the retera-
Of this claim Of exclusive right TO the whole Of
the territory. This announcement in the inaugural
putting a higher dignity and assuming greater
importance than could attach TO the declarations Of
party convention attracted special notice inGreat
Britain, and called forth response not at all fayora
be TO the continuance Of peace between the two
countries. This naturally aroused corresponding
increase Of excitement on this side Of the waters
and the question al once in danger of being
transferred from about Of land into point
of national honor, in which both governments began,
in some degree, to look upon their standing before
the world as involved. And here arose. and here
still exists, the whole difficulty ofthe case.
In this posture things stood up to the appearance
Of the late annual message. BY that we are put IN
possession Of new and important, il not strange
movement, the part Of this government. The
high pretensions of exclusive claim up by the
Baltimore convention and proclaimed In still more
solemn form by the inaugural, was either forgotten
disregarded, and we were told by the President
that he had offered to divide the disputed country
with Great Britain on the 49th degree and that this
offer had been made from Difference to precedent
set by his predecessors But, perhaps, TO avoid the
wrath and denunciations Of his western and northern
friends, the President goes on 10 inform US that,
as his offer had not been accepted, he had
withdrawn it, and had again set up his claim
to allthe territory. "Our title to the whole of Ore
gon" is again proclaimed and the President says
maintained by irrehagable facts and arguments''
The reason given by the President for offering the
49th degree as a compromise, deserves special no
tice He says the offer was made in Difference to
precedent" of similar kind set by his "predeces-
sors." This seems well enough in these times Of
progression. 1t was cheering TO see anything that
showed proper respect for precedents But why
were not these "precedents" thought of when the
inaugural was delivered Were they known to the
President III no, they then deserved as much re-
spect when he afterwards offered to surrender
nearly half, and, perhaps, the most valuable half,
Of the disputed territory. II they were not known
to him, he spoke in his inaugural without proper
knowledge Of the subject
But another view of this point deserves still more
special notice If the President, as he informs US,
in making this offer to Great Britain, governed
by precedent" set by the distinguished men who
preceded him in the executive chair did he weaken
the force Of these "precedents' by adding another
to the number Did he by following these prece-
dents destroy their force' What would be thought
of a Judge who would make decision in Difference
to former precedents, and then declare that he,
having followed these precedents and added, his
own TO the number, entirely released, not only
from the force of the precedents he had solemny
followed, but from his own decision aso' And yet
such judge would act precisely as our President
has acted IN this case. Having followed the prece
dents Of his predecessors, he claims to be entirely
released from this force, and from that of his own
also. Surely if these presidents ever had force to
estop us from setting up, at the hazard of war, a
claim OF exclusive right, which we had repeatedly
offered TO surrender, they have lost none Of this
moral obligation by recent events. They have, on
the contrary greatly increased their force by the
solemn sanction Of this administration. Can the
President, in the face of these facts call for contr
butions Of blood and treasure from the people to
sustain claim which he has himself offered to give
away?
But, it is said, this offer was made for the sake of
peace. Very well. But is not peace as dear now as
when he made the Offer In my poor Judgment,
when he made the offer he should have stood upon
it, and the whole country would have rallied to him
with heart and feeling If he had called for
notice, it would have been passed by almost unan-
mous vote. Ii was the extreme prerensons set up
in the message in the face of the Presidents own
acts, that, in my judgment, rendered the giving no
tce in unqualified form improper. But | will
here take occasion 70 say, that If the bill authorizing
notice, returned from the Senate amended as have
been informed it will be, in that FORM will vote
for it, and my impression is, that my wing col
leagues will also vote for it.
His colleague, Mr. SrANroN,] had said, that if
ago should be offered by Great Britain as a com.
promise, it ought to be accepted, IF so, why not
place ourselves on that ground, and stand on that
line of division as an ultimatum' Why break off
negotiation, and in passion claim alp Why place
ourselves in false position before the world, by
first offering TO surrender half and then provoking
an Unnecessary war, founded on claim Of exclusive
title to ALP ,-r.. , ....,. a..' 90. ~-~~~.-
But Continued Mr.. b. have another colleague,
Mr.. JOHNSON who declares that compromise is
to be made, that we must, Notwithstanding all that
has passed, still have the whole Of the territory, and
to prove that he read the resolutions of the Balt
more convention, which is as follows: