Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1846-09-25

L.
the nurpose of obtaining this advance anu ~
cutting short the supply OF labor elueaso. ~
enhance the price. How will they 1are IN 'nls
case, They will soon find, ss'hey ha!e re-
neatedly found, that labor hs/no pfo'ec'oh Ill
the hands of its original 'hers' and receives
none that "a available to- tiem-none, TILL II be-
nomes the nroperty of ,<hers. The population
- pr;t;sb 5,annfactp1ng districts, and inmates
~ Rr;t;sh workhoees, cannot transmit their
labor bore in tn 4orm Of cotton and woollen
SoJ, b.rd1,.e, &c, because there is a hea-
g. ,t1- ~, t1ose articles to protect and enrich
o1r Mains cturers by excluding fore m COM
>1a.:+:a~,. out those same manufacturers can,
P Pa A. FREE OF DUTY, import ship loads OF
thoasDorers and operatives themselves, to come
Competition with our own operatives here,
and to keep the price of labor down to Just
what the employer pleases to pay. 1t is rea-
div seen, then, that while under protective
tariff, our manufacturers are securely shielded
against all foreign competition, our operatives
and workingmen are left entirely exposed TO
the effects of competition, without any protec-
tive duty whatever, with the entire laborng
and pauper population of Europe, and the
latter cast on our shores by means OF funds
furnished by their government at home. l
not very singular way to "PRorECT AMER1-
CAN INDUSTRY" In making tariff, the man
ufacturer receives adequate protection. The
as he requires it. Why then should not the
the labor, receive equal protection against for
eign competition? Alas he is poor-he can
not be heard in the legislative halls, among
A. Al hoe IN
tive; and amid the party strife and warfare, he
is left to the tender mercies of mOnied arls-
tocracy. have no objections to protective
policy, if all interests can be included the
poor man with his labor as well as the rich
man with his monied capital But then, the
manufacturer would ask for no tariff, because
he could not control the market for labor.
and the price must bear reasonable proper
ton to the profits of business, which now II
does not.
But manufacturers ask, how can labor be
protected by law? Henry Clay, and Daniel
wake, have never found any difficulty in ma
king out, constructvely, that protective tar.
if was a constitutional measure, though oul
constitution says not word about it, and con-
fers no power on Congress, directly, to insti
| lulC any ouCH SySlclN Dul llcy nave Utel
wonderfully blind to an express provision in
that same instrument, to protect the country
against an excess Of foreign emigration, an
which would of course protect American In.
dustry. allude to Article l., Section k o.
the constitution of the United States, which
provides that, &c The migration or importation
Of such persons as any of the States now ex
listing, Il. e. existing when the constitution
was framed,) shall think proper to a INIT, shall
not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the
year One Thousand Eight Hundred and Eight
but tax or duty may be imposed on such
importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each
person."
am not contending against the admission
of foreigners; but l say, if we must have {
tariff to give the manufacturer the command O
the market for his fabric, let the laborer, an
operative, and mechanic, also have one to give
him the monopoly of the market for the la
Dor which constitutes their capital. All 9th
er plans are unequal and anti-repubican; an
rather than support such plans, let the whole
system perish together. Yours, &c.