The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-07-28

siitutoDal power of taxation IN such manner 10
protect by high duties imports many OF the pro.
duclions ofour own soil and labor from the compe-
| luton OF other countries, has endured Tor more Than
thirty years During that period system of high
taxation has prevailed with fueustions Of success
| and failure. IL is as vigorously and as exactingly
| insisted upon now as ever; and indeed II would
SEEM In some instances, as II the longer the adyan-
tage Of particular tax was enjoyed, the stronger
became the desire for It's continuance, and even us
augmentation. And yet il ought to be remembered
that this exercise Of the taxing power by which the
great of consumers made 10 swell the profits
OF a few branches of industry, was originally in
tended 10 be temporary, TO be continued only so
long as its continuance necessary TO the indus
trial independence and safety Of the whole people.
Such the language the incubation, the spirit,
in which il proposed and justified by its earliest
and wisest friends. The design was TO foster feeble
Infant" manufactures, especially such were es-
senta to the defence Of the country in time of war
In this design, the people have perseyered until,
with some, but not weighty exceptions, these sap
lings have taken deep root have become vigorous,
expanded, and powerful, and are prepared TO share
the common lot of human pursuits, and to enter
with confidence the field Of free, fair, and universal
competition.
The arrival ofthis period Of time, long promised,
has been anxiously looked for by large and Justly
respected portioG OF ellow-citizens who deemed
themselves peculiar and almost exclusive sufferers
by the policy Of protection. They have
sonetmes-perhaps neutrality-suspicious. u
| anticipate It. Their numbers, at first entltled
TO influence only from their patriotism intelli-
gence, have gone gradually increasing as the
system ripened to its fruit, aud they now oonsti.
tute what am bound by registered facts to regard
as decided majority Of the people and Of the
Union.
IL is undoubtedly true that this change Of financial
arrangement, brought about by public opinion,
"phieh srsrsroheTe ought 10 guide and influence states
men, should. ueVeftheeaa he eharacteTIzed nv
moderation, nay, by scrupulous tenderness for
those interests OF felow-eilizens that TO be
affected by it. The legislation which encouraged
their Investments, their educational training, their
habits, should cease, finally and firmly, if required,
but still soothingy and gently; and hence may be
pardoned for expressing regret that certain pro
visions which, IN their bearing seem 10 me uenchant
aud sudden beyond the calls Of the occasion, have
been allowed TO remain parts of this bill. Were
II IN my power TO except these provisions from the
operation ofmy vote, would do so; but viewed as
| a whole, as a measure TO accommodate a vast and
intricate subject to the prevailing sentiment of the
American people, TO reduce the burdens artiheially
| imposed upon the laborng and productive masses,
and to reconcile diminished restriction of trade with
increased contributions from il, | cannot resist the
impression that the bill is more equal, more tenn
pered, and more just than the act Of lS42 which il
supersedeS. That it deals with some pursuits and
resources Of my native Commonwealth less kindly
| than she might well expect does not relieve me
from my duty, but only makes its performance per-
sonally reluctant and painful.
In aid Of these considerations, adequate, perhaps,
in themselves TO control my VOTE there is another
which, am free 10 confess, nothing but unfore-
SEEM sheer, and pressing public necessity could ever
induce me to forego or forget In strict concord
with the letter and spirit Of the constitution, the
Vice President Of the United States, now called
upon TO act is the direct agent and representative Of
the whole people. In advance and dependent upon
eOntinOent reaulta neFfecflu ten this
his national constituency, TO give instuctions and
to receive pledges for their execution. On this den
tical subject of tariff Of duties on imports whatever
may have been the course Of local and casual incon-
sistency, my own honor can admit Of no disclaimer
of instructions that formally announced, and
my own good faith stands inyiolable to a pledge
voluntarily given. If by thus acting it be my mis-
fortune TO offend any portion Of those who honored
with their suffrages have only to say to them,
and to my whole couAtry, that l prefer the deepest
obscurity of priyateife, with an unwounded con-
science, the glare Of official emnence, spotted by
a of moral delinquency. ..
The presiding officer having given the casting vote
in the affirmative, the bill was ordered TO third
reading. ar.a. ~ flTfr..r
Several voices: Now for the third reading.
"No, no. Wait until Tomorrow" heard
from the opposition side Of the chamber.
Mr.. NILES here and moved that the further
consideration of the subject be postponed until the
first Monday in December next.
Mr.. COLQUITT questioned the proprety of this
motion. He thought that il was out of ORDER the
bill ha been ordered to a third reading, and there
was, therefore, another question pending.
Here the calls for the third reading Of the bill
were renewed.
Mr.. MANGUM, and others. 1t is objected to,
| and therefore must lie over.
The point of order not having been disposed Of
Mr.. SIMMONS commended that the motion by the
senator from Connecticut was in order, The ques-
ton would be, first, upon the posponing the further
consideration and, if that was rejected, then any
further action would be in order; but while motion
to postpone was pending, no other action would be
in order.
The objection was here withdrawn.
Mr.. NILES proceeded to say, that he should not
consider that he had done his whole duty in oppos-
| ton TO this extraordinary measure, without making
this the last effort to arrest its progress Circum-
stances had thrown upon him grave and highly re-
sponsble duty in regard to this measure, and he had
for moment hesitated in meeting it or faered
| in its discharge, however painful 1t had BEEN He
had earlessly met this bill its first appearance IN
the Senate, and had done all that he believed 1t his
duty 10 do to defeat it, by attempting to show that
it such bill ought not to receive the sanction
Of this body. Having no longer any hopes OF sue
| ceedng in this, it now only remained for him. as a
last effort, to get it postponed. His object was
| to give bis northern friends an opportunity TO
arrest or postpone this measure without di-
fore, in the most friendly but solemn man
ner, make this last appeal; he would earnestly
beseech them to pause and delay the final action on
this bill, deeply interesting to their constituents
as well as to his He had said some days since,
when addressing the Senate that he could not appeal
to any of his northern friends to vote against this bill
because the interests Of their constituents sub
stantally the same as hiss and if what was due to
them and their interests could not prevail, he could
not suppose any respect for the rights of his con-
sttuents any considerations Of regard for himself
personally, could influence their action. But now
he did not appeal to them in regard to the merits Of
the BILL he asked only for delay. He asked that the
final decision might be put off, and that the question
might go before their constituents and his, that they
may examine it, and decide upon its merits. fthis is
allowed it will be thoroughly discussed in its princ-
pies and its Details probable influence beiudged
of on their interests, pursuits, and employments. He
sincerely hoped that this reasonable request would be
accorded to him. He asked it for their constituents
as well as his own. He asked for the whole people
of the NORTH most deeply interested in this question
What solemn spectacle, (sad Mr.. N, does this
Senate now exhibit. Weare about to decide grave
1oepl,, tho interests the bl