Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1846-08-25


their operations forthwith, and consequently 10
discharge number Of their laborers aud reducc
The wages Of all. The laborers suffer more than
the owners, because III are less able To bear H.
The sudden loss OF work will be 10 many OF them
and their families loss Of food and raiment, and
that which The law-maker is commanded 10 pray
for-his daily bread he would be thus rudely
taking by law from The working man OF his conn.
try And the experimental Tariff &C, was The
more Objectionable, inasmuch as many OF our
conntrymen-the Northern laborers who are 10
suffer under twill be put out of employment
in the beginning oil winter, when other employ
ments will be obtained with great difficulty; and
al the North The poor, without labor and wages,
encounter degree OF suffering, in that incle
meui season, which we have no just conception
Of al the South You must see il, before yon can
fully appreciate il. Also. a sudden alteration
of The tariff must, OF necessity, disturb the home
market Of our manufacturers, coal digsers, and
mechanics, and involve hundreds and thousands
in losses to some, ruin 10 others, and suffering
tomany.
Even bad tariff law, then, should not 5e re-
pealed SO as TO fall down too hastily, when its
gradual abrogalion would create less nconveni-
ence 10 the government, and its sudden change
may Cypress the poor, or do injustice TO any sec
| ton. The government oughtto have compassion
on all the people, and particularly upon The labor
| ing classes. The manufacturers al the north are
| not all 'iAbbou Lawrences," whose fortune has
been the theme Of SO many tariff speeches. The
compromise tariff act, under Gen. Jackson, IN
| 1888, reduced the duties gradually and pcriodi-
| cay Tor nine years II gave nine years notice.
THis experimental tag1D will reduce all The duties
upon only four months notice! The latter was
harsh cruel, unjust leg islaticn-halSh 10 the veal
thy. cruel 10 the laborer, and unjust TO both; and
4 u "a
Third The independent treasury Of itself a
| great change; the warehousing act another; and
the experimental tariff, the greatest Of them all -
will when taken together, work an entire revou-
ton OF our financial system. One al a time they
might have been introduced more safely, some
OF them wisely. But by being so nearly united
as they will be, in The time OF their commence
ment, il is calculated 10 excite apprehension and
alarm. To put them into simultaneous opera
! ton, was indeed political movement Of party
TOO violent and too potent Tor good. They VIII al
feet all the business Of The people most injurious
y; and, with government! expenditure OF fry
millions and a revenue under twenty millions
The government ITSELF may b. crushed under their
combined operation. To attempt il, when The
nation was al war abroad, and the government
was in the money market, or soon expected there
as a borrower al home, clearly appeared TO my
mind 10 be unwisely jeopardins public credit and
private commence. heVOlutlUUS are stluOiH Ie-
forms, and certainly reforms need not always be
revolutions One must reasonably fear that with
out miracle, such strong measures, aching with
their combined power against The existing order
Of things in the country may create revulslon
in trade pecunary distress, hard times, popular
exci'emenls and sectional aSaions, preceding
another contest for The presidency, and 20 nobofv
any good but few political asiIatorS and rich
spectators thought they would 90 very far
towards producing an overthrow of the Demo
cratic party, il they did not entirely accomplish
il. These consequences were too natural not IT.
be apprehended; and The aforementioned result
was openly predicted By some, and probably an
licipaled by others, ot my own friends, who yet
voted for The experimental tariff bill, without ap-
proving OF il. Unless it shond be repealed or
materially modified, its consequences now belong
to The Developments Of the future; need not
illustrate the grounds my conviction BY minuler
statements. Let time test lis correctness.
Fourth. In none OF The tariff acts OF The United
States in former years was The industry Of our
own country burdeneG by The Determinations
made against home manufactures. Their policy
was TO build up, and nolto deslroy-to protect. and
not 10 Cypress. Not 50 the experimental tariff
And is il not mistake 10 suppose that the repub.
ican people OF North Carolina were al any lime
hostile 10 those acts merely because they were
"oteciir.2' Our hostility was aimed al the erIcnl
OF The thing, not the thing Itself al c1irenae proiec-
lion, not protection pr SC. With here and there an
individual exception, forrepubcans IN those days
were allowed 10 differ,) boldly affirm that this
was the republican doctrine Of our State; and Inc
people will know il TO be true, when ! remind
Them that il was precisely the point OF our dispute
with the pulifers. They were against prolec
ton out and out. We, The (Jackson) republican
par,y of North Carolina, in particular, went Tor
incidental protection mod1afe protection, ny
"iudicious tariff" They were Tor declaring The
tariff OF 1929 and 1882 unconstitutional, ana nu-
Living il, because il protected manufactures. we
thought i, was ertycMe, hut not unconstitutional
and that the "Union musI be preserved" What
the republican party Of North Carolina thought
then, | thought, and spoke, and wrote.
And coming down 10 more recent events, lei me
say. that Mckay's bill of l844 was tar oil in
cidenlal prot, clion, which you and l. and all The
Democrats in Congress from North Carolina, ap-
proved and sustained, and the people oil our parry,
in North Carolina, nowhere opposed last year,
and The press OF the party defended mp 10 The IN
aueuralion and afterwards, and even down 10 the
day OF The report from the present Secretary oil The
Treasury. Careful study, longer experience and
closer examinations have confirmed me in the TAI
OF those times, fortified, as il was, by The authori.
" of The administrations OF Washington, anG
Jefferson, and Madison, and .Honroe, and .Jocfson
all Southern Republicans and Southern Pres-
dents Is consistency treason2 II may be mis-
fortune TO me that was unable TO change win the
| times, but il would be crime TO deny my iai,h
| To avoid misrepresentation, give you the words
OF those wise and eminent and patriotic men,
Hear Washington:
Exiraet of a speech of George Woshing,om Presi-
dent of The Unaied States, 10 Congress, January
| 8. 1880:
"a free people ought only 10 he armed, but disri-
plined 10 which end uniform and we'll dgrsied plan
is requisite; and their safety and interest require that
they should promote such manufactures a tend 10 rem
der them independent others for essential particular
~ military. supplies"
"'rhe advancement of agriculture, commerce, and ma.
aafdourcs by all proper mans, oa not uHs Hetd re-
commeadation."
In accordance with this general rccommenda-
ton. the House oil Representatives passed reso-
luton directing The Secretary Of The Treasury
(Mr. Hamilton) TO report to them upon the subject
OF manufactures, and particularly as 10 The means
of promoting such as would tend 10 render The
United States independent of foreign nations tor
military and other essential supplies; and his re-
nor, was submitted in December, 1871, wherein
he said:
"The expediency Of manufactures in the United
States, which was not long since deemed very question
able appears this time to be pretty generally admit
t.d."-P 1913.
And again he said
IA question has been made concerning The constitn'
tonal right of tbs government OF The United States 10
apply this species Of encouragement To manufactures
but there Is certainly good foundation for such
question: P 1885,
And again he said
at ls not uncommon 10 meet with an opinion that,
though The promoting Of manufactures may be Tue inter
est of part The Union, il Is contrary 10 that oil ano
Their part The Northern and Southern regions are
sometimes represented having adverse interests III
This respect Those called manufacturing these az.
rcural States and species Of opposition Is Imagined
10 subsist between the manufacturing and agricultural
interests. 49, NIL,
am and Southern interests of the Union are, In The
main. a. unfounded as they mischirvous The dl.
yersity of circumstances on winch such contarely Is
nsmav predicated, authorizes directly contrary con
cuson Mutual wants constitute one Of The s.ronaes.
links of political connexon ana .ne sA,en ,h oil ens
Of mutual supply Suggestions Of an opposite complex
lon are ever be deplMrd, as unlendy 70 e STEADY
"sn NJ one great common cause, and 10 the perfect
harmopy of all its paris "-P 49, tsec State Papers,
Finances vol. ], pages l2s, l34 and 1901
These we're the doctrines OF Washington, and
= nd ~