The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-05-09

neers, their situation must be exceedingly infelci
tous, as well as insecure. We should not predicat,
our measures in relation to them upon the expecta
ton of British inactivity, or the hope Of negotia
ton with the belief that England will slumbel
while our people are TO occupy the territory. Eng.
land never slumbers more especially when her Co
lonal interest is at stake; and her whole history
warrants the conclusion that she never will, SO
long as the power remains with her TO extend OF
establish her dominion.
i What sort Of policy would il be- as suggested "a
encourage our people TO remove TO Oregon, and
main there without assurance OF safety surrounded
i by Indians under British control IL has been said
that we have induced them to GO there. IL so,
should not their situation claim our peculiar regard
An honorable senator has said he would be in favor
of giving protection 10 our settlers, but he is unde-
| cided as TO the manner IN which that protection
should be given. He says it should be done with
great caution, and accomplished gradually. He is
in favor Of protecting their personal rights, but he
doubts the policy Of extending our political juris-
diction over the territory. For my part, cannot
conceive how the United States could extend to
them personal protection, and, at the same time,
withhold political protection; for without political
personal projection cannot be extended TO them As
matters now stand, they cannot settle north of the
Columbia river II they attempt IT, they are Sc
duced by bribery or driven by menaees to remove
south of that river. England, if need be, will
strengthen herself in Oregon. She has troops there,
armed and disciplined, if she has not an agrculni-
| raj population such ours. In the mean time,
what course has been recommended to us by the dis
tingushed senator To encourage our people 10 go
into the territory until byandby the whole country
shall fall into our possession. And this is an exem-
plifcaton of the policy Of ipaeiipiiy. II theirs,
would it not be hching their territory Would il not
be obtaining by indlrecton that which we dare not
claim as a Just right
Why, sir, if we have no right to il now, we
would have right to il then. II IL is theirs by
still he hair
| the same right.
If We have rights at all To the territory they are
substantive and do not depend upon anything short
of just assumption Of them. Sir, we should act
with such policy 10 enable to secure our rights
in question as occasion may require and 10 that
| end would recommend fair and just but at the
same time FIN and decided course.
trust in my opinions upon this subject, ! am
actuated by no unworthy prejudices against Eng
land, or in favor Of our own country. To Great
Britain do not intend the slightest reproach or
dsrespect. On the contrary in many respects
much admire the glory of her character. 1 approve
many of her institutions. admire the character Of
the English people, for they generous and mag
unanimous. | admire their loyalty to their govern
ment, and admire the gentlemanly bearing Of their
representatives abroad. For these reasons I can
| entertain no improper prejudice, desire COLI
sion between the two nations Were il in my
power, would not impose injustice upon England
But at the same time assert that towards her
would act without reference to the power she may
possess In this we should act independent
of all apprehensions Of that power We should
take measures for ourselves and, pursuing Justice,
treat her though she had not fortress on land,
or a sail on the ocean.
If the fear Of offending England should dictate our
policy, we would be driven as | have before re-
marked, TO concession after concession, until our
boundaries would be curtaled, and we should be
reduced within the limits Of the good old thirteen
States We might expect trench after trench upon
the extent Of our territory, until would be driven
in from every outpost Of the republic. Whatever is
Justly hers at the expense ofgreat national inconven
zee would say let her have it, il we could not obtain
It by the exchange Of fair equivalent We should
always bow to the majesty of principle. But in
this case until the rights of England clearly
certained and Defined should be inclined to believe
that right to the territory in question by
means inferior to that which she has assumed.
| will not, Mr. President attempt discussion Of
the subject Of boundary, because consider II I'M
necessary, if not improper That question does
not arise out of the resolution before the Senate,
but would necessarily be appropriated to the dplo-
| matte action of the two governments. Nor shall !
now indicate what would be my course should a
treaty be negotiated and submitted by the President.
| think any avowals beforehand would tend, more
or less, to increase the difficulties which at present
exist in relation to the adjustment Of the difficulty.
Why! Because they tend but to make England
more wary. They are calculated to induce her to
abstain from proposals which she might otherwise
make; and might render her more naughty in her
demands. If a treaty should be made would de-
eide upon my vote when it should be submitted to
this body | will not even say for what boundary
| may vote.
If, by chance, opinions are expressed in this body
favorable to the pretensons of England, and in fur
therance of her views it might induce her to with
hold an offer of settlement which she may be ready
to tender and thus prevent the very object which
we desire. She will never be prepared to take
less than we are prepared to concede; and opin-
ions favorable to her pretensions will not be
likely to lessen her demands. However, this will
say, that never could consent to the proposition
made by Mr.. Gallatin--to the boundary of the par
allel of AGO. with the navigation of the Columbia
river accorded to England. Rather than vote for
such proposition, would resign my place in the
Senate. am led to this determination for the rea-
sons already stated.
If the country is to be divided by an ideal line,
the sooner it is done the better. But I apprehend
if it should be done the evil will be felt by chill
dren's children; and am fearful that whatever is
now done to effect that object will be but patch
work of the difficulty, and will inevitably lead to a
| rupture at some future day.
believe if this controversy is susceptible of salts,
| factory adjustment, the present measure VIII attain
that object; and am free to confess that IN giving
nv vote for the notice would prefer, II 1t could
be done, to take it in its most SIMPLE form without
any qualification whatever To what does the pro-
viso amount 1t is probably intended by some that
it should be understood by Great Britain to mean
no barrier to negotiation. l would leave that to be
inferred, though think it manifest. would not
state it in advance Of the notice, if il were placed
there under the influence of fear. Has England ever
adopted such course-or is America to set such an
example, would give the notice respectfully and
with the utmost decorum, but l would leave its
qualification, if any, with the Executive. | would
| not trammel the President would not have the
head Of this nation manaced l would leave him
free because he is responsible to the American peo-
ple and his acts to the revision Of this body. Let
him be left free to conduct the negotiation, for
have nothing to do with treaty making. We have
the power Of ratification rejection. The Presi-
dent alone is charged by the constitution with nego-
tiations and international correspondence He knows
the course and progress Of EACH for they are con-
Quoted under his direction. When he has perform
ed what he believes to be his duty, the power then
results to the Senate to approve or dissent from his
action. But we have no power to mould treaty
or to direct the President on what terms he shall,
or shall not, treat. Therefore ] would consider 1t
disrespectful to him to attach any quahhcahon to
the notice No coordinate branch of the govern
ment can take SO clear and comprehensive view OF