The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-02

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S24O, 900 For harbors, on Atlantic coast, s20, 900
Is this such discretion ought TO be conferred upor
the Exeeutyef 1t ID 80 large as in effect TO confer
upon him the power Of Legislation. But, sir, vii
not pursue this discussion farther. My main desigu
Is TO reply 10 the gentleman from Massachusetts,
Mr.. HUDsoE
But permit me to remark before dismiss the sub
leet that the insidous character Of the system is
such-lt addresses itself so powerfully to the sordid
Interests OF the cOuntry-lt has in consequence I'M
planted in il so much vitality, that II has revived
again after five executive yetoes. | greatly fear
like cat II has nine lives and that it will take
yetoes to kill ii.
| When, Mr.. Chairman, pending this bill, the gen.
tleman from Massachusetts Mr.. HUDsoSl com
menced his remarks upon the tanff, he was called
to order upon the ground that the subjects of the
tariff and internal imp emens wero distinct But
the chair decided that the gentleman was in order.
An appeal was taken from the decision Of the chair,
and 1t was sustained by a large maiority--the
party friends OF the gentleman voting in the
affirmative | think the decision was correct.
Inc two subjects arc closely allied; and the
success of one depends very much upon the success
Of the other. Indeed have always thought that
the tariff question was more emphaucally fought on
bills appropriating revenue, than upon those raising
It. The country universally acquesces in the pro-
Prlety OF raising the necessary revenue by imposts
IL, therefore, our expenditures are large, tariff
must he high. SO, on the other hand it is believed
money from the people than is necessary to meet
the expenditures. Ii, therefore, the expenditures
are moderate, the tariff must be low. The friends
OF the protective policy see this and henc, you
will find few If any Of them voting against this BILL
or indeed a'y other approPnapng money. And
here permit me TO remark that this Is one Of my
strongest objections to the tariff policy 1t enlists
large interest in the country in favor Of LAWS hex
pendlture which, but for 1t, would be the strongest
advocate for economy. | feel justified in saying
this; for If II was not his interest to be exrayagant
IN the public expenditures, the New Engander would
belle his character If he slickler for econ
omy IN his public as he is in his private life.
Mr.. Chairman, the gentleman from Massachu-
sets Mr., HUDsoS has gone into a very minute
Examination OF the effects which the adoption Of the
proposed modification Of the English cOrL-aws will
nave upon our agricultural pursuits, and the inau.
ence II ought TO exert upon our Rn commercial le-
gIslauon. lie has attempted TO show that the
dgrluIturist will not be benefited and that so
far from It's inducing to relax restrictive sys
TEN, it affords additional inducements to adhere
to 1t.
The district which have the honor to represent
IS almost exclusively agricultural am myself Il
farmer, and depend-as do nearly the whole Of my
;onstituens-upon the produce Of the farm for sup
port Our great staples are Indian corn, wheat,
aud oats-the importance of the crops Standing in
the order have named them. In this respect, as
shown by the census, my district is fair prototype
Of the farming, as contradlstinguished from the
'anung, portions of the Union. My constituents
having a deep interest in the questions dis.
cussed by the gentleman from Massachu selts,
| Mr.. HUDSON, will very naturally desire
u know the views of their representative
concerning them. have therefore seized upon the
first opportunity of making them known And |
am the more anxious to do this, as consider those
Of the gentleman, though most erroneous and IN
sound, yet specious, and calculated to deceive. To
such, however as have extensive access TO official
documents, and the industry to explore their dry
details, the task of exposing Them easy, shall
| attempt to show. But before | come to examine the
acts and calculation of the gentleman, desire to
make few preliminary observations.
In these tariff discussions, Notwithstanding the
strange features which they constantly present,
nothing has struck me more foreibly than the kind
and paternal solcitude with which gentlemen, not
themselves farmers, or representing farming con-
sutuencies undertake 10 instruct us in our true in
| terests. To hear some of these gentlemen, them
| selves manufacturers, and representing manufac-
turers you would think that all their solictude was
for The welfare Of the agrculturst.
1t doubtless very incorrlglbe IN not to show
becoming gratitude, and very nconsiderate not 10
heed such dsinterested teaching. But their argu-
ments, at different times are so contradictory and in
consistent, and they adhere 80 pertinaciousy under
every change of circumstances TO the same dogmas
that it is impossible for to con6de implicitly in
them.
| In all the tariff discussions which have heard
heretofore, when the policy of unrestricted COM
merce has been established upon the great principles
| Of political economy, and their harmony with the law
of nature shown III the variety Of chimes, soils, and
pursuits, the friends of protection have admitted the
soundness of the theory, when practised upon by
| The leading nations of the earth. But they denied
that this would be the case, and declared they
were only opposed TO that one-sided free trade by
which restrictions were met with relaxations. Let
the leading commercial nations, they have said Sc,
the example of free trade and we will follow it, We
admit the advantages, under such circumstances,
which our genial climate, fertile soil, cheap land
comparative exemption from taxation, and free In
stItutions will give US. But until that is done
we must meet restrictions by restrictions
And in the case of Great Britain we were
| asked, Will you admit her manufactures at a low
duty, when, by her corn-laws, she excludes our
breadstuffs If she will let us feed her manufactu.
rers, will purchase their fabrics But if she viii
not do that, by protection 10 our manufactures mus
build up home market for our agricutturss. They
went further, and told US that Great Britain moi
only excluded our breadsufs, when she had toler
able supply at home, but that in years Of scar
city, when she was compelled to import by the oper
alton of her sliding scale, decided advantage was
given to continental Europe over Under her
corn-laws, they stood short time SINCE the adj
mission of foreign and grain for home con
sumption took place under slidng-scale of duties
which Auctuated with the aggregate prices taken r
one hundred and fifty market owns, situate in diff
ferent parts of the country. When the price oil
wheat in those towns is 66s. on an average of six
weeks, the duty is 2Os. g. per quarter, (of egh,
bushels) and for every shilling which the price ad
vahces or falls, the duty advances or falls as the
case may be; so thai in the rising scale, when the
price advances to 70 shilngs, the duty falls tc
one shilling per quarter. Under the operation
of this system, whenever at the end Of any six
weeks the price so high to bring the duty
down to the lowest point, and this fact proclaim
ed by the government, orders despatched 70,
foreign grain. Those sent to the ports in Earope
were answered at once importations flowed in, ant
before the expiration Of another six weeks, tn,
price of wheat would have fallen and the duty risen
The orders sent to the United States could not bt
answered in six weeks; and when they we're, tn,
duty would have risen and our exports excluded Of
admitted at higher duty than had been paid by
the countries near at hand. In word, protection
to manufacturers held out to the farmer as the
alternative for the free trade which was denied them
and only as the alternative. 1t IN vain W,
showed, that, taking our entire exports and imports
to and from Great Britain, the average of dutie,
which we imposed were more than twice as high a,
those which she Imposed-it was in in we showed