Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1846-09-04


ted by it. | owe it to myself TO state, that all
those who knew beforehand of my intention
to resign; with one voice. dissuaded me from
| it, for reasons indicative of their confidence |
and attachment, personal and political; and
after my resignation had been laid upon the |
table of the Vice President, a number of them,
without my knowledge, inteFposed 10 hav e
its presentation delayed until could be soi-
cited to recall it. But my own opinion never
varied upon that point, although my determf-
nation occasionally vacillated anterior 10 the |
25th of July, ont of Difference to others; and,
haUtng done aufor the party that an honest man
could do, I chose to resign. And now, after /
calm review of all the circumstances, do not
hesitate to declare, that should do precisely
the same thing, were it to be done over again,
and these are my reasons
Democratic senators, numbering twenty
seven, had agreed to vote for the experimental
tariff bill and SO had Mr.. Jarnagin, whig
senator from Tennessee. | knew that Mr..
! Jarnagn expected to vote for it, for he not on
~ had told me himself, but also had reliable
information of the fact, that he had given as
surances of his fixed determination to do so,
which it was hardly possible for him or any
man to violate; and had knowledge, more
than a week before | resigned, that, in case of
a tie, the VICE PRESIDENT meant to vote in fa-
vor of it. The result has proved that l was
not mistaken in my facts. From these facts,
it may be seen that, with my vote or without
it. the bill vas destined to pass the Senate.
If had kept my seat, and voted for the bill,
it would have passed by vote of twenty
nine! If bad kept my seat and voted against
it, the bill would have passed by the casting
vote of the Vice President
But why resign, as my vote against the
bill would not have counted in the result 1t
was not to be expected that l shonld vote
against my party friends without defending
my vote. A speech in the Senate at that time
would have created great excitement, and no
doubt the same persons who now complain of
my resigning would have denounced me for
holding on to my office, merely for the sake
of making war upon my party. My friends
in the Senate, who have resolved not to speak,
might have had reason to accuse me Of selfish
ness, and probably some of my reasons, ut
tered in the warmth of public speech, might
r have appeared as much like arraigning others
as defending myself. In short, deprecated
the possibility of an open rupture with those
i | loved, but with whom l dared not act, and
was ever ready to sacrifice much more than
place in the Senate to avoid it, unless my du-
ty to the country had demanded that risk at
my hands-"Conntry before party, but party
b efore SELF" has always been my principle Of
action. If my self sacrifice did not secure the
peace it was intended to propitiate out of the
Senate, am abundantly rewarded by its eff
fects in the Senate. My firm intention was
quietly to resign, and not 10 tack measure
of the administration after it had been. passed
by my party fiiends, even for my own vindi-
cation. And that determination would have
been kept, if the folly or the wickedness of
others had not forced this explanation from me
in self-defence.
But | kept my intentions secret? You
have seen, that, to the extent that this was
true, it was an act of purity obedience on my
part, which a partisan has no right TO con-
denim and all can see, who will see that it
was neither more nor less than an unsefish
act of duty upon the facts already stated. If
any one had been inclined to question the pol
icy of the conceament beforehand, the result
proved his mistake, since it did nc harm to
the party or the bill and if it had turned out
Otherwise, the fault would not have been mine
1t was secret of the party at mig hazard, and
instead of being blamed for it., l might reason
: ably put in claim for credit. Having once
consented not 3 1ls leaiass ny hostility to the
pill. it became point of personal n5noP wiz
me, and prudent man, who has that to keep,
cannot be too cautious in selecting the politi-
clans who are to assist him.
But resigned without right to do so. and
without the leave of my State Is that trueq
Let us see. Suppose every voter in the DEM
ocratic party had commanded me to vote for
the bill, and yet my own judgment had pre-
vailed, as it didsagainst the Joint influence of
my feelings, my individual friendships, and
my personal ambition is there man who
will deny that still. had perfect right to re-
sign my station and save my conscience al
Did any one ever before suppose that party |
had the right to claim dominion over the man
who served them, as we'll as the office they !
had bestowed-over the sOuL as we'll as the |
station of their agent? Never, never.
But in my case there is no room for new
theories. The Legislature that elected me
passed resolutions, declaratory of their doc
triine. They were passed by the party that
eiectot me. Whilst the ''voice of God in the
soul OF maT' demanded my opposition to the
lature, at the utmost, only s-rnanded of mo-. TO
do otherwise ''or resign )" and To- aheN
both. God and man, as have, are you eaf.S
upon to denounce me treacherous. No
man, with due sense of honor and &C counta-
bility conid put himself in position where |!
opedience to the mandate of others was both |
imperative and voidable; and nobody would |
be fit to serve the republic who conld. Upon
any such terms, it would be Infamous to serve |
any party.
Resolutions ofMe General assembly Of No. Ca
Resohed, That the Legislature of this State
have right to instruct the senators Of this State
ii Congress, whenever, in the opinion of the Ie- |
gisature, they nisrepresent the wishes Of the State
of tha ~
instructions and that it is the dsty of the senators
to obey the instructions given, OR TO RESIGN
THEIR SEATS: Prorided, The instructions to be |
given and obeyed require not the senator to COM
init violation of the constitution, act of mo-
al turpi f,ndo