The New era. [volume] ([Portsmouth, Va.]) 1845-1847, 1846-01-17

their own debts. They not in a condition to
bear the weight of internal taxation, which must
be one of the main resources of the war. few
years hence, different and more favorable state
of things might be fairly expected. What, let
me ask, would be our position in the public opin-
ion of the world
We break off the negotiation because our propo-
stion was no, accepted, and we give the notice
under circumstances which proclaim that there
must be war, unless she will settle the question
upon own terms. She has offered US a mode
of settling this dispute, universally regarded
amongst civilized nations the fair and honorable
method of adjusting national controv ersies-I mean
arbitration. This we have already refused nor
do disapprove of that REFUSAL under the circum-
stances then existing. She will probably offer
II again, and shall again refuse it, do not
stand here, MIR. Chairman, the advocate of
arbitration upon that question have nothing to
say at present; lam merely dealing in facts, with
view TO the consequences We shall again re-
fuse arbitration, Mr.. Chairman; and WHY? Be-
cause we say there none OF the nations of the
world whose governments are honest aud Impair
tial enough to decide this controversy between u.s.
This may all be so but will refusal of arbtra-
ton for such reasons he likely 10 win US much of
the sympathy of the world Z? Under these cir
cumstances, am wrong in surprising that the
world will be apt 10 regard us as the aggressor?
The public opinion of Chlsiendom would be thus
defied a the time when Great Britain has better
understanding with the continental states of Eu-
rope than che has ever enjoyed at any previous
period OF her history, so far as am acquainted
with it. The cordial understandings between
herself and France, her ancient enemy and our
iotmer ally, is notorious throughout the world -
Under these circumstances, what chance should
we have for either sympathy OF assistances from
any OF these powers in the event of q war? But
this is not The whole view of the existing state of
our foreign relations, and its connection with our
prospects IN war. II We have a war with Great
Britain about this time shall we not probably have
Mexico also our hands2 1t is known that she
Is sore under recent occurrences, and is equally
notorious that she is much under British influence
We should probably have war not only for Ore
gon, but Texas also. The Indian tribes beyond
the Rocky mountains known to be under The
Influence of the Hudson Bay company, and it is
probable that most of The western Indians would
take SIDES with Great Britain in the event of
war between her aud this country Under these
circumstances. what would become of Oregon,
and OF our infant settlements the Columbia
believe it is the opinion of our best military auihori-
Ties, and, indeed, the very general opinion, that,
during the war, Oregon itself must be abandoned,
and that we should have to strike in Canada, and
upon the seas. And yet gentlemen cooly demand
war, or what Will lead TO war, as duty which
we owe our people in Oregon, when it is mani
lest that the very first step of that should be
TO abandon them unprotected to British troops, to,
the Hudson Bay Company, and their savage all
lles-to war, unless they once made terms
for themselves, as likely TO be sgnalized by all the
circumstances of barbarlc auocity as any of which
we have an account. Those unfortunate people
might well ask the chairman of Foreign Affairs if
this he what he calls backing of his friends p"
In snch contest, is it not probable that Oregon
would be lost only to be recovered, if ever by
another war. TO be undertaken at auspcious
period
If this struggle were now to be commenced,
do not believe that there would even be an effort
made TO send troops to Oregon. 1t would be re-
gardsd as waste of men and means, at time
when, with Mexico in the southwest, with the
Indian tribes Oh western frontier, with British
and Canadian troops our north, and with Brit
lsh fleets covering the eastern and southern lire
o, our coast, we should be ehcircled as with a
wall of fire. | doubt not but that we shonld
emerge from it victorious. 1t is not on the sol
which we occupy that we can be conquered. CT
even be wOrsted. have full faith in American
spirit and patriotism. But do not believe that
we should pass unscathed through that fiery trial
ought we 10 task too highly those great quail.
tiles of our people by exposing them 10 unneces-
sary difficulties, as we should do if we engage in
war before we prepared for it, or if we make
war to attain what might be had far more GER
tainly and honoraby by peaceful means That
we should come out of such contest with honor.
do not doubt but that we should lose as much
or more of Oregon than wsuld be- given up Sy
any treaty likely TO be made, regard as also
probable. If war be the only mode of maintain
ing our rights in Oregon, that war ought TO be-
deferred as it is manifest that our chances for
success must increase with every year of DELAY.
But if there be peaceful and honorable means (as
| shall eudeavOr to show heTeafter) which would
more probably give the whole territory. we
owe 1t TO ourselves and to the world to adopt
them.
Bot gentlemen have promised that if war be
once commenced with Great Britain, we shall
terminate It by driving her from this continent.
and depriying her Of all that she claims or pos
sesses upon it. ! do not stand here, Mr.. Chair
man, to take Issue with that proposition mean
neither to affirm nor deny it. will not even ask
If '' our old men visions and our Young men
dream dreams will suppose the anticipation
TO be true; and shall endeavor to trace such a
this would be TO its Consequences. TO see if
the chance or the certainty Of acquiring Oregon
few years sooner, would compensate us for
them.
Mr. Chairman, know Of no instance in which
a nation. pretending TO Independence. and the
equality supposed 10 result from it,. has Welded
r.. III, q. 81 . a