The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-01-03

entt. lnty were HNllS lubfN III lNoOO obH Nh''N
ness; and, what was more, speaking OF THIS matter
Of war, they had more than thousand good rifles
with them. They had greater military force, ten
times told, than England had or could have IN the
Oregon territory; for, though she could go 10 Ore
gon by sea, YET, TO take troops by land, she must
traverse distance of many thousand miles, at an
expense and under difficulties too great 10 be en-
dured. II was a question Of power; and as To that,
the whole pacific Argument was with US. We had
the power now hold the country, ard Great Brit
ain knew H. He disclaimed all idea of war, unless
il was forced upon us. The President, or the Sen
ate, or both united, could not make war; and as a
member Of a body which the constitution had
made part Of the War-making power, he was dis
posed TO say that war shall not come, unless that
war was necessary as we'll as just. He saw no ne
cessiy for war. All we had TO do WAS Ia let our
women and children go there and, without assist
ance from any one, they would take possession OF
the country as Daniel Boon, Rogers, Clarke, and
other early pioneers had done-men OF wonJerful
character, peculiar to the American soil and whose
existence il took Shakespeare to foresee. For, on
looking over Captain FIemonts narrative and re.
ferring to what certain general-hs meant General
Othello-had said, he found that lie alone had dts
covered that eountryi for he spoke of men.
The portauce Of whose travels history
Leads them to antres vast and deserts idle,
Rough quarTies rocks and hills whose tops touch
heaven"
This (Mr. |. said) was Oregon as he understood
it, and IL required no less q man than Shakespeare
10 imagine and foresee IT, And he had done IL per.
feelly, Ds Captain Fremont had described il. For
that Oregon he (Mr. - was willing 10 go To war,
but not TO be the aggressor. And he believed that
in day or two Tor after very little longer indul-
gence) there would he a report from the committee
to give this notice. He spoke, however, only as an
individual. He, for one, should Insisl-as he OBJ
served that the English newspaper in New York
had Inssted-that II was a peace, and not a war
measure. lie had argued two years ago; and
he should continue so 10 argue until the very roar
Of the cannon OF Great Britain convinced him to
the contrary. Great Britain not about TO make
war upon us for any such cause; and he WIS de-
lighted TO see, so far as he had been able 10 Judge,
in all parts Of this House, though a number Of his
southern friends were opposed to any pIecipitae
action yet il seemed TO HIM that, from the East and
the West the North and the South, there was one
universal sentiment prevailing here lie would re.
10 himself the right, some proper occasion,
to address the House the merits Of this question.
But he would say now that Oregon was worth a
war. Let US compromise while we can; our gov
eminent had its foundation in compromise. Mems
very existence rested on IL. Whilst, therefore, he
a compromser, and willing to make great sacri-
fees to avoid war, yet he believed that II were
surrender the north Of the 49h parallel we should
lose by far the best half Of that magnificent terrific
ry. We should give up country having the lati-
tude, the soil, and the climate Of England, with q
million times more and better timber, aud possessing
advantages vastly greater. He hattered himself that
two years would not elapse before the Chinese and
the Japanese-sober industrious, and excellent peo.
pe-would be attracted there to settle. IL only
short voyage across the Pacific ocean. Millions
of those starving workmen, who, in point OF
sobriety, industry, and capacity, were among the
best in The world-workmen from every isle OF
the Paeihc-men able to outwork the English
would flock there. They were the laborers every
where, the soil and in the ship. He said again,
therefore, that whilst he was compromiser, and
whilst nothing on his part should be done to pre-
cipitate that result, yet he had den that war
could probably grow out ofthis matter. We should
not make war, and It was not possible that England
should.
| He repeated whilst he had heard with delight the
remarks of the gentleman from Massachusetts, IMr
ADAMS because, well known as that gentleman
was both here and in Europe, his opinions would
have an immense and inestimably pacific influence
no war for Oregon if it be avoided; if not, nc
peace whilst England has an inch of ground on
American soil.
After some difficulty as TO the right to the floor
Mr.. HARALSON, who had reported this bill
under the direction of the Committee on Military
Affairs, and who had yesterday made an Intellectual
effort TO speak in explanation, (rendered necessary
by the course of the debate) Of the action of that
committee, briefly addressed the House with that
view.
He said that his sole object was to place him.
self and his associates the Committee of Military
Affairs in right position before the House and the
country. Had he supposed that the motion he had
yesterday submitted woui have led TO this extraordt
nary discussion--a discussion which was certainly
premature and out Of piace-he would not have made
it. But the bill contemplated an appropriation o
money, and II was necessary, therefore,, that he
SHOULD move its commitment to the Committee o.
the Whole on the state of the Union. He felt tina
this discussion was inappropriate here and that i
would more properly have arisen on the bill which
had been reported from the Committee the Ter
ritores, which proposed TO organize a government
for the Territory of Oregon.
| He confessed he had some npprehensions from
the course the debate had taken, that England NIGH
suppose, if she should go into a contest with
relation To Oregon, she would only have to con
tend with these two regiments Of rifemen, |,
certainly was very far from the intention Of thu
Committee on Military Affairs that this bill
should be regarded as measure Of prepare
ton against any emergency which might artist
out of the Oregon controversy. The commit
tee, in reporting il, had had an eye solely to the
peace establishments; and, if the BILL in all lis parts
as well as those which provided for an absolute in
crease of the military force, as those which gave
discretionary power to the President for its cond
tional increase-should be carried into operation
we should still have peace establishment of less
dimension than that which existed in the years lS0e
and 1915, under the administrations Of MIR. Jefer
son and Mr.. Madison The provisions of the bill
had relation, therefore, solely to peace establish
ment. Ii dlu not even provide Tor the number o
men recommended by the Secretary Of War, or by
he COMMANDMENT Chief. 1t looked solely to the
defences of the country in time of peace. ...
The Secretary of War had stated in his report
that, in consequence Of the exgences of the public
service last year, large portion of the military had
been withdrawn from the lakes in the North, from
the Atlantic coast from the Gulf of Mexico, ant
from the western territory, and had been conccn
traed at Corpus Christi, where it was suppose,
difficulties affecting territory in that quar-
ter might call for their services. This withdraw a
had left many Of our military posts without tn,
number Of men requisite even to guard and protet
the public properly. 1t was to supply this def
cheney hat the bill had been reported. There wa.
not word in it tina. had my necessary connexior
with the Oregon question. Ii simply propose,
such an increase of tie army would b'
necessary, whether we gave the notice or oc
cupied Oregon, not. He sah this because
the Secretary Of War had declared that ",
could not yet withdraw the troops from tn
southwest He presumed the gentleman was pre-
pared to say that the public property-to say moth
ing Of its defehces--did not require greater force
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