Liberty advocate. [volume] (Liberty, Miss.) 1835-1866, 1846-01-10
PRESIDENTS MESSAGE,
(ConcIuded.)

as far as may be practicable, derive equal
advantages from the incidental protec-
zion which just system of revenue duties
may afford. Taxation, direct or indirect
is burden, and it should be SO imposed
as to operate as equally as may be, all clas-
SEES in the proportion Of their ability 10
pay. To make the taxing power an &C
( tual benefit TO one class, necessarily in
4 creases the burden Of the others beyond
their proportion, and would be manitestly
\ unjust. The terms ''protection to domes-
tic industry" are Of import; Blu: they
should apply under just system to all
the various branches Of industry in our
country. The farmer or planter who tolls
yearly in his fields, is engaged in 'domes-
tic industry" and is as much entitled TO
have his labor "protected" as the manu-
facturer, the man Of commerce, the navl-
gator, or the mechanic, who are engaged
also in ''domostic industry" in their diff
ferent pursuits. The joint labors Of all
these classes constitute the aggregate Of
, the domestic industry" Of the nation,
and they are equally outitiud 10 the Ma
tion's protection" No one of them can
Justly claim 70 be the exclusive recipients
sof protection" which can only be affor-
ded by ncres sing burdens on the "domes-
tic Industry" of the others.
If these views be correct, it remains to
inquire how far the tariff act OF ,842, is
consistent with them. That many Of the
provisions of that act are in violation oil
the cardinal principles here laid down, al
must concede. The rates Of duty impos
ed by on some articles are prohibltory,
and on others so high as greatly to dl:
minsh importations and to produce less
amount of revenue than would be derived
from lower rates. They operate as 'pro
lection merely" TO one branch of ''do-
mestic Industry by taxing other branch
eS.
BY the introduction Of minimums, oil
assumed and false values, and by the I'M
position of specific duties, the injustice
and inequality Of the act Of l842, in Its
practical operations on different classes
and pursuits, are seen and felt. Many OF
the oppressive duties imposed by it under
the operation of these principles, range
dred per cent. They are prohibitory or
some articles, and partially so on others
and bear most heavily on articles Of COM
mon necessity, and but lightly on articles
of luxury. II is so framed that much the
greatest burden which it imposes i:
thrown on labor and the poorer classes
who are at least able TO bear it, while il
protects capital and exempts the rich
from paying their just proportion of the
taxation required for the support OF 60,
yernment. While it protects the capital
of the wealthy manufacturer, and increas-
cs his profits, it does not benefit the oper-
atiyes or laborers in his employment
whose wages have been increased by IT.
Articles OF prime necessity or OF coarse
quality and low price, used by the masses
of the people, are, in many instances,
subjected by it to heavy taxes, while artl.
cles of finer quality and higher price, or oil
luxury, which can be used only by the opu-
lent, are lightly taxed. Ii imposes heavy
and unjust burdens Of the farmer, the
planter, the commercial man, and those
Of all other pursuits except the capitalist
who has made his investments In manu-
features. All the great interests oil the
country are not, as nearly as may be
practicable, equally protected by H.
The government in theory knows nc
distinction Of persons or classes, and
should not bestow upon some favors AND
privileges which all others may not en-
joy. II was the purpose Of its iluStrlous
founders to base the institutions which they
reared upon the great and unchanglnG
principles ofjustice and equity, conscious