The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-10


the toroag.
What other "strong circumstance" can, in Mr..
Webster's view, make the notice expedienR Is il
the existence under the convention Of joint oecu-
pancy, giving to England than she claims, and
so making all negotiation hopeless by making its
failure more desirable TO England than its success
We have given at length, heretofore, for
regarding This as very "strong circumstance. "
But Mr.. Webster cannot regard it, for he says in
terms that the "notce" will be no help to negotia-
| ton.
What other "strong circumstance" urging the
notice on US, is yet efe Is it the growing popular
feeling in favor of our title which may hereafter,
when the question shall come again to the ballot
box, make any concession on our part work Of
greater dlficultyI This is, with US, "strong cir
cumstance." But it cannot be so with Mr.. Web
ser for, in his judgment, the popular mind IL set
Ting down quietly in the purpose to give up all north
OF 49o, without reservng the navigation OF the Co
lumbia.
Now, If "notice" should not be given, because Of
the strength of our td-nor to unite the different
branches of the government in a given line of
actiOn-nor to help negotaton-nor to pre-
upon the quesdon-then firm as we are,
and have been in the support Of the notice,
VIC profess ourselves unable to see what
are the other "strong circumstances" on which
its expedeney rosts Yet, Mr.. Webster, holding
the circumstances, we have stated to be of no
strength processes to other circumstances, strong
enough to urge the notice through. We hope he
will not leave such circumstances" TO the obscurty
of conjecture. We feel sure that the country would
be right glad to them-and not the less glad be.
cause the Rresentment Of them would rescue great
orator and experienced statesman from position Of
apparent selfeontradiction. Really the production
| Of these "circumstances" seems important, and
as opposite just now as two days defence Of the
treaty Of Washington
Great is the authority Of Mr.. Webster with
his party therefore, cannot believe that he will
be able to carry with him, in his course upon the
Oregon question, the entire strength, or nearly the
| entire strength, Of the wing vote in the Senate No
man convince others when he il al variance with
| himself.
Besides, Mr.. Webster, in our judgment, struck
fatal blow at his own influence upon this ques-
ton when he proclaimed some months since in Fan
eul Hall that he looked with no enthusiasm upon
the accession of the Oregon region to our republic.
| Il enough for him, he said, that Oregon would
be the home Of Anglo-Saxons. That it should be
ours as well-that it should be part OF our federal
| system-that our constitution should be the safe
guard of It's liberties-that our great names
should be the rallying words Of its people
that strength should be its bulwark; and that it
in turn should make Asia even as a new and vaster
Europe, and the Pacific mightier Atlantic to onr
commercial enterpnse-a these things were to Mr..
Webster matters of small concernment
Such sentiment-such spirt-hnds here no
response in the popular heart. No statesman can
hope to present such feeling, say rather such an
apathy, to the acceptance Of this nation
| Far different from all this-far more just to our
insttutons-far more congenial to eur sympathies
and far more natural to very soil, is the spirit
which breathes through the preamble and resolution,
which define before the Senate, the position Of Mr.
Crittenden.
That it is time for the joint occupation to tcrmi-
nate that its continuance is defeat of the right, and
peril the public peace that the notice should be
given conducive to the peaceful settlement of the
question, long vexed in vain; that procedure of
such grave import should not be rashy nor too
hastily entered on and that finally, in the conduct
Of this 80 momentous matter, the Executive of the
country should be left in large measure, to its own
high and solemn responsibility before the consttu-
ton and before the people. These are, accord
ing to judgment, the views which the
distinguished senator from Kentucky has en-
bodied or implied in his preamble, and
| ,wh, ~, To into nc. 80.
resolution authorizing the President, in his dscre-
ton, to give the notice as soon as he may fit af
ter the close of this session of Congress.
| With these views, in the MAN, (whie certainly
preferring the form Of notice adopted by the House
| we profess our concurrence. We cannot believe,
until we see the recorded vote that the wings of
| the Senate a body, will take stand in opposi.
tonto these wise and patriotic views because, for
sooth, on so grave and delicate matter of foreign
policy, these views, if sustained will strengthen the
arm of the administration in its wreste with the
ambition, the policy, and the power of England
| On the contrary, holding, we do, Mr.. Critten-
denis position have described it on this ques-
ton to be worthy of the power and patriotism
Of the great West from which it comes, we should
be glad to see and to recognise in that poston-nor
is the supposton xtravagant-something of the
spirit of another great statesman of the West whose
name is not unknown to this Oregon negotiation-a
statesman of larger experience, and so, heretofore,
of more conspicuous lead in the national councils,
even than Mr.. Crittenden. We should be glad
upon this question to invoke, in the hearing Of Eng
land, on the side of right and of the country agans,
the great party name Of Daniel Webster, the yet
mighticr party name of Henry Clay!
| We have spoken on this great subject certainly
with all respect for the deliberations of the Senate
yet, with entire and absolute freedom. At least one
"democrat in the Senate" appears to think that we
have heretofore spoken with too much freedom.
Not so. We have spoken only as any democrat in
the Senate or out Of the Senate may speak when he
believes what he says. For forty years we have
taken no idle nor neutral part in the political discus
sions of this country; and that in a community as