Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1846-02-07
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.

The following communication would not presen,
itself to our readers with the soemnity and serious
ness with which we have ourselves perused il, were
we to omit to state that it is from the pen of yee-
ran politician and statesman, who--as indeed the
contents of il sufficiently dsclose--has from youth
to age been, and still is Democrat Of the straitest
Sect and cannot, therefore, be suspected of any
party bias against the proposed measures of the
present Administration
Messrs. EDiToRs: If it is true, as our President
in his recent message intimaes that all the prnci
pal Powers OF Europe contemplate the course OF
our Republic with apprehension: and, II II is true,
as l'eeve it is, that our aggrandizng propensity
Jusufes their alarm, is ii to be supposed that any
of them would interpose, in case there should be
war between us and England! The manner IN
which the Chief Magistrate OF our old allies the
FIR :nch was referred 10 in our Presidents message
gratuously offensive TO him, II not to France
ITSELF that he will not act mediator arbitrator.
Without the well-founded expectation of any bene-
fetal effect and yet at much risk of mischief, our
President has also made threats, impoent in them
selves, but still likely to wound the pride of the
Powers Of continental Europe: SO that they will
probably look upon conflict between the two most
free people of the world with indifference, if not
with satisfaction. They are all weaker on the
ocean than England is, and than we are likely to
be, and as the world goes, they viii have an intc-
rest in the reduction of the power of both of the
combatants.
No one, therefore, can anticipate that, in l77s
and 1912, we shall in present war with England
have allies or co-operators against her. The con-
test would be tetween Greek and Greek. And ac-
cordingy it becomes US seriously to consider what
may be the consequences. Nothing should be
binked in such case.
In and out of Congress, indeed, some caicu.a- |
tons have been made, but there has been wide
difference in opinion as TO the probable balance of
good or evil to either Power at the close of the war
for the war, however bitter must have an end, and
both belligerents will be tired of 'ryIng which
do the other the most HARM. Nor Is this all.
Some of the possible, and fear probable, conse-
quences of long war have not been noticed, to my
knowledge.
The interruption of all trade, the burning OF /
towns, the decentralization and danger of large ar
mics in a Republic, the enormous expenses and in
evtable debt the swarms of taxgatherers, and plum
behring's of contractors-these and other inevitable
consequences have been predicted; but no one has
ventured to look full in the face peril, which
would be, of all dangers misfortunes, the great
est My apprehension is, that in protracted war |
with England for the matter in dispute about Ore
gon, some OF our States or people would think of
I" calculating The value of the Union" as was I'M
doubleday done during the war Of 1912.
read the speech Of the present member of Con-
gress from Boston, as Mr.. PENDLEToN, of Virginia
read II, with great satisfaction; and honor the en-
larged patriotism which distinguishes it. No doubt,
In any war Of defence, for rights clearly our own
and lnsotenty withheld there might at the present
day be common feeling. But l am not sure if, |
refusing arbitration to settle absolutely doubtful
point, we plunge into war about it. that there
would long be common feeling throughout the
Union.
Let me not be misunderstood. II is idle 10 pre-.
tend that on this most delicate point there should
be profound silence. This point is as well under
stood abroad as it is at home. If am fearful now,
it is because was attentive observer of the
events OF our last war with England. On that oc-
caslon we fought not for point of honor, not for
an imperfect title, not for ACKNOWLEDGEMENT not for
glory, but for our very existence of the ma
lions of the world. We had to fight for our hearth
Stones and witnessed the confagraton of our Capt.
toll and the flight of our Chief Magistrate before
few thousand soldiers.
The war of that memorable period was for " free
trade and sailors rights protect flag from
insult even in our own waters, and our seamen from
impressment.
What could have been more natural or honorable
than to see the New England States, the nursery of
seamen and the shp-yard of the Union, taking the
lead in such war; and yet what part did it take
IN that war; The race then existing were the men
or the sons of the men of ITS. And vet what did
they do for their country in the dark DAYS of 1914!
Where were the militia and the money Of Massa-
chusetts upon which State Mr.. PENDLEToN lately
pronounced so lofty panegyric) when her sister
States were invaded and when the Government was
begging money from :" the money-enders' at home
and abroad
! repeat, let me not be misunderstood have
profound for the cradle of the Revolution
and honor the local institutions and practical re-
publicanism Of New England But the page of
history lies open before me, and my own memory
also is clear, and they both tell me that at the try
ing times of the last war it was not supported by
New England Nay, have come to the conclu-
sion that any must be regarded by the mass Of
the people, and of all parties, absolutely just and
necessary, if their cordial and combined energies
arc to be expected and that there will be indffer-
ence, if not disafection under different circum-
stances.
Let me ask, then, if there is clear conviction in
the minds Of our people at large that England has
no rights in Oregon Can they believe that joint
occupancy would have been consented TO, and that
we would have repeatedly offered TO divide with
England the disputed territory if she had rights,
and if we indisputaby owned the whole Can our
people believe that if our title is clear some
say It's, we would be afraid TO leave decision on
II 10 impartial persons Is il lkelysthat our peo-