The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-09

''paTayzing the power of the Executive and heard
great deal about "want Of unanimty," and want
of nerve" Well, did not all that grow out OF the
state Of things he had mentioned Did not every
| body know that il the notice abstract thing
| there would be no cause Of difference OF opinion
but they had been obliged 10 look beyond that to
sec what il would lead TO, and believing that
the notice. without compromise, would be war,
how could they agree with those who, believing II
to be so, yet willing to give II, and 60 TO war
Why he, and those who thought with him, had just
as much reason TO complain of "want OF unanim-
ity" He might 90 on, and state point after point,
and yentured say that every senator felt the same
embarrassment that he did. Ii was an awful posi-
| ton Ii was exceedingly unfortunate that any cir
cumstances should have induced the President TO
bring the matter before them before its conclusion
Every one who had anything TO do with the control
of the foreign affairs Of the country must feel and
lament il. IT. therefore, he, any other, had been
constrained to say anything in dsparagement OF the
utle assumed it was only said in justice TO them
selves. As to the time which the debate had occu-
pied he had taken his portion Of 1t, and so had 9TH
ers taken theirs. But he must say that the time
thus occupied by the debate had been very
far from being misapplled. He believed that
1t had produced most extraordinary "unan-
nifty" as to the great point, and the only
point, which the question could be set
tled-that was diustment Of the controversy be-
tween the two countries on the parallel OF ago. IL
the question was to end by negotiation, il must end
there; and the strong conviction expressed Of the
truth OF that opinion expressed by members Of the
Senate on all sides, members differing almost every
point except that had in his opinion laid the foun-
dalton of an ad ustment Of the question in that
Ther. He felt every hope that such "unanmity"
had been produced in the Senate and in the
country, as would lead to that peaceful and honor
| ole settlement of the question.
| Mr.. ALLEN again rose and said. Il would not
be right any longer to acquiesce in statements 80
repeatedly made in that chamber, that the discus
sion, or anything else, had produced "unanmity"
there in favor Of surrender Of one-haf Of the Ore
gon territory. He did not know what some gen
tlemen meant by "unanmity." But he thought
that when the time of taking the vote GU the ques-
ton came, il would be found that a majority of
those who came there democrats were decidedly
opposed TO any "unanimity," such as that just de-
scrIbed. He was aware that there was one way OF
affecting public sentiment and Of producing effect
abroad and that was, to assume that the thing was
| all done-all hxed-all agreed upon, and that the
| people had no remedy but TO acquesce in what was
done there. What evidence, he should like to know,
had the senator Of that "unanimity" of which he
spoke' Who authorized him to rise there and say that
there unanmty in the Senate upon the point
of ceding one-half Of that territory Great Britain
| Il was Of just such speeches as that that he (Mr
Al complained as being calculated to parayze the
| efforts of the government TO extend the law COM
mensurate with their claim; and, now whilst he was
up, as part and parcel Of that unanmity spoken of
he would desire TO say word or two certain
points He spoke not Of men there or in the House
| of Representatives. The course Of individuals was
| their own, and with it he had right to meddle
whatever it might be. He should speak of bodies
| constitutional bodies-acting organcay as bodies
of senates by their ma critics. Of Houses of Repre-
sentatlves by their majorities, without questioning
the propriety of the conduct of any one OF the mem
bers the wisdom Of his course. That was not his
business. A great effort had been made there, and
l II -.
the impression that there was but a small body of
men eft--an humble, powerless body, standing on
| the Russian line-that they had departed from the
whole body of their fellow-citizens, and gone on
kind Of crusade, like a struggling band Of Indians
and taken their position without company in
The cold latitude of $40 40. That had been
the impression sought to be produced, and also
| that this thing was Of recent origin. IL was
well for truth that there things less per-
| lshable than the perishable stuff Of which human
memory was made. 1t was well for truth, that its
memorials could be multiplied as often as the press.
screw could be turned, and that those memorials
could be disseminated the wide surface of the
country too extensively to be ever collected in one
pile and annihilated by the fire of night. II was
we'll for TRUTH that the ever-enduring records Of the
Senate changed not, and did not lie, but spoke as
often the returning sunlight of to-day the same
| language to all and every that read them. It
was well for TRUTH that these journals were spread
abroad, open to the eye Of the undivided masses
and that their contents could be referred to to supply
the fra recollection of men. Let them see then
how new the line of $40 40 was. Let them see
when the first footprint placed upon that line.
Let them who placed it there. He would speak
| not of this great mans name, nor that. He had
long since ceased 10 be governed by names-ong
since. Much rather would he be governed by
things. What proposition was there, on both sides
| of which great and virtuous names might not be
| invoked He dealt not, therefore, with men. His
| own experience in human afairs-ay, his own ex-
perence in the Senate of the United States had told
him that great names did not always hold a fixed
and changeess position. No, no; he dealt not with
names. He dealt with the of bodies. He
would not 60 into past generation; he would see
what organic body
Mr.. McDUFFfE here remarked, that perhaps the
gentleman, if he intended to proceed, would sec the
propriety Of asking the indulgence of the senator
from North Carolina, [Mr. MANouN, who had the
floor on the special order and that in respect to him
he would move the special order. ......
Mr.. ALLEN. Certainly if the senator desired
to proceed he (Mr. A. would instantly desst, aed
| resume his remarks the first opportunity
The resolution then passed over informally,
and the Senate proceeded to the consideration of
THE SPECIAL oRDER-"rHE NOTICE."
Mr.. MANGUM addressed the Senate He said
he would have nothing to do with the question of
title, from abiding conviction that the whole mat
ter had come before Congress improperly. He en-
tertained not particle Of doubt that the question
never COulu nave DeeH tnToWn upon congress
less as a war or quasi war measure. He held il to
be incontrovertibe that there direct or dele
gated authority by which Congress could in any
way affect an existing treaty, either amending, al
terng, or abrogating it, 1t useless to present
that view. He might appear singular in that view
The only coincidence Of opinion with him on that
point had been the limitations which had fallen that
morning from the senator from South Carolina
Mr.. CALHOUN The Senate and Executive made
treaties. Congress acted by najorities. The pow
Of treaty-makng was highly restricted by the
constitution-the Senate-two-thrds Of it--and the
Executive possessed the power. 1t was exclusive
He conended that the Congress had no power of
making or breaking treaty; yet it might Indirect
ly do 30. He was aware that precedent was
sought to be established in the abrogation in 1898
Of the treaty between France and the u States That
was quasi war measure-which only in good faith
could have happened in consequence of defective
carrying out Of the stipuations on the part of
France. But the present treaty containing
the special provision for "notce" of abrogation by
either party. He alluded to the terms Contracting
.,zI -. 4