The daily union., 1846-06-30

linen tOTelgn cOTuuCiCS IN y
bng rules for carrying on the intercourse with Tor
eign nations.
IL is under this Interpretation alone that we can
find the power 10 prescribe what shall constitute
American vessels, that they shall be naVigaed by
American seamen.
Has Congress the right to exercise the power to
regulate commerce for the purpose OF protecting
American industry Of any kind mot simply OF man
ufactufes but also of agriculture commerce, and the
mechanic arts
No one can doubt but that tbs power TO regulate
commerce or trade necessarily includes the power
to it, And the question then resolves itself into
this whether the power TO tax trade, which Is IN
voved in the power regulate trade can be consti-
tutionsly exercised by leyying duties, ard imposing
prohibitions and restrictions with the oOect OF en-
couraging the productions Of American industry
As our constitution is not a code OF definitions, we
must seek the meaning OF the phrase TO regulate
commerce" in the objects to which the power was
generally thought to be applicable at the time OF S
formation.
The power of regulating commerce has always
been exercised by all commercial nations with a
view to the encouragement OF home industry. ms
has been particularly the case with Great Britain,
from which we derive our customs, laws, language,
and our commercial vocabulary
The States so understood and exercised THIS
power whilst they retained the power over their for
eIgn commerce.
The want of this power one OF the greatest
defects in the confederation, and was one OF the
principal causes which led TO the adoption Of the
present constitution. Indeed such power Is neces-
sarily inherent in all independent soyerelgnues, and
such an exercise Of il by Congress was expected
by the States when they transferred TO the general
government the power Of regulating our foreign
commerce
If the free-trade doctrine be true that revenue is
the sole object of the constitutional exercise OF the
power to "lay imposts," and that the power "to
regulate commerce" cannot be exercised for the pur
pose Of encouraging and protecting home industry,
then this great nation would scarcely deserve the
name; il would be but a weak infant among the
giant nations Of the earth, unable To couneract their
monopoles and unequal commercial regulations
unable TO foster at home the production Of the sta
pie articles Of subsistence or the productions neces-
sary for the national defence and national Independ
ence, and American navigation itself, to foster and
protect which, as a cradle to our naval defence,
would have to be abandoned TO the merces OF for
eign competition and lmposItions, and speedily meet
with inevitable destruction. Without such power
the government would be utterly incapable OF self
protection or self support subservlent TO the policy
of foreign nations, and absolutely worthless.
IL Congress does not possess this power, so es-
sena TO the sovereignty OF every natIOn so neces-
saTy 10 its self-pTotectIon and independence, the
power is annihilaed Tor the States certainly do not
possess it; and to this conclusion the opponents
of power brought conclusion so absurd that it is
Of itself full and sufficient answer to everything
which can be said upon the subject.
That 1t was the understanding Of the trainers OF
the constitution that Congress did possess this pow
er, and ought to exercise it, (of course udclously
and fairly is proved by the made of the powers
to regulate commerce. and TO lay lnposts, for that
expressly declared object in the first session Of the
very first Congress, held under the constitution
very many Of whose members had been members
of the convention which framed the constitution,
and of the State conventions by which it had been
ratified.
The preamble of the act OF the 4th July, 1879, i,
in these words:
Whereas it is necessary for the support OF the govern
mrnt for the discharge Of the debts o the United
and the sncOuJdSsmsH and protection o manufactures that
duties be laid on goods, wares and merchandsSs BE ii
enacted &c
At that day no man denied the power or the duty
| here asssrted-not a voice was raised in Congress
OF IN the country against it,
A uniform and practical sanction has beer
| given TO this power from the commencement
Of the government to the present time in many
acts Of Congress upon infinite variety Of
Subjects and in all the tariff bills which hav,
| been passed, all Of which admit and sanction
IL; indeed it is fully admitted by the bill now unde
consideration.
This doctrine may appear strange to some gentle
| men, Mr.. Chairman, but cannot help that; it i:
| my duty to give my own sentiments and opinion.
fairly and frankly. This have done and in doing
| so am happy to say that am simply repeating
CA pleSSeu WIT. NdulSOn III MS let
ter to JOS. c. Cabell, esq, of the 18th September
1923, which may be found in the 35th volume o
Nlless Register, page 2S5, and to which, refer gen
tlemen for much more lucid view of this question
| than have been able to give it in the short time
have allotted to it, or than could do were speaL
upon 1t for a week. The opinions Of Mr. Madison
on questions affecting the constitutional powers o.
this government are in my estimation entitled to grea
weight. AT all events, will always feel safe wher
| standing side by side with him; and more particu
larly when there stand along with me such men as
Buchanan, Cass, Johnson Van Buren, Polk, and
| host OF others, who have stood prominent in the
| ranks of the democratic party
The question as to power being then settled another
question arises whether such power ought to be
exercised?-and if so, to what extent and in what
| manner should it be done'
81 do not doubt the proprety of the exercise OF
ms power on all suitable OCCASIONS so as to give
fair and Just protection" to use the words of the
President himself, in his letter to John f. Kane
esq, ITO all the great interests of the whole
Union, embracing agriculture, manufactures the
mechanic arts, commerce, and nav vigation'' This
| consider to be the true democratic doctrine and
IN this l am fully sustained not only by Mr..
Madison, but by those tried and undertaking dem
ocrats, Jackson, Johnson, Buchanan, Cass, Van
Buren,, Polk, and many other great lights of the
democratic school, and leaders of the democratic
party.
will call your attention to the following opinions
expressed by few of the eminent men of the dem
ocratlc party:
Heaven smiled upon and gave us Hbery and indepen
hence. That same providence has blessed us with the
means OF national independence and national defence II
we omit or refuse to the gifts which he has extended
deserve the continuance of his blessing He
has hlled our mountains and our plains with minerals -
with lead ron and copperand given climate and
for the growing OF hemp and wool These being the grea
materials OF our national defence they ought
tended to them adequate and fair protecon that
aeturers and laboers may be placed competition
with those OF Europe and that we have within country
supply of those leading and important articles so essen
hal in war at is, therefore, my opinion that careful
and judcons tariff is wanted TO pay debt and
to afford the Of that defence within on
which the safety of our country depends and last
not least to give proper distribution labos
must beneficial to the happiness independence
wealth Of the community
"ANDREW JACKSON"
The democratic State convention of Indiana addressed
each Of the democratic candidates for the presidency
tain interrogaores and among them the following "Are
you in favor Of opposed to- the protective tariff r Col
Johnson the avorite Of the Kentucky democracy replies
to the above inteIrogatory thus:
Taxes, collected indirectly by commerce are least felt
and most cheerfuy paid and they could so regulated
to render great nat iona resources p sk
fcss and manJdcturers the patriots hope would be
summated II is the true democratic doctrine far