The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-01-16

What, then, MIR. r.. inquired, was 10 be done
Peace was desired by all. How was il to be obtain
ed' Not by dec amaton, on the part Of this House,
about driving the British from the continent, ana
sweeping British vessels entirely from the sea-in
a few days, as he believed some very valiant
gentlemen proposed; not by Bidding defiance to the
whole world, nor by undertaking, by oRe violent
stroke 10 extend territory and our laws over the
whole continent. Some gentlemen, Indeed, talked
about our manifest destiny being TO extend our nm
It's until We were ocean-bound but by what right or
patent, whether received from the Almighty or any
other source, he had not yet found out. Not by
means such as these could peace be preserved Anu
in this connexion, Mr.. II. took occasion TO descant
freely and loosely on the part which some OF the
beasts Of the field and the fowls Of the air, had
been made to play IN this debate-erPec'aIy
the eagle and the lion; and he reminded gentle
men, as to the former that there were two other
instances, one In ancient and the other IN modern
history-Roue and France-where the eagle had
been the emblem OF emplres-the one falling TO
pieces by its weight and the other grasping eT
cry inch OF territory until il had come to be REGARDED
as hosts hunani genera, and had arrayed the world
| against IL.
AS to the notice, aside from the acts Of our gov
| eminent the notice itself was no war measure.
Il was provided for in the convention. But, con-
nected as it was with what the President had said
and with the running commentary which had been
| made on il here by those holding high stations
such as the chairman of the COMMITTEES on Foreign
AGairs-and from other sources, 1t was war meas
ure, or most probably SO. Ii was not declaration
Of war, but II presented certain impeachment 70 ne
golation, And what did this President himself
say on this subject
''Ths extraordinary aud wholly inadmissibls demands o
the Britain government aud the rejection Of the PROPOSE
ton made in difference alone TO what had been done by my
seem 10 impose afford satisfactory evidence that eompro
mise which the Unsd States ought to accept can be effect
cd With this conviction, the proposition OF compromise
subsequently withdrawn and our title to The whole Oregon
territory asserted and, believed maintained py IRE
ragsble facts and arguments"
And again
al the end Of the years nstce should Congress think
proper to make provision for giving that notice We shall
must either be abandoned or firmly maintained That they
cannot be bbandoned without sacrifice OF both naonsl
honor andinterest is too clear to admit OF doubt
What nation, (Mr. r. asked, was it supposed that
we were dealing with, when this language was used
II we took POSSESSION OF the whole country, (and
"Ihe whole or nonen was now the watch-word, }
was Great Britain going to stand quietly by and see
US do III Gentlemen might depend upon u that those
whom we should have 10 turn out would be apt TO
give US some trouble. The idea Of Great Britain allow
ing her citizens be thus turned out OF the territory
she claimed, without struggle, was perfectly IDLE
What nation on the face Of the globe gave TO her
citizens protection perfect and efficient as Eng
aad gave And yet gentlemen supposed that there
was 10 be no war growing out OF these hostile acts
Allusions had been made in the course OF the
debate to the large army that the British had
In Oregon. He was informed that there was
not a British soldier in the whole territory.
There were persons connected with the govern
ment in the forts and stockades, but not single
| soldier Gentlemen abored under great misap.
prehenson on this point. The course OF Great
Britain in that territory had been OF the most pac-
nc character. No violence Of any kind had been
ever committed by those connected with the Hud
son Bay Company. On the contrary, 1t was said
by that historian who had given the best account OF
the state of things in Oregon, that those who ar
rived there met with the kindest and most cordial
reception.
Il certainly seemed to him that there had been
something wrong, or deficient at least IN the course
Of the administration, or its leading supporters, on
this question. The cry on their part, or on the
part Of many Of them, had been all peace. Yet the
measures brought forward here did not wear the
aspect Of peace. IL there to be peace, and if 1t
was intended to adopt only such measures as would
tend to its preservation, why were veto have these
false alarmsf II there danger of war-immi-
nent danger--(and such he believed there would be-
IL the measures introduced here were to be carried
out)--he wondered why 1t was that some
provision had not been reported for arming
our fortifcations, and for increasing our army,
as there had been for the increase Of our navy.
For his own part he would oppose no appropriations
| that might be required with view to place the
country in a state Of defence. Prudence required
CASE the whole negotiation was at end, 1t seemed
to him that measures ought to be taken to put the
country in proper state Of defence.
Mr. R. concluded his remarks by eulogy on the
patriotism and fidelity of his constituents, who, Che
said though they were opposed to war, and be-
eved il unnecessary, and would hold to strict
stonsibility those who might unnecessarily bring
that scourge upon u.s. would be found faithful when
the struggle came.
Before taking his seat, Mr.. r. indicated an amend
ment which he proposed when in order to offer, and
which was read for information. 1t is the PROPOSE
ton introduced by Mr.. Crittenden into the Senate,
proposing after setting forth the face Of the joint
resolution the amicable design of the notice on the
part of this government, to confer upon the Pres-
dent discretionary power to give IT, under the reser
walton, as to time, that it should not be given until
after the close of the present session OF Congress-
Mr.. POLLOCK designed to discuss very briefly
the subject under consideration; and although he
believed he had "clear and unquestionable" title
to the whole hour, he might compromise" with the
House. and perhaps not go "beyond 40" minutes,
or at farthest upon the principle Progression and
expansion, he might be inclined to occupy ga"
$40"
In common with many gentlemen who had pre-
coded him, he congratulated the House and the
country that this question had risen above party
considerations. Parties, he acknowledged, were not
without their in republican governments; they
were as necessary for the preservation and purity of
republican institutions as the storms that agate old
ocean are for tho publication Of its mighty Of
waters. But this question was an American ques-
ton; question of American sovereignty; question
of American rights of soil; and he for one would
protest against its being degraded 10 mere party
question. We have rights in Oregon; we have
rights to Oregon; this will be admitted by ALL al
though gentlemen may honestly differ as to the ex
tent of those rights. Our rights then, whatever
they are, to Oregon, must be maintained; they can
never be abandoned.
Mr. P. proceeded very briefly to refer to the ques-
ton of title. In his humble opinion we had title
to the whole of Oregon superior to that of any other
nation on the face Of the globe Our title to ago
was clear, and ought to be unquestionable. Be-
tween ago and $40 40 there was, he admitted some
room for cavil. No gentleman in this House pre-
tended to deny that Great Britain had claims to the
country north Of 400 Whether these claims
amounted to rights--rights to be regarded by the
United States, and to be enforced by Great Britain
was another question. And that these claims had
been to some considerable extent recognised by the