The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-08

all, we may lose all, besides bringing on the eoun.
| try the caamities Of war A moderate but firm
course, he thought the best He would not push
our claims TO the utmost extent but would insist on
a recognition OF our reasonable rights. This had
been our policy hitherto, and he saw no reason to
change IT, There was not only hazard in doing Il,
but there was difficulty arising from our own acts.
We have repeatedly recognised certain rights In
Great Britain, and have proposed to compounds
the dispute. How can we now deny all rights In
her, and insist a claim 10 the whole territory
What reason can we assign for this change in our
position Have we acquired any new rights since
the renewal Of the convention in 1922 We had
acquired the Spanish title previous TO that period.
In what way Is title strengthened or better now,
than L was at that timel Can we even say that we
were ignorant of our Just claims, and have obtained
new light in regard TO them Shall we not expose
ourselves TO the charge Of asserting more extern
sive claim now than we have heretofore merely be-
cause more able TO defend 10 Shall we suf
fer il TO be supposed that our claims increase with
the growing resources and power OF the country
He did not contend that the faith Of the country
was pledged 10 an adjustment on the basis of the
ouy-ninth degree Of north latitude; the propositions
we have made were offered In the spirit Of eompro-
mise, and did not amount TO limitation Of our
claims, or an admission that We had no claim be-
yond forty-nine. What he commended was, thar in
the negotiations on the subject whilst asserting a
clulfn 70 inc WuOlc, VIC nave CDnCcucu tuuf tncfc
was so much doubt d,fheulty attending our claim
that had been willing TO conoede part 10 secure
the recognition Of the rest This was the position
we have occupied, and he thought we could not
with propnety, change IL, without some coed rea-
sons for doing so. The character Of our govern
ment and country for respect for justice, and for
fairness and moderation in its transactions with
other nations, is Of some Importance, and should
not be lightly hazarded. IL is sound policy TO main
tain a position in this controversy 80 clear
ly Just and reasonable as TO secure the appro-
val Of other powers; and in case 1t should
unfortunately result In disturbing the peace Of
the two countries, we might then Justly expect the
sympathy II not the assistance Of some Of them.
Should a war follow, we must abide the verdict Of
the civilized world, and should endeavor TO secure
the good opinion of other powers, and particularly
Of our ancient ally, France. This is one reason n
favor Of moderation 10 asserting our rights But
more important one Is, TO the approval Of our
own citizens, and unite public opinion in favor Of
our measures, especially IN the event of our being
compelled TO assert our rights by force The
strength Of this country in war and the chance OF
success in the struggle will depend mainly on the
harmony Of public opinion in regard To the measure,
and the necessity oft. If all hearts and hands are
hope for success. But If we are plunged into war
with divided councils, and divided public opinion,
what shall we have to expect
The senator from Illinois, Mr. BREEsE, has as
sumed that IN a war for the whole of Oregon, our
whole people will be united. He says, we shall have
no peace party; although he admits a would do
stroy our foreign trade. Sir fear the senator would
find himself mistaken, dreadfully mistaken. No
peace party! Why, peace party is already form
ing in advance; who can be so blind as not 10 see
this' Who has not witnessed the elements Of a
peace party already developed, and which, in due
time, would be organized throughout the Unon'
And il would not be a peace party confined To one
fInn Hnrt fha late EnaI IL.
North, but extending to the South, if not over the
whole Union. The strong elements Of this party
will be found in the commercial interest, which
would be most seriously affected. That is an in
eres peculiarly sensitive; you cannot touch il with
out an excitement, if not the most determined OPP
position 10 your measures. IL a great and
powerful interest active and efficient and would ex
ert influence greater than any other, according to
the numbers engaged in 1t. Ii possessed a large
share Of the capital Of the country controlled large
portion OF the money OF the country, and en-
ployed no small amount of its labor. II is
formidable and dangerous interest," to array against
the government in time of war it is naturally
favorable TO peace, and will not scquiesce in the
interruption of its pursuits, except for causes
which mperiously demand it. 1t can do much as
it did during the last war to derange and break down
the finances of the government Who would wish
To see re-enacted the which occurred during
the period to which he had REFEREED The country
struggling with powerful nation, and the arm Of
the government paralyzed by the spirit of disaffec
ton and faction Ii we are to be involved in war
from this controversy, we must be careful that we
do all that could reasonably be expected to avoid
such calamity, to satisfy all classes, and, as
far possible, the whole people, that our govern
ment has been reasonable, and acted with modera-
ton in the assertion of rights that il has yielded
all that II could yield, without giving up the ac-
knowledged rights Of the country, and compromit-
ting its honor.
AZ I
position which the government Of the United States
has occupied, and ought to continue to occupy, in
regard to this controversy. But it has been claimed
or assumed in this debate, that the President hns
abandoned this position, and that he now intends to
assert claim to the whole territory, and yield to
no adjustment upon any other basis. 1t was Ger.
tainly matter of regret, that the position of the
Executive, upon a question 30 important as this,
should be matter of doubt, and subject of dis
pute among his friends here. He had witnessed the
dispuatons this point with pain; and for his own
part, he believed there was no Just grounds for
them. We can know nothing, sir, of the opinions
or purposes of the Executive, but from his official
acts and communications. 1t would, in his iudg-
ment, be highly improper for the President on sub
ject like this to communicate his private opinions or
Intentions to any one; and he did not believe
that he had done so, and for this opinion he had
the highest authority. The position occupied by
the President, and what may be his future course in
relation to this dispute, can only be known or
Judged of, from his official acts-from what he has
done, what he has recommended and the opinions
and purposes he has officially explained. And if
we look to this source, and this alone, he thought
there ought to be no great doubt this subject.
Has the President expressed himself with SO much
obscurity thai he cannot be understood Or is it
supposed that he has intentionally concealed his
thoughts in dark and ambiguous language, or by
conflicting and contradictory Statements For his
part, he found no difficulty in understanding the
message, in learning from it the Presidents posi-
ton. After giving history of previous negotia-
tons, he informs us Of the proposition he had offer
ed for the adjustment of this dispute, which, not be-
ing accepted, was Withdrawn. But he does not in
form us that he has changed his ground; that he
shall hereafter decline all negotiation, or, what
would be the same thing, negotiate on no other ba-
sis than a recognition Of our claims to the whole ter
rtory in dispute. He does not say this nor does
he say anything that by any forced construction
be tortured into meaning that he has assumed
any such position. A remark of his seems to have
been misunderstood. He says the proposition
which had been offered and net accepted was with
drawn, land our title to the whole territory assert
ed and maintained as is believed, by irrefragable