Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1846-07-16

W
of public war, without being branded as an
enemy to his country if he does not see fit 20 t.
mite in singing pgans to the powers that be-
But if this is not to be allowed how easy will it
be for any administration, i'll fear that its hold
upon the tickle favor Of the public may be loos-
ened to plunge the country into war upon any
pretext, or upon no preteXt, and thus secure to
itself continuance Of power. The weaker, the
more imbecle and wicked the administration
the better for this purpose, and consequently
the more popular. But | trust that such doc
trine will never be fixed in the public mind
Look at the example Of LORD CHATHAM in the
revolutionary war. He knew the war to be I'M
righteous, but did he think that therefore gov
eminent was to be eulogized and be praised on
account of it? No. sir, no! He denounced it
as wicked, and unjust, and unholy-and every
body now allows him to have been right
Mr. BENTON, in the Senate of the United
States has ably treated this matter, and it were
to be wished that some of his political allies
were half as honnst in regard to it. Before the
treaty of annexation was ratified and the present
war had arisen he assumed these four positions,
and he proceed them too
lst-that the ratification of the treaty would
be, Of itself, war between the United States and
Mexico
2d-that it would be an unjust war.
3d-that it would be war unconsttutionaIIy
made.
4th-that it would be war upon weak and
groundless pr1text.
This was what Mr.. Benton declared. Well,
sir, we have the war now-and let me ask if it
be not all he said it would be- Is it unjust .
| think so, and many of the people think so like
wise Was it made inconsistency with the pro-
visions Of the constitution If those provisions
mean any thing at all or have any force what
ever it clearly was Was it made upon a weak
and groundess pretence? Sir, was about to
say it was, but should have been wrong Thu
administration had not ingenuity enough to get
up cccn a groundieSs prdcrtP They couldn't
raise one, and they therefore resored to an alb.
solute and bare-faced falsehood in the preamble
of their declaration.
Sir, if God were, tonight, to Judge the peo-
pie for the sin of slavery New Hampshire would
drink more deeply Of the bitter cup of reributior
than South Carolina herself Last year New
Hampshire was greater bar to liberty, stooc
more in the way of freedom, than South Carroll
ma. And why | will tell you why Wher
the subject Of slavery is introduced on the floo
of Congress, member from South Carolina ri
ses and addresses the House He goes, of course
in favor of slavery-hc speaks for it and vote
for it-upholds it in all its reatons-and sup
ports, in order to sustain it, the gag-rule, tn,
Mexican war and every thing else which tend
in its favor, But of what avail is all this? II
exercises no influence, not particc-except st
far as his own individual vote goes-because h,
is pleading his own case, Slavery is his pecu
liar institution. He was born under it, reare,
under it, and has lived under it. He must sup
port it-he cannot do otherwise. But next ri
ses member from New Hampshire Every ey
is fixed upon him-every ear is opened wide It
hear what he may utter. Here-this is the feel
], ing--here comes one from the Gibraltar Of de
mocracy' the mountain home oflibcrty-whos
winds breathe Of liberty as they sweep through
the valleys, whose eagles scream of liberty a
they soar above her towering hills. What ha
he to say! The painting breasts of the Cypress
ed throb high with hope that now, at least, som
truth will be told that shall strike conviction t
the mind even Of the opprcssor, some considera
tions urged that shall Tighten the CALLING yoke q
, bondage. He speaks-and what is itl WHY
Of liberty in the abstract-until the assertion @
liberal doctrine touches the dtmocratjc party
IT, l. ! !