Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1846-01-30

the great conservative principle Of the Federal
Constitutions g. hose engaged in administering
the government. are solemnly bound to sup
port it. To this principle, a protective tariff
is directly opposed. The trainers of our State
Constitution had fought for liberty, and did
all they could to equalize the condition of men,
The laws of 1escents and statutes of distribu-
! ton were altered, thatthe children Of the same
parents should be equal in property and pros
poets. All Legislation against thia equality,
is adverse to liberty. Protection has both its
meaning and effect. 1t cannot exist without
support, and comes with tax that must be
paid-he who pays it'll poorer. He that re-
ceives it is richer. This shonld never be lost
sight Of, nor submitted oby men who live on
their own cribs-fght the battles Of their coun-
try, and bear the brunt of war. To 60 into
detail and enumerate all the evils Of protec-
ton, is not our object. Every man who has
raised and educated a family, is familiar with
its cost; it has engaged his early and later
hours. This is the only protection, apart from
revenue tariff, as primary object, compati-
bic with free government. The rewards of
labor must be equal. Laws to the contrary
are oppressive, and cannot, for moment, be
sanctioned by an honest and able statesman.
Their endurance is abhorrent to his feelings,
and lessons the means Of resistance. II is
said by the advocates of protection ''that it
cheapens goods and reduces the price Of the
articles they manufacture" If this was true,
the parties must agree, OF change sides. The
manufacturers would memorable Congress to
reduce and equalize the duties, and destroy at
once protection and all its incidents. Free
trade would be their banner. The compromise
act would be called for as the harbinger Of
peace and safety-as the offspring of illustri-
Gus sires-a work that history will record, and
posterity approve. Such an argument ou:ra-
ges common sense, and leads TO its own de-
struction. The laborer, whether tiller Of the
ground or manufacturer, is stimulated by the
hope of reward. Whatever augments it, quick
ems exertion, that which dimnishes it, impairs
energy and cripples enterprise. The chief
aim of each is TO better his condition. 1t is
assuming too much to say the manufacturer
is the most disinterested of mankind. That
he is the advocate Of system which curtails
| his profits and lessons his income. Truth 10
the object of an honest and ingenious mind.
The statesman descends much, who deals in
such subterfuge. Why not come out boldly
and say equality Of rights, guaranteed by law,
is better in theory than practice. That the
manufacturers, for the most part, WELD a
heavy capital. A two dged sword, that will
cut ts way and hasten that prostration which
awaits the laboring classes. Garry out the
principle of uniting capital and bounty, and
what will be the result! Pauperism-sheer
dependent-and when disqualified for other
business, if sales are dull, the employer will
reduce their wages rather than his profits
Another argument in favor of protection, SIT
keeps specie contemporaries healthy ex-
change, the natural consequence Of selling
much and buying little" We are not well
read in political economy, and to our shame,
be it spoken, what others have written, we
imperfectly remember, but selling much and
buying little is contrary, both to the laws o.
nature and trade. A diversity Of soil, climate
and productions, leads to an exchange of com
mooities, the less clogged with duties, the
more profitable. Money is necessary to pro
mote this exchanged to transfer our productions
into the hands of foreigners, and give as in re-
turn the products of their industry. II ou
exports and imports were double, in the sam,
ratio would money increase. Like water, i
seeks its own level, and will 60 where mos
needed. Great Britain has more money thar
the United States, because her internal an,
} external trade is greater. She exports AM
imports more. Whenever we exceed her, W.
shall become the greatest monied power.
Asa planter, allow US to give more famil
lar illustration. Suppose We make five hun
dred barrels Of -four; itrequires certain mum
} Der of wagons and teams to haul the wheat t
, the barn-from the barn 10 the mill, and ult
!, mately to market. II the quantity is double
. the next year, the wagons and teams must b
increased accordngly-the one leads to tn
other. They afford the means of circulation
and vary according to production. So it
with money. Anatural influx seeking its ow
u level, and requires no aid from what is calle
the "Amercan sy stem." Another argumer
u is, it creates home market, lessons protet
= ton, by diversion Of labor from agricultnr
+ and renders as more independent. The adv,
= Gates of protection assume too much, whe
: they say, without it. the manufacturing int
es, could not be sustained. To this, we cal
not assent. We disclaim all inferiority d
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