The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-02-06


title has nothing TO DO with the notice. lot them pass
the notice, and then we would throw ourselves back
upon our tltle, and leave 10 the two governments
TO negotiate TO take any other course they think
proper. At the end of the twelve months OF no.
tee, then would be the time to extend our laws, and
take exclusive jurisdiction; and then the question
would arise, how far the title Of the United State,
extends.
He subscribed to one idea advanced by his col
league, and that was, If This House left this quss'
ton undecided, IL would be taken up throughout
the country and become one Of the most imperial
elements IN our future elections. II the Congress
of the UDiGed States should refuse to come up and
| sustain the measures recommended by the admin.
lstraton, or some measures which they should sub.
stitute for them, they would hnd that the people
| would take the subject into their own hands, and
| another election passing over the country, they
would leave no halfway house for this Congress lo
stop at.
But were we now To reeede to stand still, or to
go forward This was the question presented 10
the committee, TO the government to the people
Which course was most likely to result in an ami,
cable adjustment, or to produce war; Let them Gee
what the consequences would be if they should re-
fuse to take the ordinary steps to bring this issue
TO hnal settlement. Suppose we refused TO give
this notice, what then the prospects for set
dement, Of this question: Why, England would
say at snce that notwithstanding the President hac
come into power, and had attempted (as was inli-
reputation" upon 1t, yet the people ofthe United
States, through their representatives refuse TO give
| their sanction 10 the recommendation Of the Pres
dent refused to sustain him. and refused to settle
this question: and therefore, they may rest entirely
at ease apon this subject and leave the joint occu-
patton to stand, which gives her all she wants.
The administration had taken bold and decided
step upon this question-had gone far beyond any
previous administration; and If the peopls through
their representatives, refuse TO sanction il, they
would destroy the moral power and influence Of the
administration IN this country not only, but among
the nations Of the earth
| Mr. III. referred TO the frequent mentions Of war,
and the fears expressed by gentlemen that war
would be the result Of giving the notice, and COM
mented upon the inconsistency Of this with the
course Of the same gentlemen at the last session oil
Congress, who, when Mexico had been the party
with whom we had TO do, had intimated no feaT
| from apprehenslon5 Of this kind.
But in reference 10 passing Territorial bill--a bill
giving prospective grants Of land TO our settlers IN
| Oregon-allhough he believed we would have the
right TO pass such bill, yet, from the declarations
Of The British ministry, from the declarations OF
some Of our leading men, he was dlsincllned &c
take that step. The President TO some extent had
committed himself upon 1t; and very distinguished
gentleman from South Carolina, who nov occup
ed seat IN the other branch Of the Capitol, whose
opinions had been so often quoted here, said thai
such bill would ultimately involve us in war
IlcIH RlFllB IlSHlh
which were proposed aud giving the positive right
Of grants OF land. In 1912, when the ill of the
| ldu lamented DR.. Linn before the Senate, Mr.
CALHOUN himself opposed it on the ground that the
UIl should be preceded by the notice; and man ain.
ed that we had the right to pass the notice without
! giving the reasons therefor. Yet now we told
If we give the notice 10 England she will send oyei
TO inquire what we mean by il.
Mr. ii. proceeded 10 read an exttact from Mr.
| CALHoUSs remarks on the occasion referred TO, al
| follows:
"Mr. CALHOUN said But Il our finances in
fourishing state the political condition of the country
were as strong as Il could DO made BY an administration
standing al the head oil powerful dominant party and
population had reached the point where could sue
cessuy assert and maintain our claim against the adverse
claim OF Great Britain. there would still remain decisive
II Is indeiens6ie II we are Displaced with the existing
arrangement which leaves the territory free and open
me cLens anu suyeop' .. he i've eoohtrissi we are
that the time has arrived when ought and
ry into effect our claim Of exclusive sovereignty over h
territory the treaty provides ressly for the au
!orle. either party by giving year, notice to terminate
Why has not this bill confomed to this express
plain provsioni Why should undertake TO assert
elusive ownership to this whole territory in direct violation
OF the treaty. Why should It, with what all believe
be good title our part involve the country in contro
versy about the violation Of the treaty in which large
ton f not majority OF the body believe that wou
be the wrong when the treaty itself might easily
in short time be terminated by act and thu
charge OF its violation be avoided Can any satisfactory
be given to these queonsi ask the asthor Of thu
and its advocates for None has beer
given yet and none, venture to assert will be attempted
imagine but that be gven-that ther,
those who will vote for the bill that would not vote e
give notice under the deusve hope that may
exclusive ownership and take possession without VIC
ang the treaty or endsngerng the peace OF the country
ing subject to its restrictions ian in direct conflict with
the only object of the eatyo prevent conflict between
the countries by keeping the question OF ownership
sovereignty in abey till the question of boundary
be se,tled)
| Thus they found that Mr.. CALHOUN himsel
| urged upon the Senate and the country the very
proposition now advocated by those Of them who
| propose TO give the notice. He says that we have
right to give the notice without being called upor
| to give reason for our action; he says that the
| hope is a vain and delusve one, that we can avail
ourselves Of the benefits Of the reaty without sub
jectng ourselves 10 its restrictions and prlvatons
And he goes on further and says, even if our coun-
try had advanced to that point of population where
it could sustain itself against the adverse title Of
Great Britain, that would make no dlfference-tha
we must then 1--WE the notice before we passed the
| bill.
He maintained that the proper course for was
to march directly up to the Pon-to give the notice
and terminate the treaty--that we may tring abou
such results desirable to the two governments
that we may define their rights, if there rights
the part of both nations to be defined in that coun
try Ifwar to be the result of action in re-
lation to Oregon, it would not from giving the
notice. 1t had been remarked by the gentleman
H. 's) colleague, Mr.. DAncAN,] that the notice wa:
not in itself a war measure, but that its results
would be Blu, before the gentleman from Vir
ginia had taken his seat he went on to argue tina
England would have the right to waive the benefit.
of the notice. and pounce upon us Immediately. HI
(Mr H y dissented from that position, and he main
tanned that the treaty between England and the
United States just sacred in its obligations to
the very last hour of the notice as it was to-day
War, if it came at all, would be the result Of thu
conflict of the authorities ard jurisdictions Of the
two governmental Ii we extend our laws and juris
diction over that territory the first collision be
tween the authorities and subjects Of the two gov
ernments would produce war But if we give thu
notice, and the citizens Of the United State cen
form to it, there can be no war.
| Mr.. HoUsToN's remarks here abruptly ter
minated by the fall of the Charmans hammer.
Mr.. CATHCART next obtained the hoor anc
spoke us follows:
Mr.. CHAIRMAN: Should say that modesty-'
characteristic for which a western politician is no
apt to receive be allowed much credit for-has pre-
vented me from obtruding my crude opinions upo