The banner. [volume] (Abbeville, S.C.) 1844-1847, 1846-09-02

doctrines, totally excluding the right or
necessity Of appeal or amendment.
Whereas the history Of the world abun
dainty tcstllirs, that each succeeding
generation arises but to remodel or de-
moli>h the work of the preceding;
whilst experience has proved, that it is
sometimes as much IL duty to rr$is. go.
vcrnncnt as it is to obey it. For gov.
crnmcnt>, like all human institutions:
may be detectives; they, like inlividu-
ais, may, and often do, err. In fact.
there is not Il vice, even the darkest ever
committed, which in some ages and SEC
tons Of the world, has not found an nd
vocatc in public opinion, Of which go
vernmcnt is the exponent.
In Sparta, theft was at one time re-
wardcd by her laws. Suicide has in
one age of the world been encouraged
as Il feat of magnanimity and hcroism
in another it has been made felony
These reflections lead lis to think that
law is not always sacred and invola-
bic; and that we may conceive of even
resistance to law where there is no other
attalnablc redress, without incurring the
charge OF disaffcction and liccnlious-
ness" PALEY, in speaking OF the obli-
CATION Of mankind to render obedience
to civil government, di>courscs to this
effect: That civil governors should re.
spcct their subjects; that they should
bear in mind the fact, that, the physical
strength resid.s IN the gorcrncd, which, if
excited would lay PROSTATE the most
powerful government; that civil autho-
rlty is founded in opinion, and that gen
eral opinion, therefore, ought always to
be treated with dellcacy and clrcumspec-
ton. The same author assigns as the
only reason of the subjects obligation
to government: The triU Of Goh as
co'fcctcd from e.cpeflicncy" But we must
not speak of the expedicncy or policy of
measures. cit is the watch-word OF
the wary politician and the willy Jcs-
suit" "'lmpolitic' a strange word not
known in the vocabulary Of the honcM
nna the br0re." We have yet to learn,
how honesty and bravery and duty, con-
fllct with policy. cd L." conlounds
himself when he affirms that "duty is
al'coys politic,'' and then, in the same
breath, cautions against bending duty
to policy. Now we think that policy is
ia term known to every vocabulary, save
that Of the fanatic. It is .t@.;a!;;c;;saas
which carries its measures, regardless
of the cxpediency. the policy, or reason
of things.
1t is not the language of enthusiasm,
which, when speaking of, erea ,grogshops,
advocates sezing the club or battlc-axe
of the Michigan women and rushing
with "homcst indignation, directly to an
nihalate the qoholc line en- am instant"
But we do not mean to charge D. L.
with fanaticism, when we say lie uses
its language, far be il from us. How
consistent is the author of the reply
when he quotes "honesty as the best
policy" after having asserted in his stric-
lures upon that head, that policy was
unknown TO the honest. We are who
ly unable to see the application, or per-
ceive the meaning of this quotation
where it is used, unless it be to cast re-.
Elections upon AMo TnEos. But we
will not suffer this to be converted into
a personal issue; if it is meant to insinu-
ate that we advocate doctrines which
we do not honestly entertain, for selfish
motives, we pass it by as, at least, un-
worthy Of its author.
We are rather doubtful rs to the cor
rectness Of the opinion, that morality is
as much an affect Of the Legislature as the
preservation of life Or property We are
inclined to think that, whenever moraIi-
ty is effected by Legislation it is inciden-
TIL to the ends of government; that we
never can be made moral by Legislation,
unless it converts itself into some form
by which it can strike mt the seat or in
ception of immortality, or purify the
heart and move the mind as the great
regulator of thought and action. If the
Legislature is made the source and hope
of morality, had we not better strike