The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-01-03

garded himself, II would be recollected by all gente-
men who were members Of the last Congress, that
when the gentleman from Indiana Mr.. OwEs IN
PRODUCED resolution TO give the twelve months mo-
tce 10 the British government II was referred TO the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, on which he occu-
pied the same position which he now held, and that
he was instructed TO report against It, That reso-
luton had been forced upon him by gentleman
from New York, lhr. Beardsey, not now mem
Der of this House. ........
But il would also be recolleeted that at that time,
the Executive Of the United States was indisposed
10 give that notice. Il the constant endeavor Of
the then President TO prevent the notice being
given. But Il was now the distinctly
opinion of the Executive, that the notice should be
promptly given; and that made the precise differ
enee. Having at that time submitted resolution
against his own Judgment, and against which
he had voted in committee, he had taken the
earliest opportunity Of addressing the House; and
the House would recoect that he had then the good
fortune To submit the same view which had fallen
from the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts,,
Mr. ADAMS that il was almost impossible for us
10 relieve ourselves from the Impuaton of perdl-
Gus action until this notice had been given.
In the year 1913. the British government (the
government remember) restored (that was the word
to the American government what was called the
American settlement on the Columbia river. The
British hag--that flag which had aoated in tri-
umph on every continent, and upon every wave Of
the universal world-was struck by British officer,
with all formalites; possession was surrendered;
and an American officer, named Provost, raised the
American flag there in token OF an unconditional
render by the British governmental at least the set
dement, on the Columbia river and the American
fog az he (Mr H. understood, had right TO "hout
the sky" there.
At the same time, or in the same year, through
the agency Of the honorable and venerable gentle.
man from Massachusetts, MIR. ADAMs,l then Seere-
tsry Of State, we unfortunately, las MIR, l. CON
a. Al. 49,
do the gentleman from Massachusetts and the then
President, Mr Monroe, the justice to acknowledge
that they had acted from the best motiyes-motiyes
Of peace, of compromise, Of amity, which ought to
actunte every government and every individual in
considerations Of this kind-we entered into an I'M
fortunate changing alliance. We tied Gordian
knot by the convention Ia 1918, repeated in 1896,
which that oracle Of public opinion in both henri
spheres--the press-now announced could only be
cut by the sword. Such, however, was not his
opinion. After the most careful consideration that
he had been able to give TO the subject he concuned
sets, that we wanted no Alexander 10 possess Of
this modern Asia. All we wanted was, women and
children.
[Great laughter and cries OF "That we can have ~
Mr.. INGERSOLL lin contnuation.) We had
but to recur to the frst-born American principle
The principle Of population.
The House would remember that when DR..
Franklin became satisfied in England that there was
an end all possibility Of peaceful arrangement
between that country and the United States, he said
to a friend who was with him: SEQ home, and tell
our people get children fast possible; that is
the only chance we have" Aud that was precisely
what we had 10 do now upon this Oregon question
"get children as fast as possible"
The House, on both sides, seemed not less
amused than delighted with this proposition, To
which the tokens Of assent were loud and numer-
GUS.
And, as friend of his [Mr. GrgrRYl very just.
ly remarked, that injunction had already been ful,
filed.
In defining his humble position on this question,
he begged leave TO say that he neither for q
war of aggression nor for peace Of submission
He not friendly to that "wise and mastery In
activity" which had been annsunced by highly
distinguished gentleman in another branch of this
Capitol; had be (Mr. ~ any idea that We were to
wait one minute longer than until our faith should be
cleared by the termination Of the joint occupancy
He was not Of opinion that then TO ensue.
He scarcely thought it possible. Certainly, we
should make no war, except by our women and
children; and If Great Britain made war upon us
under such circumstances, God and man would alike
cry out against her. 1t impossible, in his judg.
ment, that war, under such circumstances, could
ensue, without some strange spirit of rapacty on
the one side, or some still stranger spirit of mis-
management on the other. For, as the gentle
man from Massachusetts had said, there was
~ was aware that his occidental friend, the
chairman of the Committee on the Territories
[Mr. DoueLAssl had, in the very front line Of his
bill, used the words termination Of the joint
occupation" and in the very last section and line o
the bill, the same unfortunate concession had been
made. Why was thisi For, (Mr. |. repeated as
the gentleman from Massachusetts, who was the
father of this twin or he begat it himself when Sec
rotary of State) had said, there is no such thing as
joint occupation. ....u.. ........-.- .....,
During the negotiations in the year 16lS-nego-
tiations on the part of Mr.. Adams as Secretary OF
Strife and Mr.. Rush minister 10 England-the
terms Joint occupation used. But, in the
year 1896, in the protocol TO the 9Th conference be-
tween Mr.. Gaatin and the British plenipotenares
these words, 'ont occupation for the first time
stole into the negotiations. And he begged leave to
read the language. He quoted from page 446 Of
Greenhow's book: ......'. .h.. .....s.......
"As preliminary to this discussion, j, is highly
desirable to mark distinctly the broad difference be,
tween the nature of the rights claimed by Grea
Britain and those asserted by the United States
respect to the territory in question. ."..
"Over a large portion of that territory, namely
from the 42d degree to the 49th degree Of nortl
latitude the United States claim full and exclusive
sovereignty.
"Great Britain claims no erciusre sovereignty ore,
any portion Of that territory Her present claim, no
in respect TO any part, but to the whole, is Limited
to right Of joint occupancy in common with Other
States leaving the right of exclusive dominion ii
allegiance" .,..
This was the first time that the idea of joint oc
cupaton-which was "A monstrous concession--oc
Cured, as he understood it. And he was surprise
that his friend, the chairman of the Committee or
the Territories, who was disposed to carry TIM
matter ii ct armis-who had made it his alpha and
omega, the beginning and the end of his bl-shonlc
concede that there such thing joint occu
patton. Again he repeated there was no such thing
All we had to do was pcaceably to adhere to ON
rghtsa course of proceeding at which no civilized
nation had a right TO take offence--at which M
Christian would or could take offence. We had
right to say, "The time has arrived when thinl
this question should be settled; for that purpose WI
relieve ourselves, not by the sword, not by cutting
the Gordian knot, bet in the way in which we, o
we and You together, have provided that il shall bc
done. We give you notice That the commercial
and other arrangements, whatever they were---un
ders'andngs to commerce and navigation, as t,
dealing with the aboriginal tribes Of the territory
will be at an end in twelve months; and then what
In proper and right between the paries will be
done" aa '.. ...sa-.
I'm the mean time (Mr l. askedl what would hap