The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-05-12
THE DAILY UNION.

in the history of this country-a crisis which is per-
haps, TO affect our character and destiny for
long series of years II we meet this act of agrees
sion promptly, vigorously, energetcaly, as becomes
the representatives Of great and spirited people,
we shall furnish lesson to the world which will be
probably remembered hereafter. But il we spend
our time in useless discusson-lf we adopt timid
half way measures-lf we delay action seeking for
further evidence, we shall exhibit counses and con-
duct whose effects will impress themselves upon
many a chapter of our future history Our institu-
ions have no admirers among the monarchcal and
arstocraticaI governments Of the old world. Our
condition and progress are standing reprOach
to many of the political principles which are
there practically adopted. This new doctrine of a
balance of power the American continent an
errng indication of what they apprehended and what
they design We have but safe course before US.
Let US put forth our whole strength. Let us organ
ze force which will leave doubt az to the re-
suit. Let us enter the Mexican territory and con-
quer peace at the point Of the bayonet Let us
move I'LL we meet reasonable proposals from
the Mexican government and If these are not met
this side of the capital, let US take possession of
the city of Montezuma, and dictate our own con-
ditions And trust those conditions will be hon
orable and reasonable. II all this is done soon il
will be well done. But if delayed there will he
other parties than Mexico who will mingle
themselves in this affair. And the consequences
may be felt throughout the civilized world. | am
not afraid trust the President with the necessary
power TO vndicate the country, and defend its
honor. believe he will execute his duties ably and
patrotcslly. Before ] cnBclude, ! beg leave To
tender my thanks to the distinguished senator from
Texas, Mr.. HoUsroN,l for the patriotic senti-
mentJ hehas this day uttered. He has shown US
tibet he Is as able TO advocate the rights Of his
country in counsel as to maintain them in arms
His name Is connected with Of those imperisha-
BILE deeds which connect themselves with the fate of
nations. He led the forces of his adopted country
upon that day which secured their independence
nd bTnk he Of H.. nod III
good fortune TO overthrow a hostile army, and TO
I capture the chief magistrate of a hostile nation.
The Romans would have given him an ovation. We
will give hun what is better than that for repub-
lcan-a hearty reception among rs, and the tribute
Of our tn INKS for his worth and services.
Mr. BERRIEN replied II it were true as had
been stated by the SENATOR that the destiny Of this
country for century depended on this question
surely that was not any argument against due de-
liberation IL is too untruy represented to-day to
Justify me IN recording my vote in silence. II the
bill provided for declaration Of war, the argu-
ment of the gentleman might be quite pertinent and
proper But that is not the question. No declara.
ton Of war is proposed by the bill. 1t proposes
to recognise the existence Of an antecedent state
of war. | oppose the bill first, because in
consistent with the truth; and secondly, because it
involves consequences not to be properly hazarded
by the eXlgency Of the case. We are according to
the BILL state Of war without the constitutional
action of either government How tnen2 Must il not
iOlOW thht the President OF the United States and
the President OF Mexico have power to declare war
Is that true? You have 1t from both the gentlemen
Messrs. PESNYBACKER and CAss that the power to
declare war is vested in the Congress of both ma
tons. They have failed in showing that any modl-
hcation of the law Of nations usthes their assertion
that war does actually exist. There was no
analogy IN the case put by the senator
Mr.. CAss of the bombardment Of an English
port by the United States feet We deny that war
exlsts-we admit the existence of hostilities-the
power OF this government TO repe them. But wheth-
er those hostltes are the act Of the Mexican ma
ton, even Of the Mexican President we are ut
tery uniformed The senator Mr.. CAssl states
truly the law of nations with regard TO hosues
They are to be repealed at once. A formal declara-
ton OF war is not necessary. Suppose the Mexican
general did not act under the authority of the con-
sttuted authorities of Mexico: would war exist even
on the supPosltlon Of the senator from Michigan
Certainly not. But he says the Mexican army has
crossed the boundary Of the United States. Is he
prepared to show that the Del Norte is the boun-
dary'
Mr.. CASS explained His idea was that the
Mexicans had no right, to attack the United States
troops on that side OF the river.
4 Mr.. BERRIEN. The proposition ofihe senator
is that exists. How does he proveThi Why,
by the presence of Mexican army around the
United States army. Does he not thus
decide the question Of boundary No
beg to ask how that possession was acquired and
by whom? It. was by the march of the United
was a disputed territory, the right Of Mexico was
equal with that of the United States to enter the ter
rItory. If our possession was derived from march
ing our army there, cannot Mexico exercise the
same right Does priority in an act Of hostility
vest national right The argument of the senator
ls that the march Of the Mexican army was an act
of hostility. If so, | have demonstrated that the
march OF the United States army was an equal act
OF hostility. War does not, then, exist by any act
OF the constituted authorities IN whose hands alone
Is me power TO create war In every aspect of the
SUBJECT the proposition of the senator is unsus-
tanned, and we are not subject to the imputaon
OF maintaining the ridiculous position that are
not competent to stop at the Rio Grande and
refrain from repelIng invasion. The question
whether the hostilitIcs committed by the Mex
lean army against army are to be repealed
is another and different question. hold that there
ls nothing clearer than that such invasion may be
repeIed by the most powerful means, by the pur-
suit of the invaders, and by all possible and ne
cessary means to make the repuslon etfectua and
for purposes Of chastlsement. A declaration of
war is not necessary for the purpose of arming US
with all necessary power to repel the INVASION and
punish the aggression. If recognised by the gov
eminent of Mexico, then war does exst-f no,
the hostility will have been com mitted by an officer
OF the Mexican army, and no will exist be-
tween the two countries. Now ask what will be
the consequences of the recognition of state Of
war? The senator has alluded to the withdrawal of
the Mexican minister, and the rejection of ours
Dut Iab nOt our commerce with Mexico been
disturbed The presumption Of the senator then is
refued by the continuance Of the discharge of the
functions of our consuls, The rejection or with
drawal of minister is no evidence of the existence
of any war- affords no presumption of such
state of war But was about TO allude 10 the con.
sequences of recognition of the existence of war
AT once an end would be put to the subsisting
treaties. Most conveniently for Mexico, the accu-
mulated claims Of citizens would be oblitera-
ted-he property and lives of our citizens in Mexi-
L..
prlvateers may be already on the seas. That can
not be, unless the hestsS have been recognised by
tho government. The evidence thus far is other
wise. The Mexican government will be answera.
be for every aggression upon our commerce, irl
made before a declaration of war. And for what
are all these consequences to be incurredi Why
that we may chastlse the Mexican army and Mexi-
co in all her parts and portions if she avows the act
But in absence Of all evidence that this Is the act
OF Mexco-wIth evidence looking the other way-l
IL is d uisn ms