The daily union., 1846-05-01

is expanding her wings under the impulse OF new
and stronger principle. There seems, indeed, TO be
no limit 10 the progress of discovery; ana II Is In
the midst of such age, and at the metropolis Of
this great country, that we are about 10 erect our
tent, for the responsible purpose OF maintaining the
true principles of our institutions We almost
shrink back from the enterprise we have underta-
ken But we at least bring TO the task spirit that
is devoted 10 LIBERTY, TO UNION, and TO our COUs-
TRY; heart that Is proud of the name of AMER-
CAN; some little experience in our BUSINESS zeal
that nothing subdue, and industry that fears
no labor. With these feelings, we come 10 throw
ourselves upon the liberality of our countrymen.
We trust that we shall receive, If we deserve their
support Ii we fail in an enterprise which might
almost appal the soutes spirit, they will at least be
liberal enough TO ascribe ii to the want OF power
and not Of wi-to the head that guides US, and not
TO the heart that impels u.s.
OF one thing we may confidently assure the pub
lic--we approach the task with the deepest reyer-
ence for the true theory Of political institutions
Our confedeEated REPUBLIC Is making new and
bold experiment in the SCIENCE Of GOVERNMENT.
When we look to the original form Of the consttu-
tion we are indeed struck with Its novelty and beau
ty. We see in il an attempt TO ascertain how far
lower can be so distributed between two GOVERN
mEHrs as to prevent excessive concentration, and
consequent abuse Of 1t, in the federal arm; al the
same time that so much pOosr conveyed 10 each,
each of them best adapted.
The FEDERAL government was principally to watch
over our foreign relations; that of the States was
particularly TO take care OF our internal concerns
The federal government should have adequate
powers to maintain the peace and the rights Of the
Union abroad; but at home, its Office ia 10 assist in
binding the Union together, by the benefits which
il showers around IT, within certain prescribed lin
|ts-leaving the great mass Of local matters TO the
jurisdiction of the STATES, which can better under
stand and more properly regulate them. Keeping
this general distinction In view, the constitution has
marked down the limits Of the federal power, and II
should be the duty of its authorities regiousy TO
preserve them. Dissolution on the one hand, and
consolidation on the other being the extremes which
are to be carefully avoided the constitution was so
framed, and the government should be so admins
tered as whilst the federal power exercises its le-
climate functions, it should sacredly respect the
RIGHTS of the States and the rights of the people
The federal government must, therefore, ever re-
member, that it has only certain limited powers
which are either specified in the constitution ITSELF
or which may be "necessary and proper" for carry
ing out the specified powers. 1t cannot pass these
limits with impunity. II cannot lnterpolate any
powers by forced or fictitious construction with
out producing some opposition from the parties TO
the compact, or some remonstrance from the people
Il would never do, indeed, to give an unlimited
power TO the federal head the local interests
sve empire. 1t embraces great variety of climates
and soils, of ofoccupatons and of interests. The OBJ
vious danger of too much federal Legislation is, Of
course that Il may affect these different interests IN
a very unequal degree. Whilst it seeks to admins
ter benefits to one section, it may impose burdens
upon another. Nor does the mischief terminate
here Inequality produces complaint. The suffer-
ing States become dissatisfied. One section not only
murmurs about the partially shown to another, but
against the government which commits 1t. The
Union itself is less respected, because Of the injustice
which il displays. The only way Of preventing
these injuries and these complaints is, to administer
the government within the limitations of the instru
ment and in a spirit which is calculated to equaze,
as far as possible, its benefits and its burdens
amongst the whole UNION. In no other way can
we prevent the federal government from rushing
into schemes Of consolidation, the States into a
tendency towards dissolution. If we permit the
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT systematically to adopt any
rule Of construction, which may enlarge Its powers
at the expense Of the States, or of the people-if
Congress may adopt any measure which they may
fancy to be necessary and proper" then power
may be augmented as, in the progress of time, to
amount to consolidation. Then, we must extend
the executive department to carry out these extend
ed powers; then, one Of the celebrated resolutions
of one of the first States in the Union showed in 99,
we should gradually merge into limited monarchy,
flushed with power and forti6sD by patronage; or,
we must fly to the other fatal aliernative-we must
dissolve the UNION itself to liberties; that
Union, which has been consecrated by the blood Of
our forefahers; that Union which is necessary to
preserve our tranquility at home and our peace
abroad; that Union, which ought to be as dear to
US as "the ruddy drops which warm our hearts"
In a word, the government must be administered
according to the good old JEFFERsoNIAN standard.
In this respect we are happy to know, that we shall
but carry out the deliberate wishes of the present
President of the United States. The time once was,
when very different rule prevailed, and when the
latitudinous constructioniss of the federal school
stood at the helm of affairs A powerful NATIONAL
BANK had triumphed over the CONSTITUTION, and
threatened our very liberties. gigantic system Of
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS was projected by the gen.
era government. An unequal and oppressive
TARIFF of duties was established What limit in
deed, was there to be to the encroachments and ex
cesses of the government if these principles prevail
ed in its administrations But thanks to the superior
genius and the "iron will" of Andrew Jackson--he
came to redeem, by his veoes, the constitution from
violation, and the country from abuse. He stran-
gled the Monster BANK. He set limits to the wild
schemes of Internal Improvement and he insisted
on bringing back the Tariff System to its Legitimate
Revenue uses
But the federal party was not yet extinguished
Their extraordinary efforts in l840 to defeat that
able statesman, Martin Van Buren,, aided as they
were by the vlest Devices and by the grossest abuse
OF the money power, COntTlputeu, Will liic slHSuaT
condition of the country to place them again at the
head of the government. 1t is not necessary for us
to recapitulate the struggles which have since en-
sued to describe the ndomitabe spirit of friends
or their final glorious triumph in the election Of
James X. Polk Another era is then opened to
His administration has just commenced. He comes
to carry out the principles of the REPUBLICAN PAR
~ and the pledges to that end under which he was
elected. He takes the JEFrERsoNIAN ERA for his
standard and WE, too, come forward to support the
principles of the Republican Faith and to give to
his administration fair, liberal, and efficient sup
port. We will oppose lattudinous construction Of
the constitutional NATIONAL BANK in any of its
forms-an extravagant and unconstitutional system
of National Internal Improvements-an insidious
Distribution of the Proceeds Of the Public Lands
the Assumption of State Debts, and such Bank
rupt Law as disgraced the statute book in lS42.
We shall contend against unjust and unequal
tariff. We will support fair and just revenue
standard. This rate should be moderate in ITSELF
and sufficient to raise adequate means, along with
the proceeds of the public lands, to meet the ex.
penses of the government economically administer
ed. We are, therefore, in favor of the most en-
lightened system which has been suggested by the
experience and the wants OF the treasury-"a sys-