The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-30

fcI VI inc Onitcu states tolliDg the British
eminent as the reason OF Withdrawing the proposition
that there had been something on the opposite sids
offensive TO his feelings-that he and the President
felt lDsuted by the Of the rejection of their
proposition. That indeed going back TO ,hs
dark ages-to the times when an insult to kings
fayorite or his mistress, led TO calamitous wars IL
did not impugn their motives---they were known to
God alone but he would say that the Executive
ought never TO have withdrawn his proposition.
Why Withdraw iR IL made in good faith, why
withdraw il He was no diplomatist, but he would
undertake to say, that never before, when a great
question like that was involved when proposition
Of settlement made, that IL the ulmaium,
unless 80 said expressly at the time Of offering it,
The Secretary Of State at an earlier period (Mr
CALHOUN properly refused arbitration at that time
He stated the reasons and did not blink the question
as the present Secretary had. IL that proposition
had not been withdrawn, the question would have
been at this moment setiled-settled by treaty. His
for that belief the declaration OF the British
minister Of the crown that the proposition should
not have not been rejected by the plenipotentiary
here, before submitting Il TO the government home
The point of honor-the punctilo--would not have
existed. lie would not be surprised IL that pune
tio became very serious question yet. But he
trusted that such a cob-web would not be allowed
to stand in the way of settlement Of the question
Punctilios had destroyed many lives in private az
fairs. Good never came OF them. la his State, he
had known more than dozen most valuable liyes
negotiation ended-ended. What next The cor
respondence terminated in August. There is an
end, therefore, Of this negotiation Ended and ter
minated by most improper and Unprecedented
withdrawal Of proposition, not stated 10 be the Ill
tmatum. So far as he knew, its very existence was
kept secret from the American people. Nay, he
believed il denied. One thing he knew, that in
November, paper supposed to be the organ If the
President-the Unon--published TO the world that
the Executive intended 10 60 for $40 40-thst our
title WIS unbIoken-was unit from ago to $40 tO;
aud called upon the party to ssstan on that the ad-
ministraiion. Ii was a most inAammatory appeal 10
the democratic party to stand by the Executive up
to $40 4V. He held the President responsible for
that and that of hts reasons for saying that
the whole business had been mismanaged. Mr. b.
then proceeded at some length TO express his views on
the question whether the Union was or was not the
organ Of the Executive. He blamed that paper for
| appealing TO party. The article went to Eng
land, produced great effect there at the tine. Ii
still exercising its effect. Ii excited the Eng.
lsh people in a great degree. He would pass
that over. Congress met then came the message
that sterioua document according TO the various
readings Of the gentlemen on the other side-and il
had great effect. Some thought il ominous Of
peace, and were delighted. He did not SO interpret
It. He did not know there any negotiation all
he read the message at Richmond his way
there. His fears were then increased, not allayed
| His apprehensions were augmented, though the
message appeared to have a sedatve effect on the
people who had imagined that war was
| about to come. What was the spirit Of
that messageI Was it indeed calculated to
aay excitement across the water, or remove
| preiudces and obstacles in the way Of an am
cable adjustment Of this difficulty Was Il such a
message as the Executive would have written had
he really desired speedy and peaceful settlement Of
the controversyl No There we're two or three sub
ccts "uggedr into il calculated to excite the people
and render more complicated this Oregon question.
Why II had so excited the chairman Of Foreign Re-
latlons Mr.. ALLEN that he burst out quite in fame
that morning, and said he had never heard of such
thing this session as a proposition to settle on 400
with the navigation Of the Columbia offered TO Great
| Britain. The fact was the administration was con-
stantly shifting its ground The President took tho
position that national interest forbade the yielding
up the navigation of the Columbia. Well. that
was just about valuable as the navigation of
Goose creek, or Tiber, (tha the classical nancy
which ran through the city OF Washington What
| pther matter was forced into the m ssage2 And
here he would say tina, he must not be told that
British sentiment was not to be consulted. ma
iority Of the Senate and of the American people
we're quite of different opinion. Well, the Presi-
lent stepped out Of his way TO tell England that no
European power must hereafter be allowed to colon
ize any part Of the North American continent. Why
put forth such sentiment Was il needful at this
luncture, Was il wise or prudent They knew
the effect of similar declaration by Mr.. Monroe,
and then 1t was under quite different circumstances
from those which surrounded the President when
he wrote this message. Mr.. Rush, in his last
book, described the effect of Mr. Monroe's declara-
ton on the British mind, and on the negotiation with
which he charged. Mr.. Rush said that il pro-
duced a ferment in the English mind, and operated
most prejudicialy on the negotiation Mr.. B. here
described the circumstances under which the declar-
alton of Mr.. Monore was made, showing that it was
supposed that il would have good effect IN check
ing European interference in aiding old Spain to re-
| her lfed Gree pr;ts
account Of her commercial interests desired to see
the provinces independents and knowledge OF that
had its weight in producing the declaration. He
Mr.. b. would take that occasion of expressing his
decided disapprobaton Of the principle Of thai dec
laration. II was an UNJUST unsound, and wick
ed principle. If it was ever acted upon the
present institutions of the country must be
| changed for despotism. He admitted that a case
might arise where the government of the United
States would be called upon in selfdefence to say
that Europe must not touch this or that colony.
But that was the excepton--the general rule was
false and pernicious. To act upon an army like
that Of Russia, and navy like that of England,
would be necessary. But how would it interfere
with their rights and liberties if any foreign power
would undertake to coonize Patagonia In his
judgment, an infusion Of European intelligence and
civilization would greatly advance the cause of lib
erty in thc-South American republics There was
no such thing true liberty on this continent be-
yond the limits of the United States. Those re-
pubhcs therefore, although they might desire to see
them PROSPEROUS, were not 80 intimately connected
with the United States as to justify this government
in such chivaric declarations in their behoof II
was, therefore, indiscreet and uncaled for in the
| President, to put such doctrine into his message.
Now, he would say few words about the title If
the court of queens bench were called on to try
the case the United States being the defendant the
decision would be, that England had no title And
If the Supreme Court of the United States were to
try the case, the United States being plaintiff and
England the defendant, the former would be non
suited. A distinguished individual had made the
notable discovery that the original grant of the Uni
led States was to be found in the book Of Genesis,
and an act con6rmaory of it in the book of
Psalms He would not say anything about that.
Nor would ne say anything about the title by nevi
table destiny Nor would he say anything about
the title by a bull of the Pope Of Rome. He would
say that If they had as clear title to Oregon as they
had the District of Columbia, he would not give
up an inch of the territory. Mr.. B. then discussed
at some length the title, and expressed his views.
He then went on TO say that the balance Of the civil