The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-02-26

ETY. Of settling this question by adjustment and
compounds. Compromlse | can undersiand-eom-
promise can comprehend. But negotiation, with
resolution TO take and not TO giye-negotation,
with resolution not TO settle, unless we obtain the
whole, 10 what | do not comprehend in dinlo-
msey or matters Of government. | wish therefore
we could get this matter resolved into some defne
form, not because attach any special importance
TO an immediate expression Of an opinion mereIv
we have every week an opportunity Of saying
what, IN week, almost will be known all over The
world But wish To put an end to this annoying and
dstraetlng state OF things which now exists m the
country. The present condition of this question is
productive of the most serious embarrassment IL
Is proposes TO remodel the tariff. Howl To aug
nenl duties or TO reduce duuesl II u augment-is
It in prospect of war; Ii to redu,c-is IL m the
confirmed hope of peace want to know how anv
gentleman IN either House Of Congress can act Dtel
gently on such subject as that of revenue until he
know whether we are TO have settled peace or
whether we are very near to an outbreak with a
powerful foreign Slater And # we look into private
affairs, the evil is equally pressing Look az m.
effect on our immense Commerce. IL is easy for
gentlemen to say that they regard the national honor
as of greater consequence than the national com.
msrce So do |. II the honor Of the county be
assalled then, TO use the language of gentleman in
the other House some years ago, Perish COM
meTce" But these are not interests with which YOU
can trIfe. Surely the American ships that cover
the ocesn-the whole Of the sesboaTd-the great
interests connected with private life, and eyery
mans daily business and daily bread are not to be
trified with by diplomatic forms, by the pursuit OF
objects not connected with the substantial interests
OF the country These are the reasons why / de-
sire an opportunity, as soon as might be convenient
Of expressing an opinlon-if we are 10 express any
opinion at all-and TO hear what weight other,
might please to give IT, II IL be thought better NOT
to express an opinion, then let all amendments be
Withdrawn, and let the question Of naked notice be
Pot. Let us meet that. That will throw The respon-
sibillty solely on the executive government NAL inc
II snswersble for the exercise Of the power il holds
10 the fullest extent ! am either for taking the
question on the direct resolution for notice or
am for taking II IN some forn-if we exnresS INV
opinion at sl-thst shall express the opinion have
minated, and which believe to be according 10 the
judgment Of the country and the judgment Of the
Senate.
Mr. BREESE (who commenced in low voice
and whose first words were lost) said If we look
back at the course OF this discussion we will see
that we have not observed u very strict enurse and
hope the Senate will accord to me the some Tisbi,
! as 1t has 10 others. would therefore propose To
postpone the further discussion OF the question N
Monday next, IN order that might then express
myself upon Il, and propose an amendment; and [
would ask for others the same opportunity rs de-
sire for myself There is a manifest difference
although It may not appear at FIRST view, between
my amendment and the resolution proposed by
the chairman ofthe Committee on Foreign Relations
That simply asks that the convention ofls27 which
10 but incident to that of 1918, should be abroesed
wish to include the latter Also and that in twelve
months after the giving the natiee, unirammeed by
any condition whatever, but expressed in courteous
terms, and destitute Of Anything in its terms that
could give offence. As to the action upon the reso-
| luton, AZ far as gentlemen are concerned, | have
| nothing TO say. | have drawn the resolution in
| terms Of courtesy, and we have a right TO expect
that It would be courteously received. All we
| -. Il
bered by conditions, directly and positively concur
with very much said by the senator from Ken
| lucky; but do not believe there is any necessity
for voting on this subject to-day tomorrow. /
think 1t would be better that it should be postponed
tto give the Senate time for consideration before vo.
ting. In regard TO what has been said about the
| Transmission Of the actlon Of the Senate by the
| steamer for England, cannot concur. In matters
Of this kind, Of great consequence TO my country
will not stop examine the views Of transatlantic
nations upon its proprety; and was very much
pleased with the views presented ir such elegant
and beautiful language by the senator from Mchi-
gan in relation to this topic. | am DESTROYS to show
why cannot vote for the amendment Of the senator
from Georgia, which the senator from Massachu-
sets Mr.. WEBsrER said he thought would re-
cejye the votes oftwo-thirds of that body.
</Mr. WEBSTER. / said majority of the Sem
ate.
Mr.. BREESE. know the honorable senator a,
first said majority, but friend on his right sug-
gested two-thirds, which the senator seemed 10
chime in with very readily, and to adopt cannot,
SIR think that it would get the votes Of maiority
of this Senate Ii could not receive mine As
the representative Of my constituents--the peo-
pie Of Illinois, could not give vote that
would place the Executive under the necessity
of placing against his wishes, a portion OF Ameri-
can territory under foreign power. 1t appears TO
me that we are placed in a very awkward position
far government is concerned. Look et
the lIDl0natc laid hsf,ro kod,
After receiving our offer of the 49th degree and re-
fusing it, does the British minister propose any sub
stitutei No, sir and should like TO know how j,
is to be settled by negotiation.
" Mr.. WEBSTER. should like to know that
also
Mr.. BREESE. We must 90 on as directed by
the President give this notice, and arrive at def
mite point, at which our claims must be asserted and
maintained. l de not think, sir, with the senator
from Kentucky that our first duty is TO secure
peace. No, sir; our first duty is the preservation OF
all our national rights, the protection of our interests
and the vindication of our national honor That is
our duty; and If, in doing SO, ensues then say
let it come; the American people would he found
ready to meet il. | am not anxious certainly, for
such state of things nor do think that anything
a war with England. | have merely to add that !
hope this subject will be postponed to afford time
for further reflection and discussion.
Mr.. COLQUlTT. wish at this time TO make one
or two remarks. On former occasion stated 10 the
Senate that intended to go in favor Of giving the
tice; that would go for in any shape in which it
had been presented; but have thought it advisa-
bic to present an amendment, the second part OF
which is inserted for the purpose of eliciting and
ascertainlng what is the feeling Of this body in re-
gard TO negotiation. According to the speeches
Of gentlemen who may be considered to know most
about the views Of government on the matter,
the Executive is opposed TO negotiation az dishon-
orabe; and if there be majority of the Senate to
sustain those views, and prepared to say tina, they
will not give up one inch of Oregon, it is time the
country should understand it, that they may he
prepared 10 meet oil the results. say it il idle to
talk of negotiation fin the same breath we shy we
must have every inch of Oregon. We will appeal
to ourselves, and try the nerve of the American peo-
pic Well, sir, am not much given to Boosting
myself about my readiness to fight, nor do think
the people Of Georgia would desire me to suy much
in their behalf, or euogize their nerve in war. But
this much will say, that think the greatest nerve
il required TO enadle us TO show ourselves men in
nothing but what is right. give little credit for
their volor when they backed by their conslilu.
ens; but on great national questions-(the remain