The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-09
THE DAILY UNION

had not before been presented. He had communi-
Gated with the ablest urlss OF the country, and all
entertained the same opinion. But they were told
that the notice was a mere peace measure-that il
was provided for in the treaty. That true in
the abstract But was it true in the present circum-
stances-under the excitement, menaces, and all
that he would not designate, but what il seemed to
seek war at all events He thought not In his de-
liberate judgment and with all respect 10 the eonsl-
tuted authorities Of the country, he never knew a
case that had been SO 'bslched'-always assuming,
as was given out, that the purposes Of the Exeeu.
tive were purposes Of peace. When was il ever
known before that such d subject had been in that
snge thrown before CongressI Where else was the
precedent and reason that in questions OF that sort,
the Senate sat with closed Doors IL war was in
tended, the course was eminently proper But was
that the profession Of the gentleman Was there a
gentleman in that chamber who did not FAY he de-
sired peace Only one or two--the honorable sena-
tor from Michigan Mr.. CAss, and one or two
others, were apprehensiVe OF war. He (Mr. M. }
thought the Encouragement OF the case had resulted
from making It party question. The error arose
at the Baltimore convention. That was the first iu-
stance in the history of the country in which
popular assemblege took in hand the management
OF the foreign relations Of the country. That error
was too steadily followed up and persisted in in the
inaugural address, and the subsequent policy Of the
administration The little band, with whom he had
INC HOHOf OF DclDg was ctnlucntiy con-
sentative. They were known TO be opposed TO war.
There was another banda portion Of the vctorius
democratic party-also known to be favorably dis
posed TO a peAeeabls settlement OF the question.
The process OF sident-uaking was one which
occasionally threatened seriously the safety of the
machine II there was anything peculiar in the
character of the American people, il wasa strong
predisposton to war. When any man carried with
him portion Of the national sovereignty Il required
no preparation Of the national heart for war when
tho national honor was supposed TO he affected.
Their plain fellow-citizens, attred in linsey-woo-
sey, were more keenly alive to national insult, or
imagined national insult, than any other people on
such people that the fre-brand Of this Oregon
question had been recklessy flung And when the
Senate came 10 discuss the question, II unforu-
nately found that II was no longer a party ques-
ton. Gentlemen had scattered in all directions,
defying any calculations, priOri, as to the
result. They had most intricate diaectics in
the Presidents message. He was not disposed
to go into il. Mr.. NJ then proceeded to speak
of what was, in his, judgment, a very obvious
contradiction between the message and the entire
want Of military preparations He insisted that
there was gross incongruity between the extreme
pretensions OF the President and the absence of
commensurate wsrike preparations IL was found
that division had taken place in the democratic
party, and to CRAFTY the Hotspurs of the party as
they had been called, IL was necessary to make
some movement in the way Of military preparation
Then the resolutions Of the senator from Mich
igan, Mr.. Cas-, calling upon the different depart
ments for information In reference TO what addition
al force would be required for the defence of the
country, were introduced upon consultation with
the Executive, and with his assent.
MIR. CASS said that that was the fact. He had
intimaed to the President and Secretary Of State
his intention Of offering such resolutions, and no
opposition was made
NJ MANEITM al I,
easy decentralization the sentiment Of the major
ity Of the Senate known to be favorable to set
Element on 1910 call for estimates from the War
and Navy Departments. All this was very mnch
like shutting evasion. Not so in the days of the
hero of New Orleans. II he meant war, he
said it. If he meant repnsals, he said it,
He never knew what it to shuttle. He spoke
Of the reports Of the bureaus having SNEAK
ed" into the Senate. The chairmen of the Co m
mttees on Military Affairs and Naval Affairs de-
served credit for the position they took in respect to
these recommendations. The honorable senator
from Michigan, who had been designated the
Achilles Of the $40 40 party
Mr.. CASS. That is quite too much honor.
Mr.. MANGUM Well, that senator who had
complained so often that they would not build
ship because they could not build a navy, had no
reason certainly to complain Of the recommended
sooth, was without the assent of the Executive.
Was there ever such a case known as an Execu-
tive without an organ Of his views and opinions
in either House Of Congress' Ii had been declared
in his newspaper organ, that man could speak
for him; that no man, beyond his cabinet, knew his
views. When General Jackson was at the head of
the government, did such astate of things exist
II Mr.. Cay-if the gentleman from Missouri, Mr.
BENTON or if the gentleman from South Carolina
Mr.. CALHOUN, was at the head of affairs, would
such a state Of things exist Such state Of things
was prejudicia to the interests Of the couAtry The
al.x .,a,at II
one thing IN the management of this question, and
that was its secretiveness. He could only add the
expression of the hope that hereafter, the Chief
Magistrate would be chosen from amongst the
ablest men of the country. He thought that the
President could move IN any direction on this
question, without dislocating his political opin-
ions any more than his physical struc-
ture. At all events, if he would settle down on
Ago, he would not be absolutely denounced by tho
great mass Of the American people. No man who
desired peace had felt otherwise than deeply mort-
fled at the character Of the debates on this question
in the Senate. The chairman Of Foreign Relations
led off with the most violent and studied assault on
the country with whom they were negotiating. The
whole world was ransacked for the purpose Of
raking up stale abuse Of the country with whom
they desired to settle the question peaceaby If he
Mr. ALIEN never would be brought to deplore
that speech, it was certain that the intelligent Of
the country deplored 1t, considering the position
which the senator happened to occupy. But he
Mr. M } must do the senator Justice. There was
in his speech one very consolatory assurance. The
government of Great Britain was pauper govern
ment 1t had only to be touched, and it would fall!
Had the senator lived in the time of Napoleon, he
would have been Of incalculable aid to him in i'm
parting that admirable idea, that the great bulwark
of Chrisendom had only to be touched, and it would
fall. II well for England that the senator did
not live in that day. But the whole tendency of the
speech was inaammatory, and therefore it was to
be deplored The episode which had occupied the
attention of the senator from M Massachusetts,, Mr..
WEBSTER, was also to be regretted--es mat
ter of humanity. It had certainly elected a
most triumphant vindication of a portion of the
public conduct Of the honorable senator. But
he would commend to him the maxim of the
old neutrality-suspicious. copora piii--lct him
choose the vier bsr1ies for the amusement of his
leisure hours, and not impae grave and distinguish
ed senators, hanging them up to "blacken in the
SUM-" Mr.. NJ then proceeded to speak more par
ticuarly of his own views on the question of notice
He took different view Of the policy of Great
Britain in this matter from that taken by the senator
from South Carolina, Mr.. CALHOUN. He (Mr
Nj. was of opinion--he feared--that there was on
tho If mt increo cad fono arro