The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-06-20
THE TARIFF.

They are, of course, the demands Of our war with
Mexico, and the newly adopted free-trade policy OF
England We have already spoken briefly, from
time 10 time, of the bearings Of the Mexican war
upon our present tariff law. We have more to say
upon that point, which seems, just at this moment,
mainly to occupy the attention Of Congress- But
the war will of course be but temporary and. doubt
less il will be brief The new commercial policy Of
England, on the contrary, il clearly permanent
fact. The British corn-law never rise again
And this is a fact in our judgment, large enough to
reyoutonize, long, the legislation and the public
feeling of our country on the subject Of protec-
ton.
The great standing argument in favor OF a re-
strictve policy among ourselves has been found,
heretofore in the restrictive pocyof other nations
and especially of Great Britain. The closed ports
of England have been urged upon again and
again, and in every FORM. of ingenuity and empha-
sis, as a reason for closing our own ports by the
substitution of restrictive and prohibitve duties in
the place OF the revenue tariff contemplated by our
constitution. This argument, if unsound in its
principles the basis Of a.permanent policy, was
at least specious and plausible. II was an argu-
ment hard Of refutation. Above all, it was
gument emlnently popular in its character. To
show how much it has been insisted upon, we might
quote at random from almost all the great speeches
of the proteciionist leaders among US. We give, as
a single specimen Of multitude Of similar pas
sages, the following extractlfroma celebrated speech
delivered by MIR. Clay, in 1924:
"The policy Of all Europe is adverse to the re-
cepuon of our agricultural produce, SO far as II
A.
limitation we absolutely forbid TO enter their
ports, except under circumstances which deprive
| them of all value steady market The policy Of
all Europe rejects those great staples Of country
,ohieh consist Of otJscts Of human subsistence. The
policy Of all Europe refuses to receive from any
| thing but those raw materials Of smaller value, es-
sential to their manufactures, to which they can
give higher value, with the exception of tobacco
| and rice, which they cannot produce. Even Greai
Britain, to tohch its best customer, and from
,ohch receive nearly one-half in patus of ohoL
imports ,cH not take from as articles Of subsistence
produced in country cheaper than be produced in
Great Britain In adopting this exclusive policy,
the states of Europe do not inquire what is best for
but what suits themselves respectively; they do
nottake jurisdiction ofthe question ofour interests, bu,
limit the object Of their legislation to that of the
tervatioh Of their own peculiar interests leaving
free to prosecute ours as we please. They do no,
guide themselves by that romantic philanthropy
| which we displayed here, and which invokes US
to continue to purchase the produce Of foreign in
dusry, without regard to the state prosperity OF
our own, that foreigners may be pleased to purchase
the few remaining articles Of ours, which their re-
stricted policy has not yet absolutely excluded from
their consumption"
Here is the main protectonist argument, stated
broadly, and in its full force. That argument is gone
1t is cut up root and branch by the repeal of the
British corn-law. This new state of things brought
L IL .i-cz
| steamer, demands at orr hands a new commercial
policy.
The market of England opened at once to tina,
vast mass Of our agricultural products which are
| consumed in the shape of food, is the new and
ponderous fact, which is now thrown at once into
| the scale of liberal commercial policy, already
preponderating with the weghty demonstrations oil
economical science the acquisitions Of our constitu-
ton, the demands of legislative justice, and the
suits of our dear-bought experience.
WHAT'S, and is to be the value Of this free British
food market to us, if narrow tariff policy like that
Of 1912, shall not shut US out from its advantages
Take-we have space for nothing more to-day
take its working upon single article, heretofore of
but small moment in foreign commerce, but
now most manifestly rising into great importance
the article of Indian corn. We produce probably
between four and five hundred millions of bushels Of
itevery year. Ofths immense yield, extensively used
as it is throughout our country for human food and
yet extensively used it is, as food for ami
mails in those sections of the country which grow il
most largely-of this great yield, after men and ami
mails have satisfied their hunger upon it, incon-
siderable portion comparatively is almost valueess to
us. Almost any market or outlet for this surplus
would be TO the western farmer clear gain Look ow
to the state of things in England and Ireland 1t is not
grown there in any considerable quantities. And
yet in Ireland alone some six millions Of people
live mainly upon potatoes. They are just beginning
70 learn the value of our Indian corn as an article of
food. The British government has recently given
large orders for it to alleviate actual famine. That
its importation into Great Britain must continue and
increase upon large scale, if our tariff legisla
ton does not restrict and fetter such commercial
intercourse, is as certain as any fact can be. We
have almost the monopoly Of the article. Hereto.
fore the duty upon it in the British ports--at the
lowest, we believe, of eight shlings per quarter
has virtually excluded it, and SO destroyed the COM
mercial advantages of our position 1t is now adj
mitted and will henceforh be admitted free of duty
And the question Of reform of our tariff is simply
and practically this: shall auai ourselves Of Ibis
great market?
Consider the value of this market to US. 1t is
calculated, we believe, that the quantity of Indian
corn consumed in this country amounts to some
thing like fifteen bushels per annum for each of the
eighteen or twenty millions of our population. This
estimate Of course includes the quantity consumed
by animals, as we'll that which becomes food for
man. Suppose, now, that, as all signs indicate, In
dian corn should become common article of food
among the six or seven millions Of Irish peasantry
This is far from being improbable supposition
1t is beginning to be the fact. If we allow, for the
sake of the calculation, to this Irish population
consumption Of corn for each individual only one
bird as great the estimated individual con-
sumption here, we shall have an aggregate