The Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1837-1867, 1846-08-29

or is taxed, viz: the sum of the taX,--ior which
he is not responsible to you, but 10 the Treas
ury Department. And n specific duty is tho
same tax imposed upon the same article-the
tdao ITSELF however, distinguishing the values
by establishing the particular sum oftaxution
and leaving nothing for the collector TO do but
to wei gh or measure tho quantity; wherein,
If he be guilty oftraud, he may probably be
convicted, or ifdisposed to Cypress the mer-
chant, he can be prevented In short, where
the tax is specific the collector only weighs or
measures the quantity; where it is dd Uaiorenl
nc not only measures or weighs the quantity,
but likewise determines, upon his own Judg-
ment,the foreign value ofthe thing imported.
Iheuniorm rule, as approved by our Gov
eminent, has been heretofore, that of making
all the duties specific which can be nude so,
and let the others be ad valorem; but To- re-
duce the list ofad UGtorem duties, from time to
time, by adding to the list of specifies. The
Experimental Tariff condemns q rcpudiates
this policy altogether, and prescribes n new
ono, of having all the duties ad valorcm, and
none ofthem specific. With this explanation,
you can have no difficulty in comprehendng
my objections to the new principle of the
Experimental Tariff.
1t was maxim ofthe Revolution that ''rep-
resentation and taxation should 90 together"
Now this is great principle of liberty never
to be despised: and the abrogation of it can
not be necessary to the interest of the Repub-
lie. But it means nothing, unless it creates
The duty of laying taxes by the lao, and not
by the officers who collect it, so that the citi-
zen who reads the lazy may,as far as practical
ble,s in ii who taxes him: officers, too whom
the people have no agency in appointing, and
cannot remove-oflicers who,in assessing val
fl,at. Il
judgment, in this country, as to
market value of property i'll all foreign lands
cannot be successfully impeached, because
the witnesses to do it live abroad, and cannot
be got here; and if they could it would still be
almost impossible to convict the officer of M
territorial falsehood. II must be proved that he
was worng, and knew it, too. Is not this
new doctrine, then, more than slight de-
pnrturc from this maxim ofthe Republic? -
Shallit he approved, upon the notion that this
great principle ola Representative Democrat
cy has become impracticable? Shall we sane
ton the pretence, that the Peoples RepreSen-
tat'Ues cheat them in adopting the specific du-
ties, and assume at the same time that Gus
tom house officers will be more scrupulous
and more just to you, in fixing the values I'M
der system of Gd Dalorem duties? Ought
such a departure from great aud ftndamen-
tai doctrine Of Representative Government to
be tolerated, much less engraftcd permanent
ly into the laws ola Free People, without un-
avoIdable necessity, and sanctioned as part
ofour Democratic faith, without notice To the
People? A step or two farther, and we shall
be carried to point where Congress can do
nothing but declare the aggregate revenues
which may be levied for the Government and
leave the Treasury Department to collect
them as may seem best to its officers and nc
cording to its rules.
come now to show that what the Expert
mental Tariff makes the rule oftaXation, the
fathers ofthe Republic made the crceptiOn.-
What they declared ms fruitful mother of
frauds, ii has adopted as the only parent of
our revenues!
Here follow citations from ALEX. HAmL-
TON, albert GALLATIN, ALEx. J. DALLAS,
and WIN. II. CRAWFORD, Secretaries of the
Treasury, against ad valorem duties and in
favor Of Specific wherever practicable. MIR
Haywood proceeds:
These opinions, ofthe great and eminent
men of our country, were never controverted
so far as we know, until the present time;aud
upon what principle ofpatriotisn or Democ-
racy was expected to refuse TO them the
homage ofmy confidence and support
What should have induced me to forego the
ofmy own Judgment, fortified by
such authority and confirmed by the expert
cnce ofthe Government for hulfa century?
In all my conferences with Senators, no bet
ter reason was given to me for il, than that the
bill would destroy the Tariff of 1912; but the
remedy was as bad, ifnot worse, than the
disease, and the operation seemed to me al
most as unwise as to "cut of the head for n
cure of the tOothache"
lhave now explained to you the origin, and
you of the character of McKay's
Bill of 1874. ! have minated to you the ma
turc of those party, not to say those moral
which were contracted niece
dent to the elections of1S44; and have told
you how they were imposed upon me, as one
1fyour Senator's in my attempts to sustain the
Democratic party by harmonizing the coun-
ry generally upon distracting conflict oflo-
'al interests have also shown you how the
Tariff bill proposed at this session was alto
gether different one, and every way obiec- |
ionable i'll its details, and in its principles,
md in the time ofits operation, and l might |
nave added, in the manner it was urged upon
he Senate, and how utterly impossible it was
With me, on account all these things, to
'ote for the bill without amendment, even a.
ong with other Democratic Senators, with
'ur mouths gagged, our judgments uncon-
,inced, and our deliberations torestalled up !
IN question which always thoughtto be
National one, above the dominion ofany polt-
cal party whatever.
Mr. Haywood proceeds to vindicate at
ength his consistency and integrity as n par
y man, citing largely from documents and
but this hardly so much inter-
sts us. Our concern is with the Tariff of
846,and his reasons for resigning rather than
'ote for it. Are they not conclusive?
lew tariff are beginning to he felt in many
parts ofNew England, as we'll as in New York