The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-26

Can that notice be regarded as a war measure
We answer, no. England has an equal right to do
inc same; and u war should be the result Of our
PRIOR American movement, We viii be able 10 fight
with the moral might Of conscious rectitude The
right TO give this notice unquestionable as the
force Of words and the sanction 81 treaty. can make
u; and IL il DO expsdient for this government TO do
30 at the present time, there ought 20 be no hesit
uon. Inc whole country appears to be satisfied
with eur right TO give this notice. and comedies that
10 expedent to do so now, Va sasaid NOT produce
p~. IL such Is to be the consequence of this
ure, England will have no just for hsstillies
and will only assume this pretext.
Admitting these premises 10 be true, what is the
Illuminating position in which those statesmen place
our country, who refuse TO give this notice. They
advise submission TO the perpeuaiion Of this
y for the purpose Of preserving peace lest the mere
declaration OF our legal right should arouse the
ger and offend the pride OF England. Even this the
democratic party do not wish to do, but they will
never stop single instant In a course sanctioned
by justice and expediency, from fear that this
colossal rival power may choose 90 take offence
when no cause is offered Sooner or later this no.
tee must DO given by one Of the two contracting
powers. The treaty was intended TO be temporary
and indefinite, because the negotistors had not the
gin of foresight and could not know at what period
the present position Of affairs would srrive and il
would be preudical 10 the interests Of either 10 con-
tinue the >trcaty when the country would become
settled by emigrants from both countries one por-
non acknowledging the sovereignty and claiming
the protection OF the United States and the other Of
Great Britain-when jealousies would arise and
contentious and conflicts ensue, and the peace Of
both countries be endangered by the existence Of
the treaty.
Suppose, then, we admit that the wrath Of Eng
land will be Weakened, and her pride offended by
giving this notice, and that she viii make il the pre-
text Of war: will tho notice be less likely to pro-
duce this effect now, when the territory 10 but thnly
settled and the interests Of rival traders do not
clash--when England appears to be smicably dis
posed, and speaks the unusual words Of kindness
and forbearance--when a commercial policy Is
about to unite and blend the international move
ments OF the civilized world--or next year. or Ave
years hence, when an opposite and different position
OF affairs will array themselves in the wayl IL Eng
land viii assume this pretext for hostilities
now, the probability that she viii do SO at any fu-
ture period will increase with the delay.
Bot, 1t Is further urged by those who consider
the naked notice a war measure, that negotiation
ought 10 precede IT, for otherwise il the year should
slip round, and adjustment should not have been
made, war would be inevitable. We do not think
that the notice would embnrass the negotiation,
which certainly could be completed, if at ALL in one
year; on the contrary, we believe that il would
hasten and consummate IL.
But take for granted that England would assume
this notice as pretext for hostties, and that she
would affect to be angry, and refuse to negotiate.
Would she engage In them with less reluctance
would she peril ess--would she suffer less than WEI
Destroy her commerce--weaken the mysterious in
auence with which she holds in subsection millions
IN foreign lands, and indirectly bring distress upon
her poor and oppressed people, and to what would
she dwndle' That small island in the neighbor-
hood OF France is only the representative Of Great
Britain's power and we're she stripped Of her colat-
eral strength, she might become the butt of puny
pnncipaliues on the continent.
" From the Belfast (Naine) Journal. March 90
We think we express the public sentiment, when
we say that the debates and auarres the Senate on
this question have been impotc, and will tend only
to embarrass the negotiations, and throw obstacles
In the way of just settlement OF the question.
moments consideration wili show that us effect
abroad-exhibiting not only divided councils as to
measures necessary to sustain rights, but doubts
existing and boldly proclaimed as to those alleged
rights-must be injurious. They encourage Eng
land to persist in her really inadmissible claims,
and are thus more likely to produce war; in the end
than the most ultra measures Of the "54 40 men,"
so called, who compromise the great body of the
people.
We regard itas at present not proper subject of
debate, whether the administration will compro-
mise II at all, on one or another basis. The aues-
ton is not before Congress as to the propriety Of
this, either in the form of treaty to be ratified or
rejected, or of proposition to be made. All the
warm talk in the Senate is really mere fustian ex
cepting only, have said, that its effects abroad
must be injurious The 'noticen should be passed at
once with debate than is necessary the posi-
ton OF the government, as declared to England and
the world that our rights are clear to 81 49, should
be sustained; and the administration should be per-
united TO pursue negotiations, unembarrassed by
The zeal of 81 40 men, the timidity of 49 men, or
the more doubtful motives, and the most perni-
cious action Of the Webster school of politicians
The course Of the administration thus far should
secure the Conscience of every friend to Oregon and
they all should give to il their earnest support.
From tho N. Y. Evening Post March q.
The OREooN QUESTION IN THE SENArE.-Mr.
Calhoun, in his speech on the Oregon question, of
which we published the main portions the other
day, remarked that Great Britain would probably
take no step in that controversy until she had seen
what Congress would do in the matter. The re-
mark was just. Not only will the British govern
nnent refrain from any further advances towards
settlement but her future course in the controversy
will depend very much upon the nature Of the meas
ures adopted by Congress. II we keep our ground,
we may adjust the dispute satisfactorily; il we
every step that we yield, they will take. Let JON
athan alone, says our worthy relation over the wa
teri he is feeling his pulse and will soon tell us
whether It beats firmly and calmly, or whether it
futters. If it futters we shall know how to deal
with him.
As the question now stands, Great Britain will
assent to no adjustment Of the controversy which
does not give her the exclusive possession Of all the
ports Of the northwest coast, the certain command
Of the Pacific and the monopoly Of the future trade
with China. The offer to compromise the matter
by yielding to her everything north OF the straits
Of Fnca and Puget sound, or which is nearly the
same thing, the forty ninth degree Of north latitude,
has been thrown back to US, as not even to be
thought Of. Below the waters Of that sound, com
6nds in all Oregon, no good access to the Pa
cifc, and Britain will hear Of no arrangement that
does not exclude us from that ocean.
This is in conformity with policy which she has
rbecn steadily pursuing. She gave charter TO the
Hudsons Bay Company for the purposes Of trade,
and as this included no authority 10 form agrcultu
raj settlements, she gave another charter to the same
corporators, under the name Of the Puget Sound
Company, with capital Of FIVE hundred thousand
pounds, Of which, il is said, thattwo hundred thou
sand have been paid in. With this capital, and un
der this charter, the company were to breed cattle
to sell to the Russians, and they have made use of
it TO form settlements about Puget sound the pos
session of which the British now claim to have in
their own hands, and endeavor to found upon II an
Argument for retaining the country.
Nor will they give up one inch of this possession,
il they caa keep Il without going to war with the
United States. That Great Britain will be willing