The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1846-02-21

NEW
AFFAIRS IN HURoPE.
Our Relations with England.
ADDITIONAL EXTRACTS
From the Foreign Paperc received at the
ONCE OF the New York Herald.
The Policy or France and England towards
the United States-Opinions OF the Press.
THE OREGON QUESTION.
From the London Chronicle, February 81
In another part OF our columns will be found the
debate in Congress on the Oregon question We
grieve to see that the speakers for the most part
abate NO whit OF their pretensions-" their voice is
still tor war;" or II any OF the orators gives voice to
opinions Of more pacific turn, it is simply done in
favor OF the position, that giving the years notice
required by the treaty, cannot be considered BY
Great Britain as tantamount to declaration OF
war. In this case 1t would seem that the whole
onus Of violating the peace of the world is to be
thrown IN England; that is, the United States are
70 DO allowed to take from Us BY legeIdemain, in
the OF few years. what we refuse to
gentlemen who hold this opinion at Washington de-
ceive themselves-it is necessary for the peace OF
the world that this bone of contention should at
once DC removed, ana an enc De put 10 state OF
constant apprehension, which would derange all
the calculations of commerce, and in fact deprive
us of the most important advantages Of peace. In
the opinion expressed by Mr. Yancy, that peace has
given TO America the territory OF Oregon, and that
It could only be lost by war, we, in great measure,
agree; for had this point been mooted in 1871, we
believe that not above 200 or 300 citizens of the u
States would have been found in The Oregon terri
II would seem, the whole, that the resolution for
giving The notice is likely to pass the House of Rep
resentat!ves; but this is not to be considered as f.
nal for 1t must be upon the decision of the Senate
that the question will ultimately depend. Now,
when we find the voices in that Senate calculated as
n for the notice, rs against, doubtful. there is
nothing very consoing IN the prospect 1t is diff
cult, very difficult indeed, to imagine upon what
basis the calculations Of American statesmen are
founded, what opinion they can have Of the strength
and resources of their own country, what Of the
powers OF England. If all questions OF justice, of
right and of title are to be cast aside, and the cal
culaton on either side is to be reduced simply to
this, which of the two nations has the most efectual
means to trampe down the pretensions OF the other
by brute force, we fear that the citizens Of the
United States greatly deceive themselves to their
power either to resist attack or to carry on often
slve war, in any way which will be proportonate to
the evils which must OF necessity accrue from it to
themselves. The result Of the most successful war
would be T. retard their progress by quarter Of
century at least AS for the other contingency. we
as Englishmen, are sorry to have even to consider
the fearful consequences to the United States that
must OF necessity ensue. Upon what, in tact, can
they rely! The north, the south, and the west have
is smouldering in the heart of their country; 1t
requires but the spark to be laid to the train to pro-
ducc desolatlon so widespread that the mind
shrinks from contemplating the result. Their navy
(assuming II to1be efficient own, far as II
goes) Is so vastly outnumbered by the ships COM
posing our squadrOns that 1t seems insult to the
understanding to suppose any but one result Again,
fthey deprive US OF their cotton for period, it has
txa~n A. Al
East Indian possessions can yield us the needful
supply and thus the citizens Of the United States,
tor the sake OF few miles OF sea-coast more or less
will have deprived themselves tor ever Of one of
the most fertile sources OF their wealth; for the
trade. once turned into another channel, will re-
turn to them no more. Are they now scheming TO
fix themselves in California Ito extend their pow
er over Mexico? But ifthey come unsuccessful out
poned for another hundred years. Or is it their
hope to STIR up internecine war IN Europe, under
the idea that once having dragged France into the
contest they will be LETT to play their game in peace
the calculation at Washington, we can but say that
alter thirty years peace, cOoy to speculate on en-
prong the great nations of the world together, In
order that the party doing may commit an act of
injustice, would be piece OF political atrocity SO
heinous, that since the partition of Poland there
would be nothing like il in history. There are many
reasons, however, which would lead us to believe
that such calculation would be ilLfounded. The
M Guxot, would be strict neutrality; nor would it
be difficult in any event to arrange matters that
the verotd qstio of neutrals might I've set at rest
forever. II Is but slender thread to hang the des.
TIMES OF country upon to suppose that II England
were to be compelled to choose between settling
these rights footing satisfactory TO France, and
having her as an open enemy, that she would chose
the latter alternative. The reason given by M.
Guizot tor his emphatic declaration OF neutrality,
is such as to entltlc him TO the gratitude OF the civil
ICED world. II Is, to strengthen the hands OF the
peace party In America-as for England, he affrms,
and with reason, that she is anxious to preserve
peace, and to make every possible concession.
The debate in the French Chamber will, we ap-
prehend, have great weight at Washington. II is a
solemn declaration at a solemn period. The chief
Importance OF M. Berryer's speech was that it drew
question Of the policy of the balance of power in
America had been argued between MN. Theirs
and Gulzot last week. M Theirs being In OPP
position, naturally opposed what ne knew would
from other motives OF party nature, has fol-
lowed on the same side. We dsprecete this dis
cusson OF the rights Of neutrals at the prese Mt state
OF the negotiations; the discussion might call up Ill
feeling, and is not likely, for all can see, to be
attended with much practical good. 1t is, we be.
lieve difficult to rate too highly the importance OF
M. Guizot's declaration; for now it would seem to
require more than American ingenuity to set France
and England in hostile array against each other
Whatever the decision may be, the United States
will have to carry il out themselves, and cope with
us single-handed, If il be hostile one.
The CLOSING SPEECH OF nj. GUIzoT IN THE
FRENCH CHAMBERS, JAN. BIN. Berger declared
that what he had said he had read in the dispatches
The English minister had said that il the Texan
Congress voted for annexation II would be regarded
as casus beii. Ii had appeared to hun M. Berry.
cry that France took on herself the responsibility Of
such power.
The Minister Of Foreign Afiaires replied IN the
negative. There was no question but OF threat on
the part Of Mexico. In despatch of which the
English envoy was the bearer, Mexico spoke OF
war with the United States as possible; but an en-
voy was In no way a guaranty for the dispatches
he might carry. Besides, there was nothing In
any threat OF war Depreciation in the centre. }
There was u third error TO which he would now al
Jude, which consisted in saying that the govern
ment had not been slncere that In order TO prevent
afterwards protest. That had never been said. 1t