The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-23

and refuse to entertain an offer from the British
Minister for compromise, substantially The same
that he himself has heretofore proposed; and that
whilst the Senate are in session, he could not think
Of such thing ioiiaoua their aduies. For he must
know--we do know that a constitutional majority OF
that body would prefer compromise AT the line OF
ago TO an ''inevtable war" for the line Of $40 sV.
Upon this subject Of wap, suffer me TO say a
word before proceed TO this demonstration.
To dePrecsls war, as calamity, by any labored
remarks IN the nineteenth century, and IN an
American Senate, would be trespass upon your
time, and fear an insult TO your understanding
But Il has been thought that Great Britain will not
fight for Oregon; and the Senator from Illinois,
lMr. BHrEsE, speaking for the "t1K friends OF
Oregon" would almost seem 10 think that the only
use Of any negotiation about this matter, (and that
he does allow off, is, 70 LEI her get time to quit, so
as 10 avoid being kicked out Of the possession all the
way up 70 $40 40, These are not his words, but
thisis hardly caricature Of the impression they
made upon the minds Of his hearers. Now,
without going al all into the question Of which
country has The best title above the line OF
Of Oregon printed by your order To. east your
eysg Ger h above the Ssh parallc--to see
Frszer's river occupied and fortified from its mouth
10 lis source; all English forsi-to recoleet that
Great Britain has held possession there for forty
years and more,-to bear in mind that American
sctlcI iOoN $50 as Know never uOu iini
soil-not 10 forget that we have been negotiating
for forty years, and always offering TO Great Britain
to compromise for all below Frazer's river!-then
TO turn the Sixth protocol OF the negotiation this
day pending and undetermined, and there read what
the British Minister said 10 wit, on the Oath OF
September 1874: "He teas for the present obliged 10
declare that he did not feel ahorEsdio ENTER INTO
parallel Of ladiuds"-ay, not authorized to DISCUSS
the British claims on this Frazer's riyer.-and then
tell me II national pride, national honor, and every
consideration that can stimulate a nation TO war,
would not compel Great Britain 20 resist, should
our Government undertake TO dslodge her settle.
menls there after first rudely terminating the nego-
tiation and boldly declaring that compromise is in
admissible--yes, even our own offer, for two gene
ralions, out Of the question-"An or nOne"-"The
whole or fight" In such case, Great Britain
must fight; she ought to fight; and she tooud fight.
II the Senator will permit me TO suppose him an
Englishman, TO him put the question, then: Were
you an Englishman, would you not resist would
you not hgh1 And IL you would fight were you an
Engiishmnt, what, being an .3meriean Statesman,
have you done with the golden rue-what with the
Jackson rule-whilst you are thus demanding
what is not right"
propose now to call the attention OF the Senate
to the ACTS Of the President having an immediate
connexion with the inquiry Of what is his position
His acts Of commission: Wha' are theyl Look
10 the 'rtCorus' anu see. lHctciH yOu tiint
he himself offered the line OF 49o as a compromise
last August. He made that offer Notwithstanding
his "settled conviction" individually, then well
as now that our title was "clear and unquestion-
ablen-not unquestioned, but unquestonable-no
the only claim, but the "best in existence" He
adm tilted in so many words TO the British Govern
ment that he felt "commtted" as a Chief Magis-
trate ofthe Nation. He tells Congress that he was
COMMITTED" "Committed," | say, by every.
thing but the Bond Of the United States! ] have
already shown that in saying and in doing all this,
he only did what it was right in him TO do as Pres
id,ni Of the United States. At all events, he has
solemnly declared to the world that such was his
opinion. Having committed" himself by his
own declaration, and by his correspondent act
who is "friend" Of the President in this Senate
and yet will dare to say of him, or having said So
will on that account, adhere TO declaring that he
ought or that he can, be understood now speak
ing 10 us for himself by the same ''reeords." Such
language as this, 81 recant it all" "True, my
Country was committed by the acts Of my prede-
cessors." True, have in my own person offered
to redeem her honor by proposal to yield some
portion Of what believed TO be her strict right"
i'But should the offer Of my predecessors already
adopted by me, as that Of the nation itself, hap
pen to be returned upon me, | will not entertain
ii" "There shall be no compromise"-"No con
sultation with the Senate"-"An Of Oregon or
none"-"54o 40, fight or no fight" Oh, my God,
what an attitude is this for mans friend TO assume
for him ...
hear senator behind me say from his seat
"The President has put himself ther." Never never
He has not said it. 1t is nowhere on the records"
This kind Office has been performed for him by his
"frcnds," who seem determined to have his COM
pany; and because they go for "all Of Oregon or
none" TO take the Administration along with them
by construction, at any and every peril to its con
ss,ency and to the peace of the United States No,
sir! no, sir! The President has not put himself into
that position. Had he done it, or If he should do it,
for one do not hesitate to declare that it would
compel me to turn my back upon him and his Ad-
ministration. | have not that friend upon earth
whom would support in a position so inconsistent
with his own professions of high devotion to his
country's honor-so injurious to this great Nations
fame--so perilous to the worlds peace. The Pres
ident made not manly offering to the committed
character of our country, and TO the peace OF the
world, that he might ingoriously snatch it back
again before il could be accepted, simply and sngly
because it was not seized upon in the day. month,
or wear he offered it. ask his pardon for the sup
position that he could. For one, i do not doubt
him. Before will do it, he must sign plain re-
cantation. | would hardly believe that. He must
DO THE FOUL DEED before surrender my faith.
What if it was toithdra,pn after its last rejection!
That is nothing for it had been in like manner 10Th
drapn by his predecessors. If their withdrawal in
1917 and 1897 left the Government still committed,
how could il be otherwise because he withdrew the
same offer inf lS4S This plea would be misera-
BILE subterfuge, and no senator will adopt 1t in the
name of the President; none can do it, and call it an
act of friendship to him. ."
Mr.. President, ought not this one act, Of ITSELF to
be conclusive against these false constructions of the
message But it is not all. We are in pos,ession
of more-much more--in these "records" for it 10
to them speak. The President knows his own
purposes bes-where he intends to stop, and wheth-
er he has, in TRUTH already terminated his efforts to
negotiate compromise. He knows that If he term.
mates negotiation and rashly encounters the hazard
of asserting our extreme claims 10 the tchoie Of Ore
gon up to $40 4O the United States must either re-
treat ngloriously from her pretensions, or prepare
to disledse Great Britain and to defend herself by
force of arms That think have already proved
And vet, OIL what an OMISSION! No notice has
been given for this necessity to Congress or the
people plainly and directly, as 1t ought to have BEEN
No Recommendations to Congress TO prepare for our
defence or for the forcble assertion OF our rights,
are in these "recordsr' To prepare no,o-io-dayl
No estimates have been sent up to US for that OBJ
jec,--none; nothing Of the kind. The estimates
are lowered, not increased! What is the nferencei
What does he mean that you shall understand by