The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-07-03


plausible and reiterated protestations of the refine
deceiyer. ...
This exclamation for foreign systems--the subtl
devices Of oppression in the Old World-has had II
day of triumph over American labor. The million
begin TO understand It's import
All governments must have revenue; and this 1
be supplied generally by taxation in one form
another. An honest government, practising Wha
Saye denomiDates "the rsrest of princely vir
tues-rigid economy" will have need of dis
guises or indireeuOn. Corrupt ministers or mags
trates, having ample necessity OF means to pension
fayontes provide gratuities for subservency or az
grandize themselves, would be very likely to exac
them under pretenee Of what all governments con
fessedy owe the goyemed-proteetion.
| Protection by taxes, protection TO raise revenue
CRATES hsrshly on the ear OF the uninitiated only
Ii is music TO him who believes that the trumphs o.
alchemy have heen eelipsed by the discovery of q
substitute for taxation which benefits everybody
produces boundfully, and substracts from none.
IL il said that the protective policy was adopted
by the first Congress under the present constitution
The statesman who set our government in motion
were beset with vast responsibilities Our institl
tons were just struggling into life The sacred
debt Of the revolution was impending. Under such
circumstances they did adopt measure, one OF
whose avowed objects was protection TO our infant
manufactures. Did those men, who wise in their
generation, and equal to the hour in which the lo
of their responsibility was cast, intend TO assert the
doctrine now attributed to them II hey adopted
the name they did not the thing. No doubt they
desired to encourage manufactures as far as they
could consistently with the freedom and success OF
commerce; yet could they ve'supPosed that the
| bantlings would never bear weaningl
The tariff of the 4th of July, 1889, was one that
le commerce reasonably free; and since the example
fhe fathers of the republic has been invoked by the
friends of restriction, they would do we'll to initiate
the moderation ofthose fathers in the imposition OF
taxes.
al Il, tka tine
policy, the fact would be entitled TO but little weight
as reason for continuing it, They acted for their
time, not for all time.
They survived many Of their measures, much OF
their policy. The alien and seditIon laws, stamp
duties, the carriage tax, gave way before the rising
spirit Of young America Even a Bank Of the Uni.
ted States has become ian obsolete idea" Systems
once practicable once oerabe, once popular, though
conceived in a spirit unfriendy to freedom, have
fallen and withered under the ordeahof free thought
and nntrammelled debate. In their history the re-
strictive policy may learn its doom. Ii cannot long
resist the mighty power of ideas.
An obvious tendency Of this policy is to divert
capital from its accustomed channels, and encourage
its investment in particular pursuits by Legislative
guarantee against foreign competition. This is pro-
lection to associated wealth. not to labor. But il is
said this wealth gives employment to labor. This
is true to limited extent, and 1t would have done
so in one way or another without the tariff. Capt.
tal whether dffused in different enterprises or ag-
gregated by voluntary association, has at all times
sufficient advantage over the mechanics and trades
men, whose chief resource is their skill and indus
try. By superaddng to this advantage legislative
privilege, we not only augment its power to Cypress
labor in its employ, bat we subject the individual
mechanics and tradesmen throughout every city,
village, and hamlet in the land to tho runous mo-
nopoy Of those immense establishments which fill
the country with their pestilent trash known sale
work. The blacksmith, the tailor, the shoemaker,
nj of me ia heir fal
of the same INDUSTRIOUS untring, Persevering char
acter throughout the northern, middle, and western
States. From early dawn until late at night, they
toll joyously six days to the week. But the end as
the beginning Of each year, finds them poor-strug-
Cling as if under the fiat of inevitable destiny to
provide comforts for their families, and procure
the means Of clothing and educating their children,
and soothing the declining years Of some aged and
helpless relative.
The monopoly of the small trades is not, how
ever the only mode in which the restrictive policy
affects individual industry Its further disastrous
operation though not direct is obvious, and will be
noticed incidentally in another place.
Privileged capital, the while, is quite satisfied to
avoid taxation. Ii therefore clamors for tariffs
that shall tax the general industry through con-
sumption, and perseveres in pleading its own in
fancy and poverty. 1t vows "hostty to the pau
per labor of Europe" while it sucks the fe-blood
of labor at home. In short SO far as is designed
to protect or does in reality protect domestic labor
the system is a striking exemplifcaton of sent-
ment attributed TO a distinguished statesmen but
disavowed, "Let government take care of the rich
and the rich will take care of the poor"
Second. 1t is contended that this policy is benef-
cia to agriculture in that it produces increased
demand for its productions at home. The amount
of this benefit mig be ascertained, with the proper
data perhaps, with satisfactory precision by per-
son familiar with such calculations. 1t was Mr.
Galatians opinion, in 1880, that the profit to the
agricultural interest derived from the cotton and
woollen manufacturing establishments could not ex-
coed at most, two per cent on the annual Sales of
which at least one-half must be allotted TO the farm
in the immediate vicinity, and the residue to the
agricultural interest at large of the United States
1t also his opinion that the market afforded to
the agricultural interest, by the increased popula-
ton for given period, of the commercial and other
manufacturing towns and villages of the United
States, was far more extensive than that derived
from all the manufacturing establishments
But whatever may be the precise benefit it must
be admitted that the restrictive system renders all
other markets less accessible by multiplying the
obstacles to free exchange Of commodities with
foreign nations. In word, the freedom of all mar
kets is exchanged for the permission Of ene-the
home market.
If, therefore, the farmer is compelled to sell his
products at home, export them under certain dis.
advantages, so is he compelled to purchase at home
at prices which are guarded by law against success
full foreign competition. Thus, instead of being per-
purchase for the lowest price, the case is reversed,
and he compelled to sell at the lowest and purchase
at the highest price.
A hypothetical case is suggested by the idea of
restricted markets. We will suppose that the sur
plus products of the States of Ohio, Michigan, and
Virginia, will supply the increased demand arising,
not only from manufacturing pursuits, but the in
creasing population of the commercial cities and
villages There must of course, remain large
surplus in the country to be disposed Of in foreign
markets, or sacrificed, as the supply would so far
exceed the home demand to cause universal
depression of prices. The process of reaching the
market without the intermediate agency Of the
merchant will exhibit the operation Of tariff duties
on the interest of agriculture. number of farm
ers in central New York enter into association
for the purpose of sending their produce to for
eign market. One Of their number il selected by
them to take charge of the whole He ships the
property and embarks for Liverpool, where he ex-
changes his cargo, worth, at current prices, when
he left home, 100000, for various kinds of mer-
chandise of English manufacture, worth at fair val
uation here Sl25000. He returns to New York,
and landing il m nv the custo III officer