The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-02-25

! circumstances
cabinet has considered it its duty TO oppose itself "a
this measure II II be true, as stated by the minis
Ter OF foreign affairs that should be the law
: Of governments, there has been fault in this aE
FAIR for II has failed, and has caused interruption
} IN our relations with the United States But whai
. good reason could have excited tho opposition OF
9 the cabinet TO the annexationi | can see none
, snail hrst examine our relations with Mexico, Is
there IN America a state to which we owe
less Difference than 10 Mexico Can it be
SAID that reasons of interest or consideration
for Mexico should have moved US to prevent
Texas from uniting itself with the great American
republlct Did our commercial interests demand
IL IL has, know, been said that had an inter.
|, est m drawing our supply Of cotton from Texas;
but, IN the first place. that State did not furnish
large quantity; and IN that market il must be ac-
knowledged that Texas was of little consequence to
US IN that respect II in America there was only
the United States In opposition TO France it would
no doubt, have been better for US that the United
states sould not acquire the neighbormg Countries
but the Americans and ourselves not the only
powers there. The English are also in those seas
You made treaty with Texas, and at the same
time England also made one, in which the condition
OF the most favored nation carefully stipulated
1t Is certain the little independent republics do
nothing more than constitute new subjects for the
service OF England and that il is better there should
be an annexation, which takes them away from the
ascendeney OF that power. In truth, | cannot find
m all this any reason which can have weight with
statesmen. II, indeed, you conscientiously believe
IN the American equilibrium, if the greatness OF
America fnghtens you more than anything else, |
can understand your conduct. But permit me TO
say few words on that subject. Without doubt
II one looks back to what has happened in America
within tho last hfy years, one cannot help being
surprised When one thinks that at the time when
we came to their aid the United States hardly occu-
pied the shores Of the Atlantic and that to-day they
dispute with England the shores of the Pacific
when this Is all thought OF, may we'll get giddy.
The Union at that time had FIVE millions Of souls
to-day 1t has twenty-eight millions. 1t then consist
4 ell Of thirteen States to-day II amounts twenty
seven or twenty-eIght. The United States have an
permanent army, those intrepid sharp-shooters who
have defended them so often, and with much IN
trepldty; and they have the immense pride Of de-
mocracy. conceive, | repeat ii, these men are
surprised at the sight Of such a Progress But gem
uemen, examine your hearts, consult your most
secret instincts and tell me il you uneasy or I'M
quiet. Is there any one in this chamber whswlll
say to himself There is danger in this for France''
Il M. DUPM. 1t is dangerous to England
Several members Yes, yes; that is it,
M. THEIRS. II there is any danger for us that
the most piercing eye discover, oh, then, gem
tlemen, declare myself bad Frenchman, and a
very ignorant As for my part, have no fear;
and am convinced that the unfortunate Louis XVI
when he seconded the United States-Napoleon,
when he freely gave them Louisiana--did not pre-
pare dangers for France. Ii ! were an Engllshman,
could conceive the uneasiness which my country
should feel with respect to the United States. am
a sIn'eIe partisan OF the policy of union with Eng
land; but cannot go far TO believe that Amer
lea can he the rival of France. | have no unensi-
ness when | contemplate American greatness. Very
good, very good. | wish we'll to all people, but
greatness | only wish for our own America is,
perhaps, the only nation IN the world 10 which |
wish greatness. Will it now be said that there is
certain American equilibrium upon which did
not reckon, and which ought TO make uneasy
about that increasing greatness There is a long
time gentlemen, since have been studying the mar
of the world and the interests displayed in il, but
this is the first time have heard of American equ
hbrium. have heard the European equilibrium
spoken Of Ii is an expression which myself have
often used and written. | believe in that equi-
brlum, and | understand it to mean the irdepend-
ence Of European nations Every time that Euro
pean nations have thought themselves threatened by
one Of their own number, they have united TO form
an equilibrium. This was the case when Spain
and Austria united under sceptre vast terrific
res and several nations and that is what is called
European equilibrium. But is there anything of
the kind in America Should there be an equiIi-
brium of Americans with respect to Americans In
another place the minister of foreign affairs spoke
of the 5 panlsh being threatened with annhila-
ton by the Anglo American This is being very
provident. have sometimes acc used the government
of not keeping good look out, but make the
amsnde honorable. | suppress my criticism. 1t
shows great foresight to provide in 1876 for the
safety of the Spanish from the assaults Of the Anglo
American race, and cannot but admire it. For my
part, am much more humble in the line | would
pursue. When the Angola merican race shall
have acquired that immense domination which may
give US alarm, when 1t shall have, as England has
had 100 ships of the line, and 200 frigates, | may
then be Of opinion that the European equilibrium
should 60 to the aid Of the American equilibrium.
do not think that there is such thing in exis-
tence equilibrium respects Europe ard Ameri-
ca. | acknowledge that America treats Europe in
some measure like an ungrateful child. 1t will not
allow new colonies to be created about her, and
America does not belong o-day TO the first occu
pants. But it will be said that America goes fur
Their, and threatens the European colonies. In
that respect let us not commit an anachronism.
Let not confound the present with the time when
we had Louisiana and Canada. Louisiana we
gave the United States TO add TO their greatness.
England took Canada from us, and with the advan-
tages she has the cares of possession. | can con-
ceive that the English should be uneasy and look
with great suspicion on the progress Of the United
States in North America. But with regard to us,
such fears are an anachronism. We have still some
American possessions, but they are placed, you
know, in the midst of an English Archipelago A
formidable navy is always present in that English
Archipelago. 1t is better to call it by its proper
name, English equilibrium, and not an American
equilibrium. Hear, hear Our fears are vain.
Whatever greatness America may acquire, 1t can
never be dangerous to France. But let us speak no
more of the circumscrbent equilibrium. Let us
speak of the equilibrium of the world. That is a
great benefit given by Providence ! see
in the increase of the power of the United States
wha, must be permitted to call another step
towards our political freedom, that is, since
1859. What say regards France since 1880
only Since French policy represents in this world
revolution, we have lost much Of our freedom OF
action. Formerly, there existed amongst the va
rious European states opposing interests, rancorous
ealousies, and in the midst Of these passions France
was perfectly free. But the day that France be-
came the representative of liberty in the world on
that day there formed round her, amongst all
the states of Europe concerted union, rather acit
than written down--a general concert, in fact,
which impeded and still impedes, cur freedom of
action. | am not one of tn who perceive war at
the bottom Of this concert. No; but | maintain
that there is amongst these European powers, and
against France, tacit accord which constrains MS,
which is injurious to us. You lately hal proof Of
tbs When events took place in Serva which APP
peared likely to insure to Russia too exclusive a
Il