The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-08

{ Ieouniry adjoining it. These views are not only
founded IN justice and common sense, bat are re
! cognised and sanctioned by the laws OF nations.
, Mr. President, what must be thought Of the prop
ositons OF the two governments for the adjusimcn
} Of this dispute, when viewed In connexiof
with the nature and extent Of their respective claims
! Our lde TO more than half Of the disputed ter
rtory seems almost unquestionable; besides which
we have the Spanish title, covering the whole of H.
which 10 abstractly fair title. And Great Britain
has at best but defective and disputed title TO
part Of the country. And, from proximity and po-
sition, our claims much stronger than hers. Yet
under these circumstances she claims two-thirds Of
IT, and nearly all the privileges Of navigation And
when offer 10 make about equal division oil
i it, yielding all but the valley of the Columbia 10
| which tite seems clear and almost beyond dis
pute, she rejects the offer and expresses the hope
that we may make proposition more consistent
with fairness and the Just expectations Of the Brit
lsh government Which party, In this protraeted
4 negotiation has shown the most moderation and
fairnessi Which has shown the most readiness 70
conoede, and not 10 press lis claims 10 their full
tenH Let the world decided And have We not made
sufficient confessional Can we yield more, consist
emily with a Just and proper regard 70 our
rights and the honor Of the nation Must We
not make stand some here, beyond which we
cannot yield He certainly thoughi So TAas wss
! not mere question OF property, as some seemed
II w..
voved In this controversy not in the assertion OF
our rights TO the whole territory for we have in oil
past negotiations acknowledged Great Britain 10
have certain rights; not BIN going TO any particular
parallel Of latitude but in obtaining Just and
sonsble adjustment an honest ard just recognition
Of our rights; a fair and equitable division Of the
territory, il the adjustment is on that basis This
is not a question Of war or compromise, but ques-
ton Of reasonable and equitable ad ustmeut OF the
ASSERTION Of our rights by force, should il become
necessary. However We may value peace, we can
not yield everything for so high an object. He
agreed with the senator from Kentucky, lMr Car
rEsDEs, that the interests OF peace were the first
and highest interests Of nation; but high and dear
as they are, they cannot he maintained by saeu-
fee Of essential rights, or compromising the honor
Of the country. This negotiation is in the hands Of
the Executive; the constitution has placed IL there;
but II is the duty Of Congress TO sustain him in
sering and maintaining the Just rights Of the repub
lie. Let us not weaken his hands, but streng then
| them. Let US not undermine bis position, or at
tempt TO force him TO assume a new one, but en-
deayor to strengthen and fortfy the position he has
taken. All want this controversy settled but
only be settled by fair and equitable adjustment.
IL is the part OF wisdom 10 avoid the extremes Of
pushing our claims too far, or Of showing dispo-
siton to yield TOO much. We must take position
which is clearly just and reasonable, and stand firm
and steadfast upon il, regardless of consequences
and at every hazard.
III pefce Is uear 10 US, IL BnOuu not DC less ueaf 10
Great Britain. And we alone to be called on TO
make concessions TO preserve the peace Of the two
countriesl Is England To yield nothing Is she TO
| have all she desires, and more than she has even
pretended title tor lfconcessions TO be made for
peace, should they not be mutual Should not
Great Britain yield something of her preensons'
With the stronger and better title part does
she expect shall yield all, to her terms, and
give her all she has the TO ask This
not be; peace cannot be preserved in this way. He
would not say whether England dared to go into a
war single-handed for the whole part Of Oregon
but he would say that she dare not hazard war on
the extreme claim she has set up to this territory.
She dare not take the responsibility Of war on a
claim unreasonable and extravagant She dare
no, encounter the judgment Of the civilized world;
and if we stand firm, not increasing our demands,
nor evincing disposition to yield more, he had no
doubt that England would give way, and that the
honor of the two countries would be maintained.
| There another consideration he wished TO
notice. What we may do is scarcely more impor-
tant than the manner in which il may be done.
Unanimity in our action is nearly as important as
what our action may be. Congress should present
united and bold front in sustaining the Exec
utve in the assertion Of our rights When the
resolutions Of his friend from Michigan, mr.
CAssl were under consideration, in the few re-
marks he made upon them them, he took occa-
sion TO urge the importance of unanimity on
question connected with our foreign relations; and
although he did attribute the result at all to any
thing he said, he rejoced, as he presumed every
senator did, that the vote was unanimous. The
same unanimty could not be expected on this ques-
ton, yet he hoped that we should have united and
strong vote in favor of the notice, in form, and
he was not very anxious in what form it should
be passed 49,.
The Senator from New Jersey TMr. DAYroNl re-
Marked that there seemed to be determination on
this side of the chamber to take extreme position
beyond what could be assumed the other side that
H., III 81 -,
of them, and that it seemed we were disposed to
drive them to the wall. He hardly knew what the
senator meant by driving them to the wall, unless
it was driving them beyond the line which separa-
ted American from British interests, and forcing
them on to the British side of that line If this was
his meaning, he (Mr. NJ believed he was entirely
mistaken; he certainly was, so far as he was con-
cerned, and so far as he knew the feeling on this
side of the hall Instead Of wishing to drive them
over that line, he had at times been almost afraid
that they might, without such design, reason them
selves on the wrong side of the line; and bad it
been in his power, he would have checked their
advance, instead of pushing them on. He had no
desire that this question should be used for political
purposes. 1t was above being used for any such
I object. -" '' 10y .' q"
| On the subject of the acquisition of territory, he
was by no means disposed to excite or encourage a
FESTIVE spirit ofnational aggrandizemen nor did he
think it necessary to prescribe limits TO the repub-
lie. On political grounds, he had no fears from the
mere extension of the confederacy; it would be
| rather strengthened than weakened by that cause
| But our true policy Che thought) was that which
had prevailed from the origin Of our government
not to seek acquisition or show any anxiety on the
subject but as opportunities might occur Of adding
adjoining territory by peaceful means, to avail our
selves Of them, when deemed for our advantage. II
was in this way we had acquired Louisiana, Flor
ida, and Texas and by the same policy he thought
we could acquire Oregon, or such portion oft, as
would answer all essential and important purposes
we could have in view. He thought, in the acqui-
sition Of territory, we were doing pretty well. We
last year acquired Texas-a territory said TO be suf
fcien for FIVE or six States; and if we were to OBJ
tain Oregon to ago only this year. territory large
enough for an equal number Of States, on the Pa
cifc, he thought it would be doing tolerably well for
two consecutive years. For his part, he should be
quite satisfied and content with an advance at this
rate. Besides we have perhaps increased the ia
cilities Of enlarglng our possessions, or overcome
what may have been regarded obstacle in the
way oft. He was about to say what he never had
said, and perhaps ought not to say. Mr.. BENros-
let us hear it. lit was that, in the acquisition