Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1846-08-06


civil and legal relations in which may be placed,
can operate to change the nature and extent Of his
moral obligations This nation is imperousy called
upon by the present occasion, with voice from the
grave, to determine whether there be any such thing
as ultimate and independent truths, whether there be
any such thing interchangeable moral Obligation whetl-
or there be any such thing as an lnaenabe right to
which man, be he civilized or unclvized, Barbarian or
Syhan bond or free has an unqualified claim or wheth-
eeon the other hand, every individual man before he
can claim it must enter suit in the great Chancery
OF human legislation and be stamped a freeman or
branded slave, the circumstances of the may
dictate. When this question shall have been fully
settled, then will every man be ready to give in his
vote as to the true claims of Charles Torrey to the
generation of his Then will it be settled wheth-
er men shall sneeringly say, "he died a. G4h int
state prison, during the suierance of just and mef-
tied punishment" or whether he shall be regarded as
an innocent victim to the ungovemed pride and maey-
oenCe of men whose hearts were set on fire of hell
This matter the country must decide, and decide soon.
Popular clamor, selfish or local interests and party
STRIFE cannot long avail to hide thorea truth, in regard
TO any matter Of general import in this country. Too
many eyes are open, too many minds are thinking a.
mong the yeomanry Of our land Such thing as the
martyrdom of man at the dctum of few, cannot be
done in corner in thsage. venture tosay, without
regard tohow the matter may be decided, that there is
not hamlet in the free states to which the news OF
Ioneys death has not come in one form or anot Ter,
the logged silence Of our principal christian papers to
the contrary notwithstanding. And in those hanllets
many an inquring glance, and many an eager thought
has testified, that men who feel themselves responsible
as making up the mass of freemcn, are on the alert
Thus the best interests of the state at home and hel
reputation abroad, imperiously demand settlement of
the great question whether Torey shall stand mpcach
ed voator Of law, be honored with the paudits
of freemen for his triumphant and lfe-sacrifcing vim
dicaton of Liberty and Right He has been tried
and found guilty under the statutes of Maryland, OF
assisting slaves TO escape from bondage and directing
and aiding them beyond the grasp of the slave power
In so doing he came into that grasp himself Thus
did he whether right or wrong, give himself ransom
for those who were without strength. Thus did he
throw his own body in the gap, to defend the bodies
and the souls of his common brethren. And let me
here say, and Ibeg it may be remembered that in so
doing, Torrey, in my fullest belief, transgressed no
constitutional law, and for what he did do, might just
as well have been imprisoned in Vermont Jail, as in
a Maryland pententlary. The great clamor of those
who rank themselves as the an-sympathsers in this
NATTER is, that Torey died Justly convicted felon in
a state prison. This is not so, grant he was con-
Vcted, according to the forms of law, but he never
was Justly convicted, convicted the basis of any
constitutional law, which ever existed or ever was in
tended to exist in Maryland Iapprehend if this mat
ter were truly understood, should hear less among
us Of those non-descrpt moralzers who take special
palms, with sanctlmonous and deaconsh faces to read
us homly on obedience to the state laws, and the
rightful consequences Of transgresson. Let us see
the truth of the NATTER
Luther Martin delegate from Maryland
slavehodlng Maryand-to the Convention, in 1857,
but returned home before the Constitution was fully
completed. In his report to the Maryland legislature
he opposed the adoption of the Constitution and de
cared that he did because there was in it no express
and decided provision against slavery and said that
" we ought expressly to prohibit in our Constitution
the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the
general government, from time to time, to make such
regulations as should be thought most advantageous
for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipa
ton of the slaves which are already in the States"
Congress held its first session, under the new Con-
stituton, in 1859. A petition against the slave trade
was introduced from several of the States. On this
petition, Mr.. Parker, Of Virginia, slave State, held
the following remarks on the floor of the House 81
hope Congress will do all that lies in its power to re-
store human nature to its inherent privileges anJ if
possible, wipe off the stigma which America labors
under. The inconsistency IN our principles, with
which we are justly charged, should be done away,
that we may show, by our actions the pure beneccnce
of the doctrine which we hold ont to the world in the
Declaration of Independence"
Mr.. Leigh, Of Virginia, also holds the following
language, in 1892 - thought till very lately that
ton, and for many years after, the abolition of slavery
was favore topic with our ablest statesmen, who
entertained with respect, all the schemes which wis
dom ingenuity could suggest for accomplishing the
object"
Again, in the State of Maryland itself, apprehend
the State of things is very different from what is gem
orally supposed Slavery has no legal existence in
Maryand-in Maryland, where men are inundated on
its affairs. And + the hellish institution rolls the
wheels Of its oppression over the necks of our citizens
it does it without the sanction of shadow of State
Constitution or legal right. The Bill of Rights and
Constitution of Maryland declare that the rights of
man of every man-to his liberty, are jnalienaJie-
They declare it in the same terms as those in which
the Constitution of Massachusetts declares it. Ii is a
well known fact that slavery existed, for time, in
Massachusetts, after the adoption of the Constitution
But a slaye-one Of that class who do not know G.
nough to take of themselves and must share in
the kindness and providence of the humane savehold
er had perception enough Of consistency and right to
sue for his freedom at the Supreme Court Con SOL
emn deliberation the Judges decreed tha the organic
law abolished slavery; and from that hour slavery
ceased to exist in Massachusetts This is sound law
in az places where the equality of mankind and the
inherent rights of human nature are affirmed in any in
strument Or recognized in any usage having the force
Of law It's part of the common law, the brhright
charter Of every member Of the Anglo Saxon family
1t IS law in Maryland binding upon its awgivers, It's
courts, and its people and by force of its provisions
slavery with all its conconants and aduncts, has no
real existence there. Then in the act for which he
was condemned, Tomey broke no law which had not
previously been shivcrcd to atoms by the weight of
superior authority
There is scarcely one of the slave Statos which, at
an earlier day, before slavery came to be political
test in the county, has not passed some condemnatoW
resolution IN regard TO the institution, or given some
pledge fits Adherence in the form Of an act OF Leg
islaton now obsolete and forgotten.
Soon after the memorable non-lmporation act of
Congress in MA, Virginia by solemn act of her Le-
gsaure, proceeded to abolish the traffic in human be-
ngs, and this example followed by nearly all the
States. But Virginia seems nevertheless to have
thought ii fit to derive what pecuniary advantage she
could in later years, by traffic carried on with the
more southern and southwestern States She is in fact
negro raising State at least so says Professor Dew
of William and Marys College-and MIR. Dew is Prof
of Political law, and of course should know all such
things He adds in the same sentence, that Virginia
not only raises slaves enough for her own use but eX
ports annually to the other States the number of 5000
But this is enough TO show the point have been la