The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-28

terest. No lntimation Is given what specific meas
ures will then be necessary; and much less does he
advise legislation for that period. Should Not
men, his peculiar zdherents this matter of Ore
gon abstain where he has abstained, and shrink
from legisating where he has not ventured even to
advised
To all, sir, it must 'be consideration Of no little
| moment That such premature legislation may most
seriously embarrass and involve the relations Of the
country In the pesding negotiations. They are al
ready IN situation OF delicacy and embarrassment
and a further element Of offence or difficulty should
not De cast In by mproyident legislation. From the
prst, ne nouce has been strongly presented and adj
vocaied by its friends as a peace measure That
being stipulated for by the convention, and given 10
pursuance Of an undoubted right expressly resery-
| ed, II could afford no JUST cause Of offence, while il
must tend 70 bring both countries to settlement Of
their conflicting claims. We were told, repeatedly,
mat by The notice there was manifestation Of hos
tle intent, or Of purpose to invade the rights Of
Great Britain That we would not even be commit
ted to The assertion Of our rights over the territory
one inch further than, according the conscientious
eonvictons OF the majority OF this House, our title
should be clear and unquestionable In CITING the
notice would any, even the most infatuated $40 40
men las they here styled) have dreamed Of ac-
companyng il with the declaration or iutstion that
al rs expiration we meant 70 take possession OF and
maintain exclusive sovereignty over the whole Ore
gon territory TO the Russian line Who does not
see that TO have done so would have excluded the
idea of a purpose TO induce and expedite amtcable
settlemenE-woud have implied most offensive
menace TO Great Britain, and have rendered negotia
ton impracticabe, and hostliues inevitable Yet IL
by contemporary legislation, we not merely declare
such purpose, but actually provide for its execution
the course Is not materially different and less
dangerous. We are probably now warranted by
what has proceeded from various influential quarters
in England in concluding that the notice, being
| but the exercise OF privilege reserved by treaty,
will not be regarded war measure; but il the
quo amino, the intent TO follow It up by taking and
| holding exclusive possession Of the whole country
be thus plainly stamped our present legislation,
| how can the notice, thus explained, be regarded
otherwise than most offensive and aggressivel |
have heretofore shown that the practical operation OF
the bill, on the termination of the convention, would
be direct collision and But is there not the
most serious reason TO apprehend that such dread
| result may more speedily nay even immediately en-
suei Would Great Britain be liable TO the censure
OF the civilized world IT. with an unequvocal mani
testaon Of our purpose to seize and appropriate the
whole territory, and in view Of legislation formally
enacted for the dspossesson of her subjects and her
complete expulsion, she should not await the erml-
nation Of the convention, but VARYING notice, and
ayang herself Of her superior state of preparation,
strike AZ fearful, if not decisive blow. Wheth-
err thus near or more remote, by our reckless
course will be made almost certain. And what, Mr..
Chairman, must be the nature and probable conse
quences Of such a war
Under any circumstances, Mr.. Chairman, war is
Il
nation, except dishonor Between two such nations
Great Britain and the United States, each Of
bravery unsurpassed, possessed of immense re-
sources, and aided in the work Of mutual destruction
by the Inventions and improvements of modern SCI |
ence the conflict would be frighdul and the devas-
tation shocking wish not to dilate on the mere |
horrors Of war. But, Mr.. Chairman, if from the
dreadful aggregate of misery, anguish, and death
which must result from even a single field of car
mage, we could segregate and ntividuahze TO the |
minds full conception each case of the wounded or |
the dying, with ya its attendant suffering and its
mournfu result to the home of the bereaved-to the
widow and the orphan--we must have hearts more |
savage than that Of the bloodest despot who ever
outraged humanity, If, holding in our power the |
blessings Of peace without the most paIpable neces
sity, should "cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of
war" To my mind, the character Of the Duke Of |
Wellington is not more illustrated as a conqueror in
the annals Of history by the decisive victory of Wa
terloo than as man in the view of enlightened hui
mainly by simple answer to a friend who, con-
graduating him on his glorious achievement, ex-
pressed wonder at the absence Of all citation his
part. Be not surprised, (he said,) for in my view,
save defeat, the greatest of all caamities is glo
rous victory. He was right, sr; and the noble |
moral of his sentiment is of peculiar applicability TO |
US. For if assured-as are far from being-ofI
triumph in war beyond our sanguine anticipatons, |
of what profit would 1t be compared with the de- |
strucen of human life the outpouring of treasure,
the devastation OF property, the jeopardy to our in
anu the OF our IN
provement and happiness by which its blood-staned
laures would be gained?
The genius of our institutions are essentially peace
full, and 1t is the glorious privilege of position
this continent that most surely aggrandized |
as a nation by the nobest instrumentaties--the |
culture and peopling of the earth. Our government
is admirably adapted for the development and pros
porous display Of the individual energy and indus
try of its citizens and in every form of human
efort-in agriculture, in commerce, and in manufac-
tures-we have thriven and prospered in manner
wholly unexampled in the annals of mankind
Many a hoary head IS yet seen among us, whose
possessor, having seen our nation emerge from colo
NAL vasslage, has witnessed its progress with scarce
check, till now, by the acknowledgement Of the first
statesmen Of Europe, it ranks among the greatest of
the earth. For the conduct Of war | will not say
government is incompetent, for the suffi-
cheney Of its energies for every want, have great
confidence; but certainly in It's capacity for the con-
centrated executive efforts essential for it con.
tr.sts less favorably with the monarchies and arts
tocraces Of Europe, and especially with the govern
ment Of Great Britain, than in its adaptation to in
spire incentives to industry and secure the triumphs
Of peace. There have been frequent manifestations
this floor Of feelings hostile to England and if
to incie to resentment and vengeance. We have
had paraded in vivid array all the crimes and atroci
ties alleged to have been perpetrated by her for ages
back in all quarters Of the world and have listened
to fervid appeals in behalf Of the groaning and
dewn-troddeh millions Of her subjects, who, it is
said, writhe beneath the oppression OF her bloated
aristocracy. Sir, if we are to be animated by such
national Quixotry, he betrayed into crusade for
the deliverance Of those who desire not our sympa
thy and would spurn our profered aid, let me
say, that in my opinion, they would greatly err
who would resort to war for vengeance or redress
The most certain means for US to overthrow English
power--to avenge the past and remedy the present
ills Of her inAictng-s by our peaceful progress,
by successful competition in commerce and manu-
factures on her superiority in which rests the main
staff Of her dependence. Our agriculture of course
exceeds hers our commercial marine is fast APP
to hers; in many branches of manu-
facture for which our country without artificial
stmulants is ripe, we undertaking her in the
markets OF the world. Let us but await our growth
and time and peace will, in few years do more to
crafty such national antipathy, il it unfortunately
exists than present could by possibility accom-
phsh
But, sir, what would be the probable consequences
Of war; should il come, in relation TO this disputed