The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1846-11-24

al Monclova
We shall publish General Worth's letter, and
perhaps othe dispatches from other office rs as
soon as ,hey received at this office.
who began the War The Important Cues
don for Congress to Decide.
This appears to be likely to be the agitating
question in the Congress about to assemble in
Washington and il will come under debate
mainly through the remark Of Mr. Webster at
recent public meeting; which remark went to de-
clare that no one voted for the war-that it was
the war Of the President. The organ has replied
very tary TO the insinuation OF Mr. Webster
and it is plainly discenbe that the war will en-
gage much of the attention Of the Senate and
House ofRepresentatives.
We are not disposed to coincide with the notion
ofMr. Webster. The saddle ought always to be
put on the right horse. The war did not COM
mence with the action Of the President; it arose
in the events carried out Immediately antecedent
to his occupation Of the Presidential chair. He
but carried out what his predecessor, John Tyler,
began. John Tyler performed all the sign man.
ual for the country which annexed Texas, and
the organ declares, in reply to Mr.. Webster, that
Mr. Polk sent General Taylor to the Rio Grande
10 take possession of the boundary claimed
by Texas, which John Tyler annexed. In
this position of the organ, there is a fund of
amusement for both parties and the organ,
without doubt, proposes to come out against
Webster with the charge of being John Tyler's
Secretary of State and that, as such, he went in
strong for Texas in his official notes to the Mexi-
can Minister of Foreign Relations.
Now, tits clear, that effects cannot be without
causes; consequently the war could not be with
out its cause, and perhaps the true cause of it is
Texas. Texas was annexed by John Tyler, and
Daniel Webster was once John Tyer's Secretary
of State. Who then began the war; If it was
not John Tyler, it was Daniel Webster; and if it
was neither OF them, it was perchance they two
in partnership, with Mr.. Upshur, as the company
in the concern. BY such reasoning the organ, or
perhaps the administration, endeavors to get to
the windward of Daniel Webster, and thus free
the skirts Of Mr.. Polk Of the charge of beginning
the war.
We have Just turned over file of State
papers, and among them, we discover Daniel
Websers official letter-the one that has been so
much talked about-to Waddy Thompson
That goes in powerfully in favor of the right
of action of the United States in the matter
and defence of Texas, and approves explicitly of
the course taken by Waddy Thompson in
the Mexican capital, the language of whom gave
so much afiront, and was SO tarty responded to by
Mr. de Bocanegra. 1t would be OF very little SER
vice, at present. to enter upon the points discuss
ed in the official correspondence to which we al
Jude, but we think it may be found to exonerate
the present Cabinet from the inuendos as to who
began the war. 1t is plain that, as the country
had decided to have. Texas, that it was the duty
of the President, coming into power, to take
it. If any fault is chargeabe to any one, it is
chargeable TO those who made it imperative upon
the Executive to carry out certain line OF duty.
The charge of Mr. Webster, that the war is the
war OF the President, and not the war of the
country, or that it is a not intended by the
country-whie it proves what the subject matter
of debate will be in Congress-makes the pre-
sent aspect OF the war itself one Of great and
positive interest. What will the Message say
of it 7 We think it will be one that will take
strong grounds for an effective national defence,
but with a tone expressly concilia,ory towards
Mexico. II will be thus, in order to enable the
President to receive with becoming dignity the
expected reply of the Mexican Congress to the
overture of July last Our readers are aware the
Mexican cabinet referred the overture TO the peo-
pie, and that the people are to act upon the over
ture by their Constituent Congress" now about
10 assemble. The Congress cannot do otherwise
than enter upon the discussion of it Immediately
on their assembling; and, we think, in fact, it has
already been announced they will take advan-
tage of its coming before them, to devise early
means of ascertaining the object OF it.
1t would perhaps be singular indeed, were the
Constituent Congress to take the overture into
consideration, and yet, recommend no action to
obtain the sentiments of our cabinet on the subject
ofterms for the settlement of the war Such action
viii not occur. We cannot fancy it probable that
the Mexican Congress will be opposed to the ap.
pontments of commissioner to learn the views
of our government; especially as such an appoint
ment ola commission, will not, in any way, pre-
vent their going with the necessary mea-
sures for carrying the war on. If, after learn
ing the views of our cabinet, they shall conclude
our requirements cannot be acceded to, and the
negotiation be broken off, them nothing will be
before both countries but additional trials at the
feat of arms.
If commissioners from each government do
meet, however, the chances that peace will
be the result. After such severe fighting, each
country is necessarily called upon to indulge rea-
sonable respect for the sentiments of the other;
and' perhaps, after all, a spec of spirited war
Is out the natural antecedent to a long and lasting
1nendshlp but it will be difficult to put any con-
hdence IN the rascaly treachercus Mexcans. We
shall probably be compelled to keep an eye con.
stantly upon them, or they will dirk the first un-
armed American they meet, even after a treaty of
peace is signed.
We know it to be fact, however, that sent-
ments highly honorable to onr cabinet, have.
through an indirect channel, been transmitted to
the government of Mexico.
The frank, conciliatory character of those senti-
ments ought to have the best effect in the
proper quarter, and if, as we have SAID already,
commissioners on the part of each country should