Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1846-10-17

They are to remain direct charge upon the mas
ter, at first and then to be brought up and educat-
ed by the State. Thus, as the masters would have
to pay the taxes, each master would not only get
nothing for his slave, but have to pay hundreds OF
dollars for his board and education, and as many
more to fit him out for migration Butlo to make
amends, he is to be tared again, to bring in white
laborers from Europe!
| This after the adoption of the Virginia Con
sitution and the Virginia Bills of Rights, the latter
of which expressly declares that private property
shall not be taken for public use without compen-
sation" To strict constructlonist, however there
was, of course, mighty little difficulty in getting
over such small stumbling-block as that, or even
IN turning It into a stepping-stone or horse-block.
Accordingly we see elsewhere that Mr. j. was pre-
pared to assert that the laws were nothing against
any of his newlashioned political truths, and that
there could be no property in human beings: which
is, in reality, the sum and substance of Abolition
ism. If however, this did not avail, what would
have been the hesitation, to State Rights man. of
saying that :" this was not taking private property
for public use since the public made no use of t.!
This, 1t will be observed, was the original plan
the action and expense to be of the State only But
has he at the close of his days, any scruple of
bringing IN The Federal Government 10 aid in
Emancipation Not the least He proposes
that the public domain shall be devoted to the OBJ
ject That is itself long stride: but mark the in
evitable consequences! His own often-repeated
!" that the Federal Government cannotlaw(ully make
appropriations except for objects which belong to
its distributive subjects of power y and again,
" that the consent of State to its exercising power
cannot confer it, if the General Government had it
not before" If then, the Federal power could APP
propriate lands or any equivalent to the emancpa-
ton of the blacks, it could, of its own direct author
sulting the States
And now, is the Union satisfied And does it
or does it not assent to these propositions and prin
ciples of its infallibe oracle!
1t may not be amiss to conclude this article with
extract from some remarks which we had occa-
sion to make some years ago on the same subject.
The sentiments which we then expressed remain
unchanged
No one will suspect as of any sympathy with
.abofitionists, in the sense in which the term is
: employed in Virginia With Gen. HARRISON, we
: hold that the subject of slavery in the States is
exclusively within the control of the State Govern
: ments, and that the General Government has no
power whatever over it. NE go further and deny
the right of Congress TO interfere with that ques-
!. ton even in the District OF Columbia, without the
consent of the people of the District But these
opinions of ours are not at all inconsistent with
tha Of al,
: on all Others and the right of expressing it
where its expression is not restrained by the laws
or by prudential considerations equally operative.
The whole subject is one upon which we feel
: qualified to speak impartially, and required, for
once, at least, to speak plainly"