The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-02-21

grandeur but at their great destinies in the future
Opinions might differ as TO the merits Of their social
organization and their political institutions; but II
was impossible not TO recognise in that society, and
by consequence, in its influence, principles Of JUS
uee, OF humanity, OF well-beios for men, which
nave been wanting In the greater part Of the States
which have become great and powerful IN the
world.
-, There was reason 10 hope that in spite Of all the
imperiectons all the chances all the obscurities of
the future OF this great people, will exercise its
nuence IN manner more moral and more useful
Than many other great people. They were, there
FORE far from complaining Of OF being slartned al
the present and future sreetneta Of the United Su,es
Bot they we're Obliged 10 take into serious conside-
tat!oh, and regard with ygilant, not dslrustlu
eye, their greatness and strength and nobody could
be surprised, that, ia the interest Of their country
they should maintain the independence or their pol.
icy towards the United StateS, great and powerful in
quite different manner tout aitremeni) than they
have done towards the United States newly -born,
and hardly sure to live. Even if the simplest COM
mon sense do not teach them that CONDUCT the mes.
sage Of the President Of the United States Indicated
II clearly. TWAS not Tor him to say that the words
I Of The President were opportuno or measured
but they were frank, explicit, and honorable. He
had read them atienuvely, aud had sought, in
the interests Of his country, the policy they
conveyed. he found two things which appeared
to him excessively grave The first was that the
United States have not taken, and viii not take part
Tor or against any one In the affairs Of Europe
ihey profess they practice perfectly isolated policy
with regard to EaroPe-independent neutrality. He
did not blame them He would 20 further and saw
1t was their interest," well understood ard that inter
est was good policy. "Bat then, (ray, mark these
words, they are OF vast importance the United
States cannot be nstonished the. 10 ~. ..o,.-
'ney can ve astonshed that the policy of France
will be, with respect to the United States US indie.
\ pendent as purely attached to the national interest,"
H.. ITnltZ Al
practice is as good rule Of policy for Us as for
them We ought TO guard the same Independence
we ought 70 seek equally an all the questions in
which we May be engaged, the national interest,"
without sacrificing It TO any Tradition to any scIiy
ener, TO any view Of an alliance which cannot exist
according TO the terms Of the President Of the
United States" This was the first thing that
T struck him in the message. The second Was that
the United States could not permit any European
action on the N. American continent, and that what
In Europe Is called the balance or power could not be
= applied either The maxim, he said, was strange.
The United States not the only Eation Of North
America. There were other States-he would only
name Mexieo-wth the same rights, the same inde-
Pendenoe, the same liberty To seek refuse alliances
, to form political combinations in accordance with
their interest, as the United States The neighbour
hood, the existence Of the United States could not
restrain IN any fashion their independence and their
rights. We'll with those States, France had treaties,
and they had the right to conclude and maintain
treaties and would any one say that in so doing
they Injured the right Of the United States,
There nothing in all that that they could not do
again, and the states with which France was in re-
, latlon could do the same. The language To which
he alluded, IL the sense il appeared 10 have was
tributed 10 it, would far exceed the limit ofthe rights
that can be recognised in foreign governments, how
ever great they may be. The ties which bound
them 10 other states OF the North American conti-
nent, the relations they had with Them that they
were in the right to contract with them-al these
interests, commercial, political, territorial in
certain cases, should be maintained without any
sentiment OF hostility to the United States, but
with the same sentiments of friendship as had al.
ways been shown towards them-they should all
\ be maintained without giving TO the United States
any great cause of complaint, tgt without regarding
any iilegiumete preenson. For this the United
> States themselves had given them striking exam
: pie. At the time Of the French revolution, Wash.
ington had steadily resisted the popular clamor "a
engage IN the conflicts 1t created in Europe-to
maintain strict independence towards all European
e s,ates-to be the ally of none France or any
: others.
He thought that Washington, in so doing, was
right, and thereby rendered immense service to
i his country. They were not now in similar cir.
cums,ances, but he hesitated not to say, that the
fundamental principle OF the policy of W ashngton
at that time, since become that Of his country ought
to govern that Of France And for his part as long
as he had, or should have the honor to sit in the
councils OF the crown, he-the friend, as sincere
and attectIonate as any one Of the great society of
the great government OF the United States accent
ing willingly their present greatness and their future
greatness-he would maintain not the less in all the
questions, great and little which NAV arise in
, the New World as in the Old-he would main
tam not the less the full independence of the
policy of his country-he would practice not the
less what appeared to him conformabe 10 the inter.
est of France. "And" he added in conclusion II am
sure that in doing that we shall be understood and
approved, even III the United States. | know the
power of popular errors. know the empire of
popular passions; but know that also the modern
Tree s'ates-Whatever be the form of their govern
ment, monarchic or repuhcan-whatever be their
social organization aristocratic or democratic-re-
pose always on this conviction. will say willing
ly on this faith, that whatever be the error of the
moment, after long and free examination by the
empire OF discussion and of liberty, truth, justice,
reason, good sense finish by prevailing, and by d.
rectng public ofairs It is this hope, this faith,
which makes the existence and the safety of mod.
ern free states. 1t will not be the United States
which will give to this salutary and sublime faith
painful denial"
Lengthy as this abstract of M. Guizot,s speech
Is, you will, l doubt not, find room for it, The
speech, In truth, is of great importance. tits the
formal and deliberate reply of the chief of the gov
erament OF this great nation to the chief the gov
eminent the United States 1t is, taken atogetii-
er, most probably a very different reply to what
Mr. Polk calculated upon. II is as high and as lof
ty as firm and as decided as his own messege though
expressed in more courteous and more statesman
like language. To Mr.. Folks censure of France in
the Texas affair, it replies by justification of the
policy pursued. To Mr.. Folks doctrine tina, no
European power has the right to exercise any inau-
encc on the North American continent it gives fla,
contradiction; and adds that France as European
power, has the RIGHT, and what's more, will exer-
else It, To Mr.. Folks declaration that the United
States will not be the ally of any European pow
civil maintain policy of strict neutrality in any
contest between European powcrs--it replies:
BE itso; but if you will not be our allies, we will not
be yours. Pursue your isolated policy--it is right
and wise; but remember that we too will pursue
the same policy-we too will act strictly for our
own interest, uninauenced by the remembrance
OF ancient friendships and ancient alliances. Help
Y US not fyou will; but be assured that we will not
help you" Such is in truth and fact the summary
OF thls most remarkable speech stripped of all those
friendly phrases, and all those cautious forms of
expression, which European statesmen think il me-