Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1846-08-28


system. One at a time they might have been
introduced more safely, some Of them wisely.
But by being so nearly united ,as they will be.
in the time oftheir commencement, it is calcu-
lated to excite apprehension and alarm. TO
put them into simultaneous operation, was.
indeed, political movement of party, too vi
tolent and too potent for good. They will af-
fect all the business of the people most inju-
rlously; and, with government expenditure
OF fifty millions, and a revenue under twenty
millions, the government itself may be crush
ed under their combined operation. To at
! tempt it, when the nation was at war abroad,
and the government was in the money mar
ket, or soon expected there, as borrower at
home. clearly appeared to my mind to be un-
wisely jeoparding public credit and private
confidence. Revolutions are seldom reforms,
and certainly reforms need not always be re-
voluiions. One must reasonably fear that,
without a miracle, such strong measures, ac
ting with their combined power against the
existing order of things in the country may
create revulsion in trade, pecuniary distress.
hard times, popular excitcments, and section
al agitations, preceding another contest for the
presidency, and do nobody any good, bnt few
political agitatots and rich spectators.
thought they would go very far towards pro-
dncng an overthrow of the democratic party
if they did not entirely accomplish it. These
consequences were too natural not TO be APP
pretended; and the aforementioned result was
openly predicted by some, and probably an
tlcipated by others, of my own friends, who
yet voted for the experimental tariff bill, with
ont approving Of it. Unless it should be re-
pealed OF materially modified its consequences
now, belong to the developments of the future;
Ico l tt,o H.
vction by minuter statements. Let time test
its correctness.
Fourth. In none of the tariff acts Of the
United States in former years was the indus
try of our own country burdened by the dis
examinations made against home manufactures.
Their policy was to build up, and not to des-
troy-to protect, and not to Cypress. Not so
the experimental tariff. And is it not mis-
take to suppose that the republican people Of
North Carolina were at any time hostile to
those acts merely because they were ''protec-
tire2' Our hostility was aimed at the ertent
of the thing, not the Thing itself-at extreme
protection, not protection per Sc. With
here and there an individual exception (for
republicans in those days were allowed to dig
feD boldly affirm that this was the republic
can doctrine of our State and the people will
know it to be true, when remind them that it
was precisely the point of our dispute with
the nulifiers. They were against protection
out and out. We, the (Jackson) republican
party of North Carolina, in particular, went
for incidental protection-moderate protection,
by '.judicions tariff. They were for declar-
ing the tariff ofls2s and 1882 unconsttution
al, and multiplying it, because it protected man.
ufactures. We thought it was unjust, because
the protection was ertrcme, but not unconsti-
tutional. and that the "Union must be pre-
served" What the republican party of N orth
Carolina thought then, thought, and spoke,
and wrote.
And coming down to more recent events
let me say, that McKay's bill of 1914 was a
tariff of Incidental protection, which you and
|, and all the democrats in Congress from
North Carolina, approved and sustained, and
the people Of our party, in North Carolina,
the party defended up to the Inauguration az
forwards, and even down to the day of the
report from the present Secretary Of the Trea-
sury. Careful study, longer experience, and
closer examination, have confirmed me in the
faith of those times, fortified, as it was, by the
authority of the administration Of Flashing
ton, and jefferson, and Madison, and Monroe,
and jackson, all southern republicans and
southern Presidents. Is consistency treason!
1t may be misfortune 10 me that | was una
bic to change with the times, but it would be
a crime to deny my faith. To avoid misrepre-
sentalion, | give you the words of those wise
and eminent and patriotic men. Hear Wash
ington.
Extract Of speech Of George Washington,
| President Of the United States, 10 Congress
January 8, 1890.
| ga free people ought not only ia be armed, but
disciplined, to which end uniform and WELL
digcsted plan is requisite; and their safety and in
erest require that they should promote such mum
ufdct0ries as tend to render them independent of
others for essential, particularly military supplies"
1.-The advancement ofagricuture commerce, and
manufactures, by all porper means, 'cW not,
trust, need recommendation"
| In accordance vi it'll this general recommen-
dation, the House of Representatives passed
resolution directing the Secretary of the
Treasury (Mr. HamiIton) to report to them
upon the subject of manufactures, and partIcu-
larly as to the means Of promoting such as
would tend to render the United States indie
pendent of foreign nations fol- military and
ether essential supplies and his report was
submitted in December, 1871, wherein he
said
"The expediency of manufactures in the Uni
! ted States, which not long since deemed very
questionable, appears at this time to be pretty gen
orally admitted."-P. l25.
And again be said:
"a question has been made concerning the con-
stitutional right of the government OF the United
States to apply this species of encouragement, TO
manufactures, but there is certainly good foun-
dation for such question. p. 1876.
| And again he said:
cit is not uncommon 20 meet with an opinion,
that, though the promoting of manufactures may
be the interest of part of the Union it is contra
nv TO that of another part. The northern and
southern regions are sometimes represented as ha-
wing adverse interests in this respect Those arc
called manufacturing, these agricultural States
and species of opposition is imagined to subsist