The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-02-25

| uioci TIC pIctcAl Oh a Po"
or" in the New World, is simply the question
whether Europe shall in a new form and under
new name re-establish on this continent the metro
politan authority which she has lost by war, anC
solemny relinquished by treaty. Il is simply thu
question of national freedom to the free States o
America 1t is thus a question upon which thu
free elements of every nation and government ii
Europe must sympathze, and cooperate with thu
freedom Of this continent. At all events, 1t is q
question upon which the deepest instincts Of the
French nation are right, and upon which no PERSIA
slons nor comPusion-no power nor adroltness OIL
the French government aborng inlhe interest of the
present dynasty-can long succeed in pervertng OF
misleading them. The French people know nothing
and desire to know nothing of "cordial under
standing" upon this subject with England.
The debate, which we shall lay before our readers
this evening" the French chambers entitled to the
attention Of every American, by the high character
of the orators their eloqHence, their ability, and the
profound interest which the theme confers both upon
France and the United States. We confess that the
speech Of M Theirs appears to us more statesman
like than that Of his distinguished rival. He under
stands better our character, our interests, our
feelings; and, venture TO add, the character, in
terests, and feelings Of his own people There
is one feature in M. Thiers's speech which
it is impossible for US to overlook. Great as is the
compliment which M. Guizot himself is compelled
to pay to our country and her ENTHUSIASTICALLY
as he admres our progress and our prosperity
yet we can scarcely believe that there is not great
deal Of sincerity in the declarations Of the man who
has penned the life Of Washington, and whose no.
bio portrait from the pencil Of our own Hesley,
graees our National InsIitute still 1t is certainly far
inferior in tono and in beauty to the noble pic
ture which NJ. Theirs has drawn Of our remark
able country;-remarkabe, indeed, we may call
it, for the virtues which laid the foundation of
our institutions for the improve
ments which her enerprslng cIuzens have effected
from ocean to ocean, extending the gigantic strides
which liberty herself, stretching her magic wand
over new and widely extended territory, has
made over this extraordinary country. Our bosom
swes with pride at the splendid euogiums which
he pays to America; and we feel grateful
that she has met with an orator in France,
in the present day, whose great genius is wor-
thy of her own great destiny. The policy
Of NJ. Guirot in regard TO the United States is a
grave blunder 1t would have been a mlschlevous
one also in relation TO its influence upon our coun
try, il it had not been couneracted by the consIde-
rations 10 which the President refers in his message
if 1t had not been for our ancient ties, for the
warm feelings which bind us to the French people,
for respect for the king himself and for the great
principles which we maintain in common, and the
mutual interests of our two great nations. II the
good relations are not so easily broken" M. Gu-
zot can claim no merit for it. 1t is because the
general interests and feelings OF the countries" have
counteractcd his own blunders. But the errors OF
the minister have not weakened our attachment to
the people. We know from the hest accounts that
his opinions arc not re-echoed in France, and that
he does not in this instance at least speak the voice
Of her generous and enlightened people Our feelings
for France survive everything he has done, and every
thing he has said. Our revolutionary gratitude re-
siss even his errors. The names Of Washington
and Lafayette still remain united together in our
beat recollections. Our ancient alliance still pre-
serves its refreshing doors. Our respect for the
great men who have persisted for the sake Of liberty
in France, and our sympathy in her revolution
u
principles, still exercise their influence upon US. 1t
ia for these reasons that "our good relations have
not been (oltogether) compton, ised"-that they viii
be able to "surmount those momentary difficulties"
But let not M. Guizot deceive himself These obi
cations may be weakened, though they are not
shattered pieces by the errors Of his adminls,ra
ton. But they certainly furnish no motives, much
less Sufficient motives to justify (him for) the
policy" which he has pursued in relation TO Texas,
which we do not recognise either as reserved" or
as "candid" towards One great mischief Of
this Intervention is obvious. 1t is portrayed by
NJ Theirs in letters oflight. 1t as already af
fected ''the line of policy" which M. Guizot says
France "ought to observe in the question pending
between the United States and England" 1t has
served to paralyze "every exertlon (Which France
may make) to prevent a collison;" and if
he makes any more such speeches preserving
the balance of power in America, it must serve to
bring into some suspicion the "absolute neutrality
which he processes in case of collision. Let him
therefore abandon the course Of policy he has pur.
sued for the last twelve months, if he really desires
to secure the interest of France herselfh he wishes
to serve us, or to serve England. Texas had right
for France had acknowledged her Independence
to unite her fortunes with ours. Even on our own
account, France should have been the last power in
Europe to attempt to prevent it, because we had
even acquired Texas from herself part of Lou
isiana. Texas and the United States only sought a
reunion; and France ought never to have forbidden
IL,