The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1846-02-21

YORK, SATURDAY MO
ed feelings which might have been raised-[appro-
batlon.] He had acted before hand, IN order TO be
sure of his fact-[renewed marks Of approbation.l
His second reason was still more serlous; II was,
that declaration of neutrality thus made before
hand, was means OF preserving peace-a means OF
weighing on the deliberations OF the two people
There were people in both countries who endeavored
10 keep up illusions with regard to France. For In
stance, he knew there were some who say to the nj
ted States, "What do you fear! Let the war once
break out, France will range herself on your sde."
He was very certain there were some who used
such language as that; and there were others who
said to England, Do not be uneasy-France Is
weak, and compaisant to aid you; when war
breaks out she will unite herself to you" (Laugh-
ter) He was anxious beforehand to give contra
dicton to these two statements. He wished TO say
that France would neither take part with England
declaration would have weight in the balance,
particularly to the United States; and the reason
was ths-Eneland wished to preserve peace. and
she would make every possible concession. There
with that power; but it was not the same with Anne
rica There was in that country very powerful
party who wished tor war, and another in favor OF
peace; and he was anxious that the declaration OF
neutrality he had made should give sire pgh to the
peace party in America Such were the motives Of
their system of neutrality, and such were the rea
sons why he had thus expressed them beforehand
This policy OF neutrality had its conditions, and IT
claimed it should be really neutral beforehand. "Be
certain" said the honorable minister in conclusion
''that an attempt will be made to draw from you
some expression which will devate from strict neu-
trality. Beware, therefore. DO not allow your
selves tobe led astray. Convinced as | am that
neutrality is most advisable for the interests Of
France, conure the chamber not to be induced to
consent to any act which may compromise prema-
la, h. oT IL vvh nd
This is the reason why reject the amendment. p
(Applause.)
nkom the London Times Jan. o6l
The conversation which took place in the House
question, was eminently satisfactory. as evincing
the unanimous desire OF all parties to maintain peace
with the United States, but their less unanimous
determination that the peace so maintained should
and rest upon the solid foundations Of equity and
self-respect. The regret expressed by the Premier
at seeming precipitancy on the part OF MI. Paken-
ham proves how sincere Is the wish OF the govern.
cause for war. be offered by this country to the
American Republic while the unusual heartlness
OF MIR. Hume, the accordant cheers OF the House,
and the concurrent appreciation Of the opposition
members in affirming the proprety OF increasing
our military resources, are no less demonstrative Of
the tone and temper with which an unjust aggres-
sion will be confronted and an involuntary war will
be prosecuted. With regard to the alleged indis-
erection Of Mr.. Pakenham, 1t seems to us that he has
snned rather againsth forms OF diplomatic etiquette
than the spirit and interest of Diplomatic commits
sion. 1t appears that the last proposal submitted to
him by Mr. Buchanan, VIZ: division OF the terrific
ry-he rejected at once. Now it is urged that he
should have communicated with the home govern.
ment before he took so summary course. ltwoud
require fuller acquaintance with the circumstances
of the case than is afforded by Sir r. Peel's expla
nation to pronounce positively upon the propriety Of
his conduct If by the term "divison" be under
stood division formed by line continued from
The forty-ninth parallel, we can understand the
motives which forced him to reject the Of
fer. This partition of territory would have
deprived us of the Columbia river; in fact,
of the most essential property-the only bene-
fetal interest in the disputed country. Excluding
this it excluded not only the most important part OF
our claims, bat that which previous conventions and
previous proposals had conceded to u.s. II would
have been impossible for any English Cabinet TO ac-
cept offers SO Illuminating, or rights 30 truncated.--
But would IT not have been more prudent to wait
for the answer Of the Home Government, in order
that upon it future negotiations might be based!-
This is not self-evident. II the Home Government
the very answer in fact, which was given by our
Minister atWashngton-we do not see, py1ma facie,
what good could have resulted from the delay But
if in addition to this, IT should be made clear that
pending these negotiations previous to them, the
Presidents Message to the Senate had developed
the policy of the Washington Cabinet, then Mr..
Pakenham's decision must, we think, be prononne-
ed not oaly not precipltate but natural, reasona-
bered, that Mr.. Buchanan's proffers were on the
most attenuated scale. He receded considerably
from the terms OF his predecessors. He offered TO
the British Minister far less than was rejected by
British Minister when Mr.. Adams was President OF
the republic And it, utter such an offer, the latter
had dellberated-if he had delayed-if he had even
professed willingness to consult his Government
at home as to the expedency OF accepting conditions
which he must at the time have known to be dero-
gaory to the just rights Of his country, it requires
little more than knowledge of the transactions OF
the last few years 70 aver that such an hesitation
ambitious and aggressive than before II Mr. Paken-
ham had betrayed an undecided or doubtful mind
when called upon to cede the navigation OF the Co
umbia and the rich soil upon its banks, what would
have been said by the politicians OF the United
States by the mob constituencies, BY the mob flat
terers, by the panderers TO bad passions, and the
suitors TOR popular favor?
We believe Mr.. Pakenham has acted as he ought to
have acted on such an emergency Even II he has
erred, much allowance should be made Tor the errors
OF one whose every word and deed is scrutinlzed
with the most critical minuteness Of jealousy-whe
has no other support than his self reliance-and
the exlgcncies OF whose position demand from him
directness and promptitude Of action inconsistent
with appeals to distant authority and remote coun-
sci. Such allowance should be made for the errors
of every diplomatlst. II should, therefore, be made
for any which Mr.. Pakenhsm may have committed.
But il is not clear to that he has committed any,
1t is not however, by the tacQaqf diplomacy or the
wisdom of craftsmanship alone That great question
the Monarch in his palace, or the Minister in his
chamber could embroll the nations OF the world Ia
war, or bind them again in amty
The time may come when an unreasonable Joke,
sarcastic alluson, any other trhe, may spur great
kingdoms or republics into mad and sangunary
hostilities. A war is proverbiallv popular at the
commencement. The war OF 1908 was popular
war. The Spanish war was popular. The French
war in l76l was popular. The French revolutionary
war was popular. All were popular in the COM
mencement. A war now would be popular
generation has grown up 10 whom it is
known only by its traditional and remote go-
RES, not by its present horrors. The Idle look
ious for employment and promotlon, the specula-
i've az the means Of acquiring equivocal wealth I:
all-bus few-would be pleased with it as gilt
tering pageant, OF which they neither knew nor
America ,couid be the gerry faythest from being sn
popular Not with the courtiers of " an ancient
innnarchun--nnf with the scions of " proud aris-