The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-04-11
THE NOTICE.

Viewing is eonirssf 10Th each other, the two leading
| forms of oh;r opinsa IN thu Senate on the quss-
tion Of notice, as they are embodied implied in
the positions respectively Of Mr. Webster and Mr..
Crittenden, we have not hesitatsd to express our
decided preference, comparatively, Of the position
taken by Mr.. Cnttenden.
We regard the essential principle of Mr.. Critten-
denis preamble and resolution not differing very
widely from the policy Of the message. Mr.. Crit
tendon would terminate the joint occupation without
any considerable delay. He would forbear, in the
terms Of his resolution, to harp any longer upon
that word Compromise" so long hsrped upon in
yain-so long defeating, indeed, its own purposes
by thrustng them unduly forward, and elingng to
them with too much anxiety.
So far, We can cheerfully concur with the distin-
guished senator. Nor do we dissent from his mani
fest disposition to throw upon the Executive, in
this crisis the whole responsibility before the con-
stuton and before the people, Of the farther con-
duct of this question. We undertake TO say that
this responsibility momentous as it is, the Execu-
tive does not seek to avoid. To that responsibility
the Executive opposes mistaken frmness Of pur-
pose and the clear consciousness OF just and patri-
otic intention.
But we confess, we can see no purpose at all-no
good purpose certainly-to be accomplished by
Mr.. Crittendens preamble and resolution, which is
not equally and more directly accomplished, and se-
compshed in larger measure, by the notice resolu.
ton of the House. The House resolution express
es clearly the concurrence of the House in the poll
cy Of the message, yet leaves the Executive to Its
own discretion in view Of any new circumstances
that may arise, and to its own constitutional respon-
sibility in conducting any negotiation which may
take place The form Of notice adopted by the
House seems to US free from any substantial objec-
ton. 1t is firm. 1t is efficient. Yet it is temper
ate, and it breathes the spirit Of peace
Clearly, therefore, we prefer the measure of
Mr. Crtenden to the view which is presented by
the senator from Massachusetts, we prefer yet more
decidedly the form Of the notice adopted by the
House to that suggested by Mr.. Criuenden. And
we most gladly take occasion to say, that, in our
judgment, there is now good reason to hope that
the "notce," as passed by the House of Representa-
tves, will ere long be adopted by the Senate.
The time at which the notice is to be given
would not be Of as much consequence as stated
in Mr.. Crittenden's resolution, and still more as
modified by tho amendment Of Mr.. Johnson, of
MARYLAND and limited to the LIST of June, if
il were not considered desirable to have the answer
of the British government before Congress is likely
to adjourn.
The earlier the day, therefore, on which the rsso-
luton is passed, and the notice given, the sooner
will the result be know n and the greater the oppor-
tunty Congress will have of shaping its course
accordingly, if any measures should be deemed
necessary to be adopted.
In connection with this subject, we beg leave TO
subjon some appropriate remarks which appear in
the "Oxford, (Me.,) Democrat" of the 7th instant
"The last message of the President will be found
in this days paper 1t will be that after all the
fuuerngs Of the wing press the position Of the
President seems to be precisely what it the day
he delivered his first message recommending the
notice to be given. The policy he then marked out
statesmanlike Like an honest man, he still ad-
heres to the recommendation that he then believed
to be the true policy Of the country. He shows no
falterng, no wavering, no timidity, notwithstaRd-
ing most of the wing members Of the Senate, and
portion of the democratic members are favorable to
u less decided COURSE that does not sufficiently
sustain the Executive in his recommendation from
fear that G. Britain will not take it kindly. This is the
only reason for no one denies right to give the
notice, the expedency of giving the notice, or the
whole world acknowledges it is what we have
right to do, and what the treaty creating the joint
occupancy provides either party may do. And so
the cry of war, war; war, is continually reiterated
and held up to frighten American citizens or rather
to frghten the indirect representatives of American
citizens, for had they the spirit of the people the
tce ere this would have been given, and that too
without any trembling. But there is fear that g.
Britain will call us to account for act which we
have right to perform and she right to complain
Of and, therefore, 1t is safer for to be cautious
and not give the notice at all, if at, all, to an
mex to it a qualification that amounts to saying by
your Leave mean, nothing. Let the Senate come
up to the work nobly the House and sustain
the President in this matter, and shall then
honorably and Justly. pursue them. Fear of war
growing out of such a course is idle.
els the course pursued by the Senate the best one
to obtain honorable settlement of the Oregon dis
pute, by showing England that our government is
divided in its councils to the proper policy to
pursuei and that too, not because the policy pro-
posed is not right but because Engiand may take Of
she not be likely to conclude we shall not dare to
exact any territory than in her iberality she
may be pleased to give us' That is the way we
think il looks. Others can judge for themselves.
Now if that is not the very way to get up war,
then we mistake human nature. Induce England,
by making her believe that we are divided In our
councils and are afraid Of her power, to exact what
we cannot honorably accede to, and is not war ne
cessary consequence Is not the Senate pursuing
precisely that rourse1 So it seems to US. We wish
they would take the sentiments of the people their
guide and delay no longer"
The reader will find in this evenings paper the
very interesting proceedings of the House of Repre-