The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-02

on the bIiush sioe two-'hlros al inc whole Ossol
territory, including the free navigation of the Cosy
bia, and all the valuable harbors on the 49,
can never for a moment be entertained by the ~
ted States, without abandonment Of their t.
and clear territorial rights their own sefTespsessy
the national honor" | am pretty well sau,Ssy
therefore, that even IL negotiations entered mi
as proposed in the resolutions offered by tn. fspII
man from Georgia, Mr.. CoLsUIrr,l which con.iI
CIR highly Objectionable, they could not be prod-v
tive OF any bad result, because the President Il.
stands committed TO the work Of watching ,b,0
with vigilance, so as 10 preserve unsulied The ~
tional honor. Unless the British government com
back TO US with the proposition We have submitted
sort Of danger arse, whatever form the "a
olulon may take.
The question comes down to this; Arc our nh,
TO be maintained or noR The question is, fu0
notice be given, what state Of things viii follow
the subjects OF any foreign power would then t,,
themselves into the territory, or forciby attsmpt =
remain in a state Of rebellion to our laws, hat soulU
be considered an act Of war and il the Brtiah ~
jects remain IN the country without submitting NJ
our laws, they would be trespasers; they vouI
become Notwithstanding their refusal to subu,-y
by the fact Of our being in possession OF the eousy
try, necessarily subject TO our laws, as he,
are now in every part Of the Uaited S,sl,.
That would be their condition. We would hold M
undsputed sovereignty of the whole country, .uS
that we could maintain IL is certain. No spprsh.0J
sion on that point need be entertained. II ihi, ma
ice he given, and uose measures recommended b.
the President be carried out. there will be no sor \
DAGGER about our being sble to maintain our nshu
Any violent act Of the British government .xsn.
IA there, under that state Of things, would be an ID
|iof war. Any sncroschnsnt on eur rights wouK
amount 10 that for we have the Admission Of Gr,,I
Britain herself that have a right to The possssro,
Of the country. Shs cannot guiusay that treaty
She cannot abridge IL. She has M right, by char
tered companies or otherwise, TO interfere with o.
exclusive possession. cannot believe, that vitAI
so clear title TO this country by the admission 4
Great Britain herself, and upon the principles wAe
she has herself established any portion OF this ooan
try will ever assent TO division Of that territory
The common judgment Of the country has given 1.
assent to the declaration that title "s clear and
unquestionable." All we have Ia do Is 10 puss,I
the path of doty and honor. and let Consequence,
take care Of themselves. After all we have said M
done, Il would be derogetory to our character In IN
extreme To reeede single inch from the pretenSo
various arguments which have been so forcibly m
and sustained. But IL is said that Great Bunz
will not recede. That is the OPINION Of the ~
ator from Michigan, Mr.. CAssl l think 10
tory proves that in almost every case in xkd
England has interpossd objections to the policy Il
the United States, and we have been firm and NAN
tested disposition to resist her claim, she has y
did she not object She was then at war wA
France, and might have ,aken that country but
the moan time France coded II to US. Great Bnnr
| violently protested. But We pursued the even tenor
of our way kept our object steadily in view-coa.
summAied it--and what was tho result So viii
regard to the proceedings with SPAN in relation b
Florida. Hundreds OF thousands OF dollsn wsr
voted to the Discretionary use Of the President
Great Britain accused us OF territorial aggrandct
ment--protesied against the measure--we pursued
our course Of policy, and Great Britain prudsnty
ceased to complain. And evep in regard to this sur
render Of Astoria, To which have referred d.
raised objections, and interposed difficulties; but he
restoration was effected, accompanied by the memo
rabe declaration Of Lord Castlercagh, that the Uni
ted States had righsto be the party in posseae
while the question Of title was under discussion
IL is necessary for us only to be firm, prudent d.
handing nothing but what 10 exactly right show
ing every disposition TO do justice, and then there's
no danger Of controversy with Great Britain. Bal
if we adopt a timid policy-if we betray wai
and vacillating purpose-h we manifest /
disposition IN hesitate, we will bring on The very a
lamity which we seem to avoid Great Britain On
derstands this WE'LL She knows our history She
knows that we are firm and unyielding as any M
ton csn possibly be when we are right; and OR hs-
tory shows that we have never persisted in the y
scrtion Of wrong. All that we have TO do in Lie
is to maintain this firm ereci and decided po.
ton, and, my life for it, Great Britain will not In
volve her country and this in the caamities Of wr
on this subject Of Oregon. l think so for another
reason. Great Britain is just now eng ged in trying
; a hazardous experiment. She is changing the entire
policy of her government; and the success OF thai
bold and dangerous experiment depends, in great
degree, upon the continuance Of her amicsble red.
/ tons with this country. We have been for year,
and we now are, her best customer snd is not TO
| be presumed that she would attempt such changs
that to which aIlude with the prospect Of quar-.
rel with her best customer. That would be fata
suicidal policy. As said, am quite willing to ex.
tend TO the Hudson Bay Company facilities in the
way Of navigation for limited number of years, in
order to enable them to close up their business
And depend upon it that this controversy will nevsr
be prosecuted TO a war on the part Of Great Britain
unless we manifest some INDIGESTION. ..
should be very sorry to see war; but cannot fo'
my life see wherein Great Britain can nurc usin any
essential particular. So far as her commerce Is con
| cerned, she Is not certainly less exposed WI
might lose some merchant ships and vessels Of war
| but we could carry on a war, il appears to me
of ten years, with far greater advantage than she
AT the breaking out of the war of 1912, we wen
totally unprepared. Our population was small, ou'
nearly three times as great and altogether we an
placed in much more favorable position than Grea
Britain To go to war She is also far worse prspar
ed to 60 to war far her great staples are con-
ccrned. Why, Egypt and India together could mol
supply cotton enough to keep England going lhr'
months. A hundred thousand bales 10 barely
enough to enable her spindles to run for six weeks
and unless she could get a supply by some indirsc
mode, 1t is impossible that Great Britain could Ws
tain war. II would, therefore, seem to me. ,ba
this great staple exercises such an influence over hs
population, aud 10 so great an element of her con
merce, ~ to offer bond and security that she vii
keep the peace It is her interest not 10 60 10 VA
and she will make great sacrifices TO svsid Il. Whe
she sees this country filing up by vast crowd
from the United States; that II Is d con,iguou
country, the only outlet for the great valley OF ih
mississippi; that il affords access to our people
the markets Of Asia; and entirely detached for
her colonies in this quarter Of the globe, il i maxim
no great sacrifice after all to surrender il up TO u
| cannot ace how Great Britain can 70 10 war 'o
anythinxin this question, provided things are mar
aged properly by this government. | would d.
nothing calculated to give offence; would treat he
with the greatest respect, and give oil the weigh
and consideration to her prefer sons and clam
in this country they are entitled to. We hear.
used as an argument against a war, that II wou'
lnjure our trade and derange our finances. lfths
is to be used as an argument, the duty Of going
war 10 maintain national rights would, In any cas-
questionable. No matter what our rights are, whe
we have to go war; the result will injure usl why
hat a Al If