The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-08-18

IT,
Representatives.. The same party held majorir
IN The Senate. And democratic President, nom
mated after the Mckay bill" Of 1874 had bee
framed and approved by the party, was elected b
The votes OF States in the north as well the south
southern and western President, whom we coul
moi nave elected without the votes of northern
States. or course | cannot undertake 10 affirm, a
TACT, that the northern States which voted for th
democratic party were induced to do il by Mckay
OIL and report Of 1874. But this know, and vii
say, that Il was put forth as political peace-offer
ing upon the tariff, and that the northern people a
once rallied to the support Of the party in number
| largely beyond those which had heretofore sup
ported IT. and that expected by us ohsn thai Of
Je1ng ieas made, that could eOneiiias the northe1
den0erats; and have no doubt that il enlisted h
support OF thousands who would not have sus
tanned the party Without IT, Now, then, put il {,
the conscience Of the people of North Carolina
who know love all their country, north, south
east, and west---whether, under such circumstan
ees, was bound 10 violate my sense Of duty, and
contrary alike 10 this party-pledge and TO my owI
sober Judgment as senator, to assest TO an ac
which violated out and out the Mckay bill" o
1874, when there was no public emergency TO re
quire H. and no national exigency To excuse il, anC
that, when | did most confidently believe that the
new tariff act Of the present Congress was in itse
unwise and full Of mischief TO the republic
Was II my duty 10 you, or to the democratic
party OF North Carolina, to have done that
And had no right TO resign and retire from il
Was bound TO hold on to my Office, and put up the
pretended excuse that tho democrats Of North Car
DINA had changed their minds, and repudated "Mc.
Nays bilI' OF 1874, for new and different meas
ure IN lsi6-or that the people desired me 10 pass
the latter when, forsooth, did not know the fact
TO be so, and IN my heart did not believe III SO far
nom lis being the case, more than doubt whether
thousands Of you have not taken it for granted, or
been led 10 believe, down 10 this day. that the "Mc-
Kay biIln Of 1874 was the same thing that is called
so IN 1896 whereas they are different light IL
from darkness. No, my constituents never required
such things OF me. 1911.
Believe me, do not mean TO bring into question
the course Of other democratic senators who con
demned the act, and yet gave il their vote. IL is
my right TO state that there were not few Of them
who did that. Neither do | mean by this to assail
my friend, Mr.. Mckay. Far from it, They are
my friends personally and politically, and in taking
different view OF their duty, they did me no
wrong and in defending my own conduct, intend
not to arraign theirs. Whilst | have pursued the
light Of my conscience, they have followed theirs
In questions OF conscience II must be conceded that
COP is the judge, and every man must stand or fall
according as each believes for himself. So that not
unfrequently there are cases where meE in the
circumstances may act differently, and yet both be
guiltless.
But what have said upon the history and pur-
pose of the "McKay bill" Of 1914 did not form oil
ly named 'McKay's bil;" and which shall, for The
sake of discrimination, more properly call the Sex
perimental tariff"
My opinions shall be laid before you without dis
guise, and you shall whether taken in come xion
with an unnecessary and improper abandonment Of
the real Mckay bill of 1874, they do not show that
IN my hostility TO the experimental tariff, | was
faithful to you and my country, and true to myself
and my party.
Fortunately for me, those opinions so far as they
looked forward TO its ultimate consequences on the
harmony Of the party, the welfare of the repub-
lie, am no longer under the necessity of support
ing by labored arguments. For good or evil the
law has passed. II it should be repealed or modi-
fed at the next session. that will be Of itself com
pete vIndcaton Of my opposition TO il at the pres
ent. IL It should be permitted to remain in force
In the form that was required to vote upon it, then
time will soon determine whether my opinion Of il
was right or wrong. abide the result without fear;
yet, If 1 know myself wthouta wish to see evil
come Of it, merely for the sake Of claiming hereaf-
ter the merit Of political sagacty for my resistance
10 it. ...3 : ..,'
These, then, were my opinions, as they are now
First Our country is involved in an expensive
war, and the wisest among you cannot foresee its
close. We have a large army invading Mexico, u
and large navy off her coasts, along the Pacific
Ocean and In the Gulf of Mexico. The sum aIrea-
iy appropriated by Congress- for the government
expenditures of the fiscal year, exceeds FIFTY
MILLIONS of dollars. Will the experimental tariff
raise revenue sufficient to 'pay as we goS'' Ger
ainly not Congress knew that and, therefore,
authorized loan Of ten millions, at the very time
we were passing this tariff and the first act of the
next session will probably be one for ten millions
more Will il produce revenue enough to pay one
half Of the appropriations am quite sure it will
not. Its advocates did not assert that it will do
much more. Wherefore, if this experiment works
Is well as its warmest friends have predicted, the
government will fall in debt twenty-five millions
his (hscaD year. So long the war lasts, and for
such period of time after it as the war expenses
continue, it will be the thing. But if the ex-
pertinent works as lily as its more violent opponents
nave said of it, Why then it wi hardly 60 at all.
hink the truth lies between them. II will work
out it will work badly, and work you deeply ini|
iebt and if it is adhered to "wthout alteration -
he public debt will be increased not much short oil
THIRTY MILLIONS the first year, and can see no way
% prevent its yearly increase, except by resort to
direct taxes. ~ .. .... .a.- =. ....,
Direct taxes ought to be our very last resort
Public debt is an evil that | abhor more than ever
since was member Of Congress-; and therefore it
was the conclusion of my mind, that this tariff ex-
pertinent ought net to be tried and certainly not at
his particular time The acts Of Congress which
went to diminish the revenue, bat TO increase the1
expenditures, did not to me to be consistent
with prudence In any government more especially !
in time of The tariff system, according to
my Judgment was most unfit subject for party
experiments; and, at the time of yearly expendi-
ure of fifty millions of dollars, and of foreign
war, such experiments amounted to party rashness
lf the war should end soon still the government
here, we knew, expected to terminate it by treaty
or peace and a new territory, viz: California. No
honest country would take the territory without,
paying the owner for it, and if we would Mexico
,annot yield II upon any other terms. Hence,
whether we were to have peace with Next
%, we needed much more money to carry on the
government. When the plainest rules of arithme-
&c and common sense thus compelled me to with
,old my support from tariff experiment, to be
made now, at the expense Of the nations credit,
low could hesitatel a .H
Second. The tariff of l642 ought to have been
modified, but not by an act which reduced the du-
les early as the LIST December.
In all great alterations Of the tariff diminishing |
utes, the reductions ought TO be made upon rea-
enable notice to the people, whose property and
BUSINESS will be affected by them. In that case,
here may be Inconvenience to some, but il does not
ring down ruin upon so many innocent people. |
Not giving time, infant factories are destroyed by |
he hand Of legislation, and the older and mere ma
ure establishments, are compelled to diminish their
perations forthwith, and consequently to discharge
number of their aborers and reduce the wages of all
The laborers suffer more than the owners because