The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1846-03-03


has pomPoasly styled the question Of the balance Of
power IN the world.
Three great nations have presented themselves 10
his yiew-throe great nations following the lead OF
all that is great IN civilization and Of all that yet re-
mains 10 be accomplished in growth and develop
ments, by intelligence by industry, by great material
forces, and great moral influences. These nations
are the United States, Russia, and England He
has told you that he has watched with deep soliei-
tude the immense development OF the United States
since their yet recent national origin; that he has
watched the daily growth before our eyes Of that
youthful nation in all the forms Of power, and that
this solicitude has determined the course which he
has taken, especially in the affair Of Texas.
II is true, gentlemen there are four great nations
in the word-5totv, and no one Of them must be for
one moment left out OF the list; France
The MmisrER or FOREIGN AFTARS. have not
omitted France.
M. BEnHYIR. France, England, Russia, and
the United States.
These great nations by their possessions by their
intelligence, by their immense resources both moral
aud material-these mighty nations now fll the
scene Of the world. As | survey them all together,
SEQ three Of them 20 situated that their respective
positions and possessions in different quarters OF
the globe, the nature of their interests, the de-
yelopment Of their internal resources the growth OF
their industry, and their necessary commercial rela-
lions, present as between them tho three, no cause
Of contention, no rivalry at this moment and in the
judgment Of reasonable minds, no rivalry for the
future.
The fourth Of these nations, OH the contrary, has
30 come upon the scene, and by her power, and by
the misfortune Of the others has taken her posi-
ton at almost every point Of the globe, that she
stands In rivalry everywhere with each Of the three
other great powers, everywhere aresting or naena-
cling the legitimate development Of those three great
nations in moral and material force.
Such, seen at glance, is the general aspect OF
AZ -.
state Of things, n a choice yet left us-if our
own preferences could determine our conduct, they
would not lead US TO seek alliance, union, OF intma-
cy with that power which is at once the rival and
the peril Of all those in whom our regards our de-
slres, and our affections are conferred.
For myself ! would understand, and | would
desire for my country, a situation which should
enable II to apply It's genius, Its intelligence, its
energy TO a community Of action free from peril
and not likely TO embroi il with the two other pow.
ers Of which have just spoken.
But well know national alliances in this world
cannot be formed by single party. Two wills at
least must cooperate. Therefore, without plunging
here into discussion too often arising upon the
pecial merits Of the English alliance, content my
self with asking the cabinet whether to that quarter
where 1t had gone TO seek, and where it claims 10
have found good will towards US, its acts, and
conduct, and policy, have been such 10 preserve
the dignity and retain unimpaired all the political
u,
and whether II by any possibility have reserved
for country all noedful liberty Of action The
question is important and imposing in that very
point of view in which tho minister Of foreign al.
fairs himself has placed It, Before and around US,
we behold a conflict Of mighty interests and claims,
Of relations difficult and dangerous, which demand
at our hands settled policy and well-dehned
line of action.
In fact, gentlemen can we believe that in follow
ing the vngares Of the cabinet up TO the adoption OF
our policy and our course-in following the cabinet
into the engagements which up TO the present time
ii has assumed, and which VIC are now about to
iudgc-can we believe that we are entering upon
course with all due and needful freedom and
independence?
Gentlemen, ! will not weary the chamber with
useless discussions; will not enter upon the exam
nation of our relations with. England from that
point Of view which has already engaged your at
tenton so long. The past, | will leave out Of view;
| will consider only affairs Of roceDt-of the most
recent date; affairs at this moment submitted your
judgment, and upon which, in many respects, fnsn-
cial rnd other, you must arrive at conclusions in
the course of your present session.
The Minister Of Foreign Affairs has told us, in
fact that this policy upon which he was compelled
to enier(such is his language this policy Of
cessity found its first step in the question of Texas.
Ii is important, then, to examine what has been
done by France in regard to the annexation of Tex
as to the end that we may understand the tree stu
alton Of the French cabinet and the independence OF
policy, and the liberty Of action which yet remain
to US.
believe that this first step of ours is unfortri-
patc-of evil omen-and so renders yet more neces-
ssry and urgent the prccaution embodied in ths
amendment which submit to the chamber.
In truth, gentlemen, we have entered, in copjunc-
ton with England, upon an endeavor to oppose the
reannc xation of Texas to the United States.
What interest had we in that endeavor' Was
any appreciabe French interest involved in it in any
point OF view Had we particle Of interest in
it, present or fature' Did any interest whatsoever
point out TO the minister that such an opposition
should be his line Of policy Yes, replied the min
iser we had commercial interests; we had inter
est in sustaining Mexico, and in preserving the in
dependence of nation intermediate between her
and the United States for her protection; we had
moreover an important interest in preserving the
balance Of power in America.
Under these three heads the reasons which have
determined the cabinet in It's course have been esti
mated, in my judgment very justly and conclusive
ly, in one or two Of your meetings before to-day.
M Theirs and M. Billault have shown, as |
think to the chamber how little there is of reality
importance in our commercial interests with ma
ton with which all transactions during the past
wear have hardly amounted to twenty-five Thousand
dollars; that in view of the future, and in view of
Mexico, France had little interest, and little occa-
sion to give to Mexico eectua protection; and that
moreover the establishment of an intermediate state
between Mexico and the United States is protcc-
ton to Mexico.
The United States are a great nation composed, as
its name indicates, ofderent States. To make war,
then, upon a neighboring power, to declare war
and to enter upon it's business of immense diff
feulty to the United States, for it requires the
currence of all the States and the consent of Con-
gress and should the time come when any one Of
the United States coterminous with Mexico should
threaten her safety in order that war should arise
the union of all the States, and the consent of Con-
gress, would be needed. Nothing can be moro diff
fcult then, than for the United States to threaten
a neighboring power with war; and maintain
moreover, that if anything could imperi Mexico,
if any state of things could threaten her with war
and bring upon her a war by the United States, j,
is precisely that which the cabinet has sought and
endeavored to bring about--thc engagement Of Mex.
leo to unite with Texas in opposing the mutual de-
sire of Texas and the United States for annexa.
ton. t.r'
That step, gentlemen, was full Of peril to Mexico
that step could, indeed create in the United States
grievance and complaint against Mexico, which
might well become the occasion of war.
As to the balance of power in America, ! avow
that it seems incomprehensbe to me to the two
orstors who have preceded me. In North America