Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1845-10-17

holding, then | have no doubt the time Will
and that too at no very distant day
when those members who wish to promote
gospel purity will be compelled 10 leave
such churches.
1t was to me a most stirling assertion
made by one of the agents of the American
Anti-Slavery Society, that there ''were ten
protested ministers Of the Gospel toh0 uphold
Slavery as u dicine institution, ,Uhere there
,Uas one phig politician that dared TO Advance
such Il sentiment" ! was first disposed TO
doubt the correctness of the assertion; but
upon reflection | was compelled to admit its
perfect accuracy. | have nothing to say in
extenuation Of the guilt of that class OF cler-
gymen. They have the means Of knowing
the truth; and if they wilfully shut their
eyes to the documentary evidence before the
nation and obstin iteIy persevere in rejecting
information their guilt becomes so apparent
that | will attempt no excuse for it. 1t may
appear somewhat out of place for me to
speak upon matters relating to the church;
but | think at least | shall be excused by
those clergymen who have ldbored so zeal
ously to show our people the sin of ro'ing
for a STAKEHOLDER, while they themselves still
hold in Christian fellowship and administer
the holy sacrament to those who buy and
sell the Image Oh our bou'
The American Anti-slavery Society as a
further means of separating our people o!
the free States from the guilt Of sustaining
slavery, prop Sc an immediate dissolution OF
our political connection with the sIavehOld-
ing States of this Union. On this point !
disagree with them. | think that all inteili-
gent men will say that to enforce the consti-
~tutional rights of the free StlteS would prove
81, G,nI ., tbo ;,~,;tn,;o, g ,1,,.r, ~ -
would to dissolve the Union. Our people
are more ready to maintain tie Constitution
than they are - separate from our Union
with the slaveholding States. AS a matter
of policy, therefore, | have felt it my duty
to urge a maintenance of the Constitution
| feeling a perfect assurance that the very en-
~istence of slavery depends, not upon TIC.
Constitution but upon It's viol1tion,-not up
on the support which cur people are bound
by the Constitution to lend to it. hut upoL
the support which has been extorted from
them by the Vi ton o tie Constitutions
When the day shlll arrive that northern mer
will insist upon their rights, and refuse tt
contribute the substance acquired by thci
toll for tbs maintenance of southern slavery
that scJurge Of our lind will cease, aht
ours will become indeed a free people,.
In my political duties, | am bound by til
same rule as in my church relations. Ny
first duty is 10 promulgate facts-to lay
truth before the people. If the great mass
| of our citizens Of the free Stat s wera fully
conscious That they are involved in the moral
guilt Of thirty thousand murders every year;
that the continuance OF these murders ANA
other crimes attendant upon slavery cost tac
people OF tho free Stltes annually more than
we pay for all the internal improvements Of:
our State; for our lake harbors, for the sup
port of llght houses, and for the improve
nent of our river nlviTAtion:-were they
further sensible that this money was ex-
tOrted from tIem without the shadow Of
Constitutions authority: with no more color
of legal right than is possessed by the high
wayman who compcls his victim TO deliver
his puTse,-l think they would stiHd forth
united in resisting further outragcs. be-
lieve they can be induced to do this in less
time than they can he induced to dissolve
the Union with the slave States. | prefer
this mode Of vindicating OR rights. On
this point consists the most important differ
ence between the views entertiined by the
members of the American Anti Slavery So
ciety and those which | entertlin.
As to the character Of the Constitution, |
differ from those members of the American
Anti-Slavery Society with whom have con,
versed. | think a true construction of that
instrument gives far less protection to slave
~ than the construction which they put up
on it. | cannot say tint the clause respect
ing fugitive slaves; that which prohibits
! Congress from abolishing the slave trade
until 1903; and that which gives to the slave
State a representation in Congress proper
ito ed 0 the number OF slaves they posses
were not concessions made by the north
, en- States in favor of slavery. This fact i
! perfectly evident from the debates in thu
convention which framed the Constitution
" in the convention of the %severll States =
y their adoption of the Constitution; by al
> contemporaneous history; by the unifor
Il construction given to it by the Executive
Il the legislative, and the judicial departme 1t
> of the Federal Government, and by th)s
Of each of the several States; by all jurlst.
{ statesmen, and Legislators, from the day
: its adoption to the present day. that it ar
} pears TO me dificult. for any intelligent mn
. to believe our Constitution to be an ''ant
II slavery document" There en- be no dout
. that the trainers of that instr ment intende
!" to grant certain privileges to the sla seholdin
interest. But it was early seen that thes
u provisions carried into full practice coul
" lend but an uncertlin and at best d temper
u ry support to slavery. The slaveholdin
"a power therefore, saw the neces ity of usurI
u ing undelegdted authority. which had n
&c been granted by the Constitution, but whiC
!. was in direct opposition to, and a Violate
OF of that instrument. In exact proportion
y the slaveholding States have usurped powe
y they have violated the Constitution. and g
IL croached upon the sacred rights Of the FRI
'e States Thus, it is d usurpahon of pow