Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1845-04-18
,r For tho Watclman and journal.
THOUGHTS ON SLAVERY.

THOUGHTS ON SLAVERY.
No. 4-sLAvrRY Il In ! TnE United STATES
Slavery was introduced into the United States
without the concurrence or consent of the present
generation. 1t was introduced long before the col
ONES became Independent States. The policy of
all America was, for more than century, contro-
ed by Europe. This scourge of the human race
was introduced Into this country under the Europe.
an policy' In NO. when the thirteen colonies de.
cafed themselves to be Independent of the British
crown, slavery to greater or less extent existed in
most, Il not all Of them The federal constitution
was adopted IN 1857. The trainers Of that nstru-
mem FOUND slavery existing in the several States
Inc question may perhaps be asked, why our rev.
dictionary fathers did not make more efiectuul pro-
Visions to RID their country of the evil and why,
failing to do this they are not to be considered Gull
paOle Tor the omission? The discussion of
thls question at this time can be of no prac-
tcable utility, for even should we succeed in
fastening blame upon our forefathers, we may fail
OF learning our olcn duty, under the constitution
which they saw fiji to establish.
In relation to the subject of slavery, however,
there docs not appear to be but two courses which
the trainers Of the federal constitution could have
pursued. One was to have vested in the general
government the sole power Of regulating or con.
trolling the subject in all cases whatever The
other was to do precisely as they did do-to leave
this power where they found it, in the hands of the
several States. by the articles of confederation.
adopted IN l11S, the several States entered into
lrm league OF friendship with each other for their
common defence. the security of their liberties and
their mutual and general welfare Each State re-
tanned It's sovereignty freedom and independence.
ana every power, jurisdiction and right, which was
not, oy the confederation, expressly delegated to
the United States IN Congress assembled. By no
means, whatever, then, could the general govern
ment obtain the power of controlling slavery in the
several States, short OF an internal revolution I'M
less the States saw fit to yield this power to Con-
gross. The several States were sovereign and in
dependent whatever powers they saw fit to yield
TO the federal government yielded; all others
were withheld. BY the Constitution itself "the
powers not delegated to the United States nor pro-
hlbited by 1t TO the States, are reserved to the
States respectively or to the peoples We may
cehsnre, II we choose, the unwillingness of the
South TO yield adequate powers to Congress- for the
removal Of slavery but it is certain that this power
could not be obtained without the consent of most
1t not all the sIaye-holding States BY the Revo.
lutlon OF 1876 they became independent States
The Constitution of 1887 did not, as some over
heated disclaimers appear TO imagine, establish sla-
very 1t found 1t already existing, and only failed
IN obtaining the power TO remove it, 1t is true
that the federal constitution recognizes the exist
ence of slavery in the several states, but it gives
no power to the general government to do ANYTHING
to abolish or sustain it, and with but a single eX-
ccptlon, the States deprived of no power, which
they originally possessed in relation to t.
1t is curious to observe in what manner, the con-
stltution has treated the subject of slavery. The
terms, sldue and sdu9y are not to be found in that
instrument. The omission cannot have been acci-
dental, but must have been intentional. The object
OF the Constitution in its preamble, is declared to
be ito form more perfect union, establish Justice
ensure domestic tranquility, provide for tho COM
mon defence, promote the general welfare, and
cure the blessings Of liberty to the people of the
United States and their posterity. Constitution
established professedly for such Objects ought not
to be contaminated by the bare mention of a Stare
among other provisions, the second section of the
hrst article declares that Representatives and d.
rect taxes shall be apportioned among the several
States which may be included within this Union,
according to their respective numbers which shall
be determined by adding TO the whole number of
free persons, including those bound to service for
term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
three-iifths Of all other persons" 1t has been as
serted on the floor of Congress that slaves were
not persons but things, not citizens but propeyiH If
this be correct, it follows that the apportionment of
Representatives, based on three fths of slave pop
ulatIon, is unconstitutional. The ninth section
provides that the migration or Importation of such
persons as any OF the States now existing shall
think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by
the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight
hundred and eight, but tax or duty NAV be i'm
Pose1 on such Importation, not exceeding ten dol
lars Tor each person. In the second section of the
foafth article 1t is provided that "no person held to
service or laoor IN one State, under the laws there
Oh escaping INTO another shall, in consequence of
any law or regulation therein, be DISCHARGED from
such service or labor, but shall be delivered I'M on
claim OF the party to whom such service or labor
may be due" The morality of this section of the
constitution cannot very easily be defended. 1t
prohibits the Legislatures of non slave holding
States from the enactment Of any law calculated to
facilitate the escape of fugitive bondman; and
not only this, 1t gives 10 the STAKEHOLDER the priv.
lege of making the territory of free State, race
ground to run down his slave, while the constitu-
ted authorities of the State can only fold their
arms, and appease their consciences with the ex-
clamatlon, Thou canst not say did it," These
are, it is believed, all the illusions in the Constitu-
ton to that description of persons called slaves
Among the enumeration of the powers of Con-
gress, there is nothing relating to the subject of
slavery.
The doctrine became early established that Com
gress possessed no power over the subject of sla-
very IN the several States. The House of Repre-
sentatves, IN 1870, were large majority northern
men, AT this time there existed in Pennsylvania
a respectable society for promoting the abolition of
slavery. This society petitioned Congress to pro-
mote the abolition by such means as it possessed.
The memorial was referred to a select committee
all OF whom were northern men, with the exception
of Mr.. Parker of Virginia This committee, a.
mong other things, reported the following resolu-
ton, which was adopted by the House:
ReSoiped, That Congress have no authority to
interfere IN the emancipation of slaves, or in the
treatment of them IN the several States it renain-
ing with the several States alone to provide rules
and regulations therein, which humanity and true
policy may require"
Inc south nave always been peculiarly sensitive
in relation to this subject The North have always
manifested Willingness TO adhere to the consttu-
uonal compact, and no attempt has been made by
them to assertlhe power of Congress as being more
extensive than that declared by the resolution of
It's but doing justice to our modern abolitionists
to say tat their most intelligent advocates have al
ways admitted that Congress has no power over
slavery in the several States. Their most distn-
gulshed leader in New England, it is true, has pro-
hounced the federal constitution to be ga most
heaven daring arrangement )" but even this ebull
tioh OF fanatlcsm and folly contains distinct ac-