Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1845-10-09
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
THE GREAT C0NTR0V ERSY,


.uessrs Poland s. Briggs was requested as sec.
rotary Of meeting of the following preachers of the
Methodist Episcopal Church. held at our late camp
meeting in Craftsbury, Vt to forward to you the fol
loving preamble and resolution with their names con
nectei with them also a copy of Zion's Herald and
Wesleyan Journal of Aug. g. 1915, desiring you tC
copy the editorial on the position of New England
Methodsts of the NJ. E. Church in relation to the late
southern movement of our church in regard to slavery
into your paper
Whereas the position of New England Methodists
in reference to the late southern movement has moi
been well understood in other sections of tile church,
and has not been fairly represented by some Of our Of
fetal agents:
Therefore, Resolved, That that the very able and
udicious manner in which the editor of lions Herald
and Wesleyan Journal has defined and defended our
position entitled to most cordial and hearty APP
proval.
l.. B. Williams, S. Chamberlain E. Wells, Otis
Dunbar Moses Chase, J, B. II. Norris, VIM. M. Manu.
George Putnam, L. N. Granger, C. W. Leavings, John
Curier, Z. S. Haynes, Alonzo Hitchcock, II. j. Wooley
Daniel Packer, Joseph Hayes, VIM. Rankin, Pinckncy
Frost, Ira Carter, j. w, Perkins, D. S. Dexter, iona
than Whitney, Richard Bradford
Peacham, VI. Sept. %, lS45.
rom Zons Herald and Wesl yam Journal
We have intimated design to give a series of ar
tcles our leading interests, the proceed
ings of the Annual Conferences could be despatched
We deem it not out of place to commence this series
by review of our present relation to the great contro
versy which has recently agitatcd us.
Where do we now stand in relation to this contro-
versy? What should be our future course respecting
it? These two questions present the subject fully.
|. In reply to the first, we remark,
That we think it is the general though not the uni
versal conviction of New England, that the Plan Of
Separation ordained by the General Conference, is I'M
constitutional especially in its provisions affecting mi
norities in the south and on the border line. This
statement make, not for the purpose of re-asseTng
strong personal conviction, but explanation OF
much ofthe agitation which has prevailed among us IL
respect to the southern movement, Two classes have
existed among us. The first have wished to maintain
unbroken the unity of the church, and at the same time
give full play to the public sentiment on slavery; they
condemn the plan of separation as unconstitutional
they wish our territorial jurisdiction to continue unre
strcted and the south to remain with the present
constitutional PLATFORM with the distinct understanding
however, that the constitutional right of petitonng
legslatlng slavery on all other Subjects SHOULD
be maintained; that should abide by these rights
parties in all deliberave bodies do and ever must us
ing them strictly according to the constitution, witt
fair debate the majority determining the issue, the mi
norIty submitting to it, assured that there is ohe
method by which enlightened public bodies can act
The maxim of this class has been, "No division III
compromise; but the church, as it consttutionally is
The whole significance of their position is summary
this; "The south united with in the constitutions
compact, which guarantees at once the unity Of thu
church and the rights of petitoning and egisatng
slavery other Subjects with the right of ma ori
ties to determine such questions. The enlightened
Judgment of civilized communities has decided that by
such compacts alone can deliberatve bodies exist Ii
the legitimate use of these powers, and constrained
thereto by an unprecedented necessity created by thu
south ITSELF we have dissatisfied her. Let u.s. however
stand by the compact If she chooses to abide it, witt
the field of the contest fairly open to her, so be it,
may God help the right; but if she will sacrifice her fl
deity to the constitution by assuming the and al
ways dubious right of revolution let her do it, but new
er let us prostitute the constitution which she thus vic
lates, by providing under it sanctions facilities 70
her rebellion Let her revolt in the true character
secession and let us 90 as heretofore, with ar
propriate work-the genuine Methodist Epscops
Church"
BY 'no DIVISION" therefore, this party has not near
''no secession" but simply no sanctioned diyision-n
division of the church to be provided orby the churc
in its Legislative capacity and most especially no a
teraon in its territorial rsdicton-no virtual eXcon
municaton of mnorties in the south, without trial
readers of the Herald that this is the position hay
editorally maintained, and we avow to-day with nor
assurance than ever. We are much mistaken if it
not the position of the mass of New England Method
lists. Webeeve, if the General Conference had, whe
the Protest of the southern delegates and their lret
of secession were made, simply expressed its regre
and then proceeded in its usual business leaving event
to take their due course, it would have done all it prol
erly could do, and avoided infinite difficulties which il
-, 4l,o1
The minores then, as well as the maorities, coul
chose their own course. Instead of being compelle
against their consciences into prosavery body, or
seek a refuge among strange secs, they could abid
in the church of their choice and of their fathers
instead of forfetlng their chapels, parsonages, an
other church property into the hands of seeding hi
iorities they could hope for at least a proportional
part of their value by an equitable arrangement and
bove all, the church would be saved from what mu
now ever be, unless remedied by revision at tt
next General Conference most unanswerable charg
of extra legislation charge to be repeated by all Fl
ture opponents of our ecclesiastical poity.
1t was from these considerations chiefly if not alon
that the money article of the "Plan" was opposed
strongly in New England. 1t was hoped that its fa
are might defeat the rest of the Plan or might lead
mutual consent of north and SOUTH to revise it at tt
next General Conference, or at least might furnish
radical opponents some proof that that extraordln
ry act OF legislation, done In haste, was condemned
leisure. So far as we have Observed the failure of tt
money article in other Conferences, was occasoned
the same considerations. We cannot dismiss tn
point without expressing most earnest hope, that
the south should, by commissioners, or otherwise app
to the next General Conference for some new provi
ion respecting its proporionate share Of the chur
funds, that body will avail itself of the opportunity
propose modification of the obnoxious features in Il
Plan of Separation, which defeated the money artcl
We are most anxiou,ly DESTROYS of this, for two re
sons, which, though we but name them here, might
expanded into columns of welghty arguments Fir
That the precedent providing for the division of Il
church, which the Plan sets, and which the Gener
Conferenbe, on former occasions soscrupulousy avoi
ed may be counteracted and secondly, That the IL
which the enemies of our system can make OF this q
of the General Conference, may be prevented. By t
next session of that body the eor of the controver
will have subsidized, and the determination of loo
questions between minorities and majorities can
safely entrusted to the discretion of the parties &C
cerned.
The second class, entertaining mostly the abo
views, go a step farther. While most of them agr
with the first class in opposing all legislative sancti
to the southern secession they have disagreed with
wish to have the south continue with us and contC