Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1845-01-03
TIE PROTECTIVE TARIFF.

of evidence, collected By the highest authority IN
Great Britain viz: most respectable Commit
tee of the House Of Commons, assisted by the
Board Of Trade, and the distinguished agents,
whom il had sent TO the Continent for lie purpose
of obtaining valuable statistics The whole re-
suited in The great conclusion, that The pecunary
interests Of a country were never 50 well pro-
NOTED as when they were permitted 10 regulate
themselves. The evidence contributed TO Illus
trate at every step the benefits OF Free Trade
The same principle has also been SET forth IN the
most authoritative manner by some oil the most
gifted minds in this country. Among these, Is
The Report of the celebrated Free Trade Conven-
ton Of Philadelphia Its Report emanalcd from
the pen Of Mr.. Berrien OF Georgia, who has
since conirived, By his shameless aposiacy, 70 cast
shade over has own name, without weakening
the force Of any Of his positions. The same
power Of truth. the same abandonment oil Prin-
ciple the same shade, have distinguished lie ca
reer Of even a more distinguished man-we
mean Daniel Websler-one OF the first men OF
tx are, in point OF talents but who has lament
ably weakened his influence by The want OF firm
ness in the support OF his opinions. and by The
supposed want of political integrity. Speak OF
great men He might have been one OF these
If his principles had but correspondent with his
genius. Butt man is only great in the compound
ratio Of his talents and hisprinciplcs. Wanting
as Mr. Webster is in the great elements OF purity
and irmness OF purpose, his talents have only
served 10 illuminate the ruins Of his character
like flashes Of lightning, which disclose TO the
eve the crumbling monuments oil ancient glory.
Ii is impossible, however, 10 read some OF Mr..
WIS productions without conviction and without
respect. ca.
talents. is The "free Trade Speech which ne de-
livered and The resolutions which he prepared at
Faneuil Hall in 1920 Manufactures were then
comparatively in the gris!le Of their youth. The
Government had unfortunately taken The first
plunge into the Protective System, by the act OF
lSlG, and the subsequent refusal 10 limit It's ope-
ralions. The system had already forced, like
The temperature OF hot-house, many factories in
10 existence. Some degree OF competition had
already been created among The manufacturers
they began TO clamor Tor more
protection. Massachusetts had begun to enter
t,pop The system. Her interests began 10 be con-
concerned in their success bul not 10 such an ex-
lent as to swerve in very material degree Inc
politics of the State. The merchants OF Boston,
like those Of Richmond still preserved their
ground-and pleaded, that The interests OF CON,
merce were injured by the Fictitious growth and
this position OF the Stale, that the great meeting
uas held hy the merchants and other citizens Of
Boston. to protest against its further extension
Mr.. Webster was the most prominent man IN The
meeting. His tongue and his pen were both pun
in reouisition. He delivered speech, and he
prepared the resolutions; and ii is really curious
10 compare the opinions which he then conscien-
tiously EXPRESSED upon The broad ground OF prin-
c;ole. with those new lights which the facttio1s
interests Of the North have struck OUT for his dis
tcmnered vision. This speech directly answers
every thing which he himself, and which other
advocates of the Protective System have urged ~
lis behalf We shall conilnc ourselves TO lew
extracts and leave our readers 70 make Inc appli'
cation:
aMr. Webster said he felt an unfeigned EN-
barrasment in addressing the meeting on SUB
ject, which so many members oil u uhueis'oou
much better than himself.
Gas was a question, however, OF general, and
he thought, Of very high Importance, ne Woult
beg leave 10 dclain the meeting for few moments
1It was in The first place, necessary, that NJ
shonld rencl any suggestions ola feeling untriend
10 70 merican manufactures. He believed there
was no ground for surprising that such ieellne
cr;s,ed in any part Of the community. ltcertain
Iy dill NOT exist with him. He thought il there
fore quite unus,fabe, that those who could no
support the proposed Tar, should be charged
with hostility 10 Domestic Industry. There wa:
mower in namcs. and those who had pressed
The Tariff on Congress and on he country, llat
represented ii as Immediately, and almost eSciu
s;rclv connected with Domestic Industry anc
National independence. In isopIn'on, no mea
snre could prove more injurious 10 the industry
Tho country. and nothing was more fanciful thar
The oninion that National Independence rendered
.ncb measure necessary. Hc certainly though
!, MIGHT Re doubted, whether Congress would no
Ia acting somewhat against the spirit and inten
ton Of the Constitution, in exercising power Z
control essentially the pursuits and occupations
or individuals in their private concerns-a power
Ia force great and sudden changes, both of occu
patton and property, upon individuals, not as in
.dental 10 The exercise Ola Other but as sub
s,an;ivc and direct power. ltslich changes wer'
wrought incidentally only, and were the necessa
~ consequence OF such imposls as congress, 10
the leading purpose OF revenue, should enact thci
they could NO, be complained 81. But ne doubles
whether Congress fairly possessed The power o
turning the incident into the principal, and IN
stead OF leaving manufacturers to the projection
of such laws as should be passed, win pIima
re regard TO revenue, of enacting laws with tn
ayowed object of giving preference 10 particula
manufactures. and with an entire disregard 10 al
the considerations ofrevcnue; and, instead OF lay
mo such imnoss as would best answer the pur
nose of raising revenue, with the least burdel
on the public, carrying the impost on certain ar
ticles 10 bur'ensome excess, with lull know
iedop that The increase ofduty will diminish IN
amount of revenue raised.
IL, would hardly be commended, that Consres
possessed tha, sor. OF general power ny wh,ca
might declare that particular occupations sho"i'
he pursued in society, and others should not
If such mower belonged 10 any Government II
his country, il certainly did not belong TO In
General Government The question was, there
fore and he thought it very serious question
whether. in laying duties under the aulhori'y Z
lay imposts, obviously given for the purpose
revenue. Congress can, reasonanly ana RAINY
lose sight of those purposes entirely, ana ie,,
duties for other objects Congress may tax 'n
land: but, it would be strange propoSi'ion,
Congress should be asked TO lay lana tax 10
The direct purpose Of Withdrawing capital iron
agriculture, and sending those engaged 10 II L
o,bcr pursuits The power, however, exists II
one case as much as in The other It is not easy
il must he confessed, 10 draw limit in snel
cases. and therefore, perhaps, il nrsi be presumed
IN all cases that the power was exercised Tor IN
local purpose, the collection OF revenue; and
that whatever other consequences ensned, mus
he regarded as incidental and consequential Il
The exercise Of the power. Still, it was ques
ton very fit, in his judgment, TO be consider
ed by Congress whether ii was fair and jus
exercise of power, to elevate the incidental ia
above the primary object, or, to speak more pro
perly, to pursue the latter in utter disregard 0
the former
"Bu, admitting the right of Congressional LIE
gislation over these subjects, aud for these pur
poses, 10 be quite clear, the enquiry was, is !
ezpaie,t TO increase the duties or imposts to ths
extent proposed in this bill? The inquiry was
not whether some change might not usefully be
made There was no objection, he presumed, tc
a revision ofthe table Of duties, upon the common
principle ofsuch revisions, now, or at any time
Blu, the House OF Representatives had put it fair
iy 10 the people Of the United States, whether