The New York herald., 1845-01-04

Il Ahc HA8 PuPcIc, BcucIuilys anu pOItOu VI the
so-caled Democratic. have been quite incessant in
their attacks on the Diplomatic correspondence Of
Mr. Calhoun in reference to Texas, on the ground
that it was sectional in its character, and limited
almost exclusively to the defence Of slavery =
This was to be expected from the former, as poti-
cal opponents, and also from the latter, as he has
ever been found in resistance to those projects Of
political punder and power, which have, at all
times, and under all administrations. guided the
conduct of certain cliques, who are the legitimate
decendents Of the Burr schsol of politics. The in.
dependent character of the Herald, and the impair
tiality with which it speaks of public men and
measures has been one Of the causes that has pro-
duced its present influence, but On the point above
alluded to, partial injustice has been done Mr..
Calhoun through your columns.
To judge correctly. in reference to this cores
pondence, it must not be forgotten that Mr.. Cal
houn came into the Department of State when the
negotiations in reference to the annexation of
Texas had terminated, and that all that was left
for him to do, was to complete the terms, and to
put them into proper form. Under these crcum-
stances, what opportunity had Mr.. Calhoun TO ex.
press his views at large, on the many advan-
tages to be derived to the Union from the an
nexation Of Texas? That he has viewed them
fully in all their comprehensveness and highly ap-
preciates them, no one who knows the cast of his
mind will doubt; but what opportunity has he had
to express his opinions to the great and innume
rable advantages it would confer on the commerce,
the navigation, the agriculture and: manufactures
of the country, as well as its general security =
To answer this question, it must be remembered
that but three partial opportunities have been Of
fered for him to express hisopnion in reference to
this subject The first was the declaration of Lord
Aberdeen, which, by his direction, was read TO
Mr.. Upshur, and copy of which was afterwards
placed in the hands of Mr.. Calhoun 1t must be
borne in mind that the object Of that remarkable
paper wa, to quiet the apprehension of the govern
ment and people Of the United States, in regard
the policy Of Great Britain in reference to aboi
tlon generally, and especially in Texas. It was
pre- ed wl.l great care, and well calculated to
ell 0bJect. Protesting the greatest fairness
as to the means, it nevertheless boldly avowed a
determination to use all efforts to abolish slavery
everywhere, and especially in Texas. 1t was i'm
possible, therefore, to admit such paper, pre-
sented to pass unnoticed, and how else could it be
noticed but by showing that its avowed policy, il
carried out in Texas, would be followed by pla.
cling in jeopardy the domestic institutions, not only
of the adjacent States of Louisiana and Arkansas,
but nearly half the Union, and also to endangei
the Union itself
This is precisely what Mr.. Calhoun has done, ac-
companied by statistical facts, which conclusively
show that the professed object Of England in her
abolition policy, Of bettering the condition of the
blacks, would fail, far as those in the United
States were concerned-and that instead of better
ing their condition, by destroying the relation be-
tween the two races in the South, they would be
put in an infinitely worse condition, judging from
the effects of abolition in other States Could he
have done less, or could he have u0ue more ~
Would il not have been q clear dereliction Of duty
if he had remained silent, or if he replied al
ALL have said lefs or other than what he actually
did say But could he have said more-could he
have touched on the great subjects of commerce,
navigation, manufactures, &C., as connected with
annexation? Would it not have been preposter.
GUS, indeed, tor him to have gone beyond the sub.
jects presented in the paper TO which he was re.
plying? II the correspondence between Mr.. Cal
houn and Mr.. Pakenham, in reference to the pa
per- be Justly liable to the charge OF being section
al, and defence Of slavery, is it not to be attr,
buted to the occasion In which it originated? But
is it in any way liable to such charge Is it sec.
tional to show, as he clearly has, that the avowed
policy of Great Britain, if carried out in Texas,
would endanger, in its consequences, the domes-
tic institutions of nearly one half the Union-the
security Of an important frontier, on which the
safety of the whole valley of the Mississippi de-
pends, and possibly the Union itself Z ls il a de-
tence of slavery insist that il the duty of the
federal government, under the express guarantees
OF the constitution, to defend all the States OF this
Union against domestic violence and as matter
of course, to guard against such causes may en-
danger them Has It come 10 this.that it is an
offence on the part OF Secretary OF state, and an
evidence ofa sectional spirit, to tell foreign power
that the policy which 1t has avowed In reference 10
feeble and neig ighborng Republic Is such would
expose the institutions OF large portion .of the
States of this Union to danger and destruction r
Has it come to this-that the great and fundamen-
tai guarantee of the constitution, on which our
Union rests, is no longer obligatory on the govern
ment far the South Is concerned, and that IT is
u political offence 10 other portions OF the Union
to claim it's protection IN their behalf?
The next occasion offered to Mr.. Calhoun was
in the celebrated letter Mr.. King, against which
the same siavs charges q & seci,ons,,y nave been y
our Minister to France, in which he stated that he
had taken the ground with that government that
her interests and those of Great Britain, in respect
the letter OF Mr. Calhoun to Mr.. King was, there.
FORE TO present in full and clear point Of view.
the different effects which the contamination oi
the avowed policy OF Great Britain IN reference
TO Texas and this continent would have on the two
countries. This was done by facts furnished from
an English source, which are believed to be un-
questionable and which shows concusively that
English policy, If successful, would end in q
monopoly of the commerce OF the world Lord
Aberdeen avowed that the policy of England in
reference to Texas was purely commercial, and
Mr.. Calhoun has but shown that by tar the most
important of its elements was involved in the
scheme Of abolishing slavery in that Republic
Could he, therefore, with proprlety, taking into
view the occasion that gave rise to the letter, have
said more or less The occasion called for the
defence Of our institutions that were Immediately
| threatened, and also TO expose the allgraspine
spirit of commercial monopoly on the part OF Great
hand. @#14
| The third and last occasion which was offered to
| Mr. Calhoun to express his opinion on the subject
| of annexation, proceeded from call Of the 60
vernment Of Texas TO interpose agalnst the threa