The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-12-18

bama, tMr. YAScEY j Who although opposed to our
nrinciples was yet willing 10 give us, as Americans
a fair opportunity Of bringing the question before
the House. And, 10 me, II IS source OF regret tia'
we cannot have his powerful aid accustomed as pc
is on this loor TO fling Qua HIS intellectual treasures
with lavishness ,hst E..oWs no iimit-hangIng,
like the southern SUM- jewel Ia every grass-biade,
and sowing the earth at large with orient pearls
cannot charge my honorable friend with having ex-
hibted any warmth OF manner, for his was cold anu
frosty-spiried, his clearness wlnuy and congealed
his feelings apparently on one side ana h's rea-
sons on the other.
But 10 return to the subject Sir, when ask the
House for the passage of this resolution, II is not
on the common grounds that relate TO fraud, per-
Jury, or evasion, or any other criminal corruption
growing out Of the general law. But the scope
of the resolution which i have the honor TO
offer, reaches to a higher point, and extends to
wider limit. 1t proposes an inquiry INTO the present
relative influence of the population OF Europe upon
the institutions Of this country, IN comparison win
those relations as they existed IN times gone by
say forty years, or half century ago. So that we
may distinctly understand the position which the
foreign population now bears TO ours, and which
the circumstances Of this country now bear to-
wards Europe. The question is big with import
ance Il cannot be doubte dbut this inquiry, conhded
to competent hands, will prove intensely interesting.
But that is minor consideration. Can 1t fail TO
prove eminently usefull-usefu in its most enlarged
cur among nations, and their relative influence tow
ards each other during period of half century,
too stupendous and startling to be treated with
silent indifference or stohd apathy, The wise
statesman 10 always awake to the changes OF time.
He who sumbers on them must sink in the pillows
that he ought to ride. long period of peace, un-
paraleled in the history of modern Europe, has
been shedding its influences, for good or for evil,
over the desnes Of the world. Whether beneh-
cent or otherwise it has been our lot TO share IN the
results, moral and political, of this tremendous
event. We owe il to ourselves to inquire in what
manner it has approached us. We owe it to our
children, for whose benefit we hold in trust
their great estate of freedom We owe 1t TO
God, who, in his infinite love and mercy, has
given US this sublime system of government as
means of eevatiDg the human character TO the
highest point of perfection, and full development
Of all the faculties of man rational, responsible,
and sefgoverned being. And here come to the
very pith and marrow Of the whole argument that
presses upon the nation, the wisdom and policy OF
this inquiry. Unlike the people of Europe, we are
selfgoverned, and in all things present, not only a
perfect contrast to their condition, but the dis
crepancy between leads to perpetual collision,
either moral or physical, and not untrequently
both. This contrast pervades every relation OF life,
government morals and manners. contrast like
this running through all the various and complI-
Gated relations of a country, must necessarily be at
tended by contrast of feelings, opinions, and sym
republican institutions With exceptions, too friv-
olous to merit consideration, Europe is under the
universal sway of kings, who govern by a pow
superior to, and above, that of the people,
and which imposes upon them the iron letters OF
abect slavery, "divne right" Such marked and
decided contrast of opinion could hardly fail to be
attended by collision, both moral and physical. Ma
tionally we have seen this manifested in wars
with Europe. In social relation, we have seen it
displayed in the terrific riots that have deuged the
streets Of our cities in blood This collision broke
frightfully upon our senses when it scattered
peaceful meeting of American citizens, assembled at
Philadelphia, under the ngis of the constitution, to
devise for the preservation of their rights.
Drilled bands of armed foreigners rushed with I'M
petuous fury upon native-born Americans, who car
ried no weapons but what equal rights had given
them In the majesty of freemen, they stood arm
ed only with moral power. The element opposing
them was physical force, II was an imported elc.
ment--a European weapon-one peculiar only to
the feudal institutions of the Old World, and one
which never could have come in collision with
the opinions of free people, had not the bar
riers of their rights been rudely broken down
in the inroads of foreign cabals. Observe the
peculiar traits Of this outrage. The citizens of
district in Kensington, in which they were born,
call public meeting in their own ward II
is broken up by an armed band, the followers
and disciples of the demagogue to whom !
have alluded, the assumed ground that it was
an Irish ward, within whose limits no American
dare to tread except the peril of his life. Here,
then, you behold an "Irish quarter in America
governed by Irish laws, Irish passions, and Irish
prejudces--all inimical TO freedom of speech--al
combining to strange freedom Of thought l. is the
same thing, if you expunge the word 'Irish'' and
substitute that of French, Spanish, or Italian.
speak to the principle involved in the argument,
without appealing to the prejudces coied up within
a name. But that outrage Ia now part of our
history; it is an outrage of that foreign population
"lrish quarter" sacred from the intrusion of
American laws, American sheriffs, and American
institutions. Here, sir, repeat, come to histo
ry--the history of those collisions naturally incident
to the unbrided passions Of those foreigners; who
having been accustomed in the Old World TO phys-
cal force are strangers TO constitutional rights and
ignorant of the moral power of opinion that gives
sanctity 10 law without an appeal to the rifle, the
musket, or the bayonet. Had an outrage Of SINH
lar character been committed on the deck of an
American ship, by any of the powers of Europe,
who could have braced themselves to the damning
act of treading under foot that flag that now floats
on the dome Of this Capitol and Of assassnating in
cold blood ten American citizens, martyrs to free
dom, would it not justly have provoked US into a
war? AS surely as that there throbs one pulsation
of honor in an American heart! What, sir, would
be just cause for war with foreign power, repeat
is ample cause for inquiry into the character and
tendency of foreign cabals, matured in the very
heart OF the country, to wage an extermnatlng war
against American citizens for the purpose of perpet
uating passions and feelings that have natural af
Unity to our institutions.
will not attempt to portray the burst of indigna-
ton that would have swept this land of free
dom, if the outrage perpelrated in the "lrish quar-
ter" had been committed on the deck Of an Amer-
can ship, by any of the subjects Of her Britannia
Majesty. No language could convey an adequate
idea of the popular fury that would have ragged in
the hearts of the American people; the fire of ven
geance would have shot from every eye; every boz
som would have heaved with indignation; every
tongue would have evoked curses, loud and Deep
on the wrong doors, till the whole land, shaken by
one wild cry, would have pierced the very skies
with the flames of war. Why was all so calm
content 1t happened to be on the eve of presi-
dental election, when both parties were equally
anxious to seize upon this marketable commodity,
which is now boased of as the controlling vote of
the republic--the I" balance power" between
the conflicting wings and democrats. 1t is not
for me to give name to that awful apa-
thy which pervades the two old parties Of