The Arkansas banner., 1845-01-15

to present il as peaceful and splendid add ton to the domains of commerce and ciyili zaton. It IS our policy to increase by grow ing and spreading out into unoccupied re gIons assimilating all we incorporate. In word, to increase by accrehon, and no through conquest-by the addition of masses held together by the cohesion of force. Nc system can be more unsuited to the latter process, or better adapted 10 the former than | our admirable Federal system If 1t should not be resisted in it's course, il will probably
 fulfil its destiny, without disturbing our neigh
 bors or putting in jeopardy the general peace;
 but if it be opposed by foreign interference, q
 new direction would be given to our energy,
 much less favorable to harmony with our
 ncighbors, and to the general peace of the
 world, The change would be undesirable to
 us, and much less in accord with what assumed 10 be primary objects of policy on the part of France, England, and Mexico.
 But, to descend to particulars, it is certain that while England, like France, desires the independence of Texas, with view to com mercial connections, it is not less SO that one of the leading motives of England, for de string 1t, is the hope that, through her dplo- macy and influence, negro slavery may be abolished there, and ultimately, by conse- quenee, in the United States, and thronghou the whole of the continent. That its ultimate abolition throughout the entire continent Is all object ardently desired by her, we have de- cisve proof in the declaration of the Earl 0! Aberdeen, delivered to this Department, and Of which you will find a copy among the documents transmitted to Congress with the Texan Treaty that she desires it's abolition ln Texas, and has used her influence and di- plomacy to effect it there, the same document, with the correspondence of this Department with Mir. Packenham, also to be found among the documents, furnishes proof not less con elusive that one of the objects of abolishine 1t there Is to facilitate it's abolition i'll the United States, and throughout the continent is manifest from the declaration of the Abo- lition party and societies, both in this eoun- try and England In fact, there is good req son to believe that the scheme of abolishing
 t in Texas, with the view to its abolition in the United States and over the continent, originated with the prominent members oi the party in the United States, and was first btputiiEA b1 tHGllI Ill lit So-tdlltu VI OIIu S Convention, held in London in the year l940, and through it's agency brought 10 the notice of the British Government.
 Now, hold not only that France can have no interest in the co1summation of this grand scheme, which England hopes to accomplish through Texas if she can defeat the annex atlon, but that her interests, and those of all the continental powers of Europe, are di- rectly and deeply opposed to it.
 It Is too late in the day to contend. that humanity or philanthropy is the great object of the policy of England in attempting to abolish African slavery on this continent. l do not question but humanity may have been one of her leading motives for the abolition of the African slave trade, and that 1t may have had considerable influence in abolish- ing slavery in her West India possessions, aided, indeed, by the fallacious calculation that the labor of the negroes would be at least as profitable, if not more so in conse- quence of the measure. She acted on the principle that tropical products can be pro- duced cheaper by free African labor and East Indian than by slave labor. She knew full well the value of such products to her com merce, navigation, navy, manufactures, reye- nue, and power. She was not ignorant thai the support and the maintenance of her poli- tical preponderance depended on her tro pica possessions, and had no intention of dimin- iShing their productlveness, nor any antici- patton that such would be the effect, when the scheme of abolishing slavery in her colo nlal possessions was adopted. On the con- trary, she calculated to combine philanthropy with profit and power, as is not usual with ianaticism. Experience has convinced her of the iallacy of her calculations She has failed in all her objects. The labor of her negroes has proved far less productive, with out atlording the consolation of having im- proved their condition.
 The experiment has turned out 10 be a costly one. She expended nearly one hun dred millions of dollars in indemnifying the owners of the emancipated slaves. It is es- timated that the increased price paid since by the people of Great Britain for sugar and other tropical productions, in consequence of the measure, is equal 10 half that sum, and that twice that amount has been expen- ded Ill the suppression of the slave trade making, together, two hundred and fifty mil lions of dollars as the cost of the experi- ment Instead of realizing her hope, the result has been a sad disappointment Her tropical products have fallen oA to a vast amount. Instead of supplying her own wants and nearly all Europe with them, as former ly, she has now, in some of the most impor- tant articles, scarcely enough to supply her own What is worse, her own colonies are actually consuming sugar, produced by slave labor, brought direct to England, or refined in bond, and exported and sold in her colo nies as cheap or cheaper than they can be produced there; while the slave trade, in- stead of diminishing, has been in fact carried on to a greater extent than ever So disas- trous has been the result, that her fixed cap ital vested in tropical possessions, estimated at the value of nearly five hundred millions of dollars, Is said to stand on the brink of ruin.
 Butths is not the worst While this cost ly scheme has had such ruinous effects on the tropical productions of Great Britain, it has given powerful stimuous. followed by