The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-09-18


sThe first war between the United States and
Great Britain was contest for political indcpend-
ence, accomplished. The second war between them
was for maritime and personal independence, also
mainly effected.
"Slll, however,, contest for commerce, manu-
factures and territories continues national rivalry
and anlagonism, fomented by the press nseparable
from the intimacy of national relations, which may
produce another war.
"Should ii be so, the United States will never be
the aggressor. lnnumerable sympathes bind us to
Great Britain with reverenial attachments. He
must be unnatural, who, with nothing but English
blood In his veins, reviles Great Britain. But the
greatest OF American regenerations is to become per-
fectly independent of the vast influences of that
mighty nation among her former colonies.
i 1T is impossible not to admire her grandeur, at
least to respect her power, and grateful to an Amer
lean to do justice to her glory.
"Yet he would be an unfaithful annaist and an
unworthy American, who, in an account OF the ven
geance which his country was constrained TO take
/ for the wrongs England inflicted, hesates to de-
scribe the msdeeds her public agents were guilty of,
in endeavors to mrintan those wrongs. To preserve
peace hereafter, full exposure of them is not only
truer but wiser than suppression or extenuauon.
| Malicious or ungenerous recolections of war are
unmanly and impolitic. But amnesty is not obliv-
ion. 4
"The duty of history to our own country, more
over, requires its vindication, if consistent with
truth. The first war between the United States and
Great Britain proved that the American nation is
pable of selfdefence. The second war demonstra-
ted, events show, the strength Of republican and
confederated nationality We were right, and tri-
umphed in the second as in the first. Nothing can
so eifectually prevent third convincing both ma
tons, by to the former, what may be ex-
pected of another contest in arms"
Mr.. Ingersoll's manly, and sagacious, and we'll
studied speeches last session, in favor of annexa-
ton and Oregon, it will be seen, from the view he
has here presented, were founded not more upon an
abiding consciousness that he was right, than upon
the conviction that the country able to take care
ofherself.
His view of the opposition of the Eastern pupts
to the war; and the picture he draws of the power of
the church in free government, are very striking
He goes on: 6st
"Ths element of American political influence has
been but little attended to. Politics, parties, gov
eminent, society, manners, habits, education, feel
the meddlesomeness of a voluntary church, whose
numberless creeds are propagated by innumerable
enthusiasts in restless activity, at great expense and
every hazard.
"fhe character and opinions of the church had
great effect on those of the state. The Congress
which declared war, deferred by the denunciations
of the church and authorities of several States, left
uDdone the duty Of levying direct taxes and inter-
nal duties. After session protractcd from the 4th
November, 1911, till the 9Th July, 1912, it adjourn
ed upon the declaration of war, having enacted
many laws to increase expenditures, by organizing
and augmenting the military and naval establish
ments, without any tax beyond doubling the i'm
post. Five millions of treasury notes, one hum
bred per cent. addition to the mpos, and loan OF
eleven millions of dollars, with no other security
than the surplus of the eight millions year thereto
fore pledged by way of sinking fund.- to redeem the
existing national debt, then amounting to forty-6ve
millions of dollars, were the only acts Of the war
declaring Congress for invigorating the money snew
of war; The national income of the year 1912 was
only about nine millions and half of dollars. II
soon appeared that the war cost between thirty and
forty millions year. The income Of 1913, with
double dutes about thirteen millions, independ-
ent of loans The outstanding national debt of forty
five millions, with which the war began was increas-
ed by less than three years of to one hundred and
twenty-three millions, mostly by loans at six and
more per cent interest, and heavy discount. Within
twenty-hree years afterward, the whole debt of the
United States was extinguished, with partial atone
ment for the non-payment ofthat of the revolution,
by an extensive pension system, somewhat requl-
ting the soldiers of the revolution defrauded of their
pay by continental or paper money and national
: insolvency. This American republic il the only
nation that has ever paid its national debts in full
! Other nations never do so. While England caum-
mates for national dishonesty she will not
not, no supposes that she ever can pay, the
principal of her debt the interest of which has beer
frequently compromised, and for quarter of this
Century was paid only in paper promises to pay
money which was not paid Our debt was contract
ed chiefly by loans, and paid in paper money, but il
} was legally convertible into money. What other
governments unjustly leave 70 posteriiy, Congress
, paid; the same generation that contracted the debt
paid t;-many Of them the same men who voted for
the war, and supported IL throughout. Among
these, is due to willism Lcwndes, of South Car
olina, TO signslze him as leading author Of this
exemplary national oncsty and policy, originated
dtirt fhs o{ md crn,-
pleted during that Of Andrew Jackson-three men
whose conspicuous parts in the war of 1872 will
shine in lis annals.
"Wiam Lowndes entered Congress young
man. voted for the declaration Of war, and remained
always distinguished member Of Congress till his
death, some years after the war; at sea- on voyage
prescribed for his failing heath. Extremely tall
six fee, inches high and slender, not erect no,
of prepossessing appearance, he was a gentleman o
respectable parentage, and considerable parlmonla
fortune; educated at school in England, never a
college there or here, well read, with retentiy'
memory, turn for political economy and those
principles of freedom from industrial restriction
which since flourish in South Carolina. The dele
cation from that State in CongressLangdonC heves
, John C. Calhoun, and William Lowndes, par icu
arly-were constant advocates of the war, opposed
to the restrictive system of embargoes, n-importa
ton, and non-in.ercourse, by which Jefferson srov'
in vain TO prevent recourse arms; and opposed L
I all such restraints Mr.. Lowndes was retiring
, and unassuming; firm and constant IN hi
manners and politics; without good voice, no
e powerful speaker so generally esteemed ant
respected that he was much regarded as a states
> man fit to be President. II was he who sait
/, Of that elevation since openly canvassed, that
should neither be sought nor avoided. Prematur
E death, when, believe, not much more than forty
years Of age, deprived him Of the public honor whic
the United States had TO confer not, perhaps
!, so popular with the mass some others, but uni
versay respected and esteemed, and without enemies
9 "ln 1912, when our budget was about twenty
4 five millions, that of Great Britain was near fv
d hundred millions; her loan larger than our Who'll
! revenue.
$ "The most violent opposition to the war cam
D from Massachusetts particularly Boston, the cradl
: Of the revolution, where they seemed to become a
Q strong in English attachments as they once wer
: in aversons Many of the most violent opposer
of the war Of 1919, almost rebels against It, wer
near connexions of the nobest rebels in tn
J, revolution. Parties nearly divided there
d that N 1910 Caleb strong the candidate IF m