Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1845-05-30
For the Waterman and journal,
THOUGHTS ON SLAVERY.

plant, very often made, after listening TO the viO
lent harangues of our modern lecturers, is, that
they propose no definite plan of action; they deal
only in loose generalities, without stopping to look
at facts except it be such isolated and dcsultory
facts as industrious but superficial reasoners are
apt to bring forward and exhibit. Railing accusa-
tions are frequently made against Congress-and it
must be admitted that they are often justly liable
to censure-but they are often charged with often
Of which it is not possible for them to be gull
ty. Congress having no power over Slavery in the
several States, constitutionally take no action
whatever, either to abolish sustain it. For the
present, then, let lis inquire, What is the duty of
Congress with reference to American Slavery?
And first, in relation to Slavery in the District of
Columbia. We do not propose to consider the
question of constitutional power, but shall proceed
on the presumption that this is question already
settled. Ought Congress then Immediately TO abol-
ish Slavery within the territorial limits of the Dis
trct?
The night of any legislative body to disturb vest
cd rights, we have already considered. The re-
marks we now offer have special reference to the
peculiar position occupied by Congress, in relation
to the District.
1t is true that Congress may and does exercise
exclusive legislation over the District, and it is
equally true that its inhabitants unrepresented
in Congress- In government truly republican,
The '0W Of The people is The ld,c Of The tand. 1t is
delicate question: and one which needs to be care
fully handled, how far Congress should regulate
and control the municipal affairs of the DisSct, or
interfere with their rights of property, in opposition
to their known and declared wishes. Should Con-
gross abolish Slavery there against the wishes and
the will of the stakeholder it needs but moderate
share Of acquaintance with human nature to under
stand that the cause of human freedom would not
thereby be promoted The proximity of the Dis
trlct to the slavehoding Suites would furnish fa-
cilities for the removal of the slaves, previous to
emancipation, too obvious to be overlooked or dis
regarded The law, in the estimation of the slave
holder would be an odious one and an evasion of
its provisions would be deemed honorable. Mel
Their the Judicial nor executive departments of the
Government would possess sufficient physical en-
ergy to enforce any thing like q strict compliance
with its provisions Ours is Government founded
on public opinion. A law, which majority of the
people demand will be carefully obeyed, and its
attractions visited with proper penalties. Let the
people of the District demand the abolition of Sla-
very within their limits, and Congress cannot long
refuse the necessary enactments. Much do | re-
gret, that the course Of conduct, pursued by our
modern Abolltionists is directly calculated to post
pone the final emancipation of the slave. In 1928,
petition for the suppression of the domestic slave
trade, and the gradual abolition of Slavery, was
presented to Congress, signed by more than one
thousand inhabitants Of the District. The interfer-
ence of Northern Aboltonists, and their imprudent
denunciaton of Shareholders, by awakening their
Jealousy and rousng their sectional pride, has rem
dered even the gradual abolition Of Slavery there
an unpopular topic. So true is it that an indiscreet
friend will often do more injury to good cause
than determined foe.
By every means in their power, Congress should
encourage the efforts of the rational friends of free
dom. The slave-trade should be at once and for
ever abandoned every where Human beings
should no more be sold in Washington, destined
for more Southern market. If the people of the
District will pertlnaciousy refuse to submit 70 good
and wholesome laws--if they will continue to glo-
ry IN their shame, and to cast such an indellble
disgrace upon our national character the farther
continuance of the slave-trade is calculated to as
ten upon it, then let Congress re-cede the District
to the States OF Virginia and Maryland, and re-
move the Capital to some quarter of the Union
where human rights may be respected, and where
cannot be bought nor sold.
Much has been said respecting the right of Pc
tition The course pursued by Congress, in rela-
ton to this subject, can reflect no credit ma
tional character. | know that it is urged that abo-
lition petitions praying for unconstitutional OBJ
Jects and that, consequently, Congress is under no
obligations even to receive their petitions. But
who shall determine the question of constitutional
iy? The Supreme Court of the United States
have determined that National Bank is consttu-
tonal, but such men as Jackson, Tyler and Benton
are troubled with constitutional doubts. Must Con-
gress, them refuse even to listen to the entreates
of the people, and thereby treat them igno-
rant herd or rabbe, unacquainted with their own
rights? That the prayer of petition is unconst-
tutlona may be, and doubtless is, very good rea-
son why it should be rejected, but none at all why
it should not be heard. 1t would be an interesting
spectacle, truly, to see a court of law refusing to
listen to the arguments of advocate, unless pre-
vously prepared to decide in his favor After Con-
gress has deliberately rejected the prayer of pc
tluon, subsequent petitions, praying for precisely
the same object may well enough be laid on the
table without debate.
mr. m hat W. ~ d.
vocated in republican government is, that there
exists in the United States race of human beings
SO degraded that they have no right to approach
the doors of the Capitol, and humbLy pray; that
the slave has no rights; that he cannot petit
ton for redress of grievances. Can men, calling
themselves Republicans, advocate theory so dam
nable as this? 1t is time for all good men to be
alarmed, when, in independent, republican Ameri-
ca large majority Of our House of Representa-
tives can give countenance to the doctrine that the
Stare has no right to petition for redress of griev-
ances 1t is doctrine too monstrous for discus
sion. If true, the rich man in hell might well be
envied by the slave, for he prayed to father Abra-
ham, and Abraham kindly condescended to answer
although he did not grant the prayer of his petition
1t is the duty OF Congress to exercise all its con-
stltutlona power to prevent, as far as possible, the
extension Of Slavery. No neC State should be adj
united hereafter into the Union with constitution
tolerating Slavery unless formed out of territory
where Slavery previously existed. Nor should
Congress voluntarily permit the existence of Slav-
cry in any territory. The ordinance of I7s7 fix
ed forever the character of the population in the
vast regions northwest of the Ohio, by excluding
from them involuntary scrvitude. 1t imposed on
the soil ITSELF while it was yet wilderness, an in
capacity to bear up any other than freemen. 1t
iad the interdict against personal servude in orig
NAL compact, not only deeper than all local law,
but deeper also than all local constitutions" The
moral obligation of Congress, to prevent as far as
possible, the extension of Slavery, is as great now
as it was or possibly could have been in i7s7 Nor
can we very patiently listen to the suggestion that
tne constitutional provision guaranteeing TO the
citizens of each State the privileges and fmmuni-
ties of citizens in the several States, furnishes any
reason why Congress should refuse to prohibit the
introduction of Slavery into those portions of our
national territory where it has obtained no foohold
by virtue of existing State Legislation. A dread
fui policy seems to be adopted by the statesmen of