The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-12-30

qualifications Of voters He was thsn n% NJ 10 the
strained to vote against the instructions con-
lhe committee, aud also against the appon,n,sto
seeet committee altogether. The motion s. ~,
submitted was to refer these memorials 20 H. "Is'
dietary Committee. That was one of 10 N'e !u-
| couimluees OF the House and that TO Will, ,ps
SUBJECT ought appropriately 10 be referred w, ule
lhen, were the reasons why the House shonId ,''
Tie resolutions from the Committee on Ibs I 'ahe
cisry' y" "e judi
The objection to the reference 10 the CO.,
on The judiciary first made, was that that coD'D
Tee, during The last Congress had had th;s i,
unuer consideration, and had done nothing 10 ~
dy the evils complained of On the contra, Gun" Nc
declared the fact 10 be that that committee 80 10
Ing Investigated the subject did rtport n I'M - "a'-
rect these frauds far as they affected na sor'
ton, and, consequently, 40 far as was co,nno'
this House 10 act on 1t; and the House f,;Ii' lot
upon It. i was the fault of tho House, if G,,I, l
was. Why, then, make the assumed fonh " s
committee OF the last Congress a cbaroe saa;n 80 "
committee of the present Congress, compossJ n 10
different gentlemeni po'eu "
But there was another reason-he would nm, -
a reason, but another argument--why this suh;sl.
should not be referred TO the Committee on m. T.
dietary. IL was said that the Committee on the IL.
dietary were opposed to take cognizance of the uh
ject. He commended that that committee had No,
declared against the correction of any frauds ~
abuses existing IN the present naturalization huo
| He had heard the chairman of the Commune 49,
the Judiciary state upon this floor that he was on'
posed to native Americanism and that he was ~
! posed TO the House referring to that commils.
administer upon this dead carcase; and tha, he w..
ferred that this dead bantng (he did not pro,,, 10
quote the genemans precise words) should be con,
mitted 10 its natural or unnatural fathers TO t,Ls
charge of t. He vindicated the course of the com.
mitee, in declining 10 take charge of the subiec, c
the reason that they had no right to ac, upon,
| In reply TO the argument for the reference N GA
| lect committee, cd ON the parliamentary us,ge
| of committing az toits neutrality-suspicious. that
this rule could not be applicable TO this case as ma.
tive-AmercaGlsm had but SIX advocates on this
| floor, not enough to make communicable pro-
ceeded to argue The absurdity of this claim, contend
| ing that, with equal propriety, some gentlemen Of
the minority in this House might move an inouirys
and claim its reference to committee composedof
| gentlemen Of their own party--into the existence
fate, and condition the late wing party This thing
| OF taking cognizance of parties in this country was
| not the business of Congress, He further argued
that by raising select committee the House would
| allow to be pamed of under their own sanction by
| those gentleman who advocated the doctrines of ma
tive Americansm in this House, their own accoun,
of the votes, the House business, &C., and publish
ing it to the world. And, If this allowed, the
House were bound TO invite the Irish Catholics to
come and give their own account Of the same riots
and outbreaks
| He was also opposed to giving select committee
to this subject, because the object alleged was to
the ballot box-an object inconsistent, with the pow.
CTS of government. If they showed that these frauds
existed, il they brought them before the House, still
they had no power to act on the subject hence he
said TO them as he said to the abolitioniss 20 to
your own State legislatures, where, under the con-
stitution, there is the power to act, and petition
them, instead of pettoning Congress on a subject
over which they have no control.
He concluded by expressing the earnest hope that
this House, by solemn vote, would negative and
rebuke the attempt to impose upon Congress the
assumption of powers not delegated to them, so
as TO prevent the raising of any such ques
ton in future. The several States would never
! consent that Congress shonlu interfere with tho
rights of suffrage. The House might as well
raise the question: he contended Of the right Of ne
groes to vote. They might as well raise the ques.
ton of abolition, and send it to committee of sbo
litionsts; and here they would find they were tread
| ing on dangerous ground. He considered il great
| State rights question:; and one which every man in
favor Of protecting the rights Of the States should
promptly repress; and he trusted that this House
would not cringe and fondle to this new sect which
had been Matched up during few years past for
political purposes, to enable them to wipe out the
| stigma attached to them for their conduct during he
late political campaign.
Mr. ID. having concluded
Mr.. BkDlNGER obtained the floor, and yielded
Mr.. WHEATON, who reported, from the Com.
mttee on Enrolled Bills, that that committee had
examined and found correctly enrolled the bill to
establish new collection district in the State Of
Texas, and for other purposes; which received the
signature of the Speaker.
Mr.. b DlNGER, resumng the floor, expressed
the great reluctance which he had felt TO taking part
in this discussion; but after the position which had
been assumed by those who advocated this PROPOSE.
tion-especially after the eloquent and beautiful
marks of the gentleman from Pennsy lvana, Mr..
LEVIN, who had first addressed this House on this
question--and as what he intended to say with
ference TO those remarks would be somewhat in the
gentleman's praise, he did not much regret that
the gentleman absent at this time from his seat
John Randolph had once said, on the very floor of
this House, that he who could hold this House IN
attention orator. In John Randolph ac-
ceptation Of the term, the gentleman from Pennsy-
wanna was an orator; for surely no more attentive
audience had ever encouraged public speaker than
this House, when he had addressed it. And when
the stream of his eoquence was pouring out upon
them, he could not help exclaimng, Would to God
that such noble efforts were had in nobler cause.
for he considered it unworthy in every respect;
and Notwithstanding the eloquent prediction that It
would spread over hill and valley, and insure the
triumph Of this cause, he would venture the predc.
tion that when few brief years had passed away,
this cause would be quietly consigned to oblivion.
II must inevitably sink, because it wanted that sp-
rit of vitality necessary to render it mmorta-b.
cause II was not based on any great Fundamental
principles, the advance Of which would amellon'c
and improve the condition OF the human race--uV
cause It was selfish in orgn-because the voice
of humanity cried out against it--because It lacked
the broad foundation of truth, justice, and right 10
sustain it.
He referred to the object and designs Of native
Amtrcanisnl--the system of exclusion which lhsy
would seek to esabllsh--and to their declarations,
that institutions in danger from thisspeces
of population. He had heard brilliant figures Of
rhetoric, but he had listened in vain for facts IN sup
port Of the position. The whole experience OF time
and the records of history stood directly opposedO
this groundless theory of native Amercanism
He alluded to the great aid that had been exper,,
enced from foreign arms in the former coneswol
our country, and expressed his firm reliance N he
same quarter in case we were to be involved IN iur'
Their pers, and his belief il that dark speck now
lowering on political horizon were to sven
into the cloud of war, that an army of emgnnia
from the Green Isle would rise and produce slfh
commotion as to shake the mistress of the worn
on her sea- grt throne. No. the foundation OF meH
doctrine was contrary to reason and to expet'
ence.
Abiding to Mr.. LEWIS argument, that orr ioI'