Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1845-10-16


therefore, no apology necessary for inviting to il
your particular attention. nor for the expression of
my conviction that Vermont should firmly resist
every advance towards the consummation of
measure, so utterly subversive of her rights as a
member of the existing Confederacy.
This medit0ted invasion of our rights is not to,
be regarded, or treated, ordinary violation of
the Constitution, for which there may be consti-
tntional remedy in the inlerposton of the judicial
power. No. judicial power can sfectuqHy reach
the case Let the deed be done-the foreign Stale
admitted and its Senators and Representives be
actually in Congress, and, practically, decision of
the Supreme Court would be poweress. The truth
is, the measure is essentially revolutionary. Ii is
fraud upon the Constitution, and utterly subver-
sVe of it--changing essentially, our domestic Fed
erul relations, aud creating union, of which
neither the present Constitution, nor mutual con-.
idence will constitute the bond a union whose
only bond will be, the apprehcnded evils of actual
separation, since it is impossible that confidence or
affection exist where there is an abiding sense
of fragrant injustice and usurpaton.
Much has been said in regard TO the C compro-
misses of the Constitution" in favor of Slavery = and
so sensitive are the South on this subect--so tena-
cious Of the concessions wrong from the North, as
the price of the Union, that the bare proposal, by
the legislature Of Massachusetts, TO amend the
Constitution, by abosbng the slave representa-
ton in Congress has been denounced MS little less
mise carries with it an irresistible argument against
the measure ofannexution A slight consideration
of the SUBJECT will render it apparent, that the
compromise securing slave representation, must
have had reference 10 a union within the then linn
its Of the United States, because it concerned a
sectional interest, the adjustment Of which, in the
compromise, must necessarily, have had respect to
definite territorial limits-oherwise the balance
might be destroyed, and the compromise PRACTICAL
y nullfed, by the addition offoreign slave States
giving to the slave interest an unlocked for and
permanent proponderance in the Union.
And such notification will be the effect of con-
summating the measure Of annexation. The COM
promises touching the question Of slavery will be
at an end--as clearly So as would be one Of two
dependent and reciprocal obligations between in
diyiduus, where the other had been-violated.
The truth is, thut at the time Of securing the
great and fatal concession Of the slave representa-
tion--by whose votes in Congress almost every
question affecting the relative interests Of the slave
and non-slayeholding States, including the ques-
ton of annexation, has been decided-no thought
was any where entertained, ofextendng the bounds
of slavery beyond the then limits of the United
States. 1t was Oh the contrary, the universal ex-
pectation that slavery would decline, and at no
distant period, cease to mar our Federal Union
1t in the spirit of this anticipation that it was
declared, in the articles Of compact embodied in
the celebrated Ordinance Of Congress Of 81 for the
government Of the Territory North West of the
River Oho-whch passed with but one dissenting
voc--that +" there shall be neither slavery nor in
voluntary seUitude therein, otherN Use than in the
punishment Of crimes' And what still more strik-
ngy eyinces the spirit Of those times and the true
bearing of that ordinance in respect to slavery,
the preamble 10 the articles of compact declared,
that they were ordained for extending the fund
amcntaI principles of civil and religious liberty
which form the bnsis whereon these republics, their
laws and constitutions are erected"
If il had been asserted in the Contention that
formed the Constitution, that, under the clause do
claring that " new States may be admitted by tho
Congress into this Union,'' foreign slave States
might and would come in, it is very manifest that
the clause would not have Leen adopted without
an express negaton of such consruction-much
more, that provision for the representation of
three fifths ofhe slave population would not have
been permitted ace in the Constitution. The
fact that such provision was made is, therefore,
conclusive evidence that the admission into the
Union of foreign slave States under the Constitu-
ton, entered into no ones concep tons, and would
have been expressly guarded against, if suggested
from any quarter.
1t follows that every assertion by the South Of
the sacredness of the slave representation COM
promise, is an argument out OF its mouth, that
The introduction of foreign slave States into the
Union is, itself violation Of the compromises of
such introduction of foreign slave States in effect
discharges the North from its obligation to con-
tnuance Of the slave representations representa-
ton sufficiently onerous when confined TO the Con-
SiitutionGl Union, but intoerable when extended
to neU Union, formed by the introduction Of for
eign slave States for the purpose Of perpetuating
the domination of the slave power. Let the South
either relnquish the unrightcous advantage of the
slave representation, or cease TO press for the adj
mission of foreign slave States. To claim both is
an aggravation of in Justice, equalled only by that
of the system for whose support and continuance il
is perpetrated.
Equally unjust and absurd is it to claim an exc
cution of the constitutional stpulations for the
render of fugves from oppression, and for protec-
ton against domestic violence, while the right is
claimed and exercised to augment and perpetuate,
indefinitely, the burden Of these obligations, by tho
annexation of foreign slave States to the Union.
Slavery, moreover, is an element of weakness,
inviting invasion, which the Constitution binds the
nation to repeal, in whatever quarter it may threat
en-. How long, and to what extent this obligation
is to be binding, may hereafter become question.
The advocates Of annexation would do well now,to
consider it as they would also, the question, 10
what extent there shall be maintained, at an enor-
nous expense, navy to prevent the coastwise slave
trade, destined to acquire unwonted activity under
annexation policy.
To these motives for resisting the consummation
of the threatened measure, must be added its inlus-
ticc to Mexico, and the disgrace ofperpetrating il,
because she is unable to resist. And to render this
injustice the 1agrant and the grasping spirit
in which tic whole annexation movement Originate
ed and has been conducted, the more manifest, it
would now seem that the Executive is pushing
claim to territory part of Texas, clearly be-
You'd any limits assigned to the department Of
that name, and not even in possession fthe gov
ernmen to whom the overture for annexation has
been made.
The impotence Of Mexico may be 10 us an cf1ec-
tua protection. We are probably safe from the
injury her sense Of wrong may prompt her TO in6ct.
But who shall protect us from the just judgment Of
an impartial world or blot the stain of injustice
from the pages of our counlry's hstory'
In reference 10 the position sometimes takenr
that the action already had upon the subject of an
nexation concludes from further opposition to
the measure, it is sufficient to say, that right
can be concluded by any action, of the character Of
that legislation under which the overture TO Texas
has been made. 1t is an attempt to annex by joint
resolution Of Congress-the unconstitulionality Of
which was so apparent, that It became necessary
to connect with it alternative resolution, proyid-
ing for annexation by treaty 1t by tho union
of such an alternative, that conscientious scruples
as to annexation by joint resolution we're quoted,
though the alternative left it in the power of the
President to give effect, he has done TO the joint
iIsolf and tbus 10, ,lr