The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-12-22

~. community the objections which mad, an
w you'd prevail with him against the annex
FNssTeyos In the first place, he had, ON u
, ELECTION, long ago come to The concinsiof
,ssa of very dangerous tendency ana douo
On"epnence 10 enlarge the boundaries OF I'M
,oment or territory over which the laws wer
'srn,0"'Gp;shed Il struck him that there must b
e sN. The rcrmanency of our iustituionr
DC l' 'roycrnment itself might become, and wa
ma berome endangered by the extension o
ey VI, y,st territorial surface. And IN the mex
Ah"' nJ always wished that this country
HI 10 the nations Of the earth the exam
uu ' ,rsat republic--powerful rich. and happy
OIL" ss.,na,ei by a spirit of aggrnndlEement ]
mol aV |h;oh he thought to be due from us, L
onV " me world in favor of the character o
SEM sn. ~ aov,rnments Again, he was eonstrain
DIVA hat while he held with as much integri
;,,nstsd in faithfuness, as any other citizor
.onn,ry-to the old, original arrangement
sD.s,nromises of the constitution under whsf
on, live vas adopted, he never coula or wouit
'",de himself TO be in favor OF the ADMISSION
~ States into the Union with inequalities wniei
~ awarded and accorded 10 me slavehoidihs
pre- awnu ,ha constitution. He did not think tha
aes 3 ,.,ss ought 10 be called on to admit Other
ne s,a,ss having advantages, the unequal adj
- arising 10 them from the mode OF appor
-, ,.nresenta,ves under the existing constitu
us mad never made an effort and never pro
~ measure. nor did he mean to countenanct
T. nyoposition to alter the arrangements which
- originally made, and on which States had
.,of,re come into the Union. He would consid-
S;s then. different question-when propositions
'" made to admit new States, that they came In
1 .omt INEQUALITIES and advantages over their sis.
States 1t might be said that now States may be
lifted on footing with other States. That was
bu, /, did not follow at all, from the constitution
nrorision, that every territory, or people OF the
uotry may establish slavery, and ought 70 come
II would always be a question, whether others
not right land he thought they had) to require
State that asked to come IN on an equality, II
,s,v should be in the way, to consider and re.
pye The obstruction. He supposed he might be very
Insayng that if proposition were made to intro
!, from the North or northwest, a territory into
Union. under circumstances which would give
On equivalent advantages and inequalities over the
NTH. as this admission gave over the North, he
Nd il for granted there was not gentleman IN the
Nv he addressed who would listen a moment to
" such terms. Not one moment. lie put 1t on
,,s political grounds. II more and more deraDged
balances of the constitution, and produced more
ID more inequality and he thought 1t an unjust
vantage, to the prejudice of the North, and IN ia
or of the slave holding South. He must repeat,
pronosition had been made to annex northern
Ia free territory, and it contained such advantages
ID inequalities over the South, he should not pre-
lme to hope that any southern gentleman would
carken to il a moment. He was quite aware---and
meant not to discuss the subject at lafse--thal
ere were highly respectable gentlemen, represent
. the most important of the free States, and other
knemen smaller States, North, Centre, and East,
| no had manifested disposition to annex Texas
! the Union with the inequality belonging to
ave States. 1t was matter for their own
secretion; they were not responsible TO him
\ the manner in which they discharged their
uy. But he must say, he could not but
lmk that the time would come when they would
cry much doubt the propriety of this mode Of pro-
sdng; and he could not but think that there was
reason, moral or political, for increasing the cir
Of the States, increasing at the same time, the
oessed inequality of representation of the pco-
in Congress. On looking at the constitution OF
exas, he found that it imposed restrictions on the
gsature of the State with regard to the abolition
fsavery If he had sufficiently perused that part
The constitution, and il he understood it correctly,
legislature was prohibited from abolishing sla-
Ery except on two conditions. First, the consent
the masters of the slaves; and, secondly, compen-
bion for the slaves. Now, the last was less La
Il To- the remark he was about to make, and that
)as by the constitution thus formed, until altered,
tied up the bends of the legislature against any
bOyement with view to the abolition Of slavery;
|ecause every person would see Gf anything be
|one THAT it must be by general law; and such q
Fng as general consent was entirely unattainable.
He did not see that the legislature had the inherent
ower TO alter the constitution, or to remove the
estraint on them. He was not in the councils of
he United States during the last session of Con-
y.ss, and, of course he had no opportunity to take
the debate IN this h..t ne n
tdzen he entertained the opinion that if Texas
anne in at ALL it should be by diplomatic arrange
nen,s, by treaty, sanctioned by the President and
he Senate. That was a constitutional question. 1t
bad, however, been decided by both branches of
Congress- whatever might be his judgment on it,
He knew gentlemen who entertained the same opin-
Dn as be did, but who felt themselves, nevertheless
bound by all the obligations of the government
Ince incurred. His own private judgment had not
! all been shaken by what he had heard. Not hav-
ne been, as he repeated, member of Congress
M session; having, of course, taken no official part
b The measures which were then projected, and car
ped through Congress, he had hoped that he was
pny doing his own duty, and fulfilling the expecta-
hons Of those who placed him here, by giving ex-
preston to their most decided convictions and opin-
IONS, in stating the views which would compel him
% withhold his vote in the contamination Of the
measure now before them
The question was stated; when
Mr. SEWER called for the yeas and nays; which
we're ordered
Mr. BERRIEN followed. Before the vote was
aken on the question before the Senate, he begged
cave to remark, that when the joint resolution at the
asst session of Congress- in which the question of
he annexation of Texas to this Union was before
men, as related to that question, and the mode by
which 1t was to be accomplished, it was then an
'pen question upon which each member of their
'Ocy had right to exercise his own conscientious
'plnIons, With reference to the mode in which it
vas proposed to accomplish it, in his judgment, 1t
Gu MIN to the conviction that it was not such mode
! was authorized by the constitution Of the United
Sn'es That conviction was then stated by him,
nu he grounds Of its formation. II was the pleas
We however, now of the Senate, and of the other
'anch Of the legislature to pass these resolutions
? receive the appreciation Of the Congress of the
united States. The resolutions we're presented to
nsm now, therefore, as the law Of the United States
as law passed in the mode prescribed by the
institution; sustained by those under the constiiu-
on who are ntrusted with the powers Of the legls-
azure Whatever, therefore, might have been the
pnons which he (Mr. BIZ entertained as TO the
institutional powers of Congress to act upon the
Nsuon, and however unchanged these opinions
lsM be, he was now called upon to act upon a
weston which, according to the provisions Of the
on,u'QIon, was the existing law of this land and
Z therefore, did not feel himself at liberty to set up
- private Judgment against a measure which had
st"el The sanction provided for by the constitu-
wv, Upon the question Of expediency in relation
! inS measure, he had but a brief remark He
IVY me last session what he now prepared to
~ tie SAID upon the question of expediency, that
n Iag, r. 4