Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1845-07-17

tselt, ana only provides that It's form snail I've re.
publican. Each state then may limit and prescribe
the rights, both civil and POLITICAL Of oil its ch
zens, and though widely different in degree the
exercise of power, whereby zoe limit and deny po-
litical rights to women, minors, and transient per-
sons, is, politically speaking, the same in kind, as
that by which South Carolina excludes the African
race from all political franchises and all civil rights.
I The Constitution gives you no more power over
Slavery in other !SidieS than it does the rights
belonging TO any of the domestic relations, and you
are Just as incompetent TO abolish, limit or modify
the powers of the Southern master over his slave,
as you are TO define the rights of the Southern pa
rent over the person services of his child So
long then as slavery confines itself, within lis lo-
glmatc territorial limits, it is not subject for the
4 political or legislative action Of the free states.
But when it overseps those bounds, and claims to
be considered National Institution, and you are
required TO consent to its extension, and the Gu
argenent Of the guarantees, by which it is pretcn-
ded that the Federal Constitution sanctions its eX
isience, then at least its political bearings conc
iarly within your jurisdiction. We cannot here
discuss the question of constitutional guaranty,
and must content ourselves while admit that the
Constitution does recognize slavery lawfully OK
isting within the limits of such of the States as
chose to allow it, with simply denying, that it is
adopted as a National Institution, or that the gov
eminent or people OF the Union are in any way
pledged to its maintenance or support. Nav so
far were the trainers of the Constitution from
supposlng their work to be u perpetual bulwark Of
slavery, that it is historically certain that the COM
pact would never have been sanctioned, with all its
eXtravugant concessions to the South, had not the
North and the South entertained common hope
and belief that Slavery itself and all its attendant
evils, would be, at fulthercst, but Of brief contnu
ance.
What then is the political influence of slavery,
and what the political reasons, which forbid US
TO consent 10 its extension, to any National
measures proposed with a view to its perpetuaton?
BY the compromises of the Constitution, the anon.
ally of a representation Of property is admitted in
behalf of the Southern States flor the laws Of those
States make slaves not persons but HngS) and
consequently the South is allowed much greater
weight in our National Councils than belongs TO
their free population their resources or their phys
| lca force, and the same advantage is conceded TO
all the additional slaychodug territory which has
been Incorporated into the Union since the adoption
of The Constitution. Every extension therefore of
such territory increases the Inequality of the dis
tribu,ion Of power between the free and the slave
States. But this mere inequality would be oflillle
moment, were 1t not that certain erroneous views
OF political economy, naturally connected with
their peculiar institutions, are extensively preva-
lent and influential throughout almost the entire
South. The preudices of birth, education and
habit lead the Southencr to ascribe the superior en-
ergy prosperity and intelligence Of The free labor
crs OF the North rather to external than to
the force OF free institutions and they are unw-
ling to admit, that the comparative unthrittness of
the South, in spite Of favored soil and climate,
and Of almost every natural advantage, is in any
degree npulable to an erroneous system of in.
crnal policy. Hence they seek the cause Of this
uniuvorable contrast in the action Of the general
government; and the protective policy, which,
though not so obviously Is us certainly beneficial
to the South as to the North is made q scape-
goat, chargeabc with all the evils that Cypress The
South, and the real root Of which is to be sought
IN the immediate and remote effects Of their unor-
tunatc Institutions. Hence arises a morbid iea-
ousy Of the people and principles of the North and
this has been fermened by political demagogues,
and excited by the heated and Incorporate zeal of
ultra abolitiunlsts until it has degenerated into a
feeling, that sometimes assumes the form of open
and aNowed hostility
Again, the contempt for labor VIII CHI slavery en-
genders mpeIs those not born to wealth to seek a
livelihood by some less degrading occupation, and
very large proportion Of the young men of the
South pursue the study of politics, not as prepa-
ration for the due discharge of the elective fran
chise, but as profession which is to yield them a
maintenance at the public charge. The conse-
quencc is that the South supplies much larger
number OF political asl rans and Office seekers
land the Blue Book abundantly testiies, that they
seek not III vain) than the North The dcx,crity Of
these trained partizans and their unity of action
on all sectional questions, give them an influence
which can rarely be resisted, and lis force has late
y been signally eXemplifcd in the success Of the
annexation scheme, measure VIGOROUSLY and al
most undsguisedly advocated as a means of
Strengthening the political influence of the South,
and unsupported by single argument addressed
to the local and national feelings of the North.
These considerations furnish abundant reasons
why every Northern patriot, while nationally all
staining from all interference with the right or the
proper Jurisdiction of the South, should yet suenu
ously resist every measure tending to the dispropor
Tomato increase Of power which, as experience
shows us is almost uniformly directed to the ad-
vanccment Of sectional interests.
We urge these arguments, in no spirit of hostil-
ity TO the South and with disposition to deny or
disparage the eminent services which the citizens
and the statesmen Of the slaveholding states have
on many trying occasions rendered to the Ameri-
can people. But in all this political and legislative
warfare, they are the assailants. We are bit act
ing in self defence, in maintaining The ground on
which they originally placed us.
The enterprise and capital of the Northern states
were first employed in foreign commerce. and our
agrcultursts seamen and mechanics reaped rich
harvest, during the continental wars that dcsoated
Europe for twenty years after the French Revou-
ton. Southern jealousy then ascribed our prosper.
lty to our navigation and commerce, and the pro-
lection of domestic industry was advocated by
Southern statesmen. with view Of depressing for
elgn trade, and rendering Southern labor more prof
table, by providing home market for its products
This change in our national policy was resisted by
the great maritime states Of the North, but the
South prevailed. The protective policy was cstab.
lished, the industry of laborers, aud the wealth
Of our capitalists were diverted into channels,
and Providence has once more smiled upon our eff
forts. The North Is again prosperous in her new
career, and the South still languishes under the
canker that is eating out her vltals Her states
men have again changed their ground, und now in
sist that we shall demoish the fabric erected by
our abors upon the foundation which they reared
for us. Between the systems of free trade and
the South has made her deliberate cleo.
lion. Shall not now hold her TO the alternative
she has chosen?
Nor do we by any means admit, as we have be-
fore limited, that the protection of eny branch of
domestic industry is preiudical to any section of