The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-12-13


after large space will be given to our foreign rela
tons, both in the communications Of the Executive
and IN tho legislation Of Congress. The message
recommends that we give notice to Great Britain
that the joint occupation Of Oregon cease; and why
should IL not ceasei To give such q notice is no
cause OF war and is not in itself warlike measure
because the convention of 1927 recognises this right
and nation cannot now affirm that to be wrong
which she has expressly acknowledged that we
have right TO do. government has no more
right TO suufy itself than an individuals and right
once acknowledged, in the absence Of all collision,
Is binding upon the party in municipal, national,
and moral law. The President, in doing what he
has done, has taken the only course which could
have been taken compatible with the national honor
and the peoples rights; and England must remeni-
oer that what he has spoken upon the subject IL
the voice OF nne-tenths Of the people Of this coun-
Try. II she chooses to 90 TO war for this, the re-
sponsbility must rest with herr and we hesitate not
TO say, that If she does, every remnant Of feu-
dial restriction will be torn from the texture of her
laws, and the artificial fabric which now towers to
the skies will be borne away like cloud before the
purifying winds of democratic liberty. To US, war
would be great calamity--to her, final caastro-
i phe.
| The Executive recommends the abolition of spe-
cihc and minimum duties, and the substitution Of
the ad-valorem principle and discrimination within
the revenue standard He proclaims that "taxation,
either direct or indirect, is burden;" and in this
particular, is at the opposite point Of the compass
from the wings, who say, but do not believe, that
taxation is a benefit - The laying of tariff is
/ without doubt, an exercise of the taxing power;
| and as the taxing power was given TO raise money
to support the government any other direction given
to it is unconstitutional, and should not be tolerated
by free people II is to be hoped that the legsla
tors of the land will pass Judgment upon this mat
ter as soon as possible The public mind is suff-
GENTLY enlightened, without any more long speeches
upon the subject; and all parts of the country are
Frightening with the sunshine of prosperity, except
the South, upon which portion of our confederacy
the tariff bears most oppressively. All consumers
suffer in every part Of the country; but in the South
this monstrous engine of oppression cuts like two
edged sword II there falls with crushing power
upon the great source Of wealth, production and d
minishes the value Of staple productions about
third Mr.. Polk is not inimicai to domestic indus
try, nor is any one else that we ever heard speak
upon thesubject but he believes as we believe, that
it is safer and therefore better for the monopolists
themselves to be satisfied with the incidental proec-
ton which revenue ariff will afford
But there is no feature in the message, which we
should think, at this time, would please all parties
it is the recommendation of the independent
| ry. Why should any man now want bank !;
Such an institution IS not only useless, but it is dan
gerous, 10 say nothing of its unconstitutionaty
| Exchanges now regulate themselves; and the gov
eminent can collect and disburse its revenue without
| its agency, as experience proves. The funds of a
government, whether deposited with national
| bank or with State banks, always unsafe, be-
cause both have heretofore refused to pay specie
for their notes; and it may be safely affirmed, that
periodical suspensions are a part of their nature.
| For what purpose was government organized I
Certainly, to defend the liberties of the people, and
to do this it must always have its money at COM
mand If it has ten millions on deposite, the bank
may fail; its notes may fall to so cents in the dol
lar; and then government will have to take these
1 at par, and thus lose one-haf What would the
| people say to that? Would they not hold the off
GERS of the government, the President responsible J
and would they not be justified in doing No
man who wishes the government independent,
should object to an independent treasury; for with
| ont the we cannot have the other. These are
the most important topics touched by the message
but by no means all; we make out twenty-three
different subjects in that document and will at eis-
ure review them all The style OF the communica
ton is remarkably clear and perspicuous, and YET
not at all prolix; and we believe that there are bu
few men who could have embraced much in 60
small space--yes small, when considered in refer
ence to the points that are made. MIR Polk has pul
the car of government upon the republican track,
and say, drive on! Both in internal and external
affairs we expect happy issue-peace and security
at home, consideration and respect abroad. We
have young and energetic President to guide US,
a fruitful and genial soil to nurture us, free and
maternal government to foster US, and more than
loyal hopes to cheer on Art is willing slave,
science our constant friend, Providence our ever
present protectors and the day is far distant when
one half of the royal families Of Europe will fly to
| our shores to seek protection from the storm of
popular instruction. "Let it como let it come !"
From the Harrisburg Pa) Argus.
PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.
| Our last paper contained the message of the Pres
dent We suppose it has been carefully perused by
our readers, as there never has been message is
sued more interesting to the country, and about
which there more speculation in advance. The
constitution Of the United States provides that the
| President "shal from time to time give to the Con-
| gress information of the state of the Union, and
recommend to their consideration such meas
ures as he shall judge necessary and expedent;''
and such recommendations have always had as it is
proper they should, great weight.
The message Of President Polk, in addition to the
important subjects which it discusses is one of the
best written and most mastery documents which we
have read Its style is chaste clear, and forcbc
its tone especially in regard to foreign relations
is firm and fearless, and calm, as if its writer
stood upon the top of the Kingdoms Of the world,
and had but to issue his commands to insure an i'm
mediate compliance threwith. He asks nothing but
what he firmly believes is right, and, relying upon
the Justice of his position and the favor Of Heaven
confidently expects that the right and justice of
country will, as heretofore, most certainly triumph
Il and be sustained.
Our title to Oregon is clear and indsputable, and
the negotiation in relation to it has been so dexter.
ously conducted by MIR. Buchanan as to place Eng.
land before the whole civilized world entirely in the
wrong We have no hesitation in saying that the
administration have gained far more credit in this
matter than if the proposition of compromise had
been accepted by England, and the whole matter
thus settled. Public sentiment is not in favor Of
yielding one inch of our undoubted right in the soil
Of Oregon to the swagger and grasp Of England.
We believe that il the ground now take had been
firmly taken twenty.fv years ago, il would have
been long before this time yielded, and the State Of
Oregon would now be represented in our Congress.
England was glad to close the war Of 1879, and
uO mt have been ut in0 m hav akAd
upon so doubtful question. We trust that Con-
gress will adopt the suggestions Of the President at
least far to extend the protection Of our laws
} to own citizens the Pacific, and establish a
line Of military posts the Rocky mountains
for the protection and convenience Of emgrants In
addition to which, we hope that Of the projects
for railroad across 10 the Pacific will be favorably
{ received and the work vigorously commenced.
II From the Hagerstown Mail