The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1845-02-17
From The Nashville Union.
ENGLISH OPINIONS OF MR.. cALHoUN's
DIPI SLAVERY QUESTION.

political parties, disttnxusbcu W We" oe""sN P"e'
pies as TO the best sdmnist alive policy oil the gov
ernment Both parties, however, m That country,
concur in preierring o monarehicai 10 republican
form OF government. They concur, too, IN regard
ing the United States As great rival OIL Inc priush
monarchy Ia all the elements which constitute great
and powerful nation. There rs nothing when thsy
dread more than the influence oi our republican 10,
situations upon the other nations Of the world III
our Union could be dissolved, and faction rule over
the States monarchy would rejoice al the catastrophe
as the final prostratlon Of republicanism
With such views II is the policy OF British states
men To ascertain the weak point in our government,
10 order that their energies may be constantly direct
cd 10 the application Of the most efectusl means Of
our ultimate overthrow. Their opinion has been
made up for several years, that our Union Is more
sssslable through It's slavery institution Than any
other. This importsnrfaet cannot be too strongly
and constantly impressed upon the minds OF all Anne
rican statesmen. il will explain many important
movements having an indirect bearing upon our do.
nestle Institutions and which have been adopted IN
der the hypocrilica pretex OF an enlarged and uni
versal beneyolence. The famous "Worid's Convex
ton" which was held in London, and 10 which Ame-
rican citizens appeared delegate OF those
movements designed 10 enlist the sympsthies OF all
nations, aud TO direct combined moral power against
slavery In the United States which would finally
work out dissolution Of our Union.
The deep anxiety manifested by British statesmen
in reference 10 the enlargement Of our territory TO
the South has grown partly out Of the deep laid
policy looking TO the supposed weak point In our
bond Of Union. II any doubt has heretofore existed
this subject in this country tho evidence furnished
n the late leading organs Of the two parties 10 Eng
land their comments MIR. Calhouns letter 10 our
Minister to France, Mr. King. must remove all such
doubts. When Mr.. Calhouns letter first pub
lished, We expressed our appreciation Of the bold,
frank and independent tone which characterized IT,
We saw in that document readiness on the part Of
Secretary 10 meet the great slavery issue made
by Great Britain, and ability his part 10 main
tain the American side Of the question, which excit
ed our warm admiration. The open, candid and
straightforward diplomacy Of Mr.. Calhoun contrast.
ed 50 fayorably TO mind with the Indirect insin-
cere and hypocrtcsl course Of the British Ministry
that we we're astonished TO find any portion Of the
American press hating In reference TO the subject
Our Secretary saw that the issue Of slavery must be
met with bodness and full 10 the face or tie eonse-
quence must be fatal. Hence, he prepared a paper
for all Europe, which has startled the statesmen Of
Great Britain BY its boldness we'll as It's powerful
discussion Of the slavery question: and has satisfied
them not only that heir secret scheme Of abolition Of
Union under The pretence Of universal abolition Of
slavery is understood Ia this country but that we are
prepared for the issue before the enlightened nations
Of the old world.
The letter of Mr. Calhoun was addressed to MIR.
King, our Minister at Paris. The following COM
ments by the London Morning Chronicle, Of January
g. will be found to be highly Interesting Ii will be
that the great slavery ISSUE the organ of the
Wings in England has discovered that France is not
prepared to engage ~ an unholy alliance" against
local institution of the United States The Chro-
nicle says:
"Now, considering that the King of the French
and his Ministry had been bulIied by two successive
American Ministers, who BY bullying gained their
points we really startled TO find their successor
playing just the same game, with precisely the sane
effect II being for the ever permanent purpose OF
playing of the French In rivalry and hostility to
England.
This is surprising; and it is still more surprising
to ind that the subject on which the American Min
ster enabled to array the declaration Of the French
King against English views, should be Texas and the
permanence of slavery. France was the first coun.
Try TO recognise the independence Of Texas To be
sure, her aim and her stipuatons this treaty were
not TO abolish slavery or attain any great phsnthro-
PIC end, but to secure peculiar reduction of duties
upon her trade, which, nfter all, is insignificant
Another effort Of hers 10 the treaty was to stipuaie
Tor conditions contrary TO the supposed pretensons of
England, in exercising beIligerent rights at sea-
Whatever was the aim sincerity of the treaty con-
cluded IN 1889 the King of the French seems to grow
as sick and Indifferent Of Texan Independence in
1874 as he has shown himself of Spanish freedom.
for, on Mr. King, the American envoy, visiting him
Louis Philippe volunteered the declaration that in
no event would any steps be taken by the French Go
yernment IN the slightest degree hostile 10 the United
Texas II they pleased, for anything that France had
to urge or to oppose. Now, when we consider that
the french king had, not long since, formally rec oe
nised the independence of this same Texas-wben
we consider that the nfammatory topic of the right
OF search his only reason for eschewing slave cues
IONS, was not here implicated at alive are amazed
the hng OF the French gave utteraDce to words and
sanction to policy at variance with all that is en-
ghtened and religious, and humane, not to say ibe-
rail- in France"
The following high compliment to the diplomacy
OF our government, coming from leading British
Journal must be gratifying TO every true American
But one regrets to that whilst Lord Cowley is
squabbling and conciliatng about a host of small
points, the American envoy is enabled to cut the
Gordlan knot OF his difficulties by obtaining at once
categorical reply from the King. We must saw that
the comparison between the ENJOYS and the govern
ments is moi at all to the advantage of our own and
little does 1t prove the wisdom or the efficacy with
which our diplomacy is conducted"
The following comments Of the Chronicle on the
letter of Mr. Calhoun betray the deep mort,6cat;on
ielt upon hndng that long cherished scheme of uni
ting the sentiment of the civilized world against our
slavery institutions has been ,hwarted and exposed
"Mr. Calhoun's letter 10 Mr.. King cannot fail 70
attract particular attention in the French capital II
cannot be considered a diplomatic despatch for the
instruction of Mr.. King The latter personaue
$1,000
as source OF information as Mr.. Calhoun. But
the fact is, the Secretary Of the United States had
written sequel to Gen. Cass's pamphlet addressed
to the Parsians and he gives this the world in the
shape OF diplomatic letter TO his envoy in Paris
meaner or more disgraceful document never cana
IRON the pen OF statesman But at least il has the
merit Of being frank and it puts the question Of
Texas on the one plain ayowed ground OF slavery or
no slavery. The plea for annexation is not an I'm.
ssuied ironler, Mexican proyocation, sympathy for
American emgrants the utility or glory Of terrific
rial aggrandizement No. The argument of Mr.
calhoun Is that region without slaves, or forbid
ding slavery, on the Southern frontier of the United
States cannot exist, for either it must overcome and
Danish slavery even from the States, or be over.
come and overrun by their slave system. This ar
gument Is Just an good for conquerng Mexico as for
annekng Texas. 1t declares, loudly and boldly. |
tha' slavery must continue and must pervade the
who,e south OF North America, and why not the
whole Of South America tooi There ia M snd ~ |
MIR. Calhoun's annexation--it must emhrac. IN. |