The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-12-15


ought to preserve the just interests ofboth II sub
sttues reason for force and is therefore suited TO
the advancing opinions OF the age, and TO the duties
and feelings of Christian communities. But these
equal circum do not exist in our present dis
pute with England. There are obvious considera-
lions, into which need not enter here growing out
of the relative situation Of that country and of
ours, with those powers of Europe from whom an
arbitrator would almost necessarily be selected and
out of the influence she possesses their coun-
sells, and, may add growing out of the nature OF
our institutions and the little favor these enjoy at
present upon the eastern continent which may well
have made the government hesitate TO submit inn
portan interests at this particular uncture, to such
a tribunal 1t may well have thought it better TO
hold on TO our right, and to hold also to our rem
edy, rather than commit both to royal arbitrator.
War is great calamity, and ought TO be avoided
by all proper means; but there calamies greater
than war and among these is national dishonor
| did not rise, sir, will be SEEM to discuss in
whole or in part the question of our right to Oregon
That subject will come up in its own time There
may be some difference Of opinion as well in Con.
gress in the nation respecting the territorial
extent Of that right; though take this opportu-
nifty Of expressing my entire and hearty concur
| renee in the claim as advanced by the President.
But am sure there is no great party, and ! trust
there few individuals in this country, who are
prepared, even in an extreme spirit of COM
promise, to accept the most liberal offer that
England has yet made. Her pretensions, and
ours are so widely separated, that there seems
no middle ground on which to meet. Our
most moderate claim, and her most liberal offer,
leaves the parties asunder by degrees of lat-
tude, and by large portion Of the territory in ques-
ton What, then, is our condition. Can we recede
Can we stand still or must we advance'
As to recedng, it is neither to be discussed nor
thought Of. refer to it, but 10 denounce it-a de-
nunciation which will find response in every Amer
lean bosom. Nothing is gained by national pu-
And he ntrvt eks n has
| temporary security by yielding to unjust preten-
| sons buys present ease at the expense Of perma-
nent honor and safety. 1t sows the wind to reap
the whirlwind. have said elsewhere what ] will
repeat here that it is better to fight for the first inch
of national territory than for the last II is better
defend the door sill, than the hearth stone--the
porch, than the altar National character is richer
treasure than gold silver, and exercises moral
| influence, in the hour of danger, which, fnot pow
ITSELF is its surest ally. Thus far, is unfair
nished, and let us all join, however separated by
| party or by space, SO to preserve II.
If we cannot recede, can stand still No,
Mr.. President in this, in all the other elements
| of national power and greatness, our duty and our
destiny are EDWARDS. We might well attempt to
stay the waves of the Pacific, to stay the tide Of
emigration, which is setting towards its shores. II
this government had the disposition, it has not the
power to arrest this human current But it has nei-
ther-neither the power nor the disposition to do it.
There ars questions of public right, which may rest
in allegiance; which are not called into daily exercises
and need be asserted, only when required But such
is not the right by which we hold Oregon. We
must maintain it, abandon it. A vigorous
and enterprising people are fast increasing there,
who will possess the country by the best of all
titles-that of occupation and Improvement; and if
we do not provide them government, they will
provide one for themselves. Already necessity has
compelled them to organize their civil society, and
to make those arrangements for the preservation OF
order without which no civilized community can
exist 1t is only few days since they made known
to you, by a judicious and well-wrten memorial
their condition and their wants; and asked your in
| terposton to remove the serious difficulties
with which they find themselves environed. And
think you that if their prayer is unheard and their
grievances unredressed and if the present state OF
things continue, that you will find distant colony
patiently awaiting your tardy movements, and ready
to admit your jurisdiction, when you may be ready
to exercise it ? No; they will feel themselves ne
elected, cast off, left to their own resources, the vic
Tins Of diplomatic chicanery OF national pusilla-
nimity, and they will seek their own security in
their own power. That great truth, not applicable
alone to republican governments, but common to all
and which lay at the foundation of our own revo-
luton, that protection and allegiance reciprocal
will soon be heard upon the banks Of the Columbia
and will inspire the councils Of the hardy pioneers
who, while they have sought new home in q
distant country, have carried with them the senti.
ments of true liberty to the regions beyond the
Rocky mountains.
| 1t is clearly impossible that the present state OF
| things should continue, nor, / must confess do
see how is possible that community, inhabiling
the same region, and possessing the same right to
every part lit, can hold divided allegiance, and
be governed at the same time by two distinct and
distant sovereignties. When the present anomalous
provision made, the country was unsettled
for the few hunters who roamed over it could hard.
ly be dgnifed with the name of settlers; and 1t prob
ably never occurred to the negotators, nor to Their
governments, that this arrangement would outlive
the then existing state of things, and would ia
operate upon civilized, stationary, and rapidly
| increasing community.
| But what kind of order can double headed gov.
eminent preserved How are its departments, legis.
latve, executive, and judicial, to be administered
How are rights to be enforced, or wrongs to BIZ
prevented or punishedl Two neighbors, living
within hearing Of each other, are responsible tt
different tribunals, and governed by different codes
of laws. An American killing an Englishman mus
be tried by an American court and by American
laws. But how are English witnesses to be sum
moned, or English disturbers of the proceedings o
the court to be removed or punished Possessory
rights are to be judged by the courts of the party
last getting possession. Contracts are to be enforced
by the courts of the party charged with violating
them. And wrongs are to be redressed or satisfied
or punished by the courts of the party accused o
committing them. A single American in tn,
midst of an English settlement, or single Eng
lishman in the midst of an American settle
ment, bears with him charmed life He may
do what he will, and as he will but he is beyond thu
reach of restraint, and almost of punishment. HI
is invunerable; and the arrows Of Justice canno
pierce even his heel. The nearest magistrate VIII,
has jurisdiction over him. may be hundreds of mile
removed; and were he nearer, his national sympa
thies might naturally be excited in favor Of hi
countrymcn. There can be no regular grants o
landnone, in fact, ofthose public improvements es
scntia to the progress and stability of society.
present merely the most general views Of this sub
jeci; but they sufficient to show how mpractica
BILE il would be to attempt to establish this doubl
jurisdiction. 1t would be easy pursue the inves
tgaiion much further were it necessary.
Who does not see that bitter disputes would sooI
arisei That each party would the other par
TALLY and injustice That violence and bloodshc,
owud follow, and that intestine war would estab
lsh the ascendency Of other of these rival ant
national parties All this is 80 plain that he VIII,
runs may read. And we warned by the sures