The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-06-04

the boundary of the two States east Of the Rocky
mountains established by the convention of 1873
IL is, however, to be feared that the unsuccessful
negotiations which were terminated by the tempo
rary convention Of 1897 will materially embarrass
both parties in the othat arrangement which
is now pending. The question we are trying to UNI
tie has unluckily run into knot; and neither coun-
try cares to yield one jot more than it would twenty
years ago; a memorable example, be II observed of
the danger of abortlve attempts at negotiation, when
the very fact and cause Of former failure becomes
hereafter serious aggravation OF the real difficulty
In this instance between the two parties to the
dispute the point of honor thus raised long ago, has
more real weight than the geographical merits of the
case or the actual amount of interest But il is by
the merits of the and the fair interests of the
parties that the controversy ought TO be decided; and
the only mode in which such decision can be OBJ
tanned, with perfect safety to the honor of both
States, is by the arbitration of third power. This
is the expedient which the British government has
more than once urged on that of the United States
We have already stated, on former OCCASION
what, IN our opinion, ought to be the alternative
namely, notice on the part of the British govern
ment, that the convention of 1927 shall terminate at
the expiration of twelve months. But this opinion,
which has not been lightly taken up, receives the
strongest corroboration from the language used by
Mr., Calhoun in January, ls43 Assuming the
rights Of the two nations in Oregon to be equal and
sides the same, the late American Secretary of State
pointed out to the Senate, in the most forcibe Ian
guage, the sabsoute impossibihty of sustaining
contest with Great Britain at the present time in and
for the Oregon territory. That coast is separated
from our mighty eastern establishments 10y only
few weeks sail across the Pacific an American
squadron must circumnavigate Cape Horn by a
route of H. 900 miles before it could reach the Co
lumbia. BY land, the difficulties are still more in
surmountable for who transported an army
across 200 miles of painless DESERT where the only
food to be obtained is the game still i'm undsturbed
possession of those midland solitudes9 The coun-
try is we have repeatedly observed, inaccessible
| to any people or any forces but own and, more
over, il is already in the possession ofour own Hud
sons Bay company.
But, says Mr. Calhoun, after establishing these
certain though unpalatable facts ''the way by which
Oregon can be secured is to bide our time. All we
want to effect object in this ,cise and mas
terly inactivity" He repeats Mr.. Greenhow's recon-
mendaon, which quoted on former occasion,
to let the matter rest until the forces of the claim
ants are somewhat more equal than they at pres
ent; and this is the only argument be It observed,
which has been used to restrain the American peo-
pie. If you snatch at it, they told it is lost if
you wait, 1t is yours.
And is this argument to be lost upon us? Can
we doubt that, if this aggressive policy is bequeath-
ed to another generation of Americans, it will be
faithfully carried out against another generation of
Englishmen' Are we to stand unmoved, or to wait
with stolid compasance, because aggressor tells
US he is not quite strong enough at present to fulfil
his intentions and wrest province from the domin-
ions of the crown, Are these fair conditions of Joint
occupancy an honest Interpretation Of an AMIGA
BILE convention Fortunately for ourselves, Mr..
Polk thought fit to throw off this "wise and master
y inactivity" and to tell the citizens of the United
States that he is prepared to all his constitutional
powers for the immediate prosecution of what he
terms their "clear and unquestionable" rights 1t
rnp hay ING utrv
had awaited herself Of the superior advantages of her
position to demand settlement Of the Oregon ques
ton, and had used menacng language in case of
| refusal But these pretensions have been raised by
the other and, as we believe the weaker side; weak
err both as to the merits OF the case and to the
power Of supporting it, The time for inactivity in
past for that is the very weapon which we are told
by the best authority is to be used against 1t is
still desirable and possible it has been
that the question should be settled by equitable
arrangement, sanctioned, if necessary, by an arbi-
traton. But if the American cabinet sinks back
into that inactivity of which we now thoroughly UNI
derstand the meaning and the motive 1t becomes
the British ministers to put end to aconyention
that only affords cloak for hostile designs against
British province, which have been already openly
avowed by the President of the United States, and
are only postponed by the superior craft of other
American statesmen.
From the London Standard of May is.
The most careful review Of the American journals
received by the Caledonia leaves just as were
before, in respect to the means of judging Of the
probability of peace The question in such
cases is always determined by the seeming interests
of the predominant party in democratic govern
ment more than by the sense of justice the sense Of
honor, or even by passion. In such governments,
war, however detrimental generally, will be fire.
queny in favor with the short-lived executive. The
game, it is called of kings, is often the trade Of
protectors, dictators presidents consus, by what
ever other title the ephemeral rulers of democracies
are called. The change from the state of peace to
the state OF war gives great addition of patronage
while war itself covers peculation and by war; OBJ
persons in the condition of republican rulers,
may perchance make themselves a name without
any personal risk. II may therefore, be taken as
general rule, that the ruler of democracy will al
ways be inclined to war, if not very good man;
and this il is which has in all times made democra.
cies such pestlent neghbors, when possessed of the
power TO annoy. The most obvious interests Of the
people of the United States are however, SO clearly
in favor Of maintaining pacific relations with this
country, that we are in little fear that Mr.. Polk
will be permitted to indulge those belligerent pro-
pensities common to men in his position, and which
seem to possess him in full measure. We do not
see what important class in the United States
could gain anything-what important class would
not lose much--by war with Great Britain,
whatever the event of the contest might be; and
therefore we hold war to be extremely inn
probable, if not absolute impossibility, let Mr..
FOLK DO all that ne can. In saying ms we would
not be understood speaking unexpectedly Of
the military resources the military qualities of
our brethren at the other side of the Atlantic. We
merely give them credit for the possession of COM
mon sense and common humanity. A war that
holds out no prize to the victor, is a very silly
waste of money and of life. Let the republicans, if
they please, crafty themselves with the notion that
they can beat u.s. as long as they do not put the
opinion to experimental proof, it is very cheap
enjoyment to hold il but practically ito whip the
Britishers," as Sam Slick says, were sport in
which the winner-suppose winning cerain--would
"fnd the game scarcely worth the candle" 1t is
upon conviction that these considerations must
have their due weight in the United States, have
to conclusion that the pacific relations of the
kindred States are in no danger whatever.
From the London Times.
In the manufacturing districts, trade, which was