Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1845-11-28

w. 'ht " w " ~ " lAi ohNOlht y , ii III
censure of the verdict, and p. 81 asks, Nov
sir, has all been done that can be done! Must
| be driven to the last, most notifying re-
sort Of all, to ask a pardon Of the Governor
for an offence which | never committedl''-
And she concludes her letter, p. So, by aE-
frming, that she not only ''aims to regulate
her whole aonduct-her healthier affections,
and her sympathies by the laws of God and
humanity" but ''has never violated the laws
of her country" Soon after. she petitions
the Governor for pardon. Then she repeats
that she is ''compelled to ask a pardon for an
offence of which she is not guilty. and de-
clares unequivocally 'thlt she is not guilty
of the crime imputed to her." Subsequently
she asked for a new trial. In doing so, she
said, under oath, that 'she knew no one could
possibly be procured who would swear that
any negroes went in the hack with her, or
that she knew anything about them, or was
in any way or manner implicated in their es-
cape, unless they swore falsely" To add
force to her own, she also procures and pre-
sents the affidavit of Mr.. Fairbank, who SOL
EMMY swears, ~ do know to a positive GER
tainty, that Miss Webster is innocent of aid
ing and assisting Lewis, wife and child to es.
cape" And then to crown all, Miss Web
ster comes home, writes her book, declares,
p. 80, that up to that time she has ''never
yet read any publication issued by the aboli-
tionists," and is Gas bitterly opposed to what
is termed Negro Sealng,' as Kentuckians
themselves"
We ask any honest man to read these ex-
tracts-and these by no means give the whole
strength of the case-and reconcile them,
if he can, with the statements made and
the facts admitted in Convention. 1t is
impossible. Judge Buckner, Governor Ow-
sley, and the other parties clearly undeI-
stood Miss Della A. Webster TO deny all
participation in the escape of any slaves, and
| especially of those in question. She knew
they so understood her. She meant they
should do so. Her language, in the manner
and circumstances of it, was an unqualified
affirmation to that effect. For one, we will
admit of no hidden meanings or play of terms
to explain it away. We will be no party to
any such deception and explanation. Slave
holders though they be, we say the governor
and others who were appealed to and inter-
ested themselves on Miss Webster's behalf,
when they come to know the facts as admit
ted at the Boston meeting, will feel, and just
ly that they were imposed upon and insult
ed.
We speak strongly. We think the case
demands it-not that we have no care for
Miss Webster, but more tor the cause of the
slave and the reputation of the abolition body.
We deem it vital to our hold on the public
conscience, and our whole usefulness in be-
half of the slave, saying nothing of its own
intrinsic obligation, that we maintain, as abo-
litionists, on all occasions, "A character for
truth, above all duplicity and beyond suspi-
cion. The public must feel, and especially
the South, that in all matters coming within
our own knowledge our character for truth is
vigorously honest and unbending. In exact
proportion as it is otherwise our power OF
good for the slave is gone. Be it, that men
regard us as families and enthusiasts. So long
as they believe us also honest and true, they
will at least respect, and respecting feel us,
but not a moment longer. And we ask, with
deep concern, if equivocations and receptions
such as those of the present case are to have
our countenance or liberation, how longit viii
be before our very name as abolitionists shall
be as distinctive of deception and falsehood
as of sympathy for the slave!
Besides, we hope the time will come, wher
appeals will be made to executive clemency
in behalf of poor Torrey, and other c~aptives
in slaveholding dungeons. Such appeals
we think, should be accompanied with a franl
and honest statement of what the individual.
in question did and did not do, in the respec
tive cases. And we confess we do not wish
discredit thrown on all such statements, ant
defeat dashed on all such efforts in advance
by the impression, warranted by such fact
as the present, thatiabolitionists are not to be
believed when they thus approach the seat o
, authority and power.
We think then the time has come to speal
, plainly on this question. We do not meaI
the general question of the rightfulness ofaid
ing the escape of slaves. Admitting that,
r you will, we maintlin that it can never be
duty to do it, and then lie about it. When
t ever and wherever it isl duty to do the thin
it is equally a duty to acknowledge it, whe
o in the providence of God it becomes necess;
S ry to do so or to deny it. And he that doe
it and is not ready when thus summoned, t
;, own it, and take the consequences, be the
5 what they may, runs before he is sent.
thing done rightfully and of duty, is no MOI
to be concealed and denied when interrogate
d than is allegiance to Christ. Indeed sue
thing, so done, is allegiance, and to conce;
or deny it is to conceal or deny allegiance i
= self. 1t is to deny and forsake the mastt
IT just where we are bound to confess and 70
r low him. The course ofthe primitive Chris
ians was the true one. Their religious NEE
ings were as directly in violation of the r
man, as aiding the escape o~fslaves is of slaN
law. Still they held them, privately
's course, for they could hold them in no 9TH
way. But let the RoDan officer interroga
them, and when did they refuse to admit Il
fact of their meetings, and to state fully VIII
IS they did and did not do at themj or whend