The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-09-19


Franklin, Jefferson, as members Of public assem-.
blies filed the highest places, without the talent OF
public speaking, common as TO be almost cneaP
in the United States, by no means universal IN Eng
land and extremely rare in France, where nearly
everybody can talk, but few speak; which seems 10
be difference between using the tongue standing OF
sitting Another member the committee OF ways
and means, and frequent speaker, was Mr. Jona-
than Roberts, of Pennsylvania, yet living on OF near
the farm which his family acquired when some OF
them came from England with Penn; and which MT
Roberts tills with his own hands, while fond oil 1T
erature and well read in polite learning. Mr. Speak
er Clay, thorough-going in his party politics, look
care to construct his committees with large admins
tration maiorities of all such might have any IN
fuence upon the war. The most active member OF
the minority opposed TO war and the administration
ON this committee, was Mr.. Timothy Pitkin, OF
Connecticut gentleman well known for his sta
tistical and historical atlanments and works ne
too was frequent and able speaker, decided IN his
opposition, but temperate and fair Hugh Nelson,
who presided as chairman during the consldera-
ton of the tax bills, was remarkably conversant
with the rules and usages Of deliberatiye as
sembly, son of Thomas Nelson who signed the
Declaration of Independence, and afterwards, by
President Monroe's appointment, American min
lister in Spain The war of 1912 was beholden
10 James Madison, James Monroe, Henry Clay,
James Peasants, John w. Eppes, William w.
Bib, and Hugh Nelson--all, il am not mistaken,
natives of virginianot to mention others, for en-
nent services in elevated stations. Mr.. Nelson
represented the district where three successive Pres
idents were born; of the red earth, John Randolph
said fruitful of chief magistrates. The ancient do
minion, as that State is called, has been mother
Of several others, fruitful Of political axioms and
principles, and was powerfully represented ir all
brances of government during the war,
"The thirteenth Congress convened by the Presl-
dent in special session TO impose taxes, represented
a sparse people, only twenty-five on an average to
the square mile, scattered over dsjointed territories
two thousand miles square-only eight millions al
together, white, red, and black-for thirty years
plunged in the pursuit of GAIN unused TO restraint,
unbroken to taxation, which they had never felt but
resist from the first day of the revolution IN l775
Tried with all the power of Washingtons admins
ratoD, it was resisted by rebellion. Continued UNI
der that of Adams further rebellion ensued; and
taxes were the means by which that administration
was overthrown. Always no better than necessa-
nv evil taxes in England required war for their i'm
position. The war of the American revolution was
waged almost without them, like that Of France, by
paper money. Throughout the war of 1872, among
all the difficulties, this was not one. Whether the
twelfth Congress could have laid taxes without
overthrowing Madison's administration, may be a
question. But the thirteenth Congress did 30 with
out hesitation or hindrance; doubled them occa-
sion required, and they were always punctuay paid
in even the most disafected parts Of the United
States. Yet it is not TO be wondered at that wise
men feared the experiment. The short-lived repre-
sentatives Of selfgoverned people are apt to be
people.fearing House of Representatives. Mr.. Gal
latin might we'll infer, from all the taxation expe-
rience Of the world especially that Of the American
revolution, and the administrations OF washington,
Adams, and Jefferson that Congress must be timid,
selfish parsimonious and unstable; less disposed,
they generally are than their constituents for meas
ures Of decision. The federal constitution, how
ever, is in this respect much stronger and better
government than the confederation. BY that, mem
bers of Congress eligible for but one year. and inell-
gbe but for three years out of six revocable at all
times by vote of their State Legislature, had no au-
thority to directly upon the community for rev.
enue, but were obliged to approach the people
through the mostly impenetrabe hlndrance of State
legislation. Early Impressions Of popular and State
power, of representative dependence and timidIty,
were therefore natural in 1912. Many years AFTER
wards Mr.. Madison said that, without reference to
party opposition, there inscrutabe disaffec-
tion-an under-tone in Congress, he called it-some-
where, which baffed his administration at first.
Members of Congress of the war party more than
whispered that il was in his cabinet. But many,
well inclined to republican government, at that time
deemed confederated republic incapable Of such
vigorous and constant action as war required"
The following picture of the secret session of July
| Is, 1873, is eninenty graphic:
"There were then none of that large corps OF
licensed and licen,ious news-mongers at Washing
ton, since established in the capital leter-writers
for various public Journals the National Intelligent
GER the only daily paper, was nearly suspended
both the editors and seven of the workmen having
gone down with the volunteer companies, together
with all the regular troops and volunteers that could
be mustered from Washington, Georgetown and
that neighborhood, to the number of about 5000
men, to face the foe also General Armstrong, Sec
retary Of War; Colonel Monroe, Secretary of State
Captain JONES' Secretary of the Navy; and many
Others as volunteers. All business was suspended
Most Of the men took up arms. The British adj
vancing vessels were supposed to be some miles
below, on their way to Washington. The Adams
vessel of war; commanded by Lieutenant Wads-
worth Fort Warburton, and other defensible points
were disposed of as thought best for resistance
and the Secretary Of the Navy slept on board Of
that vessel. AT the same time, British vessels were
moving up the Chesapeake towards Annapolis
besides those ascending the Potomac towards Wash
ington. Some skirmshing took place at Swans Point
where one or two Of our militia were Killed just be-
fore Colonel Monroe got on the ground with troop
of borse-he being always among the most active
| and interchangeable of our volunteers. There were
companies and parts of regiments of the regu.
lar infantry and artillery, together with the voun
| teers stationed wherever thought best. The en-.
emy's squadron, was understood, in two divis-
| ons--the first under Admiral Cockburn, the second
under Admiral Warren---were carefully sounding
and slowly sailing up the Potomac, amounting, ac
cording to tidings, to six or seven ne-ofbattle
ships, three frigates, brig, three schooners, and
several transports with land forces, taking islands
| and threatening to visit Washington. Batteries and
other defensive works were going up under the su.
| perintendence of Colonel Wadsworth, an old Of
cer Of artillery, at Greenleas Point and the navy
| yard Such militia and other troops as remained
| were drilled every morning at dawn, with perpetua
appeals to the spirit Of the people, against what the
i public prints stigmatized the enemys character
| mode of warfare, and black barbartes.
sThs state of alarm and excitement continued
about week, during which that attack was ap
pretended, which, thirteen months afterwards, laid
the public edifces of Washington in ruins. Some
of the black barbarities Of the English were bazon
ed in the Richmond Enquirer, National Intelligent
Ger, and other publications. with particulars shock
| ing to be even alluded to.
| sour situation was discouragng. From the he.
ginning, the war had gone continually against us
except at sea, where we were overwhelmed by mum.
beers. There was too much reason to apprehent
| that the United States were no match for Grea
| Britain. Defeated and disgraced everywhere, Con.
/ gress was to impose the burden Of taxes on di
vided people, who had been taught by leaders o.