The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1845-02-18

I"~u.~vs, euSsrPf1sfuS ~ eno WV, tnm measure, y
which she had ut the timo manifested 90 decided
hostility, had presented field for the extension o
her commsrcs and navigation which she never could
otherwise have enjoyed and had promoted her pros
pery In greater degree than that of any other por-
ton OF the United States Mr.. B. liked the 6rsi re-
solution for that reason.
He was pleased with it, again. because it settled
the question OF slavery These resolutions went to
re-establish the Missouri compromise, by fixing a
line within which slavery was to be in future con-
lined That controversy had nearly shaken this
Union to its centre earlier aud better period of
our history; but this compromise, should it be now
reestablished would prevent the recurrence of SINH
lar dangers hereafter Should this question be now
left open for one or two years. the country could be
involved IN nothing but one perpetual struggle. We
should witness feverlsh excitement in The public
mind; parties would divide the dangerous and ex-
citing question of abolition; and the irritation might
reach such an extreme to endanger the existence
of the Union itself. But close it now and il would
be closed forever.
Mr. b. said he anticipated no time when the coun-
try would ever desire to stretch its limits beyond the
Rio del NOrte; and, such being the case ought any
friend OF the Union to desire this question left
| open any longer? Was it desirabA again TO have
the Missouri question brought home to the people to
goad them to tury' That question between the two
great interests in our country had been well discussed
and we'll decided; and from that moment Mr.. B. had
set down his foot the solid ground then established
and there he would let the question stand forever.
Who could complain of the terms of that compro-
mise?
| II was then settled that north of &c deg 80 min
slavery should be forever prohibited. The same line
was fixed upon in the resolutions recently received
| from the House of Representatives, now before U.S.
The bill from the House for the establishment of
Territorial Government in Oregon excluded slavery
altogether from that vast country How vain were
the tears entertained in quarters Of the country
that the slaveholding States would ever be able to
control the Union! While, the other hand, the
fears entertained in the South and the Southwest as
to the ultimate success of The sboltionsts we're not
less unfounded and vain. South of the compromise
line of IS deg 80 min. the States within the limits Of
Texas applying to come into the Union were left to
decide for themselves whether they would permit
slavery within their limits And under this
free permission, he believed, with MIR. Clay, Gin bis
letter on the subject of anne xation) that if Texas
should be divided into five States, only of them
would be slaveholding and three free States. The
descendants of torrid Africa delighted in the meri.
dian rays Of burning sun; they hasked and reoi-
ced IN degree of heat which enervated and would
destroy the white man. The lowlands of Texas,
therefore, where they raised cotton, tobacco, and
rice, and indigo, the natural region for the slave.
But north Of St. Antonio, where the soil and eli
mate were adapted the culture of wheat rye, corn
and cattle, the climate was exactly adapted to the
white man of the North there he could labor for
himself without risk injury. II was therefore, to
be expected that three out of tho five new Texan
States would be free Staes-certainly they would
be SO, if they but wilIed it. Mr.. B. willing to
leave that question to themselves as they applied
for admission into the Union. He had no apprehen-
sions of the result With that feature in the BILL as
it came from the House, he perfectly content
and whatever bill might ultimately pass he trusted
this would be made condition in it. He did not,
nevertheless, set himself up to be dictator to the
Senate 10 what sort of bill it should should
pass; provided the great and leading of re-
union secured, he should make no difficulty
| about subordinate questions.
He went on to say that he liked this bill for
other reason. One of the greatest and most weghty
objections to the Texas treaty, submitted 70 the
Senate at lis last session. was, that 1t had been form
ed between the Government of Texas alone and the
Government of the United States and the friends of
the had been driven to maintain their ground
that the people OF Texas were unanimously in favor
the measure of and, therefore, though
their Constitution contained no provision wsrrantng
their Government 10 make such an arrangement, yet
unanimous people could dispense with constitutions
and laws. But this bill was exposed to such OBJ
Jections II adopted the true merican system leav
ing the question to the PEOPLE of Texas. They were
required 10 assemble IN convention and adopt for
themselves Constitution republican in its character
and if it did conflict with the Constitution of
the United States then they to knock at our
door for admission, every State had done which
had hitherto been admitted into our Confederacy.-
This course was In strict analogy with that pracsed
toward every other State.
When one Of our own Territories became ripe for
admission, Congress passed law allowing them to
elect their delegates and to form Constitution for
their own Government, imposing in the law such
conditions as Congress might deem requisite. When
the Territorial Convention assembled and assenled to
those conditions, the law became a compact between
the United States and the people desiring form the
new State and when she afterwards came and asked
to be received the faith of the nation having been
previously pledged, nothing more remained than to
pass another act in four lines declaring her to be ad
/ w he m in uvh
Louisiana, Illinois, and other States had been
received into the Union. The preamble of the bill
reced the facts that State Constitution had been
formed, that the people had complied with the terms
of admission proposed by the United States and the
national faith being pledged by the former law the
new State was introduced accordingly. This was
what he desired should be done in the case of
Texas: this what the present bill proposed; and
this was immediate annexation, as far as practical
BILE !; II treated The people of Texas we treated
the people of our own Territories. IL any plan
could be devised to accomplish the object sooner,
Mr. b. had not been able TO conceive Of it. The
fact was, that Texas would virtually be admitted
as as this bill should become a law though The
act could not be formally consumes ted until after
ward. The public faith would be pledged TO her,
and her subsequent admission would be an IRE ssti.
bic conclusion.
Again, Mr.. B. said he pleased with these reso-
utons, because they raised the broad general ques-
lion of the power of Congress TO admit new States
And here he must be permitted to say that powith-
standing the very able and ingenious argument of
his friend from Kentucky, (Mr. Morehead, and in
spite of his undoubted eioquence this occasion,
Mr.. b. had not been able to bring his mind even to
doubt-no, not the entertainment of one single doubt
that Congress might by joint resolution admit Texas
into the Union. On this POINT be intended to be
brief as possible.
What, he asked, vas the plain language of the
Constitution l(be should not reply to the argument
that the clause in the latter part of The instru-
ment, and not in the beginning-it was in the Con-
sttuuoD:)
" New States may be admitted by the Congress
into this UnI"D but State shall be formed or
created within the jurisdiction of any other State nor
any State be formed by the junction Of two more
States parts of Slates without the cnnse of of The