Southport telegraph. [volume] (Southport, W.T. [i.e. Kenosha, Wis.]) 1840-1850, 1845-12-16

duties imposed by it under the operation of
these principles, range from one per cent
TO more than two hundred per cent They
are prohlbitory on some articles, and partial
~ SO on others, and bear most heavily on
articles OF common necessity, and but light
ly on articles ofluxury. 1t is so framed
that much the greatest burden which it i'm
poses is thrown on labor and the poorer clas-
ses who are least able to bear it, while it
protects capital and exempts the rich from
p1yIng their just proportion of the taxation
required for the support of governments
While II protects :hc capital Of the wealthy
manufacturer, and increases his profits, il
does not benefit the operatives or labor.rs
IN his employment, whose wages have not
been increased by it. Articles of prime ne
cesslty or OF course quality and low price,
used by the masses of the people, ARE in ma
ny instances, subjected by it to heavy taxes,
while articles of finer quality and higher
price, or of luxury, which can be used only
by the opulenl, are lightly taxed. 1t impo-
ses heavy and unjust burdens on the farm
er, the planter, the commercial man, and
those Of all other pursuits except the CAPT.
tal:st who has made his investments in man
ufactures. All the great interests of the
country ale not, as nearly as may be practi-
cable, equally protected by it.
The government in theory knows no dis
tinction Of persons or classes. and should
not bestow upon some, favors and privileges
which all others may not ENJOY. 1t was the
purpose of its illustrious founders 10 base the
institutions which they reared upon the
great and unchanging psinnip!es of Justice
and equity, conscious tina; if administered
in the spirit in which they were conceived,
they would be felt only by the benefits
which they diflused and would secure for
themselves a defence in the hearts Of the
people, more powerful than standing armies
and all the means and appliances invented
TO sustain government founded in injustice
and oppression.
The well known fact that the tariff act of
1912, was passed by majority of one vote
in the Senate, and two in the House Of Rep
resentatives, and hat some of those who felt
themselves constrained, under the peculiar
circumstances existing at the time, TO vote
in its favor, proclaimed its defects, and cx-
pressed their determination 10 aid in its
modification on the first opportunity, afford
strong and conclusive evidence that it was
not intended TO be permanent, and of the ex
pediency and necessity Of its thorough re-
version.
/ la recommending to Congress reduc
ton of the present rates of duty, and re-
vision and modification of the act of 1912, |
nm far from entertaining opinions unfriend-
~ to the manufacturers. On the contrary,
desire to see them prosperous, as far as
they can be so, without imposing unequal
burdens on other interests. The advantage
under any system of indirect taxation, even
within the revenue Standard, must be in ia
vor Of the manufacturing interest, and olth:s
, 70 other interest will complain.
recommend to Congress the abolition
oflhe minimum principle, or assumed, ar
b trary and f,lse values, and ofspccfied du-
ties, and the substitution in their place of
advaIorcm duties, as the farest and most G.
quitable indirect tax, which can be imposed.
BY the advalorem principle, all articles are
taxed according 10 their cost or value, and
those VIII 'ch are of inferior quality, or of
small cost, bear only the just proportion of
: the tax with those which are of superior
quality or greater cost. The articles con-
sumed by all are taxed at the slme rate
\ system of advaiorcm revenue duties, with
proper Determinations, and proper guards a.
gainst frauds in collecting them, il is lot
doubted, will afford ample incidental advan-
tages to the manufacturers, and enable 10
derive as great profits as can be derived
from any other regular business. IT is be-
leved that such system, strictly within
revenue standard, will place the n1anufactu-
ring interests on stable footing, and insure
to their permanent advantage; while il will,
as nearly as may be practibe, extend to all
the great interests of the country the Incl
dental protection which can be afforded by
our revenue laws. Auch a system, when
once firmly established, would be perma-
nent, and not be subject to the constant
: complaints, agitatons and changes which
must ever occur, when duties are not LAID
for revenue, but for the "protection merely"
of a favored interest.
In the deliberations of Congress on this
subject, it is hoped that spirit of mutual
concession and compromise between con-
flicling interests may prevail, and that the
result of their labor may be crowned with
the happiest consequences.
BY the constitution Of the United States
it is provided that no money shall be drawn
from the treasury but in consequence ofap-
preparations made by law" A public trea-
sury was undoubtedly contemplated and in
tended 20 be created, IN which the public
money should be kept from The period of
, collection until needed for public uses. In
, the collection and disbursement of the pub
, lie money no agencies have ever been en-
ployed by law, except such as were appoin-
ted by the government, directly responsible
to it, aud under its control. The safe-kee-
, ping of the public money should be confided
to public treasury created by law, and un-
5 der like responsibility and control. 1t is not
{ to be imagined that the trainers Of the con-
siitution could have intended that a treasu.
5 ~ should be created as place of deposite
r and safe keeping of the public money which
was irresponsible to the government The
first Congress under the constitution, by the
; act of the second September, 1889, "to es-
tablish the Treasury Department" provided
for the appointment OF "a treasurer, and made
it his duty 'to receive and keep the mon
eyes of the United States" and ''ai all times
- .nhr,;t 40 tho Sacratary Of the VraaSury