Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1845-10-25

M
in other towns OF the same State, they Of the party
that take all politics, statesmanship, liberty, law,
and even temporary expectancy or need, to consist
Of one sole principle, one single facf-the so-called
g Native American " party-appear as intent as
ever on rene wing, where there can be no other
suit the mischief which they lately accomplished
in Maryland.
We saw the so-called Native American party"
because we are no more disposed to concede that
exclusive name 10 the over-zealots who assume it,
than to sects Of Christians the sole orthodoxy, the
monopoly Of all godliness, because they set up a
single point Of faith as fundamental, and will hold
communion with none who do not abandon every
other article Of the creed for the fanatcism of
single one. Caomel may be very valuable me-
dicine, but we hold the doctor quack and his pa
tents dupes who insist that it shall be taken for
all the ills that flesh is heir to-"
If there be State in the Union where the feel
ing Of unreasoning determination to overturn or
greatly reform the Naturalization Laws might be ex
pected to ride every other question together, it
was certainly Pennsylvania; and if, in that State
there was town in which the rash and wrong
violence Of that purpose, as the only one to be
thought Of in public affairs, might have been some
what pardoned, it was certainly Philadelphia. And
yet there where the chief cause of excitement was
originally given--there, where the sympathy Of the
good with this movement was liveliest-there where
its radiating focus, its central point of force
from which it acted outwards- there, where it was
earliest and most regularly organized-there, where
occurred its first political successes, it has evidently
as an erciusipe party, political monomania, given
way. The people tried it. discussed it. tasted it,
examined 1t, as the one thing, the sole thing and
the result has been that the great body of those
who believe in the importance Of the principle have
come obviously back to the conclusion from which
they were for time led away-the conclusion that
there are other points Of public policy not less press
ing, other matters of reform hardly less needful,
and many of more immediate feasibility, than the
cure of the abuses under the Naturalization Laws.
There can be but one sound reason for reform
of the laws in quesdon-namely, that they admit
to voice, which may become controlling one in
the management of our public interests, foreigners
SO newly-arrived among us as to be utterly incapa
ble nnety-nine in the hundred, of taking any safe
part in our peculiar political questions-men of
WHO'LL ulOSt pcESOuS Will Idkc sure pOSSeSSIOu WHO
will most unscrupulously abuse their ignorance and
misconceptions, to inAame their minds with the
worst ideas, to teach them some single notion that
shall shut their understandings to every thing else,
with the magic Of the words g Freedom" or OPP
preston" or Aristocracy,' or " Monopolies," or
" Banks" or the Rich against the Poor" Now,
IL we are to have set of people played npon
by sounds, and pretepces, and single ideas that
are to crush all other questions and reduce politics,
law, industry, and every public interest to mere
victims and sacrifices upon the altar of some single
idol of an inhamed and intoerant public thought or
passion, we beg to know how much better is this
error, and how much safer the leaders that attempt
to profit by it, than the newly-landed Irishman or
Germans natural mistake of that party and those
for his friends and the friends of freedom who
persuade him that they who stand up for law and
order in this country are despots and aristocrats
because in the country from which he has come he
has seen and known law and authority by little but
their expressions
With the strongest persuasion of the soundness
of any practical principle, like that which Ma
tive Americanism makes its hobby of we insist
that its back is not long enough nor strong enough
for every other public good to ride upon. Nor do
we see that this young question can claim to go on
horseback, while older and as meritorious ones are
TO go on foot, its humble train, its lackeys. Then
have waited long enough let IL wait little. They
have toiled and fought and served let il abide its
time of trial and of success-unless indeed, it can
show itself capable of more instant feasibility, a
more present accomplishment than all others. The
most present good that can be brought a5out-the
public injury that is most threatening, bit can be
acarded off by the efforts of the honest and wise
that, Whatever it be- and that alone, is the question
which can be allowed in Wing or any other sound
politics to override or outrank but never bansh
all Others. The reform in view, much as it is to
De desired, occupies no such superiority of hope
"iness or OF necessity; nobody imagnes that it
can be carried this year, or the next. or until bv
long battling like other great questions. the public
mind can be every where awakened to 4 How
dares it come, then, the younpestborn Of tho wb;o
household and claim to cast all other nurnoses III
other princples,ea other necessities ont az doors
What has il done for the country that entities i 70
such sacrifice Child as it is Of Jacob,s IA
age, he may bestow upon it coat Of MANY coors :.
but il it has had dream that the shocks of wbe,,
of all its brethren to bow down and worshp Il,
own, let it at least keep such dreams to itself until