The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-12-26

| so Just, and so manIfestly demanded, that hc Gin
cerely hoped all would concur 10 e. He hoped VI
should pass these resolutions; and follow them up
with such other measures may be found neces-
sary 10 put the country IN condition OF reasona-
bile preparation and security, Tor the possible oonn
gency OF a rupture between this and the most pow
; erfui nation ON the glote. Aud, "a this, he hoped
we should act with a reasonable degree Of uranimi.
4 ". He trusted this would not be regarded in any
respect party measure; and from what has fai
len from the gentlemen on the other aide Of the
chamber, he had strong belief that such would be
the case. The senator from Michigan, Mr. CAss
in his remarks, read from the debates 10 Parliament
on the question OF the Oregon controversy, 10 show
that both parties in England were united in sup
port of their pretensions This he believed was not
new or peculiar TO this controversy; IN oil the dis
Puies in which that country became involved with
other nations, both parties united; the opposition
were not less jealous in supporting all measures
deemed necessary for the maintenance OF the rights
OF the nation, than the party IN power. And when
we were threatened with difficulties with the most
formidable nation earth, he hoped we should not
have less patriotsm nor be less ready to sacrifice
party feelings the altar Of our common country
than the statesmen Of rival nation whose govern
ment secures, in less degree, the blessings Of lib
erty.
IL would be presumption in him to advise his hon
orable friends the other side of the house as to
the they ought pursue this, any other
question:; yet he could not but express the hope,
that these resolutions, an inclpien measure for
the defence of the country, would pass with very
| great, If not with entire unanmity.
/ In urging their adoption necessary measure OF
defence, Mr.. N. said he wished not to he msunder-
stood. Although he deemed them proper as precau-
1 onary defensive measure he did notapprehend, him
SELF that there was any serious danger of rupture
between the two countries He believed that the
peace of the country would be preserved; and he
garded this measure afording additional security
| for peace. 1t maxim almost old as civil
zaton itself, that preparation for the best
security for peace Viewed in this light, this is TO
| be regarded, not as n war, but as peace measure
After what had taken place in this negotiation, he
could not believe that the two countries were 10 be
| involved in war about this disputed territory.
| 1t was true the negotiation has been broken of;
yet can, and probably will be, resumed Whetheri
| was wise IN our government TO have renewed the
offer made on former occasions, by way of compro-
mise, to divide the territory upon the fortynnth de-
| gree Of north latitude, he could not pronounce an
opinion; but having made that offer, and Withdrawn
1t after it had been declined, he could not how it
| could well be refused should Great Britain hereafter
propose that as the basis of compromising the dis
pute. Whilst claiming right TO the whole terrific
ry, we have offered to renquish nearly half Of it
rather than to hazard interruption of the friendly
| relations between the two countries. Considering
the reasonableness of this proposition, and the ex-
tent Of the concession, he could hardly entertain
doubt that Great Britain would accede to il as the
| basis Of adjustment Although probably better pre-
pared for it, to her will not be less evil than
| to the United States.
1t was not his purpose to speak of the power of
Great Britain, or of her policy in her intercourse
with other nations. IL her dominions, which are
said TO embrace one hundred and fifty millions and
| 10 extend around the globe, even more extern
sve than they are; and If her power was greater
than It is-and it is admitted to be great-it could
! make no difference with US. Our policy and our
course would he the same We desire to preserve
the peace of the two countries, if it can be done
| consistently with the national honor, and without
too great sacrifice OF our rights. But there IS
point beyond which we cannot go, even TO preserve
peace; and when that point is reachcd-when called
on to defend our just rights, or our honor, we
do not stop TO inquire into the power strength Of
the enemy. Ii is sufficient TO know that we are
able to defend our own territory and our rights
| against any power, however great. If the British
people distinguished for prowess in war, we,
their descendants can justly claim the same disnc-
ton. Ii they can boast Of heroic deeds and glo-
rious history, 30 can we Descended from the
same Anglo-Saxon race, and with the advantage of
being young and vigorous people, not yet corrupt
ed or enervated by overgrown wealth or luxury, we
at least in all respects, their equal. With these
views, might soy, in the language of the eastern
poet;
Eagles side. will be winged
With the eagles feather"
The senator from Virginia Mr.. ARcHER] said
that f we should be involved in war, il would be
brought upon the country by the proceedings in
Congress. Mr. N. did not know to what the sena-
tor referred; but he supposed he meant that our
measures might be SO violent and offensive, our
discussions incorporate and denunciatory, as
TO irfitate the government and people of Great
Britain, and thus become incentives to war If such
were his views, he though the senator would find
himself mistaken; he felt quite sure that he would,
so far this house was concerned. But there was
another view of our proceedings on this subject
which might, in some degree, justify the remark of
the senator. Whatever measures we may adopt,
IT, in their discussion and in our votes, we afford
evidence to the world that divided on the
great question OF asserting our rights with foreign
power--if it shall be made to appear that these
ures are adopted by divided councils, it might EN-
courage the other party TO this controversy TO per-
IN its unounded pretensions; and by leading
the British government to believe that the people of
this country are not united--that one-half of them
would not sustain their own government-this could
not fail TO have the most unfavorable influence, the
most direct tendency to involve the two countries in
war. This is the point from whence political opin-
ions emanate, and spread, through the agency of the
public press, over the whole Union In acting on
measures deemed necessary to defend the Just rights
of the country against the unjust pretensons of
foreign power, unanmy in our public councils was
all-imporiant, and seemed TO be demanded by Just
spirit Of patriotism. II was more than almost any
thing ese calculated TO insure the peace Of the coun
try and make respected abroad. If, as former
occasion, the hearts Of onc.half of the people
should not be found on the side of the government,
but with foreign power, it must paralyzc own
councils, and encourage such power TO persevere in
Withholding from us our just rights.
In the course Of this debate illusions have been
made to professions Of patriotism on both sides Of
the Senate. lie thought little Of professions such
subject, yet would not deny that he was gratifed
hear from the senator's opposed to the adminstra
ton the distinct and emphatic declaration, that, in
the event Of their countrys being involved in war,
| all opposition would cease, and the whole people
would unite one man in sustaining the govern
ment IN contest with foreign power. II they,
and those whom they represent, would act in this
spirit It would be equally honorable and advantage
GUS TO our common country. He hoped, should
such contingency unfortunately occur, that these
declarations would be redeemed; but what he want
ed was actions, not professionalism not words,
which cheap and often unneaning his motto
was, mot words, but deeds I"
Mr.. N. said he would conclude what he had to
say-and he had occupied time than he in
iendcL-hv nxnIessinn The hnne that yxhaieyer we