The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-05-01


immense bodies of land which they have redeemed
from the wilderness; the towns which they have
strewn over the West the multiplication Of our peo-
pie from three to twenty millions of SOULS the aug
menlaton of the number ofour STATES from thirteen
to twenty-nine, including the three new States of
Florida, Iowa, and Texas, which, as we write, we
hope are now probably starting into existence
Westward the course Of empire takes its way;
The four first acts already past
A fifth shall close the drama with the day,
Times noblest offspring is the last"
1t is principally the influence of the free insttu-
tons we possess and which were never dreamed of
more than hundred years by the philosophic au-
thor of these beautiful lines that has wrought so
many achievements here. Liberty excites man to
think for HIMSELF to cast off Anticipated prejudices,
and to start in new career of improvement 1t
opens, besides, in this new country, as il were, a
new asylum to the oppressed Of all nations, which,
in despite of the "Native American" prejudces Of
the day, still continues to invite other people to cu-
tivate lands and contribute to our progress It
is our free institutions, more than any other cause
which are drawing ''the course of empire, to the
WESTERN WORLD.
We live, too, in an extraordinary age. Improve
ment seems to be the order of the day Science is
shooting forth in all directions. Art is obtaining
the most brilliant triumphs over NATURE. The age
is advancing with the impetuosity of stea to which
it is SO much indebted for its progress. Commerce
is expanding her wings under the impulse Of a new
and stronger principle. There seems, indeed, to be
no limit to the progress Of discovery; and it is in
the midst Of such an age, and at the metropolis Of
this great country, that we about to erect our
tent, for the responsible purpose Of maintaining the
true principles of our institutions. We almost
shrink back from the enterprise we have underta-
ken. But we at least bring to the task spirit that
is devoted to LIBERTY, to UNION, and to our CouN-
TRY; heart that proud of the name of AMERI-
CAN; some little experience in our business zeal
that nothing can subdue, and an industry that fears
no labor. With these feelings, we come to throw
ourselves upon the liberalty Of our countrymen.
We trust that we shall receive, if we Deserve their
support If we fail in enterprise which might
almost appal the stoutest spirit, they will at least be
liberal enough to ascribe it TO the want Of power,
and not Of wilto the head that guides us, and not
TO the heart that impelsus.
OF one thing we may confidently assure the pub
lic--we approach the task with the deepest rever-
for the true theory Of political institutions.
Our confederated REPUBLIC is making new and
bold experiment in the SCIENCE Of GOVERNMENT.
When we look to the original form Of the constitu-
ion indeed struck with Its novelty and beau
ny. We see in it an attempt to ascertain how far
lower can be SO distributed between two GOVERN
mENTs to prevent excessive concentration, and
consequent abuse of it, in the federal arm; at the
Same time that much pocer was conveyed to each,
TO enable them to accomplish the objects which
each of them was best adapted.
HC FEDEhAL kOVcIunlciit was pTtUCpduy 10 WAUGH
over foreign relations; that of the States was
particularly to take care of our internal concerns
The federal government should have adequate
powers to maintain the peace and the rights of the
Union abroad; but at home, its Office is to assist in
binding the Union together, by the benefits which
i showers around it, within certain prescribed linn
its--leaving the great mass of local matters to the
Jurisdiction of the STATES, which can better under
stand and more properly regulate them Keeping
this general distinction in view, the constitution has
marked down the limits of the federal power, and it
should be the duty of its authorities regiousy TO
preserve them. Dissolution on the one hand, and
consolidation on the other, being the extremes which
are to be carefully avoided the constitution was so
framed, and the government should be SO admins
tered, as, whilst the federal power exercises its le-
gitimate functions, it should sacredly respect the
RIGHTS of the States and the rights Of the people.
The federal government must, therefore, ever re-
member, that it has only certain limited powers,
which are ther specified in the constitution itself,
or which may be necessary and proper" for carry
ing out the specified powvs. Ncannot pass these
limits with impunity. 1t cannot interpoate any
powers by Rforced or fictitious construction, with
out producing some opposition from the parties to
the compact, or some remonstrance from the people
Il would never do, indeed to give an unlimited
power to the federal head over the local interests
Of the several parts. Our country covers an extern
sive empire. IL embraces great variety of climates
and soils, of occupations and Of interests. The OBJ
vious danger of too much federal legislation is, Of
course that il may affect these different interests in
very unequal degree. Whilst it seeks to admins
ter benefits to one section, it may impose burdens
upon another. Nor does the mischief terminate
here. Inequality produces complaint. The suffer-
ing States become dissatisfied One section not only
murmurs about the partially shown to another, but
against the government which commits It. The
Union itself is less respected because of the injustice
which it displays. The only way of preventing
these injuries and these complaints is, to administer
the government within the limitations Of the nstru
ment, and in spirit which is calculated to equaze
as far as possible, its benefits and its burdens
amongst the whole UNION. In no other way can
we prevent the federal government from rushing
into schemes Of consolidation or the States into
tendency towards dissolution. If permit the
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT systematically TO adopt any
rule of construction, which may enlarge its powers
at the expense of the States or of the people--if
Congress may adopt any measure which they may
fancy to be necessary and proper" then power
may be augmented as, in the progress of time, to
amount to consolidation. Then, we must extend
the executive department to carry out these extend
ed powers ihen one of the celebrated resolutions
of one of the first States in the Union showed in '99,
we should gradually merge into limited monarchy,
flushed with power and fortified by patronage; or,
we must fly to the other fatal aiernative-we must
dissolve the UNION itself to our liberties mat
Union which has been consecrated by the blood OF
forefathers; that Union, which is so necessary 10
preserve our tranquility at home and our peace
abroad; that Union, which ought to be as dear to
us as "the ruddy drops which warm our hearts"
In word, the government must be administered
according to the good old JEFrERsoNIAN standard.
In this respect we are happy to know, that shall
but carry out the deliberate wishes of the present
President of the United States. The time once was
when very different rule prevailed, and when the
latiiudinous consructonists of the federal school
stood at the helm Of affairs. A powerful NATIONAL
BAsK had triumphed over the CONSTITUTIONS, and
threatened our very liberties A gigantic system of
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS was projected by the gem
eral government. An unequal and oppressive
TARFr Of duties was established. What limit, in
deed, was there to be to the encroachments and ex
cesses Of the government If these principles prevail
ed in its administrations But thanks TO the superior
genius and the 'iron will" Of Andrew Jackson--he
to redeem, by his vetoes, the constitution from
violation, and the country from abuse. He strsn-