Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1845-01-31
THE FIR E L M AN.
To George Il. Page, Esq, Of Greensboro.


your vicinity have manifested considerable solicit
tude with regard to my views respecting the tariff.
That this should have been the case is not to be
wondered at seeing our opponents have, in every
place, exhibited me in such a light they had
judged would best serve their own party purposes.
Of this, however, it does not become me to COM
plain, seeing it is but the lot of better men who
have had the fortune to be placed in like circum-
stances with myself, aud seeing it is only what we
had every reason to expect the fruit of our hav
sing neglected. party, to define position on
certain points Of Irrational policy concerning which,
The political world have felt deep interest.
But as the great battle for which we have been
mastering our forces for the year past has been
fought, it now becomes US, even if we have in
some respects been worsted, not to spend our time
in railing at onr enemies for having taken every
advantage they could of our own msmanagement,
nor in casting reflections on those of our friends
who, in the time of trial, have been prevented,
through the duplicity Of our enemies, from coming
Ito our aid
1t becomes us the rather to learn wisdom by the
things which we have suffered, and ere we COM
mence another campaign, to examine our system
of organization, with a view to remedy its evils,
and thereby prevent our enemies from making
such threads upon us in time to come. If am not
very much mistaken, we shall make but little fur
Their progress as party, until we distinctly define
our position with regard to the different interests
of the country. Unless this be done, it seems to
me that we shall ever be participating in the quar-
e al nd tlU
shall continue to have sore dssensions among
ourselves, which such participation never fails
to create And it appears to me, that if we sus-
tain the position which we have taken in relation
to slavery, we must ultimately come to definite
conclusions with regard to points Of minor consid-
GRAFTON. We have maintained that slavery was
so interviewer with all our national interests as to
be question of importance paramount to all 9TH
ers consequently it follows that the only point to
be settled with regard to measures proposed for
adoption will ever be, whether they tend to the
abolition of slavery, or otherwise. And here, it
appears to me, is our true position;-" Our one
idea" Or, in other words, our rule, by which
we ought to regulate political action, in all
cases whatsoever. AS it respects the tariff
would just say, that, in accordance with the views
herein expressed take it for granted that it is not
a question with the Liberty Party, What kind OF
tariff will be most expedient, or will hest pro-
mote financial interests, and thereby make money
plenty but, What kind of tariff will best pro-
mote the abolition of slavery, and, at the same
time, be just and equal.
My views are, that we ought to have q tariff fol
revenue, sufficient to barely meet the expenses o
the national Governments economically admin
istered, and ad Justed with view to sustain the
Interests of free labor exclusively. That such
tariff would greatly facilitate the abolition of slave
Try, if il did not prove its immediate overthrow,
need bring no argument to prove. The only
question TO be settled is, whether such tariff
would he Just and equal For we to rende
to all their just dues, and must not be uni ust to thu
STAKEHOLDER, even if we could procure the abolition
of slavery thereby. And that free labor has
claim on the tariff for all the aid it can possib
give land that slavery has no such claim, WI
appear most concIusively, ifthe position which W
have all along taken can be sustained. For we hav
ever maintained that free labor was the notura
friend and supporter of the tariff, aud slavery it
labor has been constantly meeting the expenses o
the government, slavery has been only increasin
them 1t must, therefore, be obvious that, on tn
strict principles of justice and equality, slavery
entitled to no aid or protection. And, as nothin
will remain for charity when the demands of fire
labor fully met, there can be no alternative bl
10 leave slavery to starve and perish, provided
cannot take care of ITSELF The idea of creating
large tariff, with view to distribute among tn
several States, according to their congression
representation the avails ofthe public lands, there
by securing to the shareholders an undue proper
ton ofthe national funds, have ever been oppo
ed to, believing it to be not only unjust and UNI
quail, but, wthal, directly calculated to encourag
slavery at the expense of free labor.
But it has been contended for, on the ground
necessity, the various interests of the country +
curing greater protection than what tariff whit
would barely meet the expenses of the governmer
could possibly give. But by adjusting the tariff
the principle of sustaining free labor only it a
pears to me that ample protection may be obtane
And as it respects the present existing tariff, a
in favor of any alteration or amendment that shi
make it more conformable to the views herein e
pressed than what it now is. And any aterati
or amendment opposed to these views, am o
posed to.
These, my dear Sir, arc my views concerni
the tarlf-what it ought to be, and what belle
1T will be, whenever the principles of the LbeI
Party become predominant. And that this time
fast fastening on, fully believe That we sh
4
still have enemies and that they will continue
resort to every method in their power by which
tnwart and defeat us, is yet to be expected, sect
the world politically lieth in darkness; and that
consequence of rejecting the true light, viii
Ilghteth every man that comelh into the world
separating religion from politics--or, in otl
words, the law of God from the laws of men--tf