The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-06-05
MR.. CALHOUN.

From the Charleston Mercury,
The following is Mr.. Calhoun's reply 20 letter
from committee of the citizens of Mobile, inviting
him, with many expressions of regard, to visit their
city. We copy it from the Register, Of May q;
FoRr HIM, May rs, ls45
GENTLEMEN: From some delay in the mail, did
not receive until few days since, your letter Of the
2lst April informing me that, at a democratic meet
ing held in the city of Mobile on the l4tb ct the
same month, you were appointed committee to
express The cordial Appreciation OF the meeting OF
my public conduct; their gratitude for my services,
ana 10 offer, ON the part Of the meeting, such other
manifestations OF their respect and esteem as you
might think proper.
i will not attempt to express the deep gratitude
feel for the warm appreciation Of my public conduct
and services expressed by the meeting in their reso
lutons, and the very acceptable manner in which
you have performed the duty intrusted to YOU.
In performing it, you have alluded with particular
appreciation to my conduct and services in reference
to State rights, and during the period filed for
short time, the State Department under the late adj
ministration.
To no part Of my public life do | look back with
greater pleasure than that devoted to expounding
and maintaining the relations between the federal and
State governments, on which the doctrine OF State
rights depends and it is great consolation for me
to think 1t has not been in vain.
The federal government, regarded in its federatIve
character in which States and not individuals are its
constituents, is the most remarkable ever formed;
and promises, f carried out honestly and fairly
such, a higher degree of prosperity and happiness
than has ever fallen to the lot Of any people. On
the other hand, regarded as national government,
in which individuals and not States are the constu
ents, it has nothing novel or remarkable about il.
Instead of great federal republic, it ISL would
be in that character huge, unwiedy democracy,
destined to be torn into fragments by hostile and con-
Hrfin0 and n IN vuI ms
Such being my conviction, feli TO be my duty TO
maintain the federal character Of the government
against the national consultative, at any sacrifice
and hazard, and shall continue to do as long il
shall please the Author of my being to spare my life
The services l rendered during the period filled
the State Department, were performed under great
difficulties and embarrassments. Nothing, indeed,
but the magnitude of the questions involved in the
negotiations in reference to Texas and Oregon,
with the difficulties and embarrassmenls enclrclng
them, and the unanimous call Of the country to take
charge of the negotiations, could have induced me
TO leave my retirement, and return to public life.
Besides those that were intrinsic, there many
that were of an extraneous character.
Among Others the administration was literally
without party in Congress, and very feebly sup
ported by the people; and the presidential question
was pending, which experience had taught me over
ruled, in great measure, all others.
The negotiation in reference to Texas first claim.
ed my attention, because il was the most pressing,
and could not be delayed without hazard. In order
to avoid the difficulties and embarrassments which
unprecedented from the presidential election, re-
solved to keep entirely aioof from the party politics
ofthe day, and especially from questions relating TO
the election, and to my effort to induce the
didates not to commit themselves agains, annexa-
ton. had little apprehensions that Mr.. Van Buren,
would, as great majority of his friends, with Gem
eral Jackson at their head, had declared for it, The
position of Mr.. Clay was different The masses of
his friends in thn ,vh; I
would sway him. In order to prevent it, il possible
saw some of his most prominent friends, with
whom was on friendly terms, and used every ar.
gument could with them to exert their influence to
prevent him from coming out against it,.
1t was all in vain. His letter in opposition soon
after appeared, and Mr. Van Buren's followed short
ly after, most unexpectedly to me.
Their effect was great. Mr.. Clay's friends were
rallied against il to man. although the great body
of them in the West and South were strongly dis
posed to support it, and not few of the prominent
openly committed in its favor.
II was different with Mr.. Van Buren's. The
great body Of his supporters remained firm in its
support; but active, influential, and not an ncon
siderable number, adhered to his course. Indeed,
the stand taken by the selected candidates of the
two great parties, with the influence Of the presi-
Dental question and the feebeness of the admins
traton in Congress and the country, seemed, for a
time, to render the prospect of success almost hope
less.
To these causes of opposition there must be taken
into consideration another to realize the difficulties
and cmbarrassments that stood in the way Of the
success of the measure. 1 allude to abolition. il
may, indeed, be truly regarded as the main spring
which put the others in motion.
The abolition party in the North and West had
taken an early and decided stand against it, and had
gone SO far TO adopt measures to influence the
party in Great Britain, and through them the Brit
ish government to oppose it, as the most etfecual
means of obolshing slavery in the United States
and throughout the continent The scheme was. to
abolish slavery in Texas the most certain means
of doing in the United States, and that Of doing
ii throughout the continent. To consummate this
grand and well-laid scheme, it was Indispensable
that Texas should be prevented from being annexed
to our Union; while the only possible way to de-
feat it and prevent the mighty consequences which
would flow from 1t, was the annexation Of Texas.
The course of the British government at an early
stage Of the negotiations made 1t manifest that il had
warmly and fully embraced the scheme The dec
aration made by its minister at Washington to our
government before it had fairly commenced, "a
copy Of which was left at the Department of State
after entered its duties left not doubt on thai
point. 1t, indeed, as well ayowed ii, by declar.
ing that Great Britain desired TO see slavery abo
ished in Texas and throughout the world, and that
she was using constant efforts to effect t-by infer
ence, that she was using her influence and diplo-
macy with Mexico to agree to recognise the inde-
pcHucHCc VI lcAds, OIL eiicy Suouu
abolish slavery.
saw in this declaration, thus formally made to
our government confirmation of what believed
to be her scheme of policy in connection with Tex
as, from other but less conclusive evidence in my
possession | saw, also, clearly, that whether IL
should succeed not, depended on the fact wheih.
er Texas should or should not be annexed; and
that if il succeeded, its inevitable consequences
would be the final contamination Of her great and
deep design, to be followed by the desoation Of the
South, the prostration Of the commerce and pros
perity Of the continent, with "a monopoly on her
part Of the great tropical products of sugar, coffee
rice, tobacco, and cotton. which almost exclu-
sively, as far this continent is concerned the
suit Of slave labor. a0,7
Seeing all this, the question presented 10 me was,
How shall the declaration Of the British government
be metz Shall il be silently passed over, leaving
annexation to be urged on other and different
grounds, or shall il be directly and boldly met and
exposed
II is not in my nature to hesitate between such
alternatives. My conviction is deep, that truth,
honesty, and plain dealing, is the true policy on all