The northern galaxy. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1844-1848, 1845-02-26

/ this. You are aware SIR, tnat al tne 'i,iis
of the adoption OF the Constitution, the wise
ofthe South, as well as the North. regarded
slavery as both an evil and wrong, ana
looked forw ard to its entire extinction at no
very distant day. Couple this notorious iact
with the limitations expiring in loOo, and
particularly the peculiar character oil the
guaranty respecting fardflon, and what are
we authorized TO conclude was the tacit I'M
derstanGing Of the farmers of the Constliu-
ton on this subjectl Let us look niue
more narrowly at this last restricfIon' ro'
| hose benefit was it inserted ohqu1s-
tionaly for the benefit OF the NORM. us
object was to secure the people oil tnoSe
States in the enjoyment oil lower rd'io U,
1 taxation, until the South should be prepared
to begin the work Of emancipation. IL the
South was to enjoy aperpetnal advantage ~
the way of representation, why did the Norm
secure to itself the corresponding advantage
in respect TO taxation, for the short perioo
Of only twenty yearsl Sir, the conclusion IS
irresistible, that bo:h the North and the
South looked forward 10 the year l9Oo, as
| the commencement of new era, when those
words of our Declaration of Independence
were to be indeed something more than.
''hollow abstraction" and when we were
10 show, by our works, our faith i'll the great
doctrine, "that all men are created equal,
and endowed with certain unalienable rights,
among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit
OF happiness"
do not, indeed, expect that this argument
will be admitted by the Southern gentlemen
as conclusive, but think all candid men will
allow, that il is not without force-plausi-
biity at Ieast-and that a Northern man may
honestly hold it TO be satisfactory. For my
own part, do not hesitate to profess, before
God and man, my own sincere conviction
of its truth. If then we honestly, and with
probable cause. believe, that you are thus
pledged to the abolition of slavery, and the
surrender of your unequal advantage. we
have clearly the right to ask of you, in tem-
perate language, the redemption of this
pledge, and to use all such fair arguments
and persuasons as we think fitted 10 induce
you to do so. Thus far, thea, the guarantees
of the Constitution are in no danger from the
action of abolitionsts.
Bnt, sir, as ] have already limited, word
will suffice TO show, that rhel people of the
South are unnecessarily alarmed, and that
not only their constitutional, but their as
sumed privileges, arein little danger from
+any source, unless it be from change in
opinion among ourselves. The power is vir-
tually in their own hands. Even the great
and venerable champion of shuman rights,
who leads the van of.supporters of the right
of petition on this floor. has declared, that
he is not prepared to vote for:the abolition of
slavery in the District Of Columbia; and The
probability that majority Of Congress will
be found convinced, both OF their power to
grant the prayer OF those who petition for
that object, and of the expedience and justice
OF its exercise, against, not only he known
wishes of the unreprcsented people Of the
District, bnt the unanimous protestation of
the South, issndeed too remote to be legiti-
mate cause of alarm TO the most anxious
Southerner
The power of Congress to abolish the in
icrnal slave-tradc is SO very questionable,
delicate. and difficult to enforce, that there is
no prospect of IFS exercise ever being seri-
ously attempted; and as TO the great ques-
ton Of the change in the ratio of representa-
ton. the power is absolutely in the hands of
the South, and we at the North appeal on
this question, not TO our own strength, but to
your sense ofjusdce.
The Constitution can be amended only by
the assent Of ihree-fourths of the States.
The present number of slaves States is thir-
teen. To obtain. then, the constitutional
majority of the States, unless you surrender
the question, we must wait until the free
States shall increase them from their present
number Of thirteen TO twenty-nine. Within
what period will this be accomplished The
irmest believer in the perpetuity Of our insti
tutions, scarcely dares TO look forward TO so
distam future as this.
This sir,.is all think it orth while 10 say
on thatpart ofthe subject, which seemed to
me most to require further discussion; and
now word on the moral bearings of the
question. Gentlemen Of the South, who par
ticipate in debates involving the discussion
of these topics, are somewhat lavish of cpl
thets, and indulge pretty freely in personali-
ties. They have stigmatised the people of
the North. as whole, and in teIms broad
enough TO include every member of the
House who advocates the right of petition,
as abolitionists, fanatics, incendiaries. Ifby
the first Of these terms, gentlemen mean.that
the North and its representatives here, both
desire and hope the ultimate abolition of
slavery. the charge is just; but il by this,
and The other harsher terms, they mean TO
accuse us Of fixed design TO accomplish
thi. object by illegal, Unconstitutional, or i'm
moral means, or even by making it a politi-
cal Test, they do us great injustice. They
charge us with having confederated, in a
common league, against both the interests
and the rights OF the South, and with enter
tanning settled purpose of violating solemn
compact, by which, not'only federal rights,
but those involved in the sovereignty Of the
States, were formally secured, and even in
stiGating servile war. Before gentlemen
made these charges, they should have re-
memhered, that there is not political alb
oltIonist on this floor. | repeat, sir, that,
with the exception of sornc of the majority.
who owe their seats to the indirect aid of
The liberty party. there is not member on
this floor. elected by the votes of the aboli
tlonlsts; and probably not one, in whose
election that party was even neutral.
Sir, we come hare not as the tools of those.
who are prepared to trample Oh the Constitu-
ton, but in spite of them. We are its de-
lenders, not It's assailanis. We neither seek
nor desire toinfrinse upon your constitutional
privileges. or to ipterfere with your domestic
policy. Within The limits TO which the orig
mai compromise extended, we are content TO |
leave the continuance or abolition of slavery |
to the operation Of natural causes. and the !
wisdom OF Providence; but we can make mn !
sacrifices TO national honor or private princi-
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