The New era. [volume] ([Portsmouth, Va.]) 1845-1847, 1845-10-17

savOrs of INSTRUMENTATION, cherish Massive obedi.
ence to caucus ordinations, and proclaim from
every house top that party organization and recu
lar nominations the vitality of patriotism =
The consequence is, that they attach to those
questions on which patronage is to depend. eyerv
local question, however distinct in it's character.
and whose believes in one, must believe in all
and defend all, or be content to be shouldered
aside as an unsafe friend factious disorganizer
In this way parties who might agree perfectly in
their county and town legislation, are divided by
Their differences on national questions, in which
me great body of them perhaps, have only fac
titlous interest The party which succeeds may
lug with 1t the county the town, against the
Judgment and the interest of all who concern
ed in It's affairs, and all through the Vaccinations
oil men whose only object is TO establish that dy-
nasty from whom they have the largest expecta-
Tons ct official bounty.
There is no room nor reason longer to doubt
that oy Influences such we have Indicated, the
popular will is often grievously msrepresented OF
perverted, and the public interests most unscrupu-
ouSly sacrificed. When we consider upon how
ciose vote some ot our most important local as
wei as general elections have turned that the
largest majority ever given on any presidential
election since the establishment Of the government
was not hve per cent upon the whole vote cast,
ana when we further consider that these moderate
maJorltles, these tremendous minorities, have de-
termlned the adoption of measures and systems of
Legislation having the most serious bearing upon
the destiny of our country. we feel that we are
chargeahle with lndulging no premature alarm nor
groundiess anxiety about the consequences which
may result from the operation of such disturbing
and depravlng forces upon political institu-
tons. 1t is our faith to defy every consequence
OF popular sovereignty if the popular will is i'm
partially represented in the laws. By virtue of
lf'at iaith we also dls,rust every government just
IN proportion that will is misrepresented. and
we abhor every tendency or institution which
contributes to the sacrifice :
Again. 1t is impossible for one man to dispense
the vast patronage of many of our State govern
ments, much less that of the general government
with any considerable confidence that he will do
1t wisely or fairly. II is not a very bold nor a
very novel proposition that in the aggregate of
cases every man understands his own business
better than stranger. That principle might
authorize the Inference that the residents of
country knew its interests better than non resi-.
dent; but lest that might To some seem ouestiona
ole, we Will limit ourselves to statement about
which there can be no question: that the inhabi-
tants OF district are much more competent i'm the
aggregate Ot cases, TO select their officers to rule
over them from among their number than a stran-
ger can be, who has to be directed by the repre-
sensations of others. Now the Executive has
either to rely, in the majority of instances, upon
the representations of others. if he makes his Sc
lection from the district in which the duties are
to be discharged, or he must adopt the Infamous
system ot procOnsularships and satIapes under
| which the victims of Roman and Persian TYRANNY
were made to groan in elder days. But this lat
| ter practice need not be considered for in our
country II would never be tolerated i'm a second
instance. Being obliged. then. to Judge of a can
dldate from the letters and statements of friends
and of foes. of parties and of parlizans--olhers
rarely trouble themselves with applications for
of1ce-what security has the appointing power of
making righteous selection ? How can he know
all the various interests which depend upon the
success or failure of given suit-how can he
fairly weigh the value of recommendations beset
with motives of which he knows little or nothing.
with certainty? The Executive patronage of the
State of New York alone requires the appoint
ment at the rate ct from seven to officers every
day for whole year How or when is Cover
nor to find time TO make any adequate examna-
ton for these appointments alone, letting alone
all other business? The thing is impossible
But there is another difficulty in the way which
prudent statesmen should provide against. We
| refer to the perpetual temptation to ask aualifca-
cations Ill candidates which the duties of their
offices do not require to give more consideration
TO their political availability than to their official
competency We shall not trifle with orr readers
by adduclng proofs of this perversion of Executive
patronage. 1t is not so long since the highest as
well as the humblest political honors of the nation
were openly offered the price of political devo
tIon--since the public press was subsidized with
scarcely an affectation of concealment, and even
the Judiciary prosituied to the most scandalOus
nePosm-that we need bring proofs of the infa
nous uses to which official patronage may be put,
when 1t falls by an act of God, or the blindness of
his creatures into the hands Of wicked and de-
signing men. Nor is this perverson of official
influence confined 10 those feeble and dishonest
men whose elevation is the accident of an acct
dent, but it has entered into and become part of
the very science of politics among us. The
availability ola candidate is just as inevitable a
condition of his appointment, to be discussed and
established, as his constitutional qualifications
The number of votes he can control is as sure to
be inquired about his fulness Of age or his ci-
zcnship.
ITO be contnued.J
/ q 10 nolE;