Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1845-03-14
VOL. xxx, NO. WHOLE NO. 2oo4.

from these Vaccinations then the ARGUMENT from
necessity falls to the ground. Again, then, pro-
ceedins with my argument is the inequality of
Southern representation permanently secured by |
the guarantees Of the Constitution? For if not.
then the attempt to amend the Constitution in
this particular, is no infringement Of Southern
rights. The North may lawfully request surren-
der Of this Southern privilege, and the action Of
States parties, with that view, is no sufficient
reason for asking us TO strengthen the South, so
that 1t may be able to resist such amendment The
only express guarantees bearing upon the question
of slavery are
Art. j. Sec. g. That the slavetrade should not be
prohibited by Congress before 1908.
Art. ~. Sec 2. Securing the right of recapture
of fugitive slaves
Art. v. That the restriction upon the power of
Congress to prohibit the slave trade first clause of
art l. Sec 9 J and the provision for the imposition
tf taxes according 10 the basis of representation,
fourth clause of art l. sec. 8 y should not BIO aflec
ted by any amendments to be made before year
1905
In all this the most jealous champion of South
ern privileges will not contend, that he finds any
guaranty of the perpetuty of the inequality conce
ded by the Constitution.
In fact the only stipulation in that compact, OK.
pressy made unalterabe, is that whereby the equal
represen alton Of the smaller States in the Senate
II secuted But when, on the other band. we find
provision for amending the Constitution, by the
assent of three fourths of the States, unlimited in
its terms except as to the equality in the Senate,
and crontrolled only by the restriction which expir
ed in 1903, there can be no doubt, that this whole
subject of the compromise is open to amend
/ ment as any other constitutional provision.
But, Mr. Chairman, go further than this. You
are aware sir, that at the time Of the adoption of
the Constitution, the wise of the South, as well as
the North, regarded slavery as both an evil and a
wrong, and looked forward to its entire extinction
at no very distant day. Couple this notorious fact
with the limitations expiring in 1903, and particu-
lary the peculiar character ofthe guaranty respec
ting tdrdtion and what are we authorized to con-
clude was the acit understanding of the trainers of
the Constitution on this subject? Let US look a
little more narrowly at this last restriction. For
whose benefit was it inserted? Unquestionally for
the benefit of the North. Its object was to secure
the people of those States in the enjoyment Of a
lower ratio of taxation, until the South should be
prepared to begin the work of emancipation. If
the South was to enjoy perpetual advantage in the
way Of representation, why did the North secure
to itself the corresponding advantage in respect to
taXaton for the short period of only twenty years
Sir, the conclusion is irresistible, that both the
North and the South looked forward to the year
1908, as the commencement of new era, when
those words of our Declaration of independence
were to be indeed something more than "hollow
abstraction" and when we were to show, by oui
works, our faith in the great doctrine, I" that al
men are created equal, and endowed with certain
unallenable rights, among which are life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness"
do not, indeed, expect that this argument vii
be admitted by the Southern gentlemen as concu-
sive, but think all candid men will allow, that il
is not without orce-plausbility at least-and thai
la Northern man may honestly hold it to be salts
factory For my own part, do not hesitate to pro
fess, before God and man, my own sincere convlc
ton of its truth. If then we honestly, and witt
probable cause, believe, that you are thus pledged
TO the abolition of slavery, and the surrender o
your unequal advantage, we have clearly the RICH
to ask of you in temperate language, the redemp
ton of this pledge and to use all such fair argu
ments and persuasions we think fitted to induce
you to do Thus far, then, the guarantees of thu
Constitution in danger from the action OF alb
olitionists.
But sir, as have already limited, word vii
suffice to show, that the people of the South are
unnecessarily alarmed, and that not only their con
stltntional but their assumed privileges, are in lit
tie danger from any source, unless it be from
change IN opinion among ourselves. The power i
virtually in their own hands. Even the great ant
venerable champion of human rights, who leads thu
van OF supporters Of the right of petition on thi
floor has declared that he is not prepared TO vot
for the abolition of slavery in the District of Co
lumba; and the probability that majority of Con
gress will be found convinced both of their powe
to grant the PRAYER of those who petition for tina
exercise, against, not only the known wishes of tn
unrepresented people of the District, but the unar
imous protesaton of the South, is indeed too re
mote to be legitimate cause of alarm to the mo
anxious Southerner.
The power Of Congress to abolish the intern;
slave-trade is SO very questionable, delicate, an
difficult to enforce, that there is no prospect of i
exercise ever being seriously attempted and as
the great question Of the change in the ratio
representation, the power is absolutely in the hant
of the South, and we at the North appeal on tn
question, not to our own strength, but to your sens
of justice.
The Constitution can be amended only by III
assent of three fourths OF the States The presei
number Of slave States is thirteen. To obtai
then, the constitutional ma orty of the States,
less you surrender the question, we must wait un,
the free States shall increase them from their pre-
ent number of thirteen to twenty mine. With
what period will this be accomplished? The firm
est believer in the perpetuity of our institution
scarcely dares to look forward to so distant utul
; as this
This sir, is all think it worth while to say c
that part of the subject, which seemed to me mo
= to require further discussion; and now word c
the moral bearings Of the question. Gentlemen
the South, who participate in debates involving Il
( discussion Of these topics, are somewhat lavish
: epithcts, and indulge pretty freely in personate
= They have stigmatised the people of the North,
e whole, and in terms broad enough to include e
s cry member of the House who advocates the rig
: of petition, as abotionsts, fanatics, incendiarie
s If by the first Of these terms, gentlemen mean, tn
: the North and its representatives here, both desi
i and hope the ultimate abolition of slavery, Il
o charge is JUST but if by this, and the other hairs
+ er terms, they mean TO accuse US of fixed desie
e to accomplish this object by Illegal unconstitutio
If al or immoral means, or even by making ii poll
d zeal test they do us great injustice. They char
a US with having confederated in common leagu
= against both the interests and the rights of 4
IS South and with entertaining settled purpose
= violating solemn compact, by which, not only fe
E, era rights but those involved in the sovereignty
N the States were formally secured, and even
y stgaling serve Before gentlemen ma
If these charges, they should have remembered I'll
there is not political abolitionst OH this floor
repeat, sir, that with the exception of some of
e. majority, who owe their seats to the indirect aid
,r the liberty party there is not member on Il
10 floor, elected by the votes of the abolitonists
Ia, Nt in nh nalao Al