Sentinel of the valley. [volume] (Woodstock, Va) 1841-1848, 1845-12-18

ject the raising Of money to support govern
ment; but Is Tor protection merely.
1t does not follow that Congress should levy
the highest duty on all articles of import which.
they will bear within the revenue standard ;
for such rates would probably produce much
larger amount than the economical adminisira-
ton OF the government would require. Nor
does 1t follow that the duties on all articles
should be at the same, or horizontal rae-
Some articles will bear much higher duty
than others. Below the maximum OF the .evc-
nue standard Congress may and ought to dis
crlnnaie IN the rates imposed, taking care so
to ADJUST them on different articles as tc produce
In the aggregate the amount which. when ad-
ded to the proceeds of sales of public lands,
may be needed to pay the economical expenses
of.tlie government
In levying a tariff If duties, Congress exer-
else the taxing power, and for purposes Of rev
enue, may select the objects of taxation hey.
may exempt certain articles altogether, and per-
talt their importation free Of duty. On others
they may impose low duties. In these classes
should be embraced such articles CT necessity
as are IN general use, and especially such as
are consumed by the laborer and the poor, as
well as by the wealthy citizen. Care should
be taken that all the great interests Of the coun
try, including manufactures. agriculture, COM
meree navigation, and the mechanic arts,
should, as far as may be practicable, derive e.
quail advantages from the incidental protection
which just system of revenue duties may af-
ford. Taxation, direct or indirect, is burden,
and it should be SO imposed as to operate as e.
qualify as may be; on all classes, in the proper
ton Of their ability to bear it. To make the
tow g. y.
cessarily increases the burden Of the other be-
yohd their proportion, and would be manifestly
unjust. The terms protection to domestic in
dustry," are of popular import; but they should
apply under just system to all the various
branches of industry in our country. The far
mer or planter who tolls yearly in his fields. is
engaged in domestic industry" and is as much
entitled to have his labor protected" as the
manufacturer, the man Of commerce, the navi-
gator. or the mechanic. who are also engaged
In domestic industry in their different pur-
suits. The joint labors of all these classes con
stltute the aggregate Of all the domestic in
try of the nation, and they are equally entitled
to the nations protection" No one of them
can justly claim 10 be exclusive recipients Of
''protection," whice can only be afforded by
increasing burdens ON the domestic industry
Of the Others
If these views be correct, it remains to in
quire how far the tariff act of 1912 is consistent
with them. That many Of the provisions of
that act are In violation of the cardinal princi-
pies here laid down, all must eoncede The
rates Of duty imposed by it on some articles are
and on others 50 high as greatly to
diminish .importations, and to produce less a
mount Of revenue than wonld be derived sfrom
lower rates. They operate as .pretecton''
merely, To one branch Ct domestic industry, y
BY taxing other branches
z By the introduction. 6f minimnns, er assum-
ed and false.vaines, and by the introduction of
specific duties. the. Injustice and inequality Of
the act ct 1872. In lis practical operations on
different classes and pursuits are seen and felt
Manysaf the oppressive duties imposed by it
under the operation Of these principles, range
from one per cent. to more than two hurdred
per cent. They are pruhibitory on some. arti-
cles, and partially so On others, ard bear most
heavily on articles Of common necessity, and
but lightly on. articles Of luxury. 1t is so fra
med that much the greatest burden which it
imposes is thrown On labor and the poorer clas-
ses who are least able ,o bear it, while it pro-
tects capital and exempts the rich from paying
eAiC'a JoSt VI WIG iCi
the support of government While it protects
the capital of the wealthy manufacturer, and
increases his profits, it does not benefit the ope-
ratives CT laborers in his employment, whose
wages have not been increased by it. Articles
of prime necessity or of coarse quality ard low
price, used by the masses of the people. are.
in many instances. subjected by it to heavy
taxes, while articles of finer quality and high
or price, or Of luxury, which can be used only
by the opulens, are lightly taxed. It imposes
heavy and unjust burdens on the farmer, the
planter, the commercial man, and those of all
other pursuits except the capitalist who has
made his investments in manufactures. All
the great interests of the country are not, as
nearly as may be practicable, equally protected
by it.
The government in theory knows no distinc-
ton Of persons or classes, and should not be-
stow upon some fayors and privileges which all
others may not enjoy. 1t was the purpose of
its illustrious founders to base the institutions
which they reared upon the greatand unchanging
principles of justice and equity, conscious that
if administered in the spirit in which they
were conceived, they would be felt only by the
benefits whichthey diffused, and would secure
for themselves defence in the hearts Of the
people, more powerful than standing armies,
and all the means and appliances invented to
sustain governments founded in injustice and
oppression.
The we'll known fact that the tariff act of
lS42 was passed by a majority of one vote in
the Senate, and two in the House of Represen-
tatiyes, and that some Of those who felt them
selves constrained, under the peculiar crcum-
stances existing at the time, to vote in its ia
vor, proclaimed its defects, and expressed their
determination to aid in its modification on the
first opportunity, affords strong and conclusive
evidence that it was not intended to be perma-
nent, and Of the expediency and necessity Of
its thorough revision.
10 recommending to Congress reduction of
the present rates of duty, and revision and
modification of the act of 1912, am far from
entertaining opinions unfriendly to the manu-
faciurers On the contrary desire to see them
prospesous. as far as they can be 50, without
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