Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1845-05-23
For the Waterman and Journal
THOUGHTS ON SLAVERY.

Niii'-bCFhiSSi
One of the worst features of slavery perhaps |
we may be warranted in saying, it is the very
worst-is the traffic in human beings, which grows
out of the claim to men as property. The mind
by long course Of familiarity with such scenes
must become wofully hardened and depraved be.
fore it can look upon the marketing of human
bones and sinews with any, the least, complacen
cy. 1t is fact, disgraceful to history, and
which should crimson with the blush of shame
the face of every American, that within the limits
of our federal Union are annually sold vast num-
bers of slaves from the more northern 10 the more
southern slayeholding states.
The American Anti Slavery Society pledges cit
self, in a constitutional way to influence Congress
to put an end to the domestic slave trade" If Con-
gress possesses the Constitutional power to sup
press this traffic, but one opinion can be entertain
ed by those who entertain republican feelings re-
speeding its nature and ITS character, lis duty.
The power should be exerted, and that too ilnmedi.
ately. No excuse can be offered for the continu-
ance of the domestic slave trade, q single hour-
The slave dealer, totally destitute of conscience
and of principle, and one would almost be tempted
TO believe, equity destitute Of soul, purchases
his assortment of human beings, separates husband
and wife, parent and child, brother and sister, and
thinks no more of the broken hearts he has so incu
rably wounded. Is it true that the trodden down
and despsed African is member of the human
family? OF this, there is and can be, no rational
doubt Well would it be for the STAKEHOLDER, if
he could say with truth that himself not man.
We'll may the insulted African proudly say to him,
Prove that you have human feeling
Ere you proudly question ours'
Our principal object now is, u brief examination
of the question whether Congress possesses the
! Constitutional power to abolish the slave trade.
shall examine no authorities upon the subject for
the reason that the means not at hand and my
! humble talents are inadequate to the task Nor
| does it seem to me at all necessary. The Const-
tuition itself would seem to furnish decisive an
! swer to the question.
Congress has the po,Uer to "rgulate commerce
with foreign nations and among the several states,
and with the Indian tribes" By the laws of the
several slaveholdng States, slaves are recognized
as property, and it is admitted on all hands that
Congress possesses no power to abolish or destroy
this right of property. Slaves are, therefore, an
article of merchandise, and Congress may certain
/ ly regulate the commerce in slaves as well in
any other species of property. But to regulate does
not mean to abolish or destroy. The right Of prop
erty exists Independent of Congress. Congress has
no power to prohibit trade in this species of prop
erty any more than it has to prohibit trade in hors
es, or in other articles of merchandise. Congress
may regulate commerce with foreign nations, but II
cannot prohibit foreign commerce unconditionally
and forever. The right to do So has never beer
claimed or exercised. The embargo of 1907 was
not designed to be perpetual, and yet there were
not wanting honest and intelligent minds who Sc
riousiy questioned its constitutonality. But Law
domestic slave trade would most clearly proceed
upon the ground that Congress may totally destroy
that which it has only the power to regulate.
1t is said, however, that under the clause of the
J Constitution, Congress has proceeded TO prohibit
the foreign slave trade and that if the power exists
in the one case, 1t must exist in the other also>
The two cases do not happen to be exactly paral
lei. In the one case, Congress attempts to destroy
an existing right the right Of commerce in an ar
tcle of merchandise. The several States have by
law, right TO traffic in whatever property they
possess, and Congress only regulate the traffic
In the other case, such right exists the mer
chant is seeking to acquire right in the men-no
the things Of Guinea The Constitution at the tint
of Its adoption found none o! the citizens of th
, Union, enjoying, claiming or exercising presen
right of property in any of the sable sons ant
daughters of Africa across the Atlantic. In regu
latlng foreign commerce, therefore, Congress ha
an undoubted, constitutional right TO prohibit thu
acquisition Of property in that which is not an
: cannot be- by the law Of nations, recognized as al
L article of merchandise. The power to do this i
L just as clear as the power to punish the kidnapping
T: of free citizen of New England by Southern
STAKEHOLDER. Nobody owns the free sons an
= daughters Of Guinea, who may be sporting on tn
= banks Of the Niger; they belong to themselves
Congress then possesses the light not indeed solel
by virtue of a constitutional provision, but by vii
) tue Of the law of nations as well as The hW OF Coz
l. to prohibit the disgraceIul and unchrisan traffic.
mere does not exist MUCH ploodOlllty, 10 say III
" least, that the southern States would ever willing
: y surrender to Congress the power "to put en-
IT to the domestic slave trade" Every body know
f. how jealousy they have watched and guarded a
their boosted "rights and imnunities" IN relation
}, the subject of slavery Never would they hav
81 consented to the adoption of the federal Consttu
ton had they supposed that it conferred in an
IF manner, on Congress the power to interfere wit
r their right of property in slaves. This fact il
s. creases the presumption that such grant of pow
E. err was intended by the trainers. A fair constru'
lie ton of this instrument determines this questio
against this claim of power; and we must abando
~ all hopes of seeing such grant inserted there
$. the consent of the shareholders, until totally di
y ferent spirit begins to pervade the bosoms of hos
Us who are the most directly interested in the que
le ton.
e. Experience seems TO prove that men are dispo
or ed to consrue the constitution according to the
I'd party prejudices and love of power plain pr
Tx vision that each House shall keep journal of
he proceedings, has been construed in defiance