The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-05-02
PROSPECTUS
For publishing at Washington a newspaper,
to be called
nTHE UNION
PROSPECTUS
TO THE PUBLIC.

II ~ ~ Il ~ ~
TO THE PUBLIC.
Having purchased from Messrs. Blair and Rives
the whole establishment of the "Globe," we propose
publishing at Washington paper, to be styled
1.-THE UNION"
We approach the task before us with deep seLse
of the responsibility which we are about to assume,
and not without much difidence Of our gualifca-
tons. We have some acquaintance, indeed, with
acquired upon other theatres, much more limited
and less conspicuous than the metropolis of our con-
federated and widespread republic
We can scarcely be charged with any inordinaie
vanity in saying that upon the Of insti-
mtions depends, in great degree, the destiny of
the Oldest countries of Europe. A distant posterty
has deep interest in our fate. The blessings of
liberty essential to the prosperity of the whole
human race; and where are they spread out on so
large a field of action, or illustrated by many
brilliant examples, as in these United Siatesi
We have only to realize them in our own history,
and in the happiness of our people, TO spread the
name of liberty the EASTERN World. We
have only to perpetuatc these blessings by preserv
ing the sacred UNION of our STATES and there is
assgnable limit to the prosperity which we may
scale of nations. We have already wrought mira
cles enough to astonish the foreign tourist amid all
his preudices and to attract the curiosity if the
admiration, of Europe. We have displayed the
benefits of LIBERTY and of UNION in a series of
phenomena, which are almost calculated to surprise
ourselves. What can be more remarkable, even in
the present day, than the spirit of enterprise and i'm
provement which pervades our STATES the schools
which they are erecting; the canals which they have
executed; the more than 1000 miles ofrailway which
they have constructed in less than twenty years; the
immense bodies of land which they have redeemed
from the wilderness; the towns which they have
srewn the West the multiplication Of our PEG.
pie from three to twenty millions of souls; the aug
menation of the number of our STATES from thirteen
to twenty-nine, including the three new States of
Florida, Iowa, and Texas, which, as we write, we
hope are now probably starting into cxistence'
Westward the Of empire takes its way;
The four first acts already past,
A fifth shall close the drama with the day,
Times noblest offspring is the last"
1t is principally the influence of the free institu-
tons we possess, and which were never dreamed of
more than hundred years by the philosophic au-
thor of these beautiful lines, that has wrought so
many achievements here. Liberty excites inan to
think for himself, to cast off Anticipated prejudices,
and to start in new career Of improvement. 1t
opens, besides, in this new country, as it were, a
asylum to the oppressed of all nations, which,
in despite of the "Native American" prejudces of
the day, still continues to invite other people to cu-
tvate our lands, and contribute to progress. 1t
is our free institutions, more than any other cause,
which are drawing 'the course of empire" to the
WESTERN WoRLD.
We live, too, in an extraordinary age. Improve
ment seems to be the order of the day Science is
shooting forth in all directions Art is obtaining
the most brilliant trumphs over NATURE. The age
is advancing with the impetuosity of steam, TO which
it is so much indebted for its progress. Commerce
is expanding her wings under the impulse of a new
and stronger principle There seems, indeed, TO be
no limit to the progress of discovery and it is in
the midst of such an age, and at the metropolis of
this great country, that we are about to erect our
tent for the responsible purpose of maintaining the
true principles of our institutions. We almost
shrink back from the enterprise we have underta-
ken. But we at least bring TO the task spirit that
is devoted to LIBERTY, to UNION, and to our CoUN-
TRY; a heart that is proud of the name of AMERI-
CAN; some little experience in our business; zeal
that nothing subdue, and an industry that fears
no labor. With these feelings, we come to throw
ourselves upon the liberality of our countrymen.
We trust that we shall receive, if deserve, their
support. If we fail in an enterprise which might
almost appal the stoutest spirit, they will at least be
liberal enough to ascribe it to the want of power,
and not of willto the head that guides U.S. and not
to the heart that impels US.
OF one thing we may confidently assure the pub
lc-we approach the task with the deepest rever-
ence for the true theory of our political institutions.
Our confederated REPUBLIC is making new and
bold experiment in the SCIENCE of GOVERNMENT.
When look to the original form of the constitu-
ton, indeed struck with Its novelty and beau
ty. We see in 1t an attempt to ascertain how far
Iower can be so distributed between two GOVERN
mENTs as to prevent an excessive concentration and
consequent abuse Of it, in the federal ARM at the
time that much poicer conveyed to each,
to enable them to accomplish the objects to which
each of them was best adapted.
The FEDERAL government was principally to watch
over our foreign relations; that of the States was
particularly to take care of our internal concerns.
The federal government should have adequate
powers to maintain the peace and the rights Of the
Union abroad; but at home its office is to assist in
binding the Union together, by the benefits which
it showers around it, within certain prescribed lin
itsleaving the great mass of local matters to the
jurisdiction of the STATES, which better under
stand and more properly regulate them. Keeping
this general distinction in view, the constitution has
marked down the limits of the federal power, and IT
should be the duty of its authorities religously to
preserve them. Dissolution on the one hand and
consolidation on the other, being the extremes which
are to be carefully avoided, the constitution so
framed, and the government should be admins
tered as, whilst the federal power exercises its e-
gitmate functions, it should sacredly respect the
RIGHTS of the States and the rights of the people.
The federal government must, therefore, ever re-
member, that it has only certain limited powers,
which either specified in the constitution ITSELF
or which may be necessary and proper" for carry
ing out the specified powers. 1t cannot pass these
limits with impunity. 1t cannot interpolate any
powers by forced or fictitious constructions with
out producing some opposition from the parties to
the compact, or some remonsrance from the people.
Ii would never do, indeed, to give an unlimited
power to the federal head, the local interests
of the several parts. Our country covers extern
sive empire Ii embraces great variety of climates
and soils, occupations and of interests The OBJ
vious danger of too much federal legislation is, of
course, that it may affect these different interests in
very unequal degree. Whilst il seeks to admins
ter benefits to one section, it may impose burdens
upon another. Nor does the mischief terminate
here. Inequality prod ces complaint The suffer-
ing States become dissatisfied. One section not only
murmurs about the Partially shown to another, but
against the government which commits it. The
Union itself less respected because of the injustice
which it displays The only way of preventing
these injuries and these complaints is to administer
the government within the limitations Of the instru'
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