The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-07-09

we may look ON the relative strength Of England
and America, the happy circumstances in which we
are placed, our distance from Europe, our geograph-
zeal position the spirit and enterprise of our people,
the inexhaustbe resources Of our country, and the
relations in which we stand TO the other powers Of
Europe, put us in possession Of advantages, with
which the momentary preponderance of England
can never lastingly contend Our progress might,
IN war, receive check; but who will venture 10
say mat we Will not outgrow III A check TO Eng
iand is check to grown power, which dlminishes
the period Of her existence. We remain victori-
oas we are not conquered; England is defeated, If
she does not vanquish.
But one more argument, and am DONE The
sayeholding States, English writers aver, are the
heel OF Achilles Of America. Here, thew ayow il
one most vulnerable point and here no doubt, Eng
land proposes to attack US. But even in this, our
apparently weakest point we are strong from cir
cumstances. The wealth of our southern planters
is distributed over immense surface, Of which
the strongest enemy cam in the very worst case
overrun but very small portion. His march
would be impeded everywhere by natural obsta-
ces by the extreme devotedness and military spirit
Of our inhabitants by the difficulty which foreign
foe would find in establishing lines of communca-
tom and in the climate which, during at least one
half of the year, would prove most uncomfortable
impeachment 10 his progress. Agan that very
portion Of Union presents fewer harbors
and landing-places; and there is no one great
central point city, in which the wealth of the
try is concentrated, as it is in New York, Boston,
Philadelphia, or Baltimore, except perhaps Charles
ton and New Orleans, for the proper defence of
which it would be the duty of our government TO
provide. A landing effected in those places might
involve some loss; but enemy attempting to pro-
coed further into the INTERIOR could be harassed and
attacked all sides, and, without coming to def
mite engagement, cut TO pieces in detail Our South
militia, it must not be forgotten, with great
respect for the North be it spoken better organized
and equipped than that of the free States and resem
BILE, in this respect, our independent companies. A
noble martial spirit pervades them, and they are
fred with emulation and love of country. As to
the threat that England would proclaim the emanci-
patton of our negroes, it would be difficult, nay, i'm
possible in the first place, to give that proclamation
general circulation; and it would, in the second
be equally difficult to make the negroes accept Of
it. The condition of the free negroes in the West
Indies, is certainly not very tempting to our slaves
who are much better to do in the world than any
white or black pauper laborer subject to the Queen
of England. With much greater effect and ,oith the
certainty Of their being read could zoe send proclama
tons into Canada-not girt by a stormy ocean, but
accessible for two thousand miles and better, at
the head of fifty thousand militia-and respectfully
inquire of the habitanis' whether they feel disposed
to be annexed" That northerly point of England
is much more vulnerable than our southern States;
tor, with the loss of Canada, the chain of British
possessions would be broken up England would
be excluded from at least quarter of the globe,
or be condemned there to play, at best, but secon-
dairy part. Canada may be conquered, and main
famed AFTER the conquest. Can England hope to
take permanent possession of a single square yard
ofground on our southern COAST
Other, ADLER persons than myself, better acquaint-
ed with the localities, and the naval and military po
sition of our country, may, no doubt, find STRONGER
reasons why we need particularly alarmed at the
prospect of an immediate invasion; my purpose was
hort In exhiht tha md
ical advantages we possess over Great Britain. We
at this moment much more united States, than
our brethren the Atlantic subjects Of united
Kingdom We may have different sectional inter-
ests, but have different national aspirations
Ireland is TO England what the Yendee was TO Napo-
leon; and war with America, would be another Rus
sian campaign.
But have already pursued this subject too long.
England does not mediate war with the United
States for, she knows her own condition and ours
better than we imagine. Her hope is not in war;
but in Legislative division Of own statesmen.
There are very few prominent men in the United
States, whose portraits, drawn by some able dplo-
matte hand are not to be found in Downing street.
Are our diplomatists abroad equally skillful in de-
pictng the prominent characters of England for the
use Of the cabinet at Washington repeat it, the
hopes of England in our own internal divisions;
in the conflict between the wings and the democrat.
cparty; and not in what they might force US to ac
quiesce in by appeal to arms. Sir Robert
Pees declaration was particularly addressed to our
large commercial cities, and 20 the friends of MIR.
Webster in Congress. From the moment we are
united, England will yield Oregon--at least
sonabe terms--as she yielded Texas the moment
the election of Mr.. Polk was no longer matter of
doubt or uncertainty. 1t is portion of our own press
and our own statesmen, that by exaggerating the
strength Of England, and undertaking our own in
stituons and men, encourage our adversaries in the
attitude assumed against u.s. Let Texas be once
annexed, and public opinion in America be settled
that point and there will be less division on the
subject of Oregon among our own people, and, con-
sequenty less pretensien in regard to it on the part
of England.
Meanwhile France is approaching crisis. Louis
Philippe has not been able to obtain appropria-
ton from the Chambers for the Duke de Nemours;
and Without such an appropriation it is evident that
his regency, in case of the demise of the King, Is
only nominal, and the forerunner of some CRISIS
Whatever that may be, and in whatever manner "a
for time. England will feel it more than any other
country, for the money market will first be affected
by it. England owes her reform bill to the revolu-
ton of July;--no one can tell what Ireland may
to a change of government in Paris. That period
which, in the natural course of events is not far dis
ant-me hit, perhaps be improved for the definite
settlement Of the Oregon question. The Maynooth
bill will undoubtedly pass to third reading in the
House of Lords, and become an historical fixture.
The bill is of no consequence in point of money, but
of immense importance as marking an event in the
history of the British government. Il is the first
regular struggle against the landed propretors and
the established hierarchy--the first avowal on the
part Of minister's that the position Of the English oil
garchy is no longer tenable-that the structure Of
the British government must be radically changed.
England is in the midst ola revolution, Of which the
thinking statesmen are DESTROYS only to avoid the
immediate consequences, by wisely yielding that
which they have no longer the power to refuse.
The Queen will visit Prince Albert's relations in
Germany-duodecimo princes of the first magni-
tude; after which, she will descend the Rhine TO pay
visit to Prince Metenich, at his castle of johann
nesberg. Thus the projected visit to Ireland has
been given up, and that to Germany substituted for
it. So the United Kingdom will be blessed with an
other illustrious absentee. We shall see how the
British trades-people will like il. 1t is also said,
that the object of the Duke of Nemours's visit to
Windsor, is to press the Queen, on her return to
England, to stay short time in Paris, the shrewd
old man being DESTROYS to efface the impression
which the Queen Of England's sojonrn in the north
may produce on the disbelievers in new dynastes.
Whatever sympathy there NAV exist between the