The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1845-02-22
ANN K X A TON
SPEECH OF MIR. MERRlCK,
or MARYLAND,
In SENATE, FEBRUARY 81, lS45.

or MARYLAND,
In SENATE, FEBRUARY 81, lS45.
Mr.. MERRiCk obtained the floor and addressed
the Senate for about two hours strongly in favor oil
the Joint resolution now under consideration.
MT. M. said that the final hour OF this Congress
was rapidly approaching, and each moment was pre-
cious II not his purpose therefore, 10 consume
any of them idly or wanlony but his position com
PEELED him, on this important occasion, To consume
lust as many, and no more, might be necessary 10
place himself right before the country, and to pre-
sent to the consideration Of those around him, some
of the ideas which had presented themselves TO his
mind during the progress OF this discussion. we
were engaged Ia no ordinary act of legislation. we
had in hand subject which concerned the fate OF
empires, and which was 10 affect, for veal or Tor wo,
through ages yet 10 come, millions of the Anglo
Saxon rare. Ia the consideration Of SO grave and so
momentous a subject, IL appeared to him that the
statesman, in so vast matter, should seek judi
cious line Of scton in the sublime light Of reason
Firmly determined that this frame Of mind should
guide him. If possible he had stryen to bring himself
10 it, and he hoped he had succeeded and doubted not
that other gentlemen had made the effort, with
probably more success. Still, Il could not but strike
his mind as strange, and hard to be accounted for,
that we should find opinion upon this question very
nearly divided and, without intending TO reflect upon
any, he regretted to how difficult il TO rise
above the Influence Of prejudice, passion, and nte-
rest. II might be his case He did not claim exemp-
ton from the general Imperfections Of mankind. lie
hoped that in our councils, the advice of the mmor-
tai poet Burns would be borne in mind
"Calmly to scan
Our fellow man -
and he trusted he might be permitted to invoke for
himself the benefit Of this wholesome and wise adj
monltlon, and for those with whom he associated
hereto whom perhaps, the opinions he was about
to announce might possibly be unacceptable
The course of this debate in the order which had
been pursued, had wisely and appropriately postpon
ed all considerations Of eXpedency, however urgent
and striking they might be, TO the primary, and
deeper, and more vital question that had arisen, Of
the constitutional power Of Congress to effect the
end proposed by the joint resolution now before
the Senate
He agreed that this order was right and he con-
CURED most cordially and fully IN the sentiment
eloqueHtly expressed by his honorable friend from
Massachusetts, Mr. Choate a few days since, when
he said of Texas, that were she terrestrial paradise
her sands oil gold-her streams imperial nectar,
and her trees bearing golden irut-were she to give
US perpetual peace and llbertyyet, If the deed pro,
posed be done, be forbidden by sacred constItu
ton, she should not come INTO our Union. We had
all registered heaven oaths 10 observe the obliga-
uons Of that sacred instrument, under which had
all been educated, and to evince yeneration for
fathers who framed il. There could be no Sena-
sbllity of the obligation, we'll as his honorable
friend from Massachusetts, TO observe the letter and
split OF our sacred charter of liberty. But his hon
orable friend must excuse him, if he told him that he
Mr.. Choate was not only the defender and advocate
this floor Of that instruments but on the contrary
that the tendency Of the argument which he advanced
the other day, would be to tear in aers that sacred
lnstrument-srip 1t Of its fair proportious-mutlate
1t, and render inadequate TO accomplish those gOr
Gus ends for which It was designed.
The ends designed by the trainers of the consttu-
ton were plainly set forth in its preamble. He did
not mean 10 say that the power given there
but 1t showed the object. He would read them
They are:
To form more perfect uuion, establish Justice
insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common
defence, promote the general welfare and the
blessings OF liberty TO ourselves and our posterty."
There great scope here. These were the great
and glorious ends contemplated by the trainers of
tins instruments and IN framing ii, they designed to
give adequate power TO the Accomplishment of these
ends. The power in question could be shown it ap-
peared to him, TO be now indspen'abIy necessary 10
the accomplishment OF these great ends and to these
ends the annexation of Texas to this Union now ap.
peared TO him to be proclaimed TO be necessary by
the nature OF things and the condition Of the world
IN tones louder and more impressive than the tongues
Of ten thousand batteries. But of that presently
Let the present inquiry be as TO the power-the
power OF Congress TO admit this State into the Union
For that, let US turn to the sacred charter Itself
There was the Bible-there was the Scripture by
which American statesmen must govern their politi-
cal morals If we find not the grant Of power there let
US not assume that power. If find there and find
twse and necessary and expedent TO exert it now we
are bound to make use Of 1t. Now what is the Ian
suage of the constitution, "New States NAV be ad-
mltted by the Congress into the Union.n How planl
how explicit! how comprehensive Language could
not be palmer; and words could not show more d.
rectly and more certainly our authority and power to
pass the joint resolution on the table than these
words. II all the light of all the stars as the hon
orable Senator from Massachusetts Mr. Cboatel had
said, could be brought to shine upon it-yea; If all
the concentrated rays of all the suns that illuminate
the unnumbered worlds in the mikyway could be
brought TO shine upon the constitution this clause
would not be made palmer than it stands upon the
lace OF that instrument now, in these terms.
Gentlemen endeavor to explain away the direct
import, the inevitable, strong, PLAIN, simple meaning
OF the words used by those who framed the copstu
ton Now, one of two conclusions must be the re-
suit. You must come to either one or the other ri
the argument contended for on the other side that
these words do not convey the power which of their
own proper force propiO pigOre they do convey but
capable Of being explained away to suit any infer
ence they might choose TO draw from them-you must
come to one OF two conclusions either that those
sages and patriots who framed the constitution and
handed II down for the guidance Of those who fol-
io"ed, oid not know What they were about or what
they meant TO be misunderstood by their posterity-
If the import OF these terms, plain, direct and natu-
rally suggesting itself to be first blush of the mind
winch every man OF common sense and common an
PIehension must have unders ood had been intend.
ed TO give qualified and restricted power as sug.
gesed and contended for by gentlemen on The OTHER
SIDE was IT possible to think imagine that there
would not have been one, at least, among all
those sages, who during the progress of this clause
through the convention, during lis dssectons amend
ments alterations and notifications before its final
adoption IN the form in which stands written upon
the Constitution some one there who would have
said TO his associates These terms are too strong
these words are too comprehensive and may here.
after, by our posteiy, be understood to mean grant
OF power TO admit States from without as well as
within the Union' Therefore, as we ali unite-as
II is our known, understood fixed, and unanimous,
purpose, when we say new States may be admitted,
TO gIanl that Lnwer only for Tho aa..-a-... e -,