The Cadiz sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 184?-1851, 1845-03-12
PRESIDENT POLKaS
E~ssGsEONHGE address.

FELLow-CrrIzENs Without solicitation on my
part, | have been chosen by the free and volun-
tary s~uifrages of my countrymen TO the most
honorable and most responsible office on earth.
am deeply impressed with gratitude for the
confidence reposed in me. Honored with this
distinguished consideration at an earlier period
of life than any of my predecessors, | cannot
disguise the d,Aidence with which | am about
to enter on the discharge of my official duties.
If the more aged and experienced who have
filed the Office of President of the United
States, even in the infancy of the republic, dis
trusted their ability 10 discharge the duties Of
that exalted station, what ought not TO be the
apprehensions of one SO much younger and less
endowed, now that our domain extends from
ocean TO ocean, that our people have SO greatly
increased in numbers, and at a time when so
great diversity of opinion prevails in regard 10
the principles and policy which should charac-
terize The administration OF our government?
Well may the boldcst fear, and the wisest trem-
bic, when mourning responsibilities on which
may depend our country's peace and prosperity,
and, in some degree, the hopes and happiness of
the whole human family.
In resuming responsibilities SO vast, | %fervent-
" invoke the aid of that Almighty Ruler of the
universe, in whose hands are the destinies of
nations and ofmen, TO guard this heaven-favored
land against the mischiefs which without His
guidance, might arise from an unwise public
policy. With a firm reliance upon the wisdom
of Omnipotence to sustain and direct me in the
path of duty which | I'm appointed to pursue,
stand i'll the presence Of this assembled multi
tudc OF my countrymen, TO take upon myself
the solemn obligation, "to the best of my ability,
TO preserve, protect, and defend the constitution
of the United States.'
A concise enumeration ofthe principles which
viii guide me in the administrative policy of the
government, is not only in accordance with the
examples set ne by all my predecessors, but is
) eminently BETTING the occasion.
The constitution itself, plainly written as it is,
the safeguard of our federal compact, the off,
IspriDg Of concession and compromise, binding
together in the bonds of peace and union this
great and increasing family of free and indie
'Ipondent States, vii! be the chart by which |
shall be directed.
1t twill be my first care 10 administer the gov
ernmcnt in the true spirit of that instrument, and
10 assume no powers nor expressly granted or
clearly implied in its terms. The government
of the United States is one of delegated and
limited powers; ard it is by a strict adherence
to the clearly granted powers, and by abstain
ing from the exercise Of doubtful or unauthori-
zed implied powers, that we have the only sure
E guaranty against the recurrence of those unfor-
tunate collisions between the Federal and State
authorities, which have occasionally so much
disturbed the harmony of our system, and even
threatened the p~opetuity Of our glorious u
MON.
"To the States respectively, or 10 the people,"
have been reserved "tle powers not delegated
TO the United States by the constitution, not
prohibited by it TO the States" Each State is a
complete sovereignty within the sphere of its re-
served powers. The government Of the Union,
acting within the sphere of its delegated author
ity, is also a complete sovereignty. While the
general government should abstain from the OK
%erciso OF authority not clearly delegated TO it,
the States should be equally careful that, in the
maintenance of their rights, they do not over
step the limits Of powers reserved TO them.
One Of the most distinguished of my predeces-
sors attached deserved importance to "lhe sup
port of the State governments in all their rights,
as tho most competent administration for our
domestic concerns, and the surest bulwark a.
|gainst anti-republican tendencies;' and to the
"preseryation of the general government in its
whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of
our peace at home, and safety abroad"
To the government Of the United States has
been intrustod the exclusive management of our
foreign affairs. Beyond that, it Yields a few
general enumerated powers. 1t does not force
reform on the States. 1t leaves individuals,
over which it casts lis protecting Influence,
entirely free 10 improve their own condition by
the legitimate exercise of all their mental and
physical powers. 1t is a common protector of
each and all the States; of every man who lives
upon our soil, whether of native or foreign birth;
Of every religious sect, in their worship of the
Almighty according TO the dictates of their own
conscience; of every shade of opinion, and the
most free inquiry; of every art, trade, and occu-
patton, consistent with the laws of the States.
And we rejoice in the general happiness, pros
perity, and advancement Of our country, which
have been the offspring of freedom, and not of
power.
This most admirable and wisest system of
well regulated selfgoyernment among men,
ever devised by human minds, has been tested
by its successful operation for more than half a
century and, if preserved from the usurpations
of the federal government on the one hand, and
the exercise by the States Of powers not reser-
we'd TO them on the other, will,I f~erventIy hope
and believe, for ages to come, and dispense the
blessings of civil and religious liberty 10 distant
generations. To effect objects SO dear 10 every
patriot, | shall devote myself with anxious soli-
citude. 1t will be my desire TO guard against
that most fruitful source of danger 10 the har-
monious action Of our system, which consists in
substituting the mere discretion aud caprice of
the executive, orof majorities in the Legislative
department Of the government, for powers
which have been withheld from the federal gov
eminent by the constitution. BY the theory Of
our goYernmenf. mnioriflns rule. but this rirht is