The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-07-09
VIEWS FROM ABROAD


| VIEWS FROM ABROADl
We recommend the following letter 10 the earnes
attention of our readers. II is the second in the
SERIES The first deservedly received great attention
and admiration. Its author is man of great dis.
elimination thinks profoundly and writes forcibly
His views of the policy of Europe and of Amer.
ca are emnently worthy Of the notice of the Amer
lean politician. Cater as we may for the public
taste, we shall not be able to furnish up
thy repast to the readers Of the 'Union."
LONDON, June II, ls45.
The war fever, which was produced chiefly by
the cotton spectators, has entirely subsidized Tex
as is looked upon as virtually annexed, and Oregon
requires no immediate action. A war with the Uni.
ted States never entered seriously into the compua-
tons of British statesmen. Sir Robert Peels threat
in reply to President Folks manly declaration, was
neither nor less than an assurance to the cabi-
nets of Europe that England was prepared for war,
however disposed she might feel to make sacrifices
for the cake of peace. Already the French press
began to reproach the Guzot ministry with coward
ice quoting the example of the United States, "who
| obtained all because they were resolved to yield
nothing" Already had English buster and English
concessions to America become mock-words in dplo-
macy; and already had the English anti-slavery
crusade and the apprentice system connected with
it, been appreciated at their proper value England
could longer hope to obtain credit for generosity
and phiIanthfophy-term whose meaning had be-
come obscure by constant misapplIcation; and her
premier, therefore, resolved on show of strength,
to command at least the respect, since he could not
enlist the sympathy of the world. No sooner, how
ever, were Sir Robert Peel's words spoken and APP
plauded in Parliament, than panic seized the mon
eyed men Of England, and the ministerial journals at
tempted to explain and apologize for the conduct OF
their chief hone revived that the OREGON
question might, after all, be settled by treaty. that
it might be referred to arbtraton that, between two
great and generous nations, it might be decided by
argument, &c. But, unfortunately, the British pa
pers are read in the United States, and might undo
the effect Of Sir Robert Peel's warke Qualifications.
1t was, therefore, necessary sprinkle the words of
consolation addressed to British bond-holders and
manufacturers, with few grains of gunpowder, so
to make it act as gentle persuasive TO the world
generally and the United States in particular. 1t
remained to be seen whether the United States were
united in their resistance to British aggression, and
how far the eastern and southern States were pre-
pared TO incur the risks and chances of war. In
this respect, Sir Robert Peel's declaration feel
er thrown out to the American people, and answer
to the inaugural speech of President Polk. lfEngand
find us united, the wording of the threat is such,
that there is ample TO settle the Oregon ques-
ton peaceably, without yielding on the part of the
United States, or dishonor on the part of Great
Britain. England asserts that she has just "as good
a right to Oregon as the United States"-an
ton which, assuredly, does not invalidate our own
claims, or imply that she is unwilling to accept a
qid pro g,o if such one be offered her as she can
accept without disgrace. She almost invites us to
do so; for the whole English press aver that the
Oregon territory is Of no value, either to England
the United States, and that it is principally the
manner in which America claims it, to which Eng.
land feels bound to object Is not this hint that
England is disposed to make conveyance to us,
Co.. cIal1x
we are informed of her readiness to negotiate with
US for a new treaty of commerce and navigation
We have already lease Of Oregon: might we not
obtain release Of the remainder OF the estate, on
reasonable terms? As we have already effected an
entry, and in part taken possession Of it, am, in
common with the whole commercial world of Eu-
rope inclined to believe that she will rather be dis
posed for such a conveyance, than risk expensive
action for trespass and ejectment.
Whatever be the available means Of England,
(Which, by-the-by are egregiously overrated by
some journalists in the United States, she is obliged
to husband them all. If she be strong on many
points, she is also vulnerable in proportion If her
possessions "dot the globe" she has also provide
for and defend them. If she have possessions in
the Mediterranean, in the East and West Indies, on
the Cape of Good Hope, &c, she must also have a
feet in all these parts, which materially weakens
the active force she may employ against us If she
be the most powerful nation on earth," she is sure
also of having powerful rituals, against whom she
| must constantly be on her guard She cannot
therefore, ungarnish her coast, or diminish her
val force in the Mediterranean she must fortfy her
East India possessions, and she must look to her
new acquisitions in China. In challenging the
United States, she challenges power whose mari.
time skill is every whit equal to her own, and whose
people are even more daring and enerprising than
those of the British islands. Not the power that we
can muster at the present moment but that which,
by our infinite resources and the elasticity of our
he in the seal
against the fu-grown strength of Great Britain.
England has passed the meridian of manhood: we
are comparatively children. A war would take of
the exu6erance Of our youth; but it would waste the
substance of England. A war with America is a
hopeless war to England; for she has nothing to
gain, and all to lose in it. A war with America is,
on the part of England, an aggressive war, which
must make us strong, by defending our homes and
fresides. England has to come and attack us: we
have but to stay at home and defend ourselves II
we suffer losses we have powerfa, Palrio.lc peo'
nile in our rear whom we can draw for reinforce
ment, the losses of England must be repaired by
new ornaments.
If England be richer than ourselves, her wealth
is but relative. In of war, il is not sufficient
that England should put a pound where our gov
eminent is able to place dollar; if she would be
even with us, she must put pound where we stake
a New York shilling. Our standing army is small
and expensive; but our uniformed companies and our
militia are cheap and numerous. Within three
days. notice. we could gather force Of from ten to
twenty thousand uniformed men, and proportion
al number of militia in any of our large Atlantic
cities threatened with attack. Great Britain, to
concentrate such force on any one point of the
American coast, would have to expend, at the low
est calculation, sum of between two and three mil
lions sterling. Her soldiers hired laborers, serv-
ing for wages, not national troops, like the French
or the Russian. They must be paid for enistng, paid
for marching, paid for fighting, and paid after the
fight is over. Their officers are nationa but them
selves are mercenares, requiring to be led. How
many of them would desert, preferring life Of
quiet industry, to shilling day. with the prospect
of hospital They speak the same language as
ourselves; they have heard of America as the land
of plenty; they have relations here-espccially the
rsh--would not all thisse TO break their strength
and to render even their allegiance to England more
than doubtful True the British press has, by sys-
tematc abuse of America, poisoned the mind of the
English people against us; yet are they shopkeepers
enough to know that America is cheap, and England
dear that America is free, and England taxed to her
very eyes; that in America mans labor is his own,
and in England that of his landlord. These con-
I Ill.