The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-12-30

q OF Texas And how did they find the peculiar
E friends OF Texas welding peacei Did we for a
single instant find them adhering to the banks of
the Nueces! No: at a single bound the stream
! was cleared almost with the CELEBRITY OF thought
the intervening space is elenred and your warhorse
Frances TO The warike blasts Of the trumpet the
Q banks Of the Rio del Norte. Nearly one hundred
miles OIL disputed territory gives no cause for mo-
ments hesitation. Yet a whole empire on the Pa
cic coast is TO be given away il England but ask,
or threateh wer. He never would consent TO a SUR
render OF any portion of the country north at 40,
nor one ioot by treaty or otherwise under Say 40
|, Mr. CALHOUN (Who was imperfeclly heard by
me reporter) said that the views which governed
him on the Texas question governed him on this.
lie pursued the best mode, according his Judgment,
TO save IT, Ii he acted with pronptness ami bold
ness on that question, it was because promptness
would secure it, Ii there had been delay, Texas
4 would have been lost, and forever If the senator
would refer to his remarks delivered in le43, he
would hnd the views which governed him then and
4 now. lie would not go into the question nowi but
he would be prepared to show, if argument could
show, that the course pursued by the senator from
lndiana-if the principles in these resolutions should
be adopted-tha so far from gaining one inch Of Ore
gon, we should lose every inch. If his advice had
been aken they would never have been involved
on this question. He acted under circumstances,
not by HIMSELF to do the best he could to the
territory II they were look at Oregon properly,
they would find it as valuable to us as Texas. II
they disagreed it was the means Of securing Ore
gon, and not as to its importance. When he arose,
he intended to say nothing than that by impli-
caton the senator censured the President for offer
ing the forty ninth degree to Great Britain He did
4 not suppose that In any other way, the senator
fected upon the President
i Mr.. HAYWOOD, in the course Of his remarks,
SAID that whenever 1t was proper, or the exgency de-
manded t-and whenever the Senate should see prop
er TO advise the President to surrender the negotas
uon on the subject of Oregon and transfer it to the
Senate, and wash his hands Of THE was willing,
for the love Of country and in the fear of God to
take It up. Until then, he would oppose either CEN
surfing or lauding the President pending the negoa-
ton He would make a motion to preclude the
Senate from the Consideration Of the subject at pres.
ent, though he should have the misfortune to vote
aone and he therefore moved to lay the resolutions
on the table.
Mr.. CALHOUN remarked, that he had not laud-
ed the President, nor did he say that the senator
from Indiana had condemned him. 1t was very
clear that the sense of the Senate on his amend
ment would draw very plainly their views to the
permanent settlement Of the question: and for that
reason he submitted the amendment.
Il MIR. ARCHER said il seemed to him a matter
lInmaerial as to the disposition which the Senate
} should make Of these two propositions. In his
opinion, the great object was accomplished by the
discussion which had taken place. And he rose for
the purpose of expressing his profound satisfaction
with the attitude which had been taken by the sena-
tor from South Carolina. He confessed (and he
had had occasion to cay so before) that he came
here with great apprehension as to the direction
which would be given to this question: but he hail
ca, IN the attitude OF the senator from South Caro-
Ina, an undoubted omen OF peace. In his place,
therefore, he proclaimed il to the country, because
It afforded evidence to him. as it did to the country
that they on that Mr.. ARcHER's side of the SEN
ate had friends on the other desrous to maintain
peace lie designed to say that The word meant no
other than honorable peace; and if it was possible
there were members in this Senate willing to make
sacrifice of the honor Of the country, in the ad-
ustment of this question: they would not dare to en-
hibt themselves to the Indignation or their country
men, The coed and the bad men here (if such there
BEL would be equally found to unite in the mainte-
| nance OF the honor of the country But whoever
heard, until few days since, of the honor of the
country being involved by taking threaten
ing atudel Was not General JACKSON siren
10 enough il the preservation Ct the honor
down during the eight years Of his adminisra-
ton. 1t was no dshonqr then to let the question
stand IN this position. But what made the great
change noW were we more sensitive to honor
than General Jackson and his predecessors had
been? In his opinion there would be peaceful re.
suit IN farther negotiation, if observations, preu-
dcia IN their tendency, were not made that floor
What were the feelings which we INDUCED, and the
spirit presented to the country, whenever the ques
ION was brought up in the houses of the British
hance, but of insult against the administration of
that country. Had We listened here to terms of
conciliation and peacei No; but could we not re-
verse the picture and apply it to ourselves II the
i British Parliament took OCCASION at the commence
ment as well as IN the progress Of the negotiation
TO indulge in contumely towards us, what ought
we to expect from the Adversary Was it not pos
slble, IT the facts were reversed and this and
manner assumed, that we would say eve refuse all
conciliahonf" However, he repeated that ii might
go abroad to the whole country, that the proceed
ings which had taken place here were omens of
| peace, and honorable peace. And this con-
troyersy if we did not prevent it, can be ter
minated, and with honor to the country He
believed as firmly as any conviction in his life,
that 1t would be terminated with honor, unless
interrupted by some misconduct or indiscretion on
that floor. He was Indifferent whether the resolu-
tons should be laid on the table discussed; and
he put it to honorable senators on both sides,
what difference would it maker Suppose the res
oiut'ons should be laid the table, In conformity
with the motion of the senator from North Carolna
did the senator suppose that the discussion of this
subject would terminate Did he not know that
there were various other forms in which II could come
up' There might be difference as to forms, though
1 he did not see their importance. Discussion might
arise; he hoped It would, but under circumstances
which would communicate less alarm to the coun-
| try than similar debates had occasoned
la message was received from the President of
the United States, informing the Senate that he had
approved and signed bill for the extension of the
laws of the United States over the State of Texas,
and for other purposes.
| Mr.. JOHN M. CLAYTON assured the hon.
orable senator from North Carolina, [Mr. HAY
WOOD, that If he should move to let the resolutions
lie on the table, he should have his (Mr. c. s) vote
He fully concurred in the opinion that they were
bound to abstain from all discussion on the sub
ject-fnatter contained In the resolutions whilst the
negotiation was pending, except in far as the ac-
ton Of the Senate In executive session was con-
cerned. He trusted that the senator from South
Carolina MIR. CALHOUN would move to let the res
olutlons lie over for the consideration of the cxecu-
tive branch of the Senate, to which they more APP
| propriately belonged; that was the appropriate
place. for discussion, if it should arise. But he
lMr. CO. deprecated every attempt at discussion
before the country, if it be the intention of any
party thus to prepare the country for war. The
President of the United States had the power of
initiating all these matters; it their business to
wait until he had informed them officially if a treaty
was made, and then they could discuss the subject
He would ask the Senate, if by this discussion
they did not express opinions whilst the matter