The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-12-26
CONGRESS IoNAL.
SPEECH OF MR.. NILES,
OF CONNECTICUT,


country
MIR. NILES said; In rising yesterday to address
The Senate il was not his Intention TO ptolonl
this debate, entertaining, as he did, doubts wheihe
This unexpected discussion upon subject so grav'
and important before senators could hardly be sup
posed TO have deliberately made up their judgments
was not calculated TO lead TO hasty committalS MOI
was he without some appre tensions that It's lnllu
ence a, home, ifnot abroad, might have an unavorab,
tendency. This, MIR. N. said y he was aware woult
depend much on the character of the debate, and o
the decision which might be had on the resolution;
which were the subject of il. His principal objec
was TO endeavor TO prevent misapprehcnslou o.
the sentiments of at least some OF those on this sid,
of the chamber II appeared to have been assumed
by the two gentlemen on the other side, MIR. MAN
cuM and Mr.. ARCHER, who had addressed The
Senate that these resolutions are regarded on this
side of the house as a war measure, and on thi,
assumption, the remarks Of those gentlemen appear
10 have been made. This, he believed, was not the
case Il certainly was not the view which he took Of
the subject.
These resolutions, (said Mr.. N. y proposing only
an inquiry through the committees of the Senate
into the condition of the defences of the country
would, IA ordinary circumstances, and independent
of the present state Of relations with one OF the
great powers of the world, excite no special inter
est and their adoption would be matter of
IL was true, they were very comprehensive in theii
scope, and proposed an inquiry into every branch
of national deience-the army, the navy, fortfca
tons, ordnance military stores, and the reorganiza:
ton of the militia But Notwithstanding this ex-
tcnsye inquiry into the defences of the country, the
great interest given to them their assumed
nexion with the peculiar relations of the United
States with Great Britain, in regard TO the Oregon
territory and the debate has taken that direction,
aud the grave question Of the conflicting claims of
the two countries In regard to thai territory, has
been brought into direct discussion For himself,
he should regret that the debate on these resolu.
iions should give them character which did
not necessarily nor properly belong to them.
lie could not regard this as war measure;
yet he would not deny that il had some con.
nexion with the present aspect of our relations
with the power referred to. II, in acting these
resolutions II is proper to look at the state of the
controversy with Great Britain, the proper question
seemed TO be, whether this such measure as
the present condition Of our relations with England
demanded; whether it would have been wiser to
have pursued more temporzing policy, to have de-
iayed bringing this controversy TO decision, and
awaited ourselves Of what a distinguished senator,
not yet IN his seat, Mr.. CALHOUN, called in his
peculiar and strong language, "mastery mac
uyity" Is now OF no importance 10 consider. The
Time for that policy has gone pact; we have acted;
we have attempted TO assert our rights by egisla.
non as well as by negotiation, and have encouraged
the settlement Of the territory, and emgrants from
the States have gone there IN large numbers, that
Oregon rs now TO be considered in sbme measure, as
settled country. Not only the United States, but
Great Britain also, seems to have considered that
this disputed territory could not properly safely
remain longer ia its present situation, but that the
time had come for settling the claims or pretensions
of the two countries in regard 10 it, Believing this
on both sides, negotiation had been opened and
continued for a. length OF time; propositions had
been made OF both sides, fully discussed, and this
negotiation was now brought 10 close. The prop
oslilon on the part OF our government, offered on
the basis OF compromise TO decide the territory in
dispute having been rejected had now been with
drawn, 50 that the negotiation was no longer pend
ing aud the President had communicated the pro-
gress of the negotiation and the Of It's ermi-
nation to Congress.
Such, Mr. President, is the present condition Of
this controversy; and the question now seems to
arise, what Is to be done In the present aspect of the
cas'-whether there is anything for Congress TO do
and If so, what measures are we called on to adopt
The honorable senator from North Carolina Mr..
MANGuM,l if he tMr NJ understood him, seemed
To suppose that we had nothing to do. He consd-
cred the question with the Executive, and he
preferred to leave It in his hands. He had great
confidence in the President, and chose TO let
this whole matter remain with him, where he
thought il more properly belonged, and would be
tor perceive that this subject is no longer with the
Executive; that he has done all that he do; that
he has handed IL over TO us, with his recommends
ton of certain measures on the part Of Congress
for the protection of our citizens in the territory and
urged the assertion Of rights the extent they
be asserted under the existing treaty. repeat,
(said Mr.. Nd this subject is with u.s. and the
responsibility is upon US. What would senators
do' Would they do nothing, and leave our inter-
ests to take of themselves when the territory is
rapidly settling with our citizens; Would
they rccede from the stand we have taken; Have
we not conceded enough; would they advise to
further concessions for the sake of peacei What
ever may be thought Of the concessions which have
been protered to preserve the relations Of peace be-
tween the two countries, there few, he believed
10
deem such a course consistent with the national
honor.
MIR. N. considered our course a plain one--so
clearly indicated by the circumstances Of the case
that the wayfaring man could hardly mistake il.
Having failed to obtain our rights by negotiation
1t became our duty to assert and maintain them by
legislation. We were called on to protect our citi-
zens in the territory, and to extend jurisdiction
over It, so far as we are enabled to do consistent
ly with the existing treaty He was prepared not
only to do this, but to go farther and give the notice
to terminate the joint occupation, and thus relieve
ourselves from the endorsements Of the treaty.
in extending our jurisdiction over our citizens
now settled in the territory, we should do no more
than Great Britain had long since done. She had
extended her laws over her subjects in the territory
and virtually annexed il TO, and made it part of
the territory of Canada; she had established forts
there, and had an extensive trade with the natives
III that country. Is it not right for to do for
citizens what she has done for hers, And as there
ulDeS Wltnln the tCfrtOry which
we claIm as belonging TO the United States he
would establish Indian agencies, TO preserve
peace between those tribes and tho settlers. He
would also encourage emigration into the territory
aud establish such posts as might be necessary for
this object
In regard 10 giving the notice to terminate the
JOINT occupation, he believed the time had come for
this measure; the security and peace Of the territory
ii not between the two countries, he thought, de-
nanded it. This joint occupation must have origi-
naly been intended 10 continue long only as the
territory remained unsettled and unoccupied except
by persons engaged in trade with the natives. That
period had gone past; the territory now to he
regarded as settled country; emierpDts going
there IN large masses, and being citizens of the Uni
ted States and within the territorial limits of the
United States, we called on to protect them,
which could not be effectuoly done without estab-
fishing Territorial government, which cannot he
done during the continuance of the Joint occupation.
\ concurrent or joint Jurisdiction by two indepen-
Gent haticns over territory settled by civilized