Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1845-01-18

slave property. In the frstp answer that in my opin
ion, slave property is in DANGER and has BEEN
unless can be taken from by harmless petition for the
abolition Of slavery in the District Of Columbia Further thar
that they he abotonsts have yet gone except in the
way OF kidnapping and aordng facilities TO runaway slaves
But these individual ansgessions such cannot be
ey prevented any more than any other form OF crime
offence II is only by the law but by the
law is punishable. Southern men, and Southern members
of Congress, have done endanger the institution
slavery and Jy design, too to effect political objects, than all
the unaded Vaccinations OF the abolonists Gould have
compished in a century.
But is the protection of slave property secure
being protected and encouraged and guaranteed by consu
tonal provisions in separate independent neghborng
Republics, than could be the were thrown into
The utmost that the Abolition party this country has been
charged WITH is desire to drive slavery from the limits Of the
United States they desire to be what they citizens of
country essentially free every and Texas brought
into the Union, and their power increasing and is likely
ultimately overthrow the institution Of slavery in the South
States will it not be much their object to abolish it in
what called Texas but would then be part Of the
United States t
would say them if needed protection to this interest
which have never beleveor, happily there is other
State the Union like that Of South Carolina whose unwse
and mpeuous legislation better calculated to DESTROY than TO
uphold the institution particularly when she drives from her
borders and prepares for the punishment peaceabe citizen
who sent by sister State, not emissay to violate
her laws but as agent to test their unconsuonay by
Judicial proceedings Isay, need this protection let us
rather seek to foster and encourage negbong Republic
of Texas TO maintain her independence and to be ready at all
times to unite with us IN its Defence if unhappy should
ever be forced to separation from the North that account
for then her interest would drive her alliance with u.s. for
the protection of the same property within her limits
Another argument that has been urged with apparent
earnesness Is that must take Texas else Great Britain
would This has been particularly dve upon in letters sand
TO hare been tea by General Jackson and to this an
swer in the first place. that Great Britain has no such design
credit is to be attached to the most solemn dsavowas that
can be made by Government that has respect for its honor
although be of power. Such purpose has
been discamed by the Ministry of England on the floor of
and repeated here by authority by her Minister
Washington In the second place. answer that, If this dis
caer had not been made there has been eason of
the slightest character suspect her of such purpose II
only upon the futile imagination Of the designing and in
terested Thirdly, answer that it bears mproay its
ace for England could only desire colonze Texas for the
benefits resulting from the production and she knows
know that the climate of that part of Texas adapted
the growth Of cotton be endured by white aborer and
that slave labor alone could be made profitable in the cuva
OF the cotton CROP and slave labor is what she does
tolerate Fourthy Great Britain desired get possession
of Texas there apprehend that the people of
Texas would be at all disposed to form such alliance.
But lastly Great Britain in actual occupation Texas
do not believe it would be of the least advantage
time of war, ofnury Let appropriate S. 000 900
So 900 the establishment of naval depot and fort
at Pensacola and hold the lock and key the Gulf of
Mexico, and with the inexhausbe supplies of timber the
mississippi and with the hardy of the great valley of the
West to say nothing of the improvements and late dscove
es in regard to harbor defences might at all times
such force OF armed steamships into the Gulf would render
quite impractcabe for British fleet reach Galveston
communicate with Texas would be sail the Rocky
Mountains would for these reasons therefore, rather
England in possession Of Texas than Of another point which
fear would be the consequence of the occupation Of Texas
by the United Statesand that is of Cuba plausible pree
would be afforded her accomplish this end if grasp at
Texas; and that would prove infinitely advantageous
her. and disastrous to than her. occupation of Texas
think, upon the WHOLE that the last argument have heard
this subject perhaps the best it that of
old Major Dayezac, French soldier under Gen. jackson
at the battle OF New Orleans who, from what follows knows
presume, about much Of free government turkey-cock
suttng In barn yard, but through the country last
fall and hailed by the chief Of the Democratic papers, par
culary the Richmond Enquirer great and efficient De-
nocatc orator He told that he had learned profound
maxim from his great patron Gen. Jackson, and that was,
that we must obey the geography of the country rather than
the Constitution Of the country for the geography of the
country made by God, and the Constitution of the coun
try made by and that wanted Texas for the
Of the buaoes of the West winter pasture which senti
ment speech published and praised the conductors of
the Enquirer say that this though last is the least of
the arguments in its favor if it the best for the bu
loes certainly have for than have salts
fed they would derive far benefit from the than
we the people you want Reputation, Dorsm, Mobocra
cy, Jacobnsin word il YOU want Locofocoim in its
widest most exravagant and destructive FORM flourish
throughout the land in all Its vgor take Texas if not be
satisfied to let well enough alone, and let Texas alone
buf Tune and circumstances might all the objec-
lions have urged thus far there is another that have
reserved to the last which, at present advised
yield.
do not profess belong that school Of strict cosuc
oniss who find constitutional warrant for whatever
enormty they may desire commit and deny all powers
to their peculiar interests wishes ahoughth
may have been exercised from the foundation Of the Govern
nent by the fathers of the Republic and the trainers of
hat sacred instrument Nor of those who have
aside that fundamental law Of the Union prescribing the pow
srs OF the several departments Of Government idle and
useless parchment claim TO give fair liberal, and intel
gble construction under which Government may be wisely,
udcousy, and virtuously administered. Nor am what is
meant an ats modern sense, State-ghtsman, denying all
powers to the General Government On the contrary, hold
myself az much bound 70 that the Federal Government is
deprived OF the exercise Of Of its delegated powers
that exercises none that is not by fair nterpre-
aton exSded to il and therefore deny the constitutional
power of Congress, branch of it, any department of
Inc Government either by treaty. BILL joint resolution, to
annex this Government Texas Texas and should
in Congress, feel myself bound resist il in any form in
which IL can be presented.
Let examine this question with the delberaon which
Is Importance demands.
What is annexation Is it more or less than to unite and
incorporate two separate distinct sovereign Powers Govern
ments INTO one Ii snot the question of the acquisition
o. territory, but LET me repeat proposition To incorporate the
two Governments of Texas and the United States into
When was this question before presented to conde
ration except in the Of Texas herself in 1867 when
found advocates and the proposition could not be said to
have been entertained with decent respect Perhaps
reason that there not then many land and scrip
holders IN the United States the wise head
that now holds the dcsnes of the naon of men, in the
hollow OF his hand, suitably occupied before
JUSTICES court: may be that the great negoator himself
looked then rather to his elevation power than the
overthrow Of rival who lowered above his head But
ula. ne