Southport telegraph. [volume] (Southport, W.T. [i.e. Kenosha, Wis.]) 1840-1850, 1845-08-12

between US. lie thinks there is no slavery
except Southern slavery r and that there is
no possible condition Of misery equal to tina,
Of the Southern slave. We think there is
slavery, wherever, through avaice, men by
means either directly or indirectly procure
and appropriate TO themselves, the toll and
labor Of those around them withou: labor on
their part; and we think there is condi-
lion Of things in Europe the result Of this
principle which is worse, in all its features
THAI soulher slavery. The distinction he
makes; and which is the ground Of his opin-
ion that southern slavery, is the worst con-
dilion of the earth, is, that ''men are legal
ly bought and sold as they buy and sell cat
tie, horses or mercha ndise-they have no
rights, political, social, or PERSONAL; they are
in short in the eyes of the law, and in the
principles of their treatment, not men, but
chai,eIs and merchandise" Now we do
not oil jact to the hideousness Of this fea-
ture, nor its outrageous character. We
have contended, that although, we may call
them bv different names, yet precisely the
same results follow the system of indirect
slavery, bringing it up 10 a parallel with di-
rect slavery in all its hideousness. On this
ground we contend that slavery is the result,
of principle ofihe mind at present univer-
sal 10 the world, and particularly to the cir-
iH.cd portion, which will manifest itself, Ell
Their directly or indirectly, and that there
fore. When the abolitionists seek only TO
modify the statutes of the southern states,
they stop FIR short ofthe source of the evil +,
IN gh, be vastly better employed.
Let MS examine our grounds little. The
editor of the Freem,n wars against southern
| slavery, because OF his reasons quoted a.
bove. We contend that precisely the same
results attend different state of laws
Bought aud soil. are simply words, useful
as conveying to the mind certain condition
VIII ch condition is, that the individual is
liable at any time, to be transferred, to be
sent hither and ihiiher, TO haze his will SUBJ
servient to another, to be permitted no fixed
purposes, designs, sc. No rights, political,
social, nor personal, means, we suppose,
that they cannot interfere in the government,
they cannot control their own children, nor
themselves. Suppose precisely the same
condition Of things exists in o:her parts of
the void, but other terms are used TO de.
signa.e il; is it worth while to quarrel about
these terms? or if we reach them and re-
model them, shall we effect good? But the
question is, does this condition exis, in any
other portion of the world, under different
names and Institutions. Need we argue
this pint? The slave is kept al his task day
after day by the lash of the task master; the
operative goes to his labor day after day,
under the influence of a motive as keen and
powerful, for cunning men have devised
laws by which he is compelled TO exetevery
nerve every hour, under The poualiy Of star
walton of himself and family. 1t is said he
his social, political, and personal rights.
Suppose one individual has control over The
source of anoiber's existence, has he no,
control over his life? and has the southern
shareholder more over his slavel Cin
there be any social, political, or PERSONAL
rights under those circumstances. But we
are told, the stakeholder Can separate fami-
lies, &c. So can the man who controls The
source Of anolher's life. He can force to
starvation, and if the individual IS too poor
to seek another soil, he must subsist by
crime. Is moi the world filled with those
who have been compelled to sever every ia
mily tie to seek in other lands the subs
tence denied them at home? is not Van
Dicman's land filled with husbands separa.
ted from wives, wives from husbands, chill
dren from parents, &C.; and are not English
Ijails, aims houses, poor houses, work houses,
&c. full Of similar cases? and arc there not
tens Of thousands who subsist by beggary
and crime and have not where to lay their
heads, travcrsing the streets of all the En-
glish citiese But they have soc "a, political,
and personal rights. Yes, the social right
of attending their wives 10 an un,imely grave
and their children to the aims house or
house of corrcction-,he political right of
being the tool of the man who gives them
bread; and The personal right of doing as they
please and starving to death. These are
their social. political, and personal rights
Aud here we come TO the point which
makes the difference between our action
and that Of The editor of the freeman. We
see this result in Europe brought about
mainly by bad state of laws. These laws
are contrived by this avarice Of which we
speak, and are manifest ia taxes, in legalized
nonopolies, tariffs upon the accessories of
life, entail of property, support Of church,
indeed, in nnumerable ways. We see
disposition in our own country TO adopt as
far as possible, this same system. Would it
not be attended by precisely the same re-
sultss and had we no, vasl y better maintain
by organized Political action determined
oppos ton to such encroachments, than TO
neglect them in crusade against these
southern statutes. But our abolition friends
will say, you democrats are not what you
/ profess TO be; you do not do these things.
1t was the democratic party which in oppo-
silon TO the wing party destroyed the Uni
ted States Bank; il is the democratic party
which wars against special privileges aud le-
gal zed monopolies of all kinds, which will
modify and break down the present tariff,
and SO continue till all restrictions of this
character are removed. |, is oppressive re-
stnctitns which in England make men
slaves; il is the absence of them which will
make them free: and when men are free both
| n think and not riubt triu,pnb, ,,d ,,roru