The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-12-03

4
ment. In the event of war, nearly all the high du
ties would become prohibitoiy, from the increased
risk and cost Of importations; and If there be, in
deed, In the opinion of any, serious danger Of
such an occurrence, it appeals most strongly to thei
patriotism to impose the lowest revenue duties on
all articles, rs the only Of securing, at such
period, any considerable income from the tariff
The whole power to collect taxes, whether direct
or indirect, is conferred by the same clause of the
constitution. The words are; "The Congress shall
have power to lay and collect taxes, duiies mposis
and excuses" A direct tax excise, not for reve-
nue., but for protection, clearly would not be within
the legitimate object OF taxation; and yet il would
be as much so a. duty imposed for a similar pur-
pose. The power is "to lay and collect taxes duties
imposts, and excuses" A duty must be laid only thai
II may be collected; and. il il is 80 imposed that i,
cannot be collected, in whole in part il violates
the declared object ofthe granted power. To lay
all duties high that none Of them could be collect
ed, would be prohibitory tariff. To lay q duty on
any one article SO high that it could not be collect
ed, would be prohibitory tariff upon that article
II duty Of 100 per cent. was imposed upon all OF
upon number Of articles to diminish the rev.
enue upon all or any of them, il would operate as
partial prohibition A partial and total prohibition
alike in violation Of the true object of the tax
ing power They only differ in degree, and not in
principle. lfthe revenue limit may be exceeded one
per cent, it may be exceeded one hundred. II il
may be exceeded upon any one article, il may be
exceeded on all; and there is no escape from this
| conclusion, but in contending that Congress may
lay duties all articles high as to collect no rev.
enue, and operate as a total prohibition.
The constitution declares that "all bills for rails.
ing revenue shall originate in the House Of Repre-.
senialives" A tariff bill, it is conceded can only
originate in the House, because it is bill for raising
rerenue. That is the only proper object Of such .
hill. A tariff is bill to clay and collect taxes" II
is bill for cruising revenue;'' and whenever it de-
parts from that object, in whole in part, either by
total or partial prohibition, it violates the purpose Of
the granted power
In arranging the details Of the tariff il is believed
that the maximum revenue duties should be imposed
upon Injuries. II is deemed Just that taxation
whether direct or Indirect, should be as nearly as
practicable in proportion to property. If the whole
revenue were raised by tax upon property, the
poor, and especially those who live by the wages
labor, would pay but very small portion Of such
tax; whereas, by the tariff, the poor, by the con
| sumption Of various imports, or of domestic art
ces enhanced in price by the duties, pay q much
larger share Of the taxes than if they were col
lected by an assessment in proportion to prop
er,y. To counteract, as far as possible, thi.
effect Of the tarif--to equaze its operation, and
make it approximate as nearly as may be TO .
system of taxes in proportion to propery--tht
duties upon Injuries, used almost exclusively by
the rich, should be fixed at the highest revenue
standard. This would not be discriminating ir
favor Of the poor, however Just that might b,
far as practicable, that discrimination against tn,
poor which results from every tariff, by compelling
them to pay larger amount Of the taxes than i
assessed and collected on all property in proportion
to its value. In accordance with these principles
it is believed that the largest practicable portion o
| the aggregate revenue should be raised by maxi
mum revenue duties upon Injuries, whether grown
produced, or manufactured, at home or abroad.
An appeal has been made to the poor by tn,
friends Of protection, on the ground that il aug
mcnts the wages Of labor In reply, it is commended
that the wages Of labor have not augmented sine,
the tariff Of 1912, and that IN some cases they has'
diminished.
| Where the number of manufactures is not great
| the power Of the system TO regulate the wages o
labor is inconsderabe; but as the profit Of capita
invested in manufactures is augmented by the pro
/ tective tariff there is corresponding increase o
power, until the control of such capital over thu
wages Of labor becomes irresistible. As this powe
is exercised from time to time we find it resisted
| by combinations among the working classes--by
turning out for higher wages, or for shorter time; BY
trades union; and in countries, unfortunately
by violence and bloodshed But the government
by protective duties, arrays itself on the side of tn,
manufacturing system, and, by thus augmentng Ia
wealth and power, soon terminates in its favol
| the struggle between man and money--betweer
capital and labor. When the tariff Of 1886
was enacted, the maximum duty was 20 pei
cent. BY that act, the average of duties OF
But the wages Of labor did not increase in cores
ponding ratio, or in any ratio whatever. On The
contrary, whilst wages in some cases have diminish
ed, the prices OF many articles used by the working
classes have greatly appreciated.
protective tariff is question regarding the en-.
hanccment Of the profits of capital. That Is its OBJ
ject, and not TO augment the wages of labor, which
would reduce those profits. 1t is question of per
centage, and is to decide whether money vested in
our manufactures shall by special legislation, yield
profit Of ten, twenty, or tlity per cent, or wheth
er il shall remain satisfied with dividend equal to
that accrung from the same capital, when invested
in agriculture, commerce, or navigation.
The present tariff is unjust and unequal, as well
IN It's details MS in the principles upon which 1t is
founded. On some articles, the duties are entirely
prohbitory, and on others there is partial pro-
hbition. II discrminates in favor Of manufactures,
and against agriculture, by imposing many higher
duties upon the manufactured fabric than upon the
agricultural product out of which il is made.
II discriminotes in favor of the manufacturer, and
against the mechanic, by many higher duties upon
the manufacture, than upon the article made out OF
it by the mechanic II dscrimnates in favor Of the
manufacturer and against the merchant, by injurious
restrictions upon trade and commerce; and against
the ship building and navigating interest, by heavy
duties on almost every article used in building or
navigating vessels II discrminates in favor Of man
ufactures,and against exports, which are as truly the
product of American industry as manufactures. u
poor, by high duties upon nearly all the necessaries
of life, and by mnmums and specific duties, render
ing the tax upon the real value much higher on the
cheaper than upon the finer article.
Minimuins are q fictitious value, assumed by
law, instead Of the real values and the operation Of
all minimus may be illustrated by single example
Thus, by the tariff Of 1912, duty Of 80 per cent
ad vaorem is levied on all manufactures Of cotton;
but the law further provides that cotton goods noi
dyed, coorcd, printed, or stained, not exceeding in
value twenty per square yard, shall be valued
at twenty cents per square yard" II, them the real
value Of the cheapest cotton goods is but four cents
square yard, it is placed by the law at the false
value Of twenty cents per square yard, and the duty
levied on the fictitious withdrawing it Ave times
higher on the cheap article consumed by the poor,
than upon the fine article purchased by the more
wealthy. Indeed, by House document No. BOG,
Of the lst session Of the 25th Congress, this diff
ference, by actual importation, was 65 per cent. be
tween the cheaper and the finer article Of the 90
percent minimum, l3l per cent on the 30-per-cent
minimum, 49, per cent on the 35-pcrc cent mini.
mum, "a per cent. on the 60-percent. minimum, and
Ma inf nil inn