The spirit of democracy. [volume] (Woodsfield, Ohio) 1844-1994, 1845-12-27

duty Of 100 per cent was imposed upon all or upon
number OF articles, so as to diminish the revenue
upon u or any of them, it would operate par
tial prohibition. A partial and total prohibition
are alike in violation Of the true object of the tax.
ing power, They only differ in degree, and not in
principle. II the revenue limit may be exceeded
one per cent, il may be exceeded one hundred -
| lfit may be exceeded upon any one article lit may
be exceeded on all; and there is no escape from
1 this conclusion, but in contending that Congress
may lay duties on all articles high to collect
no revenue, and operate as atotal prohibition.
The constitution declares that "all bills for ras-
! ing revenues shall originate in the House of Rep
resentatve." A tariff bill, 1t is conceded can only
originate in the House, because il is bill for raising
revenue. This is the only proper object of
such bill. A tariff is a bill to "lay and collect
taxes" II bill for "raisng revenue;" and
whenever it departs from that object, in whole or
in part, either by total or partial prohibition, it
| violates the purpose of the granted power.
In arranging the details of the tariff, it is believed
that the maximum revenue duties should be i'm
posed upon Injuries. II is deemed Just that taxa
ton, whether direct or indirect, should be as near
ly as practicable in proportion to property. If the
whole revenue were raised by tax upon proper
ty, the poor, and especially those who live by the
wages of labor, would pay but very small portion
of such tax whereas, by the tariff the poor, by the
consumption of various imports, or of domestic ar
ticles enhanced in the price by the duties, pay a
much larger share Of the taxes than if they were
collected by an assessment in proportion to proper
ty To counteract, far possible, this effect of
the tarif--to equalize its operation, and make it
approximate as nearly as may be TO a system OF
taxes in proportion to property-the duties upon
luxuries, used almost exclusively by the rich,
should be fixed at the highest revenue standard -
| This would not be discriminating in favor ofthe
poor. however Just that might be within the rev.
enue limit; hut il would mitigate, "a, tar as pract-
cable, that discrimin alton against the poor which
results from every tariff, by compelling them to
pay larger amount of the taxes than if assessed
and collected on all property in proportion to its
value. In accordance with these principles, it Is
believed that the largest practicable portion of the
aggregate revenue should be raised by maximum
revenue duties upon luxuries, whether grown,
produced. or manufactured, at home or abroad.
| An appeal has been made to the poor by the
| friend, of protection, on the ground that it aug
ments the wages OF labor. In reply, it is contend.
ed that The wages of labor have not augmented
since the tariff Of 1912, and that IN some cases they
| have diminished.
Where the number of manufactures is not great,
the power Of the system to regulate the wages OF
labor is inconsiderable, but the profit OF the cap
ita invested IN manufactures is augmented by the
protective tariff, there is corresponding increase
of power until the control Of such capital the
wages OF labor becomes irresistible As this pow
er exercised from time TO time, we find itreslsted
by combinations among the working classes-by
turning out for higher wages, or for shorter time;
| by tradesunIon; and in some countries, unfoTtu-
nately, by violence aud bloodshed. But the gov
ernmen, by protective duties, arrays itself on the
slds OF the manufacturing system, aud by thus aug
| mentng its wealth and power, soon terminates in
its favor the struggle between men and money
between capital and labor. When the tariff Of
1912 was enacted, the maximum duty was 20 per
cent. BY that act the average of duties on the
protected articles was more than doubled But
the wages OF labor did not increase a correspond
| ing ratio. or IN any ratio whatever On the con-
trary. while wages in some cases have diminished,
the prices Of many articles used by the working
classes have greatly appreciated.
protective tariff isa question regarding the
enhancement Of the profits of capital. That is its
object, and not TO augment the wages of labor
I which would reduce those profits II is question
! Of per centdge, and is to decide whether money
vested in our manufactures shall, by special legs-
lation, yield profit Of ten, twenty, thirty per
cent, or whether it shall remain satisfied with a
dividend equal to that accruing from the same cap
Ital when invested in agriculture, commerce, or
navigation.
! The present tariff is uajust and unequal, as well
in its details as in the principles upon which it is
! founded. On articles, the duties are entirely
pruhbiory, aud on others there Is partial prohi-
blion. 1t dIscriminateS in favor OF manufactures,
aud against agriculture, by imposing many higher
duties upon the manufactured fabric than upon the
! agricultural product out of which il is made.
II discriminates in favor Of the manufacturer, and
against the mechanic, by many higher duties upon
the manufacture, than upon the article made out of
it by the mechanic. 1t dlscriminates in favor o!
the manufacturer and against the merchant, by in
furious restrictions upon trade and commerce; and
against the ship. building and navigating interest
! byheavy duties on almost every article used in
building or navigating vessels. II tdIscriminates in
favor of manufactures. and against exports, which
are as truly the product Of American industry as
manufactures, It discriminates IN favoi of the
rich, and against the poor, by high duties upon
nearly all the necessares of life, and by minimums
| and specific duties, rendering the tax upon the
real value much higher on the cheaper than upon
the finer article. -qu b1r ss s.s.a, ee f q,
| Minimums are fictitious value. assumed by
law, instead Of the real vaue aud the operation OF
| oil minimums may be illustrated by single exam
pie Thus, ,,by the tariff OF 1912, duty of30 per
cent ad valorem is levied on all manufactures Of
cotton; but the law further provides that cotton
goods "not dyed, colored, printed, or stained, not
exceeding in value twenty cents per square yard
shall be valued at twenty cents per square yard /"
| If, then, the real value of the cheapest cotton
goods is but four cents square yard, it is placed
by the law al the false value Of twenty cents per
square yard, and the duty levied on the fctitions
vsue--raising it five times higher on the cheap
article consumed by the poor, than upon the fine
article purchased by the more wealthy Indeed,
by House document No. 306, of the first session
ofthe 2sth Congress- this difference, by actual i'm
portation, was 65 per cent. between the cheaper
and the finer article Of the 20 per cent minimum,
13I per cent. on the 80 per cent minimum, 4S and
half per cent. on the 35 per cent minimum, "a
per cent. on the go per cent minimum. and 81 per
cent on the 70 per cent minimum. This differ
ence is founded on actual importation, and shows
an average discrimination against the poor, on cot.
ton imports, of so per cent beyond what the'tax
would be, If assessed upon their actual value =
The operation Of the specific duty presents SINH
lar dscriminaon against the poor, and in favor of
the rich. Thus, upon salt. the duty Is not upon
the value, butf is eight cents abushel, whether
he article be coarse or fine howing, BY the same
document. from actual importation, a discrimina-
ton Of GA per cent against the cheap, and IN favor