Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1841-1853, 1845-10-09
Political PATRONAGE.

Political Patrohage 1t opens with statement Of
the amount of patronage at the disposal of the Federal
and State Governments which is absolutely frightful
when we think of all its bearings upon the political
character of the people The writer shows that the
General Government of the United States at WASH
ington controls the appointment of about fourteen
thousand post-masters about fourteen thousand depu
ties or clerks about three thousand mail contractors
and agents, and about two Thousand and light
house officers making in all thirty three thou
sand public dependents, whose duties local, and
whose residences are scattered through every town.
ship and village in our country.
Every State government has, in addition, patron
age averaging at least two thousand appointments of
similar character making ity-four thousand, which,
added the thirty three thousand already mentioned
make eighty thousand men. This is of course
trely exclusive ofal Cabinet officers, State and nation
al and their troops of clerks and dependents of the
my and navy lists, embracing their thousands; of
the whole diplomatic and consular corps the regis
ters receivers, surveyors and other officers connected
with the administration of our public land system
the Indian agencies, and Of most potent and, per-
haps a numerous class the jobbers and contrac-
tors upon public works, and the providers under Gov
eminent contracts Exclusive of these last, find
eighty-seven thousand men distributed coun-
try, more or less dependent upon public patronage,
or rather, upon those BY whom it is dispensed Tbs
figure includes women children. 1t refers only TO
to men arrived at their political maturity, and in the
vigor Of manhood SuppoSlng every such man 10
support three persons-and this is moderate esti-
mate of the product of every mans industry in
ciety-these eghty-seven thousand would represent
the capital, the social and political substance of two
hundred and sxty-one thousand inhabitants.
Add to these the number who applying for
each Office in the gift of power, and the aggregate is
sweed prodigiousy, that at the beginning of eve
ry administration, more than half million of
men waiting with feyerish anxiety the lottery Of
executive favor.
This statement we say, is positively frightful and
lchO of cvIlS xthi
threatens more alarming dangers for the future.
These points reasoned cut with admirable skill in
the articles before us, which up the danger of
political patronage in this wise
"But it is idle to multiply objections to the pre-
vailing systems of appointment to office. Ii will be
sufficiently conclusive upon all who the end of
government to be the welfare of the governed that
cenrazing power by patronage in the hands Of exc
cutive officers tends,
l. To interfere with and obstruct the fair represen
taton of the public will.
| 1. By organizing and disposng army of infuen-
tia about the country interested In Perpetuating
particular governmental policy from other motives
than public good
2 BY aggregatiug the people into large parties
upon few questions of common interest BY which
all minor and local interests swallowed up, and
in the name of party fidelity the citizen is sacrificed
to the partizan
II. That it leads to the selection of incompetent
and unsatisfactory public officers.
L. Because an Executive can have no adequate OPP
portunity TO investigate the claims of the
various applicants and
2. He is under continual temptation to select avail
able instruments to his political ends rath-
er than competent officers to those of the pub
lie
III. That it creates a temptation to multiply Offices
for the purpose Of creating or rewardng political or
personal friends.
". That it tends to bring into discredt the char
acter and reputation of men who have fairly earned
the confidence of the people by their purity and capa
city as men and as statesmen, and also
v. To lower the standard of the public service by
creating an interest favorable to the selection of
scrupulous officers.
vi That it tends to Interfere previously with the
liberty of opinion and of discussion by subecting the
political sentiments of all classes to the most unre
lenting party tyranny"
But the most important part of this able argument
relates to the question, how the danger of this nev
table corruption may be prevented Of course, there
is but one conclusion the subject, which is, that
tie only corrective is to be found in the principle of
Representation. Let all public officers be the direct
agents of the people, and not the mere instruments of
some superior officer. Nothing could be more alb
surd than the practices which obtain under gov
eminent in regard to the mode of electing public
functionaries strange inconsistency pervades our
whole law In its expression of confidence in the peo
pie. Sometimes they are trusted, and sometimes
they are not with the most capricOus and amusing
want of any reference to general principle As Mr..
Hurlbut, says in his essay, "They may elect Gov
ernor directly, but must choose electors TO elect
President. They may elect County Treasurer, but
not State Treasurer Justice of the peace, but not
a County Judge. They are permitted to choose a
Congressman, but not a village Postmaster. This is
worse than absurd-t corrupts the Executive power,
and fills offices with sycophants and unworthy incum-
bents 1t produces that scramble for spos that rush
to the Executive chamber, which shocks the moral
sense of the community at every Inauguration of a
new President or Governor
This question has important bearings upon the pro-
ject for Constitutional Convention now before the
people, to which to advert at another time.
In the mean time hope that readers will read
the essay in the Democratic with attention and
thought.-zN. Y. Post