Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1845-05-10

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the Oregon question, those views Of variety of
Journals which struck us as the justest and wor-
thies. Of attention, we reserved it 10 ourselves to
offer; at leisure and with elaboration, such COM
ments or such further views as the subject and the
moment seem to require. Happily, the occasion is
not one of emergency, and, serious as il is, invites
only the calmest consideration. II heretofore
the matter has been weighed as il is entitled 70
be, then the case must be felt TO be a most grave
one and if it has not been so weighed, It rs
time that il should be. In neither contingency,
then, can we be blamed, when we seek only to
touch il after having matirely examined it. SO
large is the thing ITSELF such its magnitude Of inter-
ess and of consequences, that he who speaks of it
Suddenly incurs every hazard Of speaking Of it
rlshy, unwisely- falsely, perhaps, as to the very
national honor which he means 10 consult, danger
ously as public passions, which ought not TO be
reused unadyisedIy, and ruinously to that public
prudence and rightfulness which hasly and innam-
matory counsels must set at naught.
BE our rights to the territory Of Oregon what
they may, it is quite possible to put ourselves
in the wrong, by resorting to certain modes
Of asserting them. While fair and peaceful means
Of realizing them are yet unexhausted, it is both
entirely wrong and unpardonably imprudent to ap-
peal 10 extreme and violent ones that bespeak nus-
tice il onr opponent be weak, (as in the case. Of
Mexico,) and risk, if she be strong, in the
Of Britain.
Under the rules Of international intercourse
which civilization has by degrees brought about,
there is scarcely any case of claim and counter
claim where nation can venture to take the vio-
LIZ. ~ Z. \
is distinctly to announce that, for other naons all
conflict of professions with yours must be intoera-
bic; that you cannot be dealt with that you hold
Quito all Governments but the alternatives Of subas
sion toar. This being once announced, the rest
of thu world will act accordingly; no weak nation
will have any thing to do with you or such will
form general league against you, and, as TO the
strong, they will, Of course, fight you all
sions, good or bad, small great; for, to compro-
mise or concede any thing to acouptry acting upon
that principle would be impossible, and every mis-
understanding would be at once war.
So well settled is the rule that no nation can
fght.while the opponent of its claims offers fair
and equal negotiation, and so manifestly just well
as humane is that rule, that it would seem incred-
BILE that any man who was ever entrusted with pub
the contrary blind enough not to see the neviia
BILE consequences, if that idea were adopted which
we heard repeatedly urged upon the floor of Con-
gress last session by " Democratic members, that
noe ought neUer 10 negotiate!
To set up such notion is to revive, upon the
mast gigantic scale, that old umpirage of private
rights, the wager of battle, which never was seen
except in single era Of brute and barbarous force,
and at which, for its shocking absurdty, the very
children laugh in the present age OF reason and OF
humanity. Besides, should il not have occurred to
the persons equally valiant and discreet who uphold
such policy that if we adopt it towards others,
they will all adopt towards us and that, conse
quently, all foreign intercourse must not only be
reduced to one Of blows alone, but that even in
this incessant and universal war, we could never
settle any terms of peace, the articles of
pituation, nor an exchange Of prisoners
Certainly, by way Of justifying this monstreus
proposition, these, statesmen Of the Progressive
Party took upon themselves to assert the remarka-
BILE historical fact that ahcays lose By ncgofia-
xion! That is to say, that the treaty Of peace with
Britain in 1885, that for the purchase Of Louisiana,
that Of Client, that of Florida and all those negoti-
ated under the Jacksonian dynasty, dsgraceful
and disastrous bargains, than which itself would
have been far more certain and profitable
We are, however, free to acknowledge that if we
are 10 have only such negotators as many of those
appointed in these latter days, the Progressive De-
mocracy may be right, and we had better abolish
the heavy expense Of our diplomatic service al
once but, TO return to the duty and the necessity
Of negotiating.
II, in question Of adverse pretensions, a nation
cannot decline the offer Of peaceful and equitable
adjustment, il follows, still more strongly, that,
once entered upon, she must prosecute il 10 the end,
as long as the other party gives no evidence Of a
mere intention TO delude her. Neither can. except
for known and fair cause, break off the treaty Cor
not only will the original duty Of peaceful accom-
mediation still subsst, but the parties will have
bound themselves by mutual pledge, in the posi-
tive act Of setting on foot the negotiation. In a
word, neither can abandon it, unless for some ser-
GUS cause afforded by the other and prejudcing the
event, or else on account Of some interruption by
third party, that affects your rights. OF course,
when they have begun to treat good faith and JUS
tice binds both parties TO forbear to do any thing
with the view Of altering their respective positions
in the controversy, towards the attainment of its
object, otherwise than through the negotiation they
are conducting.
An these are nrinc;r,lea uI;.h Il; ,vr.,lJ Ia - ,a;,