The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-09-16


Eppes the son-in-!aw Of Jefferson chairman OF the
! Committee of Ways and Means, during the war,
had constitutional scruples as to some OF these
measures, Monroe said that we should look to the
constitution after war; but that, with the capital
| sacked, and the enemy threatening US al oil points,
from Paltsbufg to New Orleans, we must put forth
the whole force of the nation, without too scrupu-
| lous regard TO what was constitutional when, IN
patriotic effort, Dallas poured out flood OF paper
in treasury notes, one of Macon's maxims was
that paper money was beat. Without ever
losing the confidence of his party, no member of il
so often voted against them. Tenacious and infex-
ible, remonstrance awaited nothing with him. He
never quarreed about his frequent nays, but never
abandoned reduced them. Not taciturn or aus
tere, he was frequent speaker, always good-hu-
mored and jocular, but always selfopinionated
Macon had ingram preference for the advan-
tages Of rural over city life, TO form the fac
uliies, both mental and bodily, for distinction,
for courage, eloquence, endurance, and every kind
of eminence. No man should live, he said, where
he can hear his neighbours dog bark Some
times, when a city member addressed the house to
his satisfaction, he would loosely say liked That's
what pity you were born and brought up in town;
but for that, you might have come to something.
Towns he thought unfavorabe TO the fervor and
fortitude which stimulate excellence. Frivolous &C.
equations take place of earnest contemplation and
enterprise. Reading is not of the right sort, If
there be not even too much of it. Rural life is less
stagnant, more racy, more thoughtful, and sef-de-
pendent. When lis not only rural, but border life,
full of exposure adventure and exploit, it obvious
ly conduces to greater strength of character Some
savagism may become mixed with it, which does
not detract from the strength, however it may
casionay tarnish the civilization. Not one OF the
greatest Presidents of the United States laid the basis
of his elevation in city. Washington, Napoleon,
Jackson, were sylvan bom-bon to effort and en-
durance. | believe Macon never held any office
by other than popular election. Indeed, he was too
fond of for the aborious responsibility of exc
cutve place. He is an iustrious example Of the
eminence and celebrity atanable by faithful service
in Congress, with moderate abilities, constant in
tegrity, and no Interior or untoward ambition.
| Few public speakers, secretaries ministers, or
Judges asprants or incumbents of place by execu-
tive choice, fill with posterty, so large space IN
public esteem as Nathaniel Macon, or exercised as
much influence while in any Office. Born and edu-
| Gated among what Jefferson calls natural arstocra-
cy, the aristocracy of virtue and talents Macon's
distinction is that he loved the people. Learning,
| eoquence and action were not his merits. During
his nearly forty years of life in Congress, he hardly
ever proposed any measure; but sincerity, simplici-
| ty moderation, forbearancc, and integrity gave him
titles to respect which make even his memory inaui
entail. Artificial aristocracy, by birth or wealth,
| Jefferson deemed mischievous ingredient in gov
eminent, whose ascendency should be prevented
But natural arisocracy by virtue and talents, he re-
garded the most precious gift of nature for the in
structon, trusts, aud government of society; and
that form of government the best, which provides
most effectuay for their pure selection into the Of
fees of government. Some think that the arstocra-
cy should be put in separate chamber of leglsla-
| ton, where they may be hindered from doing mis-
chief by coordinate branches, and be protection
to wealth against the agrarian and plundering en-
terprises of majority of the people. "That,"
wrote Jefferson to Adams, sis your opinion; while
| | think that the American constitution provides a
better remedy, by leaving the free separation and
election of the natural arstocracy from the mass,
/ L.. IN nh Tho md hp
| Wealth will take care of itself Cabas in the SEN
ate Of the United States furnish many proofs that
to give elevated class power TO prevent mischief
is to arm them for it," Macon's equality and radi
caism went beyond Jefferson's But he was an in
active ref0rmer and merely by the force ofexample,
as the American republic acts on the rest of the
world. A planter of moderate fortune, coveting no
| more, dsliking the labor-ganed wealth of profess
sional life, and the chances of trade he dsregarded
the vexatious vanes of riches office, except that
Of serving the people as one of many lawmakers,
among whom too, his rule to do as little as pos
sible. After serving quarter of century in
the House Of Representatives, what most would
consider promotion to the Senate, was, perhaps,
departure from his principles. Did he deem it
rotation in office principle OF republican gov
to the same seat in Congress, proved that he
did not consider it applicable to elective places Men
grow insolent, said Tacitns, in single years public
trust Doubtless they should, by frequent recur.
| renee of popular election, be continually subjected
Ito that ordeal But when ncumbents of elective
posts, like Macon, faithful, they are not often
| supplaned without detriment to the constituency.
When one party vanquishes another, it is but just
that the principal places should be filled by the VIC
1 torious. But abuse of this unquestonabe prncl-
pie as to others, den,oralizes communities by PAM
/ perng morbid thirst and Unsuitable yearning for
emolnment, substitutes avarice for ambition. Does
not Macon's success demonstrate that no American
4 statesman can be successfully both ambitious and
avariciousi That he can no more prefer himself to
| the people, than serve MammOn before Godf 10 be
Of the arisocracy of the democracy, is common am
bition; but Macon's desire was to be of the democ-
racy of the aristocracy
l Whatever (says Burke, writing of the French
4 National Assembly, the<disiinguished few may
have been, of known rank or shining talents, It
is the substance or mass of the body which constl-
tutes its character and must finally determine its d.
recton. In all bodies, those who will lead must al
so, in considerable degree follow. Macon was
leading foowcr-not summit, but part OF the mass
Of Congress; not a commanding actor or writer no
4 demegogue hardly communing with his constit-
uents but by the monosylabes Of votes, always be-
fore them in print, but taking no undue means for
soliciting their good will. Yet his popularity never
Il failed his success transcendent, and the lnfiu-
ence Of his example is still enduring and increasing.
The centralism Of Hamilton has almost disappeared
The federalism of Washington and the constitutions
4 aism of Madison have been, IN measure, super
seeded by the republicanism Of Jeferson, which
may be swallowed up in the radcasm of Macon.
| viii that be declining or advancing
4 The most frequent dsparagement cast by Euro
peans on American republicanism, IL its alleged ten
dency to degenerate--a downward tendency, which
is to swallow up learning wealth liberty, and refine
ment, and establish despotism of mere vulgarity;
that public life is less sought by responsibility than
elsewhere or formerly and that talents avoid it.
/ Whether this be so in America, is it more so than
esewherei Great talents are the creations of great
coniunc,ures; and the tranquility of the United
States has been almost stagnan under the present
forms of government. In such circumstances, com
mercia professional, and other lucrative pursuits,
are more attractive than politics. and with the growth
Of luxury, which has been prodigious since the in
PRODUCTION of paper money, there will always be a
large class preferng fashionable deness to political
notoriety. Nine de Siael says, in her consldera..
tons on the French revolution, that many of the old
nobility of Europe despised The Emperor Alexander
i ..aslari q hc receixed into GOOD aoceiY.