The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1845-01-04
ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.
SPEECH OF MR.. CHARLES J. INGERsOLL
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Ia The House Of Representatives,
FsIDAy, JAsuARr 3, l545.

| Whole on the state OF the Union,
Mr. c. J. keERsoIL said he supposed il was ex-
peeisd that he should preface this measure by some
Introductory views Of IL but he did not intend much
more than mere misunderstanding argument till
objections made II necessary, He should not there
fore undertake 10 defend yindicae tho
OF Texas to the United States but simply explsin
what he believed To be the present position OF that
important measure. II has been abundantly discuss
ed every where except IN this House Of Representa-
lives. Al popular meetings, by the American press
IN several oi the State legislatures in tho published
proceedings Of the Senate OF the Unit,d States In
various executive communications TO boh branches
OF Congress, by several individual contribution. 10
general iniormstlon--in short, every where every
how considered and universal sentiment aseertained
except In this ball. where untoward prsyentions have
till now frustrated elaboration on il even 10 Euro
pean newspapers more than IN this Hou,e, where 1t
now hrst appears DESTROYS Of keeping SO great a
national consummatiou clear Of party Influences MI
l. would not, 10 addition, youeh the late presidential
election pregnant as Il was II popular will this
subject as we'll whig democratic, further than TO
say, IN his own Justification that without word of
argument, he had, at every meeting 10 his district
during the canvass, said if elected he should deem
himself instructed for the immediate reannex-
alton Of Texas. For, said Mr.. L. tits is no recent
opinion with me did not wait I'LL president. aud
secretaries, actual past recommended the recoye-
~ OF that natural and Indispensable part Of the Uni
ted States as enlarged by the acquisition Of Iousi-
unhesltatng advocate Of getting back feSas. When
we reflect on what public sentiment Was only oOe
year ago. and now is pleasing as surprising 10
perceive how II has grown on this subject Without
government support this progress is strong proof Of
popular will. When Congress came together last
year Texas was little known 10 the greater part Of
The United States and less liked. Most people were
ignorant Of the localities, the advantages, tie rights,
aud the realities Of that hne region vote on II
then would have been largely negative. There was
little Dubtir hut nat ali ~
manifesto Of some members II Congress warning the
country against annexation the mother Of disunon
and OF ssyery-twin calamities earnestly deprecated
as lis offspring Whereas venture to assert that the
general disposition Tor Louisiana, which brought II
mo the Union without clause in the constitution,
was by no preponderant when that territory
was acquired either 10 1903 1872 the Inclina-
ton Is Tor Texas now. 90 further, and assert that
the war Of 1912 waged for nearly three years TO
successful end by much less Of a majority Of the
American people Than now approve the recovery OF
Texas. a much greater and more formidable mi
nority opposed that war than now repudiate Texas.
! l mean nothing lnydious by these statements, but
aver them as facts full of meaning
! II, then, we represent American Union govern.
ed by the will Of the people it is or representative
duty to bring back Texas into It, if we can Thi, is
the duty Of Congress, IN both branches and the nu-
merous prolers in ths House, OF plans not very diff
ierent In their postulates, prove that many covet
the honor OF being the advocates OF Texas In.
uceut uulouDutu appIcHtUslOns oil the spread
OF domestic slavery, there IS hardly great question
OF public policy which the American will is more
united.
Such being the case, | SHALL as a sincere we'll
wlsher OF the me asure, strive TO concate harmoni-
Gus action on it, by voting for any and every reasoua.
bic plan for its accomplishment Tenacious of no
one-ambitlous Of no selfish or peculiar honor in the
movement-the earliest recovery of Texas will be
my study, and every feasible arrangement of it com
mand my vote As 1t is a contract or bargain with
another country, 1t seems 10 me that cement,
carefully digested, with the agents of that country
authorized ad hoe must be the best mode if not the
only one But II any gentleman show that it may
be as we done without regard to the terms and con-
dtions OF the treaty, that gentlemans plan shall have
my vote, should the terms Of the treaty be deemed
too obnoxious for adoption. AS il is annexation to
and at the South, think the wishes of the South en-
Titled to be most consulted just those Of Maine
ana Massachusetts were consulted in the late settle
menl oil Tie Northeastern boundary. Still, like that
oil Name, The Texas question is national and ma
tional considerations should prevail in the latter as
they did in the former when the Union south and
west, and central, sus' aimed the northeast in lis plan
oil settlement 1t is undeniabe, however that southern
interests southern frontiers southern institutions
mean slavery aud all-are to be primarily regarded
IN settling the restoration of Texas. 1t is Texas
question and southern question. Ii southern Sc
cretarIes OF State-one of whom originated, and ano-
lher Is striving TO consummate, the ahair--betray
southern Partialtes which many Of US may deem not
quile NATIONAL That is no reason why great national
measure should not be eff ced great national con-
sideratons. So, if our minister TO Mexico discuss
the matter with the Mexican authorities in tone or
temper which we may not approve that is no sufii-
cient reason why the aar itself should be frus,ra-
ted. we must regard the merits and substance of
The measure, and negotiation concerning it, without
being prejudced prevented by the mere manner of
dealing with them.
| The national considerations have been too album
dainty lad before public opinion in every form of ar
gument, to require that should rei,erae them here
shall, therefore, content my self with very summary
ntmatioDs
1. The commercial, agricultural, manufacturing
Iha'iRalloh Doth rlveran and oceanc-the whole In
terror view OF the subject Is, think irresstIbly in
wing The acquisition of Louisiana on all hands
conceded TO be lnestimably beneficial TO the whoIe
United States, loses half of its value without Texas
which IS natural part of that complete region Ac-
cordlngy, since the treaty of Florida gave IL up eve
ry administration has been endeavorlng to regain It,
LOUISIANA, as acquired by the treaty of lsO3-that is
including Texas and Oregon-m oud demonstrates
ana esablish, 10 the progress of few years. the pro-
dig'ous advantages of free trade. There is no ma
tlohal oeheht more important, as regards commerce.
manufactures, agriculture, and all the useful arts The
wealth and the peace of a nation, than free trade
mat does not mean unrestricted trade between TO-
reign nations, but between all parts Of any one nation
Between foreign nations there is no free trade
| There can be none but by treaty. But when ma
'on SO extended and diversified this opens all its
SOIL, vegetable and mineral productions its commerce
navigation, and manufactures to free trade among ali
ITS parts, Maine and Vernon, Maryland and MIcb
gam Louisiana and Arkansas, enjoy and feel through
OUT the vast amehoration of their inhabitants beng
protected by one and the same forbearng govern
ment IN The most precious of all industrial privileges
that OF being let alone Peace plenty, prosperity
are The perennial fruits. The wider the area of free
dom and equality the better, even though some of the
laoorers be boodmen. When notions of free trade
and permanent peace began TO dawn under the great
est OF the French monsrchs and he desired TO asso
ciate all Europe in great republican conedera-
ton IT was but an imperfect idea Of what these Uni
ted States may be, with FIVE Texan and ten Oregon
States added TO the twenty-sir in union under in
stuons OF free trade, local sovereignty and repre-
sentative government.
Whatever objection 10 the incorporation of Texas