The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1845-02-12

fect union. 10 establish Jusuec, i"fu's eo"e's" w"
guilty, provide for the common deisnee, promote
N. general welfare and secure the blessings Of oer.
" 10 ourselves and our posterily" looks iorwaro
10 an indefinite expansion OF the great system pro-
slding foT the accession Of new memucs 70 "e oo"
federsey. Shall We resist this noble sPnn o. pro,
sress and strip o~n posteri.y OF tnsn 40 ~,
an inheritance de.igned for their possession ~ inc
founders Of the republic Shall We rePel and discard
our own brethren who are gong before US oPsnins
the wilderness, organizing our Institutions ano no"
separated from US only BY imaginary PP"'' ha
lines ? Can the benign object OF the consn'uuo" ~
pTomoed by such restrictioDs' BY iorcms w s'oun'
Us rival powers instead Of raising and embracing sn
dred friends or by disregsrding geographiea ,ea-
lures impressed by nature, and pertinsciousy hone
ring To the present shrunken, delormed, zgzag iu's
No, sir. Its foundation, like that OF Chrsusnhy,
laid upon the Law Of progressive improvement, o
der this system, We have seen what ihe "oi'a mas
where else seen ia all It's past history-liDefiy sha
law marching hand 10 hand and as they marched
forever haTmooizsng their conflicting claims. 10 US
belong freedom Of speech, freedom oil the press
freedom Of religion, freedom OF citizenship ifeeoou
OF suffrage the right 10 assemble and discuss VIC
measures Of government, and demand inc reufess u
all grievances the right 10 an impartial irai V jury
the right Of personal security against searches snu
seizures unreasonable the rghqof protection against
unlawful restraint or imprisonment the riBhi !"
keep and bear arms and all these principles are
placed, by our constitutions above the power OF par
ty, or OF faction, even Of the despolism OF any
ma jorIties 10 infringe Ours are the blessings oil
representative democracy. IL reposes on the praeu
cal and efficient sovereignty Of the people DIVIDED
into separate municipal communities, each regu-
sting exclusively its own domestic affairs, and SUD
hitting 10 the government OF the Union matters
which concern the whole each independent 10 one
sphere, and subject another, 10 common supreme
how admirably formed in this beautiful system, 10
reconcile opposing views, decide, BY peaceful le-
gisalon Of Judicial decision, difficulties which, arr
sing among rival soyeregnties, would demand Tor
their adjustment negotiation OF the sword And
why connne is expansion by any limits save those OF
convenience How many empires OF the earth are
now larger than our own And cannot our Repub-
lie spread its blessings here, far as monarchy s
power abroad The addition Of new and adjacent
regions 10 our dominion, instead Of weakening great
ly strengthens the bonds OF our Union. IL sugmeDts
the power against which the spirit OF dsunion must
contend whenever IL awskes. IL multiplies counter
acting Interests and lessons the danger Of its inhu
ence Hs. the voice Of disloyalty been heard from
our advancing population, In their conquest IN the
wilderness Ihe new States Of the confederacy
equal In number the DID, and are more than double
their extent Let me not be told that an increase OF
territory is increase Of adverse interests In our
county. Under the operation OF equal laws there
can be no adverse interests. IL Is partial unequal,
mooopozing legislation that raises up conflict Of
interests The true interest Of every living man Is
the tue interest Of the entire community, aud Of the
world itself. II Is ultluae fact, aud springs
from the universal harmony Of creation.
To the security which expansion brings with II,
add the benefits Of free and unrestricted trade With
IN borders, and the uncomfortable right Of free
citizenship. Both advance hand in hand, wherever
the Government OF the Union spreads. To feel
that throughout extent Of territory reaching on all
sides thousands Of miles, the products Of industry
and the exchanges Of commerce in each section flow
the whole unTestrsined and unburdened; that a
citizen OF one State becomes he goes citizen Of
every other State, regardless Of birth, business or
condition; that wherever he passes over the land,
the eye OF the same American eagle rests upon him
the same language religion customs and laws, attend
him-the same n us Of Government protects him as
IL protects all; 10 feel this, 10 appreciate the ad-
yantoges we enjoy, and 10 understand the imperious
obligations they impose TO extend broader and
broader the basis of their range. Why con-
tract IL Or, If Texas be too large and too remote
why claim Oregon, still larger and more remo,es-
Why disturb Great Britain 10 her undisguised ef-
forts TO secure II by occupancy Or why enlarge
your jurisdiction by the addition Of Nebraska
Or why move at all beyond the already purchased
lands west Of the Mississippi Indian nations yet
and occupy untold millions Of acres of land east
of the Rocky mountains. Why call them your own
Why not rest where you now are if patriotism die
tates the cry Of "hs Union IL u.s." and not as its
immortal founders intended il should be? Sir, away
with this lettering system. Why wing the eagle in
his bold ascent towards the SUM- The sky was gwen
him for his dominion. Why strip him Of his plumage
and fix him to the ear'h' Sir, you cannot # you
would, set bounds to the indomitable energy Of
noble race. Where has the Creator raised noun
talns so high that we cannot scale them :--sy and
subdue and cultivate themi or spread ocean so
broad and so deep that we cannot swim it, and viii.
ten its bosom with our commerce. No, sir. To
arrest our peaceful aud onward march would be
treason TO the cause Of human liberty. Already are
we sur ounded on the North, and hanked on the
East and the South, by great maritime and com.
mercial enemy. She claims 10 divide with us the
western empire on the Pacific. She has anchored
her power in the of the Antilles Her interests de-
mand that Texas be forever severed from US Her
anxiety for that event is unconceaed; and while her
diplomacy is seeking to accomplish an object So i'm
portan to her welfare and hazardous to our own we
SIT here gravely debating the policy of receiving this
domain ourselves as free gift. And, sir, do we
hear an argument in opposition which Lord Aber.
deem himself would not usei And would not England
haii our third rejection as an act Of American wis
dom?
| Sir, great, indeed, are the considerations which
! should make us eager to secure this domain while
we can. The absorbing struggle Of the present age
IS Tor commercial supremacy. Great Britain and
America are destined to contend for the mastery
The contest has already begun. We possess now the
monopoly of the cotton product Of the world We
supply all nations who manufacture it, and for three
fourths OF her consumption Of the staple England is
dependent on ourselves. 1t is a mighty object TO re-
lieVe herself OF that CALLING dependence, than
colonial bondage for upon the accustomed supply
depends the employment Of hundreds of millions Of
dollars OF her capital, the sustenance and comfort of
millions OF her operatives and mechanics concerned
| in the manufacture, and the prosperity of large
portion Of her domestic trade her foIegn commerce.
and her interests of navigation. To throw off that
dependence, she has long sought 10 vain to create
sources Of supply in India Egypt, Brazil all over the
earth, where she could find spot within the tropics
that gave encouragement. Sir, Texas is the only
portlonof this Continent save the planting States Of
our Union) where the wants of England can be sup
plied and let Texas be separated from u.s. let Eng
land FORM as she would form, terms of commercial
intercourse most serviceahle TO her interest and most
injurious to our own thus breaking the letters that
now bind her in cotton vassalage to u.s. and we are
driven from our formidable position. We must then
compete with her in the markets If the world agains,
all the disadvantages of superior wealth. power and
experience. Sir, here is the secret of the vigilance