The Kalida venture. [volume] (Kalida, Ohio) 1841-1865, 1845-12-02

profit is calculated at rate to compensate
the merchant, not only for the time and ex-
pense bestowed on the article sold, but for
what is sdevoted to those also which cannot be
sold, TO those which are sold on credit and new
er paid for,--to those which are lostby other
causes, and after providing for all these, TO
leave fesiduum sufficient for luxurious
living. Hence the government by a tariff
system even forreyenue only, creates need
less demand for capital, the most needful Of
our wants, and consequently the most in
huential, and subjects the tax payer TO tho
arbitrary power Of the capitalist, and our
country 10 astill greater dependence for cap
ital and credit on the very country Of which
it is the professed object Of the manufactur-
ing policy 10 render us independent. The
friends Of the Tariff system insist however
that our independence WILDE secured blythe
creation Of home market for produce, in
manufacturing districts. In this case also
the fallacy Of the argument is concealed in
imperfec.ion of phraseology. Foritis clear
that without the existence of a-single factory
in the country, the people would eatas much,
or rather more, than they would consume
under other circumstances. lfa part ofthem
resort to manufacturing, it is certain they do
not consume more than before, and conse7
quently.ther is no greater market at home
than before. The only change effected is
the concentration of the consumers in manu-
featuring districts, and diminished produce
tion Of agricultural commodities. The pro-
cess is not the creation Of greater deTand,
but a curtailment of supply. And although
one ofthe effects be the same in either case,
yet the true expression Of the result, has a
very different effect on the public mind. 1t
is mistake howe yer that we are made indie
pendent Of foreign powers by non-inte recourse.
Such aconception ofndependence, although
plausible is false. Independence Of other
nations can in fact be maintained only by
power adequate to prevent or repel their al
tacks. And this power is promoted and
even created by commercial intercourse
This is peculiarly true of moder times, and
Of ourselves. We are separated from all
powerful nations by the sea. On that ele-
ment rather than on land is the fate ofmodern
states decided. And success on that ele-
ament in war depends essentially on extensive
commercial intercourse in peace. The in
dependence Of non-intercourse has been
completely tested by France and by China in
their struggles with England-and failed
Neither the genius ofNapoleon at the head
of embattled Continental Europe, nor the
countless millious of Chinese men and mon
cy could maintain independence against the
assault of that power which delights in de-
pendence for the elements of all its great
ness, on the industry of foreign nations.
The policy Of Tariff taxation is hostile not
only to Agriculture whose products it conis-
Gates in seizing large portion of the value
of foreign commodities, received in exchange
for them, but it is still more specifically and
directly hostile to labor. The consumable
commodities of a country are of all its pro-
perty that portion which is the most immedi-
ate product and possession ofits labor. Cloth
and Iron are what every body consumes, and
are purchased by corn and cotton which at
most everybody produces. Now when the
government comes and demands its chief
support, out of what is the chief support of
the people, leaving the great mass of accum-
ulated property, houses, lands, factories and
stocks almost untouched, it eyinces desire
to discourage labor, to oppress the person,
that capital and property may be privileged.
1t is true there is dispute concerning the
ultimate burthen of all kinds of taxation:
some supposing il to be borne entirely by
labor, others that il is divided between labor
and property. To us il is plain that the d.
rect effect ofa tax is to impoversh the class
from which tits exacted. If this class con-
sist Of laborers it may seek indemnity by
ocktn HI irho etpb rth
it may attemst relief by demanding higher
rents. But as the rates of both rent and
wages are determined rather by the demand
for property and labor than by the wants of
the landlord or laborer, it is certain that per-
manent loss is the result Of positive exaction.
ltis true that time may restore the equilibrium
wages may ultimately be advanced; but it
is far more probable that time will aggravate
the wrong. The weakness that invited the
injury and submitted TO il, will derive no
strength from protracted suffering. Nor will
usurpation learn self denial from indulgence.
And in the struggle Of the several classes
for their rights, the partiality and power Of
Government is decisive, unless countervailed
by evants beyond the comprehension or con-
troll of political authority. And in the op-
preston of labor the West is a sectional suf
ferer-labor being her great element wealth
and constituting greater proportion other
resources that of any other section. We do
not desire or delight to make frequent allus-
ions to invidious distinctions Of class or To-
cality. But we are considering law which
delights in such distinctions and aggravate
them into angry and obvious antagonism.
Thus far all we have said is applicable to
a tariff for revenue alone. We have seem
that such policy fails to accomplish its pro-