The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-10-28
POLITICAL
INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR
III BROWN. .,as

In presenting myself before you on the present
occasion, feel very deeply impressed by the soem-
mites which we have just witnessed The transit
tons of power from one dynasty TO another in the
Old World have rarely been effected without reyo-
luton and bloodshed. There, the triumph of the
party is too oien the destruction of the other,
leaving the great Of the people but little BEN
Gifted by the change Of dominion. In our own free
and happy form of government it is wholly different.
Here, the great popular principle is recognised in It's
full force shat all power 10 inherent IN the people,
and all free governments are founded on their au-
thory, and Instituted for their peace, safety, and
happiness" Il is remarkable fact that this was
the first great truth uttered by the lustrious men
who framed the constitution of Tennessee. II seems
to have been uppermost in their minds, and to have
burst forth in advance of all their noble and patriotic
sentiments - 7el
IL is under the influence of this cardinal prnci-
pie that have just witnessed the surrender of all
the executive power and authority of the State by
my distinguished predecessor surrender so peace
ably and promptly made that it must constitute one
Of the highest euogiums on our representative form
of government. But in presenting myself before
you and this large assembly, for the purpose Of as
Stunning the high Office from which he has Just re-
tired, must be permitted to express my deep and
abiding gratitude to those by whom it has been
bestowed. To a station so exalted and responsible
should never have aspired, but for the unanimous
call OF my fcllow-citizens in convention assembled
Most earnestly did desire the nomination of some
other individual, more able to vindicate and sustain
the great principles involved in the recent election.
Not that then was or ever could be, nsensible to
the high honor of presiding over such noble and
gallant State as Tennessee She is the land of my
youth, the home Of my manhood have traversed
her in all her borders and feel to-day proud con-
sclousness that love her, not more for her physi-
cal grandeur, her lofty mountains, her deep majestic
rivers, her wide luxuriant valleys, than for the
moral excellence of her brave, and hardy, and in
dustrious people To preside over such State,
and to contribute anything valuable TO the prosperi
ty Of such people, ought to kndle up the fires of
virtuous ambition in the bosom Of any man living.
But, gentlemen, whilst freely admit the full in6u-
ence of an emotion like this, trust you will allow
me to declare the most unfeigned distrust Of my
abilities to discharge the duties of the high Office
which am about to assume. Fidelity and zeal in
the discharge of those duties and the most anxious
and earnest desire TO advance the welfare and hap
Illness Of every Individual member of our beloved
commonwealth, without reference to the party TO
which he may belong, must be the only pledge
which can offer my countrymen for this dstin-
guished mark Of their preference and confidence.
The duties TO which alludc are embraced in the
comprehensive but solemn oath which you will
presently cause to be administered, faithfully "to
support the constitution Of this State and of the Uni
ted States" In general TERMS to support these is
to support all high principles Of rational liberty and
re-? esentatve government-the liberty Of speech
the freedom of the pressthc rights Of conscience,
property, and reputationthe purity Of our cleo
TONS and the implicit obedience of the representa-
tive to the will Of his constituents. Is it not how
ever in relation to these great cardinal principles of
government that the practical difficulty of the Amer
lean statesman may be expected TO arise The
oath which you are about to administer, to support
not only the constitution Of the State Of Tennessee,
but of the United States, imposes double allegi-
ance, challenging my most unreserved obedience to
both governments. II is the danger of collision be-
tween them that constitutes the precise point of diff
fculty and embarrassment In anticipation Of the
bare possibility of such event. it becomes my du-
ty 70 declare the principles on which should feel
hound to act-to declare them here in your presence
TO declare them now, at the very beginning Of my
administration, and at the very moment when con-
tract the obligation of this double allegiance.
Rightly understood and fairly construed, l hold
collisions between federal and state governments to
be utterly impossible. The wise men who framed
the former, 70 have studously and necessarily
guarded against such an event. They knew well
that in the political well in the physical world
where equal powers meet fearful and dreadful
pause must ensue. They therefore weighed and
considered, with profound anxiety, every line and
word inserted into our federal constitution. In the
States to which this instrument was submitted for
adoption, the most distinguished statesmen and ju-
rists employed all their talents and learning in an
animated and fearless discussion Of its provisions.
The result Of all this and patriotic labor to
throw additional safeguards around the sovereignty
delegated TO the United States by the constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to
the States respectively, or u the people,"
This amendment should have rendered every
thing easy and harmonious in the operations of our
political system. II should have established il az
maxim IN the creed of every American statesman,
to claim for the federal government any power
which was not expressly granted in the constitution,
or which did not necessarily or properly belong TO
the execution of AN express power. It was for the
establishment Of this great rule of construction, that
Jefferson and Madison, and the Virginia resolutions
of 1898, so earnestly commended.
But, unfortunately for the country, another
school of politicians rose up coeval with the con-
sttution, insisting additional class of implied
powers, with no limitation but the wild discretion
Of Congress, and guided by no object but the
vague and indefinite notion of "the general vel
fare" t@ Etn
II has been this difference of opinion as to the
mode of constituting the federal constitution, tina
has laid the foundation of all the party struggles o.
this country. The establishment ola United States
bank; the enactment of a protective tariff with
out regard to revenue; the distribution fthe pro-
ceeds Of the sales of the public lands; the assump
ton of the debts Of the States the suppression 81
the liberty Of speech under the pretext of preserv
ing the freedom and purity Of our elections, have
all depended on lattudinous construction of the
federal constitution. The present occasion will, BY
no means, allow of an extensive reference to any o
these subjects; but the questions Of bank and thu
tariff enter so deeply into the political discussions
the day, that may be parioned for submitting ,
few observations on them.
In relation to the bank the great fact that no powe
for its creation is to be found in express terms in thu
constitution, has often been adverted to- But anoth
fact, scarcely less important has been strangel,
neglected. That fact is, that the journals of TIL
convention show clearly that such power was OF
asked for and often refused, in every form il
which il could be presented. There is potency il
cd facf N he ailence If Ia
constitution, which ought TO have long since over
thrown all the feeble implications much relied OF
by the advocates of such institution. Besid
this, power so vast and mighty as this is shout
never have been left TO mere implication at ALL
should have stood out in advance Of all others, AM
have been rendered undoubtcd by its boldness an
conspicuity.
II was but poor evasion Of the constitutions
objection TO have located the bank in the Distric
of Columbia. II Congress has the power of exclu
sive jurisdiction over that District, il must be for Il
as well as IN it-local in it's objects, and terrific
rial in ta actou.