The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1845-02-18

movements designed to enlist the sympathies of all
nations and to direct combined moral power against
slavery in the United States which would finally
work out dissolution Of our Union.
The deep anxiety manifested by British statesmen
in reference 10 the enlargement of our territory to
the South has grown partly out of the deep laid
policy, looking to the supposed weak point in our
bond Of Union If any doubt has heretofore existed
on this subject in this country the evidence furnished
10 the late leading organs of tho two parties in Eng
land in their comments Mr.. Calhouns letter to our
Minister to France, Mr.. King, must remove all such
doubts. When Mr. Calhoun's letter was first pub
lished, we expressed our appreciation of the bold,
frank and independent tone which characterized it.
We saw 10 that document readiness on the part OF
our Secretary to meet the great slavery issue made
by Great Britain and ability on his part to main
tain the American side of the question, which exct-
ed our warm admiration. The OPEN candid and
straightforward diplomacy of Mr.. Calhoun contrast.
ed so favorably to mind with the Indirect insin-
cere and hypOcritical course of the British Ministry
that we were astonished to find any portion of the
American press hating in reference to the subject
Our Secretary saw that the issue of slavery must be
met with boIdness and full in the face or the conse-
quence must be fatal. Hence, he prepared a paper
for all Europe, which has startled the statesmen of
Great Britain by its boldness well its powerful
discussion of the slavery question: and has satisfied
them not only that their secret scheme of abolition of
our Union under the preence of universal abolition of
slavery is Understood in this country, but that we are
prepared for the issue before the enlightened nations
of the old world.
The letter of Mr. Calhoun was addressed to Mr..
King, our Minister at Paris. The following COM
ments by the London Morning Chronicle of January
3, will be found to be highly interesting 1t will be
seen that on the great slavery ISSUE the organ of the
Wings in England has discovered that France is not
prepared to engage in an "unholy alliance" against
local institution of the United States The Chro
nice says:
"Now, considering that the King of the French
and his Ministry had been buIied by two successive
American Ministers, who BY so bullying gained their
points we are really startled 10 find their successor
playing just the same game, with precisely the same
eject. II being for the ever permanent purpose of
playing of the French in rivalry and hostility to
England.
This is surprising; and it is still more surprising
to find that the subject which the American Min
ser IS enabled TO array the declaration of the French
King against English views, should be Texas and the
Permanence of slavery. France was the first coun.
Try to recognise the independence of Texas TO be
sure, her aim and her stpulations this treaty we're
not to abolish slavery, or attain any great philanhro
PIC end, but to secure peculiar reduction of duties
upon her trade, which, after ALL is insignificant
Another effort of hers in the treaty was to stpuate
or conditions contrary to the supposed pretensons of
England, IN exercising begerent rights at sea-
Whatever was the aim or sincerity of the treaty con.
cIuded IN 1882 the King of the French seems to grow
a. sick and Indifferent of Texisn Independence in
1874, as he has shown himself of Spanish freedom
!or, on Mr.. King, the American envoy, visiting him
Louis Philippe volunteered the declaration that in
no event would any steps be taken by the French Go
vernment in the slightest degree hostile 10 the United
States In other words, the Americans might take
Texas If they pleased, for anything that France had
to urge or to oppose Now, when we con slider that
The French King had, not long snce formally recop
nised the independence of this Texas-when
we consider that the inhammatory topic of the right
Of search, his only for eschewng slave cues
tons, was not here implicated at alive are amazed
the King of the French gave utersnce to words and
sanction to policy at variance with all that is en-.
lghtened, and religious, and humane, not to say be-
raj, IN France"
The following high compliment TO the diplomacy
OF our government, coming from leading British
journal, must be gratifying to every true American
"But one regrets to see that whilst Lord Cowley is
squabblDg and conciliating about host of su,sll
points, the American envoy is enabled to cut the
Gordian knot OF his difficulties by obtaining at once
categorical reply from the King We must saw that
the conn arson between the envoys and the govern
ments is not at all TO the advantage of our own and
little does prove the wisdom or the efficacy with
which our diplomacy il conducted"
The following comments Of the Chronicle on the
letter OF Mr. Calhoun betray the deep modification
felt upon finding that long cherished scheme of uni
ting the sentiment OF the civilized world against our
slavery institutions has been thwarted and exposed
"Mr. Calhoup's letter TO Mr.. King cannot fail TO
attract particular attention in the French capital. II
cannot be considered diplomatic despatch for the
instruction OF Mr. King The latter parsonage
could have yell applied to Blackuood's yMuear1.
| as source OF Information Mr. Calhoun. But
the fact Is, the Secretary of the United States had
written sequel to Gen. Cass's pamphlet addressed
to the Psrsans, and he gives this the world in the
shape OF diplomatic letter to his envoy in Paris.
mesDer or more disgraceful document never came
from the pen Of statesman. But at least il has the
merit Of being frank, and it puts the question of
Texas on the one plain avowed ground OF slavery or
no slavery. The plea for anDeraton is not an un-
settled frontier, Mexican provocston, sympathy for
American emigrsos, the utility or glory of terrific
rial sggrspdixement No. The argument of Mr.
Calhoun Ia, that region without slaves or forbid
ding slavery, the Southern frontier Of the United
States cannot exist, for either II must overcome and
Danish slavery even from the States, or be over
come and overrun by their slave system. This ar
gument IS just as good for coDquerng Mexico rs for
annexlng Texas II declares loudly and boldly,
that slavery must continue and must pervade the
whole south of North America, and WHY not the
whole of South America tooi There il no end to
Mr.. Caihoun's annexation-it must embrace the
world and dictate to it.
z" We not sorry to have this case of
so broadly stated and drawn up by leading Ameri-
csn Statesman, laid before the French public Il is
certainly accompanied by base calumnies against
England, well drawn up. But let the French Judge.
We do NOT think that they would consent to combat
England BY means so vile the extension Of slavery
The French DO not want other arms, nor the msoii-
ness to them If the two nations are TO continue
rivalry and dispute, helds are not wanting ndepen-
dent Of the great questions Of freedom and human |
ity These ought 10 be held sacred even by bellip-
erents"
We have before us the comments Of the London |
Times, the organ Of the Tories in England, charac-
terzed by the same modification and bitterness to-
wards France. The following paragraph puts the |
question to the interference Of Great Britain TO
prevent the Annexation Of Texas to the United |
States, entirely to rest After stating that the French
Minister had assured Mr. King that France had not
agreed to unite with England in protest against
Iexas Annex alton, the Times SAYS: