Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1845-10-03

" ~ ShASeiS VoAC dllCd upOH W pIOhSCl
against domestic violence, a Temperance
Hall which belonged to the colored people.
Instead Of assembling their posss comifatus
and maintaining the supremacy of the laws,
the wiseacres tore down the building, think
ing such a course would involve less trouble
and expense; and it seems to US that Doctor
Bailey's argument would fully justify them
in so doing. As to whether the laws against
which the Carolina slaves rebel are c%onstitu-
%tional, is a question that is to be adjudicated
by some other authority than James X. Polk
or DR.. Bailey question to be determined
gner the domestic violence has been put
down.
1t can make no difference in the action Of
the general government whether the power
which the master claims over his slaves is Ell
ther created or guaranteed, by the constitution.
Obedience to state laws is guaranteed and that
is sufficient to answer the purpose of the slave
claimant. 1.-THE Heralds argument be a sound
one, there is need for its immediate a~pplica-
ton, for domestic violence prevails through
out the entire south, not contrary to, but in
conformity with State laws. Not a s~ervile
war upon the part of the slaves, but a war
carried on by the STAKEHOLDER against his VIC
aim; and there is no possible way of prevent
ing this domestic violence, save by the aboli-
ton Of slavery. Has the government the
right to abolish slavery, in order to protect the
slaves against domestic violencel The Drs.
argument answers YES! We should like to
know whether he is willing to make such APP
p~lication of his principles. We think it will
hardly answer for him to go so far as this;
and yet if in any case it is right for the gen.
eral government to protect the inhabitants Of
a State against domestic violence by other
means than upholding the State laws, it GER
tainly would be in this, for slavery is a war
which has inflicted far more suffering upon
humanity than a servile war ever did. Riv-
crs Of blood have been shed, letters have been
worn, prisons have been crowded, and homes
made desolate by its accused ravages. Yet
the United States has no right to interfere to
arrest its progress, but is bound to furnish to
the outragers, men and munitions Of war if
they are needed and demanded; therefore do
we say give no countenance to a Constitu-
ton which requires this at the hands Of all
who promise to support it.
. But there is yet another clause, a clause
which the DR.. has omitte1 to notice, and
which would have been too ~palpably fatll to
his argument to introduce-that in regard to
the suppression of instructions. Every body
except Liberty party, knows that instruction.
is a rising against the laws. 1t matters not
whether the insurgents number ten, or ten
thousand, save that in the one case the State
or County can put them down, while in the
other it would probably require the %interier-
ence of the general government. Will DR..
Bailey pretend to say that if the South Caro-
lima slaves rise in rebellion to the slavehold-
ing laws of that State, that they are not in
surgcnts, that they are not in a state of lnsur-
rection! Will he contend that the T.. 5.
government may put down that Instruction
by putting down ~slaveryl The President has
promised that if the demand is made in the
manner prescribed by the Constitution, that
he piH quell that Instruction, for govern
ment never anticipates failures in such a~ffiirs,
and the members Of Congress and all other
United States officers, are bound to aid and
assist the President in maintaining the Con-
, stitution, each acting in his appropriate
sphere. The clause is distinct and explicit,
nothing equivocal about tito put down in
surrection,'' and it is the veriest special plead
ing and foolish argument, to strive to main
tain,' as we have known some Liberty party
men attempt'to do, that a slave insurrection
is not an insurretion,c and therefore that gov
eminent is not bound to quell it.
So much for the duties and obligations of
Office holders, to which point of discussion
the DR.. has so strictly confined himself, that
one would suppose from his articles that the
Disuuion Pledge referred particularly to
them. Instead of this being the case, it has
to do more Immediately with the voters I'M
der the Constitution, and their responsible
ties, rather than the duty of officers. But
their responsibilities simply as voters, the
DR.. "for certliu good reasons best known to
HIMSELF chose to say nothing about. Our
views on this subject will be found in the ar
aicle oasFFhe Duty of Citizeus.'
WHAT is A VOTE:o
John Pierpoint slys: "The word comes
- - a. I al, kS,,y,ms a ,aoraI AM