Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1845-08-22

but u does require lnat ne snail support u as u Us, OK
ccuting the duties Of his office in conformity with its
provisions; sustaining it, not as he may choose TO un.
derstaud it, but as interpreted by the Supreme Court,
that tribunal from whose decision he cannot, in the
character of a citizen, make any appeal.
But the question upon which as a matter Of princi-
pie, we are willing to rest the whole controversy
SO far as Office holding is concerned between the
Disunionis!s, and a party protesting to abolish slavery
this:-Does the Constitution require Of those holding
office under il, to maintain, or aid in maintaining the
system Of slavery? The DR.. says, that if there ex.
lists such obligation, it must be found ia one or all Of
the four provisions referred 10 in the Disunion Pledge.
Tho clauses are those in relation to the foreign
slave trade, the surrender Of fugitive slaves, the
crushing of the insurgents, and the three ffths repre-
sentation.
In relation to the first provision referred 10, the DR..
admits, that it necessarily involved The sanction and
support of the Union to the slave trade for tweaty
years. Was not this--to use the language Of the
pledge--''a criminal and dangerous concession 10 The
sIaveholding power?' Bat he says that this clause
which was,proslavery 10 1908, became anti slavery
in 1909, and whyi Because "every act for The sup
preston OF the slave trade has been in uirtue of the
power Il confers." Let US examine tuis matter a
little more closely Ind see how it stands. The Fed
eral government possesses no power but that which
it derives from the States. Prior TO the adoption Of
The c Constitution, each state had a legal right to car
ry on, or suppress, so far as it was concerned, the
foreign slave trade. This he admits. Subsequent
to the adoption of the Constitution, we tind the FEEDER.
this difference, that it should not &C, to suppress the
trade prior to the year 1908. The clause which pro.
hibits Congress aholishing it prior to that time, as
clearly and unqiesionably gives the right to contin.
uc it as long afterwards as it shall sse fit. 1t should
be borne in mind, and the distinction clearly made
that the article in question did not make it ~obligato
ry upon Congress to abolish that trade in 1908, bu'
prohibited its action before that time, and then left il
optional. Had Congress chosen, it could have beer
continued up to tho presen, day, and can now Be re
vived under the power granted them by that anti
slavery article, as the DR.. contends it has now be
come, whenever 1t sees fit so to do.
Indeed its revival has been strongly urged BY som
Of the planters of the far South and south west, as
measure which would promote the interests of tn
sugar raisers and cotton growers of our land; an
now that the former lone star of Texas has becom
one of the Union constellation, we may confident,
anticipate its re-eslablishment. But The DR.. say
this clause is anti. slavery, inasmuch as Congress doe
not choose TO make it proaslavery, and therefore w
may innocently promise to sustain it. Let us SUP
pose a case.
The crews Of thirteen merchant vessels, each hav
ing a separate and distinct form Of government, con
clude to enter into certain general articles of agree
ment, each crew appointing a delegate to see tbt
these articles are faithfully observed-these delegate
to constitute a general government. One article PR
vides that The numbering of those Africans whom
they meet upon the high seas shall not be prohibiie
, before the expiration Of one year. Al the end {
that time tho general government has the power
prohibit it; but the prohibition, IL but the exercise
a certain why, of the power of life and death owe
certain of their fellow men. Take away ihs powt
|, OF life and death, and it has no pewer to prohibi, mu
der. Now the question which arises is this,-Hay
!, us a part of the crew of one of these merchan, We,
J sells, a right TO give 10 that government, a power
lille and deuth over any Of my fellow men or promis
5 to sustain il in its possession and exercise, even lhoug
| deem it may be used for good2 We answer mo
emPhalically, No! And we as decidedly aver, tb
The clause in the U. S. Constitution which we ha,
been considering, is pro slavery, inasmuch as il Civ,
to Congress The power to traffic in slaves whenever