The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1845-06-18

Ibis followers in the Senate stood ready to back him.
even at the hazard of dissolving the government.
They wanted the Office for partisan, and therefore
fexerted themselves, by illegal and unconstitutional
ficks TO staye off action on the nomination made by
Mr. Van Buren, in hopes of being able TO prevent It's
confirmation for little more than "a hours, when
his successor would have been sworn IN, and their
purpose thus accomplished. When the question on
the nomination was ordered to be taken, Mr.. Clay,
in the name of the federal senators, announced their
determination 10 seeede from the Senate; and they ac-
y tualy did so, with the exception Of Two OF their
2number, (Mr. Preston, and Mr. Smith OF Indiana.
The Senate was thus left without quorum; which,
If the subsequent efforts to compel the attendance
j of members had failed, would have virtually dis
3soved the government In addition to the excessive
violence OF speech and temper INDUCED in by the
federal senators, especially by Messrs Clay and
Southard during the debate preceding the secession,
Mr.. Clay, on leaving the Senate chamber at the
head of the seceders not only had the unblushing
efrontery to proclaim openly their dsorganizing IN
tention, but, though his purpose already ac-
addressed and took leave Of the Presi-
Ident if bidding adieu to an individual in his pri
vate house! A few Of the democratic senators be-
ling then absent, they were without quorum, and
lcoud only send their sergeant-atarms to compel
THE attendance of the seceders the most of whom
treated that officers authority with utter contempt
lat the hour of midnight, bare quorum was OBJ
tanned, ciHou single one oe ssceders haping made
his appearance.
We relate this affair as il occurred, not only to
show the vindctiveness with which they persevercd
unto the bitter end in their attempt to prescribe one
the best and pures patriots in the land solely on
account of his devotion to the principles of Jefer
Ison; but that readers may that we have the
Iproof to satisfy the world Of their determination o
override the laws and constitution, if necessary, o
fill the offices of the general government with their
Creatures
On the 18th of March, the columns of the "Na-|
Itiona lntelgencer" teemed with the names Of the|
prescribed for opinions sake Among others, theyI
ANNOUNCED, on that day, the removal Of Messrs.
lBrchard, Solicitor of the Treasury, Whitcomb,!
Commissioners of the General Land Office, and
Morgan, the collector of the port of Newt
York, who were admitted to rank with the purest
land most intelligent and otherwise competent pub
sic officers in the country. In each they wereI
OFFICIALLY assured by the Secretary of the Treasury
that their removal had been determined on solely toj
make room for political partisans-and such parti-|
|sans too Mr.. Penrose, of Pennsylvania whose!
Ionly claim on the patronage Of the protested prof.
lscribers of prescription was based his SUDDEN
conversion from an enemy of the United StatesI
Bank into It's most noisy partisan, and his noto-
|rlous efforts to force the will of the minority of
|the Pennsylvania legislature the people of thej
State, in the evermemorable troubles ending in "theI
|buckshot war;" was made Solicitor of the Trea-|
|sury.
In the case of Mr.. Morgan, it will be remember
led that his successor (Curtis) was, perhaps thel
most ruthless partisan Saving Mr. Clay) of the age.
These, and other removals for opinions sake,
were made thus early, in the teeth of the direct
professions OF the inaugural; which, with all theI
Presidents previous declarations against proscrip-
ton, were yet ringing in the ears Of the American
people.
i In the Inelligencer of the next day, (the 18th,
he nj tharo af AZ
recever-general of New York, was announced; and
az should be recollected, in connexon with thisj
case, that General Harrison, in his inaugural, de-
clared that there was wanting other addition to
the powers of our chief magistrate to stamp mon
archlcal character our government but the control
strange, indeed, that any one should doubt that
the entire control chich the President possesses
oper the officers icho hare The custody Of the public money
by the po,cer Of removal, with oiou cause, Does for
all mischievous purposes at least, virtually subject
the treasure also to his disposal The FIRST Roman
emperor, in his attempt to seize the sacred treasure
sienced the opposition of the officer to whose charged
it had been committed, by significant alusion to|
his sword. By selection of political instrumental
for the care ofthe public money, reference to their
commissions by the President would be quite asl
efiectual an argument as that Of Caesar TO the Ro-
man knight" Here then, in defiance of wing profess
sions, prescribed one "of the officers trho had
charge Of the public nloney'-ndeed the first ever ap
pointed to the trust; man in whose personal integ
rity all parties placed such implicit confidence, that
Governor Se,card appointed him, though a political
enemy, to act as commissioner in the execution of
most delicate trust in the city of New York. ThisS
was an admirable exemplfcation Of the case OF
"Cesar and the Roman knight" and a strong proof
of the utter instability Of the sentiments 80 ostenta-
ousy paraded, in General Harrison's inaugural of
the monarchical tendency of executive power when J.
exerted in the removal of the custodiers of the pubc
money This subject is of too great interest to bel
treated lightly or cursorily, and we therefore lay id
over for another day.