Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1845-12-20

less than al 80 per cent. il ceases to DO rev.
enue duty, 49,
The precise point in the ascending scale Of
duties al which it is uscertained from experi>
ence that the revenue is greatest is the maxi
mum rate Of duty which can be laid for the
bona Gde purpose of collecting money for the
support OF government. 10 raise the duties
higher than that point, and thereby diminish
the amour, collected, is to levy them for pro-
lection merely, aud not for revenue. As long,
then, as Congress may gradually increase the
rate Of duty on given article, and the revenue
is increased by such increase of duty, they are
within The revenue standard, When they 60
beyond that point, and, as they increase the
duties, the revenue is diminished or destroyed,
the acl ceases to have for its object the raising
Of money to support government, but is for
protection merely.
| It does not follow that Congress should levy
the highest duty on al! articles OF import which
| they will bear within the revenue standard; for
such rates would probably produce much lar
ger amount than the economical adninislra.
ton Of the government would require. Nor
does it follow that the duties on all the articles
| should be al the same, or horizontal rate
Some articles will bear much higher revenue
duty than others. Below the maximum Of the
revenue standard, Congress may and ought to
discriminate in the rates imposed, taking care
80 TO adjust them on different articles as to pro
duce in the aggregate The amount which, when
added TO The proceeds Of sales OF public lands,
may be needed 10 pay the economical expenses
of the government.
In Ievying tariff Of duty, Congress exercise
The taxing powers, and for purposes Of revenue
may select the objects Of taxation. They may
exempt certain articles altogether, and permit
their importation free of duty. On others they
may impose low duties. In these classes should
be embraced such articles OF necessity as are
in general use, and especially such as are con-
sumed by the laborer and the poor as we'll as
| by the wealthy citizen. Care should be taken
that all the great interests Of the country, ms
GLIDING manufactures, agriculture, commerce,
navigation and the mechanic arts, should, as
far as may be practicable, derive equal advan>
tages from the incidental protection which a
system Of revenue duties may afford. Taxa,
ton, direct, or indirect, is q burden, and it
should be so imposed as to operate as equally
as may be, on all classes, in The proportion 10
their ability 10 bear it. To make the taxing
power an actual benefit 10 one class, necessari-
y increases the burden Of others beyond their
proportion, and would be manilestly UNJUST
The terms, protection 10 domestic industry"
are Of popular imports but they should apply
of industry in our country. The farmer or
planter who tolls yearly in his field, is engag>
ed in domestic industry" and is as much ell
titled TO have his labor "pro;ecled," as the
manufacturer, the man Of commerce, the navi<
gator, or The mechanic, who are engaged also
in 6 domestic industry" in their different pur-
suits. The Joint labors of all these classes con-
slitu,e the aggregate Of the " domestic indus
try" Of the nation, and they are equally entitled
to the nations " protection" No one OF them
can justly claim TO be the exclusive recipients
of protection" which can only be afforded by
increasing burdens on the domestic industry
OF others
If these views be correct, it remains to in.
quire, how far the tariff acl Of l842, is con-
ssten: with them. That many of the provi-
sons of that act are in violation Of the cardi-
nal principles here laid down, ell must concede,
The rates of duty imposed by it on some arti
Giles are prohibitory, and on others so high as
greatly to diminish importatons, and to pro,
duce a less amount Of revenue than would be
derived from lower rates. They operate as
|" protection merely" 10 one branch of domes
tic industry" by taxing other branches.
I By the introduction OF mnmums, or assum
ed and false values, and by the imposition OF
specific duties, the injustice and inequalities of
the act of 1942, IN its practical operations on
different classes and pursuits, are seen and felt.
Many Of the oppressive duties imposed by it
under the operation of these principles, range
from one per cent. 10 more than 200 per cent.
They are prohbtory OH some articles, and par
TALLY so on others, and bear most heavily on
articles Of common necessity, and but lightly
on articles Of luxury. 1t is so framed that
much the greatest burden which 1t imposes is
thrown on labor and The poorer classes, who
are least abe 10 bear il, while it protects CAPT.
tai and exempts the rich from paying their
just proportion Of the taxation required for the
support of government. While it protects The
capital Of the wealthy manufacturer, and in>
creases his profits, it does not benefit the OPP
eratives or laborers in employment, whose
wages have no, been increased by it. Articles
Of prime necessity or Of coarse quality and low
price, used by the mas ses Of the people, are, in
many instances, subjected by it 10 heavy taxes,
while articles Of finer quality and higher price,
or Of luxury, which can be used only by the
opulent, are lightly Taxed. 1t imposes heavy
and unjust burdens on the farmer, the planter,
The commercial man, and those Of all other pur-
suits except the capitalist who has made his
investments in manufactures. All the great
interests OF the country are not, as nearly as
may be practicable, equally protected by it,
| The government in theory knows no dstinc
ton OF persons or classes, and should not be-
stow on some favors and privileges which all
others may not enjoy. 1t was The purpose of
its illuslrious founders 10 base the institutions
which they reared upon the great and unchan-
ging principles of justice and equity, conscious
that if administered in the spirit in which they
| were conceived, they Wonld be felt only by