Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1845-06-13
ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.

around me, even at this late hour, that but brief
spase remains to notice branch Of this annexa-
ton question, which has probably received more
attention. both North and South, than any other |
point connected with theicontroversy. ! refer TO
the bearing of annexation on American Slavery
This, am aware, is in the estimation of many,
treading on forbidden ground for we have been
repeatedly told, during the progress of this discus
sion that the slave question is local question:
domestic question, which belongs exclusively to
the South, and ought not to undergo examination or
discussion here, or to be mingled with any contro-
versy, even the one now before the committee.
do not know, Mr.. Chairman, that any American
citizen here or elsewhere, questions the right of
those States where slavery exists TO regulate and
control it. ! never yet heard questioned the legal
right Of such States continue or abolish slavery
at their option, TO make necessary laws in rela-
ton thereto. But If in its main features, the ques
ton of slavery, us it now exists in the South is
local question: Southern domestic question--it
sometimes makes lis appearance here as nation
al question of the most absorbing character; and
such, sir is its nature it comes to us connected
with this Texas question. 1t comes stripped of its
local character and in features of such strong ma
tlonaty that its success will plant new seeds of
discord, weaken The bonds of federal union, make
the people of the North, and this Governments the
criminal instruments in raising the black flag of
slavery broader field, and put off TO the I'm
known, fear the far distant FUTURE the day of uni
versal freedom.
In my Judgment there is feature in this
whole question so strikingly national as this one
OF slavery. AS long slavery remains where it
was left by our iorefahers and the Constitution,
we can only regret and dscountenance it. But
when it leaves its prescribed boundaries and com
mcnces a struggle for power; when it encroaches
on the rights Of citizenship; when it comes here
for authority to spread and strengthen ITSELF it
throws off its local nature, assumes a national
character, and calls upon us TO act definitely and
decldedy-to meet the question in all its aspects
July and fairly. There is no Disgusting the fact
that this question involves the principle Of sane
tioning the establishment Of slavery over a neicly
acquired territory, containing, according to estl-
mates which come from the Department Of Stale,
203 $4,000 acres, territory five times larger than
the six New England States. The question, them
OF giving wider scope 10 the energies of slavery !;
| OF permitting its poisonous roots TO strike still
deeper into our political and social systems of en-
couragng the inhuman practice of rearing slaves,
like mules, for market, and stimulating the cold
bruaites of the domestic slave trade, is fairly be-
fore us for determination, it brings with it the SOL
enn obligation of calmly considering the influence
and bearing of slavery moral, political and So
cial institution.
trust, sir, 1t is not necessary at this age of the
world i'll the middle Of the 10Th century, to present
an argument against domestic slavery, almost the
only unmitigated evil that remains of the infancy
Of society, to illustrate the darkness and crimes OF
bygone ages. Slavery has not a solitary redeem
ing feature. 1t stands black and towering mon
uncnt of human injustice and guilt; Of mans ty-
ranncal nature and low ambition; of his delight
in the exercise of unlimited power, and his sordid
groyelllng desires. 1t has not only proved curse
to individuals wherever it has obtained foothod
but is a primary cause of national weakness and
decay. No nation ever has ever will become
permanently prosperous and great with such cor
ruptiug, such mighty evil fastened upon it. The
history of the past is full of warming its page:
swell with the melancholy record of wrecked ma
tons and what agent of national ruin can count
for its victims more fallen republics and Kingdoms
than domestic slavery? None, sir, none. Slavery
with its long train Of evils, makes men naughty
and domineerng; it is the parent of habits and in
clnatlons adverse to that industry, energy and
steady perseverance which brings thrift and hap
piness to individuals and nations. 1t is an element
OF weakness incompatible with high state of civ
ilizaton, with national strength, national prospect
ty and national virtue and when you attempt, by
a fraud upon our Constitution, by fraud and VIC
lence against neighboring Republic to break anc
make migratory our national boundaries for the
unhallowed purpose of charging and strengthen
ing the dominion Of slavery, it becomes the bust
ness OF every man, woman and child in these Uni.
ted States.
Members from the north may turn from and seel
to shut from their minds this branch Of the subjec
they may seek justification of tine votes they
are about to give to some plausible reason of {
general nature they may say that featy 10 party
and the harmony and union of party require sacr
flee and submission, but they cannot escape the
fearful responsibility of being made the nstru
ments of binding still more firmly upon the coun-
try this element Of destruction. If they succeed
in sitting for time the voice of conscience, and
making it subseryient to party dictation they must
| ,nart III
new acquisitions, which appears to be raging with
so much blind fury here, will in time subside that
cool reason and conscience will in their turn beai
sway, and then the voice Of liberty and justice
will cry out III condemnation of the scheme and it,
authors. Posterity will raise its upbraidng voice
against them for casting so deep shade over ou
national glory, and fastening with this triple chair
an evil so vast on coming generations.
The gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr
Holmes in his fervent argument for annexation
told that in half century the slave population
might amount to tUenty millions, and then asked
where room would be found for such multitude
without Texas. If slavery continue and increase
at the rate it has heretofore done, see no reason
to doubt the statement; yet it is a most startling
fact one which ought to excite the fear and appre
hension Of the whole country. J'wenty millions Of
slaves at the close Of the next fifty years, and the
cry of room room for slavery now sounding il
our ears. Sir, the impression which this facts has
made on my mind Is very different from that which
it appears TO have made upon the mind Of the gen
tleman from South Carolina. The lesson it teach
es is not that the National Government should come
in to widen the field and remove the obstruction;
So that slavery may freely expand ITSELF but the
contrary, it teaches that it should be condemned OF
all fit occasions, and all legitimate used FOL
narrowing its circle. The evil is increasing ever,
hour, and unparalleled as it now is it is light il
comparison to what it will become at the close o
the present century. Three millions of slaves al
ready among us, with a fair prospect say its adyo
Gates, of having twenty millions fifty years hence
What legacy to transmit 10 posterIty VIII tina
posterty, think you, feel grateful for such boom
Surely, sir, unless man has come to a pause in hi
progress to higher and better state of existence
unless he Is to turn back towards his primordia
condition, the Americans Of the next century vii
prefer pestilence and famine for their companions
and hone in the bowling wilderness to such
patrmony. They will preserve but to curse thu
memories of those who force il lDon them LIE