The Whig standard. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1843-1844, 1844-07-02


made the last effort in their power to arrest It's
downward tendency, and to stay for as long a
time a. possible, the hand which was extended
for lie destruction. At that critical moment, the
question for them to consider was, NOT MERELY
HOW MUCH PROTECTION WAS NECESSARY FOR
HoNE LABOR, BUT HOW MUCH OF IT COULD BE
SAVED. The bill in the House, backed as it was
by the power of the Executive, and the public
sentiment in its favor daily increasing, in conse-
quehce Of the Presidents denunciatlon of the
then existing tariff might be temporarily arrested
by the action of "a few Senators; but those very
Senators cav that. unless some compromise could
he effected, while they retained their slender ava
very precarous majority in the Senate, the ultl-
mate triumph of the destructive system, and that,
too. at no distant day, was inevitable.
Time can never efface my vivid remembrance
of the anxious responsibility ielt by myself and
those who acted with ma al that moment. l did
not rely upon my own judgment alone, nor upon
that Of my associates in the Senate, for the
/ should adopt. | sought the advice of one
who was citizen of iAy own State, and who
stmd, at the time, at the head of the manu-.
featuring interest of The country man whose
extensive and minute acquaintance with the
whole subject of the tariff was not exceeded by
that of any other man in the nation-one who
had embarked largely in manufactures HIMSELF and
who was deeply interested for manufactures, and.
withal, one hose exalted character man of
pure, patriotic, and honest purpose was unsur-
passed. ] refer to the late E. J. Du Pont, OF
Brandywine. At my solicitation, he came to
Washington to advise with me on the subject
and, after fully weighing all the circumstances
winch surrounded Us, anxlnus!y advised me 10
accept the Compromise, and to exert myself TO
procure its passage. He expressed strong appre-
tensions that we could carry the Compromise, in
the face Of the rival measure, which offered bet
ter terms to The enemies of protection in the
House and when represented to him that those
w no had been threatened with rope by the Pre-
sideni, would prefer our bill to the bill in the
House, account Of the paternity of The latter,
the possibility that we might for time arrest the
passage of any bill in the Senate, and The deep
solicitation felt by the NuIliiers to procure some
measure of immediate relief, To save them from
the Consequences of their own folly, he express
ed The highest qualification at the prospect Of he
passage of the Compromise, as the only means
left OF preserving The principle, 10 the mante-
nance Of which he had devoted great part OF his
own useful life. His judgment on The subject
confirmed my own opinions, and owed him while
he lived debt Of gratitude for MS assistance on
that OF cason, which, although never had it ii,
my power to repay, vet have never failed. either
before or since his lamenfed death, to acknowl-
edge. Thus assured, my feeble aid wa. freely
given TO that great measure; which, while 1t
savedthe manufacturing interest from sudden and
utter destruction, soolhed and conciliaied The an
cry passions of men, then ready to rush upon re-
volu,ion and bloodshed; and gave ample time to
the friends Of The protective poicy to rally in It's
suppDri, before the dearest interests of The cOun-
try could be fatally affected. Any attempt to
Withstand and repel the flood then rushing upon
us, would have been t, III less 1t WAS clear that
we should be swep. away by the torrent. We
preferred to divide, to divert AID TO r.tard ii.
And then thought, aud sl,ll think, that the
mighty effort OF Mr.. Clay, on that occasion, to
save his favorite measure from the danger which
threatened it from every quarter, was the most
triumphant act of his life.
After most exciting debate on the merits Of
the bill, great part of which was never publish
ed, in consequence of the feeling into which
friends had been betrayed, who had always, be-
fore that, acted together on this subject, the ques
ton was taken on the engross,nent of the bill, on
the night of Saturday, the Odd of February. 1888,
and it was ordered TO third reading in The SEN
ate by an overwhelming majority. AT this stage,
we arrested further proceedings in the Senate, in
consequence of the constitutional difficulty OF orr
ginating a revenue bill in that body. But we
had secured one object by thus indicating to the
House The measure to which we were disposed to
accede. On Monday, being the 18th of Febru-
airy, successful motion was made in the House
to strike out the whole of Mr. Verpanck's bill,
and substitute the Compromise in lieu of it. The
bill, thus amended, was ordered TO be engrossed
for a third reading on the same day; and, shortly
after, became the law of The land
1t is too late now, alter the experience the ma
ton has had of General Jackson's influence while
President, to pretend that it was not in his pow
er in 1888 TO have crushed the protective pulley.
His party was in the zenith of his power. 1t had
abandoned every principle formerly protested by
it, to which he had become hostile. 1t had sacrl-
feed every institution and every measure which
it had formerly advocated, as soon as he declared
war against it. 1t Is too late to say, that he had
some friends among the tariff men, who could
have influenced his own course. lie had some
friends among the bank men /; he had some friends
among the internal Improvement men and it
was mainly by their and that he was made
prominent candidate in 1924, and actually elected
in 1923. Had the friends of the bank, the inter-
nal Improvement system, and the tariff. foreseen
his policy in 1924, he could not possibly have
obtained votes enough in the United States 10
have carried hun into the House of Representa-
tives az candidate for election His intentions
on all these subjects were studionslv conreaied