Southport telegraph. [volume] (Southport, W.T. [i.e. Kenosha, Wis.]) 1840-1850, 1844-02-20

SO far as any thing can be demonstrated, it
is clear that he is the choice of the party
Mr.. Calhoun also objects te the mode by
which the convention makes its selections
By a process of reasoning of his own, he
comes TO the conclusion that the voice of
| the convention should be expressed Just as
is the voice of Congress in electing Presi-
dent. Each state should have but one vote
the character of that vote 10 be determined
by the majority of delegates from the state.
He wants that the small states should have
voice equal with the larger.
/ Mr.. Calhoun, we believe, has always been
opposed TO the convention system, and his
objections are stated at length. Exactly
what he proposes to 10 in the coming con-
test is not clear. We give below the con
clus:on Of his letter, the only part oft whicV
throws any light on this point For his free
trade sentiments we honor him. He is not
all democrat, in our opinion, who thinks
otherwise, but we doubt whether the course
of action he proposes 10 adopt IS the best.
For our own part, if we could not support
free trade man with any prospect of success,
we should not hesitate to lend all our aid TO
the man VINO comes nearest to it. With re-
gard to his position on the matter of slavery
enough will doubtless condemn it, but it
would certainly be matter Of surprise if his
sentiments were different from those express
sed.
Be your decision what it may, shall be
con'ent. But regard ii as due to the oc
casion, TO you and myself, to declare that
under no circumstances whatever shall
support any candidate who is opposed 10
free trade, and in favor Of the protective
policy, or whose prominent and Influential
friends and supporters are. | hold the
policy TO be another name for system of
monopoly and plumber, and TO be thoroughly
anti-republican and federal in its character.
| also hold that SO long as the duties are so
laid rs to be in fact boun,ics TO one portion
Of the community while they are Cypress
i've on the other, there can be no hope that
the Government can be reformed or that
It's expenditures will be reduced 10 the
proper standard.
Were |, with the evidences before me,
10 sly otherwise of my course, it would be
practically to declare that | regard the
protective policy TO be an open question,
SO far as the patty is concerned; which
would consider on my part, virtual aban-
donment Of the cause of free trade. That
can never be. have dcne and suffered
too much for it, when lis friends we're few
and feeble, to abandon it now-now, when !
the auspices every where, on this and the |
other side Of The Atlantic, proclaim the APP
proaching downfall of protection and the
permanent triumph OF free trade. !, who |
upheld it against monopoly and plumber, in
the worst OF times, and braved the menaccs
of Administration and Opposition when
backed but by a single safe, will not, can
not abandon the glorious cause now, when |
It's banner waves in triumph over the |
metropolis OF the commercial world. No, |
| shall maintain immovably the ground
have SO long occupied, until have witness
ed its great and finyl viSory, if il shall
please The Dlsposcr Of Events to spare my |
life so long 1t will be, indeed, u rictory
the harbngcr Of new, and brighter, |
and higher civilization.
Mucn less still can give my support to
any candidate who shall give his aid or
countenance TO the agitation Of abolition in
Congress or elsewhere; or whose prominent
and influential friends and supporters shall
doubt the sincerity of any man who de-
clares he is no abolitionist, whilst at the
same time he aids or countenances the agi-
taton Of the question, be his rrctext what
it may. If we have a RICH 10 our slaves.
we have the right to hold them in peace
and quiet If the Constitution guarantees
the one, it guarantees the other; and ii
t iorbids the one, it forbids the other.
Indeed, the one stands to the other as
means to an end, and is SO avowed by
the abolitionists; and, on the plainest prin-
ciples of morals, il the end be prohibited,
the means Of eifccting it also are. OF the
two, regard the deuded fanatic far less
guilty and dangerous than he who, for po
l.tical or party purposes, aids or counter
ances him in what he knows is intended TO |
do that which he acknowledges to be for
hidden by the Constitution.
|, is tire an end should be put TO this
system Of plumber and agitation. They
have been borne long enough. They are
kindred measures, and hostile, as Ear at
least as one portion of the Union is concern
ed. While the tariff takes Glom us the |
proceeds Of our labor, abolition strikes as
The labor itself The one robs US Of our
income, while the other aims al destroying
the source from which that income is de-
rived. 1t is impossible for us TO stand
patiently much longer under their double
operation withou: being impoverished and
ruined.
JOHN C, CALHOUN.