The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1844-02-12

THE sPOLIATION OF AMERICAN COM
MERGE. FIRST BY THE FRENCH AND
THEN BY OUR OWN GOVERNMENTS


as in our own, has become subject Of proven
bal remark-but we doubt if PARALLEL in Jurls-
prudence can be found, al least IN ms hemis' |
phere, TO the tardiness with which legislation
has proceeded in reference TO the claims reier |
red to in The documents the names OF which we
have refer ed 10 al the head of this article.
We do not now speak OF the claims not being
admitted and paid-,hat is a subject, on the ex-
animation Of which we propose presently 10 en-
ter but Of no decision whatever having been |
made of the question. For forty years these
petitioners have been Knocking at The door OF
the Treasury, and not once have they been told
whether they are finally to stay out to come in.
Without any reference 10 the justice Of the
claims, this is a vexa'lon that in private Affairs
would not be tolerated. But 10 the merits OF
these demands. We intend TO consider the
subject as national question OF high moral im-
portance and Interests; imparialy, as those
should who have not dlrec .ly or indirectly the
smallest interest in the matter; and with view
al once 10 that rigid economy which should
carefully scrutinize all claims on the public
purse. and 10 that sense OF justice which forbids
economy when only to be effected by sacrifice
of national faith.
Since The official communication by the Exc
cuuve 10 Congress, made in May, 1926, detail
ing the correspondence Of our ministers TO
FIance, forming document Of upward OF eight
hundred pages, not less than niue elaborate re-
ports have been made in favor of these claims,
and yet they are still undisposed Of.
This singular fact originally called our atten-
ton TO them, and we sought, in the speeches OF
their opponents Uhe most ample, and certainly
the most able OF which was made by our gifted
iellow-ci!izen, Silas Wright,) the explanation
of the delay.
We carefully considered the arguments ad-
yanced by that intelligent statesman. Ii was
from this speech that we derived our FIRST &C
quainlance with the subject. And yet, much as
we are in the habit OF agreeing with him on
matters OF general policy, we are constrained TO
say that before having even read or heard sy l.
liable OF the other side Of the case, an attentive
perusal of that ingenious and elaborate speech
suticed to impress our mind with decided con-
viction of the rghtlulness Of the claims in ques
ton, and Of the moral necessity incumbent on us
as nation, sooner or later to recognize and dis
charge them. Our reasons f r this conclusion
we shall now state
These claims have tn ir origin in circumstan-
ces growing out of the most important event 10
the earliest days of this republic, the formation
OF the treaty of l77S with France a treaty
which It is conceded on all hands secured to us
that national Independence which has ever since
been 10 US the subject OF so much rejoicing and
pride.
That treaty was guaranty Of mutual and re
ciprocal din fact an alliance offensive and
States Of the American Union. By it. France
on the one side pledged the whole of her great
resources to assist us in the struggle in which
the devoted patriotism OF our revolutionary ia
theirs had engaged; receiving, on, the other, a
similar pledge OF our support in regard to her
West India colonies, perpetuay menaced as
they were by the national hostility and the com
mercal Jealousy ofEngland.
Our Independence was secured and none ha We
d,u Nod that hat.
CELEBRATED by the inerposition of France
The relations between the two countries nat
urally became more intimate, while the hostility
of England was as naturally excited again ST our
powerful ally and matters were again verging
towards a rupture between those mighty rivals,
when the United States Government, actualed
by these amcable feelings, entered into the
convention with France in 1885, which invest
ed her consuls with the right of exercising judi
cal pow, rs III our ports.
Ii was not long before the cdsus f9deris
which had been contemplated by the treaty Of
alliance In 177S, occurred. France, influenced
without doubt by our successful example, COM
menced the political career which resulted in the
overthrow of the Bourbon dynasty the es,ab-
llshment of a republican form of government
and long and ssnguinary conflict with her an
clent enemy England. AT this junciure, the
energetic aid Of The United States, whose com
mercial marine had already rendered no con-
temptible rival OF the mother country, would
have done immense service to the cause al
France. A new state OF things had, however,
arisen. The relations between England and
her former colonies had become extensive, and
led to important negotiations, resulting IN The
celebrated treaty made by Mr.. JAY in 1871
which in eject sbrogated all those exclusive pri-
vIIeges granted to France by the convention OF
1888; and this treaty was preceded by tn proc
lamatlon issued by General Washington IN
1898, expressing the determination of the Anne
rIcan Government TO abstain from taking part
in the struggle W hich had already begun 10 con-
vulse the civilized world.
At this period France commenced that series
OF aggrcssons upon American commerce which
form che basis Of those claims which we now
considering.
She did not pretend to justify them on any
abstract principle Of right, or any rule Of inter
national law. On The contrary the decree of the
National Convention Of the oh Nav, 1893,
which authorized the capture of neural proper
~, admitted 1t 10 be a violation OF the rights OF
nations, and declared that in consequence of the
conduct Of her enemies " the French people are
no longer permitted to fulfil towards neutral
powers IN general the wishes they have so often
expressed, aud viii h they must ever feel for
the full and entire liberty of commerce and navi.
galion.n This decree carried with it, however,
some semblance of justice, iuasmuch as it pro-
missed Indemnity TO those whose property should
become the sacrifice Of these necessities.
Our Commerce soon felt The de, olating Z, Il cts
Of this decree. The property of our merchants
was captured and condemned, their crews i'm
pusoned aud maItreated, and the country rr-
lated almost to madness by this pnmiti. aed pi-
racy. Its extent was indeed formdable--our
cItIz ms suffered the loss of upwards of six hun
dred vessels and crews, valued at nearly fifteen
millions of dollars.
The American Government, however watcb-
ed these events with no Indifferent eye. MI.
JpnerSou then Secretary of Stale issued in