The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1844-01-05

therA
timston in which persons are held depends mnch
upon The number Of slaves they may own vet hi,
lordship says: ~ "''
confess that IT is my decided impression t,at
ms adoption Of all the minute und detailed Prov.
siohs recommended by the law commissioners would
nuch rainier impede than advance the object we have
IN view. That object is the ext;nc
''on FIRST practically and in the end even ayowedly
OF slavery IN so far as such results can be attained
by acts of the Government. But if, as il * the
intention OF one Of the recommendations we connect
the public officers with the registry of the s,las Of
persons as slaves how shall be able at any future
time to treat those transactions as otherwise than
perfectly valid, TO deal sCih claims of consideration
and compensation rhich may be preferred By the purca
sers! 1t is undoubtedly most desirable to put an inn
mediate and entire stop TO such practices wherever
ney may yet partially prevail as those of the sale of
slaves without their consent Of their sale under
circumstances separately from their families, or of
the sale OF agrestic slaves separately from the land
to which they are attached.
But IN prohibiting every kind of coercion by the
master over the person. and all summary interference
OF authority for the return of person claimed az
siavs 10 ms assuming owner, we shall in truth do
away with all such practices, for mo one ,viu be found
to purchase that, ofhe continued possession Of ,cLch he
can hare assurance"
His Lordship's recommendation was adopted,
You paid the West India proprietors go 900 900 ne
an indemnity ior emanciPatng their slaves but to
the East India slave to be free man-but YOU for
babe your civil tribunals 10 enforce the rights of the
master! Why this diference' Does Justice or h,l.
mainly act SO nconsstently?
But am told that the act of emancipation is new.
ertheless an act of dsinteresed benevolence; re-
fer you 10 the memorial presented by the committee
Of the British and Foreign Ant-Slavery Society to
Lord Melbourne, and dated Goth March. I94I. in
which they insist that the increased consumption of
your manufactured goods depends upon the increase
OF population and the general distribution of wealth
among the community-a thing which they declare
can never take place where the great mass of the
laborDg population are slaves I"
But perhaps there is nothing in YOUR legislation
which illustrates so forcibly the difference between
your profession and your practice as the amendments
made 10 the House to Lord Brougham's bill, previ-
ously referred to. 1t was objected to by Mr. Mild
may, upon the ground that no man could enter into
trade with any country between Virginia and Brazs
who did not run the risk Of falling under the penal
lies OF the bill, or seeing the Spaniards Frenchmen
and others getting securities for their debts and paw
m nts for their advances, which the bill would with
hold from the English merchant" The bill was re-
ierred 1t underwent entire modification and after
so recng the act Geo. w. as to reconcile that act
with the purpose intended the following words were
added as fifth section
PROVIDED always, and be it enacted, that in all
cases III which the holding or taking of slaves shall
not he prohibited by this any other act of Paria-
ment, it shall be lawful to sell or trans fer such slaves
any thing IN any other act contained notwilhstand
ing"
The 9th section was also so amended as to author
ize any British subject to sell any slave or slaves
which were lawfully in his possession at the time of
Inc passing OF the act, or which such person shall or
may nave become possessed of or entitled unto bona
Jde, prior to such sale, by inheritance, demise be-
guest marriage, or oherlose by operation of la,c -
When these amendments came before the House
mr. RAVES inquired their effect, and the Attorney
ueaera said' the object was to guard against any
indirect encouragement Of the slave trade b. at The
same time 10 enable British subjects in sIape dealing co,n
rles TO recover debts due them by the administration Of
ta'o" Thus legalizng the taking, holding, purchase
and sale of slaves
II there be any one feature in the system of sla-
very more odlous than all the rest it is that which
enables remorseless creditor to seize upon the hus-
oand and the wife, the parent and the child and,
Oy exposing them TO sale in open market break
asunder those ties which relieve the distress and
console the affections OF man, whatever may be his
condition. This bill, thus enacted under the pre-
tence OF suPpressng slavery and the slave trade,
ADOPTS Stare dealing, in its most odious form, because
II rs for the advantage of British commerce
You preach crusade against slavery, in The name
OF religion and humanity but you nstnctively pro-
tect British Interests You denounce the system as
sinful and cruel, but you take care to profit by "a
far as is consistent with your purpose Of substituting
another system, which you believe will still more
promote your interests. Thus, while you exclude
slave-grown sugar from your home consumption, that
you may thereby promote emancipaton and under
pretence OF dscouragng the slave-trade you encou.
rage the dealing in this same slave. grown sugar for
consumption on the continent BY permitting il 10 be
entered for re-exportaon, free Of duty. Now does
not all the world see that the purchase of slave-grown
sugar for continental consumption encourages slavery
and the slaye-rade just much as if it were con-
sumed in England; The principle and the efTec, i,
precisely the same; why, then, is one permitted
while the other is denounced Is it not because both
the permission and prohibition are, as you believe
Tor the benefit Of British commerce, By permitting
the import and rcexpora,ion free of duty of slave
grown sugar, you retain market for the sale of a
large amount OF British manufactures and secure "A
profit TO British merchants, which would Otherwise
enrich your manufacturing and commercial compeii-
tors by iorbldding the consumption Of slave-grown
sugar in England and you seek to abolish slavery else
where, and TO protect your colonial and East India
interests, until, by doing you destroy that system
OF cheap labor which now prevents your monopoly
of sugar, cotton, &c.
admit that there are many pious and humane per.
sons who believe that they are doing God service
and are acuated by purely disinterested benevoence
But such has been the case with fanatcism in all
ages-the same spirit gave birth to the Crusades to
the massacre OF the Saints to the wtchcraf delusion
and to every atrocity perperaed in the name of rc-
gion What do these fanatics know of the condition
of our savos by what right do they interfere in
our domestic institutional Have they no suffering
poor-no sins to rebukeno grievances TO redress at
home, that they send their sympathes voyage of
discovery to us
We require no union warehouses to keep our
slaves from starvation-we require no armed police
to keep them in subsection do we require sim
gle battalion, much less army of 4O, 900 men, 10
prevent servic Instruction. That whether slave
ny be or be not an evil-whether it should or should
not be abolished, questions for u.s. and for ia
alone, and about which you have no right whatsoever
to Interfere, is proposition which few even in Eng
land will venture to controvert
When therefore, we see your Government by
means so inconsistent, using such strenuous efforts TO
accomplish measure fraught with so much injury
to us and tending, if it could be accomplished. TO
establish the manufacturing and commercial supre
macy OF England by infcting emancipation TO use
inc words OF Lord Brougham) upon us, you must cx-
pcct US to feel very deep interest in the progress of
these eHnrts and iLat paoas...es = - d.