Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1844-09-21

port, that they cannot win it by these attempts |
to alter the organic law of the Union. You
had better teach the young men who enlist in
their service as partzans, that the first duty Of
an American patriot is to revere the COON
AS IT u.s." And should time
and experience point out the necessity for
any amendments, let the necessity be such as
men of all parties see, and men of all parties
first feel to be indispensable, before you give
your assent to them. The present point of
attack is the Constitutional VETO of the
President. Lett succeed and no man knows
what may or may not be the next. 1t is the
Clay party who are striving to attain power
now, by making 'r naon this point of your
Constitution. election may find
some other party, ulated by Mr.. Clay's
success. to make furtNA and greater inroads
upon the Charter of your liberties!
The VETO Of the President is negative
power. 1t was designed as check upon
the people themselves. 1t may prevent in
calcuIable mischief. 1t cannot do HARM
1t may occasionally intercept the passage of
laws, of which by universal consent we have
too many rather than too few. 1t cannot do
more. 1t does not empower the President to
touch IN the slightest degree the privileges or
property of the people, but it only enables
him to forbid such interference by others,
where he has good cause to apprehend it, he
assigning his reasons for it at the same time
And more than all, his VETO falls harmless
y to the ground, if after reconsideration,
taco thirds of Congress should pass the Act,
his 6 Pete notwithstanding.
1t was engrafted upon the Constitution by
those who knew what liberty was worth. and
how it might be shielded, and who suffered
much TO gain it for themselves and their chill
dren. And to denounce it as IS MONARCHI-
CAL" and anti-republican," CATER the man
ner of many.) is an insult to your understand
ings, and an ungrateful censure upon the
Convention Of '87 who formed the Consttu-
| tion-the wisest, pnrest, and most ilIussrlous
body of Republican Statesmen that the world
ever saw:
The facts in relation the Introduction of
| the VETO in the Constitution are at once re-
markabe and instructive when put in contrast
with the combined efforts of ambition, selfish
ness and party spirit, in our day, to decry and
to destroy it. On 4th June, 1887, the Con-
vention s Resolved that the National Execu-
'tive shall have right to NEGATIVE any
Legislative Act, which shall not be afterwards
:. passed unless by TWO-TH1RDs of each
" branch of the National Legislature" THIS
there were only two votes in the Convention,
and on the 2lst of July, after nearly two months
for consideration and debate, it passed UNAN-
lMOUSLY in the AFFIRMATIVE. (See
Journals of Convention of '87, pages Sc,
1917
1t may therefore be asserted upon the evil
dence of the Journals ofthe Convention which
first framed our constitution that the VETO
:. was passed by UNANIMOUS VOTE
t And whatever may be our respect for the in
D dividuals who favor it, it is difficult to treat
with courtesy the proposition that it Is an obi
= Gus feature of Monarchy unwisely introduced
into the charter Of American Liberty.
a The circumstances which have contributed
t more than every thing else to suggest this e1'
: pertinent of Party upon the good old Con
stitution, are in themselves, Still further cal
o culated tn alarm, into vigilance the jealousy
Of The people. General Washington exerted
the Veto power under the Constitution. and SO
, we believe did the elder Adams, and Mr.. JET:
!! fersOn, and Mr.. Madison, and Mr.. Monroe, du.
ring their several administrations, without Sc.
rious complaint. None of them however,
with the exception of Mr.. Madison, vetoed a
Bank bill; and Mr.. Madison's Veto gave a
clear intimation simultaneously that by re-
modelling the Bill his Veto might be evaded
and that intimation having been acted upon
he finally approved and signed the act. Where
f fore neither General Washington nor Mr.
|, Adams nor Mr.. Jefferson, nor MIR. Madison
nor Mr.. Monroe, was at any time constrained
, to put veto upon any favorite privilege to
Bankers. Brokers, and other Capitalists
Their vEroEs conflicted with no peculiar
measures of the Money-Party mo interested
, schemes of IS associated wealth." And il
f was fortunate for their own repose that it was
so.
} But whilst General Jackson was President
, it so turned out that he put his VETO upon a
bill to re-charter the Bank ofthe United States
, We say nothing at present of the expediency
of National Bank. It is sufficient that the
, bill thus vetoed by Gen. Jackson, was one
, which would have enriched the owners oil
Stock Foreigners and natives) to an immense
+ amount, besides giving to them other valuable
privileges. And what followed this exercise
\ Of Constitutional power by the President Of
the Nation! Then, for the FIRST TIME in ouI
q history, you heard the strong language of de.
nunciation against the VETO power. Then
. for the FIRST TIME, the tones Of indignant re-
probation. real or affected, were raised against
, il as one man power" Until it had been
thus exerted upon the cent per cent interests Of
associated wealth, you heard nothing of its
being anti-Republlcan''-u corrupt, ir'
responsible, heartless money corporation stag
: oered under the blow which Jackson's veto
let fall upon it's guilty head, and Bank corpo-
rators and their ambitious party allies saw
the privileges of MoNoPoLIEs about to give
place to the higher privileges of the people
there had been no party organized, and so tar as
we know, not an eminent Statesman of Amer
lea, who had ever proposed to abrogate this
; mower of the Constitution. Immediately af
ter that time, however, the Bank of the Uni
ted States became an undisguised party or
gan. and with Mr.. Clay for its leader, this
contest has been carried on ever since with a