The Whig standard. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1843-1844, 1844-05-13
CO. M u MIC A ITO N.
A REVIEW OF LINN BOYD'S LETTER.

To THE Hon. LINN BoYD, OF KENTUCKY

~ The ION. LINN boyd, OF KENTUCKY:
This address, sir, may be considered as sort
of digest of the avowed measures of certain
political school, the effects of whose doctrines and
practices this country will feel long and severely
It is made up of a farrago of almost every topic
which has been agitated in Congressional debate,
or private conversation, national affairs, for the
last twenty years. The Oldest controversies are
haWled out of the dust, with which time and ne
elect had covered them. Arguments ten times
repeated thousand times answered before, are
here repeated again. Public matters formerly
printed and reprinted, revolve once more and find
their old station in this sober meridian Ali the
commonplace lamentations upon the adoption of
what you term bad precedents' over the tenden-
cy OF national measures, to the injury of the
country, are here retaed again and again, in the
same tone with which they have drawled through
columns of the United States Telegraph, the
Globe, and the Richmond Enquirer, for years
Paradoxes which affront common sense, and un-
interesting barren truths which generate no con-
cluslon, are thrown in to augment unwieldy bulk
without adding any thing to weight. Because
two accusations are better than one, contradic-
tons are set staring one another in the face,
without even an attempt to reconcile them. And
to give the whole sort of portentous air of labor
and information the Liberal ascrption of improper
motives are swept into this grand reservoir of
politics.
AS to the composition, it bears striking and
whimsical resemblance to funeral sermon, not
only in the initial gravity with which it opens, and
the pathetic manner with which it concludes, but
It's piteously doeful, nodding every now and then
in the style and tenor Of the whole performance.
towards dulness; well stored with pous frauds
and gross misrepresentation, much better calcu-
laf nU for thn n 81 ~, IL
edlfcation of our countrymen.
Let us now advert to Mr.. Clay's conduct pre-
vious to the election of Mr.. Adams to the Presi-
dency and we fatter ourselves that it will be found
on the examination OF the proof, that he acted in
this trying crisis as became man of prudence
and honor. Foreseeng, in the contingency of
his exclusion from the House of Representatives,
the delicate relation in which he would stand both
to his country and to his recent competitors, and
that whatever might be his course, it would ex-
cite acrimonious commentary among the dsap.
pointed parties, he must have wished to prevent
any msconstruction of his motives, which an en-
tire concealment of his intention might give color
to. The natural means of accomplishing this
end We're TO communicate this intentions, occa-
slonally, TO his personal friends. This was the
part of common prudence. But to have done
more-to have ostentatiously promulged his de-
termination to vote for Mr.. Adams in preference
to General Jackson, while his friends in Con-
gress, who, also, were to vote on the same ques-
ton, had not announced their own preferences
might have been construed into desire, on the
part OF Mr.. Clay, to influence their votes. Every
consideration of delicacy prompted reserve in
this particular, as every consideration of prudence
had prompted frankness in the other.
When it was understood at Washington that
MIR. Clay had not received the votes of the State
OF Louisiana, and he was consequently excluded
from the House of Representatives, great solici.
tude existed among the public generally as to the
probable vote of the Clay party. The opinions
of Mr.. Clay himself concerning General Jackson,
were SO well understood that only few of Cen
eral Jackson's most sangune friends INDUCED the
hope that he woudreceive Mr.. Clay's vote. One
of them, personal friend Of General Jackson's,
declared, on his way to Congress, that the
friends of General Jackson did not expect MIR.
Clay to vote for him, and if he did SO, it would
be an act of duplicity upon his part" See Brad
docks statement, 33d vol. Niles's Register, page
3l4l Mr. Senator Benton, now in the ranks Of
our opponents, also declared, in the autumn OF
1924, that it was impossible for Mr.. Clay to vote
for General Jackson, and expressed much surprise
at the suggestion. [See b. s. Forests state
ment 34th VOL Niles's Register, page 500.
So much for the statements of General Jack
sons friends in relation or to the suggestion, that
Mr. Clay would not vote for General Jackson
Let US proceed to the examination of the proof as
regards Mr.. Clay's determination to support the
election of Mr.. Adams. 1t must be understood
that this determination was communicated to sew
eral gentlemen of high character and veracity,
sometime before the election too place. t
In Judging of mems actions, it is material to at
tend to their private conversations, addressed to
those in whom they have confidence. In such
conversations the hearts of the most cautious are
apt to expand, and the most hidden plans are
sometimes disclosed. ry8 Fl ae. 5sa.
What was Mr.. Clay's reply TO all inquiries
made of him by his personal friends in regard to
his preierences-on all occasions he made a
prompt and satisfactory response. Mr.. Senator
Benton states that Mr.. Clay told him in the fall
Of 1924 that he could not vote for General Jack
son. Q) General Lafayette, the mirror OF chIval-
ry and truth, says that in December, 1924 Mr..
Clay informed him that he concluded TO vote Tor
Mr.. Adams. ~ DIR. Drake, of Kentucky, ana
Judge Brooke, of Virginia, also bear ample testl-
mony, that Mr., Clay, sometime anterior to the
election, informed them that he had determined