The Whig standard. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1843-1844, 1844-03-07

which the foundation of our happy Union was
laid" In support of these general declarations
the Legislature adopted resolution, I" that the
Congress of the United States have no power UNI
der the Federal Constitution to dictate to the peo-
pie in the Missouri Territory what principles
shall be given them in the formation of their Con-
stitution or system of Government" The State
of Virginia. faithful to her political principles de-
nounced the attempt then agitated in Congress to
fetter Missouri with restrictions, measure
tending to the subversion of Southern Institutions
and as alarming "to the future liberties of the
people" | ask you, can she support the man
who has thus advocated resolutions, requiring
Senators in Congress to maintain policy which
she has declared by her sovereign organ, the Leg
islature to be destructive to the public peace and
infraction of sovereign rights reserved to the
States" and "exciting feelings eminently hostile
to the affection and prudent forbearance which
| ought ever to pervade these confederated States"
| Is this Jeffersonian democracy! Is the exercise
of such power conformable to the tenets of the
| Republican party! Read the correspondence of
Mr.. Jefferson with the patriots of the day, and he
declares to the world that the attempt to fasten
the State of Virginia restriction regards her
admission into the Union, is treason against hui
man hopes
! Now allow this the fullest latitude which your
friends claim for it, and it works an entire change
| in the character of the Government. This is the
natural and necessary consequence of the appli-
cation to the Constitution of such doctrine. Let
me ask the people of the South and the Western
States, if they are prepared to sustain such doc
| trine.
| During the discussion of the alarming doctrine
contained in the propositions as submitted to
Congress relatively to the State of Missouri,
where do we find Clay, Lowndes, Pinckney Of s..
c., Randolph, Tucker, and Barbour, of Virginia !;
were they supporting ehcroachments on the Fed
eral Constitution! Were they denouncing South
| ern institutions when the constitutional rights Of
| the State of Missouri were assailed-when the
glorious institutions of the country seemed to feel
the shock of the convulsiye throes which then
agtated the whole country-when the political
horizon was darkened by storms of the most por-
tentous character, and the patriots heart was
| sckening at the prospect OF the overthrow of
| everything that was splendid in our Government,
who stood firm and undaunted amidst the general
convusion that seemed to rock the ship of State
in most fearful manner, and preserved our Con-
stituton, the boast and pride of this country and
the admiration of the world Henry Clay, of
| Kentucky While he was thus periodically en-
gagged in preserving the integrity Of the Union,
and reconcng States that had almost become in
| state of alienation towards each other, what po-
siton did you occupy! Were you striving to
maintain friendly relations between the different
sections of the country, by the adoption of con-
catory means, and thus allaying the excitement
which pcrvaded the country to such dangerous
extent No. But az member of the Legislature
of New York, you urged the adoption Of reso-
| luton pregnant with the most alarming infrac-
tons of the Federal Constitution, intoxicating the
most deadly hatred between sovereign States, dis
robng them of their admitted constitutional rights
to crafty charmerical views of policy and expedi
ency--mpairing the value of slave the population,
and extending the action of Congress over the in
stituton of slavery.
If your views in regard to this resolution had
been carried into effect, and sanctioned by Con-
gress, we should have seen the ruins of that rep
resentative principle, the glory Of the Teutonic
race, by which popular government anciently
confined in cities, has become capable of being
strengthened by its extension over vast coun-
try, to which the most enlightened foresight
| cannot even now assign any limits and which
time still distant will exhibit In this newly dis
| covered world, republican confederacy, likely
| to surpass the Macedonian and Roman Empires
in greatness and distinction, but gloriously found
ed on equal rights, not like them, on the univer-
| sal subjugation of mankind.
A sense, both of justice and of gratitude, de-
mands the acknowledgment that the compromise,
which rescued the confederated States from a
state OF internal dissentions and hostile feelings
which they had been plunged, and restored them
to peace, tranquility and fraternal affection, was
The work of that great statesman, HENRY CLAY,
who has not only maintained the most perfect
integrity, the most unsullied purity, in situations
were these virtues are exposed to the severest
trials, but who superaded thereto, such disn-
| terestedness Of mind, such an Indifference to
every personal feeling and consideration, such
an entire and absolute devotedness to the integ-
rity of the Union, which he views as the source of
American patriotism and American valor, that
in him the attachment to SELF which seems to
be inseparably interviewer with our nature, was
lost and absorbed in unceasing solicitude for the
public welfare "a work which will excite the
patriotism of unborn generations, and which
would be sufficient Of itself to trasmit, with un-
sullied lustere, the name of Clay TO the latest
posterity. This is no exaggeration. In the eye
of unbiased reason the Trainer of that patriotic
and well concerted compromise deserves, on tina,
Extract of letter from MIR. Jefferson to J. Adams