Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1844-07-13
From the Philadelphia North American.
Speech Of Hon. John Nh. CLAYTON

met at Wilmington on Saturday. 1t was antic
pated that Hon. John NJ. Clayton would speak
upon the Compromise Act and great interest
was manifested to hear him. The proceedings
generally, were Of the most enthusiastic character
The following report Of Mr.. Clayon'5 speech
comprehonds the leading points, and often the
precise language which he used The delivery
occupied about three hours.l
Hon. JOHN NJ. CLAYTON presented himself 10
the meeting and saddle rose for the purpose
of rendering them in the first instance his thanks
for the honor they had done him in appointing
him to preside over so large and respectable an
assembiage Of Wing freomen here convened.
With single exception, he had not witnessed,
at any period Of his political life, SO great Con.
vention Of any political party as he then saw
before him. His chief object in attending the
Convention to-day was for the purpose Of endeav
oring TO bring back their attention and that OF
the country from the many distractng topics
which now sgtaed and disturbed the public
mind TO that greatest Of all issues involved in
the approaching Presidential election. In his
view, that question was one Of the highest and
most important that could engage the consdera.
ton OF the country.
It was question whether we should surrender
the protection OF the Wing Tariff OF 1912;
whether we should abandon that Act which had
extended 10 the laborer, for the first time in the
last ten years at least that protection which fairly
belonged to him; whether we should return to
that state Of colonial vassalage in which this
country existed before the Wings Of the Ameri.
can Revolution had achieved our liberty and
independence by the great struggle Of the Revo.
lutionary War.
This was an effort OF designing politicians of
the opposite party 10 Withdraw the attention OIL
the voters OF the country, at this time, from this
which was the true ssue-the greatest, assuredly,
of all the issues to be decided. They were con
scious, as all intelligent men must be, that there
was in the United States at the present time, an
immense ma orty of the voters OF the country in
favor oc the Tariff OF 1912, and opposed to the
modern doctrine Of Free-Trade. But all the
other questions which the ingenious men OF the
opposite party could press into the canvass were
now brought forward sudiousy and avowedly
to be discussed, and for the express purpose OF
covering, with q mask, the gtea, question
upon which their happiness and true interest de.
pend. He would say that they were aware Of
the consequence of the decision on this issue.
He declared that this was q common trick OF de.
signing politicians to withdraw the people from
the questions which they dreaded, and TO present
others, for the purpose Of avoiding defeat. He
remembered an anecdote which was related to
him at the time the Sub. Treasury Bill was passed,
Here Mr.. CLAYTON, after an apt illustration |
Of his point, proceeded in most humorous strain
to depict what was the condition OF Tyler, and
that Of his instruments in their efforts 10 obtain
the annexation of Texas to the Union. His
portraiture OF the funciionaries OF the present
Administration, and Of the Loco Foco candidate
in 70 tb, Irat, f,r,b
repeated bursts OF laughter from the assembled
thousands
Mr.. C. went on to euogize Henry Clay, and
affirmed that if fairly dealt by, he must be our
next President. cloud, loug, reiterated and en-
thusastic cheering.)
He would not predict the fate Of James X. |
Polk and his followers. He invoked the atten.
ton Of the meeting to the issue which must be
decided at the next election. If the election
goes against US, as Republican he was willing
10 submit to the majority Of his countrymen, and
he would sit down with whatever Of patience
and resignation he could command. When, he |
repeated, that decision should have been mode, |
then as a Republican he would submit to it.
He, however often thought he would be glad TO
drive bargain with the opposite party, in order
that we should get rid entirely and for ever of
the Tariff question. Indeed, in his opinion,
such are the prospects Of the Wing party that he
would be willing to risk tie final decision Of the
matter on the approaching election. He had
received many communications Gom different
parts Of the United States, inviting him to eX.
plain the facts in relation to the course pursued
by Henry Clay of Kentucky, and Theodore
Frenghuysen OF New Jersey in reference to the
Act Of the 81 OF March, 1888, commonly called
the Compromise. Strange as it might seem,
these tried Patriots and able Statesmen had been
charged by our opponents with abandoning the
Protective Policy of the countGy lie found It
impossible to answer all the letters that he had
received on the subject; but if his fellow citizens
would have patience, he would attempt reply
10 all those interroga tories in what he was now
| about TO say.
| He was member OF the Senate of the United
States at the time Of the passage Of the Compro.
mise Act, and was also member Of the Com
miltee to which it was referred. He was one OF
those who voted for it in all its stages, and for
lis passage; and he thought he had as great an
opportunity Of knowing the motives and objects
Of Mr. Clay and Mr.. Frelinghuysen, as any other
man belonging to that honorable body;-and he
would now say briefly before he proceeded
farther, that the great objects they had in view,
were not only 10 save the honor OF the States then
in danger, but also to save the Protective Prnci
pie and the Protective Policy itself. 1t was
quite common error, even among intelligent
men, to suppose that the act which these gentle
men voted Tor, did, in some part OF it, abandon
the Protective Principle. 1t was by some sup
posed-indeed, il was by many believed, that
The act was an act to reduce the duties down TO
20 per cent. at the end Of nine years and four