The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1844-09-26

declaration as a motto, were held up in
perpetual contrast before the eye of every
friend OF abolition, whose abolition goes
to moral, in exclusion from political means
I"Here is the issue Polk, Teas, ana
perpetual sIauery, or Henry Clay, M
Texas, and sIavery as 1t is,"l until strait
ened in the dilemma he should be forced
back into the first great moral principles
of the constitution, as the true ground oil
liberty. Our political sincerity rests in
the moral character of the great body oil
community, and will be found when, and
only when, our citizens shall in sufficient
numbers admit moral considerations to
have laeir proper share in directing the
course of our elective franchise. And can
any man, consistent with such regard for
moral principle lend his aid to confer the
greatest honors and trust, of the nation, of
the world, on man who can, from emf.
hence in civil authority descend TO chiv-
alrous appeal, and seize the assassins
weapons 10 revenge personal insult g.
Said Paul, with al his Difference 10 "lhe
powers that be-" "God shall smite thee,
thou whited wall 3; for siltesi thou to Judge
me according TO law, and commandest me
10 be smuten contrary 10 lava" Can any
man, with ordinary regard for justice, so
lend his aid to a man who defends and
sIstains that institution "as it isl which
has rendered our national Jurisprudence
an absurd paradox at home, and an exc
Grafton abroad, declaring it sanctioned
and sancti6ed" by The law of precedent ?
Where is the necessity for such an act ?
Is ii that Clay's system Of policy is pc.
culiar to himself? No, it is known and
admired by halflhe nation. Is it from the
strength of party aLtac hlnent and the much
dreaded obloquy sure 10 attend depart
ure from it? From this source, as We
have already seen, arises the great hoz,rd
of our Republic. And will we nourlsh in
our bosom the viper while it preys on the
ife-blood of our dearest interests! If so,
we are the fiji instruments 10 follow an i'm.
posing desperate in any ambitious project,
But, dropping The idea of policy (for slave
ry las it Isl is consistent part of the
wing policy,) Is IL right? True, my
vote is but one among the hundreds Of
thousand that are cast. Still we may no.
commit ourselves in following multi
tude 10 do evil" "He that is faithful in
that which is Least, is faithful also in much,
and he that is unjust in the least is unu st
also ia much.' But must we vote fol
Clay 10 avoid annexation? The man
who does it, not only votes for slavery "as
1t u.s." but also votes obedience 10 tina. Gus
tom which would impose such exigencies
on US forever.
Oar political institutions are justly dear.
But perhaps we are looking for too much
from this source to the neglect of our own
moral and religious duties. Certainly we
are if We look 10 our government to be.
stow happiness upon u.s. TO do this is
not its prerogalye. The happiness of
every man must be the fruit OF his own
effort, or course of action. And the great
design or end OF government is 10 secure
10 men the opportunity for such pursuit.
When more is asked and expected of gov.
ernmenr, the people ask and expect that Of
their government which belongs TO them
selves 10 do. AS well might people ask
and expect their government 10 enrich
them from the national treasury as 10
make them happy by their public acts.
That community which expects 10 secure
10 itself happiness merely by calling into
requlstion some rare and anomalous gen.
ius may seek in vain. lis efforts must
fall as much short of lis end as the pur>
suit of a gnng of visionary money diggers
falls short of the we'll directed pursuit of
a community of artists and agricuIturaisls.
The true course in all our elections is 10
appoint men not with prime reference TO
other elections, not 10 establish precedenls
and settle principles, but to perform in an
exemplary manner the appropriate duties
of their Office, and thus protect and give
sanction to moral principles. B.
Castleton, Sept. l3, 1914.