The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1844-09-17
CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS oFTHE SOUTH

II Is a well kown fact, but one which cannot, UNI
der present circumstances, be too frequently repeat
ed, and Trough. before the minds of The People
tina, our Constitution, or national compact, was The
result, of a carefully considered compromise among
the respective Colonies 8 ates which were parties
to II. Wholly independent of each other, as they
previous to The war Of the Revolution, and diff
feiing in soil, climate, population and local advanta-
ges, there were many c,ntending interests
ce, aud probable Of collision guard against
1t required, therefore, the utmost skill and wisdom to
arrange the terms OF compact which should be ac-
ceptable to all but il was finally accomplished I'M
der the auspices Of such men as George Washington
and Benjamin Franklin men whose fame is now
the common property Of manknd-and hitherto our
country has prospered under the work of their ha
beyond all anticipation.
The most prominent and difficult subject Of com
promise the institution of negro slavery in the
Southern S,ales-an institution originally forced
upon the People of that section of the country b, the
mercantile and trading interest of the North whose
cupidity was fostered and encouraged from sordid
motives, by the Government of the mother country
At the time Of the formation of our Constitution it
clearly foreseen il is clearly seen now that
an institution creating such broad mark Of distinc
ton between the North and the South, and so i'm
portant in ITSELF would, unless precautions were ia
ken, become subject of national legislation, TO be
disposed Of by the votes Of the majority and as the
South was, and was likely to continue, the weaker
section, in point of population it necessary that
SO peculiar and important interest should be
placed under especial safeguards.
Hence arose peculiar form of Government and
Constitution in which the strict Rel ubcan princi-
pie is in respects departed from-but necessa-
rily departed from for the sake of Union. But for
those peculiar features in the Constitution, which
were adopted to secure the rights and property of the
People of the South there would have been no Con-
stituton, and no Union 1t is ndisputabe that, but
for the provisions in question: the slavehodng States
never would have entered the Union and il is
equally certain that the great law of self
preservation, which would have prevented them
from entering II, would be quite imperative in its
dictates now, If those provisions should be in any
manner eyaded or annued, or The balance of power
which they were intended to establish DESTROYED d.
rectly or indirectly, purposely or accidentally.
Those provisions, therefore, may be said 10 contain
point where wound would be death TO il. And
Is not the mere letter of the provisions that must
be adhered 10, but the spirit and intent of them
To assal these provisions in any manner, openly or
insidiously is to assail the Union itself
II is from these considerations that the People of
the South have been, from the commencement of our
naton xistence, earnest and persevering in their
demand, for strict construction of the Constitution
not from the selfish and morous apprehensions with
which they have been tainted, that the Union is pe-
culary necessary TO their safety, but b, cause strict
construction Of the Constitution is indispensable TO
the continuance Of he Union; for il il be loosely
construed IN some particulars, il may be loosely con.
strusd in those provisions which are vital and essen
hal to ITS existence 1t would be idle to speculate,
now, upon the probable consequence to the daeren,
sections of the country II the Union had not taken
place, or II It should be dissolved but it may rea
sonably and periuently be asked, why should IN.
savcboldng States, united by bond Of common
interest powerful, be less able TO take care of
themselves than others who have no common bond Of
INTEREST,"
IL u not fear, but affection, which has induced the
South to keep watch with ealou. an eye over the
purity and integrity Of the Constitution and she has
never been turned aside from her purpose, by any
considerations Of the advantage which she might i'm
med'a,ey derive from the violation or evasion of thai
instrument. The commerce and manufactures of the
North have in their turn been fosered BY the Gene
raj Government the South promptly and cbeerfully
contributed her share of blood and treasure called
for by war undertaken to resent sggressions on our
commerce but all that she has ever asked from our
common Government has been rigid adherence to
the Consttuton--no favors, but rights
II is perhaps natural tina, certain politicians in the
Norlh should have mistaken this spirit for timidty or
foodnsss for distractions, or want Of proper degree
Of practical worldly wisdom and shrewdpess; but
the result will prove, trust, that she has been
governed by the highest order OF wisdom and policy
She can appeal, with a clear conscience. to the
friends OF union throughout the country to aid her in
the maintenance OF her constitutional rights.
The sblest and most arfu of the assaants Of these
rights is unquestonably Mr.. John Quincy Adams
Deeply learned in all that concerns the history of our
country and Government, and having been almost
contemporary with The trainers of the Constitution.
none know better how and where TO assail that in
strument, and through it, the Union.
We have already commented on several NJ tbe
misrepresentation contained in his address If las,
year to his constituents but the craft ard falseho,d
pervading the following extract from the same dozen
ment viii justify us, we think in again recurring TO
1t:
Neither was there any intention OF fraud IN ,ho,
provision OF the Constitution which gives TO ntoner
~, and that an odious property a Representative !,
our National Councils, to the exclusion Of all Other
Proper'y-sn enormous representation, which con.