The Spartan. [volume] (Spartanburg, S.C.) 1843-1852, 1844-08-28

oisune.ly expressed, may be legitimately exer-
cisea Tor another, and even inconsistent purpose.
ooctrine too absurd to be opeRly ayowea,
| however It aybspraotised. This power ofnro,
teetlng domestie nasnntactures by high duties.
therefore. IS brought now into operation under
the plausible and insidioss guise of a revenue la
rit In 1924 and 1928, the mann fac,ures caa,c
forward boldly, with '.Protection and prohibition
the people would not saGnit open robbery.-If
They yielded TO tho compromise act to avoid a.
worse fate. In 1912, when saw the new sys-
TEN OF tactics, which grew out Of the Union be-
tween southern and northern whgs-when 7
heard Southern nullifers declaring that the manu-
lecturers wanted no protection beyond that which
q revenue tariff wouldaAord; and above all, when
saw that the protective iarifacf 1642, the foul.
est Of all the brood, entiticd San act for pro.
vidng reverue," became at once impressed with
the magnitude of the danger to which the whole
agricultural and particularly the exporting inter
est OF the country was immnently exposed. The
people of the United States may be swindlcd out
of their rights by artfnl devices and false tokens
but they will never submit to open and undisguis-
ed oppression and injustice. They may be be.
trayed by false flag hoistcd by an artful enemy,
but never conquered in fair fight in the open
field. | confess, MIR. President, 1 was great
alarmed when l saw the manufacturers violatiny
the .compactof 1888, by which they stipulated to
Re s1'fsR With sassd Sa h hea 9sa sns s
deception to bad faith, by recommending their hi
| racies under the flag Of constitutional revetue
tariff: With this view of the suIjecs6I opened
the debate this measure by drawing the distihc-
| tive line which separates a revenue from a pic.
| tective duty; and l re-affrm what l then
| stated, and which has not been answered. that the
revenue standard is the lo,cest rate of duty tha,
will raise the requisite amount Of revenue.
| also affirmed, and it has not been denied, that an
average duty OF 20 per cent upon all foreign in
no 1,,,ll,
but larger amount than the present tariff; and
how is this answered2 Why, the Senator from
Maine says, any tariff that, upon the whole will
yield sufficient revenue, is "a revenue tariff If
this be not bright idea. it is certainly new one
1t we suppose u tariff which prohibits, by some
one-halt the imports we now receive from foreign
countries, and lays duties upon the other half suf.
fcient for the purposes of revenue this, according
to the Senator'S definition. would be a revenue
tariff! You positively prohibit and exclude one
half the imports IN this "raise revenue ="
Absurd as this would be, it differs not very widely
from the tariff of 1872 for shall hereafter show
hat 1t is more prohibitivc and oppressive tariff
than any we have ever had-not excepting that of
1928: Now, If the supporters of this measure
think they can make oppression sweet morsel,
instead of a bitter pill by changing its name-if
they suppose they can alter the flavor of fish ge-
ranlum by calling it rose, asafntda by calling
1t trankncense, they will hardly succeed with
lc.
They have certainly reversed the policy pursued
by Great Britain towards the colonies during the
revolution. If Mr.. Burke be good authority, the
British ministry, after being compelled by public
opinion to repeal the obnoxious taxes, retained
the preamble, by way of asserting the power of
Parliam cnt, and the dignity of the crown. Now,
our republican Congress have certainly made
.a---- -
taxation, They very prudsntly gave up the title.
but not only retain the obnoxious taxes but great
ly increase them 1t remains to be seen whether
the people of the United States are as much be-
low their forefathers in the spirit of liberty, as
republican Congress is above British Parliament
in the art Of oppression,
In the course Of the remarks first offered to
the Senate in favor of this b l admitted that
certain determinations might be made in the rates
OF duty upon strict revenue principles For ex-
ample: said lower rate of duty ought to be
imposed upon coarse manufactures consumed by
the poorer classes than upon foreign fabrics con-
sumed by the wealther classes and the honora-
bic Senator from Georgia, who am sorry not to
see in his place, with all the zeal Of new con-
vert, seizes upon the admission as full conces-
sion of the protective power to Congress- For,
says the senator this is substantially protecting
the poor by sort of public charity | confess,
sir, was not prepared to hear this argument from
any nnar.~~. scrIsrt,r frum
Georgia. L have always supposed that it was a
first principle ii every system of equitable taxa
ton, to distribute the burdens imposed upon the
people as nearly possible in proportion to the
ability to pay, or to the property they hold under
the protection of the government. In this view,
it would be just and equitable TO arrange the
taxes that they should fail, if it were practicable,
upon the holders of property exclusively, entirely
exempting those who have no property and live
on the wages of their daily labor. Upon this
principle, the members of the first Congress avow:
ed and acted upon the principles of laying the
heaviest duties on luxuries. And in laying inter-
nal duties, the same principle has always prevail
cd. For example pleasure carriages are highly
taxed, while road and farm wagons are entirely
exempted. And all these determinations y are
made with strict regard to the true principles of
revenue and taxation. Now, sir, after this brief
exposition, leave the honorable Senator from
C'GOrgin ..>nLo rh- - r - o. L-----
And IT, as he seems TO suppose, he has discovered
mares nest, | think that he will find, upon
examination, that it is entirely empty. And laugh
though he may-and l should be the last to de-
privc him of that innocent and harmless gratifca-
ton-he certainly will not laugh at the eggs. That
honorobla yerv earpestlu aI he