The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1844-10-03
BRANDON, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 8, 1914.


to effect their ultimate end. They begir
/ their operations by protesting to employ
: only persuasive means in appealing to the
, humanity, and enlightening the under
standings of the slaveholding portion o.
this Union. If there were some kindness
in this avowed motive, it must be &C.
knowled ged that there was rather a pre-
sumptuous display also of an assumed su.
periority in intelligence and knowledge.
For some time they continued to make
these appeals to our duty and our interest;
but impatient with the slow influence OF
their logic upon our minds, they recently
resolved TO change their system of action.
10 the agency of their powers of persua-
sion, they now propose to substitute the
powers Of the ballot box; and he must be
blind to what is passing before us, who
does not perceive that the inevitable ten
dency of their proceedings is, if these
hould be found insufficient to invoke, fl.
nally, the more potent powers OF the bay
onet.
Mr. President, it is at this alarming
stage Of the proceedings of the ultra aboIl-
tionists that would seriously invite every
considerale man in the country solemnly
to pause, and deliberately TO reflect, not
merely on our existing posture, but on
that dreadful preci pice down which they
would hurry us. 1t is because these ultra
abolilionists have ceased TO employ the in.
struments of reason and persuasion, have
made their cause political, and have ap.
peaed to the ballo: box, that am induced,
upon this occasion, to address you.
There have been three epochs in the
history of our country, at which the spirit
ofaboltion displayed itself The first was
Immediately alter the formation Of the pre-
sent federal government. When the con
stiulion was about going into operation,
lis powers were not well understood by
the community at large, and remained to
be accurately Interpreted and defined. AT
that period numerous abolition societies
were formed, comprising not merely the
society of Friends, but many other good
men. Petitions were presented TO Con-
gress, praying for the abolition OF slavery.
| They were received without serious op'
position, referred. and reported upon by a
committee. The report stated, that the
general government had no power TO abol-
sh slavery as it existed in the several
States, and that these States themselves had
exclusive jurisdiction over the subject
The report was generally acqniesced in,
and satisfaction and tranquility ensued ;
the abolition societies therefore limited
their exerions, in respect to the black pop
ulation, 10 Offices Of humanity within the
scope of existing laws.
The next period when The subject of
slavery, and abolition incidentally, were
brought into notice and discussion, was
that on the memorable occasion of the adj
mission oil the State OF Missouri into the
Union. The struggle was long, strenu-
Gus, and fearful. 1t is too recent 10 make
il necessary 10 do more than merely adj
vert to it, and TO say, that it was finally
composed by one of those compromises
characteristic of our institutions, aud Of
whi:h the Constitution itself is the most
signal instance.
The third is, that in which we now find
; ourselves. Various causes, MIR Presl-
) dent, have contributed to produce the ex
istin9 excitement upon the subject of abo
liton. The principal one, perhaps, is the
example of the British emancipation o
the slaves in the islands adjacent TO ouI
country. Such is the similarity in laws
in language, in institutions, and in com
mon origin, between Great Britain an(
!, the Uuied States, that no great measure
| of national policy can be adopted in th'
one country, without producing a consd
J cradle degree Of influence in the other
Confounding the totally different cases 10
gelher of the powers Oft British Parlia
4 ment and those of the Congress of the U
!, States, and the totally different situations
E of the British West India islands, and tn,
$ slaves in the sovereign and indeperden
= States of this confederacy, superficial mel
. have inferred from the undecided British
!. experiment. the practicabiIity of the abo
S Ition Of slavery in these States, Th
. powers Of the British Parliament are I'm
4 limited, and are often described to be ON
. npotent. The powers of the American
= Congress, on the contrary, are few, eau
tousIy limited, scrupuousIy excluding al
l that are not granted, and, above all, care
: fully and absolutely excluding all powe
r over the existence or continuance of slave
{ rv in the States. The slaves, too, upol
= which British legislation operated, wer
If not in the bosom of the Kingdom, but i
h remote and feeble colonies, having no vote
r, ia Parliament. The West India slave
g hoIer was neither represented nor repre-
n sentative in that Parliament. Aud Will
h | most fervcptly wish complete success
the Briish experiment of West India
n Emancipation, confess that have learfr
a forebodings Of disastrous termination {
h il. Whatever it may be, think it mus
10 be admitted, that, ifthe British Pariiamet