The Arkansas banner., 1844-06-19

Nltil oHc UT two CAfepioHs, tle luHioT nlefn- Der of that body. But capacity like his could not long remain unnoticed. In consequence oi the palpable disregard of the public will manifested Tn the election by the House off MT. Adams, together with the means by which 1t was effected, a proposition was brought forward, and much discussed at the tune, to amend the Constitution in such man. ner as to give the choice of President and Vlce President immediately and irreversibly lo the people. In favor of this proposition, NIT. Polk made his first speech in Congress, which at once attracted the attention of the country by the force of its reasoning, the copiousness of it's research, and the spirit of honest indignation by which 1t was animated. It was at once seen that his ambition was to distinguish himself by substantial merit, rather than rhetorical display, the rock upon which most young orators split At the same ses- sion, that egreglous measure Of political | Quixotism the Panama mission, which was proposed in contempt of all sound maxim, to cultivate friendship with all nations, yet engage in entangling alliances with none, gave rise to a very protracted debate in both Houses of Congress. The exploded federal doctrine was, upon this occasion revived, that, as under the Constitution, the President and Senate exclusively are endowed with the treaty-niaking faculty, and that of originating and appointing to missions, their acts under that power become the supreme Jaw of the land, nor can the House of Representative deliberate upon, much less, in the exercise of sound discretion, refuse, the appropria- tons necessary to carry them into efiecL-- Against a doctrine so utterly subversive o the rights and powers of the popular branch of Congress, as well as of the fundamental principles of the Democracy, Mr. Polk stren- uously protested, embodying his views in a series of resolutions, which produced, in a tangible shape, the doctrines, OH this question, of the Republican party of '9S. The first of these resolutions which presents the gene ral principle with breyity and force, runs thus: "that 1t is the constitutional right and duty of the House of Representatives, when called upon for appropriations to deiray the expenses of foreign missions, to deliberate on the expediency or inexpediency of such missions, and 10 determine and act thereon, as in their judgment may seem most eondu- cive 10 the public good"
 From this time Mir. Folks history is in separably interwoven with that of the House. He IS prominently connected with every im- portant question, and upon every one, as by an unerrlng instinct of Republicanism, took the soundest and boldest ground. From his entrance into public life, his adherence to the cardinal principle of the Democratic creed has been singularly steadiast. During the whole period of General Jackson's admin stration, as long a he retained a seat on the floor, he was one of its leading supporters, and at times, and on certain questions of para mount importance, its chief reliance. In the hour of trial he was never found wanting, oi from his post. In December, 1927, two years after his entrance in the House, Mr Polk was placed on the important committee of Foreign Affairs, and some time after was appointed in addition, chairman of the Se- lect Committee to which was referred tta, portion of the Presidents message calling the attention of Congress to the probable accu- mutation of a surplus ill the Treasury, after the anticipated oxtinguishmento of the National Debt. As the head of this committee he made lucid report, replete with the sound- est doctrines, ably enforced, denying the con stitutional power of Congress tocollect from
 the people, for distribution, a siplus beyond the wants of the Government, and maintaining that the revenue should be reduced to tht exigencies of the public service.
 The session of 1880 will always he dis
 tnguished by the death blow which wa.
 then given to the unconstitutional system O
 internal improvements by the General Gov
 ernment. We have ever regarded the Mays
 vile Road Veto as second in importance te
 none of the acts of Gen. Jackson's energeti, administration. It topped off one of tllt
 worst branches of the miscalIcd American | System. Mr. Polk had assailed the bill be- fore It's passage with almost solitary energy and one of his speeches. in which he dis cusses the general policy of the ssAmerican System" in it's triple aspect of high prices
 for the public lands, to check agricultura emigration to the west, and foster the crea ton of manufacturing population, of higl
 duties or taxes for protection, and excessive revenue in corruptng the country with it , own money, should be perused by every on' who wishes to arrive al sound views upon question which has SO much agitated tn, public mind. When the bill was returned by the President unsigned, a storm arose II the House, in the midst of which the vete
 WdS ditdCheu ny d tOfTeiit oi ldosiofidte ueC lamation, mixed with no small share of per sonal abuse. To member from Ohio, who's : observations partook of the latter character , Mir. Polk replied in an energetic improvisa ton, vindicating the patriotic resolution c the Chief Magistrate. The friends of State !, Rights in the House rallied manfully upo the veto. The result was that the bill wa rejected, and countless slog rolling project for the expenditures of many millions of th public treasure, which awaited the decision perished in embryo.
 In December, 1892, he was transferred t , the committee of ways and means, with whicl his connection has been so distinguished.-- . At that session the Directors cf the Unite States Bank were summoned to Washington : and examined upon oath, before the commit ' ;, tee just named. A division of opinion rt U suited ill the presentation of two report 5 That of the majority, which admitted th