Washington telegraph., 1844-10-30
Sos025

S9,0 70
NaW the duty or tribute money
charged on the said 800 bales
in Haere, is So 400 90
The king Of France, therefore, by agree
ing to furnish our cotton planters with all
their l,aggiag and rore aud negro clothing
gratis. on condition that thcy would break
down The discriminating tariff policy, would
ie the gamer OF about Si,42o for every
300 bales Of cotton shipped to his market;
because that policy ly encouraging manu-
factures OF agr own, NIL soon raise up free
trade mariIfts for our cotton crop at home,
and gc.easciLe p'an.er from the tribute he Is
yearly payng 10 the crowned heads of En-
rope tor the privilege Of selling his cotton in
their ma1iset.
According to document No. 163. (bcing a
report on the commercial relations of The
United States with foreign nations, prepared
IN .er the direction Of die Secretary of State,
IN Compliance with the resolutions of the
House of Representatives, January 3Ist,
1922 tubular statement No. Q. the duties
charged and collected in the ports of Great
Britain and Ireland on the three products cf
our slave labor, cotton, rice aud tobacco,
exceed annually the enormous sum Of %
millions OF dollars sum more than sufii-
cient TO purchase all the bagging and rope
and all the negro clothing consumed in
America. The planters of the south pay,
therefore. to Great Britain an annual tribute
of upwards Of % millions Of dollars TO OBJ
tain a foreign market FOR thsee slave labor
products. When New Orleans imposed
wharfage duty OF a bit bale on cur cotton
shipped 10 hat port, the planierselthe south
west very properly resisted the measure
New Orleans offered as an excise that she
had built wharyes, made good roads TO the
cotton presses and to the ships, thereby di-
minish.ug the expenses Of transportation.
The planters nevertheless resisted the tax
and did no! stop to discuss the 5. Carolina
metaphy steal ques:' N in political economy,
whether the consumer or the prodrcer paid
the bit. But when dear old England with
out ans excuse 10 oiler, except the excuse
that she wants our money, charges directly
a duty o. p bits b bale on our cotton, and
indirectly about half as much more, there
are a iew leading politicians in :he demo-
cratic ranks endcavoring to convince the
people of The south that a discriminating
duty on the dear old creatures goods,
brought to this country for sale, will be
tantamomt to robbing The south for the
bcnoiit OF the north. II the South Carolina
doctrine be- trac that the duty, charged by
our present tariff on English goods, IS taken
out Of tho price OF osr exports, surely the
y millions Of duty charged in British ports
on ouryc1tton, rice and tobacco, must also
ba. taken out Of the price. II we could get
rid Of that dgty, as far as cotton is concerned,
by manufacturing it at home, we would get
rid of the heaviesE duty which affect the
price-tlle English duty, which falls on the
larger half OF our exports. Whereas, the
American duty if ever SO high on cotton
fabrics, cannot materially affect the price
Of our staple; because it falls on very
small part of English xparis-compara-
lively, a very small portion of the cotton
crop isconsumed in the United States.
The south, rich in agriculture and blessed
beyond any other country in happy, peace
ful peasantry, is nevertheless poor and EN-
barrassed Ii lies in an unimproved con-
dition-its lands except some choice spots
viii scarcely sell at all, and property of
every kind is below its intrinsic value.
1t cannot compare with the morrill, Those
who DO not understand our institutions at
tribute. those evils, very eTroneously, TO
slavery. Mr.. McDutlie and some other
politicians Of the South Carolina school,
have made large portion Of the southern
democracy believe that the north, in some
way, has got the advantage Of the south and
makes the south pay triiute 10 it, and that a
discriminating competition tariff, such as the
old republican Congress Under Madison
imposed, IS the instrument 10 exact the