The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1844-01-25
Brandon, Jan. 1914.
For the Voice of Freedom

Slavery in the District of Columbia.
Messrs. Editors:-l cannot better ex-
press my views of the duty of the North
ern States in relation to slavery in the
District of Columbia, than by quoting the
following remarks from the pen of the
late Doctor Charming on the duty of the
free States. His views are the kind of
political action which approve of. He
says " These States are bound 10 insist on
The abolition Of slarery and the slaUe
trade IN the District q Columbia. Their
power in this regard is unquestionable.
To Congress is committed exclusive the
government OF the district and it is COM
mitted without any restrictions. In this
sphere of its action the general govern
ment has 10 Limitations, but those which
are found in the principles of the Consti-
tuition and of universal justice. The
power of abo lishing slavery in the Dis
trcl is rightiul one, and must be lodged
somewhere, and can be exercised by Con-
gress alone, and this authority ought not
to sleep.
Slavery in the district of Columbia is
not Southern Slavery. 1t has no local
character. 1t is The slavery of the United
States 1t belongs equally to the free
aud to the slave holding portion of the
country. 1t is our institution as truly as
if it was placed in the midst OF US; for
this District is the comm on ground of the
nation. It's institutions exist solely by au.
thorily OF the nation. They are as truly
the expressions of the national will as any
act of Congress whatever. We all up
hold the slave code under which men are
bought and sold and whipped at their
masters pleasure. Every slave auction
in the District is held under our legsla-
ton. We are even told that the prison Of
| the District is used for The safe keeping
of tue slaves who are brought there for
sale. There we sustain slavery as truly
as we support the navy or the army. 1t
ought then TO be abolished at once. And
in urging this action we express no hos
tiIity towards Southern institutions. We
do not think of the South. We see with.
in spot under our jurisdiction great
wrong sustained by law. For this law
we are responsible. For all its fruits we
must give account. We owe then,to God,
10 conscience, to rectitude, our best efforts
for its abolition. We have no thought of
Southern institutions. 1t is our own un-
Just, unhalowed institutions which we
resolve no longer 10 maintain. Can the
free States consent 10 continue their part
nership in this wrong? They have not
even the poor consolation of profting by
the crime, The handful of slaves in the
District may be Of some worth to few
masters, but are utterly Insignificant in
their relation TO the country. They nigh:
be bought by the government & set free at
,ess expense than is incurred by many an
act of Congress" " =
Our case is a hard one indeed. We
are required by the South to support
what we abhor, because by Withdrawing
our support we shall express our abhor-
ance of it. We must go on shining lest
we become witnesses against sin. Could
we root slavery out of the District with
out declaring it 10 be an evil, emancipa-
ton would be comparatively easy; but
we are required 10 sustain it, because we
think it evil, and must not show our
thoughts"
And can it be that we are so wanting
in moral principle and force as to yield to
these passionate parlners2 Is not our