Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1844-07-19

taken from the treasury and distributed to the
states. We add, that single word cannot be pro-
duced from Polk, since the above views were ex-
pressed, which shows any change on his part His
letter of the 10Th of June 1914 published in the
last Pario alludes in the second paragraph to the
measures he has "heretofore sanctioned,' The com
promise, as he explains it above, ,Cas one Of them,
and he intimates NO change in opinion on the sub
ject In the last paragraph he speaks of giving
protection as far as it may be practicable to do
by its revenue laws and all other means within its
power"-but ho,o far is it practicable? That is
question which he does not answer. Is it practical
BILE to go beyond 90 per cent? Look at his dec
laration in the Memphis letter, that 20 per cent. is
sufficient /" which still stands uncontradicted. We
say, then, that we have fairly and plainly shown
Mr. Folks views of the Compromise Now comes
the questionable Mr.. C1ayS uie,cS accord ,cith his
We shall show that they DO NOT; Mr.. Clay diff
fers from Mr. Polk IN every material po,nt and,
therefore, the assertion, that Messrs. Clay and Polk
agree the question of Protection, is utterly I'M
foundcd-a gross deception upon the people.
MIR. CLAY'S VIEWS OF THE COMPRO-
MISE.
The third section of the Compromise Act provi-
ded that until the Both of June 1912, the duties
imposed by existing laws, modified by the COM
promise, should be collected but that after That
date all duties should be assessed upon home val
uaton and be paid in cash, and that such duties
shall be laid for the purpose of raising such reve-
nuo as may be necessary to an economical admin
istraton of the government" Did Mr.. Clay Think
with Mr.. Polk, that this section limits the country
to barely 20 per cent. duties after lS42-that any
higher rate would be violaiion of the compromise
that no higher protection would be necessary or
could be granted if necessary ? Let Mr.. Clay an
swer for himself:
Feb. u, 1888, Mr.. Clay introduced this Compro
mise to the Senate, and in explanation of the third
section used these Words
"Until otherwise directed and in default of pro-
vision being made for the wants of the government
in 1872 rule is thus provided for the rate of du
ties thereafter, Congress being IN the meantime au-
thorized TO ADOPT ANY OTHER RULE which
the exigencies of the country, It's financial con-
diton, may require. That is to say, if, instead of
the duty of 20 per cent proposed, Is or IL per
cent. of duty is sufficient. 25 per cent should be
found necessary, TO produce a revenue to defray
the expenses of an economical administration of
the government, there is nothing to prevent either
Of those rates OR ANY OTHER, from being fixed
upon."-Cldys life and Speeches, Vol 2, page l42.
81 contend, therefore, with entire confidence that
it is perfectly consistent with the provisions of
the Compromise act to impose duties to ANY A.
MOUNT Whatever 80, 40, or more per cent, sub
ject to the single condition of economical adj
minisraton ofthe government"-.Mr. CiayS Speech
IN The U. S. Senate, March |, 1872
SIN the next place, it will be objected to the
bill, by the friends of the protective policy, of
| whom hold myself to be one for my mind is i'm
mutually fixed in favor of that policy, that it aban-
| dons the power OF protection But | contend, in
the first place, that suspension of the exercise of
! the power is not an abandonment of it, for the
power is in the Constitution according to theo.
| ry-was put there by its trainers, and can only be
dlslodged by the people. after The gear 1912, The
bill provides that The po,cer shut be exercised IN CIR.
tain mode"--'Speech on Introducing The Compromise,
| page lag
1t is far from the object of those who support
this bill, to abandon surrender the policy of pro
ecting American Industry.--It impairs no pow
! err of Congress over the whole subject it contains
no promise pledge whatever, express or implied,
as to bounties, prohibitions or auctions; it does not
| touch the power of Congress in regard TO them,
and Congress is perfectly free to exercise that
power at any time; 1t expressly recognizes Dis
| ELIMINATING DUTIES within a prescribed
limit; it provides for cash duties and home valua-
tons and it secures free list, embracing numer-
! articles some of high Importance to the manu-
featuring arts OF all the modes of protection it
affects only the third; that is TO say, the imposition
of high duties, producing revenue beyond the
wants of government"-.Mr. CldyS Speech on the
| Compromise, Feb 25, 1888.
81 do not admit that this bill abandons, or fails
! by its provisions to secure reasonable protection
| beyond l0l2-Suppose, in the progress of gradual
descent towards the revenue standard, for which
this bill provides, should, years hence, be-
evident that further protection, beyond 1912,
| than that which it contemplates, may be necessary
| I IDnhfpI N n T.
will be applied ?-No sir; have no fears be-
! You'd 1912. The people of the United States are
brethren, made to love and respect each other
Momentary causes may seem to ALLEVIATE them, but,
| like family differences, they will terminate in a
closer and more atiectionate union than ever. And
| how much more estimabe will be SYSTEM OF
| PROTECTION, based on common conviction and
common consent, and planted in the bosoms Of all,
than one wrenched by power from reluctant and
protesting weakness? That such a system will be
adopted if it should be necessary for the period of
| time subsequent to 1912, will not doubt.--Still,
after 1912, the south may want protection for su-
gar, for tobacco for Virginia coal, perhaps for cot
| ton and other articles, whilst other quarters may
need it for lcoo, ,coonS, iron, and cotton fabrics
and these mutual wants, II they should exist, will
lead, hope, to some amicabe adjustment of a tar
if for that distant period, satisfactory to all--Let
\ me suppose that the anticpations which form up.
on the restoration of concord and confidence shall
be all fasifed; that neither the sense of fraternal
affection, nor common justice, nor common in
terests, will lead to an amicabe adjustment of the
Tariff beyond 1912 Let me suppose that period
has arrived and that the provisions of the bill shall
be interpreted as obligatory pledge upon the
Congress of that day; and let me suppose, also
that greater amount of protection than the bill
provides is absolutely necessary to interests
what is to be done? Regarded as pledge, Il
does mol bind Congress forerer TO adhere 10 the specific
rate [20 per cent. lof duty contained in the BILL The
most in that view, that it eXacts, is to make fan
experiment If, after such experiment. it should
be demonstrated that, under such arrangement
of the Tariff the interests of large portions Of the
Union would be sacrificed, and they exposed to ri
in Congress ,ciH be competent to apply some remedl
that ,cM be e6ectuai and hope and believe that
in such contingency some remedy will be de
vsed that may preserve the harmony and perpetu
ate the blessings of the Union"-Clay's Speech OF
a. Io,onro,o;oo Ell IS23