Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1844-10-04
NUMBER 40.

at another, as iii did The point in dispute has
been submitted to the supreme cour-the tribunal
provided by the constitution for authoratively de-
Gliding this and all other such questions-and il
has decided in favor of the constitutionaity of
national bank. In this decision | fully concur.
a. | am not in favor of creating a national bank
whilst slavery is continued in our country. Slave
labor, on large scale, can never support ITSELF
or, should rather say, it can never support the
Incidence and prodigaty, which it never fails to
beget in those who lay claim to its fruits. 1t has
been estimated that the slave States are indebted
to the free, in at least three hundred millions Of
dollars at the crash of 1887. | am not aware that
this estimate has been called in question because
of the largeness of the sum. The interest on it,
suppose, was never paid to any considerable ex-
tent, before the principal was discharged by the
legal bankruptcy of the debtors. The late nation
al bank, with its branches extending Throughout
the south, affordng great facilities to that nsol-
vent portion of the country for possessing itself of
the honestly earned and often hard-earned capital
of the north. would not renew these facilities.
What might be my views on this subject, il all
the labor of the country were free, would be SUI
perfuous in me to say. Commercial men of all
parties speak highly of the present state of ex-
changes throughout the country. As it has been
brought about by the natural course Of commercial
dealings, it is, think, more to be relied on, as
permanent condition, than if it had been produced
by forced or artificial process AS to the safety
and fiscal agent Of the government, should regard
it faYoraby if the time should ever come when
the general welfare of the country would call for
such an institution.
5. My mind strongly inclnes to the opinion, that
if Congress rightfully abolish slavery in time
of war, it may also abolish it in time of peace. A
vicious state of things existing in the community,
or any part of it, may as certainty though not as
| suddenly, become destructive of the government
in period of peace as of war. The principle,
then, on which Congress might rightfully proceed
to abolish slavery, as measure of relief and safe
ty in war, might be equally applicable and imper-
alive on the same grounds, in time OF peace. la
both cases the instant at which abolition would DO
ordered TO take place, would depend on the sound
judgment of the government.
As people, we have undertaken before God,
and all the nations of the earth, to maintain in our
political organization, the principles Of liberty as
serted by us in the Declaration Of independence,
and substantially repeated in the Constitution. We
have thus voluntarily brought ourselves under
guaranty to expurgate our country from whatever
is inconsistent with these principles Nothing IS
more papably SO than slavery. We are then, un-
der pledge to the world and to one another to
abolish it; and in as far as our government has
permitted slavery to remain at ease-much more
to enlarge and magnify itself-t has proved recre-
ant from its solemn undertaking; brought on US.
as people, the charge of hypocrisy, and dishon-
ored US before heaven and EARTH So
Persons of great experience and intelligence as
jursts, have satisfied themselves that the Constl-
tuition authorizes in express words the tnhment OF
this guaranty, by the government. Congress say
they, has nothing to do with The relation of master
and slave. Neither the relation itself, nor the par
5 ties between whom it exists, are any where men
toned in the constitution, whilst at the same time
it declares, that mo person shall be deprived OF
liberty without due process OF law: amendment
w. and this without the slightest reference to his
= ar a
black or white. Those who are called Slaves at
b the south are called persons in the constitution.
= Are the slaves deprived of their liberty! They
: are. BY due process oflaw? No. Then why,
it is asked are they not entitled to the benefits OF
the constitutional provision within the words and
= ly brought? But should the Liberty party be
/ brought into power, proceeding wholly unobjec-
: tionabe to its consttutonaiity-as simple as It
l. is constitutional one that would prove as eff
fectual as it is simple, would doubtless, be adopted
IS for the abolition of slavery. Ii is, to confne the
appointments to office under the government to
S such as are not Shareholders. The business and
propriety ofsuch measure would be as unobjec-
tonabe its other characteristics; for surely nothr
e ing can be more unreasonable than to exclude
= from all share in the administration OF the govern
ment-from its offices and its honors-those whose
is lives are passed in open contempt OF its funda-
r mental principles. .., .., .,., -,
6. 1t is my opinion, that Congress can stop the
% domestic slave trade, between the States, under
lie that provision of the Constitution which gives il
the power to regulate commerce among them. II
Of it be said that Congress have no power to obsruc
20 the transmit or removal of'persons' from one Of
the States into another, it may be REPLIED that, il
I'd commerce lay its hands persons and transmute
lie them into things to deal in, she bring herself, by
i that act and in relation to that matter completely
within the scope ofthe constitutional provision.
ought not to conclude this reply to your com
muncation, without stating that all my views o
T. matters merely cfpolty, are greatly qualified by
the consideration of their prGcttcG6iity, consistent
" with the harmony and the fraternal feelings o
ou whole population as we'll as by decided pre-
ference of economy, simplicity, impartality ant
directness in the management of public affairs, owe
what is prodiga, or artificial or exclusive, or in
1t, direct. The genius and spirit of our population
s. will bear patiently other system OF Odministra
n ton, and he who dsregards them proves himsel
b. incompetent, as a statesman, for the country ant
it. the times in which his lot is cast.
az remain, gentlemen,
~ very respectfully,
IS your most obd't sery't,
ur JAMES G. BIRNEY.
l., To Messrs LUCIAN G, JONES.