The spirit of democracy. [volume] (Woodsfield, Ohio) 1844-1994, 1844-05-10
VOLUME l. NUMBER H..

preserve, as an Independent power, the most lib
eral commercial relations with the United States
Such disposition will be cheerfully met, in cor
responding spirit, by this government. If the an
swer which the Undersigned has been directed to
fortunately work such change in the sentiments
of that government as to induce an attempt to ex-
tend commercial relations elsewhere, upon terms
prejudicial to the United States, this government
will be consoled by the rectude of its intentions,
and certainty that, although the hazard of transi
ent losses may be incurred by rigid adherence to
just principles, Lo lasting prosperity can be secur-
red when they are disregarded."
That these views were not altogether satisfacto-
ry to General Hunt, nor probably to his govern
ment, has been seen. But think may safely say
that seldom if ever, has the decision, by this gov
ernment, ola question of equal magnitude, been
more decidedly or more unanimously approved by
the people of the United States. The correspon-
dence was very soon after it took place, communica
ted to Congress, and although the public mind was
at the time state of the highest excitement, and
the administration daily assaed through every ave-
nue. by which it was deemed approachable, am
yet to see the first sentence of complaint upon that
point, in any quarter of the Union. Even areso-
luton offered in the Senate, declaring annexation,
'swhenever it could be effected consistently ,ciM
the pubhct faith and treaty stipulations cfthe Uni
ted States desirable, was ordered TO be laid upon
the table; and similar disposition made in the
House of the papers upon the subject, which had
been referred to the Committee on Foreign Rela-
tons, and that committee discharged from the fur
ther consideration of the matter, upon its own ap-
pcation. Nor were the friendly relations then ex-
isting between that republic and the United States;
to its honor be it said-in any perceptible degree
impaired by this decision.
Standingin this position before the country, it
becomes my duty to consider whether either the
nature of the question, or the circumstances of the
case, have SO far changed as to justify me in now
advising policy from which then, in the most
solemn form, dissented
In giving to you, and through you to the public,
the result of avery careful and dspassionate exami-
nation of this grave question, should neither do
justice yourself, to the patriotic State which you
in conjunction with others, to represent in the
convention, to the people of the United States nor
to my own position, ifl failed to accompany it with
a brief exposition of the grounds upon which
have proceeded 1t is in that way only that JUS
tice can be done to my intentions; and that is all
desire. The annexation OF the territory, and the
conse quent assumption by us of responsibility to
protect and defend its inhabitants would in respect
H. IL
stand upon the same footing with that of its admis
sion as State. The recognition of Texas as an
independent State, was measure which received,
in various and appropriate forms, the sanction ol
every department of the government, whose CO.
operation was necessary to its validity, and had my
hearty concurrence. From this act -four govern
ment, just and proper in all respects as it was, an
inference has, however, been drawn, and brought
to bear upon the present question, not only very
far beyond its real bearing, but by which its true
character is entirely reversed. Many persons who
enter upon the consideration of the subject with
the purest intentions, and are incapable of know.
ingly giving false Interpretation to any thing con.
nected with it, take it for granted that the United
States, in recognising the independence of Texas
declared to the world, not only that she was indie.
pendent in fact butalso that she was such of right
Acting upon this erroneous construction, they
very naturally conclude that, having gone thus far
having examined into and passed not only upon the
existence of her independence, but also upon hei
right to its enjoyment, it now (and more especial
y after the lapse of several years) too late to hesi-
tate upon the question of annexation on the ground
ofany existing controversy upon those points
The fallacy of this reasoning will be apparent wher
il is considered that the usage of nations to ac
knowledge the government, de fdcto, of ever,
country, was established for the express purpose
avoiding all inquiry into, or the expression of an.
opinion upon, the question of right between tn
contending parties They acknowledge no othe
power in any country than that which is in fact
preme They cannot inquire beyond that pon
without interfering with the internal concerns o
other natons-a practice which all disclaim, ant
disclaimer which it has been our invariable usage
not only to make, but to enforce with scrupulou:
fidelity To recognise the independence of the
government de facto, is also matter of state ne.
cessity; for without it, neither commercial nor di
plomatic intercourse between any such power ant
the nations of the world could be carried on with
success and the social interests ofmankind require
that these should not be arrested by quarres be.
tween contesting parties, in regard to their respec
tive right to the supreme power In respect to all
beyond this, the laws and usages of nations require
the observance of strict neutrality between the
contending parties, as long as the war lasts. tits
due, also, from every government to its own citi-
zens, to declare when revolted colony shall be re-
garded as an Independent nation. Because ''it be-
longs to the government alone to make the decla-
ration;" and because, "unt it is made, or the pa
rent State relinquishes her caims courts ofustice
must consider the ancient state of things as remain
ing unaltered, and the sovereign power of the pa
rent State over thatcolony still subsisting." But
nothing can be farther from giving to the act ofre-
cognition its true character than TO suppose that il