Southport telegraph. [volume] (Southport, W.T. [i.e. Kenosha, Wis.]) 1840-1850, 1844-02-13
E-om the Milwaukee Democrat.
WHAT is DEMOCRACY

10 exercise sovereignty. The primitive
and literal Specification of the word is pop
ular Sovereignty, or government by Tie peo
pie. A democratic government n gov
eminent institu ed by the people, and
welded by them in the persons of their re-
representatives.. Democratic institutions are
those framed by the people for the secu-
ring of their rights and the promotion OF
their interests. Democratic principles are
those which grow out of the doctrine Of
the equal and unalienabe right Of all men
TO life, liberty and the pursuits Of haPpi-
ness. OF course, those who embrace the
principles of genuine democracy, and con-
sistently adhere to them, will be hostile to
the concentration OF Po"er or advantage
Of any sort in the hands of a privileged
class or portion of the community, whe-
fher that class or portion be composed of
few or many. In other words, genuine
democracy Is inherently the antagonist of
monopoles. This definition may be taken
as one which covers the whole ground, and
which includes every important principle
BELONGING to THAI system Of politics which,
is properly termed democratic. We take
it then as general principle, and notice
Its application in few leading particulars.
First, we hold that genuine democracy
is opposed to any monopoly Of the right OF
suffrage Every portion of human Popu-
lotion is embraced in the meaning of the
word people. Every portion of human
population in a truly democratic commu-
NIFTY is constituent portion of the sove-
regnty. And whenever this is lot The
case, JUS; so far is that community undem-
ocra,ic. Monopoly always implies exclu,
sion. That is, if one portion of the COM
munity has possessed itself Of the trtole Of
any particular privilege, right or advan-
tage, il has, by so doing, excluded another
portion. And if one portion has appro-
priated TO itself the whole of that privilege
or advantage involved In the right OF suf
frage, 10 the exclusion Of another portion,
however inferior IN point Of numbers the
excluded may be, that is one instance of
ahe monopolizing of civil rights, com
menecment in 4 course which, followed
out to its full extent. is despo,ism. The
only question to be settled, on truly demo-
cratic principles, in respect 10 certain
class being entitled to the right OF suffrage
is, do they actually constitute part Of the
'Populatonl In the policy OF exclusion, the
second step is as consistent as the first; the
ahIrd as consistent AS tho second. and 81 on
Indefinitely. A principle is adopted the
applicability of which is absolutely unlim-
tied. OF the advocates for exclusion, some
make one thing reason for exclusion and
some another One would exclude on the
ground OF q want Of education. Another
would make the possession OF a certain
Kind or certain amount property an es-.
sentlai qualification. Another makes
religious creed the grand reCHfsite. An
other thinks that those ~oS forei On birth
should be excluded. Another that the peo-
pie OF color shaGid never be allowed to
vote, even though their blood is three
tourths or seven-eighths Anglo-SaXon.-
The right OF suffrage is one which, we
hold, belongs 10 ali class and 10 all por-
tons Of the population. and to every man
rs fully as to any one. To the exclusion
of any one from this right, Il true a1d con-
Sistent democrat is, in al, CASES forever
opposed. Again we remark, that genuine
democracy is opposed to any monopoly OF
political influence. OF this description of
monopoly we Gnd examples in long tenure
Of office, in an undue extent Of executive
power, and, above all, in the opportunity
10 make any species of wealth or property
subservicnt to the gaining OF dispropor-
ton Of political influence by It's owners.
OF this latter description, n national bank,
and manufacturing capital under the !os-
tering care Of tariff regulations, arc strik-
ing examples But the American Union
exhibits an instance Of political power and
influence based upon the possesslrn OF a
certain species OF property which immea-
sureably transcends any other, and all
Others. Fourteen hundred millions Of pro-
perty, according to Henry Gays estimate
and reckoning its increase at four per
cent. is constantly and permanently rep
resented in cur national legislature, and IN
the choice Of our national executive
81, 400, 900, 900 of property so represented
as to exceed, in the amount Of It's political
influence, the sentiment, the voice, and the
vote of 10000 0 OF our free population.
A single and peculiar description of prop
erty made the bases of representation, 10
the exclusion of every other aud all 9TH
ers. And then its astonishing amount. -
The entire manufacturing capital OF the
whole Union is only equal to one sixth
OF il. The entire banking capital is only
one third Of it, All the lands in the Uni
ted States proper, at s. per acre, would
amount IL only five six'hs Of it. II is, lit
orally, political engine of fourteen hun
dred million power. All the other veal
thy monopolies Of tho nation, If their in
fluence were 10 be made political, and con-
centrated and pes petuaied, would fall i'm
measurably short Of this this. in the extent
OF ITS political influence. The influence
OF all other property, ii il has any at all,
IS Indirect. THIS acts directly IL other
property has influence, il is only of an ir-
regular. occasional and transient charac-
Ter. ne action of this is concentrated
and permanent. cit constitutes n bond
OF union 70 oil who participate in IT, The
portion Of the country 10 which il be,ongx
is prepared by it for cooperation unknoxn
elsewhere; and, of consequence, II Owes
10 that portion in great degree. the con.
troll of The country. The proprietors Of
this interest are actuated by jealousy
which never sleeps--a jealousy which
mixes with and determines our public pol