The Cadiz sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 184?-1851, 1844-12-18

@N 49, AAANN ~ ALA@ - ~ NA~A- 1890
ted and saleable-whilst those Of Michigan, OF
which the banks were based, we're for the mos
part, wild and unsaleable. This plan is prefera.
bic, in my opinion, to the one proposing State
stocks alone, because it would enable the citizens
of Ohio who have subjected resources TO enter
into the business of banking, without being sub
jected TO unreasonable impositrons of Eastern
Capitalists and Stock-jobbe rs;--whilst, at the
same time, it would cause an influx of capital
from the east.
Just complaint has often been made againti
the mode in which the cOnvicts of our Peniten-
tiary have been employed. Their labor has
been brought into direct competition with that OF
our Mechanics and Manufacture 10 their mani
fest injury. There is no doubt that the convic.
labor can be so directed as 10 compete with for
'eign labor alone, without being made less pro-
,ductive than it has been heretofore. No class OF
our citizens is better entitled to protection than
The one 10 which reference is made, and | take
the earliest opportunity 10 attract your notice 10
this subject, and to recommend a radical change,
at s early a period as it can be effected conss ST.
emily with a proper management of the Prison,
1t is also worthy of consideration whether some
thing more cannot be done for the reformation OF
that unfortunate, but dangerous, class of our fell
Iow-cit'zens, who are suffering the penalty OF
he law.
Permit me to call your attention to the laws
on our Statute Book, which lay restrictions and
disabilities on the unfortunate cololed population
Of our State. Laws which are too severe TO be
executed or obeyed, can answer no valuable pur-
pose. 1t does appear TO me that a revision Of
those laws is now called for, and that reason,
justice and mercy demand a mitigation of their
penalties.
1t will be perceived by the Legislature, that a
revision of the Militia Law is demanded by the
people Of the State. In a republic like ours, a
standing army is regardeda as dangerous and hos
tile 10 liberty, and repugnant to the feelings of
he people. 1t is TO the militia we should look
for assistance in repelling invasion from abroad,
and suppressing tumuIts and Instruction athone.
and to aid the civil authorities in the preserva-
ton o forder, and the due execution of The laws
The existing law exetnpts most of the militia from
duty in time OF peace, it creates an inequality
between the Independent companies and those
relieved from duty; hence, it is believed, thai
the present law, if permitted to remain in force,
will abolish our military organization.
In my Introductory remarks, | alluded to the
limited power Of The Executiye-with feelings
of pride, | recur to it. This popularity in ouI
constitution mark the superior wisdom of its
trainers. Man is fond of power, and the history
Of the human race shows that he is strongly and
almost invariably inclined to its abuse. Hence.
the more narrow the limits within which EXccu.
tive power and prerogative is confined, consjs-
tently with a safe and efficient administration,
the better Tor the people. 1t is contended that
he veto is necessary to prevent hasty and Had.
vised legislation, and TO guard against infections
If the Constitution. Theory must bow to posi-
tive fact on this subject. After an experiment
of ~iorty-two years we have found no necessity
for such a power in our State government. |
has been contcnded also that the patronage o
he Executive is indispensable to its efficiency
and that, if lodged with the Legislature, VIZ
should have corruption without responsibility il
appointments TO office. So far as our expert
ence as a State Government goes, it contradict
the hypothesis.
The trainers of the Constitution of the Uni
ted States wore apprenstve that the Executive
would not have adequate power; and many year
alter Nhe organization Of the government, man,
revolutionary statesmen and parties, viewing on
Constitution in contrast with the governments o
Europe, were fearful it was /" a rope of sand y
Had they lived to our own day, however, thei
fears would have run in the reverse direction.
1t is too obvious to escape the observation G
even the superficial observer, that the tendenc,
OF our general government is to consolidation
There h1s been, for years past, a gradual accu
mutation Of power in the centre.
We have seen measures, after being canVasseC
Ibv tho ,,oDrIo md ,,r,oJ Jo1Io,,teI L. H.. u..z..
majority of their Representatives, arrested b
the veto, in hands too, which from the peculia
~delicacy of the mode in which they were ella,
with supreme authority, ought TO have handle.
the one man power" with great hesitancy an
m~odesty.
The exercise of the veto has, of late years
become so common as scarce to excite "astonisl
ment or observation. 1t is a matter of gratul;
ton that the American people are discussing tn
question whether this tremendous power cunnt
be restrained, and the patronage of The Excel
tive curtailed.
Should their objects be accomplished W
should have more rational liberty, less excite
rnent, and less corruption in our elections. Wit
gratjfcatlonw we can point to our government as
model, and to own our Experience, as an argr
meut in favor Of both these reforms.
Of measures ofnaiional policy lis hardly TO
presumed that | should speak. There are, howe
yer, three, which have a bearing SO direct upo
the interests Of the State, and which are so prom
nently before the people, that | cannot pass Their
unnoticed. OF these the first is the tariff.
all nations adopt tie policy of free trade, the aE
~propriate direction of the labor of the countr
would be agricultural. A free trade with tn
world, is not 10 be expected; and the restriction
of one nation, call for the protective measure
of the other. No sooner had the war Of tn
Revolution closed, and the of thi
country with Great Britain been renewed, tina
the evils of the British policy were seriously fell
and there is no doubt that the want of powo
~ dor dc nrLial.a &C .-.E-la..L:. .