The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1844-01-04

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gftAese; my sentiments, I believe, uers
ncurly accord aOiM theirs. That slave.
ry will be abolished in this country
and throughout the world, l firmly
believe. Whether it shall be done
peaceably or by blood, God only
knows, but that it shall be accom-
plished [ have not a doubt. By
whatever way, I say let it come,
AS to the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, I have
said that l was opposed to it-not
because | have any doubts of tho
power of Congress to abolish slave
ny in the District, for l have none.
But [ regard it as violation of re-
publican principles, to enact laws
at the petition of one people, which
are to operate upon another people
against their consent. AS the laws
now stand, the people in the District
have property in their slaves. I do
not admit that these laws are in ac-
cordance with justice, for it can new
er be true that one man can ri ghttul-
ly have property in another man.
Still these laws have had an exist
ence since before that part of the
country became the D istrict Of Co.
lumbia, and was brought under the
power of Congress; and | think they
should not be altered without the
consent Of the people of the District
This consent l believe will yet be
obtained, and slavery will be abol-
ished there.
But as it affects the government,
the great evil of the slave system is
the property representation in Con-
gress. Twelve hundred millions of
this sort of property is represented
by about eighty-eight members. In
the last Congress the slave States had
one hundred members; in the pres
ent Congress [ think the number is
Lightweight, who have seats there
based IN part upon property qualih-
cation, basis which is itself a vio-
latlon of the principles Of the Con-
stitution, which is unknown in the
free States, and upon a species of
property which has no existence,
and can have none, in the free States.
And whatever may be the politics
of members, Democrat or Federalist,
Republican or Monarchist, they all
unite in the defence of the slave sys-
TEN. This power prohibits all speech
and action on the subject of slavery.
Your representatives can do nothing,
they are checked and forbidden in
various ways: your petitions are not
to be heard, and discussions
of the question are kept out of Con-
gress; the press is silent on the sub
ject,-the press dare not publish any
thing affecting the interests of slave
ny. I believe it is most important to
have the Constitution amended in
that part which provides for the
property representation in the slave
States. For what is it to avail your
efforts for the abolition of slavery in
the slave States? You are direct
lug your efforts to this end, and are
unable to resist the encroachments
of the slave power upon the liberties
of the free States. While it is said
that Anti-slavery is interfering with
the institutions ofthe South, the south
ern slave system is encroaching up
on the privileges of Northern free .
men.
The present state Of things, there
fore, is not an attempt on the part otthe
to put doeon slavery IN the
South, but 1t IS an effort on the part Of
the slave posUer to crush The liberties Of
the people Of The free States. The
rights of petition, of trial by jury,and
Of habeas corpus, have all been in
vaded. These rights lie at the
foundation of the liberties Of citizens.
Take away the writ Of habeas cor
ous-the right Of man imprisoned
o be brought before a judge, and
nave his accuser confronted with
aim, the accusation made known TO
Vim and heard by the judge,-and
lake away the trial by jury, and
your liberty is taken away.
And this we have seen attempted
to be done by the representatives of
the neighboring State of New York,
in their Legislature, at the dictation
Of a slaveholding State. The bill
passed the House, and it would
seem that it failed to pass the SEN
ate. OnlY in CONSEQUENCE Of an adj