The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1844-10-03

less as the powers of the British Paria-
ment are?
Other causes have conspired with the
British example, to produce the existing
excitement from abolition. say it with
profound regret, but with no intention to
occasion irritation here or elsewhere, that
there are persons in both parts o! the I'm
ion who have sought 10 mingle abolition
with politics, and TO array one portion of
the Union against another. II is the mis-
fortune in free countries that, in high par
ty times, disposition 100 often prevails,
to seize hold of every thing which Can
strengthen lae one side OF weaken the 9th
en- Charges of fostering abolition designs
have been heedessly and unjustly made
by one party against another. Prior 10
the late election Of the President of the u.
States, he was charged with being an alb
olitonist, and abolition designs were i'm
puted 10 many Of his supporters. Much
as [ was opposed to his election, and ain
10 his administration, | neither shared in
making nor believing the truth of the
charge. He was scarcely installed into
office, before the same charge was direct
ed against those who opposed his election.
Mr. President 1t is not true, and re-
joice that it is not true, that either OF the
two great parties in this country has any
designs or aims at abolition. | should
deeply lament it if it were true. should
|donsider, If it were true, that the danger TO
the stability Of our system would be m6n-
iteIy greater than any which does, hope,
actually exist. While neither party can
be, think, justly accused ofany abolition
tendency or purpose, both have prodted,
and both have been injured in partic lar
localities, by the accession or abstraction
of abolition support. 1.-THE account were
fair y stated. | believe the party TO which
| am opposed, has proied much more,
and been injured much less, than that to
which belong. But am far, for that
reason from being disposed to accuse our
adversaries of being aboliionis's.
And now, Mr. President, allow me to
consider the several cases in which the
authority of Congress is invoked Ivy these
abolition petitioners upon hesubject of do
nestle slavery. The first relates TO it as
it exists in the District of Columbia The
following is he provision of the Constilu,
ton of the United States in reference 10
that matter:
" To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases
whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten
miles square) may by cession of particular
States, and the acceptance of Congress, become
the seat of government of the United States"
This provision preceded, in point oflime,
the actual cessons which were made by
the States of Maryland and Virginia. The
object of the cession was, TO establish O
seal of government for the United States J;
and the grant in the constitution of exclu-
sive Legislation, must be understood, and
should be always interpreted, as having
relation 10 the objects of the cession. -
1t was with full knowledge OF this
clause in the constitution tina! these two
States coded to the general government
The ten miles square, constituting the
district of Columbia. In making this
cession they supposed it was 10 be applied
and applied solely, to the purposes Of a
seat of government, tor which it was ask
ed When i! was made, slavery exis'
ted in both those commonwealth and in
the coded territory, as it now continues
to exist in all of them. Neither Mary
land nor Virginia could have anticipated
that whilst the institution remained with
10 their respective limits, its abolition
would be attempted by Congress without
their consent. Neither of them would
probably have made an unconditional
cession, if they could have anticipated
such a result
From the nature of the provision in the
constitution, and the avowed obec Of the
acquisition of the territory, two duties
arise on the part ofCongress. The frs
is, to render the District available, COM
Portable and convenient, as seat of gov
erment of the whole Union the other is
TO govern the people within the District
so as best to promote their happines:
and prosperity. These objects are totally
distinct in their nature, and, in interpret
ing and exercising the grant of the power
of exclusive legislation, that distinction
should be constantly borne in mind. Is
it necessary, in order to render this place
a comfortable seat ofthe general govern
ment, to abolish slavery within its limits
No one can or will advance such pro-
position. The government has remained
here near forty years without the slight
est Inconvenience from the presence o
domestic slavery. Is ii necessary to the
: we'll being OF the people of the Distric
: that slavery should be abolished from a
mopgst them They not only neither
ask nor desire, but are almost unani
mousIy opposed TO it. 1t exists here ii
the mildest and most mitIgaled form. Ii
t a population of 80 1884 there were at thu
| last enumeration of the population of th'
t United States, but 6,ll9 slaves. The