The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1844-02-08
FOR THE MADIsoHIAN.

euicielcg nave DeeH cHpiOYeu III the coHduC
of It's affairs
FOR THE MADIsosIAN.
ADMISSION OF TEXAS INTO THE UNION
The aspect which The question Of admitting Texa
into the Union Of the United States is beginning
wear, may well invoke to it the most serious consid
Grafton of both the Representatives in Congress, an'
the People of the Middle and Northern and Easterr
States.
As Northern and Eastern man, have been hith
sro averse to serious contemplation of the propo
stionbeing influenced rather by feeling than by req
soning upon the matter
have teh as hundreds Of thousands have, that i
is exclusively Southern project, intimately con
neced with the slave interest, and chiefly aiming al
perpetuity OF slave institutions in the United
Stales-that by it the slavehoding States could
alone hope to retain any very considerable influence
IN the political affairs of the nation, under the com
paraiively slow growth of their voting population
and againa. the vigorous increase Of numbers and
wealth in the free States of the North, East and
West.
lhis rs The ultimatum Of reasoning that has com.
mingled with the feeling entertained generally on thi,
subject in the Middle and Eastern States and with
out being political abotionists at ALL in purpose OF
association, the People generally in the regions just
adverted to- have in feeling concurred with the views
of abolitionists in respect TO the admission Of Texas
into the Union la thus describing what my fn1ivdua
sense to has been this subject, am sure right
ly describe the general Of the Middle States
and of New England They have been, however,
iuditI
consequently open TO all proper conviction
But the progress of time and of events, are well
calculated in this matter TO awaken the nation to the
true merits OF the proposition, and to-present it, as
believe, in an entirely different light from that in
which it has hitherto been generally regarded is
not any longer TO be held up question of slavery
or anti-slayery abolition anti-abotion, but as one
of still broader import and of more enduring con-
sequence to our national welfare and national pros
periy, than either the policy of slavery or of anti
slavery, settled either way il may be, can pos
sbly involve. We Of the North and East, have been
governed by our feelings this question quite long
enough and it is now time for to listen some ha,
TO reason in respect TO it,
Mere feelings are always inclined TO rush precipi-
lately TO conclusions, and these may be generous 10
some while they are unjust towards others. Reason
is safer reliance in all cases. for it tests its way
as II progresses and blends justice with generosity in
its conclusions towards ALL
Now it is very certain that, in another twelve
month, Texas rs to become a part Of these United
States, or colony Of the British Government, BY
title, by association by policy, by leg station and by
commercial relations, if not by name and open slip
ulation.
II the former takes place, it will be so from ne
cessity and interest," and tie choice Of her citizens
combined. IL the latter takes place. it will be SO
from like necessity, and from interest growing out OF
Tint necessity bu, not from the choice Of her People.
In the latter case Great Britain will DO Influenced
by the double motive of promoting the trade and
manufactures Of her merchants and citizens and
statssto say nothing OF tic desire TO propagate POI
litca principles and systems alike antsgouistical to
those of the People OF the United States
In the former event the United State. will reverse
the above effect and enlarge the sphere Of her own
manufactures, trade and commerce, and proportion
ally circumscribe these Of Great Britain.
What patriotic citizen II the United States can
ca mly hesitate an choosing between the two results
thus delneated' Or, in view Of tbe can consent to
suffer Texas TO be aenated from the United States
and brought into state Of colonial dependence upon
Great Britain
Ought, or can our Eastern merchants, and manu-
facturers, DC Indifferent longer, upon this SUBJECT
Suppose Texas, admitted, will add to the number
Of slavehodng States uiu he advantages cfi IN po.
Ideal point n pie,o 10 The southern STATES compare al
all nih The advantages Of IL in commercial point d
riec 10 the .Northern and Eastern States
Is not the feasible growth of commerce and OF
manufactures Of immensely more consequence, and
ultimate influence, too than the possible growth Of
political influence in the councils Of the nation, from
the same cause, viewed in lis most extravsgant pro-
misses
BY refusing Texas admission into the Union
we do not rid the United States Of slave institution.
and Of slavery. Admit tina, by forcing Texas to fall
into the arms Of British legislators slavery will be u
imately abolished in Texas. Will it not simultsne.
ously narrow down the freedom Of the People Il the
United States that large territorial portion Of
this continent, and subject Texas to syssn OF lc
gisla,ion and impoverished industry like tina, nov
witnessed in Ireland and England itself, and which
is, for all practical good to the moral or physica
man, as far removed from the free condition which
the People Of ihst territory would enjoy by annexa
ton to the United States, slavery itself is remov.d
from state Ct subjugation TO British laws and Ri
tish policy
What Is there 10 the pbilaoihrophy that would ira
vel TO Mexico to dispense charity, if by stsr,a,iop
be i4crssscd among onr own People al home "
Why advocsts .sssars of Stsis policy 70 sffseI
sn enlarged liberty Tor Psop:s VIM hsvs never
known it, sss o. enjoysspt II The e6sc, b. 10 asr
row down and restrict The practical liberty Of "a.
free eifi'e~ efns Uai'sa sxsk'2 Are we to Civ. up