The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1844-10-24


drop him.
B. 10 such case would you leave your
party and lose your vote, or follow with
the party in another man who should pos
sess this requisite qualification
G. Excuse me from answering that
question at once. But don't you see that
if you persist and succeed in your polili.
cal abolition you will bring about dsso
luIon of the union, aud that that is all it
will do
b. Shall we then be deferred from vo~
ing as we judge for the best man, by such
threats, or is the abolition OF national
slavery, and national enacments that abet
and sustain it, (tor this is all our political
efforts can directly reach,) more likely to
excite revolt Of the South than high to-
riff duties? What does experience say on
This?
G. True, when our tariff duties were
about the highest, S. Carolina made
strange move about it, but finally qualIed
when she saw worst coming to worst !
don't know but it would be so about abo-
ltiop, as you would leave state rights un>
| touched.
&, | think at any rate it would look RI
| diculous for tina! weaker and more depen-
ant part, to withdraw from the aid and
protection Of the North, simply because
the North would not participate in The
crime and odium of the horrid institution
but would on the contrary bear testimony
against 1t BY every constitutional measure.
And even now, their anger resembles The
excitement prodOced among the liplers by
the first temperance move, when men OF
| character began to subscribe to the motto,
"t0uch not, taste not, handle not" The
South require US to participate with them
in The odium and guilt of slavery. Nor
is this rcqoiSition made without a cause.
Abhorred as the institution is, Of God, and
drteStrd BY surrounding nations contra
dictOn 10 every principle of law, Of justice,
and of civil government: how can they
brook the rrmorsa of conscience or still
It's cIamors without external aid2 And
shall then grant them that aid? Look at
the horrid institution. A war sustained tv
almost five parts Of the inhabitants Of these
, United Stat, s against the other sixth part
| of cur native born citizens; a class which
with every passing generation are, By
Indignation, becoming less and less
distinct race. A war which holds them,
moi as competitors, but as perpetual victims.
A war Of conques: without terms, and yet
Withou. eX'erminaiion. A war with men
consisting Of body and soul conjoned like
other men, by the terms Of which, boGy
aud soul are forbidden mutual co-opera-
ton and response. The image Of God
pent in earthly, nay Internal mould i
What living death!
II is this war which contron's the fun.
,iameu,ol principles Of cur govcrnmcc',
aud plants arrangement in all It's parts IL
francis our national legislation, renders
our judiciary an anomaly, and binds our
executive to deeds of injustice And
can patriot, a philantbropiat endure the
sight? Iconfess when look at slavery,
as it is, recoiI at The thought Of leaving
the world with this foul stain remaining
on oar national esculcheon. But there is
hope. Notwithstanding all that is to be
regretted in the eXcenrc abolition move
mems there is hope. see a set Of men
though lew, pledged, not TO each other but
10 God and their own conscienceS, thai
they will lose no opportunity, direct or in
Direct OF voting against national slavery
and thrust our nation can never sink with
such prop uutiI all regard for truth ano
justice sink and perish together with it.
y, Well brother B., see you are ubou
going; | wish TO say one word farther:
fear you are suffering yourself to be be
goiitd and drawn away from your religion
by over much politics,
B. Thanli you. In all we do fine
there is danger, but then we should b.
aware that "to every purpose there is {
time" and this crisis can occu. but once
! in four years, However l mean to make
it my rule whenever find my politics