The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1844-10-10

, course with foreign nations, in all oul
treaties in which the words goods, effects
5 Sc. are used, slaves have never been con
sidered as included. In all cases in which
slaves are the subject matter of conrover.
, bsy, they are specially named by the word
Slaves, and if rememberrightly, it has
; been decided in Congress, that slaves are
not property for which a compensation
shall be made when taken for public use
Tor rather slaves cannot be considered as
taken for public use,) or as property by
the enemy, when they are in the service
oflhe United States. II am correct, as
believe | am in the position | have as
sumed, the gentleman can say nothing by
this part of his argument, against a6ol-
tionists, for asking that slavery shall not
exist in Florida.
SLAVERY UNDER THE CONSTITUTION.
The gentleman contends that the power
10 remove slaves from one State 10 anolh-
err, for sale, is found in that part OF the
Constitution which gives Congress the
power TO regulate commerce within the
States, &c. This argument is non Sequ1tur,
unless the honorable Senator can first
prove that slaves are proper articles for
commerce. We say that Congress have
the power over slaves only as persons.-
The United States can protect persons
but cannot make them property, and they
have full power in regulating commerce,
and can in such regulations, prohibit from
its operations every thing but property );
property, made so by the laws of nature,
and not by any municipal regulations
The dominion OF man over things as pro-
perty, was settled by his Creator when
man was first placed upon the earth. He
was to subdue the earth and have domin-
ion over the fish ofthe sea, and fowls Of
the air, and over every living thing that
moveth upon the earth every herb bear
ing seed, and the fruit of a tree yielding
seed, was given for his use. This is the
foundation of all right in property of eve
ry description. 1t is for the use of man
the grant is made, and of course he can.
not be included in the grant. Every mu-
nicipal regulation, then, of any State, or
any of its peculiar institutions, which man
makes property, is violation ofthis great
law Of nature, and is founded in usurpa.
lion and tyranny is accomplished by force,
fraud, or an abuse Of power, II is vio-
lation of the principles Of truth and justice,
In subjecling the weaker to the stronger
man. In christian nation such property
can form no just ground for commercial
regulations, but ought to be strictly pros
hibited. therefore believe it is the duty
of Congress, by virtue of this power to
regulate commerce, to prohibit, at once,
slaves being used us articles of trade.
The gentleman says, the Constitution
left the subject of slavery entirely to the
States. To this position assent; and, as
The States cannot regulate their own COM
merce, but the same being the right of
Congress, that body cannot make slaves
an article OF commerce, because slavery is
left entirely 10 the States in which it ex-
sls, and slaves'wilhin those States, accord
ing to The gentleman, are excluded from
he power Of Congress. Can Congress
n regulating commerce among the sever
Il States, authorize the transportation of
articles from one State and their sale in
mother, which they have not power so to
authorize in any Stale? cannot believe
n such doctrine; and now solemnly pro.
est against the power of Congress to au-
horize the transportation to, and the sale
n Ohio, of any negro slave whatever, or {
or any possible purpose under the sun.
Who is there in Ohio, or elsewhere, that
will dare deny this posilion2 II Ohio
contains such recreant TO her Consitu-
ion and policy, | hope he may have the
,oldnesS 10 stand forth and avoT it.. If ,
he States in which slavery exists love it
is household god, let them keep it there,
md not call upon US in the free States TO
'ffer incense to their idol. We do not s
eek to touch i: with unhalowed hands, ,
,ut with pure hands, appraised in the cause
t truth and suffering humanity.
The gentleman admits that at the form. q
tion of our government, it was feared that +
lavsry night eventually divide or distract i
he country; and as the BALLOT BOX i
Gems continually to haunt his imagina> T.
ion, he says there is real danger of disso- f
ltion OF the Union, if abolLionists, as is
vident they do, will carry their principles
MO the BALLOT BOX. If not disunion in
,ct at least In feeling, in the country, Q
rhich is always The precursor to The clash a
arms. And the gentleman further says
We are taught by holy writ, "the race is C
OF 10 the swift, nor the battle 10 the 0
rong." The moral OF the gentleman's Il
rgument is, that truth and righteousness t
ill prevail, though opposed by power and Il
lhuence--that abolilionlsts, though few a
I number are greatly to be feared one, C
S have said, may chase thousand, and n
vo put Ten thousand to flight; and, as d
,eir weapons of warfare are not 'carnal,
vi mighty TO the pulling down Of strong tt
olds,' even slavery itself, and as the bal S
u box is the great moral lever in political u