The Whig standard. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1843-1844, 1844-02-23
COM MUNICATlO Ms


may render It faithful record Of your political
principles
The political positions which you have occu-
pied, present the consideration OF four distinct
eras. The 6rrt commences from your entrance
into the Legislature OF your State, and extends TO
1919. The second comprehends the period from
1921 to IS29-the third from 1929 to the ter
mination of your Presidential term. These eras
each of them important, invite separate consi.
deration. SiGs0 $500
We have now reached that precise point of dis
lance from the events of the late war, when the
history of may be sketched with the greatest ad
vantage. II is sufficiently remote to open all de-
sirable access to every repository of information
regarding it, and to sanction the utmost freedom
which justice may require in the delineation OF
the conduct Of those who acted in opposition to
Mr.. Madison's administration. But what is OF
far higher importance, the reader is able TO COM
prehend the relative situations OF those who re-
sisted Mr. Madson's reelection while engaged IN
the prosecution of the war, un0bscured by the
passions and prejudices OF parties, and to form
correct opinion Of the part performed BY you at
this important crisis ofour political affairs.
have noticed the complacency with which you
have witnessed efforts, if you have not made eff
forts YOURSELF to raise preudices against indivi-
duals on account Of their alleged opposition to the
administration of Mr.. Jefferson and Mr.. Madison
| have noticed, also, the great tenacity with
which you, on all occasions, claim for yourself
the character of a Democrat. as-
On these points propose to make few re-
marks, and call the attention to the history Of
the country in 1912, when you opposed the re-
election of Mr. Madison, and the measures of his
administration. ssRg 1eta sss
Upon the renewal 81 the war in Europe, after
the truce of Amiens, Jthe British undertook, as
before, 10 interdict al neutral trade, which was
not permitted in times OF peace; to search neu-
trail vessels on the high seas for contraband Of
war, and enemies property even to take from
them by violence all persons who could NOT prove
themselves to the satisfaction Of the searching
officer not to be British subects-but recuscitat-
ing in still more sweeping and oppressive form,
their pretensions to intercept the neutral trade
with their enemies premises, they enlarged their
introduction TO the trade IN all other articles
They declared the whole coast Of the continent
of Europe in state Of blockade and by a sort Of
argumentative reasoning, the substantial and very
Important right Of prohibiting the people Of the
United States from trading with any other except
Great Britain. A tacit acquiescence in preten
sions thus lofty and comprehensive, would have
been an abandonment of rights openly recognised,
and a dereliction of the most important COM
mercial interests Of the country. Mr.. Madison,
on the other hand, contended, that the right oi
external commercial regulation in articles of an
innoxious nature, is one Of the essential inherent
rights OF every independent sovereignty; and,
with the exception of trading to blockaded ports,
or in articles raband OF war, every govern
ment has right 10 sell the surplus articles OF Its
manufactures and produce to neutral merchants.
While the nature of the British claim was am.
bguous and fuctuating, the principle to which il
was referred for Justification and support, was con-
sdered to be arbitrary and deceptive. 1t was not
to be found in any positive code of the laws Of ma
lions; it was not developed in the elementary
works of the civilian, nor has it ever been exem-
pl!hed in the maritime usages of any country In
fact, it was the municipal law Of Great Britain.
alone, equally operating in period of peace and
in period Of war, and, under all circumstances,
infiicting coercive jurisdiction upon the CON-
merce and navigation of the world.
The conditions proposed by Great Britain for
the settlement of these conflicting points Of foreign
policy, being inadmssble with the attitude as
sumed by the Administration of the Federal Gov
eminent, and inconsistent with the acknowledged
principles of public law, and neither founded on
reciprocity nor any of the usual bases of negotia-
ton, it was deemed expedient by the Congress of
the United States to declare war against Great
Britain. This measure was adopted not only to
vindicate the ualidity of acts Of naturalization
and certificates of citizenship, but it was to resist
systematic scheme Of maritime ACKNOWLEDGEMENT,
which prescribe to every other nation the limits
OF territorial boundary, claimed by Great Bril-
tain, the exclusive dominion of the seas and
which, spurning the settled principles of the laws
of war, condemned the ships and mariners Of The
United States 10 suffer upon The high seas, and virtually
icitn the jurisdiction Of their flag the most rigorous dis
pesations Of the British municipal code, inflicted By the
coarse and lcentious herd Of British press gang.
Such was the condition of the country when
MIR. Madison was renominated by the Republican
party as candidate for the Presidency.
AT this goomy crisis i'll our political history,
when Mr.. Madison was struggling with the Re-
publican party to carry out the measures which
had been projected by Mr.. Jefferson-when the
sovereignty of the nation was in jeopardy--when
her honor and independence had been assaulted
when her maritime rights had been entrenched
upon by British power-when our commerce was
almost annihilated-our property seized and cap
tured by French and British cruisers in our wa
ters-when the people of the Western country
were memoriazing the Executive to save inno-
cence from torture, and helplessness of age from
the seal ping-kn and tomahawk-when the
whole Western frontier was illuminated with the
blaze of the counciI ros Of the SAVAGE of the for