Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1844-02-09
MIR. CALHouN,s LETTER.

which letter has been anticipated for some
weeks past-has come at last, in the shape
Of an Address to his political friends and
supporters. 1t is John G. Calhoun all oUer.
Afier long string Of metaphysical objec-
tons, and finely spun theories, relating to
the formation Of Conventions for the nomi-
nation Of Candidates for the Presidency and
Vice Presidency, he concludes by perempto-
rily refusing to permit his name to go before
the Baltimore Convention.
Mr.. Calhoun does not decline the Candi-
dacy for the Presidency. He merely refuses
to allow his name TO be made use Of, in the
proceedings Of the Baltimore Convention
II will be left to his friends to determine
whether any-and, if any, what-further
measures shall be taken, in reference to his
claims to the Presidency.
Mr.. G. docs not mention in his address
either Mr.. Clay or Mr.. Van Buren,, but ex-
presses the most deadly hostility to the prin-
cple Of protecting tie Industry of the Coun-
try-that principle, the prevalence of which,
in the counses Of the Nation, has done
more than all other measures Of public poll
cy, to restore the Country to state of pros
perity aud happiness.
Not having room'for the entire letter of
Mr.. Calhoun, we publish its conclusion,
which contains the gist Of the matter, di-
vested Of the long tissue of metaphysical re-
finement-Atias.
Having now assigned my reasons for re-
fusing to permit my name to go before the
Baltimore Convention, il rests with you
who base placed it before the people and
assented to abide by Convention fairly
constituted, to determine what course you
will pursue.
Be your decision what it may, shall be
content. But regard it as due 10 the oc-
casion, to you and myself, to declare, that
under no circumstances whatever shall l
support any candidate, who is opposed to
free trade, and ia favor of the protective
policy, or whose prominent and influential
friends aud supporters are. hold the poll
cy to be another name for system Of mo.
nopoly and plumber, and to be thoroughly
anti-repubiican and federal in its character.
also hold, that so long as the duties are SO
of the community, while they operate as OPP
pressive taxes on the other, there can be no
hope that the Government can be reformed,
or that its expenditures will be reduced to
the proper standard
Were |, with the evidences before me, to
say otherwise Of my course, it would be,
practically, to declare that regard the pro.
tective policy to be an open question, SO faI
T. - 1.
consider, on my part, virtual abandonment
Of the cause of Free Trade That can new
er be. / have done and suffered too much
for it, when its friends were few and feeble
TO abandon it now-now, when the auspices
every where, on this and the other side o.
the Atlantic, proclaim the approaching
downfall of protection, and the permanent
triumph Of Free Trade. |, who upheld i
against monopoly and plumber, in the wors
Of times, and braved the Administration anC
Opposition, when backed but by single
State-xiil not-cannot abandon the Clio
rious cause now, when its banner waves il
proud triumph over the metropolis Of tn,
immoveabiy the ground have SO long oc
cupied, until have witnessed its great ant
fiuai victory, if it shall please the Disposer o
events to spare my life so long. 1t will be
indeed, vIcToRY-the harbinger of new
aud brighter and higher civilization.
Much less, still, can give my support t.
any candidate who shall give his aid or coun
tenance to the agitation Of abolition in Con
gress or elsewhere; or whose prominen
and influential friends and supporters shall
doubt the sincerity of any man, who de
ciares he is no abolitionist, whilst, at tn
same time, he aids or countenances the ag
itation Of the question, be his pretext wha
it may IL we have a right to our slaves
we have the right to hold them in peace AM
quiet. If the Constitution guarantees tb
one, it guarantees the other; and If 1t for
bids the one from being attacked, it equal
forbids the other. Indeed, the one stand
10 the other as means TO an end, and is S
avowed by the abolitionists and on tn
plainest principles of morals, if the end b
prohibited, the means of effecting II also are
OF the two, | regard the deluded fanatic ia
less guilty and dangerous than he who, 70
party or political purposes, aids or countt
nances him, in what he knows is intended I
do that which he acknowledges to be fol
hidden by the Constitution.
1t is time that an end should be put {
this system of plumber and agitation. The
have been borne long enough. They ar
kindred measures, and hostile as far,
least, as one portion of the Union is col
cerned. While the tariff takes from us III
proceeds Of our labor, abolition strikes at ii
labor ITSELF The one robs us of our incom
while the other aims at destroying the sourC
from which that income is derived. 1t
impossible for us to stand patiently muc