The Arkansas banner., 1844-08-07

It is resisted by many for the reason that slavery exists in Texas. That is an lnstitu-
 tion, to be sare. which most people, born at
 the North, are, like myself, sverse 10. But those who respect the Consultation and the Union remember thatitisan institution which
 our parent country, before the revolution, forced npon both the North and the South ; ] which, after being more deeply interWoTen
 through the social and political systems of
 the laiter the rest of the States did not hesi- tate 10 confederate with her ip fighting the battles Of independence; nor fo counsel win her heroes, patriots, and statesmen, in form ing the present constitution; nor 10 associate
 with them in carrying outfits great destinies;
 nor in ga@antying their property and rights
 in common with the rest, then and during
 thc hall century sinces in peace and war, and
 in veal or wo.
 However deprecated. .by many of Us, we
 know th't none can legally abolish the insti-
 atlon but those who possess il; and that
 while this has already been done since the
 revolution by nearly half of the old States,
 t may continue to be done by Texas herself,
 as well as others, sooner or later, when thei, sense of duty and safely may pormitit, if left
 ranquilly 10 the exercise of their own rights.
 What effect the annexation of Texas will
 really have on tIlis measure, seems to be
 doubled by some of its opponents, among
 whom the most distinguished thinks il will 1 add more free than slave States. But how ever that may be, the friends of annexation
 believe that, while a rejection of itmust leave tf1e institution of slavery inst as il is, without mitigation, the acceptance of il cannot add to the whole number of slaves now in Texas and the United States together: and, if dis Persing that number over wider space, will gradually lend 10 make their freedom less eEpenslTe and more easy in any one State :; or If concentrating them further South than now, will render voluntary emancipation more nerthWardly still, speedier and safer. Whether such considerations have prepon- aerated before in overcoming this objection with many of oHT most eminent friends of libertyand philanthropy. lnowno batcer- ain 1t is, that fl did not prevent 8Tr. Jefferson and l4is northern democratic friends from pur- chasing Louisiana, including Texas herself,
 n 1903; nor Florida from being bought by Nessrs. Monroe and Adams in l819; nor Texas again from being negotiated fer by alessfs. Adams and Clay in 1895 and 1897; and by General Jackson and Mir Van Buren in the summer of 1899; the decree of Mexico for abolishing slavery in her posscssions not being issued i'll September l5, 1S297 (See 1 Blunt2s Annual Register, p. l471
 lt did aot prevent us from keeping Texas With all her slavery for sixteen years, and then exchanging her for another slave terri tory E # not safar.to act with such men on great national question: men of all par ties, coineident on this single measure. not Withsianding the objection as t6 slavery ;- Much safer than to indulge rashlY in 2 disre- gard of every precedentand principle adopted in respect to t during half a century.
 International interferences, CT encourage ments 10 destroy the domestic or political institutions of each other, are alike misehie- Fous, whether attempted by us against her ehurcl=and-state system, and monarchical government, CT by England, or the worlds conVention- in sight of her Parliament against any of our institutions. Without going into. details on this unpleasant topic, these off, cious complaints about us tend to plunge the world into a state of constant warfare. rather than promdte durable peace and civilization
 Even the despot, Santa Anna, talks of keep ing up hostllities against Texas. in order to put down domestic slavery there; and Ali Paeha n E.egpt, while amidst all his tyran- nies he has the address towards England 10 profess the emancipation of his slaves, renews nearly frontier slare haAt to recruit his ar mics, navies, and household
 What is this objection when made among ourselves so pertinacioQslY, but a violation of Nashington's farewell injunction against sectional preiudices and dsectional divisions; and Of Jelferson's deprecations in the Hlssouri controversy. against the drawing Of ssa geographical line. coinciding Wifh marked principle, moral and political P and which, itcountenaaced, woeld, n his opinion, constantly sink deeper and deeper, and never be obliteratea, except by disastrous results, which he did not wish to live long enough to witness?- Jelierson's Life, 324 p.)
 Declaring, as We have so often, that Cuba shall negef be allowed 10 go into the posses sion of anotherPower should like to know what is to bc done with slavery there, if the i island Is ever occupied by u.3 And if be- coming . territory or State, on what prin- ciple is il 10 be so, except that applied 10 Louisiana, Florida and therefore 10 Texas Are we to have whites under our dominion not lree3 nor ever to be admitted into the Union on equal principles?
 will only add, in order to avoid misap- | pgehension, that so far from feeling opnosed | toihe termination of slavery by all legal, safe, and constitutional means, none could rejoice more heartily than myself to see it thus ended the world over; and among the whites, as well as blacks; among the disfTanchised, the seris and paupers of Europe, and even tho dark lllndoos, as well as the sable sons of Africa; lotconfning my sympathies 10 color or name, put to real degradation ainoag the whole hu- nan race, and to their relief, by introducing gradually superior state of intelligence, re- gion and rights, rather than by a rash cru ,ade against law and order, and the public oeacen
 Others still object to the form of the ces- 'lon, holding t to be insufficient, unless made " an act of Canmrees. and henea if is nc.