Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1844-12-13
astrt)taoarn Eo1n nfrRe.

ample power to suppress disturbances and pre-
serve order throughout her wide domains.
IL is unreasonable that she regards The aoo-
lition of slavery in Texas as most Important
step towards this grea, object OF policy, SO much
In. aim of her solicitude and exerions; ana tae
defeat OF the annexation of Texas 10 ouT Union
as indispensable 10 the abolition oi slavery there
She is TOO sagacious not 10 see what lalal bloW
it would give TO slavery in the lnlIed STATES
and how certainly its abolition with us Wouia
abolish it over the whole continent anu merely
give her monopoly in The productions, OF The
1rea, tropicaI stables. and the command OF The
commerce navigation and manufactures oil The
world with an established naval ascendancy ana
poi,ical preponderance. To this continent the
blow would be calamilous beyond description
1t would destroy, in a great measure Inc culilYa-
ton and production of The great tropical staples
amounting annually in value TO nearly Sooo,
600, O0O-lhe fund which stimulates and upholdS
almost every other branch Of its industry COM
merce. navigation and manufactures. The
whole BY their Joint influence are rapidly spread
ing population. wealth.. Improvement ahd CIVIL
Zation over the whole continent, and viVliyinS
hv their overflow The industry OF Europe; lhcreby
increasing its population, wsallh ana ADVANCE
ment in the arts in power and IN CIVILIZATION.
Such mus: be- the result, should Great Britain
succeed in accomplishing The constant object Of
her desire and exsrlions-ihe abolition OF negro
slavery over this continent; and towards Inc e.
fecline of which she regards the defeat OF The an
nexaton of Texas 10 our Union so important
Can il be possible that Governments So enilght-
encd and sagacious as those OF France and The
other great continental powers, can be so plindeo
by The plea of philanthropy as not to see what
must inevitably follow, be her motive what II
l.. =. ~.
nav should she succeed in her Object! II IS III
tie Short OF mockery 10 talk oil philanthropy, WIN
the examples before rs oil the effects OIL aooi>hinS
negro slavery in her own colonies. in 81. Domin-
90 and the Northern States of our Union, where
Statistical facts, not 10 be shaken, prove that the
freed negro, after The experience OF sixty years,
is in a far worse condition than in The other
States. where he has been left in his former con-
diton. No: the eject Of what Is called aboli-
ton, where the number is few is not TO raise The
interior race 10 the condition of freemen, but 10
deprive the negro ofthe guardian care OF his own
er, subject 10 all the depression and oppression
belonging 10 his inferior condition. But on The
other hand, where the number is great, and bears
large proportion 10 The whole population, II
would be still worse. II would be 10 substitute
for the existing relation deadly strife The
two races. 10 end in The subeclion, expulsion, or
ex,iIpa;ion Of one or the other; and such wonid
be The case oyei The greater part OF this continent
where negro shaver. exists. II wcud not end
there; but would, in all probability extend, by lis
example, the war OF races over all South AIncri-
ca, including Mexico, and extending 10 the Indian
as we'll as 10 the African race, and make The whole
one scene Of blood and devastation.
Dismissins, then the stale and unlounded plea
of philanthropy can it be that France and the
ether great continental powers-seeias what must
be the result Of the policy, for the accomplish
sr,, 81
herself, and that the defeat OF the annexation Of
Texas is so important, towards It's consummation
are prepared 10 back or countenance her in her
efforts TO effect either? What possible motives
can thew have 10 favor her cherished policy ? Is
il not better for them that they should be supplied
with tropical products in exchange for their labor,
from the United States, Brazil, Cuba, and this
continent generally, than 10 be dependent on one
great moropozing power for their supply! j. il
not better that they should receive them al the low
prices which competition, cheaper means OF pro-
duction, ard nearness OF market would furnish
them by the former, than 10 give the high prices
which monopoly, dear labor, and great distance
from market, would imposcl Is il not better that
their labor should be exchanged with new con-
tinent, rapidly increasing in population and in
the capacity for consuming, and which would fur
nish in the course Of few generations market
nearer 10 them, and o! almost unlimited extent,
for The produces OF their Industry anu arts, than
with old and diS,aD; regions, whose population has
long since reached lis growth 7
The al Jve contains those enlarged views Of po-
Icy which, it seems TO me, an enlightened Euro
pean statesman ought 10 take, in making up his
opinion on the subject OF The annexation Of Tex
as, and the grounds, as it may be inferred, on
which England vainly oppose. il. They certain
Is involve considerations of The deepest imror-
lance, and demanding The greatest attention.
Viewed in connection with them, the question Of
annexation becomes one Of the frs, magnitude,
not only to Texas and the United States, but 10
this continent and Europe They are presented,
that YOU NAV Use them on all suitable occasions,
where you think they may be with effect in your
correspondence, where il can be done with pro.
prie,v or otherwise. The President relies with
confidence ON your sagacily, prudence and zeal.
Your mission is one OF the first magnitude al all
times, 5ut especially now; and he feels assured
that nothing will be left undone on your part 10 do
Justice to The country and The Government in re-
ference 10 this great measure.
have said nothing as 10 our right Of treating
with Texas, without consulting Mexico. You 50
fully understand the grounds on which we rest
our right and are so familiar with all the facts
necessary TO maintain them, that it was thought
unnecessary 10 add any thing in reference 10 ii.
ain, Sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,