Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1844-06-21


properly, objects of trade or commerce.
Hence, having granted to Congress the
power 10 regulate commerce, they then un.
derstood that Congress had entire power,
even to prohibit any article of commerce,
and hence was inserted that section to pre-
vent the exercise of such power over slaves
until lSOS, aud also to restrict the laying
any prOhibitory duty until that time.
Let Il be here understood, that the slave
holding States, in relation to their principal
article of personal properly, and without
which their lands would, as they say, be of
little value, in relation to their labor, and of
course TO its fruits IN relation to their
stdces, they now possess and enjoy larger
measure Of protection than any other part of
the country The importation of slaves is
forbidden only by act of Congress, and Con-
gress has power to repeal such law at any
time, and let in the importation of slaves
from Havana, Brazil, or elsewhere and
what would be its effect, the Southern gen.
tlemen can best tell us. have no doubt it
would diminish the value of that property
one-half IN two years, and we should buy
cotton and sugar less than at presensA Men
who are thus situated, who thus lveS Agass
houses, ought hardly to cry out that Con-
gress possesses no pO'cer, under the grant of
power, to regulate commerce-to protect or
prohibit any article of importation; but can
only lay duty, such as will let in the arti-
Gle and secure most revenue. If so, then
our laws against importing slaves are I'M
constitutional.
| wish it further understood, that | am
now speaking merely on the subject of the
constitutional pocer of Congress; and in
slst that as TO its power over the subject of
commerce, Congress has no limitation but
its own discretion. But now say that, in
the present exercise of that discretion, | con-
slider no prohibItory laws are necessary to
encourage and sustain our manufactures.
1t is only necessary to lay such duties as
will raise revenue required for the Treas
ury; but, in so doing, discrimination for
protection is necessary.
But it is suggested that the present bill
raises the duty on wool. That is untrue
and deceptive. The presen: duty, by the
act of lS42, is on all wool, except that cost
ing 7 cents or under per pound at the place
OF expectation, thirty per cent, and three
cents per pound. This, on wool costing
less than thirty cents, would be over forty
per cent The proposed bill takes of three
cents per pound. In relation TO coarse wool
costing at the place of expectation seven
cents per pound, or under, the present duty
is five Por cont. Now, it is quite certain
that we raise no such wool as this here con-
templated No wool-grower, in America,
raises wool which he can afford at seven or
ten cents per pound. What few of coarse
woolled sheep are raised in the southern
part of the country for the mutton, and
whose wool is worked into coarse cloths in
families, they need nor ask no protection
Ii has ever been policy, approved by our
most intelligent protectionists, that It is
best to let in this coarse wool, which we do
not produce, on the easiest possible terms,
that our manufacturers may compete with
the foreigner in this branch, and furnish
coarse woollens on as good terms as the for
eigner, who obtains his coarse wool on the
most favorable terms. But it has been said
that in fact some fine wool is imported I'M
der this provision. 1t is difficult to sec how
that is practicable. if the law is faithfully
executed; nor do believe that statement 10
be true, to any considerable extent. There
are two facts which lead me to think other
wise. The first is, that the Importation of
that species of wool has greatly diminished
under the present Tariff" and its price has
not improved, while at the same time all our
wool oftolerable quality has much improved
in price. But what does the proposed bill
offer! 1t proposes to raise the duty on that
wool ten per cent; that is, from five to ff-
teen per cent. Not ten cents, but ten per
cent. Now ten per cent, or seven cents,
will be seven mills per pound. The whole
provision Of the bill is TO add seven mills on
each pound of coarse wool imported which
we do not raise, and take off three cents per
pound on such as we do raise. This seems
to me miserable attempt to pull cOoi over
our eyes on this subject. If that wool does
not compete with ours, it is well as it is II
it does compete with ours, il should be sub
ject to the same duty; but the proposed bill
does neither. But again, this proposed bill
raises the duty on coarse wool, but il reduc-
es the duty on all and every fabric of WOOL
lens. 1t compes our manufacturer to i'm.
port his stock dearer, and yet it lets in the
foreign woollens cheaper than before. In
deed, sir, | can hardly trust myself TO speak
with freedom of this bill for fear of discour-
tesy. Its provisions betray either the most
gross ignorance with the details and opera
ton Of Tariff, or most indiscriminatno
and reckless desperation to destroy all home
industry and interests, in order to repeal a
Wing Tariff Instead of any attempts to
amend or improve, il is to demoIsh and de-
stroy, both in principle and dctaI
| have now shown the origin, history, ex-
tent, Importance, and present condition of
the woo-growing interest of this country
and that the necessary consequence of adopt
ing the proposed bill, and the doctrines OF
the report which attends it, will be the de-