The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1844-07-02
British Opinions on Texas Annexation.
LONDON. MAY 10. lS4.

British Opinions on Texas Annexation.
LONDON May 10, 1874
Whatever charaster the treaty lately signed tor
the annexation OF Texas may stamp upon the Gov.
ernmeat of the United States, 1t must be confessed
that American diplomacy IS not conducted by ciaIl-
desnc arts, and that II asPres carry by sheer Ell
frontery IN the face oil the world measures such as
the most grasping and unscrupulous statesman VI
the old world would not have attempted without all
the precautions OF secrecy and vehement dlsayow-
ais OF their real Intentions. The motives ana the
actions OF the Cabinet OF Washington are equally
public; and the wisdom OF the formsr 10 very far-
ly prOportiohed to the probity and moderation oi
the latter. Ii should, however, be borne III mind
that this appeal to public opinion Is not only cir
cumstance IN the case, but the mala object OF the
whole proceeding. Hr. Tyler and his proigate
Cabinet care very little whether they succeed IN
The annexation OF Texas by the aid OF public opin-
ion, but they hope to bend public opinion TO their
interests by the project tor the annexation OF Texas
Viewed IN Its true light, this act OF The Repubcan
Rlchelieus ID the suDilnest point OF corruption =
We nave had many monsters IN our days-monster
concerts, monster meetings, the monster mortar
huge lump TO AZ, eOO,000 or 44,0OOOOO OF people
slavery and lands tor the South, trade and mar
ket for the North-asgrandlzement tor the whole
Union. s.Vote for President Tyler, and all this IS
ysurs or, if you accept so mighty gilt now,
common gratitude and duty must bind you to the
support OF the man who has conquered Tor you by
Such u.s. no doubt the reasoning OF the Cabinet OF
Washington; yet II will fail TO persuade the SEN
ate, or even the people OF the United States, TO
coniound the desperation OF weakness with the en-
rly argy Of true power, the violent expedlents OF
sra action with the calm and firm resolution OF pa
triotic government. II may be said that we are un-
just TO the great mass OF the American people, II
we lmpute them the guilt OF measures which
they do not approve, and of treaty they will not
ratliy. The weight OF political authority IN the
Union is altogether opposed 70 Mq av
and Mr.. Van Buren,, have recorded their
opinions against IL; the Legislatures OF Ken
lucky, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maine, have
rejected resolutions IN favor OF It; and all parties
admit that the Senate willreuse 10 ratty this CON-
pact Nevertheless, in spite Of these circu mstan-
ces, We rise from the perusal even OF the adverse
opinions OF the principal American state snen with
very low estimate OF their political integrity The
annexation OF Texas is the project OF one OF the
candidates for the Presidency-the other candi
dates oppose the measure, which, IT carried, must
be fatal to their own pretensions. In either party
1t il the meanest personal motive which Is upper
most, not the true and lofty principle OF political
duty and prudence. To this remark Mr. Clay Is
indeed less obnoxious than Mr. Van Buren ne OBJ
jects TO the enlargement OF the territory OF tho
Union; and he deprecates the effects OF such an
enlargement on the lnternalparncs now existing IN
tho States; but his main argument, and Mr.. Van
Buren, puts forward no other, Is the lncxpedlency
of concentrating this act OF spoliation at the pre-
sent time, before the Independence OF Iexas has
bsen sckno wedged by Mexico, since the lnevlta-
BILE and Immediate consequence OF such an act
must be war between Mexico and the United
States. II Is hardly possible to put 30 important
ccal act Of raplne behind 50 wretched a
subterfuge. The whole Texan insurrectlon is
acknowledged in these very papers to be OF
American orlgin--ths contest has been car
ricd on by American citizens 1t is what they
call on the other side OF the Atlantic a piUdtc
war, though III the rest OF the world private
wars are mere commonly designated as plratlca
expeditions This private war became war OF
Independence, and the new state was recognized
by certain foreign powers but as far as Mexico IS
concerned, it is still rebellion, and rebellion
Gha ~ CHI IN
statesmen who oppose the Immediate annexation
say" You 100 hasty this private war Is do
ing yosr M II you let alone Il Mer,c"
and she is ours but God forbid we should break
inc our neighpor's house to steal his chattels,
when those very chattels are struggling to throw
themselves out of his possession into our hands
BY similar reasoning, not i'll adapted to the clrcum
stances OF the parties, Mr. Washington Jones may
complain If Mr.. Jefferson Smith takes the slave
Pompcy from his plantation; but IT Pompey es-
capes, with a little kind assistance, and having
recovered his freedom, constitutes himself the
slave Of Mr. Jefferson Smith, then Mr. Wash
lngton Jones has no redress, We on our side,
are very willing to recognize Pompey as free
man, but we cannot 10 easily recognize the right
OF Pompey to transfer himself from one mas
'ef 70 ano'ner' or of the master to hold the slave
so transferred: The Message OF the President re-
quires no eucida,ion from US, and its length pre-
vents us from examining the countless ms-state-
ments of fact and perversons of reasoning which
it contains. The threadbare and abandoned pre-.
Texas portion of the territory coded by France
in 1903 is seriously revived, although the treaty OF
1919 between the American and Spanish Govern
msnts utterly extlngulshed that claim, by making
the river Sabine the limit OF the two States, instead
of the Rio del Norte The advantages of the Texan
territory described with the usual verbosity Of
American messages, as the value OF the thing taken
were the best apology tor taking It, The interests
Of the Union" are the supreme law OF that great
people and as they demand that there should be
contests and no smuggling on the frontiers OF the
49, Crc, liz koc had
we presume, from the Pole to Panama in fact,
they can admit of no frontiers at all. AT present
they must be extended to include Texas, because
(the reason is singular) "the United States are
already almost surrounded by the possessions OF
European Powers, and Texas would complete the
circle" We were not aware that any European
tiguous to the territory of the Union, and those
OF England are exclusively on the northern
frontier and the eastern coast but if it were
50, every State which has land frontiers at
OF other powers, and Mr.. Tyler forgets that when
he has carried his frontier to the utmost confines of
the Texan republic, he will still be surrounded"
State to which Texas herself belonged and that
all the evils of contact, for which he seems to en-
terrain so lively an abnorrence, will prevail with
undimlnished, or rather with increased force, for
Texas is likely to be better neghborto the Union
than Mexico, from the greater similarity OF her in
stltutions. MIR. Tyler's Message, however, is not
only communication to the Legislature OF the,
United States; it is also manifesto to foreign
powers; and, as such, il contains an allusion to
this country which calls for the strongest animad-
version. We presume that Great Britain has as
much right to Profer her counsels In opposition TO
slavery, as the United States have to uphold that
institution. Both countries are In the position of
third parties. not of principals, to the matter in
dispute between Mexico and Texas; although
there IS this difference between them-that in re-
commencing the abolition Of slavery in Texas
Great Britain advocates no more than recurrence
to that state OF freedom which prevailed throughout
Mexican before deClara-
ton OF independence, whilst, in his eagerness TO
uphold slavery, Mr.. Tyler contemplates nothing
short OF direct and enormous ACKNOWLEDGMENT Of