The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1844-01-05
TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING HE


ives and purposes opposite to those 10y which l am
actuated
Iprefer the election of Mr. Calhoun to that of Mr.
Clay, but you are misinformed as to Mr.. Calhoun's
character and principles He is certainly the advo
cate OF State rights but not their author they exist
ed at the time of the adoption of The Federal Cons-
tuition, and consttute the conservative principle of
our Government, and venture to say that, if you
knew Mr. Calhoun, and understood his political prin
ciples, you would nolonger be opposed to either
So far from being opposed to uniform currency
and to the payment Of the State debts, in the
United States or In England has been decidedly
in favor of both. l believe that the situation in
which the country is placed requires that the Demo
cratic psrty should be united and that the candidate
who best unite their support ought to be select
ed but il is well known to Mr. Calhoun himself that,
in my opinion, justice to Mr.. Tyler entities him 10
the preference.
You attribute to me the purpose of using Mr.. Sgd
ney Smiths letter means of stimula ing the De-
mocrac party in Congress TO take military posses
sion Of the Oregon territory. Now my purpose was
precisely the opposite. saw in the letters of the
New York correspondent of the Times, in the com
ment of that journal on those letters in the remarks
of the Rev. Sydney Smith, and in the course ndica
tcU Dy VuUf1ltUE CNTO1UCH Oh QucotIOl
evidence to satisfy my mind that there would be
concerted effort to prevent any modification of your
tariff of ours, and that desire to embarrass Min
listers here would cause part of the Opposition to
treat the Oregon question W such manner as to IN
duce the Government to bld their arms and leave
events to take their course, while there great
cause to apprehend that public opinion in America
would impel Congress to take measures to protect
the American emigrants 10 Oregon, which would
lead to collision and ultimately to | therefore
thought it my duty, appraised as was of the danger,
to the public attention. that those who are
charged with the adjustment of this and other ques-
tons may feel the responsibility which rests upon
them. / believe that the present agitation of the
subject will contribute to preserve peace, for can
believe that in this enlightened age the people of
England desire to make war on America. Ii they
can be induced to justify such measure, it will be
because they mised by persons who have their
confidence whose duty it Is 10 give them correct In
formation, but who abuse that confidence by nten-
tionay suppressing the TRUTH and wilfully misrepre
scnting facts 1t is of this that now complain
The Timts not only suppressed my third letter. but
made it the subject of most unfair and uncandid
comment
The facts of the case are that the New York cor
respondent of the Times, commenting two letters
addressed to me by Mr.. Hume, and published in the
United States, attributes the revival OF American
and the return of prosperity to the tariff
enacted during the last session of Congress, and ar
CUES tnaL, therefore,, tDeTe Will DC no
existing duties. The Times endorses this opinion OF
IFS correspondent, and argues that there should be
further reduction of duties on American products
brought into your market, because The American
Congress, having reduced the duties on British man-
features, will not, they insist reduce those du-
ties. The Rev. Mr.. Leavitt tells you that be knows
that the Shareholders Of the South have resolved to
| make England for the benefit Of slavery; and
the Rev. Sydney Smith declares that the Americans
will have wars, and long wars with England not on
account OF Oregon, or the right OF search but be-
you wear better clothes and ride in better car.
riages and that the only why they do not
draw the sword is, that they have not the credit to
purchase it. These statements, thus published in
the Times, were calculated if uncontradicted, to
produce most erroneous and mischievous effect on
the public opinion of England 1t is true that the
Rev. sydney Smiths remarks were part Of his com
mentary Pennsy lvania dishonesty, but they have
reference TO the whole people, and have direct bear
ing on the national and political relations of the
two countries. They are apart from tie payment
of debts. The issue here raised is not whether Penn
syIvania ought TO pay her debt, but it is, do the
American people, and especially those of the south,
desire to make war on England And is it true that
they would draw the sword against England if they
could command the means Of purchasing ii These
are the material points in issue. knowing as do
that the relations Of the two countries are precisely
in that condition when, with earnest desire on the
part OF the American Government and the great
DOuy VI hbtiiCai ppopit, anu cspccidhy VI the
people of the SOUTH to preserve peace there is ne
yertheless great danger Of war, conceived it TO he
my duty friend OF peace, to present such facts
and arguments in my opinion would ii published,
counteract the erroneous statements and opinions
thus presented through the Times. 1t part OF
my purpose TO controvert comment upon the Rev.
Sydney Smiths remarks in relstion 10 Pennsylvania
| am as DESTROYS he is, and do not doubt that
am much more interested, that Pennsylvan and all
the American states shall pay their debts That was
not the question in issue. The questions are-frst
the state Of parties in the United States such that
a reduction Of duties on American produce brought
into this market will secure reduction. of duties
now charged by the American tariff on British manu-
facturesi And next are the Americans disposed TO
make war on England
have endesyored TO show that the state Of parties
in the United States is such that nothing will prevent
reduction Of their dutes but the apprehension that
the British Government will resort to force as
means of maintaining your commercial and manufac-
turing superiority, and that if so, the first blow will
be struck at the United States, Brazil, and other
saveholding countries because the abolition of slave
ry would transfer the production Of sugar, coffee
cotton, &c. TO your colonies and the East Indies and
thus, by enabling you to monopoIze these great sta
piles, give you the command of the commerce OF the
world. | endeavored TO demonstrate that this would
be the effect of your present by referring TO
the history of the past legislation of England, and the
recorded declarations of your most eminent states
lison on the Oregon question, and that we, in the
United States, anxious that that question should
be adjusted, because we believe that, f it is adjust
ed, the only pretepce on which England go to
war with us will be removed, and that a permanent
peace, the basis Of reciprocal interests will be
tablished between us. In doing this | have argued
that it is the interest of the United States preserve
peace, and have given extract from letter writ
ten by Mr. Calhoun TO me- in which he gives IT as his
opinion that the decision on the repeal of your corn
laws, and the discriminating duty sla,e-grown SUI
gar, will go far to decide this great issue. deduced
an argument from your past legislation to show that
however dlsinterested and benevolent your original
purpose OF emancipation in your own colonies may
have been, your present perseverng efforts TO abolish
II elsewhere, and especially in Cuba, Brazil and the
United States, are intended to promote your own
commercial and manufacturing interests at the ex-
pense OF those nations whose domestic institutions
you thus perseveringly assa
These are grave charges, ! admit Your Govern
ment appeals to public opinion and challenges the
altattr