Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1844-10-19

| bu; under existing circumstances, We hi5"' @''
something Tor this purpose IN Inc va! VI .J' ~
sion Il least for a time. ! have no WISH " oiNah
! nm or materially inure established interests III
! any uart of our country by any extreme u "'c''
ing measures. lam ntt op2o seh 10 ii'a'u,"o''','
when they grow up on naturai fii'!.tin'> ~"
don't wish 10 see them tJ'te" hP, "~" f'e '"t"N -
crery ether iatsreS.. Let The niosi ia'oicu p9'i'
tons be occupied first AMI lei mem pc eAschoI"
| as tie country advances III "ea'" """ '.i A.
| nooulation Give them an advantage III the
| home market but no, sufficient 10 prevent !!
healthy connection from abroad. Don't force
orr planters and farmers INTO manufacturing &c
| fore they are ready. or punish them WIN ruihcuS
taxes aud restrictions because 'hct are i'o' iedoH
| Don't break up our foreign iTaie ana ''i'oM o"i
| immense eyports back upon the home market
enabling The manufacturer to get The raw material
for nothing. willis, Ike EFFORTS his own prices lof
his manufactures. These are the extremes Which
! would avoid, but upon which an ultra, seclloh-
al and selfish legislation IS rapidly driving Us -,
Two other subjects are mentioned ny you; 1T,
distribution OF the proceeds ol 'iic saies "
The public lands. and The abolition OF the veto
power This letter is alreacy 50 long, 'n''' lluS'
barely glance at these questions. r.,
On The subject of the lands, 1t IS one oil The
wors! features of the times, tina, the people OF The
United States should he gravcly discussing snch
j, nnes,;on ynn doubtless rccoect something OF
the history ofthe first cessions Of public lands to
The Union by the States especially Virginia.
After The Revolution was accomplished some OF
the States having no public lands, particularly
MARYLAND, insisted slrcnuously, thal Inc vacant
territories in the States having them, should pe
long to the confederation or Union, as they haa
been conquered by ajont effort and should mere,
fore be national property 10 Tighten the general
charye" The claim was thought reasonable, ana
the whole discussion OF the subject, and history OF
the lime. shows that il was intended to be ccs-
sion Ia the Union 10 aid in sustaining, what was
called at the time 'thc general charge ccs-
sion 10 the individual States for their own pnrro-
SEES never entered the brain Of any man al The
time. or as is believed, for fifty years afterwards
The articles OF Confederation provide that The
charges, &c. OF the Union should be betrayed
from common treasury 10 be supplied by The
several States in proportion 10 the value OF The
land within each State, 10 be estimated by a modc
10 be- noiD,ed out by Congress. Here is pTcvi-
sion, You will perceive for raising fund IN Tic
S,rerai States. but when raised, Il IS a common
ltna" 10 be used Tor national purposes. II was 10
relieve the States from this contribution that Tins
national domain was avoweay and nolorlonsly
Granted Now what docs the cession itself sayl
The lands are cedcd Ito the United States and
the deed saws they shall be considered common
fnnd for the use and benefit of such OF the United
States as have or may become members oil the
confederation or federal alliance OF said States,
Virginia included, according 10 their usual resrec-
tive proportions in The general charge ana eNrrh-
di,ure. and shall be faithfully and bon0 .fac dis
posed of for that purpose, and for no other use
or purpose whatever" Could language make
The object palmer than here expressed? 1T shall
be considered a common fund for the use and
bcneii, Of the United States and shall be faith
fully and Iona .fde disposed Of for that purpose,
and for no other use or purpose whatever. -
Does this mean that il shall be divided into Sc
para,e fund ior the use and benefit OF each pani-
cular State. To be used and disposed Of as each
State might think proper? Neither the object OF
the cession, nor terms ot The deed, any where
even hint n a separate division among the States.
On the contrary, the restriction expressly anu
strongly iorbids ii. Where there has been honest
error on this Subject 1t has arisen from cons-
derinp the fund separate because The States were
then Separate. But have shewD that although
the States were separate, they were united for
some general purposes, and for these purposes
had "a common treasury: and II was llo THIS
common treasury" that this fund was thrown,
and confined 10 those uses land none OTHER what
ever" What possible object had Virginia III
giving this fund 10 the States separately that the:
nigh, use i. for any private OF local Object t'lc;
plessedl No such ccssion was asked, and none
such was granted. The expressions " s!ich
OF The United States as have become or shall
become members Of the confederation, &c,
arc plainly and palpahly against those who hy
sophistry have tried 10 turn them 10 their own ac-
count The sole object was 10 exclude States
that nigh, not Join the alliance: thereby thu more
clearly showing the intention 10 conne the fund
10 the national purposes of The Union.
l-nou- II iS idle however waste time urOn
restrictions, compacts and Constitutions when
they stand in the way OF modern Wing policy
The late Judge Clayton honestly fell into mistake
in the wav have mentioned, on The terms n lie
Virginia cession Rut he has honestly admitted,
that there was no prciemce Tor distribution, except
Of the land North-wes, Of the OHIO. But what
are the PLANS OF distribution since ana now pro-
posed? In the frs, place, they pay no attention
whatever 10 the mode Of arpoiiionmcni by IN as
>cssmenl of lands in each State, which according
TO their own showing was the only mode o! APP
rorionment mentioned in the act OF cesslon.-
They adopt some arbitrary mode with little or no
professions 10 equality which they believe best
calculated 10 buy in votes 10 the measure. In HE
second place. they propose 10 include the sales oil
Ill the lands purchased under the Florida and
Louisiana treaties Ties lands were purchased
from the Treasury Of tue United States, with
funds raised precisely in the same way, with the
funds that purchased our national aInories, our
national navy, the capitol itself, and all other ma
tiona property If these lands may be dislrlbu-
ted away 10 the States know of no constitutional
restriction that would prevent the sale and Gisri-
button OF any OF all the property belonging TO the
Union.
So much for the power. Now for the eSpedi-
ency When these funds are in the national trca-
sury, and expended for national purposes. We
know that the distribution is equal But take them
out, and attempt to divide them among the States
and equality, or anv thing like it, is utterly and
practically impossible Some Of the States are
increasing in population at the rate of 50 per cent
in ten years, whilst others do not reach IS What
possible system could he adopted 10 secure any
equali,y in distribution? None whatever. Again,
where would be the economy of the measure, I'M
der any circumstances We arc as much bound
TO support the government Of TIE Union, as we
are the State governments. Why take this funt.
from the national treasury 10 replace II by taxa
ton, with expenses OF collection added W nat
would Won think of county dcmagogne, vino
might get up county meeting. and Try TO create an
excitement against the legislature, for refusing, we
will suppose 10 order heax collector OF the county
to collect a large sum in taxes from the citizens
nav himself l2i per cent for his trouble, and pay
the balance back TO them Yet this is precisely
in substance what is proposed by distribution Of
the proceeds OF the public lands The truth i
| i, is only one of the schemes deemed SO potent in
tie modern system oil eleclonecring, based npor
the principle Of bribing the people with their owl
money. 1t is part ana parcel OF the great proiec
tive system the object OF which is 10 waste ant
squander as much OF the public money as posi-
bic in order that high taxes may be justified.
The discussion Of the Veto power is of no prac
teal utility whatever II requires change O
the Constitution. Nobody expects that sucl
change will al presen; be made. And, when
sufficient majority can he obtained, 10 make hi
fundamental innovation upon the Constitution,
is of very little consequence what becomes OF III
remainder Of it. A learned man could he yer.
learned upon this subject. He could trace III
history of this power. and show its use and appli
cation 10 both ancient and modern institutions
1t has been sometimes necessary 10 protect sepa