The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1844-09-17

4 tells us that England holds in her hands guaran
tee OF peace 10 Texas, II she will only Withdraw
| the proposition OF Union with US. ! am proud 70
see that my friends throughout the Union are treat
Ing these foreign menaces az American patriots
should who love their country and are determined
10 stand by in all emergencies, without regard 10
parry.
and nth Inquiries what would be the probable ef-
| feet OF the determination of Texas to accept the
guarantee OF monarchial powers. A treaty OF CON-
nerce would be the flrst result, and the basis OF
!his treaty would be one OF reciprocal benefit, and
Ia Inc exchange OF the raw productions OF Texas
tor the manufactured articles Of those powers.
England would aim at once to destroy the manu-
recurring interest OF this country in competition
with her; 10 do This, she would be the gamer by
opening her ports ~ Texas; and Texas in her turn,
hrst anxious for the payment of her national debt,
would so adjust her revenue laws as to give the
greatest possible stimulus 10 the culture Of her cot
ton and tobacco, and the development Of all her
agricultural resources Thus her debt would soon
be paid, and her prosperity would then be accele-
raied by the double force Of European aid and do
nestle PRIDE embarrassed on the one hand by
high duties, upheld on5lhe other by the deep
Determination OF the European powers to cripple
the United States and scatter among them the
seeds OF dscOrd aud jealousy.
Among other disadvantages resulting to us from
such treaty between England and Texas would
be the necessity TO esablls that extensive from
tier, such police as would prevent smuggling and
All experience answers, mott cannot be done.
Border citizens, having the Interests trade
following the same pursuits, using the same inland
streams Tor the transportation OF their surplus labor
VIII not submit to the operation OF unequal laws.
The cotton planter on the south western boundary,
within the United States, will not contribute 10 the
enforcement OF the laws, the effect Of which makes
his labor less profitable than that OF mis- neghbor in
Texas and what Is true Of cotton will be true Of
all other agricultural products. We know that at
present, In the United States, the force OF this
principle Is 80 strong az TO compel US to put low
duties on many articles which would be otherwise
heavily taxed. 7971
know that many Of our citizens suppose that
the annexation Of Texas will be injurious because
II Will add to the quantity of valuable lands in the
market, and may be the means OF Inducing the re-
mOval Of many Of our slaves TO that favored region
grant that this Is true to some extent but does il
not increase the arguments in favor of annexation?
II Texas has an advantage in cheapness OF land,
salubrty OF climate and convenience of navigation
over our Southern States, is il not better for the
citizens Of the United States to possess this advan
tage than surrender I to the citizens of Europe
In the hands OF Great Britain this advantage will
De improved, as we have seen to break up our man.
ufacturcs, and lessen our capacity to compete with
her In the supply OF other markets, and in the car
rying trade. In other words, will not Texas, out
than she would be in it /? The iron and coal re-
gions OF Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky,
and Tennessee, or II she in the Union, will fluid
a market theresa will the Lowell and other cot
Union. The Incense power OF our inland trade, the
nursery OF oul seamen. and the source OF SO much
wealth., Will nnd employment In Texas, ii she il
In the Union II she Is out OF the Union, British
policy may monopollse all these advantages.
We are also told by some who profess to speak on
behalf OF the sugar planters in Louisiana that Texas
must not come into the Union, Tor, If she does their
lands are made less valuable, and the price Of SUI
gar Will fall Al the tact were So does follow that
an argument is thereby afforded ter the rejection
OF Iexasi This would only prove to the vas,
number Of the consumers OF sugar that Texas ought
to be. added to the Union. But 10 il probable that
the price OF sugar would tall? We know that the
production OF Louisiana IL now limited, that the
large protective duty extended 10 II has, thus lar,
not diminished The revenue from this article; and
we also know, that the lands oil Texas could nor be
brought into cultivation tor many years. So that
the probability ir, that sugar, III Texas, would stand
ON Tue same footing with cotton and other dgricul
tural productions, far more advantageous TO the
United States 1t IN the Union than cut OF it, But
were II otherwise, feci confident that the sugar
planters OF Louisiana will repel the imputaion that,
on account Of possible competitor being raised
up IN Texas, they are willing 10 see that fair
country pass into the hands oil England. The su-
gar planter wants security tor his negro properly,
stability tor the Um n, end independence tor his
whole couatry To gaia tins, ne wilt maze the
same sacrifice, II necessary, that the other great
interests would make. But fortunately, no sacrI-
nces are necessary, according to my view OF the
SUBJECT: All the interests and all the sectiols Of
our Union, instead OF having sacrifices to make,
There are many other aspects in which il can be
made manifest that England will Injure the United
States II II Is rejected. But they are toe obvious
bring to youranotice. Take those already noted
take the question as II stands-the ndispositioA Of
the United States TO profit by them 10 the most
m srkable event that has occurred in history No
nation, under similar circumstances, has commit
ted such error II there be patriotism in the effort
to increase tho wealth and happiness of all classes
In our soclety-to difuse the blessings OF equal
Mt k.1
the spirit which hnds in this free land OF ours the
means to spread the light Of the gospel and to teach
fallen man throughout the world how he may re-
cover his right to civil and religious lberty--it
seems TO me that all this patrlotlsm-al this phi
!anthropy-.a this religion-appeals to US in favor
Of the addition OF Texas to our Union.
But II has been asked, not by you, but by others,
i these cogsnt reasons exist, why did they not in
fiuence me when was President? My answer is,
that al that time the people ofTexas had existed as
aseparate sovereignty but few months before the
close OF my administration, and were then at war
with Mexico, not claiming the benefits Of the treaty
ct 1908, and not Directing TO the cesslon of the
Territory to old Spain in 1919. The Inde-
Pendencc OF Texas was recognized the last
day OF my administration. | was not re-
sponsIble for the policy which dlsmemoered that
terrNory, and had no power to remedy the conse-
quences OF that dismemberment. Il was my duty
70 be just to both Mexico and Texas, and keep the
United States from becoming party to their quar-
rel. This duty was faithfully performed. No inter.
couraged or countenanced. The brave Texas troops
acting for themselves, terminated at st. Jacinio
their contes, for liberty, and then settled their tile
and claim to independence. From that period 10
this our relations to them have been changed, and
the question Of the proposed connection with
them has now ceased to be embarrassed by the de-
signs or expectations OF Mexico.
The ACKNOWLEDGMENT Of our territory in 1919, by
the failure to execute the guaranty to the treaty of
1903, has but recently attracted public attention.
But it has been silently operating and is now exer-
cising great and momentous influence on our sys-
TEN of government: II has been thus with most
man affairs-unfo perhaps hardly noticed in
the beginnieg-but not the less potent in the result
aher the lapse of time when connected with vital
Statesmen in 1919, has been ordered by wise pro-
whence, as a lesson for us never hereafter to dis
member any portion of our Territory, or permit,
under any circumstances, a foreign power TO ac-
quire foothold on our tree coil