The Whig standard. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1843-1844, 1844-03-15
COMMUNICA ITO n.
TO MARTIN VAN BUREN--No. 8.
Reuiew of Lieut. Hooe's cass-Continued.

ing and obtaining support under false preten-
ces-that one profession OF faith made IN re-
gard to the Institutions of the South TO influence
one division of the country, another to influence
and conciliate political adversaries In another d.
rection-f these grounds can be exposed, and
this want of truth and devotedness can be held
up 10 the scorn and contempt Of the people, not
only will that good be obtained which IS always
consequent upon the unmasking OF hypocrisy, but
the real objects OF the contest may be rendered
obvious to all who are called on to Judge and act.
We hope that we shall be able to show con-
clusvely, not only that the arguments which have
been urged by you are inconcluslve, but that they
have been advanced in spirit OF insincerity. and
with total disregard of all consistency and can
dor.
H We shall proceed to make out our case, and
we shall endeaver to reduce our argument to its
simplest form, aud to disengage it from any COL
lateral question which may distract attention
from the principles upon which it is founded.
To point out the absurdity of admitting negro
testimony in courts of justice against white man,
will take another and broader view of this ques-
ton. What is the condition of the free blacks Of
this country! Are they citizens Of this confed-
Grated Republic!
The definition of the term "ctizens," as used
in the Constitution of the United States, is the
first point to be ascertained in the investigation
of this subject, and if this be not impracticabe, it
will be found work of no small difficulty. Even
in standard works, in the exact sciences, the
terms are not always SO definite as TO express
only the idea intended. In works on philosophy
there is, generally still less precision of language
But in political compactso more is often left for
construction than in most other compositions.
This results, in great degree, from the elements
employed in the formation of such cOmpacts
certain interests are to be calculated and pro-
tected.
Now, we understand the word citizens"
to mean individuals clothed with all the mmuni
ties and privileges which belong to the country
in which they reside. According to this defiinl-
ton, are free negroes citizens of the United
States! Their rights and privileges are entirely
Of different character from those possessed by
the white man. A white man has the liberty OF
emigrating to any one of the States The
citizens Of each State shall be entitled to all the
privileges and immunities of citizens of the seve-
raj States. See I'd section 18th article of the
Constitution Of the United States.] If we ex-
anime the statute books of the several States, we
shall find laws expressly prohibiting free negroes
moving into the States. They are denied the
privilege of emigrating; they are restricted in
their civil rights they are restrained in the ac-
ton OF locomotion; they cannot vote at an cleo
ton, although they may be freeholders they are
incapable OF any Office OF trust or profit, civil or
are nOt CODpctcul WttHCSSGS against
white man in any case, civil or criminal; they
are not enrolled in the militia, are incapable
OF bearing arms under the penalties of forfeiture
&C.: they are subject to severe corporal punish
ment for raising their hand against white man
they are incapable of contracting marriage with
white woman, and the attempt is severely pun
lshed. These are some only of the incapacities
which distinguish them from the white citizens
OF siaveholdIng States; but they are, | think,
amply sufficient to show that such persons could
not have been intended to be embraced by the
description "citizens of the United States in the
sense OF the Constitution and acts of Congress.
With these restrictions imposed, we cannot say
that they are citizens within the meaning of the
Constitution.
Chancellor Kent says, that negroes or other
slaves born within, or under the allegiance of the
United States, are individual born subjects, but
NOT CITIZENS. Citizens under the Constitution
and laws, means free white inhabitants born
within the United States, or naturalized under
the laws Of Congress.
1t support of the doctrines thus laid down,
will refer to a decision of the supreme court of
Connecticut.
In an information against Prudence Crandall,
filed by the public prosecutor, it was held by chief
justice Daggett, at the trial in 1888, that free
blacks were not citizens, within the meaning of
the term, as used i'll the Constitution Of the United
States. Thus it is clearly established, that free
negroes are not citizens, and consequently are
not competent witnesses, to testify against ano-
ther class, who are elevated to all the high privi-
leges Of freemen. The situation OF free negroes
in this country may be assmated to the hetero-
elite condition of the Villeins of England-they
are clothed with certain immunties. but are dis
robed of all political rights.
We will remark that there is no subject upon
which the sensbiites of the States are SO ca
silly excited as that which touches in the remotest
degree or has bearing on the institution of
slavery; none OF which the States are SO Jealous
as those means which enlarge the privileges and
mmunities of the free blacks. To admit them to
give testimony against white person implies an
equality OF condition. The right of testifying in
court of justice against white person, elevates
them to the condition of the white population. II
they are to be placed in the situation of white per-
sons and to be our equals, why not admit our
slaves to the same equality?
The true test of the excellence or folly of any
system, are its results when carried fully into