Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1844-05-21

ouCe 10 tue useless war sue Waging,
or protesting TO wage, against the peo lie Of Texas
This may be regarded not only an abstract right,
recognized by writer's upon the public law, but right,
the practical enforcement Of which. in like the
present. It might become the duty, it might be the
interest oil other nations to enforce Seven years and
npwards have elapsed since the people Of Texas declared
themselves independent, and established separate Go
vernment This has been Justly SAID to be the
binary period of what may be considered as long
war The contest, moreover, on the part OF Mexico,
has long since been considered hopeless. When,
therefore, contest Of such character becomes Alto
gether hopeless, and the object of il, however just in
it's origin, admitted to be unattninabe, the interests
of humanity require that should be terminated This
is the practise of most civilized and enlightened na
! tons To decide otherwise, would in the language
Of one Of the first statesmen that ever lived, be 10 ad
nit that war once begun between two belligerents
might be rendered iniermnabe, whatever The evils
and dangers were, with which it might threaten third
parties Upon this subject, history full ofillustraton
i Did not the Netherlands throw off the Spanish
,horty at the close Of the 10th century, and relan
their Independence, unacknowledged by Spain, until
the treaty of WestPhalia-a period Of more than half
a century:
Did the Portuguese nation also declare itsof nde-
pendent Of Spain and remain for many years unaoknoW
lodged by the Spanish Government?
And yet what nation ever doubted that both the Ne
therauds and Portugal Independent political COM
munities capable Of negotiating treaties and entering
into alliances without the hazard of war with Span
What did Great Britain do in regard to the civil war
between Greece and Turkey, after that war had been
carried on for period only Of four or live years
What course did she well the American Govern
ment adopt in the year consequence OF the pro-
traced struggle between Spain and her South American
) colonies: Did they not both interPose'
Doe. not our own country date its independence from
the day Of its declaration the 4lh OF July, l17b ?
and was she not recognized as having taken her stand
amongst the nations OF the EARTH BY several OF the pow
ers Of Europe years before the vao OF her arms
had e1tored similar acknowledgment from the British
Crown?
a barself long before Spain voluntarily ackno wedged
I her as an independent power? We did not wait until
So,in had given her consent but regarded her
y nation de facto, and we so declared accordingly
Moreover. have not the u St,tes, we'll France
and G rea, Britain acknowledged Texas TO be sepn
rate and independent State: Is she not therefore, just
10 entitled 10 be regarded assuch and consequently
soonsble other Nations fot her conduct What nation
would now claim hold Mexico responsible for the
J ac,s of Taxas over whose Government people and
y Territory she holds no control: presume nome
II we have nothing then 10 do with Mexico, in
II treating with the Republic OF Texas and it would
e be idle suppose, that in receiving her into
our Union we give just Of fair hostility, either
n to the people, or Government of Mexico War, there
II FORE with Mexico, far from being inevitable, cannot
: be regarded as remotely probable The wiser policy
for Mexico would not be but frank and unreserved
1 recognition tt however, is matter alone for her
consideration 1t viii doubtless be the duty Of the
American Government, in negotiating treaty of an
nexalon with Texas to make proper explanations to
Mexico OF the grounds upon which they act, and to
tsfy her, that making treaty, il is from desire
10 extend territory, benefit ourselves, at the
pense of Mexico-bnt that Texas having been for seve
raj years considered by well as Great Britain and
0 France as independent and was about entering into
treaties with the British government which might prove
injurious if ruinous, TO come of the important in
. teress Of our country it became matter of sel'-de-
fence perhaps of sepreservaton, 10 avoid these evils
at once and forever, by treaty OF annexation. The
do;p nh he #
front 10 the prde-no blow to the feelings Of Mexico
If these cordial and concatoy representations should
have the effect of soothing the feelings of Mexico, and
preventing the possibility of hoses, every man who
loves peace rejoice at it, but if Mexico by evil
counsels should determine upon different course, we
must risk every consequence Even if Great Britain
l. should in moment Of excitement feel disposed 10 take
o part in the contest, cannot shrink from OUT duty
II But it be hoped that more liberal and concia.
tory policy will govern her councils The occurrences OF
n war between the United States and Great Britain,
:, oud indeed be calamity to the world at large. IL
and would do great injury to us, but still more 10
&c her. exposed as her territories in our immcdi-
nehborhood and scattered as her vast possessions
over so many seas and vulnerable as she IS at so many
points, and wtha rs our breadstus aud raw
material. to her manufacturing interests we should
! indeed dread with that proud Daton" whom we
have so many ties Of friendship, and interests OF peace
10 But are not The chances of much more probable
e with Texas out of The Union than in it Those who
l. strongly object TO annexallon admit believe, that
pressed any Of the European Can we main
e tain this doctrine of nonnerventon by the Transact
i lantic Powers, the domestic institutions OF Texas,
8 without imminent hazard OF war? And what reason 70
there TO suppose that Of these Powers may not,
and that at no distant day. desire to possess themselves
of Texas. If then to encounter the hazards Of
war i. it not better to have Texas in the Union, than
It out. Whilst should, therefore, depecate war with
n Mexico or any other Power, our Government and
people will consen, to act under fear of any ma
i ton on earth. The important question, then, which
e presents ITSELF is this: Are the United States at Ii
l. bery foego the high and important duties imposed
on them by their relative situation towards this young
: and gallant Republic and do not the essential inter
and permanent welfare of boh demand prompt and
speedy annexation?
If il be true rs it undoubtedly is that the only
J. cure foundation for permanent alliances between ma
d tions, should be laid in community OF interests and
t. sentiment-in the security OF mutual benehts or the
rchange Of protection one eide, and atachmeD nj
: on the other il would be difficult would imagine,
to estimate the benefits of union between these
ID kindred Republics The feelings on the part of q
Of great msority of The American People towards Texas
lie deep and beyond the power of eradication. They
e feel that Texas cannot and ought not TO be politically
separated from the United States that she never
n, hope to stand independent power, isolated and
alone that her people kindred IN blood, IN habits
and in feelings own and that she must come into
our Confederacy yield herself up and that at very
y distant day. dependency of some foreign nation
rs What then, let ask, would be our situaton9 What
n portion of this Union would be willing that Great Br
tain France any other of The great European pow
y ers should possess Texas colony: For one would
as soon consent they should only take possession
It of Cuba, (which have than in the most
o solemn manner declared would permit but
would surrender them the very keys Of the mouths Of
the Mississippi itself Texas, 10 the possession OF
any OF the great maritime powers of Europe, would In
re deed provo Pandora box which might ovcrwhelm
with every calamity do not hesitae then, to express
the opinion that if called upon TO prescribe
course of policy the important and vital for this
country to adopt it would be the annexation Of Texas
y 10 the United States. And much it 10 inter
% est as we'll as Duty 10 cultivate peace, with sim
y certy and good ai,h would face all consequences,
. and risk all dangers, fo the accomplishment OF 80 mo-
= mentous an object. And why should desire it
% From motives of PRIDE of power Of ambition As
= suredy not. Great the benefits would be, which
e must result from such unongreat as its tendency
would be 10 increase power secure peace, and
tend our commerce, there is yet another considera
= ton in comparison with which, commerce, peace and
e power sink into comparative nsgnlfcance. By this