The Cadiz sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 184?-1851, 1844-06-26
POLITICAL.
origin and Division of Parties.
BY WIN. LEeoET.s

these parties has undergone various changes of
name; the other has continued stedfast alike to
IFS appellation and TO IFS principles, and is now
as it was at first, the DEMOCRACY. Both parties
have ever contended for the same opposite ends
which originally caused the dvision--whatever
may have been, at different times, the particular
means which furnished the immediate subject of
dispute.-The great object of the struggles of
the democracy has been TO confne the action of
the General Government within the limits of the
constitution the great object of the party opposed
to the democracy has ever been 10 overleap those
boundaries, and give to the General Govern
ment greater powers and wider field for their
exercise. The doctrine of one party is that
of all power not expressly and clearly delegated
TO the General Government, remains with the
States and with the People; the doctrines of the
other party is that the vigor and efficacy of the
General Government should be strengthened by
a free construction of its powers.-The one par
ty sees danger from the encroachments of the
General Government: the other effects 10 see
danger from the encroachment of the State.
The original line Of separation between the
two great political parties of the republic, though
it existed under the old Confederation, and was
distinctly marked in the controversy which pre-
ceded the formation and adoption of the pre-
sent constitution, was greatly widened and
strengthened by the project of National Bank,
brought forward in 1871. This was the first
great question which occurred under the new
Constitution to test whether the provisions Of
that instrument were to be interpreted according
to their strict and literal meaning or whether
they might be stretched to include obiecls and
powers which had never been delegated to the
General Government, and which consequently
still resided with the States as separate sover-
eighties.
The proposition Of the Bank was recommend
ed by the Secretary of the Treasury on the
ground that such an institution would be /" of
primary Importance to the prosperous administra-
ton of the finances, and of the greatest utility
in the operations connected with support of pub
lie credit" The scheme, then as now was op-
posed on various grounds; but the constitutional
objection constituted then, as it does at the pre-.
sent day, the main reason of the uncompromi-
sing and invincible hostility of the democracy to
the measure. They considered it as the exer-
ercise of very important power which had ne
yer been given by the States or the people to
the General Government, and when the General
Government could no; therefore exercise with
out being guilty of usurpaton. Those who con-
|
effected their immediate object; but the contro-
versy still exists. And it is of no consequence
to tell the democracy that it is now established
| by various precedents, and by decisions of the
Supreme Court, that this power is fairly inciden-
tai TO certain other powers expressly granted; !;
for this is only telling them that the advocates
of free construction have, at times, had the as
tendency i'll the executive and Legislative, and, :,
at all times, in the judiciary department of the
Government. The Bank question stands now
on precisely the same footing that it originally
did; it is now, as it was at first, matter of con-
troversy between the two great parties of this
country-between parties which contend, one
for the consolidation and enlargement OF the
powers of the General Government, and the 9TH
er for strictly limiting that Government TO the
objects for which il was instituted, and 10 the
exercise Of the means with which it was entrust-
ed. One party is for popular Government and
the other for an arstocracy The one party is
composed, in measure, ofthe farmers, mechan-
les, laborers, and other producers of the mddling
and lower class (according to the common gra-
dation by the scale of wealth; J and the other
consists chiefly in consumers the rich, the proud,
the privileged-of those who, if our Govern
ment were converted into an aristocracy, would
become our dukes, lords, marquises and barron
es.-The question is still disputed between
these two parties--it is not a new question; and
whether the democracy OF aristocracy shall sue
ceed in the present struggle, the fight will be
renewed, whenever the defeated party shall be
again able TO muster strength enough 10 take
the field. The privilege of selEgovernment is
one which the people will never be permitted TO
enjoy unmolested. Power and wealth are con-
ltinualy stealing from the many to tie few.
There is class continually gaining around in
the community, who desire TO monopolize the
advantages of the Government, to hedge them
selves around with exclusive privileges, and ell
evate themselves at the expense of the great bo-
| dy of the people. These, in our society, are
emphatlcally the aristocracy and these with all
such as their means of persuasion, or corruption,
or intimidation, can move to act with them con-
stitute the party which are struggling against
the democracy, for the perpetuaton of an odious
and dangerous moneyed institution.
Putting out oC view for the present, all other
objections to the United States Bank-that it is
a monopoly, that it possesses the enormous and
overshadowing power, that it is identified with po-
litical leaders TO whom the people of the United
States must ever be strongly opposed--the con-
stitutional objection alone is an insurmountable
objection 10 it.
The government of the United States is lin
tied sovereignty. The powers which it may ex-
ercise are expressly enumerated in the Constitu-
ton. None not thus stated, or that are not ne
cessary and proper to carry those which are sta
ted into effect, can be allowed to be exercised
by it. The power TO establish bank is not ex-
pressly given: neither is it incidental; since it
-
--~ Since the death Of this great man all parties
have united in according to him powerful intelleot