New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1844-10-19
VOL. W. NO. se7.


rnyrbsnt or manufacturer BY industry and fru-
gaify 10 degree ofopuience, ne found himself but
The more exposed from the envy and avidiry of the
military poeles
The coodron OF the inhabitants Of the towns and
c,s YVES but little, If ut all, more tolerable. TIRE
towns situated either upon the lands of the
sovereign, or of some Of tie great Bsrons and
were subject almost entirely to the will of their
master The langslshing condition of commerce
and manufactures lnsce them poor and the poiiti-
cal Institutions were calculated 10 render that pow
ery perpetual.
Such YVES the social and political condi,;on NJ FIR
rope during the lth md 9Th centuries "a copdi
ton 0! a9]sct seIv5,ude, unredeerrsd by single
principle Of rational freedom
Inc nrsl sep IN the great march Of civil liberty,
was made by those oppressed and despsed villages
and towns. inhabited by humble and depepden, rier-
chan,s ard mechanics. Inc very Circumstance OF
| being congfegatsd together seems 10 have excited
amongst them community Of feeling and thought.
and to have inspired them With something like con-
tdence 10 themselves. Mind ceme in contact with
mind. A sense Of COMMON suiierings and dangers,
at an early DAY, banded the citizens together. And
al length, driven 10 desperation by tic iutoerable
| oppression aod tyranny Of The MOBILES they deter
mined, and ratified their irm resolves by solemn
oaths, TO stand by each other for mutual protection
| and defence. Union gave them strength. And BY
degrees Inc results OF that great principle ct assoca
tion, which is so well understood in modern tires
and which is the instrument by which 30 many rev
| oluions, moral and political, have been effected,
| began to develop themselves. Those who, when
actng separately, had been powerless to resist OPP
preston, when bound together by the lies OF COM
| mon interest, and animated by common spint oil
opposition, became the most formidable enemies OF
| tyranny. A sense of security and strength was
soon followed by Impotence Of the yoke, and de-
sire 10 establish for themselves and their poserty
| such free and equal government as would afford
| adequate protection to the rights Of person and
| property.
The lee BILE sway of the German Emperors in TIA
Iy, encouraged the cities of that country to make
Inc first attempts 10 exercise the ri ghs OF ifeelnen,
| and TO form themselves into bodies polite and cor
porate, under the government Of laws established
by the common consent ot the citizens. at first,
many OF the privileges assumed by the towns were
exercised in opposgn TO the power OF the lords and
the crown, and were but successful usurpatons, or
Entertainments upon the sovereign and baronial pre-
negatives. Butin process OF time, they were recog-
nized by the supreme authority, sometimes from ne
cessity-at others from tie policy OF the sovereign,
in the case OF Louis the XIth Of France, and not
unfrequentiy, for pecuniary equivalents paid by the
cit zens. The rights thus conferred were carefully
defined in written instruments which were denom-
ina ted charters. Those of early date granted com.
perauvely small immunities, but i, was not long
before most OF the towns were invested with The
character of bodies corporate and polite, and secur-
cd in the enjoyment of many important franchises
and privileges
The example Of the Italian towns soon fol-
lowed by those Of France and Germany, and from
those countries the system Of municipal corpora
lions was introduced into England. The wars OF
the crusades also contributed 10 extend land strength
en- tho towns throughout Europe. The necessities
Of The Kings and barons compelled them TO yield
privileges 10 the citizens in exchange for the means
necessary TO support their foreign expeditions. And
! the employment Of The military force in distant
scene ofoperations tended in still greater degree,
TO npur the strength OF the mobiles, and 10 favor the
designs of the cities, and but few years elapsed
before most OF the principal boroughs Of France and
England had either e1torted by force or purchased
with money, charters embracing many OF the most
essen,iQ, elements Of freedom.
| The results Of these engagements CT popular
privilege we're soon visible. The security gwen 10
| the sh,s of person and property and The facilities
aforded 10 commerce and the arts, acteo es power
| fdl siimulanls 10 industry. Agriculture aud the
| mechanic arts began 10 flourish. Manufactures
] sprung into existence, bringing wealth and refine
,nent in their ram rhs relative Importance OF the
| towns and Cries was Increased. They became le
| sa and independent communities, governed by iaws
of their own enac,menI, and administered by magis
rates Ct their own selection. They were authors
| ed 10 hold common property, and 10 use common
seal as The &, mbo of their Incorporation and all
| the ienominious badges Of servtude We're abol-
| ished.
These privileges, thus acquired, originally by
1
and the husbandman, secure OF reapiog the harvest
| he had sown, became the farmer, and in many IN.
stances the proprietor, CT the fields IN which he mad
| formerly toed as degraded serf.
| Other consequences OF different, but NOT less
| important character soon followed. The humble
| commercial and working -nea having become the
veal by and influential burghers and citizens ofiree
corporatons began 10 aspire 10 political power and
distinction Owning large portion OF the property
of the country, aud contributing literally 10 the sup
port of the Government they insisted on their Iish
| TO a share In its administration. This claim, sus'
tained no less by It's intrinsic JUST than by the tor
midablc power oil those who asserted II, could mol
| he resisted and new element was introduced into
| the potical constitutions OF Europe, The Coi''
! mons. or in other words the PEOPLE, successfully
maintained their right 10 unite by agents OF inei'
| own selection with the Sovereign and the Nobes IL
giving direction 10 the affairs OF state. And 'nis
Concession being made, The principle OF popular
Representations which is the great corner stone o.
free institutions, bacsme hrmly itapsauen ID Inc
structure Of European society.
From this bret historical review, think we car
| clearly deduce practical conclusion winch az
sure will not be without interest 10 tne Mei''pe's "
rhs American Institute. | allude 10 The very IN
nor,ent fact that see are indebted 10 me tshdoia
the tocns and cit,es, emen deroted to commerce
and manufactures, for the trSt principles o. JFet
yereTnDse1iS. .s A.,
And here let me not be understood as intending
any thing TO The disparasemsnt oil tne asleu"u u
nor, of the community. ALI mean 10 say, Is, ma
the pioneers in the cause OF frsedom were The mer
chants and mechanics. The agricultural ciasS {,
were toe much dispersed through the country 10 ot
able 10 move with that unity OF purpose. ana coocen
raed energy OF conduct, hich marked The acton o
the towns. Hence they Were mol SO well qaaiine.
TO lead tie way in the glorious struggle ior lloelH
hut from the moment the contest was begun, the,
have always been found side by side ~l'h 'hei
brethren, doing battle for the sacred cause =.
The municipal charters OF Earcpe contain tn'
s,st Germs Of Constitutional freedom. They are ii'
groundwork, moi only OF the liberal Institutions
England, bur ofa the limited and written eonsn
m,;ons Of the world. Superficial readers are taush
70 believe ,hst Magma Ckarta is the great fountain
Of British liberty and tina. the isrgest debt Of Sra
,bs bold Barous, who e1tor;ed ii at Runryniede--
TS;s view OF The subject has been favored by inter
es,ed historians who sought rather to =;
themselves the favor OF the sisioeraey, .A ~; i
s;scjose the truth. But slight examination VII
bs sufficient 10 show the falacy OF this opinion :
tSc.-na Chartq was, to great extent, but DENIM
N,srhr