The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1844-01-13
The SPEAKER then announced the order Of the
day, being the

REPORT ON rnE RULES.
Mr.. BELSER took the floor, and concluded hls ar
gunient, which he commenced yesterday.
lie entered into full investigation Of the whole
subject Ia which was involved the right OF petition,
and in a most lucid, able and eloquent manner show
ed to the House the causes which led 10 the hrst
amendment OF the Federal Constitution, which was
TO secure to the American people, without hindrance
from any quarter. the right peaceably 10 assemble
and petition for redress OF grievances, which
constitutional right, that could be evaded by the
mere reception Of petitions, without giving them lc-
gislatise action and which would il maintained,
be Greet constitutional Infringement Of that right
lie Sir. D.. said that before and after The granting
OF the English Bill Of Rights he had cited author.
ty to show that petitions had been rejected by that
Government, and That, in 1903 petition for any
sum OF money relating to the public service, but
what is recommended by the Crown, +" had also been
rejected and that, in 1913, il was made of the
" standing rules Of the British Parliament"
He said the first amendment of the Federal
Constitution is nothing more less than literal
copy of the English Bill of Rights and illustration
OF this subject he called the attention Of gentlemen
to the American precedent introduced into the Senate
by Mr. Clay on apettion for the removal OF the dcpo-
sites, which petition was rejected by the Senate OF
the United States, the most august legislative body on
the face OF the earth. He had brought to the view
Of the House, English authority-he had brought to
their view American AUTHORIZATION which there
is no possible escape, and which gentlemen cannot
dcny-it is beyond all eavi Then if he had sue
ceeded in illustrating to the satisfaction OF ALL on tins
subject, the which led 10 the English Bill OF
Rights and the Amendment of the Federal Constitu-
ton, it all he desired What was the object of
the English Bill of Rights 1t was TO prevent the
commitment Of persons to prison who had pcaceably
assembled to petition the British Government for
redress of grievances. The Amendment Of the Fede-
raj Constitution had the object in view. But
the trainers Of that instrument intended to re
strict the action of Congress, when petition was
presented, or to prescribe its legislative authority
II the people have the right to pctton-CoDgress
has an equal right TO reject. Both of these powers
coeval with the Constitution, because it is
pressly declared by that instrument that the two
Houses OF Congress shall make their own rules.
Does prescribe any particular rules Ger
tainly not. Then il the Constitution has not
prescribed any particular rules which shall gov
ern them, or prescribed what subjects the People
may petition upon, the power is clear and dis
tinct. The People have 4 right to petition, and
Congress has the power to reject. In what depart
ment OF this Government has the Constitution given
the Iaw-making power' To Congress Why has
this power been delegated, If they cannot exercise
their own judgments upon subjects presented to them
for their deliberate consideration If ii is conceded
as it must be, by those who claim the reception of
these petitions as a right, that Congress is the law
making power Of this Government, they must
oede that this House, under its rules, has the power
to reject them. TO sustain hun in this position, he
referred the House to the action which had been
previously taken the resolutions ntrod ced into this
House by Messrs Pnckney and Patton and the present
rule of this House. which was executed by Wing
Congress- and which now exists and contended that
the last resolve was the controlling precedent, on the
ground that late statutes repeal former ones y and
that the principle applies also to " rules"
MIR. B. then said if this was not sufficient authori-
ty for gentlemen who are SO pugnacious on this sub
ject, he would give them Federal authority which they
were bound TO admit He then read fIom Story's
Abridgomen Of the Federal Constitution, page 1877,
section 1876, to show that "the most uuexcep-
tonabe source of collateral Interpretation, is from
practical cxpositions Of the Government itself IN
its various departments upon particular questions,
discussed and settled upon their single merits
I hese approach the nearest in their nature TO
their Judicial expositions and have the general
recommendation that belongs to the latter"
He then contended tina, if ever Congress did at
tempt il, and passed such amendment 10 the Con-
stu ion as was proposed in the res buttons Of the
Commonwealth OF Massachusetts, and presented to
this House by MIR. A. that advocate Of the Pnck-
ney resolutions would be found in this Hail. and that
if any Of them did remain he would have TO
call on the Rocky Mountains to hide him." and
that his constituents would put a mark on him as
indeiiibie as that which was placed on the first
durer.
Mr. b. then took up the arguments of Mr.. Adams
and Mr.. Beardsley of New York, in regard TO the
power they claimed Congress had the right TO exer-
else in the District Of Columbia. He analy zed their
arguments in most powerful and clear manner, dis
senting in from their Federal heresies He said
Columbia, under the cesson from Virginia and
Maryland it ever existed in them The cession had
not been made, and boldly declared that they had
never surrendered the light 10 this Government, and
denied that Congress had the power, asserted by
the gentleman from N. York Mr.. b TO emancpate
the slaves with without their masters consent
and with or without praying for them as Congress
might think proper. lie hoped that gentlemen
would not lay the gathering JUNCTION TO his soul !" for
he assured him that T it should ever be attempted
the that divide would flow like the ~
tiers Of Egypt, crmsoned with blood That gentle
man had said that slavery had not been sanctioned by
the Constitution IN the District of Columbia but he
would inform him that the Constitution does sanction
slavery, and If 1t had not, there would have been no
Union TO this day At the time Of the adoption OF
the Con tuition, the District Of Columbia did not ex
Ist as permanent seat of Government, but that IL
was a component part OF the States Of Maryland and
Virginia at the time, and that slavery existed under
the compromises Of the Constitution.
MIR. BEARDSLEY explained.
The other gentleman from New York Mr.. Da
Wis uttered rather strange sentiment IN the
course Of his argument. lie contenjed, that i'll
the South we're to abolish slavery he would go for
dissolution Of the Union.
Mr. DAVIS: Immediate abolition.
Then (said Mr.. b. have two kinds Of aboli-
tionsts-immediate and prospective. II the negroe-
turned loose from their masters they would
flock into the sayeholding States like locusts into
Egypt sad they would be compelled 10 drive them
into Canada. II not, where would they gol Would
the Government colonize them So long they re- |
main among Us, they must be left as they are; be-
two distinct races OF men cannot exist together
without the other being in the sscendepcy
and IT IS idle Tor gentlemen 10 speculate upon the sub
ject 1t has existed since the creation OF the world
aud will continue 10 exist in some shape form, TO
tbs end Of time.
While dIscoursing upon this subject, he asked
where the products Of the slave labor Of the South
WENT II did not remain IN the South II It did, they
would be the richest people the face of the globe
but instead Of being the richest they by FAR the
poorest. DO we drink itupi II We do, we arc the
greatest set Of drunksrds the face of the earth.
No, il goes to New Yo,k and Boston, aud TO
the manufacturing interests OF The country, 10