The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1844-04-29


The effect on the cotton growing States of our
Union, although it will not be- equal disastro,
WI, YET be very seriously felt The cotton CT Ter
s Gl necessarily be given In exchange forihe ma
Iaclures OF England, and OF II will take the
pace, 10 mat extent, OF the supplies now furnished
TO that country by the United States.
Inc erect OF this state Of things upon the reve-
hues OF lne united States, Is not unworthy OF
sideration. lmporations from England will 81 ase
TO the extent OF the supply which will be ~ ,gled
in," ms h SEuny ana the revenue f9 customs
necessary consequence, the navig tng Interests OF
our people will suffer in no uncomfortable decree.
II is quite certain that the mere emancipation Of
the slaves of Texas could not produce these mo-
nentous results. 1t is not in that view that press
tbs subject upon your attention. The diplomacy
OF England has heretofore been scarcely lese sue
cestfu than her arms in obtaining for her the lar
gest share OF the commerce of the world. Her
movements are generally begun al distance, and
, hei approaches are gradual and cautious; and for
Doing nothing in the besianing to excite the susp.-
are ne. ny, often fully developed until it is no
of her policy, that the present supposed movement
becomes important II is of h,tle consequence to
her whether twelve or fifteen thousand Africans in
Texas be bond or free but it 10 of great conse-
quence to her to create sympathy with that poo
pie; to acquire interest in their industry to
found CLAIM upon their favor, and to control her
policy: Precisely Ia proportion she shall be sue
essful in these particulars, will the commercial
and manufacturing interests Of The United Stetes
suffer: Hence the necessity of looking narrowly ~
her first eteps, however distant they may seem to
be from their supposed objects. Butthere is ano,h-
er view OF this subject still more important to u.s.
and scarcely less important to- Texas herself The
ing States, Of an independent Government, forbid
ding the existence Of slavery, and by people born,
tor the most part amongst Us, reared up in our
nans ana spsaknS our ianEaase, could not tail 10
Texas Were IN that condition, her territory
would afford ready refuge for the fugitive slaves
OF Louisiana and Arkansas, and would hold out to
them an encouragement 10 away, which no
municipal regulations Of those States could posi-
bly, counterfeit. Even il this Government should
nteIpose for the protection OF the STAKEHOLDER, it
to avoid disputes and collisions. The States i'm
medlately interested would be most likely to take
the subject into their own hands. They would
perceive that there could not be any security for
that species Of property, if the mere crossing Of
geographical line could give freedom to the slave
they would perceive that the protection thus offer.
cd to the slave would remove from his mind that
dread Of consequences which retains him from
the commission OF the worst crimes; they would
feel that the safety of themselves and their tam-
lies was endangered; they would live in continual
uneasiness and alarm, and in the constant exercise
OF painful and harrasslng watchfulness 1t is not
to be supposed that people conscious Of the power
to protec, themselves woald long submit to such
state OF things. They would assume the right to
reclaim their slaves BY force, and fer that purpose
would invade the territory OF Texas 1t is not diff
fcult to see that quarrels and would soon grow
should make itself party IN asserting the rights of
the slave holder, the result could not fail to be Nm
favorable to Texas. If this Government should re-
fuse to become party, would feel itself under an
obligation to interpose for the purpose Of checking
and controlling it's own citizens 1t is not probable
that such an nerposition would be eectual against
asperated feelings of twelve States Of the Union.
leave 1t TO your own reflection, sir, to suggest to
you the effect Of such state of Thugs upon the
harmony OF our Union
We cannot aDDlV a Of this Ort
logy drawn from the cOntiguity OF save-hoding and
non-slave' holding States of our Union. We live
gether by a thousand political and social ties
Our Constitution guarantees all the rights Of the
lave-hoder, and there is an act OF Congress which
provides the means OF enforcing thesG. There Is
among us a common power, which al are bound
to obey, and to which all have right TO appeal
But what is sill more nfiue ntial we have common
rights and Off correctly understood,) common in.
teres's and out Of those have sprung all the strong
sympaihies which bind together the people of the
same country. The slave holder of the United
States has not yet lost the hope that all the embar-
Easements which individuals or States have thrown
In the way of that property may be removed by the
quiet action of our own systems /; and even # II
were otherwise, he would bear much and forbear
long rather than to bring into danger The peace and
harmony OF our Union. But he would have no
such motives tor forbearance towards foreign
country He could not have the same hope Of q
est patiently TO bear them, the social ties
and friendly feelings TO repress moderate his re-
sentiments. With regard 10 Texas. the alton
would merely be, whether he should subnl :.
tolerabe and runous wrongs. protect hiii,sef BY
force Between such alternatives, 1t is il possible
to suppose that he would hesitate 4 Inomeht
Neither is there any Just analogy, so far as this
question Is concerned, between Texas and the Ca
nadas Those provinces are separated from the
slave-holdlns States by many intervening non slave
holding States. They Cannot be reached by the
slave by land, without his passing through States
of our Union, whose laws give him freedom by the
very fact of his treading their soil II atleast
questionable, therefore. whether Canada would not
have right to consider the slave freeman, upon
the principles of our own institutions. Besides, the
distance of that country from The save-holding
States affords sufficient security against any Sc
riOus injury from that source. Canada is the &c.
condary recipient of the fugitive slaves and our
measures ought, in all justice, to be lrst taken
against the authorities which first receive and shell
ter him.
am very DESTROYS, sir to impress this subject
upon your attention and for that reason | have
presented II to you in some OF the strong lights I'm
. which 1t has struck my own nlnd / is worthy,
therefore, OF your most vigilanf Few calami-
ties could beial this country more To be depored
than the establishment of a predominant British
influence and the abolition OF domestic slavery in
Texas.
No communication has been received from You
at this Department since that which enclosed Pre-
sident Houstcn's proclamation of an armistice con-
cuded with Mexico. | am in great uncertainty as
tn the true state of this matter A letter from Mr.
Thompson, our Minister al Mexico, ,niorms me
that an order has been Issued by hal Government,
dFecteo that all ,,'oielg".fs taken IN the ranks
OF her enemies shall be put To death. As Texas is
the only country with which che is now ut war,
this order apply only to those who may be
taken prisoners viii e fighting under her banner
and 1t would seem that there could not have been
any necessity for such order IN regard to them,
II an armisfIce had been agreed on Ia good faith,
with a view to arrangement mis- for peace. IL il very
important that this Government should be promptly
and accurately informed OF all important occurreR-
ces in Texas and Mexico 1t is expected that you
will lose no opportunity of communicating such
information. Be pleased to make Your communi-
cations full and accurate, commencing your nara
tive OF events at the point winch your prede-
cessor left off The history of the legation should
be continuous and uubrokrn
! am, sir, your obedient servant,
A. p. UPSHUR
W. S. MURPHY, Esq, &c.