New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1844-05-16
subscrip.ions Clay Tribune,
Annexation and slavery.


entirely apart from any bearing which such An
nsxation may have on Slavery. There are ebuR-
dant and formidable objections to the measure
aside from Slavery and we prefer not to give the
agitators Of this scheme any chance to array
Southern feeling and mistaken interest in sup
port of their project. We dep-ecatc, for reasons
of policy, any Northern commngling Of the ques-
tons of Annexation and Slavery Tor the present,
but we are more than wiling that Southern States
men shall regard and discuss them as they think
proper. We cheerfully give place, then, to the
following
LETTER FROM CASsIUS VI. CLAY.
Communicated tor The Newly Tribune.
LEXINGTON. ky., Apnl. 1874
10 the 4u.tcr Of "TExAs':
SIe-In addressing you through the press,
hope | shall not be thought wanting in cour-
tesy. 1t does not become me to draw aside the
anonymous veil which any good citizen may
rightly assume in comforting with his country
men, so long as he confines himself TO principles
and refrains from personalities; yet at the same
time in replying 10 the arguments and reflections
set forth in a pamphlet headed Texas, "itwould
be the most absurd ahectation to seem 10 be igno-
rant that the author is yourself. 1t was my
fortune to have been member OF the Kentucky
House of Representatives in 1886 with you, when
the Convention was proposed TO be holden. Tins
project we both opposed, because, unless very
much misunderstood you, the public mind was
not prepared fox the only great necessary reform
the Emancipation of Slaves. When no favors
are to follow, no iattery will be imputed allow
me- then, to say that your course as Legislator
excited my admiration already eminent as a
Jurist, YOU seemed also to possess the necessary
characteristics Of Statcsman-that boldness
and solicitation which trampled under foot all the
arts of the demagogue, and evnced spirit
which based its c,nincncc upon the lasting ground
work of the Public Good. 1t has been, therefore,
with great interest that l. in common with the
American public, have read all the emanatons
from your pen. Like you private citizen, pro-
fess to be operated upon by the same motives as
sumed by yourself-the formation OF Just pub
lie sentiment, and the establishment of the honor,
prosperity, and permanent security OF our whole
country.
In ven;uring to dissent from one whose opin-
ions are entitled 10 SO much consideration, shall
not be regarded as prcsumptuous, for this cannot
be a contest for supremacy, and whether you or
be the better soldier" our object is equally at
tanned, and our common standard, Truth and
our Country shall still be borne alolt unsuillcd
and intact know il is common in the Nine
tsen,h Century to solve all great Political prob
lens upon Economical principles. If man were
beast only to be fed, then TO this course there
could lie no solid objection. But when we regard
our moral and intellectual! natuie, as well as our
mere physical well-being, then | contend that
there are far weightier considerations than mere
economies in determining any great National and
Social interest When Agesilaus, the Spartan
King, and Generassimo of the Greclan forces,
held public conference with the luxurious Sa
trap of Persia's wealthy monarch, arriving first
a. the place appointed, he sat down upon the turf
under the shade of tree. When PharnabaZus
arrived, his people spread skins upon the ground,
of exceeding softncss from the length of Their
hair. with rich carpets Of various coors, and mag
ni6cent cushions. But when he saw Agesilaus,
the mighty King and warrior, sitting merely upon
the ground without any preparation, he was
ashamed OF his etieminacy, and sat down also
upon the grass. Far distant be the day when
Americans shall de less sensible to Virtue, noble
Poverty and true Greatness of soul, than the
minion of an Eastern Despot Passing by,
however, these appeals, thought unhappy of late
too impalpabe to the common apprehension, OF
too sub!imated for the stern reason of modern
Statesmen, shall follow the method which you
have laid down. | agree with you, then, that the
Annexation OF Texas would injure the present
United States, by subtracting her Labor and
CAPITAL; which il is admitted on all hands
10 be wise, especially IN new country like ours,
IN increase rather than diminish. More especially
would j, iniurc the Cotton and Sugar platter, by
inviting more capital INTO the culture OF those
articles which are already too plentiful in the
market for the planters interest. II would add
10 the bur,hcns Of Government, by extending lis
laws and protection over very nearly the same
Labor and Capital sprcadover greatly expanded
surface of country For if Texas De admitted as
slave StatC--Snt ilb i1Su4N IL INV oittI-
pated-experience fully proves that there would
be little immigration except from the Slave States
of America. For the same reason there would be
NO new consumers of Northern manufactures,
whilst dispersion would, according to we'll ascer
tanned laws, weaken their capabili,y of purchase:
The ouedged fertility OF Texan lands would be
no equivalent fol all these ascertaiaed losses, |
agree with you also on the other hand that from
Texas, allowed to exist as an Independent State,
we have nothing to fear. Because, in the event
of her becoming Free State White Labor could
not compete with US in the Planting business,
and because as a Slave State she must ever be
almost impo,ent in all respects. Having nothing
TO fear from her in an economical point of view
either as a Planting or Manufacturing State