Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1844-10-29

exactly the same thing of Mr.. Clays dcclara

wv WI VIDE Ae ~S3 AoH4s
exactly the same thing of Mr.. Clay's dcclara-
tonS.
Now when The Advertiser ailirms that this is
"Roorback" in other words a forgery, does he
mean that these gentlemen, of different States and
parties afrmin. the same thing, in nearly the
same words have forged this story upon Col
Preston, or that Preston forged it against Mr.
Clay! Which OF these two parties, Mr. McCord
and those who confirm Mr.. AlcCord'> statement
or VIM. c. Preston, OF South Carolina, does he
intend To accuse OF iabrcatins this conversation
10 the injury OF Mr.. Clay; and that too. upon no
other shadow OF ground Tor 50 presumpluous an
assertion, than lha. he has too much faith in Mr.
Clay TO believe any body, even Mr.. Preston, to
his prejudice!
From Tie augusta Conaiiutioaaha, oct ~.
We publish in another column of this day :
paper a letter from Col w. C.. Preston, explain
ing the declaration said to have been made by
him OF conversation he had with Mr.. Clay
relative 10 the ultimate extinction of slavery in
this country Col Preston embraces the occasion
10 defend his present political friend from certain
allegations of Il bias towards aboiionism, on the
strength of Mr.. Clay's published speeches the
strongest Of which admit implicitly al least, the
constitutional power OF Congress 10 abolish sa-
very in The District of Columbia. MI. Clay no
one will deny, has Tor many years been opposed
10 the action of Congress upon this great subject
but that opposition, so far aS the District of Co.
lumba was concerned, was based upon the mex
pedicncv of Congressional action and not upon
lhc denial of the right. Blu, why did mol Mr. Pres
ton rely uron his personal knowledge, derived
Immediately from Mr. CLAY? The conversation
was certainly held. and il appear, that Mr. Pres
ton had ample opportunity 10 learn Mr.. Clays
leaIopinonS: and is the conversation detailed upon
Mr. Prcsion'S authority was substantially, thai,
Mr.. Clay sail "onc otihe effects otihc protective Ia
rili would bc 10 render slave labor valuclcss why
did not Mr.. Preston tlatly dcrrihat Mr. Clay ever
uttered such an opinion, and that he ever offered
il As reason for supporting The protective policy!
The truth is, not only Mr.. Clay, but Nh. Preston
* fully aware, that such will be the inevitable
effect o.the protective system and such the safest
and surest mode for the emancipation of slavery;
and we are not al all surprised at the admission
OF Mr. Preston that Mr.. Clay really expressed
such an opinion We hope that the Wings Of
he South will eventually learn, from their own
friends, that the iavorite schemes of their leaders
can only h. carried uut blythe destruction ot the
Interests, and the pros,raton Of the independence
of the Southern States.
ICOMMC.tc iTcn.1
CofuMEi,, 18th Oct, 1911.
Dear Sir:-The editor of lhe Mobile Advert
scr has sent me Il paper containing statement
made TX YOU of certain declaration ot mine,
concerning a conversation viii. MIR. Clay many
ycals since Your statement, ihus published, is
connected with letter from Mr.. REYNOLDS in
which Mr. Clay ami myself are commented upon
with acrimony. If this genllemans letter had
appeared by itself, should have thought il unne-
ces>ary 10 notice il, as lis style ana tone require
no commentary.
To 4 gentleman Of yonr intelligence. ! am
sure. il would lie entirely unnecessary 10 pretend
To vindicatc Mr. Clay against the vulgar and alb
surd charge Of abolition, tor H1n know that nc is
large >lavcholier--that his and his chdrcns dcS-
tiny is with the slavcholdng race, and that he has
publicly and >oicmnly avowed this. You have
not forgotten his noble 0Rtl-aLntion speech in the
Senate in 1899 when he brought all the weight OF
his character and ro>ition--ai The energy Of his
nature. and all the powerof his eloGncncc against
the wicked and misguided fanatics who were ag-
ia,ing the country. That signal effort cx'oricd
applause from men OF all parties in the South.
even from the most malignant Of his caumnia-
tors Subsequently 10 that speech YOU remember
the striking scene in Indiana, between Mr.. Clay
and Mr. Mendcnhal where in the midst OF 4
great State. surrounded by abolitionisiS, and an
ant.sIavcry population, he met and rebuked The
spirit of abolition with a courage majesty and
force. that sent il covering and appalled, from his
presence know that You have not forgotten
either of these occasions and. however yon may
~ politically opposed 10 Mr.. Clay, must be-
icyc. ihar, as !; patrio' and Southern man,
Won remember them with gratitude and adrnira-
lien.
| beg You, Sir, 10 revert 10 the speech OF 1889,
which Won will find in Chambers collection OF
Clay'> speeches, page 36: and. in the mean time,
| wish 10 refresh your memory with passage or
two He says: 1.-THE first impedmen; lin the
way of the abolitionisS) is The utter and absolute
tram of all power on the par of the General Go
vernmeni 70 elIcc, the purpose"
Speakir. of the course which, in early life, he
had taken in Kentucky he says: But if had
been then, or even now, a citizen of any Of the
planting States The Southern or South Western
STATES should have opposed, and would conf
nue. To oppose ann scheme whatever of emancipa-
ton. gyadao! or jmmediotc, because OF the dan
Ger OF an ultimate ascendanc: OF the black race.
or of a civil contest which might terminate in
the extinction OF one race or the other = Page
331.
Again, he says: "Their liberty, (of the slaves
if j, were possible, could only be established by
violating The incontestihle powers of The States.
and subvcrin. The Union. And beneath the
ruins of that Union would be buried sooner or
later, the liberty OF both races"
In that speech Mr.. Clay seems TO look 10 the
ultimate termination Of domestic slavery. He
saws. page $50 But if We may attempt To silt
The evil, and contemplate what lies beyond il, J.,
too have ventured on speculative theory, with
which will not trouble Won, but which has been
published 10 the world. According 10 that. in
The course ot time, some on. hundred and my
or two hundred years hence, but few vcsiScS
Of the black race will remain anon" our postc-
rily."
These sentiments. and the occasions 10 which
| have alluded. in connexion with MIR. Clay
known abilities, energy and patriotism, have long
since brought me 10 the conclusion, that beyond
all competition he is the first and tliiest man, a
President, to guard the interests OF The South
the only man. who if This wild and ierocious -pl-
r should run 10 further excess, has the strength
to control il without resort 10 force 10 TINS ex-
tent Won NAV not concnr with Inc, but | cannot
think that YOU could differ with me Oh the general
proposition, that our Interests in this particular
will not he endangered in his hands
As 10 the statement OF my conversation WIN
Mr. CLAW, You are mistaken in many particulars
In the first place. nv conversation with him
was MT in 1881 but in ls26-cigheen years
since.
Secondly-Mr Clay. is well as can remem-
her. uses no such expressions as Slaves running
away from their masters, or their masters from
them" These arc expressions which have often
been attributed 10 Mr.. John Randolph in the pub
lie prints.
Thirlly-Mr. Clay did mot say that IA main
object of the Tariff policy was the abolition OF
slavery" In the course Of the conversation al
luded 10, he spoke OF the general causes which
would in this country. terminate slavery, as they
had terminated il in all others and said as then
understood him, that the influence of those causes
would be augmented By the protection OF home
industry, and the ultimate effect accelerated by
the development OF The industrial capacities oil the
country.
will not undertake, at this distance Of time, 10
sivea precise account Of the conversation, but
believe this is The substance of it,
am sure. Sir, you will excuse my address
ing you through the public papers, inasmuch
as it is intended as commentary on your state
mept. which has come TO me only through that,
channel
am. Sir, your obcdicnt servant,