The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1843-01-21

red measures of relief What measures Whal
measures Had not the President coneurred with
the Wing majority on the bankrupt Law on the dis.
trbuiion law on every other law passed al
the extra session but the single measure OF a Bank
Of the United States Mr. G. on this point would
appeal from majority Of the House Qi there was,
indeed, majority IN favor Of bank TO the people
of the United States, for he well knew there was
majority OF the people opposed TO such AN institu-
| tion. Gentlemen referred 10 MIR. Cs bank speech
as AN instance ofeXtreme Inconsistency especially ia
| relation to the veto power Now he could not have
believed II possible that political blindness could be
so obtuse that the experience of the last four five
years IN relation to a National Bank should not have
more affected the judgment OF gentlemen. Could
they possibly be blind to the open exposition which
had been made of the bank frauds Could II be ex-
| Ieoted that any man OF common should retain
the same opin on, after all this, which he beld before
~ lie denied thita ma ority of the people of the
| United States were IN favor OF bank and he de-
MED that their alleged disappointment in not getting
one, touched the question; but If il did did not the
question still remain between majority of that
House and the fixed fact in the Constitution Surely
IL Vas just the same. Mr. &. here quoted from the
port Of MIR. Fessendens speech what he had said
about the disappointment Of the people being associ
aled with the corruption OF the Wing press. Did
not these words contain implied charge Of yenal
tyin the whole Wing press of the United State
How else co Id il have been bought up by the Pres-
dent
Mr.. C. denied the venality of the press of the Uni
ted States, though he admitted fully its extreme
righteousness; but then there the same factious-
ness IN that House aud among the People themselves
1t belonged TO the course OF human nature. MIR. G.
denied both that the press yena and that il
bought up by the President OF the United States
The gentleman had supposed AN impossible fact:
what little patronage the President had had was
taken away from him. MIR. C. referred to the stand
ing of the public prints at Boston and in many other
cities as an insurmountable presumption against the
idea OF its being venal and corrupt This couldnot
hrx. hnan tha ..f tha ..f
party lie therefore returned TO the idea that this had
been caused by collision between two branches OF
the Go. eminent.
The gentleman from Maine had then arraigned
Mr. c. as no-parly man, and, Yin allusion TO the
charge, had picked from out Of the papers article
from the emposoned pen of Jonathan Swift the most
corrupt Tory Of the reign of Queen Anne,
his associate Bolingbroke This perhaps had been
quoted at MIR. G. Swift, who wrote it, had been well
characterized the great ibeller of his genera
ton :" and the arguments used by such man to
hound on the dogs Of faction in his day had been
quoted as applicable to Mr. G. Ii the gentleman
from Maine, instead of endeavorng to apologize for
the bitterness Of party spirit had responded what
Mr. c. had said he should have had no complaint to
make. But what the fcts' Mr.. G. had been
complaining OF the excuses Of party spirit IN this
country, and in illustration he had pointed TO history
What did the gentleman from Maine reply He had
risen to indicate that spirit(if there any issue
between them it was thisl--and Swift and Boz
lnbroke to be quoted TO justify the party spirit which
was the haunting demon Of this free country lie
was ashamed. The people Of the Unit d States had
had other monitors and other lessons this subject
What said the Farewell Address of the Father Of
his country? Did it not warn and exhort US against
the very hing that the gentleman from Ma ne had
brought Swift and Bolnbroke to justify Hear him :
81 have already intimaed TO you the danger of
parties in the State, with particular reference to the
founding them on geographical Determinations. Let
| me now take more comprehensive view and warn
you in the most solemn manner against the baneful
effects of the spirit of party generally.
This spirit unfortunately is lnseparable from our
nature having its root In the strongest passions OF the
human mind. 1t exists under different shapes in all
Governments more less stled controlled, re-
pressed; but in those of tie popular form II Is seen
IN its greatest rankncss, and is truly their worst
my
THE alternate domination of one party
other sharpened by the spirit OF revenge natural TO
party dssensions, which in different ages and coun
tries has perpetraed the most horrid enormtes, is
itself frghtful despotsm But this leads at length
TO a more formal and permanent despotism. The
disorders and miseres hch result gradually incline
the minds of men to seek security and repose in the
absolute power Of an individual and, sooner ar la
ter the chief of some prevailing faction, more able
or fortunate than his competitors, turns this
disposition TO the purposes OF his own elevation on
the ruins of public liberty.
without looking forward to an extremity of this
kind (Which nevertheless ought not be entirely
out of sight, the common and continual mlschiets oil
the spirit of party sufficient to make II the inter
est and duty Of wise people TO discourage and re-
strain It.
alt serves always TO distract the public councils
and enieeble the public administration. II agtaes
the community with illfounded ealousies and false
alarms kindles the luminosity OF one part against an
other foments occasional riot and Instruction II
opens the door 10 foreign influence an corruption,
which finds facilitated access to the Government IT.
self through the channels of party passions. Thus
the policy and the will Of country are subjected
| TO the policy and the will OF another"
The gentleman from New York (Mr Mckeon)
seemed consider this spirit OF party and zeal for
party ascendoncy "ihe be-a and end-all" OF
! public man but Nh. G. would remind him Of the
language Of General Jackson on this very thing. In
his letter to MIR Monroe he said
"Now is the time to exerminate that monster called
party spirit. BY selecting characters most conspcu-
Gus for their probty virtue, capacity, and brmness,
without any regard to party, you will go far 10, IL
not entirely eradicate those feelings which, on former
occasions, threw so many obstacles IN the way OF
government; and perhaps have the pleasure and hon
or of uniting people heretofore politically divided
The chief magistrate OF a great and powerful nation
should never indulge In party feelings. His conduct
should be liberal and dslneresed, aloays bearing IN
mind that he acts for the coie and not part oil the
community. BY this course you will Grail me national
character and acquire for yourself imperisb-
| able as monumental marble. Consult no party in
your choice pursue the dictates of that unerring
Judgment which has long and so often benefited
our country and rendered conspicuous its rulers -
| These are the sentiments Of friend and are the
feelings IL | know my own heart, Of an undssembled
patriot "-Generai Jaoksons Letter 10 br. Monroe, "
| .N6renbcr 10 1916.
| In General Jacksons letter TO George Kreme,, he
| said
"My advice to the President that in the selec-
ton OF his Cabinet he should act upon prncp es like
these Consider himself the head Of the nation, not
of a party that he should have around him the best
| ~, could Afford without regard TO
sectional divisions and should in his selection, seek
after men Of probity, virtue, capacity and hrmness
and in this way he would 60 fac TO eradicate those
feelings which, on former occasions, threw so many
obstacles in the way of government and be enabled
perhaps, to unite people heretofore politically d.
DInInn ILai The he II AIdnnCa