The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1843-10-17
LETTER FROM THE HON. P w, oILMER

doubtless be regarded by our readers, as il Is by
us, as one Of the most valuable documents Of
he day and worthy TO be preserved by all pole
licians an unerring guide in party conflicts.
The history Of parties in this country is graphl-
cally and faithfully skelched, while The senll-
ments andyiewsuf the writer are those of the
Republicans of '9s.-Eo. MAp.I
From the Charlottesville { IA Jec RcpubHeGa.
August -, lSi3.
DrAR - The candid spirit in which your in
quiries submitted Induces me to reply TO then,
! not so much in compliance with your desire that
should yndicaie myself as to furnish you with brief
outline of some important incidents connected with
the origin aud progress OF political parties IN the Uni
ted States. My own course or opinions, are OF too
little consequence TO afford much interest either to
partial friends or relentless opponents. desire no
other yindcation of my humble agency in public al
fairs, than will be perceived by every unprecedented
mind by reference 10 certain cardinal principles,
which have endeavored TO follow as my guides I'M
der all circumstances. These have not been will
ling abandon for the advancement Of any party or
any man, not even my own. In their application, or
on minor points of mere expediency have been al
ways ready to concede and conclaie for the pur-
pose Of harmonious and efficient cooperation with
those whom | believed to be united by devotion to
| some great principle. As To men IN Office, or when
candidates for office, have long since learned that
of all gHdes they most iaacious, as their mere
promotion is object the least worthy party com
binaton
The general forms of our government like our pop
ulaion came originally from Europe. The events
which preceded and followed the American reyolu-
ton have not yet entirely eradcated those mistaken
ideas of the objects, duties and powers OF govern.
ment which have always prevailed IN Europe, ana
which, TO greater or less extent, have had their m
! fuence in the United States The fatal error OF
mankind Ian error which history and experience have
hitherto failed to correct is in ascribing omnipoence
| to government; in usurpipg not only the rights and
duties Of the people but also the authority and NAL
libity of God. The system OF governing da grma
| or without the will of the governed, is maintained
under the pretext Of unprecedented anarchy while his
tory proves that despotism under ITS various forms
has been and must be the nearest road 10 anarchy.
The true of this disposition constantly 10 aug
ment the powers Of government, and multiply the OBJ
jects of their application i, dstust of the capacity
| of men in the aggregate TO govern themselves In
most governments this dstrust on the part oil those
who claim TO govern has been too readily acquesced
in, and hence the legitimate powers OF government
have been seldom applied to strengthen the popular
resources for self government.
There were many in the convention which framed
our Constitution who from dstrust Of the people at
tempted to make the federal government IN form as
well as substance monarchy, without the hereditary
feature. This design being defeated the government
was sooner organized under the Constitution than
| the struggle was renewed and strong government
attempted to be established by construction. 1t was
| urged mat powers Wnlcn nau been expressly mega
| lived by the convention to be implied and exer-
cised 'necessary and proper" notwithstanding the
explicit declaration that all powers not granted were
reserved TO the States or TO the people The federal
and republican parties of that day, and ever since,
when they divided on their respective principles,
have differed TO the extent of powers and discre-
ton to be assumed by the several departments under
the Constitution. he federal party, whose leader
had advocated the British model in convention,
manifested lis peculiar views Of government not
H.. IF nl,,x lint in
| sympathies with the crowned heads of Europe who
combined to maintain the principle OF royal egiti-
! macy against revolutionary France. For some time
liter the adoption Of the Constitution by the States,
public opinion was unsettled in reference to the nu-
merous foreign and domestic questions which arose
The old federal and republican parties finally join
ed issue before the country in the memorable contest
| between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson These
parties were not then known the Jefferson or the
| Adams party, but distinguished by their oppo-
site views OF government, and they recognized these
only the opponents OF their respective prnci-
Piles. These principles were comprehensive, en-
bracng both sides the whole circle of government
all its departments, and involving the general ques-
| ton of limiting the agency of the people by extend
| ing the power. of government. They had reference
only TO the of that day. but TO those of
every age involving the great question whether the
people shall govern or be governed The advocates
| OF too much government relied then on some OF the
expedients which they urge now. Tie alien and
sediton acts, &c, only applications OF the fede-
raj principle TO objects different from those to which
the principle has been since applied and would
be applied again. The principle Of a national bank
was in issue the contest Of 1900 1t was earnestly
demonstrated against in the celebrated report of l799
written by Mr. Madison as belonging u that class of
powers the exercise of which by the federal govern
ment it maintained, would prove dangerous TO
the people and the States, II attempted then as
it is TO sustain this particular measure on the
authority Of Gen. Washington | have never been
able to contemplate Gen. Washington as party man.
His fame rises above party as the eagle scars above
| the mist While the authority OF no man should be
recognized in a republic precluding inquiry into
its soundness, have never believed that the Judg-
ment Of Gen. Washington or of Mr.. Madison APP
proved the principle involved in charterng nation
al bank. II is now known that at Gen. Washington's
request MIR Madison prepared ayeto OF the irst bank
bill. That bill ultimately signed more in defer
ence TO the solicude of Hamilton and others, than
from his convictions, by the father OF his coun-
try Mr.. Hamilton had previously, without authOrl-
ty commenced the system of receiving convertible pa
per instead Of specie, under the act OF 1852 respon-
sbil,y of incalculabe weight when we reflect on the
consequences which have since been felt both by
government and individuals The financial condition
Of the country in 1871 was in extreme embarrass-
men from the debt Of the revolution, as IT was in
1916, from the debt Of the last war Mr.. Madison
not only wrote veto Of the first bank at the request
Of Gen. Washington, and denounced the principle
which II involved in his report OF 80, which was re-
garded the declaration Of rights by the republican
party in Mr. Jefersons election and since, but
he subsequently, as President, vetoed bank bill
He signed another, IT is true, had been done in
1901 when the public mind inundated by the en-
barassed condition of the country and the govern
! meni impaired It's panic alike to the wise aud the
brave. In both instances often happeLs, symp-
tom of disease mistaken for remedy.
. There can be no mistake as TO the general princi-
Piles which characterised the federal and republican
parties their first formation as to the signal
suits which followed the memorable republican tri-
Z umnh of lslO Notwithstanding tho spV lest n
which institutions so frequently exposed by
foreign and domestic relations by the aggressons
of France and England on our maritime rights, by
the embargo, the war, the loss Of commerce and