The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1843-11-30

the administration OF the elder Adams. III
made itself known 10 the country IN the NiT-
GINA and Kentucky resolutions, aud through the
administration of Mr.. Jefferson. Fancyipg H.
self perfectly secure under the auspices OF Viz
GINA Presidents, it afterwards slumbered for
years. Bot the advent OF the younger Adams,
and the popular excitement then existing, reused
il TO fresh suspicion and watchfulness.
! Much however had been done during its re-
pose which could not easily be undone, and il
found itself most in danger under Democratic
and highly popular Administration. The days
| Of the tariff excitement aud OF notification, are
well RENE mbered and, if Democracy gained
victory then, it was only through an arduous and
desperate struggle, and not few think that il
received a wound through the Proclamation
which time has not yet healed. Southern De
mpcracy, al least, ceased afterwards 10 be tri
umphant, and it was compelled to satisfy itself,
as il best could, with the assurances Of ptotec
ton given by "a Northern man with Southern
principles"
The war against the State Banks and their
currency, carried on during the last half of MIR.
Van Buren's administration, was, in fact, an in
direct war against State rights, which, if tolera-
ted in the General Government, would place
other institutions, as well as the Banks, in
the States may, or may not be right In
itself; il may, or may not, be contrary 10
the spirit Of free institutions; but it is an in
sthution with which the General Government
has no right to NEEDLE, either for the purpose of
destroying or forcibly regulating. In charlering
banks, and authorizing the issue Of paper cur
rency, the States french upon none OF the pre-
| negatives of the General Government. The
| rghu to issue promissory note, whether for
public circulation or for private purposes, is
| popular right, which the Constitution does not
restrict, and which, therefore, the People would
e Joy unimpaired, but for the State Legi .la
lures. But the State Legislatures. generally,
choose to restrict the right, and confne the ex-
,ercise OF il to chartered corporations, aud hence
the present Banking system, which is The result,
not Of the assumption by State Legislatures Of
power to issue bills Of credit, but of the NUM-
cipal restrictions which they impose upon
popular privilege, which it is supposed would
| otherwise be abused.
| But, according to the new lights Of Ultraism
| which began 10 appear, at the time TO which
we allude, the Banking system Of the States
was an evil which the General Government;
was bound to make war against and extirpate.-
Among the expedents suggested for the pur-
pose was the proposition Of Senator Benton to
employ the taxing power Of The General Gov
eminent for the purpose of regulating, or pro-
hibitng, if necessary, the circulation of bank
notes. This was considerable improvement
upon the alleged righ, to impose prohibtory du-
ties for the purpose of protecting or encouraging
manufactures. 1t is obvious that twould be
quite as constitutional and as Democratic, TO
| employ the taxing power of the General Govern
nent, for the purpose of regulating or abolish
! ing slavery The abolionists would rejoice
in nothing more than the establishment Of such
precedents, which would al once invest the ma
jority with full sway, and leave very few mysle-
res in the Constitution for "Abstractionisis" 10
ponder at.
That such suggestion should have proceed
cd from Senator Benton is not at all strange; ;
| for that individual had been but few years be-
! Il
American system-as was The present editor Of
! the pseudo-organ Of the Democratic party. Ii
could not be supposed that such men would be
much troubled with constitutional scrupes when
the object was 10 carry through party measure,
however sensitive their Democracy might be In
matters which concerned the distribution of The
loaves and fishes. Their test OF Democracy
was not fidelity 10 the Constitution, bu, fidelity
/, to the head of the party. But II is passing
strange that the evil counsels Of such men should
ever have been tolerated by a majority Of the
| Southern Democracy. An open triumph of
Federalism, for a time, could hardly be so de-
structive TO The integrity Of the Constitution as
wounds inflicted by proiessed fdends, welding
the power of the General Government.
In fact the more sturdy and vgant Demo
Gratis Of the old school, at length took the alarm,
and began to desert the Administration in such
numbers as ultimately to produce its downfall.
To these seceders, known by the name of Con-
servalives, and State-rights men, it must for a
lime have been an embarrassing question whe-
tber it were better that the Constitution should
be undermined by corruption and sacrificed by
negl gence, or be exposed 10 the assaults Of open
and undisguised foes and no doubt, with many
the embarrassment terminated in indifference
and apathy.
BY an unexpected dispensation Of Provi-
dence, the administration Of the General Gov
eminent has since been committed to the guild.
ance of one OF their own number, whose at
tachmeDt to the principles Of true Democracy,
as laugh, 10 the school Of Jefferson, and whose
unwavering fidelity 10 the Constitution, are tbc
Characteristic traits Of his public life. His AID
mnisration will at least have bad the good ef
feet of recalling the minds of the People to The
distinction between the old and new Demo
cracy-the Democracy of rigid construction
Of the Constitution, and scrupulous regard e