The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1843-02-21

be a diversity Of sentiment. Then comes nc pe1s'
question: ,ohat financial agent shall be employed ." ne'
Of H. 10 reeeips, keep, and pay Out s Puehe "so~y-
Our own opinion on that subject has been TOO oito'
expressed not 10 be known to readers beics
ing that all the difficulties and ombarrassmcn's unde
which the People and Government have PainiuiiJ
Notwithstanding our degraded currency, nue'uas
ing exchanges and paralyzod commerce ana i,ausu
have been the necessary consequence VI 'ne w.
wise policy of tho two last Administrations We are
of opinion that the true preventive OF these eSiiS
to be found in restoration OF the state OF things u"
der which the country was prosperous ana hs Ply e
fore the action of the Government Itself aauo u0"
otherwise. In other words, we believe IN the expo
dency, and indeed necessity, Of a Nau9nai Dana,
discharge the double functions Of hscai agent io'
the Government and regulator OF the currency io'
the People. This Is The opinion " inc Ednors " "S
paper repeating ,ohieh and here hey DO mol pre-
tend not being authorised to represent The vteos o. nv
Erecutipe."
Yet in the face Of this, and other abundant
evidence to which we have no time TO alude'
the authors of the Wing Address endeavor 10
pursuade the public, that up TO the time oil the
first veto they had no reason to believe, or even
suspect, that Mr.. Tyler was not entirely WIN
them on the Bank question: that the veto came
upon them like a thunder clap; that II was
movement so extraordinary and unexpected
tina, with all their charity it was impossible foI
them to refer il in any degree to conscientious
motives, and they could explain il only on the
ground of black ,reachery and personal ambl-
ton.
With all our charity, il is impossible for us 10
believe that these gentlemen, honorable as they
may esteem themselves, did not deliberately
and knowingly, and from interested motives
seek to create false impression in the public
mind: to do that which, if done by private in
dividual, and for personal purposes, would ex-
cude him from the class of gentlemen. We
do not believe that any one acquainted with the
evidence to which we have referred, and know
ing the manner in which public men attached to
the same party, communicate with each other
while al the seat Of Government, theiI
daily confidential gossippings, and their sue
cess in penetrating the most hidden things,
can seriously doubt that Mr.. Clay himself
proposed his first Bank bill with per-
feet knowledge and conviction that if it pass
ed, Mr.. Tyler could not, as an honorable
man, give it his signature; that it was hi:
intention, for reasons now sufficiently obvious,
to put him to the alternative of choosing be-
tween the hatred of powerful party and perso-
nal dshonor.
The accusation of this Wing committee
against Mr.. Tyler is stated in the following
terms:
awe are constrained to say that we find no ground
to justify in the conviction that the Veto of the
President has been nterposed this question solely
upon conscientious and wellconsidered opinions OF
constitutional scruple to his duty in the pre-
sented on the contrary, too many proofs have been
forced upon observation to leave us free from
the apprehension that the President has permitted
himself to be beguled into opinion that, by this
exhibition Of his prerogatye, he might be able to d.
vert the policy Of his Administration into channel
which should lead to new political combinations"
The meaning of the diplomatic phraseology
in the concluding part of this charge, is, OF
cou rse, that the Veto was exercised by Mr.
Tyler with the view of making himself Presi-
dent for another term for il is not to be sup
posed that he would be guilty of treachery and
dishonor to advance The interests of others.
OF the "many proofs" of the truth Of this &C
cusation, 'Iorced upon the observation" Of these
aude merely to the fact that the President
finding himself assailed from within and with
out, by arts and menaces, having in vain APP
pealed to his Cabinet, his political family, tc
"stand by him in this emergency" did no,
choose TO seclude himself from all society, OIL
shut the doors of the Peoples mansion to thos,
who visited him as gentlemen-as freemen
who had right, no matter TO what party the,
belonged, to expect a courteous greeting from
their Chief Magistrate.
But what can we think Of the veracity Of thu
authors Of this accusation when we find that
instead Of having "many proofs,n or ev,n
solitary proof, of the truth of il, there is ever
reason 10 believe that they had in their posses
sion, at the time Of making the charge, an ire
sistible proof Of its entire falsehood
This proof which, if the retiring Cabinet be
lieved themselves justified in publishing an,
thing, ought not in decency to have been sup
pressed by them, was made public few month
ago in such manner as to challenge and def,
contradiction. We now quote il in the word
of most unwilling and prejudiced witness
who takes care TO deliver it in terms least likel,
to make it Of any avail to the party accused
Mr.. Ewing says in bis late letter to Mr.. Crit
tenden:
1.-THE statement with respect to the President
proposition TO decline reelection is much lie.
wide Of the truth though its degree Of verify wa
Of course wholly unknown TO Mr.. Spencer at tn
time he ventured the statement. The conversation
referred 10 occurred on the 4th day Of September
in the absence Of yourself and Mr.. Badger, and i'm
mcdiately after the Committee on Enrolled Bill
brought the bill to create fiscal corporation T.
the President for his signature. lie said, in sub
stance, that he should probably be compelled TO vet
the bill, and he thought Of accompanying the vet,
message with solemn declaration that we woul
not be candidate for reelection, and wished GU
advics as TO the matter. In the course Of the con
yersaton, he also said he had indted a sentence in
tended for insertion in his inaugural declaring tina
he would not be a candidate for reelection ybic
he withheld lest its effect should he In turn