The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1843-12-08
THE Nj ADISO MA N.
THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.

THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
We are not aware that any formal complain
has vet been made to our Government by tn
British Minister of the grossly indicate
conduct Of this paper in venturing TO hint
doubt of the dsinterestedness Of the Mistres
of The Seas" The National lntellisencer eyi
IDENTIFY thinks that such complaint would b.
exceedingly proper, on account OF our gross
and " groundlessn insinualions and ''most un
generous aspersions." II the complaint shouts
be made. we trust that our punishment will b
lighter even than that oil Monsieur Petief, whel
complained Of by the 6rsl lCAasssa cf =
a1Fn71iTcffI az We have never had the honor Of be
inc a subject Of Her Britannia Majesty. W.
have no fear, thank Heaven, of our types ant
presses being seized, and our unfortunate per
SON disposed Of by leHre de cdchef. Tha
would no doubt be considered the proper mode
of furnishing our audacity, by the editor of thu
Int,Iligencer, who is no, quite enough of JEFF
fersonian Democrat to think that " error of OPT
MON may safely be tolerated when reason is left
free to combat it,"
The language which we have used with re-
ference to the unffiendly disposition of Great
Britain is scarcely harsherthan that which even
Mr.. Webster felt bound to employ in his dts-
matches in relation to the Creole affair; the de-
signs which we have imputed to it are those
proclaimed on the floor of Parliament by the
noble Lords" Brougham and Aberdeen its will
lngness to overleap the law of nations, and the
regard due 10 friendly powers in the prosecution
of its designs, we find altes,ed in the strongest
and most unequivocal language by Peers Of
Great Britain, with .she Duke" at their head,
in the repeated and solemn protests recorded
against the act of Parliament authorizing the
search of our vessels in time peace
Truly our nation would be in a pretty predica-
ment Just now, if, in addition 10 the unhappy
influence of party spirit in its affairs, the free ex-
preston of opinion on the part of our public
journals is to be checked on the score of q in
delicacy" to foreign power, suspected of medi-
tating death. stroke to our Union, and Con-
press is to be overawed in its deliberations by
the arrogant menaces of the Napoleon Of the
Westn Nothing would be wanting, then, to
ensure the triumph of aboilionism, but studied
INTERPRETATIONS in journals of " established
reputation !" and that the lntesligencer is ready
10 supply its share of these, We find abundant
proof in its editorial of yesterday. We cheer
fully place before our readers the whole of what
it is pleased facetiously to term a summing up
of our arguments on the Texas question:
HThat feature of the Message which will first at.
tract the attention of niney-nine out of hundred
readers is that which bsinss Texas and her relations
10 the notice of Congress. Within the last few da VS.
we have had almost official intimaton, through the
Government paper, that the long agony was nearly
over, and that should what PROPOSE
ton" concerning Texas about TO be pr pounded
With curiosity stimulated by the positive tone
of the Government apcr of Friday last, and the
grossly indicate assumption in that paper of " a
project" on the part Of :" the mos; powerful Gov
eminent of Europe" to "inteIfere with the most
delicate and momenous interests OF our country" "
as a ground OF action, of some kind other, by
this Government in regard To Texas, we took the
trouble TO look over he file of the Madsonian for
the preceding week We found that the bur
der of s story through successive essays, was The
"onnexa,ion Of Texas" to The United States its ar
gument in favor proposition of such vital cohse-
auence being, in substance, tha, the pos SEES IN of
Texas would b. convenience t. the u ed States
tina, some persons had supposed, before the Treaty
BY which the United States recognised the RICH, OF
Spain TO that territory, that what is now Texas form
ed properly part of Louisiana that, If the United
States does not annex Texas there is some danger
that slavery may be abolished in that couutry; that,
there is some to suppose that the Bntsh Gov
eminent is disposed to favor the abolition Of sla
very 10 Texas ,ni that if she has any inte nons on
the subject, In y only hJw from disposition o
interfere with slavery az IT exists IN the United States.
To all which it woull have been enough, had the
Presidents Message borne out the for shadowiDg OF
the Executive organ, to answer, in few words that
the argument of convenience would with equal force
Justify a proposition to "annex" Canada or New
Brunswick on the Northern frontier as Texas on the
Southern; that whatever any person may have sup.
posed pretended to suppose concerning our South
western geographical boundary prior to the year 1919,
the Treaty ratified in that year between the United
States and SPUN forever concluded that question
the attempt tn re open which on the same SUPPOSE
ton p'eience, wi not abe for a moment to stand
The test of truth in the height of the power of the
Jackson Adminis, alton that if the people Of Tex
choose To abolish or exclude slavery from their ter
Iitory, the GoyerSmept Of The United States has
right to object TO IT. nor any pretcnce for taking
notice of 1t that The relations between Great Pr tain
and Texas matters wbc oh concern themselves Al
not us, unless upon the presumption that Great Bri.
tain bad some such nefarlous design ss the Govern
ment papr gros ly, aud we believe grou die sly in
sin oates aud that there is not only no evidence of
any such design on the part of Great Britain but
that ali the credible te tDony the subject is direct
~ in the teeth Of such assumption and hat every
possible Inference from the relations which cxis be-
tween the two cou tries stamps it mos unge-
nerous asperslon of the faith and honor Of friendly
Power"
We shall reply to these statements Of the In
telligencer seridtim, and very br fly.
We are said to have argued that the posses
sion of Texas would be convenience TO the
United States" This is not true, literally or in
spirit. We endeavored to show the necessity
the absolute necessity possession of Tex
as, il there were good grounds for believing tha
Great Britain entertained the designs ascrbe,
to her. What is necessary must, of course, b.
highly convenient: but the object Of the Intelli
gencer was TO pervert our meaning, as much a
if it had accused us Of desiring Texas as an OF
namental appendage-a sort of National pleasur
ground.
Some persons had supposed tina, what