The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1843-11-04

ers of the party which elected han, aud not the
Chief Magistrate Of the nation.
And who is The accuser and chief prosecutor
| in this case Are his own skirts clear OF any
| faint Of political prohigacy2 Has he never
known what popular obloquy was, that he seeks
so recklessly TO visit it upon anolher2
Let US take rapid glance at his career from
the beginning. He was first known as an ear
| nest and efficient advocate OF the late war. lie
| has since declared that he would have accepted
| Major Generals commission, rendered TO him
| by President Madison but was deferred by the
feebleuess Of his physical constitution lie
probably forgot that character OF some note In
ancient days-ycleped julius CGsar-took 10
military life a cure for feeble constitution.
| But every man has right 10 choose his pro-
| fession. The quasi-boasl was drawn from him
at time when he saw, with Jealousy, the great
| er respect which the mass of the People were
| disposed TO pay TO the man who risked his life
| for his country in battle than 10 one who had
merely risked his reputation in party warfare
and political inrigues
| He commenced public life as Democrat
| Jetiersonian and a strict constructonIst of the
! Constitution. His speech on the Bank Of the
| United States, now so often alluded TO- is not
merely speech against the Bank but in favor
of a strict and rigid construction OF the Consti-
tuition in all eases. His friends and biographers
say that this speech is the only evidence of po-
litcal Inconsistency on record against him but il
| is certainly most comprehen sive one. Like the
French lady's single sin, it has lasted and ems
| braced whole life time. He made but sin
gle leap from ultra democracy 10 ultra federal
ism: from splitting hairs about the Conslitu-
ton, he took suddenly and vigorously TO laying
the broad-axe TO its roots.
| His celebrated coalition with Mr. Adams
brought him out prominently before the People,
and made his name historical He labors under
the charge, Of which one generation of the Peo-
pie pronounced him guilty almost by acclama-
ton, of being the first man 10 introduce corrup-
ZION into the General Government, and to de-
bauch the purity OF our institutions. The
grounds Of the charge are brief these:
He had accused Mr.. Adams Of an ant-Ame-
rican spirit at Client; he upbraided him with
another proof Of il in the Florida negotalon.-
| Yel he decided that he was the fttesl man,
among several eminent citizens, to preside al
| the head Of the Government, and gave him his
| vote aud influence. He received, in conse-
quence the office of Secretary of State. He
unwtIingly declared, as one oil his reasons for
| preleulag MIR. Adams, that he considered the
office of Secretary of State III .the line of safe
/ precedent," for the Presidency, thus exposing
! h,rhb he oh 10 h., G.
himself in that line. He is known to have used
| h ,sy words, in reference 10 NJ Adams and him
self, give us patronage and we will make our
selves popular"
! This Is summary statement of the evidence
upon which The American People chose 10 rem
| der verdict of condemnation against Mr.
Clay.
Mr. Clay contends that the charge of bargain
intrigue, and management was not proved The
proofs were, indeed, only circums lanlial Tut the
nature OF the alleged offence scarcely admitted
! gains, they DO not have The agreement drawn
up and engrossed on parchment by conveyap-
Ger, signed, sealed, and delivered in the pre-
sence OF witnesses, acknowledged before a no.
tary or justice of the peace and recorded in the
clerks olhce oil the county court. In such trans
actions among wise men a word, wink. or n
nod speaks volumes and in judging of such
transactions, the great tribunal of public opini,p
does not confuse and perplex itself with wine.
drawn arguments, touching flaws in the indict-
ment, technical bubbles, and trivial informali-
ties in testimony if it did, no man of ordinary
shrcwdness would ever be convicted of political
corruption.
But rs Mr.. Clay's present conduct such as to
give this charge the lie7 We find him now
openly and publicly, in his own name and per /
son. melting his parllsans by promise Of the
division Of the spos, and attempting TO Justify |
IT by the wholly lnadml,sble plea of retaliation.
lie IS the first Presidential candidate who ever
stopped so low, or was so reckless of public on, |
MON, asto appeal openly to corrupt and sordid mo-
uvcs, whatever his secret intentions or oiyinos-
out might be.
We hnd him also, at the present moment. ex-
posing himself to derislon, by palpabe couiyo
cation as to the most cherished project Of nj.
public liie-lhat upon which his fame, as a
statesman, must chiefly rest-his American sys.
tenn.
Let US now take another view Of Mr.. Claws
character II Is with reluctance that we do
THIS; but the nature Of his attack on Mr. TYLER
amply JustIh's t-even demands it, We have
a right to inquire what kind of a man he i, who
holds up Mr.. Tyler TO the youth Of the country
As an example Of all that is impure and dshono.
-able.
More Than sixteen years ago, popular opin-
on, which seldom fails lnstincliyely to seize up-
On The most striking Characteristic of public
man, fixed upon Mr.. Clay the nickname of the
modern Acibiades," from his resemblance to
'ne Of the most pronlgate, as well as able,t, Of
he renowned men Of ancient times. His be-