The North-Carolina standard., 1843-05-24


for that purpose the dollars actually produced by
the land sales 1t seems to me that such a course
of action would be injurious in practice, dangerous
in principle, and without warrant in the Consttu
ton of the United States. The theory of our DO
litcal institutions is familiar to ALL The Govern
ment of the confederation, and the Governments ot
all the confederated States, have their respective
rights and duties clearly defined, and each within
| its proper sphere, is independent of the others
each raises and expends its revenue. and performs
all the necessary functions of sovereign State
What right has one to interfere with another, un-
less in cases marked out by the Constitution self2
If the General Government can provide revenue
for the respective States and does provide one, it
is clear that one great distinctive feature of our
litical system will disappear and that the relations
between the confederation, as such, and the indi-
vidual States comprising it, will be wholly chang
ed. Human sagacity cannot foretell what would
be the entire result of this state of things but it is
easy to predict that this new application of the
money power would give to the Government of
the United States strength never contemplated
by the American people, and irreconcilable with
our constitutional organization and that it would
lead to habit of dependence on the part of the
States, by which their efficiency to resist any
encroachments ofthe General Government would
be paralysed. Without pushing these consdera-
tons further I conclude this branch of the sub
ton of the proceeds of the public lands should be
made
The subject of protective tariff has been so
long and ably discussed, that it'would be useless
for me to do more than to give you the result of
my views. l think, then, that the revenue of the
Government ought to be brought down to the low
est point compatible with the performance of its
constitutional functons and that in the imposi-
tlon OF duties, necessary, with the proceeds of
the public lands, to provide this revenue inciden
tai protection should be afforded to such branches
OF American industry as may require it. This
appears to me not only constitutional but called
for by the great Interests of the country; and if
protective tariff, upon this principle, were wisely
and moderately established, and then left to its
own operation, so that the community could cal
culate upon its reasonable duration, and thus avoid
ruinous fluctuations we might look for as gene
raj acquiescence in the arrangement, as we can
ever expect in questions of this complicated kind,
when local feelings have been enlisted, which
prudent Legislature must consult, more or less,
and endeavor to reconcile.
A proposition to amend the Constitution Of the
United States, is one which l should always re-
ceive with great caution. There is already in
our country too great disposition to seek, in
changes of the laws and constitutions, remedies
for evils to which all societies are more or less
liable, instead of leaving them to find their own
cure in the operation ofthe ordinary causes which
act upon communities. 1t is often better to suffer
partial Inconvenience, than rashly to alter the
fundamental principles of a political system Sta
bility is better than change, when change is not de-
cidedly called for | am not aware that the ex-
erclse of the veto power has, for many years, pro-
duced any injury to the public service. On the
contrary. think in those cases where it has been
recently interposed, it has been properly applied,
and that its action has been approved by great
1l1o,@ al,
tical evil which demands, in this respect, a change
in the Constitution of the United States. Should
Of that nature occur. it will then be time to
seek the proper remedy.
Your last questions regard the obligations
which the nominee of National Democratic
Convention should impose upon those persons
whose names have been brought forward in
connection with the Presidency of the United
States.
In the summer of lS41, in answer to an appli-
cation from committee appointed by Democrat
ic meeting in the city of Philadelphia, I stated
my determination not to suffer my name to be
used in this matter, unless nominated by the Ma
tional Democratic Convention. To that declara-
ton yet adhere; and / add, in the terms of your
question, that shall give my support and inhu-
ence to the nominee of that convention I beg
leave, however, to remark, as the subject has ex-
cited discussion in respectable quarters that am
nrmlV Impressed with the Delle tnat no portion OIL
the Democratic party will weaken its strength, or
hazard the favorable result we have right to ex-
pect by precipitating the period of the meeting of
the convention. The great object is union of
views, to prevent the efforts of the party from
being rendered useless by divisions and this union
is best attained by that process which shall best
certain the public will-the only legitimate source
of authority. To effect this, the representatives
at the convention should come from the people
and should assemble to exercise their functions in
as short an interval before the Presidential election
as may be compatible with the preparatory ar
rangements and investigations which such great
object requires. The people should have all the
time possible to express their latest will in the
minaton of the candidate to be submitted for their
support Nothing can be gained and much may
be lost, by undue haste 1t may wear the ap-
pearance of dstrust of the people, or of an unwil
lingness to leave their proper cause in their own
hands, There however, it should be left till the last
reasonble moment, and then the Convention will
be the fair exponens of the will of their consttu
ents, at the time the delegated trust is to be
cised. do not suffer myselfto doubt, but that
these views will meet the appreciation ofthe great
Democratic party.
With great respect, gentlemen,
I boyo fbo ho