The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1843-09-07

sells bound to France laden with provisions of bread
stutis Intercepted by the other beigerent pow
ers France retaiated and the result was the al
most total destruction Of neutral commerce. But
the policy of Russia totally changed under the
Emperor Paul, and the armed neutrality of the Bal
tic powers was renewed in 1900 This league was
dissolved by the thunder Of the British
at Copenhagen, and by the sudden and violent death
Of Paul, which took place almost simultaneously with
Nelson's attack on the Danish fleet. The maritime
convention of 1901 was concluded between Great
Britain and Russia, on the basis of compromise of
the extreme preensions of bellgerents and neutras
MIR. w. has demonstrated that this treaty, far as
it contains relaxation of the primitive law of ma
tons, ought to be considered conclusive de-
termination of the long contested principles
Yet this did not prevent the Emperor Alexander,
when he quarrelled with England, after the lombard
ment of Copenhagen, and the carrying off the Dan
ish fleet In 1877, from proclaiming the prin-
cples OF the armed neutrality-that monument of
the wisdom of the Empress Catharine, and engaging
never to depart from that system" Nor did it pre-
vent Great Britain from declaring anew those prin-
cples of her maritime rights against which was di-
reced the armed neutrality under the auspices of the
Empress Catharine' So that these questions seem
delivered to eternal controversy, since there are
few Governments honest enough to respect, when
they are themselves engaged in war, those princi-
pies relating to the freedom of the flag the benefit of
which they claim whilst neutral.
The Congress of Vienna did not deign to bestow a
moments attention on these important points of the
maritime law of nations. 1t was too much occupied
with remodeIng the political map of Europe-with
the partition of Saxony and Denmark-with settling
the final doom of Poland, Venice, and Genoa-witb
the re-constructing the Austrian and Prussian mon
arches, and organizing the Germanic confederation,
and with erecting new barrier against France, by
creating the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The va
rious questions arising out of these arrangements are
fully and satisfactorily discussed by the author who
has also clearly explained the regulations prescribed
by the Congress for ascertanng the rank of public
ministers respectively relating to the freedom of
navigation the great rivers, and the prospective
abolition of the African slave trade. He then pro-
ceeds to consider the various of Intervention
by the great European powers either jointly sep
arately, since the Congress of Vienna in the internal
affairs of other States-the Intervention of Aust ia,
Russia, and Prussia, in the Neapolitan revolution of
1920; that of France in the Spanish revolution of
1922; of Great Britain, between Spain and Portugal,
in 1896; the quadrupIe alliance of 1884, between
Great Britain, France, Spain and Portugal for the
final settlement Of the affairs of the Peninsula; and,
lastly, the Intervention Of the five great European
powers in the Belgc revolution of 1890. He clearly
shows how difficult it is to extract any consistent
principle from the conflicting precedents crea-
ted by these various transactions, and infers
the danger of endeavoring to incorporate into the
international code general right of interference
whenever and wherever any particular power, strong
enough to enforce it, may choose to consider its
safety, honor, and interests njuriously affected by
the changes which another nation may think fit to
make in its own internal constitution. The policy
avowed by the government Of the United States, as
regulating lis conduct during the civil war between
Spain and her American colonies, was founded on
the true principles of international law 1t declared
that if the European powers did not interfere in favor
of the mother country, the United States would not
interfere in favor of the colonies. But they would
not allow the holy alliance to extend its political sys-
TEN to the American continents. " 1t was impossi-
be," said President Monroe, " that the allied pow
ers should extend their political system 10 any por-
ton Of these continents without endangering the
peace and happiness of the United States. 1t was,
therefore, impossible that the latter should behold
such nterpositon in any form with indifference" a.
Soon after the peace of Basic in 1895, between the
French republic and Prussia, the celebrated German
philosopher, KANT, published his project of perpe-
tua peace, based a general confederation of
States, wherein the people participated by their re-
TAFT i'm IF thc lativ
including that of making war and peace. Z" Such a
people," says he, " could never declare war without
decreeng against themselves all the calamities and
all the burdens Of war; whilst under a constitution,
where the subjects not citizens, a declaration OF
may easily be determined, because il costs no.
thing 10 the sovereign, who is the proprietor and
a member of the State" Rants project was com
bated by Hegel, another German philosopher who
has since become still more celebrated. Mr.. w.
has enriched his work with translation of passage
from Hegel's Philosophy Of Jurisprudence, relating
to this subject. This writer contends that 4" war
ought not to be regarded absolute evil, but
merely as an unavoidable accident, the origin OF
which may be attributed TO the passions Of princes
and people, to acts Of injustice, SC, which will ine
vitality in the progress of human affairs =
War is state of things, in which the mora
health Of nations is preserved by action, as III,
electrical storms agate and purify the atmosphere
Perpetual peace, if it could be realized, would
produce a similar state of moral stagnation anon,
tie different nations of the earth History testife
that foriihes the manly virtues Of people, ant
strengthens the external power of State, by direct
ing their activity against foreign nations and thu
preventing domestic dissensions. Perpetual peace
were it desirable, can never be realized a
least by any Of the means which have been hitherto
proposed. Take that for instance, proposed b,
Kant, and which was designed by the Holy Alliance
perpetual league of sovereign States agreeing t.
settle their controversies by mutual arbitration Iii
evident that the observance Of such compact, no
being guaranteed by any superior power must depen
upon the separate wills of the sovereign members o