The North-Carolina standard., 1843-11-15

Ia charter for twenty years, with the preiudices re
! sulting from the last Presidential canvass, tn
: patronage of the governments, and other mean
| which accident might supply, to prepare the pub
lic, mind for the metamorphosis of the Whis
party into national republican party by 1914.
What IS thespositioh of parties nowa IF W,
test them by their personal preferences as to tn,
presidential candidates, they will present again. al
4 they did in 1910, confused mass of pariaities
and prejudices, resulting from former party con
flicts, the spectacle of men united and opposed>p
miscuously without reference to their convictions
as to the great principles which must give prac
tical effect to government of prolonged and angry
excitement without any adequate or distinct
object, of violent struggle which when it is over
will have decided nothing for the country. The
experience of Ahe last three years ought to teach
all men of all opinions that this is not desirable
The people have more interest in the measures of
government than in the men who now as their
agents are to excite them. All will aaaees that
something shall be settled by the next election
That the policy of the government should be fixed
in some direction Confidence can never be per-
maneptly restored untilthe great issues now avow-
ed before the country are determined. What are
they2 No one will pretend that the removal Of the
deposites, the protest the expunge now prac
tIcal party issues They never can be again un-
less another national bapk is chartered. l am
aware of no permanent measure of executive re-
form except the abolition of the veto, now propos
ed by the Whig party. Certainly none other
was proposed by that party in the last Congress-
unless the proposition to divorce the Executive
patronage from the political press while the lesis
ative patronage under their own control, was per-
mitted to remain, can be considered such. The
political issues, every candid mind will perceive
are now distinctly joined in reference to the re-
Venue and the currency they will be affected
by the legislation of Congress- There a1e other
questions, some Of them important too, connected
with both the Legislative and executive duties of
the Government but they cannot now be regarded
practically as party issues II is not my purpose
at present discuss any these questions of issues
My Object is simply to state positions of parties
heretofore and now in reference to what have been
and are practical issues. 1t would be as unrea-
sonable, however, for man, who Is opposed to a
National Bank or Protective Tariff, to vote for
Il candidate or party aVowing those measures as
leading objects because he disapproved of the re-
moval of the deposiles, the protest, expunge, &c,
as IT would be for Christian to turn Mahomedan
because he opposed the measures of the Pope
which led to theTeformation.
The bank question arises under very diff
ferent circumstances from those which existed
when it was formerly before the country. Our
experience has taught US much, which, If we are
wise will be remembered. While no one advo-
Gates the policy of government issuing permanent
ly its paper either to loan to individuals to
Receife it back as revenue, it is contended that
government, itself an agent, has the power and IS
bound to create corporation, to become partner
in this corporation, to permit individuals to issue
their paper in the shape of promises TO pay mo-
ney, that government shall receive this paper, that
these favored individuals shall be permitted also
to keep the revenue when collected, to lend it to
the people who paid it. and to lend the credit Of the
government besides their own. 1t is contended
moreover that government has authority and ought
to exercise it TO raise money by taxation for other
purposes than to pay its debts and defray its ex-
penSes. Professions of economy ia public expen-
diture and Of relief to be afforded to individuals by
law, have been too often made to be longer heed
ed Parties will be Judged, as they should be, by
the tendency the measures they advocate and the
people can thus determine which will cost them
least The distribution of the proceeds of the pub
lie lands, when there is no surplus in the treasu-
ry, is like assumption of the State debts, policy
which can only be favored by those who regard
taxation and public debt as blessings, and will
sort to these or similar measures merely as pre-
texts for using the taxing power for individual
local benefit. The best guaranty for economy
and fidelity is furnished by those who maintain
that the power Of raising money is limited by the
nature and objects of the federal government, and
that when raised, it shall be applied as public mo-
ney, only for the purposes specified in the consti
tuition Taxation and appropriation are certainly
the most important powers employed by govern
ment, and they ought to be most narrowly watch
ed by the people. The moneyed power las it
may be termed) or the power claimed for govern
men to control not only the contributions from the
citizen to the treasury, but also the proportions
and distribution of wealth among individuals and
classes, is the main spring of government 1t
tho t,noola ara{ form crov-
ernment to suit the caprice of those who manage
it. 1t should be remembered too that Executive
encroachments on the rights of the people can on
Iy result under our system from legislative en-
croachmenls and by regulating the objects, duties
and powers of government by the constitution, I'VE
adopt the simplest and surest method of preventing
executive abuses. Your friend &c,
THOMAS w. GILMER
KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE. !.
That while the late whig Congress lavish,
their thousands of dollars upon favorite press at