Richmond daily Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1842-1861, 1843-04-20
y "a, Ed,ts,.sI ne IgLls,
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easily be broken, have. this late moment, defcucd
my purpose. Ny strong Wing impulses, however. called
activity by the lash which Mr. Wise mereiessy sp
Piled 10 the psry Of which am humble, bn, devoted
member and by strong Of the injustice he then did,
aud still doing. that misunderstood and prosecuted party,
brook no longer delay.
OF his speech (which OF than four hours dura
,ion) were needles. should speak. IL Of the
best efforts Of the t stump in the Union bold,
hcmcn earnest entertaining. sng often eloquent; and
though marked by little logical continuity altogether
the finished address from the hastings my
fortune TO hear
Passing over other topics which have room pro-
coed notice. haine, his sayings OF Mr. Clay. Much
my qualification Mr. w did not vent upon this disiin
guished statesman the coase abuse had heard OF from
other quarters Personally. he said, Mr. Clay had wrongcd
him in tender point and therefore his personal feelings
and relations towards him had undergone radical change.
But he assail Mr. Clay, in manner far more
likely be effective than mere personal defamation 10y
forcing his political objections Mr. G. The lattct he said,
had been grossly ecreant pledges expressly made him
mr. Wise that before he consented TO yield his support
Mr. c. he had procured from the latter assurances that
practically. they MIR Wise and MIR. Clay would be
gehcr several enumerated cardinal points, viz: The
Bank the Tariff, Internal Improvements by the Federal
Government and the abolition Of slavery in the District OF
Columbia.
Mr. Clay pledged he said, refer the bank ques-
ton the abiirament of public opinon stand by the
Compromise Act nbiure Federal Internal Improvements;
and the abolition OF slavery in the District OF
Columbia. These the charges, clearly enough made
and zeaousy enough enforced but with all Difference Mr.
Wses great must say that the accusations were
far very far, from being made my satisfaction. Nor
could repres the uprising of conscious pride and gratca
that the great whom have so long admired,
and to whom iondly look for an administration of public
affairs worthy of this great Republic, should emerge from
the ordeal of Mr.. Wises animsdverons unscathed
and unhurt.
First as to the Bank IL struck rather singular that
Mr.. Wise himself Bank man. should be found STIMULATING
with Mr. Clay for opposition bank; for neither Mr. Clay
bank than Mr. WISE vindcsted 1t s,rcnuously sup
ported IL ardently And seemed not less
rous that, struggle for great object Mr. Clay
and Mr. Wise should have united in commi,tas par
tcnlar subject which, while they might have proptatcd
Virginia might have and most probably would have lost
the Wings dozen OF the other States However,
admitting that se parties correctly understood each other,
and are correctly rrported-has Mr.. Clay fasiod his
pledge7 By means lie willing To leave the
question OF bank TO the Judgment ct the people, ami
he has done. He had power OF proposing, be II
noted: he not the President, the financial
Minister OF the President. But when Mr. Tylers Secre-
tary Of the Treasury with the concurrence OF Mr. T. pro
posed fiscal bill OF the Extra Session, Mr. Clay gave
his supPor-but under wha, circumstances Not unr
the "Arbitrament of the popular wi had been audby
pronounced by the peoples immediate representative
After interchange and comparison Of opinions,
found that large majority OF the people favor OF
bank. majority of Representatives fresh from their
constituents and charged of course with their wishes gave
their for bank And that majority was by no means
equvoca. Thirty-one more than majority voted for the
bill; but the majority IN Its favour iortyseye 10
members voting for II who did doubt the
tonaliy expedency OF bank but who voted against
IN consequence OF the made in the 10Th fun
dSmen'al condition touching the branching power.
l. there any faer OF the will OF the people than the
representations OF their direct Representatives None In.
deed, there is other practicable mode OF arriving the
popular wish. The people meet in great body,
except the Presidential elections, and then single qucs
ZION governs their sufages-is complex thing. up
omany issues, any of which isnpOssibe TO dscrim
nate and separate from the There Is, then, tins
widely extended coniederlcy, possible medium for ar.
irving at the OF the people, particular subject
but through their immediate Representatives. Besides
would Mr.. Wise have left the currency question: or the
nf hank uauIun th. p.
dental electOnl
1t not then, until majority of a Of the represen
tatves of the peope-or in other words until maori.
~ OF 22325OO OF the voters OF the United States had
called for bank, that Mr. Clay yielded his support the
fiscal bill OF the Extra Session; Mr.. Tyes bill Shoose
call it. for many he has acknowledged and claimed its
paternity. Them Mr. Clay, how soemnly plcdg-
ed TO leave the bank question the decision OF the people
has fully, faithfully, puncullousy kept his undertaking.
And there peculiar and imperative considerations
moving the popular mind as well Mr. Cay's, in favour
OF bankl The subeasury scheme had been thrice re-
pudinted by the American pcopenOt much pre-.
sdena polls as through the voice OF those better
Of their will their immediate agents and organs-And nc.
cordngly, OF the first of the Congress was
the repeal OF the subtreasuy law Mr.. Wise himself voting
for the repeal The General DepOsite system had proved
the most miserable OF aborionS, and secuted by all
OF oil parties. The country, then, without any
fiscal agent and the money and military powers OF the Go
yernment united in u single hand. No exchequer
plans such have been since proposed could have been
carried through Cengress-they lately put rest for
ever by overwhelming of both the great political
parties in Congress, vote Of 1873 TO lS. What then,
could the popular voice have called for but that plan for
collecting and discussing the public which alone
had proved successful in all history National Bank
1t did occur to that had Mr. Wise presented these Oh.
vlous views To the people IN the striking SO Gu
pabe Of his first charge against Mr. Clay would been
bereit OF all it, force.
Secondly, when, wherein how has Mr. Clay deparred
from the Compromise Actl BY the Tariff Law of lsi2
which 1t is aedged by Mr.. Wise, Is so wolave of the
Compromise Act Mr.. Clay was not in the Senate Al
the time OF ITS passage having five months previous retired
10 private life BY then, given about the new Tariff
can lac be Judged IN the premises We resort there
OTe TO his last public ay5wa the subject and that VIA
the LIST Of March, 1912 Just before he left the Senate
when discussing the admirable Of resolutions propo
sed by himself and which, Heaven grant, may ere long be
adopted A. the basis Of the future Administration oi the
Government
One Of those resolutions was in order to raise such
arevenue as might be required for economical Admin
satiJn' the principles O the Compromise Act generally
should be adhered 10, and that especially maximum rate
Of dd ualorem duties should be cstab shed from which
there ought To be as iittie departure possible"
This was the general principle expressly laid down md
enforced by Mr. Clay IN March, $40 that which should
govern IN all future modification OF the Tariff.
Ga the same occasion true, he commended that neither
10y 'he words nor spt OF the Compromise Act duties
- he kept down always and under all circumstances 4,
~ per cent And will Mr. Wise gainsay this conclusion
did not understand him in his speech here nor indeed
can he venture such opinion. For no rational man will
say that If 20 per Tariff should not raise income
enough TO carry on the Government the iron rule of 20 DER
cent should be adhered 10 Suppose war shond come
would Mr. Wise say, "keep down the duties 10 20 per
nevertheless ?" Or suppose from noxpccicd drain
upon the Treasury there should be deficiency the re-
venue OF 10 millions O dollars Should the duties still not
exceed 20 per cent and direct taxation be- esOrted to osp
ply the deficiency Such ore the nosurducs To which We
are led the moment we embrace the notion that the Com
promise Act fixes an Interchangeable Of 20 per cent
What. then, - the true meaning Of the COMPROMISE
Aci The third section explains: That until the 31th Of
June, 1877, duties should continue then laid but after
that period they should be laid for rsrsHue and such Js,
nue. as should bo required for economical Adminru
ton Of the Government IL is nowhere said nor can il be
nationally inferred from any thing that said that duties
FInUu nov rise hpvy Il l.
less that 20 per cent iupost would be- ample but lest
should be inadequate TO the objects Of revenue 1t was wise
yWoVided by the hifd soctOn-to OHVTafiOHai provision
that could have been mnde-ihat "sueh duties after tine
dh Of June, 49, shall be laid for The purpose Of rasne
such repeHHe as may be necessary economical Id
miHt"Tdfon Of the GOrerHmeHt" Any other principle I
repeat would doom the Government no matter what it,
wants OF oMgcncies to one unynying and yrant rule oi
raising supplies without any regard 10 crcunisancc--a
Worsiu'n TOO inonstous To be tolerated for a moment
ne only questions, therefore, are whether since June
u"u's nave been raised fOr rcreHue and II 70 raised