The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1843-11-06

in this case Are his own skirts clear of any
faint Of political prohigacy? Has he never
known what popular obloquy was, that he seeks
so recklessly to visit il upon another?
Let us take'a rapid glance al his career from
he beginning. He was first known as an ear
nes and efficient advocate Of the lace war. He
has since declared tina. he would have accepted
| Major Generals commission, rendered TO him
| by President Madison, but was deferred BY the
feebleuess Of his ply zeal constitution. He
probably forgot that character OF some note in
ancient days--yceped julius C4sar-took 10
military life as a cure for feeble constitutions.
| But every man has right 10 choose his pro-
| Iession. The quasi-boast was drawn from him
at time when he saw, with Jealousy, the great
er respect which the mass Of the People were
disposed TO pay to the man who ri,ked his life
for his country in battle, than TO one who had
merely risked his reputation in party warfare
and political inlrigues.
He commenced public life as a Democrats
Jefersonian and strict constructionist of the
Constitution. His speech on the Bank OF The
United States, now SO often alluded to- is not
merely speech sgainst the Bank; but in favor
Of strics and rigid consttuctioS 81 lie Consii-
tuition in all cases. His friends and biographefs
say, that this speech is the only evidence Of po-
tical Inconsistency on record against him but it
is certainly most comprehe nsive one. Like the
French lady's single sin, it has lasted and en-
braced whole life time. He made but sin
| gle leap from ultra democracy TO ultra federal
ism: from splitting hairs about the Constitu-
ton, he took suddenly and vigorously TO laying
the brOad-axe to its roots.
His celebrated coalition with Mr.. Adams
brought him out prominently before the People,
and made his name historical He labors under
the charge, Of which one generation of the Peo-
pie pronounced him guilty almost by acclama-
ton, Of being the first man TO introduce corrup-
ton into the General Government, and TO de-
bauch the purity of our institutions. The
grounds of the charge are briefly these:
He had accused Mr.. Adams of an anti-Ame-
rican spirit at Client; he upbraided him with
another proof of it in the Florida negotiation
YET he decided that he was the fttest man,
among several eminent citizens, 10 preside at
the head of the Government, and gave him his
vote and influence. He received, in conse-
quence, the Office of Secretary of State. He
unwittingly declared, as Of his reasons for
prefering Mr.. Adams, that he considered the
office of Secretary of State in the line of safe
precedents" for the Presidency, thus exposing
motive which he nigh have had for placing
himself in that line. He is known to have. used
these words, in reference to Mr.. Adams and him
self, give us patronage and we will make our
selves popular"
This is summary statement of the evidence
upon which the American People chose TO rem
der a verdict Of condemnation against Mr.
Clay.
Mr.. Clay conte nds that the charge of bargain,
intrigue, and management was not proved. The
proofs were indeed, only circnmslanlial; but the
nature Of the alleged offence scarcely admitted
of any other. When men make corrupt bar
gains, they do not have the agreement drawn
up and engrossed on parchment by conveyan-
Ger, signed, sealed, and delivered in the pre-
sence Of witnesses, acknowledged before no
tary or justice of the peace, and recorded in the
clerks office of the county court. In such trans
actions among wise men a word, wink, or
nod speaks volumes; aud in Judging of such
transactions, the great tribunal of public opinion
does not confuse and perplex itself with wire
drawn arguments, touching flaws in the indict-
ment, technical bubbles, and trivial informali-
ties in testimony if it did, no man of ordinary
shrewdness would ever be convicted Of political
corruption.
But is Mr.. Clay's present conduct such as TO
give this charge the lie2 We find him now
openly and publicly, in his own name and per
son. melting his partisans by promise of the
division of the spos, and attempting 10 justify
it by the wholly Inadmissible plea of retaliation
Heis the first Presidential candidate who ever
stopped so low, or was reckless of public OPT.
Mon, as to appeal openly to corrupt and sordd mo-
tives, whatever his secret intentions or givinrs-
out might be-
We ind him also, at the present moment, ex- |
posing himself TO derison, by palpabe equivo.
cation as TO the most cherished project of his |
| public lfe-that upon which his fame, as a
statesman, must chiefly rest-his American sys |
TEN.
Let us now take another view of Mr.. Claws
character. Ii is with reluctance that we do
this; but the nature Of his attack on Mr. Tyler
amply JustI6es it-even demands it, We have
right to inquire what kind Of man he is who
holds up Mr. Tyler TO the youth of the country
as an example of all that is impure and dishono-
rable.
| More than sixteen years ago, popular opin-
ion, which seldom fails ns,inctively TO seize up-
on the most striking characteristic of public
map, fixed upon Mr.. Clay the nickname of the
l cd
one Of the most prohigate, as well as ablest of
the renowned men of ancient times. His be-
setting sin of gambling was confessed by him
self on the floor of Congress, in order to take an
/ opportunity of declaring that he had rennnncnd