Richmond daily Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1842-1861, 1843-08-16
RICHMOND DAILY WING.
WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 10, lsas.
RECIPROCITY ABROAD.

hN' N'ohsi is Pt""
RECIPROCITY ABROAD.
The remarkable position taken By Mr.. Webster in his
Baltimore Speech, and which excited for the moment, so
much attention in this Country, among those whose interest
it is TO catch at a fallacy rs something that can be made TO
act on the public mind, but to give the go-by TO truth as n
thing utterly unavailable, has, in like manner, cap,ivated the
theory-spinners OF Great Britain. Among the newspaper
articles, which II has produced, we select the following from
one of the ablesi Of the Opposition papers, as affording the
best example Of their comments:
LONDON. JUNE, IL, 1913.
We have frequently had occasion TO urge the peculiar
Importance ot endeavouring, ut the presnt time, To improve
our commercial relations with the United States. There is
no country in the world with which it would be- better for
England 10 have a treer and more extended trade, and there
Is no country, perhaps, with which an arrangement for that
pnrppse would now have so good n chance OF being effected.
Tie high protective tariff adopted by the United States last
year passed the Legislature by the nnrrowest majorities,
aud from the moment of its adoption it was felt by Nil par
ties 10 be of a purely provisional character. A revision of
IT next year is looked forward To with as much certainty as
the meeting of Congress. How far England is 10 derive
benefit from that revision must depend upon herself. Mean.
while the last packet has brought n striking and unexpect-
ed proof OF the disposition Of America 10 enter into more
liberal commercial arrangements with this country. We
ailude TO the speech OF MIR. Webster at Baltimore, which,
though containing much with which we can by no means
agree; but it displays eminent ability, and it exhibits, though
IN a guarded and cautions manner, the reasonablcncss OF 4
liberal commercial legislation so clearly, that it cannot fail
TO do much good on both sides Vt the Atlantic. We may
ado, that Mr.. Webster has been hitherto considered an ad.
vocUte of high protective duties, BY which his own state is
supposed to be a gamer; aud The fact that such a man should
not only embrace more liberal views, but enter into the ex.
position OF them before a mixed asscmblage, is n significant
indication OF the state OF opinion in Amerca. Mr.. Web
stei, alter dwelling on the manner in which the interests of
trade and agriculture are 50 combined Us to be
dependent on each other, proceeded TO say that,
with regard TO the direct intercourse between the u. States
and England, many wishes had been expressed, and the
opinion had been strongly entertained, in favour of an at.
tempt 10 settle the duties by treaty or arrangement" He
thought there would be no constitutional difficulty on the
part ot America IN the way of such an arrangement, and
there were many reasons why such n thing should be at
tempted. Mr.. Webster says That the benefit which England
can confer must be paid for by an equivulen, from the [. ;.
IN the shape of n modification of the existing tariff. By
modification, MIR. Webster, of course, means a reduction Of
the duties; and he anticipates the objection sure 10 be raised
Ivy ms friends in New England, that such a reduction would
interfere with the existing protection. lie handles this delicate
topic with much nicely; but leaves no doubt as 10 his opinion.
inc one thing OF which he declares himself quite sure is,
that by making the tariff 'stsbie and firm will be rendered
"healthiul and Iudicious." A commercial system, which.
by enlisting the opinion of all classes in its favour, would
give security to Amercanindustry he considers of far greater
importance than the degree TO which protection may be
extended. The American Tariff is like the English Corn.
law. 1t gives ahigh protection, at the expense of the pub
lie, 10 certain classes who Glamour against alteration. But
alteration is seen by every clear-sighted man to be inovita.
BILE. The American manufacturers, like the English far
mcrs, cannotrely on the continuance of the unnatural system
which IL said TO protect them. They know not what next
year may bring forth, and therefore they cannot shake off
the miserable feeling OF insecurity. No honest friend, with
capacity enough 10 read the signs OF the times, could give
them any other advice than that which is contained in the
torciblC language Of Mr.. Webster:
depend upon II, gentlemen, il is change, and a%pprehen-
sion of change, that unneye every working mans arm in
this section of country. (Applnuse) Changes felt, s chan
ges feared, are the bane Of our industry and our enterprise.
lAPp!anse) live IN quarter of the county full of indus
try, with some capital, aud great activity; and when | go a.
inong my neighbours, they ask, For Gods sake tell us
what 10 expect! Lay down your law-prcscnbe your rule
let us see what will be the course OF the Government, and
we VIII apply our capital and our skill 10 the state of things,
be 1t what II will. Cool as, lCaTln us, freeze us, seorch us
do rhdt 20" please; bullet MS kaoD nGdt you iniendt 10
do, and Stiek to H'" daughter aud applluse)
In hearing these words, which come to us across the At
Iannc, do We notseem, also, 10 hear the earnest entreates
OF the agricuimristJ Of England to be freed from the torturing
anXletIes which the wretched policy OF Sir Robert Peels
Government compels them L. suher2 The great truth, so
admirably expressed by Mr.. Webster, must work its way in
spite OF all obstacles. When we see n pro,ectionist, like
Mir. Webster, prOclaiming that security is TO be found IN a
reduced tariii and a liberal commercial treaty, we cannot
think IT possible for n ireetrader like Sir K. Peel To cOnun.
ne his professions OF attachment To n sliding scale.-(CHRoN.
IcLE)
Now this is the language Of the Free Tradists in Eng
land, nheH nut Of pot0er. 1t ia the talk Of those who talk
fine, because they have not the power TO act. But what has
tins same party ever done, when it came 10 have the oppor
tunny OF doing Has it carried its theories into action
Has II set up It's own dear philosophy Of the closet in tho
Cabinet lthas not dared. There are things very excel
lent for saying, very Ill to do. They answer admirably to
make huir-bmined adherents with, among those who have
yet seen nothing Of practice, or that. still more desperate sort,
who will never be fit for it. In short, there are two kind Of
things in the world-one that is fit to discourse about, anoth-
er (perhaps hardly so precious as mere TALK that is only fit
To do, and which men, when they come to the realities Of
practice are almost certain alone to remember, if they are
aiaii nj 10 deal with the aSual-with things as they are,
and not as they should, but will never be.
The Chronicle, in common with isHelow.s peculatsts on
both sides the Atlantic, is good enough to speak of "ihe
high protective Tariff adopted by the United Stuteslast year"
We should like to know-since we are dealing with philoso.
phers, whose habits Of exact investigation forbid, of cour,e.
all vagneness In the terms which they employ-whnt ga high
protective Tanf" or ga high Tariff in general" is 1t
strike uS they have committed a sOlecism strange for such
logic-choppers, and are reasoning about a thing, which is ex.
ceedingy indefinite, and which they have omitted to define.
"a high Tariff" must be absolutely high, or else reIatipely
and comparatively high. Now, such j. the nature Of the
thing iiselt-so huctun ting-so contingent, so various IN
different countries, in different ages, so unlike in even the
same country under different circumstances, and in short so
incapable OF any general standard, that to speak Of a Tariff
as high or low, except by some standard Of practice, not Of
nbsfact rule, Is ridiculous. Some articles will bear an im.
post g. ten or twelve fold their mere cost Of importauOn-as
iobaccO IN England; others will not bear duty Of one tcnth
-as the precious metals. According 10 the commodities.
which O nation derives from abroad, and the varying rate Of
duty laid upon each, will be its impostf. And these are 50
vanously made up, that what might be called a high rate of
duty, ~ to certain things, will be n very low one as to others.
BUTT there be any thing which may absolutely be called a
high Tariff, il u, we suppose, that Of Great Britain on the
productions Of yirginia-her tobacco and Hour the former
Of which pays above 1000 per cent, and the latter about n
100, oItho' un article Of absolute necessity. Still, however.
os the political economy folks Of England rcproach ms with
ga high Tonh' NJ those Of the same school here echo tho
cry, one b. compelled to suppose that they do not, according
To the STANDARD Of pure reason, look on 1000 per cent as "a
high Tariff"
They must, surely, then, take tho more reasonable form Of
dehnuon-th0' this shall be as they please. But they must.
we think, give up tho absolute aud abstract high, and agree
to say that they meant our Tariff was Teigtiueiy high.
Still Ithoro must be further definition: n Tariff may be