The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1843-11-30
MORE ARGUMENT ON THE TEXAS
QUESTION

MORE ARGUMENT ON THE TEXAS
QUESTION.
1t appears that the New York American has
engaged the services Of special correspondent
at the seat Of Government, 10 keep il supplied
with information and arguments on the subject
of the annexation of Texas. In his preliminary
letter, dated in this city on the Gath instant the
writer gives warning that the Texas question
Is likely 10 prove something more than "a mere
6rebrand, tossed by the President without par
,y;'' and, after promising to continue his cor
respondence on The subject, he concludes by
saying, Whether you will feel as free to pub
lish as shall to write, the truth on this matter,
remains to be SEEM" To which the editor gal
lantly responds, sour correspondent may be
assured we shall shrink from no trulh-so lei
him write"
1t was very natural idea in the correspond
ent, that the editor would be likely to shrink
from the truth, and very considerate in him I'd
give some previous waning of the approach OF
so unaccustOmed visiter. But as both editor
and correspondent evidently entertain opinions
and feelings precisely similar on the Texas
question, we are curious to see what fearful dis
closures are to be made which the editor might
have shrunk from publishing. We shall proba-
bly, hear before long the astounding details of
Northern conspiracy in favor of the annexation
of Texas for, no doubt, these modest and I'M
assuming gentlemen are prepared to brand as
traitor, conspiraor, or dough-face" at the least,
every Northern man who presumes to differ with
them on the question, and to obey the dictates
of patriotism, rather than of sectional prejudice
or abolitionism.
In the mean time we return thanks to this
Washington correspondent, for condescending
TO reason on the proposed question of annexa-
ton, and will endeavor TO do justice TO his argu-
ments. He says:
The ground upon which it is hoped to carry pop-
uiar sentiment is that Great Britain has made such
demonsra tons In favor of the abolition of slavery in
Texas, as will, If successful give her complete as
tendency IN the councils of that State and render il
virtually tributary to British commerce and ag-
grandlzement. Ihen again, it is to be urged that
danger will arise to the institutions of the South by
the proximity to us of State, and that too, a
cotton growing State, in climate milder than
mat Oh our own southern country-where a CO.
iored SKIN and freedom shall no longer be ncompati-
large, are to be called up defend slavery although
the right is denied to them by the same parties 10
take any steps towards abolishng it,
FOR one do not hesitate to say that the annexa-
ton OF Texas to this Union would be a measure So
utterly hostile to the spirit of that Union-so contra
ry to the understanding with which it was originally
formed and SO subversve Of the principles il was de-
signed to cherish and promotethat would in fact
amount to dissolution Of the Union
Ihe thirteen colonies were inhabited by men whom
SuterOgS he
mon perils and glories during the Revolution. had
KNIT, as IT were, into one homogeneous mass and
when, at the close of successful war, they had
10 deliberate about form OF government that should
be congenal to ALL and supreme over all, they did SO
as brethren of the family as members one of
another, and the result present glorious Con-
sutution, made not to extend and perpetuate slavery
out Tor the advancement Of liberty From the ne
cesslty OF the case, indeed and in the spirit of COM
promise that belonged to the occasion and to The holy
ties that bound all together the institution Of slavery
as then exrsling was then recognised but only Incl
oentaily and so TO speak, northumberland ALWAYS
as an institution transient, and OF which the end was
looked Tor Tins is undoubtedly the true view of the
clauses IN the Constitution that have reference In
Very-as might If needful, be abundanuy provedn
The first argument of this writer is that the
whole nation, the United States at large, are to
be called upon 10 defend slavery, although the
night is denied to them by the same parties to
take any steps towards abolishng it," This
inSht have been very good argument before
the Union was formed, although the maiory.
including Washington and Franklin, did not
think so at that time. But Washington CORES
ponoehts are now wiser in their generation
than ever Washington and Franklin were. New
ertheless, the Southern people must insist On
their rights, under the constitutional compac,
TO which the whole nation assented Tba,
compact gives the General Government no now
er 10 abolish slavery yet it req6ires that the
~hoie country, and all lis institutions, slavery
included, should be defended against foreign ag
gtession, by the united force and wisdom of the
country. The Southern people have as much
right TO demand that their institution Of slaverv
shall be defended, as the people of New Eng-
land, or New York, have to demand that their
shipping interest shall be defended.
The writer repeats the assertion made in tho
ADDRESS 10 The People of the Free States,
signed by Mr.. Adams and others. that The an.
nexation of Texas would be a measure &c u,,orlr
hostile to the spirit Of the Union,n and 4" con
'rary to the understanding with which il v,s
originally formed" 1t would not be more 90
in any point of view, than the annexation IF
Louisiana or Florida. The question of consti.
iutionalty, as 10 annexing territory, is closed
The new argument of Mr.. Adams is that tbo
Constitution was intended TO "securc the bless
ings of liberty !" bu he forgets TO add the words
to ourselves and our posterity :" that is. The
posterlty OF 1--WE, the People," who ordaine.1
and established the Constitution. Certainly r.
slave population were not parties to tbc CON-;
tutlonal compact, and formed no portion Of =. ~.
the People OF the United Ststes,n who ord, 49,,
and established it,
The Constitution was not intended TO sec,,r.
the blessings of liberty to any other people than
those who were parties TO the compact. and