The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1843-11-16
GREAT BRITAIN AND TEXAS.


GREAT BRITAIN AND TEXAS.
1t is urged, by those who are anxious to Cd
culpate the British Government from the impu-
tation Of selfish or sinister designs, in its perse
vering and systematic agitation Of the subject
Of negro slavery, that it is philanthropic move
ment, forced on the Government by public OPT
MON a. home. This may appear credible 10
those who are unacquainted with the constieu-
ton Of that Government; but to those whaa
are aware Of its strength, and the ease and ina
punity with which i 1ay disregard or ,hwar,
any maniissAaeian a popular sPiaiaa adverse to
its designs 6sias settled policy, the idea is pre-
posterOus. The abeurdity Of it will be obvious
to those who reject how little influence the
feelings and opinions Of the People Of Great Bri-
tain on the subject of their restrictive system
a matter Of immediate and vital importance to
the popuation-has had upon the policy Of their
Government.
That there is a strong, and even morbid feel
ing in Great Britain on the subject of negro
slavery, is undeniabe. 1t originated in the afro
cious extent to which British subjects, under
the active encouragement of their Government,
pushed the traffic in slaves Both in the theory
and practice Of slave-trading, Great Britain at
one time outstripped all other nations. No
where has the traffic in slaves been so ably and
eloquently defended, on the ground both of ex-
pediency and morality, as in the Parlia-
ment of Great Britain, by some Of the
most renowned statesmen which that coun-
try has produced. The traders were at one
time absolute pets and favortes of the Gov
eminent. Our country is indebted to them for
the curse-if curse it is to prove-of negro sla-
very. The traffic was most profitable source
of national and individual wealth and it has
been said of one Of the largest commercial
cities Of Great Britain, or Of the world-Liv.
erpool-that "there was not stone in all its
walls but what was cemented by the blood of
Africans"
So long as the trade continued lucrative, or
conceded with the policy of the Government,
no difficulty was found in resisting the force Of
opinion among the mass of the People, and
among the pious and philanlhropic, though at
one time quite as much excitement prevailed on
the subject as has ever been displayed since
But now that the policy of the Government has
Sbanged, it willingly accepts of an auxiliary,
and uses as an apology, that manifestation of
public opinion which it formerly resisted with
ease, and despised.
1t is, indeed, matter of little importance to
Gus what the motive or impnlsA of the British
Government may be, so long as it is fact, that
on this question of slavery, it has placed itself
in hostile attitude towards US. We have a
right TO consult our own safety, and leave that
Government TO adjust the matter with its phi
lanthropists and fanatics as it best can But
the policy which it has pursued, has been mark
ed with a far greater degree of zeal and perseve-
rance, as well as of craft, than would have been
the case, had it been adopted merely TO appease
the cravings of morbid philanthropy among a
portion Of lis subjects. We shall now allude
merely to one instance in proof of this.
In the year 1899, distinguish he'd member Of
the British House of Commons, conspicuous
tor his zeal on the subject of negro slavery,
gave notice in Parliament Of his intention 10
move to obtain Gan asylum, or free State, on
the North frontier Of Merico, for free persons
of color" Where he considered the North
frontier of Mexico to be, at that time, and why
it was selected, does not appear but certainly,
whether the rights of Texas, which had declar-
ed itself independent were TO be respected or
not, location for such colony could not have
been chosen more unfav orable to our interests,
or more favorable to hostile designs which the
British Government might secretly cherish
against US. This is the first indication " hch
appears Of the views of the British Government
on Texas.
The design was no doubt abandoned in con-
sequence of the determination of the British
Government to recognise the independence of
Texas; determination which filed every one
with surprise, for there was every apparent rea-
son to believe that Great Britain, under all the
circumstances, would have been one of the last
of nations TO acknowledge its independence
Ii was a slave-holding State, and there
fore the popular feeling in Great Britain, which
has been represented as so powerful, would be
strongly adverse to it. ssThe commerce of Tex
a. could be no object for many years TO come ;:
and the country was looked upon our natural
alIy. likely TO become identified in every way
with the United States, and part and parcel of
the Southern and obnoxious division of them.
But the policy of the British Government does
not lie so near the surface. 1t was well aware
that Texas, as province of Mexico, could not
subserve its purposes. II was well aware that
our Governmen Mt, in conformity with its we'll
known public declaration, would regard as
belliperent act, any attempt on the part of
European Government TO acquire new colony
ON our Continent and in our vicinity, whether
for the phian,hropic purpose of establishing an
ASYLUM for free persons of color, or for any other
purpose. Texas, therefore, as part OF Mexico,
could not peaceably come into the possession, or
under the controlling influence, of Great Bri
min. hut detached from Mexico, and recognised