The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1843-02-07
MIR. BUCHANAN AND THE TREATY OF
WASHINGTON.

Britain, though delivered III secret Session vi "e
Senate. was intended, he says, as an appeal 10
the People aud some think II calculated, like
Mr.. Benton's, TO address itself TO thrir worst
passion. and iercest prejudices. Aud MIR. Bu
chanan, unlike Mr.. Benton, is so well known
for the amisble and pacific tone OF his sen,i-
mcn,s, that the public, unless enlightened on
the point, might suppose him impelled by
more than ordinary motive to throw aside his
pastoral pipe, and startle US with blast on the
war-dsnouncng trumpet. The Treaty, he
thinks, is dishonoTable TO the whole country"
and he would have voted against it if war had
been the inevitable result. Such "nalional
dishonor,"i in his opinion, is a calamity worse
even than war itselfp
We have never thought il necessary TO enter
into an elaborate defence Of the Treaty-and it
is now better able than ever TO defend ITSELF
The People of the United States are not likely
~ be argued into the belief that Treaty which,
10 use Mr.. Buchanan's own words, "spread joy
and gladness throughout the land"-whch, at.
Ter q jealous scrutiny BY two con,ending par
ties, neither of them supporting the Admins
rra,ion, was ratified by iour.ffths Of the Senate
and which intelligent foreign presses, both in
Great Britain and on the continent of Europe,
look upon as signal triumph of American d.
plomacy--the People are not likely to be per-
suaded that such Treaty is a calamity worse
than war ITSELF And, if there were none iof
these testimonials in its favor, We doubt whe
Their the People would be very ready TO believe
that the honor Of the country was otherwise
than safe under the guardianship Of a Virginia
President-,he successor Of Washington, a
Jefferson, Madison and Monroe.
The Treaty, therefore, may safely be left to
take care of ITSELF But we think that the spirit
manifested 10 these warlike speeches ought not
TO be suffered TO pass without comment. The
endeavor to excite unnecessarily among the
People feeling which, even if it were necessa-
Ty, all wise and good men would regret--the
attempt, for mere party and personal purposes,
to revive feelings of hatred and hostility TO a
foreign nation, without caring to What consc-
quences those feelings might lead or what dis
uesses they might bring upon our own country
lis an excess Of party spirit which must be
demned not only by every Christian, but by ev-
cry true patriot. We consider it our duty.
therefore, not TO withhold any means in our pos
session Of enabling the People 10 judge whether
those who now pretend to be such jealous guar
dams Of the nations honor, have always been
distinguished for their sensitive patriotism
Mr. Buchanan, in the course of his speech,
takes occasion to be particularly eloquent on the
subjec, Of impressment-knowing it TO be a
matter in which large class of our population,
the adopted citizens Of our country, have here
tofore felt an exciting interest: and his patriot
ism bursts forth in the following warlke strain
"We declared war against Great Britain thirty
Year, ago, TO protect American seamen from i'm
pr. ssmen, and She and all the world ought to
know that we shall declare again should the
practice ever be resumed II the starr and the
stripes which Aost over American vessel upon the
cannot protect all those who sail beneath them
from imprcssment, no matter TO what land they may
owe their birth, then no longer an ndepen-
dent nation. Whenever any British officer shall dare
10 violate the flag Of our country the ocean, and
shall seize and carry away any from the deck
Of IN American vessel, no matter what may be the
pretencc, (unless instant reparaton should be made
by his Government for the outrage) our only alter
native will then be war national dishonor. We
are deeply, solemnly pledged before the world, to
avsnge such wrorg without moments unneces-
sary delay Such an act would, in effect be decla-
ration Of war against and Great Britain knows
Il we'll. She claims the right Of impressmcnt, as
belligerent right only, and when we shall go to
with France, or any other nation she then count
ths cost to herself which may suit from this prac
tice She may refrain, from the conviction that il
would convert from being utral, into her most
deadly enemy. No, sir; no. This is no. ques ion
for hoydsy negotiation, but for war, inevitable war,
should the occasion unfortunately arise But
Great Britain will have 4 care low she provokes
such . con0ct, in violation Of every principle OF
uonal law, although she may re use formally TO
the practice. War must be the necessary
result Of impressment, or our national character
must become q subject Of and contempt for all
mankind"
Now this question Of impressment, at the
present day, is a matter Of very little practical
importance to the People Of this country
Thirty years ago, as MIR. Buchanan says, we
declared war against Gr,at Britain on account
Of her impressment Of American sesmen and
other violations Of our national rights. We not
only declared war, but carried it TO a successful
and triumphant close. IL is not at all likely,
therefore having once given such strong evidence
of our feelings on the subject, that now, when
the population and resources of the country are
doubled, Great Britain or any other country
would put us to the trouble of giving fresh
proof of our sentiments. The question Of inn
pressment was practically settled by the war of
1912, and much more satisfactorily settled than
it ever could be on paper. All ou,pourngs Of
patriotism on this subject now are somewhat
ont Of date.
But when this question was really one Of
great pra ctical importance; when the country
needed all the vslor and patriotism that il could
muster; when our adopted citizens were in
want OF friends To maintain their rights, and
descsnt eloquently on their wrongs and suffer