The Middlebury people's press. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1841-1843, 1843-05-31

would be abolished flor no new importation;
can be made under our laws). Where Their
will be our guaranty Agaih ifthe slave;
should stubbornIy refuse TO labor or 10 obey
their masters, they would thereby work the
abolition of slavery. But would such ac
obligate the Federal Government TO furnish
obedient servants? or should they commit
suicide, and thereby abolish the institution
would the United States become liable as
guarantors Or. were they to pursue q
course of secret destruction Of their masters
property, and thus compel their owners 10
emancipate them, could the Shareholders de-
mand indemnity of the Federal Govern
ment? Or, should the slaves pursue any
other course which would inevitably. destroy
that institution, would the Federal Govern.
ment be held responsible? | apprehend
but one answer can be given TO these inter-
rogatories. But some politicians give a
more loose and indefinite construction TO
this section. They hold that, as Congress
is bound 10 lend its protection when called
OH TO suppress domestic violence, it is their
duty, in time of peace. TO provide arms.
! troops,and Notifications for that purpose, and
10 have them so distributed as TO intimidale
! the slaves TO obedience. Ii This conslruc-
ton be correct, ii is certainly one that was
not foreseen or intended by the trainers of
the Constitution. lift be correct, the free
men of the north NAV be taxed to erect n
fortification on every plantation south of
"Mason and Dixon's line,' and 10 furnish a
body guard TO every STAKEHOLDER and over.
seer in the United States. Indeed, such
construction would render it the duty of our
freemen of the north 10 go to the slave
States, and act as life-guards TO slavehold>
ers. BIZ: there is, in this section, no au-
thority for the Federal Government to act
on the subject until actual violence takes
place. The President cannot order Out
the troops Of the United States 10 suppress
an Instruction, even when actual violence
has occurred, unless his aid be invoked Dy
the State authority. Every reader will see
that two things are necessary to arthoriZe
the President TO interfere
LIST. There must be actual violence.
I'd. There must be q demand of aid
from the Federal Government by the State
authorities.
Without these the President has no pow
er TO act. If violence arise. it is the privil-
ege Of the State government to suppress it,
and TO enforce their own laws. ifthey please.
In such case the President has no power
TO order the troops O: the United States into
the field. lfthe Shareholders anticipate vio-
ence from their slaves, they are at full lib
esty TO remove all danger by emancipatiug
them. But the President has no power 10
send our troops TO the slave States to guard
the masters and overseers, while they whip,
and scourge, and torture their slaves, 10
compel them TO labor for the support, ard
to promote The luxury oftheir owners. Yet
such is. substantially, the doctrine avowed
and inculcaied by some northern politicians,
as well as southern SHAREHOLDERS and the
question comes home TO our editors and pub
lie men, whether such views shall be pressed
upon the public mind, without examination
and contradiction?
have now examined the only clause in
our Constitution relied upon by those who
urge that slavery exists in the southern
States under the guaranty Of our Federal
compact. The doctrine has no foundation
except in the serviIe disposition of those
who appear anxious to involve the people
Of the free States IN the guilt and dishonor
of an institution. with which we are consli
tutionally unconnectei.
Mr.. Webster, probably, without deliber-
alton or close examination of the subject,
wrote his letter of directions TO Mr.. Ever.
ell, under the dictation Of a slavehoding
President, giving to that minister orders 10
exert our national influence, to obtain in
demnity for the slave dealers who claimed
the cargo of the Creole. In this manner
he involved the people Of the free States in
the disgrace of that accused traffic in hu-
man feSh. Having done this, it became
necessary that he should sustain the doc
trine in his correspondence with Lord As
burton. In his letter addressed to tina,
funciionary upon the subject of the Creole
he substantially declares the people of the
free States TO be the guarantorS of slavery,
and the supporters Of The slave trade, which,
they execrate and detest. This saying of
Mr.. Webster will be quoted by thousands of
northern doughlaces, TO establish this un-
founded doctrine. 1t is believed that every
such effort, to commit US 10 the support of
slavery, should be promptly met, and expos
ed by our public press. They are attempts
to surrender up our constitutional rights,
and should be discarded by every friend of
liberty, and by every lover of his country.
On this point, it would seem that no differ
ence of sentiment could exist among our
people, whether they belong TO tie Wing.
the Democratic, or Liberty party. All are
DESTROYS that our press and public men
should speak forth, in plain and respectful
language, our constitutional rights. They
neither wish nor desire that language, often.
sive to southern men, be employed. On
the contrary. they would have them treated
with respect and kindness. 1t is proper
that the public mind should be fully inform.
ed in regard 10 our rights. And that these
rights should be respectfully and firmly
maintained. Is there Wing who would
not do thisl Is there an editor or elecor
in the Wing ranks, who fells too delicate to
assert our rights,or too patriotic 10 maintain
item. | make these remarks in conse-
ouence of the feeling so often expressed,