The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1843-01-04

reference TO the subject and the circumstances unde
which the negotiations that resulted IN this treat
! commenced.
Congress at an early day-as soon, in fact, as
could legislate on the subject under the Constitu
ton-passed laws enacting severe penalties agains
| the African slave trade That was followed By tht
treaty Of Client, which declared TO be irreeoncila
bic with the principles Of humanity aud justice, anc
Stipulated that both OF the paresthe United State:
and Great Britain-should use their best endeayors
to effect this abolition Shortly after, act of Con
gress was passed declaring II TO be piracy and re-
solution was adopted by Congress- requesting the
PRESIDENT To enter into arrangements with other pow
ers Tor It's suppression. Great Britain actuated by
Tie same feelings succeeded in making treaties with
The European maritime powers for It's suppression
and, not long before the commencement OF this ne
collation. had entered into joint stipuaions with the
i've great powers TO back her on the question Of
arch. She had thus acquired general supervision
Of the trade along the African coast that vessels
carrying the flag OF every other country except ours
subject on that coast TO the inspection of her
cruisers, and TO be captured, If suspected OF being
engaged IN the savc-irade In consequence, ours be-
came almost the only flag used by those engaged in
The trade, whether our people or foreigners al
though our laws inhibited the traffic under the
'erest penalties. In tins state Of things, Great Brit
ain put forward the claim of the right Of search as
indispensable TO suppress trade prohibited by the
laws OF the civilized world and 10 the execution Of
The laws and treaties OF the nations associated with
her by mutual engagements for its suppression AT
this stage, correspondence took place between our
late minister at the Court of ST James and Lord Pal
merston on the subject in which the latter openly and
boldly claimed the right of search, aud which was
promptly and decidedly repealed on our side. We
had long since taken stand against II, and had
sisted It's abuse as belgerent right at the mouth of
the cannon. Neither honor nor policy our part
could tolerate lis exercise in time of peace in any
foim-whether in that of search, as claimed by Lord
Pamerston, or the less offensive and unreasonable
one OF visitation, as proposed by his successor Lord
Aberdeen. And Jet we were placed IN such circum-
ances as TO require that some ming should be done
II was in such state Of things that the negotiation
commenced-and commenced, in part in reference
to tins subject, which was tending rapidly TO bring
the two countries into collision. On our side we
were deeply jmmitcd against the traffic, both by
legislation and treaty The influence and the efforts
OF The civilized world were directed against it-a
that too, under our lead at the commencement and
WIN such success as to compel Is engaged in
to take shelter, almost exclusively under the fraudu-
lent use OF our flag To permit such state Of things
to continue, could not but deeply impeach honor,
and turn the sympathy of the world aga nst u.s. On
the other side Great Britain had acquired by trea-
ties the right OF supervision including that of search
and capturing, over the trade the caast of Africa
with the view to its suppression, from all the mari
tine powers except ourselves. Thus situated, he
must say that he saw alternative for us but the one
adoped-to take the supervision Of our own trade on
that coast into our own hands, and to prevent by our
own cruisers, the fraudulent use of our flag. The
only ques ION, IN the actual state of things as APP
peared to him, was, wheheS it should be done BY
formal or informal arrangement? He woui have
preferred the latter but the difference between them
was not, IN his opinion, such would Justify, on
that account the rejection Of the treaty. They
would IN substance, be the same, and have differed
but httle probably, IN the expense Of execution
Either was better than the other alternatives-to do
nothing To leIye things in the dangerous state
he CT nr fn Nl.l ~.
itatlon.
1t is bJected that the arrangement entered into is
virtually an acknowledgment Of the right of search
lie did not so regard it. On the contrary he con-
sdered 1t, under all the circumstances as a surrender
oil That CLAIM on the part of Great Britain a con-
clusion, which review Of the whole transaction in
his opinion, would justify Lord Pamerston in the
hrsi place, claimed the unqualified right of search,
IN whch IL is understood he backed by the five
great powers Lord Aberdeen, with more wisdom
ana moderation, explained il to mean the right OF
VISITATION simply and, finally, the negotiation is
closed without reference to either simply with a
stipulation between the parties to keep up for five
years squadron of not less than eighty guns on the
coast of Africa TO enforce separately and respective
ly the laws and obligations of each of the countries
for the suppression of the slaye-tradc Ii is careful
~ Worded TO make II mutual, but al The same time
separate and independent each looking TO the exc
cution OF It's own laws and obligations and ref,,y
excluding the supervision Of either over the o her
and thereby directly rebutting the object OF search
or wis tation.
The other article, in reference to the same sub
Ject, stpuates that the parties will unite IN all be-
coming representation and remonstrancc, it'll any
powers, within whose domuions markets are pc NIT
ted for imported African slaves If he were TO per
NIT his ceilings TO govern him exclusively, he would
object TO this strongly than any other provision
IN the rcay,-not that he opposed 10 the object
the policy Of closing the market to imported ne.
grocs on the contrary be thought II both right and
eSPedient m every view. Brazil and the Spanish
colonies were the only markets. he believed still re-
naming open, and to which this provision would APP
ply ihey were already abundanty supplied with
slaves, and lac had no doubt that sound policy on
their part required that their markets should be final
ly and ellectually closed. lie would 90 farther and
say that was our interest they should be. II would
free MS from the necessity Of keeping cruisers on the
African coast, TO prevent the illegal and fraudulent
use OF our flag, or for any other purpose but TO pro-
tect our commerce in that quarter-a thing Of itself
much 10 be desired We would have a still stronger
interest, Il we were governed by selfish considera
| tions. We are rivals In the production Of seycra
articles, and more especially the greatest Of all the
| agricultural staplcs-cotton. Next to our own coun
try Brazil possesses the greatest advantages for it
| production, and IS already large grower Of the ar
icle towards the production Of which, the continu
| ance of the market for imported slaves from Africa
would contribute much. But he would not permi
such considerations TO influence him in voting on the
treaty. He had no objection to see Brazil deyeloI
! her resources TO the full but he did believe tina
higher considerations, connected with her safety anC
that Of the Spanish colonies made it their interes
that their market should be closed against the traffic
! But it may be asked, why with these impressions
should he have any objection 10 this provision Of III,
treaty? IL was, because he was sverse 10 intcrfern.
with other powers, when it could be avoided II ex
tends even TO cases like the present. where there wa
common interest in reference to the subject of ad
vice or remonstrance; tut 1t would be carrying hi
aversion to fastidousness, were he to perm il {,
override his vote in the adjustment Of question
Of such magnitude involved on the present oc
casion.
But the treaty is opposed not only for what il con
ains but also for what 1t does not and, anon,
other objections Of the kind, because 1t has no pro
vision in reference to the case Of the Creole, ant
other similar ones. lie admitted that IL is an oh
lection aud that il was very desirable that the treat