The Middlebury people's press. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1841-1843, 1843-06-21

our most valuable institutions, and we have
made the greatest improvements when we
have deviated most widely from the models
and standards of Europe. Our community
of origin, language and law with the people
of Englond exposes US TO special danger
from the growth of English influence. and
the law of self-preservation demands, not
only that we should not in general initiate,
but that in most points we should counter
act. the policy of that aristocraiic, grasping.
and selfish country. The policy of the A.
merican Government therefore ought with
few exceptions to be not merely diverse
from, but antagonistical to that of the cab
inets of Europe, and we have particular
reason to be on our guard against the move
ments of England, which are obviously di>
rected to the attainment of an universal
controlling influence, if not of universal en-
pire. AT almost the same moment. she is
waging a war with China for the support
and extension of an unholy commerce, Sci
zing upon new territories in India, occupy
ing new islands in The equatorial seas, and
threatening the colonization of our own
North West coast. The last English stea.
mer brings us intelligence of the annexation
to British empire of the District of Scinde.
a wealthy and populous country on the In
dus, and of the plumber of its treasury and
capital, and the last arrival from the Pacific
announces that the colonization of New
Zealand has now been followed by the for
chile seizure of the entire group of the Sand.
witch islands. These menacing measures
ought not only to be met, but resisted, and
though am not prepared TO say that the
time has come for the military occupation
of the territory of Oregon by our Govern.
ment, yet we ought at least to maintain, &
if necessary.to enforce,the doctrines of that
famous message of former President,
which declared that tie American cont.
nent was no longer a field for European
colonization. The most important point
of collision between American and Euro
pean interests is that which involves the
great question of governmental protection
TO domestic industry in all branches, and
this is one Of the few points in which we
can hope to gain any thing by copying from
the policy Of European powers. But even
here, though the means to be employed by
us must resemble those which have been
adopted by England, yet the principles and
motives of action are widely different
England aims at securing a monopoly for
herself. while we are content with carrying
out the true principles ofprotection at home
and fair competition abroad. l see no prob
ability that this end can be obtained by any
means, but by legislative action, which
shall be constant in principle, but varying
in detail, according to the changing policy
of foreign governments, the progressive
growth and modified character of our own
industry, and our own wants and means of
supply. The hope has recently been held
out by one of the most eminent of the states
men of New England, that fair measure
Of permanent protection for these cardinal
interests can be obtained by diplomatic ne.
gotiation. The regulation of duties impo-
sed for revenue alone, by a treaty between
the executive and a foreign cabinet, seems
an encroachment upon the proper duties of
the more popular branch of the national
Legislature, but apart from this objection,
there seem to beinseperable objections in the
way of accomplishing this plan. The in
situations of England are artificial and I'M
natural beyond any thing, which has ever
existed in any other country, and so long
as those institutions subsist, do not believe
that ally reciprocal policy can be conducive
TO the interests Of both nations. We are
encouraged to hope, that the corn of the
west, and the sugar, the cotton, the rice
and the tobacco of the south may be admit
ted into English ports on such terms as to
make them highly profitable articles of cul.
tivation and export, and that treaties may
be negotiated with other powers, which
shall secure to the shipping of the sea board
employment in the carrying trade. But
for these advantages, it is admitted that we
must give the only equivalent we have to
offer-the admission namely of British
manufactures at such rates of duty as the
foreign producer can afford to pay. New
England and New York, and PENNSYLVANIA,
taken as a whole, have few or no surplus
agricultural products to spare, and if the
proposed system is adopted, the interior of
those states is hopelessly and irretrievabIy
sacrificed TO the West, the South and the
sea- board. l do moi by these observations
mean to admit, that the prosperity of any
part of The Union is really to be advanced
by measures which must be fatal to the
North. On the contrary have no doubt,
that the true policy of protection for all
branches of industry. whether those of sim
pie production or Of conversation, will be
found indispensable to the best interests of
every section of the Union, while without
that policy the states of the North must
soon sink to the condition of Switzerland,
Norway, and other inferlIe and mountain.
GUS countries Of Europe, which are free in.
deed, but politically Insignificant, thinly
populated, and poor.
Another topic, intimately connected with
the subject of protection is that of the rela-
tons between the free, and the slave-hold>
ing states, and the influence, which the sys.
tenn of domestic slavery already exerts upon
the political rights and general interests of
the North, and which the continuance and
extension of that system cannot fail greatly
TO increase. Until quite recently, the wi.
/ SeSt Statesman Of The Co,,tb Joclo..J Al u. -