Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1843-05-26
MR.. WEBsTER,s RAl.rlMoRE spEECH.


Mr.. wEBSTER'S BALTIMORE SPEECH.
Ou Thursday Of last week public dinner was
given TO Daniel Webster in the city of Baltimore,
on which occasion he of course made speech,
which has been waited for with not a little ankle
ty by politicians OF all sorts, Ia the expectation
that he would "defne his position" In this point
all IRE disappointed. From the beginning to The
end there is not word of party politics not even
n hint as 10 Mr. Webster's connection with John
Tyler--and not a hint, unless il is TO be gathered
from the speech MS a whole, of his future course.
Mr.. Webster was Toasted and toasted by merchants,
and he made a commercial speech. The inter
ence may be forced, that he is TO appropriate 10
himself the leadership of IA commercial party, 10
distinguish himself from "American System" lead
ers on the one hand, and Free Trade" leaders on
the other Nous perrons, as old Richie says-we
shall see The leading idea of the speech is the
mutual arrangement of commercial intercourse
lin other words, an arrangement Of the Tariff)
with other countries, aud particularly with Great
Britain, by treaty. On this he says he does not
intend to speak with much confidence; but he
does deem it worth an experiment. Very little is
said of objections TO such procedures indeed,
one objection only is distinctly stated that is, that
TO regulate the Tariff by negotiation would deprive
the House of Representatives OF its rgbtiul au.
thority. This is met 10y the suggestion that the
teins OF proceeding may be agreed upon by ne
gociatop, leaving the execution Of the agreement
to Congress Ii strikes us that this evades rather
than meets the objection: it compels Congress TO
assent to treaty arrangements, or do nolhinr.
We believe that one Of the strongest objections to
this project lies in the fact that in all negotiations
something must he yielded upon both sides, and
that something usually embraces i"teres's which,
while comparatively small to the whole nation, are
great, perhaps paramount, in sections OF The
nation. There must be strife OF different in
teress in each country, and enc man-lhe Exec
utive or his Minister'S the umpire. Shall the
wool-growing interest consent 10 contend with the
cotton and The tobacco and the grain. growing in
terests, with Tyler in the Executive chair, and
Legare in the Secretary of States office? We fear
such men will prove ODE like certain class Of
members of Congress, who attach no importance
10 any thing blk their o,on interests. Said they to
John Ma,ocks, while the last Tariff was under
consiteralion-"W Why do you make such pother
about wool? JpoOt is Of no sort Of consequence ?"
Better let such things be seuIed Ivy the represen.
tatlves oftlIe people-the representatives Of all
interests. II u legislative act does injustice to ii
single interest, it may be remeded NJ once hut
injustice pefperated by treaty is rremidibe, save
by the consent of both nations, or at the hazard Of
war, until the term of the treaty has EXPIRED
Never will it be safe for amy small or weak state
to commit its interests TO the care of the Execu-
tive, whose personal interests always attract him
TO The stronger states.