The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1843-11-16
NATIONAL POLICY.

i
hitherto had so little occasion TO be conversant
with the intrigues and profound plans of policy
which occupy the courts and cabinets of Eurore,
that our nation may be said to be in some
spec,s "green" in the ways Of the world. The
distance which separates US from Europe has,
heretofore, happily exempted us from the evils
which occasionally arise from an intimate in
tercourse with foreign nations; but it has also
prevented US, in great measure, from acquir-
ing national wisdom and foresight.
l. is true, that in making bargain--on any
occasion where there is an immediate and tan
2ible good TO be estmaled-we are not deficient
in national shrewdness; though even in that re-
spect we have sometimes committed grievous
errors, owing to the causes to which we have
alluded. For instance, we doubt whether any
government or cabinet in Europe would have
made such bargain as we made with Spain
for the cession Of the Flordas, unless under
compulson, and as the unavoidable result of
disastrous war. We do not refer merely TO the
comparative extent of territory ceded or acquir-
ed, though the disparity there was grea, enough;
but to the remote and Interior consequences
which ought to have been taken into consdera-
ton. In Europe, where every inch Of soil adds
to the importance of nation, cession Of ter
rilory is considered the last sad alternative Of
diplomacy, and a national misfortune and dis
grace. Napoleon renounced an Empire rather
than surrender, comparatively, trifng acquisi-
tons. With US, territory is not a matter of
so much importance, so far as the actual fruits
of the soil are concerned we have enough of
it and to spare, perhaps for ages to come but
when the question arises whether certain tract
of territory shall be occupied and peoped by us
and our posterity, or by those likely to become
our enemies, it is question touching both the
welfare and the honor of the nation, and a sur
render Of our just pretensions implies dis
graceful deficiency either in intelligence or
spirit
There would seem to be something in the
genius of our Government not easily compati-
Bile with persevering adherence to settled
plan of national policy and, being deficient in
that respect ourselves, have not been suffici-
emily awake to the fact that, this deficiency forms
an important distinction, to our disadvantage,
between our Government and the Governments
of the Old World. The constitution of these
governments is more favorable to unity, energy,
and perseverance of purpose: frequent wars
render them sensitively alive to the dictates OF
the great law of self-preservation, and diplo-
macy in constant exercise sharpens the inlellects
of their statesmen. The merest trifes which
may have any bearing on their national econo-
my are skilfuly estimated and justly appreeia-
al TnJa Jo
signs of national policy handed down from |
sovereign TO sovereign, and from cabinet to
cabinet.
The first Of these governments in intelligence,
as well as wealth and power, is that Of Great
Britain. The rise Of John Jacob Astor or Of
Stephen Girard from indulgence 10 regal opulence,
was not more certainly the result of untring
industry and unremtting frugaliIy, than the pro-
gress Of Great Britain TO almost univ ersal domi-
nation, has been the effect Of a systematic plan
Of national ACKNOWLEDGMENT, perseverngly, in
exorably, and ruthlessly pursued. If the profess
sions Of her statesmen are 10 be credited, she
has never had any other object in view, in her
intercourse interference with other nations
than the welfare of mankind Philanthropy led
Iti W tHc Nouuucsls utN"stdtIOUy dHu pluUutT vi
Hindostan. In fomenting and encouraging, by
subsidies of men and money the wars of the
French Revolution, the final result Of which
was the slaughter of millions of the human race
and the riveting upon the people of the Cont
nent of the doctrnes of Legitimacy and the d.
vine right of kings, her historians tell us that
she was battling for the liberties of mankind"
Icr ,yitb CHM which
mon apprehension, would seem nothing more
nor less than trulal massacre Of the people of
IN unoffendng nation for purpose purely mer-
cenary is ascribed 10 her zeal in defence Of the
law of nations, and even to a compliance with
the dictates OF Christianity. But any man who
compares the acts of great Britain with her
professions; who can reckon up her possessions,
and state The manner in which she acquired
them who knows the condition of the people in
her Asiatic colonies, and of the great mass
of her population at home, must be SINGLE indeed
10 give a moments credit to her professions of
philanthropy, christianity, or national honor,
and blind not TO that her sole aim is national
aggrandizement at any expense OF principle
whatever, If there were any truth or sincerity
in her professions, her philanthropy would com
mence at home.
This systematic and selfish policy of Great
Britain is the real and governing motive in all
her intercourse with foreign nations; and in
nothing will II appear more obvious to those who
choose TO reflect upon it, than in the active mart
which she has taken as nation, and among ma =
tons, on the subject of negro slavery. II Ger.
tainly cannot be ignorance which induces ber ~
turn away from the implorog looks and sunn
cations OF her pauper population at home, dying
by hundreds of famine, and spend her time in
conrrvng projects for relieving the imaginary
distresses of beings of another race in remote