Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1843-12-01
POLITICAL.
(Frcm TIC Charlottesville CYirsniaJ Jc9srsonian RcprSian>
LETTER FROM MR. GlLMER.

POLITICAL.
tF,en The Charlottesville rysiniaJ Jgsrsoniaa Republican,,
LETTER FROM MR. GlLMER.
Angus, =, 1873.
Dear The candid spirit in which your in
Gures are submitted induces to reply TO them, not
so much in compliance with your desire, that should
yndicate myself 10 furnish you with bret outline
of some important incidents connected with the origin
and progress of political parties in the United States
Ny opinions are OF too lttle conse-
quence 10 afford much interest either 10 partial friends
or relentless opponents desire other rind'cat on
Of my humble agency, in public affairs, than Will be
perceived by every unprotected mind by reference 10
certain cardinal principles, which have underworld TO
follow my guides, under all circumstances These
have not been wiling 10 abandon, for the advance
ment OF any party, or any man, not even my own In
their application, points OF mere expedency,
have been always ready 1concede and concila. Tor
the purpose Of harmonious and efficient cooperation
with those whom believed 10 be unit ID by devot on to
some great principle. AS TO men III Office, or when
candidates for office, have long since learned, that o.!
nil guides they most allaclous, their mere pro-
motion is an obec, The least worthy ofpary combination
The general forms of Government, lie our po-
pula,ion, came originally from Europe. The events
which preceded, ard followed the American Revolution,
have yet entirely eradicated those mistaken ideas
of the objects, duties, and powers of Government,
which have always prevailed IN Europe, and which, to
greater less exent have had their Influence in the
United States The fatal error of mankind, ian error
which history and experience have hitherto failed to
correctly is ascrbing Omn poience TO Government,
usurpng not only the rights and duties of the peo
pie, but also the authority and infall!blty of God
The system of governing de gratia, or without the will
of the governed, s maintained under the pretext of
apprehended anarchy, ahlle history proves, that des
polsm, under lis various forms, has been, and must
be, the nearest road 10 anarchy. The true source OF
this disposition, constantly - augment the powers Of
Government and multiply the objects of the appca-
ton dlslrus of the capacity OF mon, in the aggre
gate, TO govern themselves. In most Governments,
this dsirust the part oil those who claim TO govern
has been too readily aeguiesced IN and hence the eg
innate powers of Government have been seldom ap-
piled TO strengthen the popular resources Tor set-Go
rernment
There were many in the Convention which framed
our CONSTITUTIONS who. from dstrus of the people, at
tempted 10 make the Federal Government, IN fern as
we'll substance, monarchy, without the hereditary
feature. This design being defeated the Government
was organized under the Constitution than
the struggle renewed, aud n strong government
attempted TO be established by construction. IT
urged, that powers which had been expressly mega
lived by the Convtnton were TO be implied and exer
csad Unnecessary and proper, notwithstanding the
explicit declaration, that all powers not granted were
reserved to the States TO the people The Federal
and Republican parties of that day, and since,
when they divided on their respective principles, have
differed to The extent of powers and discretion to be
assumed by the several departments under the Constr
tuition The Federal par,y whose leader had advocated
the British model IN the Convention, manifested its
Of domestic policy, but in lis sympahies with the
crowned heads Of Europe, who combined TO maintain
the principle of royal legitimacy against revolutionary
France For some time after the adoption Of the Con-
sttuton by the States, public opinion unsettled in
reference the numerous foreign and domestic ques
lions which arose.
The old Federal and Republican parties finally Join
ed the issue before the country the memorable con
test between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson
These parties were not then known as the Jefferson
the Adams party, but distinguished by the;. OPP
posite views OF Government and they recognised these
only the opponents of their respective princ-
Piles. These principles compre hensive, embrac-
ing both sides the whole circle of Government all
its departments, and involving the general question Of
limiting the agency OF the people, by extending the
powers of the Government They had reference, moi
only to the of that day. but 10 those Of every
age involving the great question: whether the people
should govern be governed. The advocates of too
much Government relied then some Of The eXpe-
dients which they urge now The alien and sedi,ion
acts, &c, were only applications of the Federal p.E
cIpe to objects different from those 10 which the
principle has since been applied and would be applied
again, The principle Of National Bank issue
in the contest Of 1900. Il was earnestly demonstrated
against in the celebrated Repor. of 1899, written by
Mr. Madson belonging to that class Of powers the
exercise of which by the Federal Government, it was
maintained, would prove dangerous to the people and
the States 1t was attempted then, it is now, to
tain this particular the authority of Gen.
Washington. l have never been able TO contemplate
party, the eagle above the mist. While the
authority Of no man should be recognized in Republic
preciuding inquiry into its soundness have never
believed that the judgment Of Gen. Washington or Of
MIR. Madison approved the principle involved in CHAR
tesing National Bank 1t is now known, that at
Gen. Washngton's request, Mr.. Madison prepared a
veto Of the first Bank BILL That bill ultimately
signed, in Difference TO the solcltude of Hamilton
and others, than from his convictions by the ia
sher of his country. Dir. Hamilton had previously,
without authority, commenced the system of receiving
convertible paper instead Of specie, under the Of
1889, responsibility OF incaculable weight when We
reflect the consequences which have been felt
both by our Government and individuals. The fnan-
cia condition of the country in 1871, in extreme
embarrassment from the deb, Of the evolution, it
was in 1Sl6, from the debt of the last MIR Mad
son not only wrote veto of the first Bank at the re-
quest OF Cen Washington, and denounced the princ-
pie which 1t involved in his report Of 90 which was
regarded as the declaration Of rights By The Republican
party 10 MI Jefferson election and since, but he
subsequently,, as President, vetoed Bank bill. He
eigned another, it is true as had been done in 1891
when The pubic mind niimdated by the embarrassed
condition OF the country and the Government Unmarried
its panic alike to the wise and the brave In both in
stances, US often happens, symptom of disease was
mistaken for remedy.
There be mistake as 10 The general pr;nciples
which characterized the Federal aud Republican par
ties the first formation, as 10 the signal results
which followed The memorable Republican triumph of
1900. Notwithstanding the severe tests to which our
institutions were so frequently exposed by foreign
and domestic relations, BY the aegressions of France
and England on our maritime rights, by the embargo
the war. the loss of commerce. aud the accumula
ton OF large public debt notwithst nding the violen,
death spasms with which the Federal party continued