Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1843-02-10

was invested with too much power Tor well b0lan-
ced, well ordered epublican form Of government.
Tho great change which has taken place in thot
State since she became independent. by the in
crease IN commercial and manufacturing business,
has required an alteration in the law regulating the
right OF suffrage IN order TO embrace large class
of citizens engaged in such business and al
though in the outset their system, which requires
property qualifications for voters, or qualification
by birth. did not operate with very great Unequal
ity, yet the change of business has long required
n corresponding change in the law itself. The
pernacty with which the freeman, under that sys-
TEN, have adhered to it, has been doubt repre-
hensble. a sufficient for that portion ofthe
citizens Of Rhode Island who were not lreemen, 10
demand such change in their fundamental law,
that the legislature should possess only its due pro-
portion Of governmental power, and 50 as to give to
all Its citizens, as far as possible, equal political
J rights and privileges has long existed Notwith-
standing your committee consider these privileges
to be OF the first and highest Importance, as in the
exercise OF them, all Others whether civil social or
religious are protected, and preserved yet as they
are only intended to secure the passage Of just and
equal laws, and impartial administration Of such
avs for the purpose Of protecting the latter,-f
this has been done, such change should be eifec-
ted in constitutional and LEGAL manner, and not
by overthrowing the existing government, with
physical force or by arY proceeding unknown 20
the present codst luton and laws of that state; AID
this leads to the consideration Of the last propose
ton above laid down by your committee, namely;
That constitution, or fundamental law, once es.
tablished can only be changed, in pursuance Of It's
own provisions, except when actual oppression JUS
titles revolution.
The arguments in support of this proposition have
already been, in some measure, anticipated by the
remarks of your committee, upon the nature of the
political compact, and that which gives it its bind
ing force. If it be granted that this compact is
an agreement of a people, in regard to their form
and plan Of government strict rules of morality
require that all its provisions be observed by each
and every citizen Each one is party to that
greement, either by expressly adopting it as his
own, or by tacitly asserting to it, in claiming and
receiving the benefits of its provisions, and like any
, other contract, it cannot be broken by any Of
the parties to it, without violation Of good faith,
and trampling upon the rights Of Others An at
tempt to alter the terms ofsuch contract whether
by minority or majority of the parties, unless
in pursuance of its own provisions, would be
, breach of it the most fla grant of all others, and if
y accomplished, would be the substitution of d new
. contract in the place Of the original one with the
= intent to bind the rest without their consent Such
: mode of changing the constitution Of a State, by
, a portion of its citizens, only be justified, by
- adopting the doctrine that physical force is the
q rule and measure Of justice, no matter how or for
- what purpose applied, and that an act, which il
i; done by one less than half OF the citizens of a state
" would be treason, if done by more than half,
/. would be legally establishing new form Of gov
!, eminent. The absurdity of this doctrine is too
10 time to illustrate its operation, if carried out will
clearly prove the truth and correctness Of the antag-
e onist proposition of your committee, and ,hGt its
Ia basis is merely strict principles of morality JUS
~ tee and good faith but that it has also for its foun
49, dation, absolute necessity if the pcrnGuency OF
u free governments is to enter into the account.
tn The citizens of our own State have a const:tu-
ne ton establishing government in form and in its
r operation free and republican, which will not suffer-
,ir by comparison with any other of a republican
character. Two counties in this State, with pop
ld uation of less than FIVE thousand each, each
mt entitled to Senator to represent them in the Lee
he gislature whilst other c0un1cs entitled TO bur
an one for every OO00 inhabitants. Some towns, with
u.s. less than so reemen, entitled each TO rep
ed resentatlve and other towns, with more than 600
IL freemen, each send but one. Here is an in
equality of representation, Admit that 4 majority
IN ofthe freemen of the State dissatisfied with this
w. inequality. Let this majority meet in a con-
tly vention, the most democratic way possible, ans
on unanimously and by acclgmlton, adopt q new con
ty stitution to remedy this inequality. Would the mi
Ter nOrty Of the citizens, residing in the small coun
cv ties and small towns, be bound by such constu
ne ton? If So could only be by physical power, By
in brute force as the strong binds the weak
nd 1t would be violation of every principle OF jus
lc- tce, and of honora violation of the OATH takeI
Try by the citizen to support the constitution of hi
lc- State-a violation Of every obligation which tend
to bind the political machine together 1t woulC
lal only be treason to the State but treason to cvi
es liberty throughout the world. New constitutions
m would be formed, and obedience to the newly form
or ed government enforced as often us actual powe
ri- should change hands. Thus nothing would be pea
led ceable, nothing durable. Free governments mus
her give place to anarchy and Jacobnis, and socet
-" must often as such change should take place re
solve itself into its original elements. Any othe
u mode Of accomplishing the same object, unknown
ma our present constitution and laws however for
ex- mai the proceeding however analogous TO tn
as mode, by them prescribed would be productive G
so like results, and followed by the same consequent
ell ces. Such mode of proceeding would be NOR
specious and plausible in its appearance, than tn
ode former and like the mode adopted by the suffng
sti- party in Rhode Island, would consequently find
vas greater number of advocates. The END sought
ra be attained would fail, in that case or in mar
by ner thousand fold more disastrous ana destruC
but tive, for the simple reason, that the means wou
- want the conservative influence and restrainn
ent power of constitutional and legal ORDER to EMIT
A of them to respect give them efficiency Is it sal
use that our declaration of rights supports and autho
rh- ICES the doctrine under consideration? This
tper denied 1t Does indeed, declare shat the commit
nifty hath an ndubitable, lnaenable and lndeteasi
1ffi- BILE right to reform alter government in SUE
ect manner shall be, by that community, Judged mo
ara conducive to the public veal" But the constuo
sty of which this declaration forms part, express
be- points out the mode by which such alteration
be reform is TO be effected. 1t points out the comm
of nifty" which has this "indlbtabe, naiienabie al
indeieasabie right to reform ALERT is "H
ern- fieemen of the commonwealth And it as clear
pos points out how the judgment of that community
rere in regard to what will be most conducive to Il
cla public veal" shall be asoertaned and espresso
P by their delegates in convention, showing concI
igin sivey the views and intentions OF the trainers
I'D our constitutional the construction TO be given
are that part of the declaration of rights, and that tho
onq men looked upon an alteration of that consntuto
tive in pursuance fits own provisions, the only MOI
not by which "the J'eeaom OF TINS commohWeau
hese could "be preserved h'loIate forever"
bic. Your committee would further remark, that Il
of laws of Rhode Island have never operated and ha
gov never been administered, in such way as to bril-
nee any portion Of her citizens within the eXcept