The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1843-08-21

of the Land Office without authority We predicted
IN an article Of the Globe, that Mr. EWING could
only remain in Office himself after this lust rebuke
that he might betray the Chief Magistrate who had
asserted his rights and maintains his pledges in pre-
venting this prescription How truly had Judged
of this mans character, the event shows. But we
had known him of old, and our prediction but
speaking from experience
That one, who did not hesitate to sacrifice to party
interest the sacred confidence TO which his honor and
character we're plighted, entering the Presidents
Cabinet would, in his parte revelations, bear false
testimony, when alsehood essential to make good
the object he had IN view, none could doubt And
accordingly upon the face of this letter of Mr.. Ew-
me- there are abundant traits of what lawyers viii
call aoing ioiess, when they mean to describe an
interested and bei,aying one.
contradictions appear on the face OF MIR. Ew-
INGs epstoary deposition in essential points, which
Thoroughly dsprove the whole scope of its Statements
and instead of establishing the charge of treachery
on Mr. TYLER fixes il the front of his ungrateiul
accuser.
Mr.. Ewing admits that the first Bank vetoed
on pure and honorable mores," and conscientious
conviction that nHicted toiM the constitution" The
grounds OF the veto were that Congress had no right
TO establish National Bank operate per through
out the Union; that the proposed charter derived
this right from Congress In derogation OF the con-
sent and rights Of the States The further ground
was taken-that dscountog Bank was unnecessa-
ry as fiscal agent These grounds would, in MIR
EwINGs opinion justify the belief that the PRESIDENT
was actuaed by conscientious regard to duty IN re-
jectng the first Bank.
When the second Bpnk became the subject of dis
cussion in the Cabinet Mr. BADGER is represented as
opening the subject as to what Congress would do.
Mr.. BADGER said
lie believed they perfectly ready to take up The
bill reported by the Secretary Of the Treasury, and pass
it at You replied Talk not to me Of Mr.. E,oing
bill it contains that odios aure Of local discounts
iohch haze repudated IN my message then sad 10
you haze no doubt sir thai the House. haring asceraieO
your pltacs, ,ciA pass bill in conformity to them, pro-
ridedMey be satisfied that it ,could the ptr-
poses Of the Treasury, and relere the country"
Here the PRESIDENT is represented utterly re.
pudatng MIR. kwING's bill, because " it contains that
odiosS feature of local discounts" MIR, Ewing in
consultation when this strong Remuneration of the
bill he had prepared was made, and did not remind
the PRESIDENT that the bill was his o,cn-preparcd,
as Mr. EWING pretends in another part of his letter,
by the direction of the PRESIDENT, and afterwards
| approved by him.
But the President again adyerts in his Cabinet con-
situations, to the insurmountable objection which he
| mad TO Bank OF discount. In Cabinet meeting,
| when giving instructions to Mr.. Ewing to make all
ehort TO procure the passage of such bill as he
could sign, MIR. Ewing represents the President as
asking him, What do you understand to be my opini
ons! Slate Msm so that may that there is misap-
MIR Ewing gives his answer to this and the
PRESIDENTS reply, thus; That they might authorize
SUCH Bunk TO establish Offices Of discount and dpOste i'
the serera States, ,ci the assent Of the States. TO this
you replied, DON'T name discounts they hare been The
source OF the most abominabe corions, and aphoy
unnecessary to enable the Ba TO discharge its duties
the country and the Government y
Alter this explanation, with another inhibition of
all discounts by the emphatic expression, Don't
name discounts, they have been the source of the
most accountable corruptons, what we TO think
| OF Secretary who would propose bill giving the
most absolute power to the corporation to discount
bills, and to create branch establishments in all the
States, TO do this most odous kind of discounting,
and without their consent! In Of its fundamen-
tal provisions, the bill repugnant to the main
features OF the first veto-and in the other, in
the teeth OF the instructions by which it propos
ed TO exclude Bank of discount altogether. No
man knows better than Mr.. Ewing, that great por.
ton OF the Sp ended debt which sunk the aie Bank Of
the United States like milestone, grew out of dis
counted bills of exchange. Has Mr.. Ewing forgot
ten one OF those famous bills of exchange drawn by
George Pondexter while at Philadelphia, a Senator,
and serving the Bank, on Gen. Towson for s 10 000
| which became the subject of newspaper comment,
because the General denied the authority to draw
| Tins famous bill was but sample of that abomnabe
corruption to which the President refers in his re-
marks. And yet Mr.. Ewing drew up his bill to re-
establish this whole system of odous discounts" and
" Accountable orruptons"-pretends that the Presi-
dent approved, (when hidden in the phraseology of
charterD what he had denounced in Cabinet council
and charges him with treachery for putting his
on the power in the last bill, which he had condemn
ed by his veto on the first, and what his instructions
had denounced before the new bill was framed to
" head him ~
We do not believe that any President was ever sur
rounded by more arfu perfdy heartless treach-
cry, than Mr. Tyler has been and the game of his
prosecutors now is to turn their own crimes into
cusations against him. The Indignation we feel at
The rapacIty, cruelty, and treachery, which hunted
"old 1lppecanoe" down into his grave,-now that
we find 1t all raised to hunt down Tyler oo'-has
drawn from us this hasty repulse. The Democratic
party owe Mr.. Tyler deep debt of gratitude for ar
resting The "Tarquin strides" of the Bank power,
and we should be iaithless to their cause, if we did
not do what n to defend him