The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1843-01-21

certain political leaders who were running Coz Inc
Presidency, with The United States Bank on one
banner and the sub Treasury ON the other, regard
less OF the great masses of the millions of the PEG
pie, who were thus crushed between he upper and
the neither millsones Of a Sub Treasury aud Ma
tional Bank.
i For presenting 10 tho House this ssue-for calling
upon the House and upon the country 10 come TO the
AID OF the constitutional chief Of the Government ia
carrying ON the Government, regardless of party,
Mr. T. had been accused Of holding up that House,
The power, influence, and patronage Of the Admins
trauon al public auction. When he had the
gentleman IRON Indiana Mr.. Thompson) occupy his
hour upon the hoor IN endeayorng 10 enforce this
representation, and then had heard him responded TO
! by The gentleman from New York. (hir Mckeon }
and by others ia turn he could not but be reminded
| OF The words Of Mark Antony at the close of his
speech over Caesars body
Snow let il work. Mischief thou art afoot"
He found that these gentlemen were utterly re-
gardiess Of the real point of his speech. The gen
tleman from Indiana Mr.. Thompson) had taken up
the lead OF the organ OF one Of the divisions Of the
Democratic party IN this CITY, aud had re-echoed and
carried out the ideas expressed by that print And
he could not iorbesr asking himself whether that gen
tleman could be willing to enter himself Us the fol-
lower OF lead from that quarter Yet, when the
ideas thrown out by him compared and put to-
gether, he would be found To have done little else
Than pursue the rack of MIR. Van Buren's organ.
Yet there were merits, after all, In the question:
And what were they What was the great point in
VOWED IN all the accusations and vtuperaion which
had been poured out upon him? The People of the
United States all political readers and prided
themselves upon their general knowledge OF public
affairs and II there was any thing which peculiarly
characterized us as people, II was the universally Of
party view Of those affairs. This fact strongly
illustrated by the powerful sensation instantly
ted If any presumed to take general and liberal
view of them and threw out any general ideas the
philosophy of the Government. In moment gen
temen fell into spasms of holy horror at mon
strous political paradox. This had been the error
OF the gentleman from Indiana and Others
There had fallen from Mr.. c. at the last sessi
remark on the nature Of the function exercised by
the President in refusing to sign bill sent to him
from Congress, and II had Immediately been follow
ed by the same sort of denuncation had been
hbred on the present occasion. score of gentle
men had instantly RI en- and poured out him the
walls oil their wrath, and the newspapers imme
dately summoned to call out the indignation Of party
feeling against him IN every quarter. MIR. G. spurn
ed the accusations brought against him. and replied
that, II in treating Of the constitutional power in
question, he had erred, he had erred with Madison,
with Jefferson, and with all the fathers of our polit
cal fire. dom and our political polity. But what did
this avail him His course made the subject Of
party reproach, nor was il of the slightest avail TO
demonstrate that his positions all founded in the
doctrine OF the constitutional fathers Nay, he had
gone further, and shown that the ideas imputed to
him as having been by him then preached for the
first time in the history Of our Government, the
very ideas Of Henry Clay himself, put forth in de-
bate in the Senate in the following words The
President is coordinate branch Of the Legislative
department. As such, bills which have passed both
Houses pres, ned TO him for his approval
ljection"t Mr. Clay's speech, p. "a, on the United
States Bank Veto, July ~, 1922
| Then there was an end at once Of the reproach
which had been cast upon MIR. c., and of all the IL
rades so literally uttered against him, far that
matter was concerned. And they had
actIy similar What was the predicament Of the
two great parties in that House the hand, and
OF the few, the other, who stood up to defend the
acts of the Administration AT the commencement
Of the present Congress- the country had entered up
great and a new trial of the working of the Con-
stitution An emergency had presented itself entire
ly new For the first time, the powers and duties of
the President of the United States had by death de-
volyed upon a Vice President 1t was a contingency
| which had invoked the whole American People and
more especially Il members Of that House, to adapt
themselves to the new circumstances IL which they
found themselves all unexpectedly placed, and to
unite to support the Constitution. With this impor-
tan constitutional fact associated at the same
time, great party fact; for while, by the Constu-
ton, the Executive power fell up Vice President
the constitutional chief not the party chief
The party chief stood in Congress and the question
arose whether we should have two administration
one constitutional administration by a constitution
al President of the United States, the other par
ty administration by party chief. That was crit
cal period in our political history.
! With tbs issue before his eyes, with question of
such weight presented TO his mind, Mr. {. had felt II
TO be his duty, the duty he owed TO the Government
and Constitution of his country, To lend his voice and
\ his aid TO the constitutional chief OF thel'overnment
And this had been the real question in all the party
controversies which had agitated the country from
that day to this. To choose the he had done
was not less a du TO the Government and the Con
stution than II TO the party with whom he then
acted. lie had warned the House that the only mode
to carry on the Government and 10 maintain the as
cendancy Of the party m power, was TO discharge its
duty TO the Government by main aiming the head of
the Government. When reproached for giving this
advice he had since replied that had the advice been
taken, the Wing party would have at this hour been
the most powerful that had ever been seen in this
country As party, it would have been omnipo,ent
in the United States. But there were others who
differed from him in opinion, and who succeeded in
! overriding him. What had been the consequence :
he batteries Of two great parties had been turned on
those " no sustained the Executive, while the ques-
lion on both sides had been what would promote
tie interests of the country but what would Lrther
the interests Of the party. The voice echoed on all
sides had been perpetuay, and only this "the party
the party !" The question had not been, how may
the public interests be subse we'd but II the House
and the President happened TO differ in opinion, the
President bitterly denounced because he had re-
fused submission not TO the dictates Of the Consttu-
ton or the behests Of the People bat TO the selcre
aed despotism OF party opinion. Under rs view oil
his Guty Mr. G. had taken his stand in defence OF the
IConsltuuOu ana the poNefhhchI f1e SUN hoiu "
his duty pursue dat course and he would be hewn
down where he stood before he would finch or WAIVER
for instant in pursuing the course which his own
ideas Of his duty pointed out to him.
Mr.. c. said he would now, having in some mea-
sure defined the position he had assumed, and meant
to bold touch on of the topics of the pre- ent
debate Each of the great parties in the House had
entered into 1t with apparent determination to
misrepre ent and to calumnate, and to break down
all who venured to defend the present Adminisira-
ton They expected all this. They were prepared
to encounter it, aud content TO abide their time
lor ultimate judgment
What was the great crime which the gentleman
from Indiana (Mr. Thompson) had imputed to Mr.
lCi and IN which the gentleman from Maine Mr.
= FessendeD) conceded with him They charged him
-.I---.I L. H.. aIIlI airLAt-