New-York daily tribune., 1843-07-26
a VISIT TO WORDSWORTH.
ny REV. oRviLLg DEWEY.

ance of Mr. W that actually began to sus-
pect that had come to the cottage of one Of his
neighbors After ten minutes common-p place
talk about the weather, the travelling, &c, had
passed, determined to find out whether was
mistaken and aware Of his deep interest in the
politics of England, availed myself Of some
remark that was made, to introduce that subject.
lie Immediately quit all common place and went
into the subject with flow, food almost, of
conversation, that soon left in doubt. After
this had gore on an hour or two, wishing to
change the theme, took occasion of pause to
observe that in the great political agitation poetry
seemed to have died out entirely. He said 1t had
but that was not the only cause; for there had
been, as he thought, some years ago, an over
production and surfelt.
"Mr. VI converses with great earncstncss,
and has habit, as he walks and talks, Of stop
ping every fourth or fifth step, and turning round
TO you to enforce what he is saying. The sub
'ects, the first evening ] passed with him, were,
as have said, politics and poetry He remarked
afterwards, that although he was known to the
world only as poet, he had given twelve hours
thought to the condition and prospects OF society,
for one to poetry. replied that there appeared
to me to be no contradiction in this, since the
spirit of poetry is the spirit of hurnanlty-slnce
sympathy with humanity, and with all its fortunes,
as an essential characteristic of poery--and poll
tics is one of the grandest forms ander which the
welfare of the human race presents itsell.
"In politics Mr.. W processes to be a re-
former, but upon the most deliberate plan and
scale; and he INDUCES III the most indignant
and yet argumentative diatrlbes against the pres
ent course of things in England and III the sad
dest forcbodings OF what Is to come. The tide is
beating now against arlstocyacy and an estab
lished religion, and if It prevails, anarchy and
irreligion must follow. He will see no other re-
suit he has no confidence in the people; they
are not fit TO govern themselves--not yet Ger
tainly; public opinion, the foolish opinion Of the
depraved, ignorant, and conceltcd mass, ought
net to be the law; it ought not to be expressed i'll
law; it ought not to be represented in govern-
ment; the true representative government should
represent the mind of country, and that is not
found in the mass, nor is it to be expressed by
universal suffrage. MIR. W constantly pro-
tested against the example of America--as not
being in point. He insisted that the state of So
ciety, the crowded populations the urgency OF
want, the tenures of property in England, made
a totally different case from ours BE seemed
evidently TO admit, though he did not in terms,
that hereditary rank and AN established priest.
human rights and interests; but the argument
for them is, that they cannot be removed without
opening the door to greater evils--to the unres
trained license of the multitude--to incessant
change, disorder, uncertainty, and finally to op
preston and tyranny. He says the world is run
ming mad with the notion that all its evils are to
be relieved by political changes, political remedies,
political nostrums; whereas the great evils, sin,
bondage, misery, lie deep in the heart, and no.
thing but virtue and religion can remove then. !;
and upon the value, and preciousneSs, aad ndis-
pensableness of religion, indeed, he talked very
sagely earnestly, and devoGtly.
The next evening ! went to tea to Mr.
VS. on hospitabe invitation to come to
breakfast, DINNER, or iea as liked. The con-
versahon very soon again ran upon politics. lie
thought there could be no independence i, ,epis
latorS who werel dependent for their places upon
the ever-waverlng breath of peculiar opinion, and
ne wanted my opinion ahcut the fact in our coun
try. replied that a, a secluded man and accus
toned to look o. the morale of these matters,
certainly had ielt that there was likely to be- and
probably was great want ofindependence; that
\ mad often expressed the apprehension tina, our
distinguished men were almost necessarily actnp
under bases that did not permit them &c sit down
in tner closets sno examine great political oues.
mons and measures In q fair and philosophical
spirit. Then, he said, how can there be any
safety answered, as had frequently said
before, that our only safety Law in making the
people WISE but | added that our practical
poilocians were accustomed to saw that there
was Q principle OF safety in our conflicts, IN the
necessarily conflicting opinions of the mass
taat they neutraiized and balanced each other. ]
admitted, however, that there was danger; that
all popular institutions involved danger that
freedom was a trust, and periiouS trust. Still
insisted that this was only an instance OF a
general principle that all probation was peril.
Gus that the greatest opportunity was always the
greatest peril. maintained, also, that, think as
we might of political liberty, there was no help
ing it; that In the civilized world, the course of
opinion was irresistibly setting towards universal
education and popular forms of government and
nothing was to be done but to direct modify and
control the tendency. He fully admitted this !;
said that in other centuries some glorious results
might be brought out, but that he saw nothing
but darkness, disorder, and misery in the isn,ne.
date prospect, and that all he could do was to
cast himself on Providence. venturcd TO suc-
2est that it seemed to me that all good and wise
men had work to do. said that l admitted
friend to popular institutions as | was, that the
world was full of errors about liberty; and there
was mistake and madness about popular free
dom, as if 1t were the grand psnacea for all hu-
man ills, and that powerful pens were needed 10
guide the public mind and that the pen of genius
could scarcely be more noby employed. But he
has no confidence in the body of the people, IN
their willingness to read what is wholesome, or to
do what is right; and this, took the liberty to
say, seemed to me the radical point on which he
and differed. told him that there were large
communities IN America in whom did not con-
fide, and that believed other communities might
be found In the same condition. and that il
appeared to me that it should be the grand effort
of the world now, to raise up this mass to knew
ledne Ia comfort. and virtue since the mass WIS