The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1843-11-30
MORE ARGUMENT ON THE 'TEXA'
QUESTION.

engaged the services OF special correspondent
at the seat Of Government, 10 keep il supplied
with information and arguments on the subject
of the annexation OF Texas. In his preliminary
letter, dated in this city on the gath instant, the
writer gives warning that the Texas question
is likely 10 prove something more than 'a mere
frebrand tossed by the President without par
ty;" and, after promising TO continue his cor
respondence on the subject, he concludes by
saying, " Whether you will feel as free to pub
lishSas shall to write, the truth on this matter
remains TO be SEEM To which the editor gal
lanay responds, Quo correspondent may b,
assured we shall shrink from no trulh--so le
him write.n
II WAS very natural idea in the correspond
ent, that the editor would be likely TO shrins
from the truth, and very considerate in him Il
give some previous warning of The approach Of
so unaccustomed visiter. But as both editor
and correspondent evidently entertain opinions
and feelings precisely similar on the Texas
question, we are curious to see what fearful dis
closures to be made which the editor might
have shrunk from publishing. We shall proba-
bly, hear before long the astounding details OF a
of Texas for, no doubt, these modest and un-
assuming gentlemen are prepared TO brand as
traitor conspirator, or dough-face" al the least
every Northern man who presumes 10 differ with
them on the question, and to obey the dictates
of patriotism, rather than of sectional prejudice
or abolitionsm.
In the mean time we return thanks to this
Waehtnutnp
TO reason on the proposed question of annexa-
ton, and will endeayor 10 do justice TO his argu-
ments. He says:
" The ground upon which it is hoped to carry pop
ular sentiment is, that Great Britain has made such
demonstrations 10 favor of the abolition of slavery in
Texas, as will, II successful, give her complete as
tendency IN the councils Of that State and render it
virtually tributary to British commerce and ag-
grandizement. Then, again, it is to be urged that
danger VIII arise to the institutions Of the South by
the proximity TO us of State, and that too a
cotton growing State, in climate milder than
that OF our own southern country-where a CO.
lored skin and freedom shall no longer be incompati-
ble-and the whole nation, the United States at
large, are to be called up 10 defend slavery, although
The right is denied to them by the same parties 10
take any steps towards abolishing it,
For one, do not hesitate to say that the annexa.
ton Of Texas to this Union would be measure so
utterly hostile to the spirit of that Unon-so contra
~ to The understanding with which il was originally
formed and so subversvc Of the principles il de-
signed to cherish and promote-ihat il would in fact
amount TO dissolution of the Union
The thirteen colonies were inhabited by men whom
common suferings before the Revolution and com
mon Periis and gores during the Revolution, had
todefberate about form of government tba, should
be coogenia to all, and supreme over all thew did 90
as o,ethreh OF The same family, members one of
another and the result was our present gorious Con-
sItutlOn, made not To extend
OUT ior Inc advancement of liberty From the ns
cessity Of the case, indeed and in the spirit of com
promise that belonged the occasion and IN The hl
ues 'hat bound all together, the institution Of slavery
as then existing, then recognised but univ ;nc;
densily, and, so TO speak, exceptonaly-and aIxavs
as an INSTITUTION transient, and Of which the end ~
looked Tor This undoubtedly the true view of the
clauses IN the Constitution that have reference 10 Ala
very" "sh'' Il neediul, be abundantly proved.n
The FIRST argument Of this writer is that SHE
whole nation, the United States at large. are IN
De called upon 10 defend slavery, ALTHOUGH The
right is denied to them by the same parties 70
'ske any steps towards abclisbing t.~ This
might have been very good arpumen, herO,o
.ne on'on was formed. although the majority,
ine'u'"g "ashington and franklin, did not
MINK scat chat time. But Washington cores
pohoen's are now wiser in their penerat;on
than ever Washington and Franklin were Nov
ehheless, the Southern people must insist nm
'heir rights, under The constitutional comoac,
20 which the whole nation as,ented Th,,
compact gives the General Government mo now
~ 10 ABOLISH slavery yet it requires that the
whole country, and all its institutions. slavery
Included, should be defended against foreign ao
gresson, by the united force and wisdom az rio
country. The Southern people have as much
right to demand that their institution of SLAYER,
shall be defended, a, the people of New Enc
land, or New York, have to demand that their
shipping interest shall be defended.
The writer repeats the assertion made in III.
" Address to the People of the Free State,
signed by Mr.. Adams and Others. that Tho
nefation Oh Texas would be measure q u,tor,,,
hostile to the spirit Of the Union" and /. co..
trary to the understanding with which :,
originally iormcd." II would not be ,noro -
IN any point Of view, than the anneYa,ion ,s
Louisiana or Florida. The question q, go;
,ul'onaiity, as TO annexng territory, is closed
The new argument OF Mr.. Adams is tb,, ,bo
Constitution was intended TO "secure The bl...
ings OF liberty J" but he fogets to add the word.
" to ourselves and our posteriry - thar = ~,
pos'enty OF I'VE, the People," who ordained
and established the Constitution. Cerainlv II.
slave population were not parties to Tho go:
'ut'onai compact, and formed no portion of . ~.
the People OF the United States" who ordained
and established it.
Inc Constitution was not intended 70 so.,,..
'ne DRESSINGS OF liberty to any other people than
those who were parties to the compact and /
'heu posterIty. II was not intended 10 discern.
na'e Tree institutions or Republican doctrine.
throughout the world To insist on giving tina,