Southport telegraph. [volume] (Southport, W.T. [i.e. Kenosha, Wis.]) 1840-1850, 1843-04-18
From the Philadelphia Ledger.
PROPERTY, LEGISLATION AND LABOR.

fhOfERl 4, LEGlSLAl1ON AMI AAbON'
An idea prevails among some tina, prop.
er,y is sufficiently represented in our Anne.
rican Legislature, and that its interests
suffer in consequence by the neglect and
selishness of those who have no direct
stake in the general prosperity, as 1t is
promoted by the value Of real estate, lands
houses, and other commodities which are
designated as wealth.
This impression Is fallacous, for moth
ing is SO fully represented in our Legisla-
lures as property, and nothing receives so
much Of the overloaded care of excessive
Legislation. Open our law books at any
page you please, and you will behold how
aborously the agents Of the people oper-
ate for the interests OF property. Why
do we owe forty millions torour public inn
provements? Why, in order to promote
the value OF properly. Why, have we sunk
| hundred millions by broken banks and
other rotten corporations? ln order to pro-
mote, by forcing laws, the value Of proper
| ty. Why is trade now Frustrated and
commerce c:ippiedl Because we have
| expended too much legislation upon prop
efty, aud now feel the defects Of thai de-
probation which is the natural consequence
of the removal Of false values. This is the
! resulting power Of representation, which is
| always more eiTectuaI than the originating
or elective power which is found in the bal
lot boxes.
A large majority Of our voters are men
of property. The democracy of numbers
| does not necessarily destroy, or imply the
absence of the arsocracy Of property; or
we ought rather to say, that the aristocracy
Of property is merged, under our consttu-
tons, in the democracy Of numbers. With
| all the opulence, Of which we sometimes
hear so much Boosting, there is no country
| upon earth where property is so equally
| divided, and spread over wider surface.
In any constituency Of forty Thousand, it
will be found that thirty nine thousand are
voters who own real estate. This is an
| immense proportions; and goes at once TO
establish the fact, that tho first element Of
representation is composed Of property, as
well as its final action concentrated upon
[ property by legislation.
1t has been subject of complaint, that
laws tax property; and hence it is inferred
that property is not faithfully represented
in our Legislature. And why should it not
be taxede Government and its expenses
are for the protection of property, much
more than persons; and that which derives
most Of the benefit Of government ought UNI
questionabiy to pay the expense. This has
been settled maxim from the earliesttmes.
In reference to our state debt of forty mill
lions, the tax to pay it is on property, be-
cause it was contracted for the advantage
and Improvement Of property.
The whole evil of our present condition
is, that we legislate too much for property
in other words we make too many i'm
rovements-establish too many banks
emit too much paper money-create too
much artificial capital. We attempt not
only to legslate too much for property, but
to make it multiply itself by mere lava
contradiction so keenly at war with the
first principles Of nature as to react upon
society and injure the very property thus
overs.retched into legal capital on the faith
Of a bank creditor or government loan.
Now property wants no Legislation, but
general law of security. 1t wants no e-
glsla,ion privilege or expansion, because
injury and not benefit, results from it; for
all improper legislation upon property re-
acts upon what is of infinitely more con-
sequence, industry and labor. Industry
may sometimes be promoted by wise Iegis-
ation, as in the case Of premiums for su-
perior productions in agriculture and man
ufactures; but it is best promoted by the
absence Of all laws that establish monopo-
lies, privileges and distractions to trade;
all Of which prove perncious to the cause
of labor, which is the real corner stone Of
all national prosperity.
Those who contend for the property
| qualification in voters, seem 10 overlook the
fact that the voters Of property always
constitute an immense majority; so much
J so as, in effect to annihate the moral and
! political influence Of those who have no
such possessions. Now, nominally, we
have no property qualification for voters
in this State; but in fact, every voter is
morally endowed with it through tho infu-
ence Of the surrounding masses of wealth.
Yet, as we before observed, property is Of
little value without industry and labor. A
| farm will bring no revenue unless cultivated
by the hand Of industry. A house will
bring no rent unless inhabited by tenant
whose trade and occupation will enable
him to earn enough to pay for his occu
pancy. A rich proprietor, therefore, may
own hundred farms, and starye in the
| midst of them, unless he has industrious
tenants TO cultivate them. So too, Of the
opuIent real estate owner in city, who
may possess hundred houses, which, if
empty, only tend TO ruin him, by taxes, ex-
penses, and ground rents. All this DEM
onstra,es the value OF labor and nduatry,
which, at last constitute the only property
that cannot pass away.
Hence in times of pressure and emer-