Richmond daily Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1842-1861, 1843-05-10

Nm IH UNy oOlVVf 10 To OnCT COufse1 That they will CON
radict this whole statement II they did not hear of il long
prior to any rupture between Mr.. Tyler and myself.
This is the conversation which was alluded TO by Mr..
Gibbons, OF Philadelphia. last fall, in n public address 10
tho citizens Of Philadelphia. An imperfect account Of
which had reached MIR. Gibbons. who is a stranger to me,
and which led to a correspondence at that time, when Mr..
Tyler was invited to authorize a publication Of the whole
conversation which the Madi-ouian decliaed u suppose by
authority to give. And which was referred to in the late
canvass only at its close, after IL had been mentioned repeat
edly by my competitor. somewhat m a spirit ofrebukc, that
! had fallen out and quarrcled with men in power, Ia change
from which l entirely exonerted him. because il became
proper IN my own yindication. To shew that II I had quar-
relied with men IN Po,eer IL was because had found men in
power profigatc and corrupt, and unworthy Of my conf.
denec OF the support OF the people, and ut the same time to
shew that | could have had no personal or selfish object in
puarrellng with patronage. honor, cmolument and reward,
auoi which attached TO men in power, and 60 shew that II
l did quarrel with power, 1t was because | preferred a sac
rhcc OF my personal advancement To n surrender Of my
representative duty and fidelity.
l might also here advert to several passages to be found in
my speech on the Veto, delivered i'm the House of Repre.
sen'atves. atthe extra session Of 1871. in which allusion is
made to this conversation, as furnishing me with a know.
ledge OF his ireachory, and design to run for another term
and in my letter "To the Pu5Iic," dated Angus, 2lst.
ISL, IN explanation of the "Co6ee House" letter, distinct
aIlusion Is also made to it,. For example After cnumera.
ung many OF MIR. Tyler's acts, TO shew how far he had com.
United himself to Wing policy, | say-"For Mr.. Tyler.
"who had done all this, To be the first man to throw himself
Tin the path OF his friends. aud make himself a stumbling
'block, and an obstacle to the hopes, the cn,rcaties, the
demands at u Nations happiness and veal, for the pur.
'POse Of promoting has o,cn personal popularity. did BE-.
'trdy a degree Of per6dy, that filled me ioith Indignation
"dnd disgust"
"lfMr. Tyler chooses to call for the rcasonsth that brough,
zinc to the conclusion that this ras his object, he can
'have them. | am not now at liberty 10 state them ALL"
And again, | remark in that letter, III high Official sta.
'll0u hHI hoe u.1ua 80. .. .-.I -.
'fTdyed my party and my friends, aud giren ia my adAe.
sion TO Mr.. Tytu's reelection, and sustained aim IN his
"deseTfion." Who can honestly doubt that | referred ut
that time to this very conversational And may no, the
question be asked, with some proprioty, if there was no
foundation Tor such remarks, why the official organ was not
then, as now, authorized TO pronounce il falsel
But single extract from n speech delivered by Mr.. TYLER
inls3i. ON the removal. of the depositcs, may serve to omen
the eyes OF some To the principle and motive that acmates
the man IN hrs assault ON me; in speaking of the abuse of
power on the part of the Executive, and the errors of an nd.
ministration, he says
'To render inaudible the voices of those who call into
"queston his conduct, and complain of violated law, they
'are assailed in their turn; and when argument fails, the
"war of nPpellativcs begins. They are called alamists and
"agitntors, and are charged with being actuated 10y unholy
motives. These e~xpedients but too often succeed, and err.
"rors in the administration Of affairs come to be ratified,
(which but too frequently destroy the very foundations of
'rrec Government"
ANU mere hc carries u the principle hlmSCt-tO render
inaudiblc my voice for complaining OF his conduct aud vio.
lated law, he assails me in turn, and when arpumen, fails
HIM, hc begins the war OF appellauvcs-but for once at
least the ~eNpedient will not succeed, nor will the errors ofhis
administration be ratifed-for | question ifhis word would
be taken ON oath by any intelligent Grand Jury in his native
State.
On the same day and during the same conversation. |
was further informed Of Mr.. Tylers views in reference to
Mr.. Clay as his successor, by an invitation To unite with
HIM m making MIR. Webster the "SfrORg man Of The South,
for the Presidency-He is the man said he for us, and if
you will Hniic with me, We can make him the popular man
with all our Southern people; To which I replied that | should
be glad To see many Of the p~reiudices then existing in the
Southern country against Mr.. Webster removed, and should
like To see him President, but all IN good time, Mr.. Tyler:
his time has not yet come-therc is one before him with far
higher and stronger claims on the South and the whole
eounuy-and MIR. Webster must wait his time.
This part oi our conversation | do not think | even 10
this day mentioned to Mr.. Clay, though may have done IL:
II | have, IT was not until after an irTcparable breach had
been made between them from other causes-but it will
serve to shew that at that early period, he had fixed in his
mind a determined opposition To Mr.. Clay, which he has
since attempted To ascribc To subsequent causes, growing
out Of what he called Mr.. Clay's attempt at dictation to
him, when MIR. Clay and the whole Wing party in Congress
yielded to him, what l trust will never again be yielded to
any officer in the Executive Chair.
The Madisonian is right in one particular, where he says
| did not cease 10 visit Mr.. Tyler after this inierviow-nor
did | ever say oiherwise-my expression in the discussion
referred To, was that | never broke tread with him after that
and might have added that ] was never asked; for Mr..
Tyler had found on that day that was not made Of pene.
trable stuff, aud did not suit his puIposcs-but | did con-
tnue TO visit him, and did all in my power To keep him in
the path OF rectitude and honor, aud doubt not, he has Of.
ten since in his moments Of reflection cursed himself for
not taking some of the wholesome advice | then gave him;
but when found all my efforts unavaiing, and that other
councils had prevailed, which must plunge him into de.
struction and the country into ruin-l then ceased my Wis
its, and when at last / was reluctant to look upon his tTeach-
erous visage, | made n last effort, lay a letter which was long
since published in connexion with my speech on the Veto,
in which warned him of all that has been realized by the
course he has pursued.
As for the statement Of the Madisonian "by authority
that he refused to hold any communication with me on nc.
count OF "ny iTeaeheTy"-there is too much Of stuff and
bnldcroash ia IL To merit a reply.
Let that go for what it is worth 1t is not necessary thai
/ should go into a history Of the amendment subsequently
offered 10y Mr.. Clay to the Bank Bill, of which he complains
IA part of the statement is true, 4 part utterly and entirely
fnlsc-itis enough to say that Mr.. Clay had never seen it a
the time presented 1t to Mr.. Tyler, and was opposed to i
when Ice did see it at frst-and at last yielded t
his high sense of patriotism, in offering 1t TO the
Senate, from a persuasion, mot derived from me
that it would be acceptable TO Mr.. Tyler, and tina
without it, II could not pass the Senate; and can say with
an upright conscience, that so far from that amendment
being adopted with a view of embarrassing Mr.. Tyler, thar
I had every reason to believe, as had MrClny, that If adopt
ed the bill would receive his signature.
In regard To tho last paragraph Of Mr.. Tylefs article, i
is false that / ever made anysuch assertion. do not know
to what particular occasion he nlludcs, when he asserts tina
I made the statement there nscnbed to mo-but / recol
lect the conversation at his rooms, at Browns Hotel ver
well, and / imagine whatever / have said heretofore will b
found TO correspond with what | am now about to say.
On the night Of the I'd OF March, Al, Mr.. Tyler an,
myself slept in the same bed, and talked more than hal
the night on various subjects, public and prvute-amon
those subjects Of n public nature was the establishment q
n National Bank. There was strong reason then to nppre
bend that there would be a tie in the Senate on that qucs
ton, which We both deprecaied: But said /, "Tyler, II vii
afford you a glorious opportunity to immorahzo your nam
il the establishment OF an institution so indispensable to tn,
prosperity Of the county should be carried by your castinl
vote; 1t will lay the nation under a weight Of obligation tina
will never be forgotten" To which. he replied, "That
was n responsibility he did not covet-that he would rutbe
nunLl n. Int N N lid cnmn In Ihnl- ihnu ahnnld find lhnL M