Richmond daily Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1842-1861, 1843-08-21
RICHMOND DAILY WING,
MONDAY MORNING, AUGUST 81, is4;
R1y- Sc first Fsrc.

Nothing can be more contrary TO real states.
manship, because nothing can less bring about the
public blessings at which it aims, than the adop-
ton into sudden practice of speculative prnci-
PIES known only to theorists, in their guesses at
the causes of things, and utterly unwarranted by
any positive and direct human trial. The dreams
of the poet himself are not more unsubstanal
than such speculatons have heretofore proved, in
every thing but the mischief they iniiict, and the
wreck which unlike the visions of which Shahs-
pearc speaks) they leave behind.
Few things can, in Government, be harmless
or indifferent. On so great theatre Of practice,
when much is TO be done, and where every act
has or should have wide and lasting consequences,
nane and mpotent measures, of course, stand in
the way, occupy the time and place which should
he filled with sound and vigorous ones. For let
men delighting in sentences and maxims-your
people who pirate about 'letting things alone" or
who suddenly discover ''that Governments do us
good enough when they do us no harm-who
have found some pretty sounding phrase, and
forthwith take 1t for granted they have invented
new science of ruling mankind-let such, we
say, flourish their faacies rs they will, but still
Government can he no mere thing of negatives.
1t has thousand high, a thousand most difficult
things To perform, and it would be hard indeed, it,
created rs we only for society, il should bc in
capable of compensating, by the good it may be
made 10 bestow, the enormous harms, which 1t so
often nflics.
Ii is matter. at any event, from its antiquity
from the greatness of its consequences, and from
the degree in which it has already run through
every possible form oftrial, where OF sens Q
will think of ''trying experiments" History has
already tried for you all that is worth trying, and
this AT other nations expense. Why insist on
having the experiment renewed at your own!
When, for instance, it pleased Mr.. Jefferson, in
the composition of the Declaration of Indepen-
dencc, to philosophize instead OF combining himself
to the practical truths and rights, which it was our
business to set forth and defend; when, instead of
standing upon our known, positive, long-transmit-
ted liberties, citizens and children of a race ac-
customed TO bear no usurpation, no infringement
OF their freedom and laws-he set up the new.
tangled French and Noltairean doctrine 'fhat all
men are born free and equal followed of
necessity Why, ii the fundamental principle of
this Government is that all men must be free,
whether fit for it not, and whether their freedom
is to produce general and wretchcdness or not
then certainly Abotionsm is an inevitable part of
our public principles; and Mr. Jefferson made him.
self either the great originator Ofwhat should have
at once been done, else not said at all, or his
political philosophy false and dangerous to the
last degrees every man who calmly examines
it must hold, and as his subsequent actions must
prove. He did not himself believe that Liberty
was the imprcscripGble right of all; for the very
! Il -
ton, had only the Liberty and Equality of the
white race for its object. He held his blacks in
| bondage till he died no man displayed or melted
a greater luminosity against the Missouri question;
he never took nor suggested any measure for re-
cognizing the freedom and equality of the savn &c
/ Tribes scattered amongst us; he bought Lousi.
ana, with all its French and Spanish, and Indian
| population, without ever stopping to say, Shy
your leave, MesScurs and Senores"-or, "if YOU
please, free and equal Savages!" Nor was this
all he violated the Constitution, for which he was
such a stickler in high point, where there was
not even pretence of power to do such an act.
Either then the wise will set up, as great truths,
those things only which are such, and can there
fore ne put into immediate practice; or if they do
the contrary, they nfct terrible public mischiefs,
it is fatal TO attempt. Libcrty-frccdom 10 act &c
part Of the governing power of community, is a
good or an i'll to the society, and to each separate
individual III the man,-not liberty merely, but
according to the results Of public and Of private
happiness, which are to follow If this Liberty
as they call -though a better name would be
participation IN the power to say what is good for
others and yoursel7-fa liberty extended to wo
men, children, penitentiarcs, poor.houses. and
mad-houses, was likely to better the community,
such liberty should be- given, and if no-and only
Tor that reasoIl--it must be refused. So of saw.
ages, Of slaves, of vagabonds; wise action as
society is the end, and the means arc all bad. if
they do not precisely conform TO it. tits the vir
tue and intelligence of the men which can alone
make them citizens. Without these, you NAV be-
stow privileges, but they will work nothing but i'll
to the society," nothing but greater unhapplncss
and positive loss Impractical freedom (hat is good
Government to the individuals themselves, nd.
niicd without fitness TO rights which such ~ they
know not how 10 use. IN a word, You may give
them political power; but you cannot mako them
cHisHs: that, intelligence and virtue only can dol;
FOR these only can qualify them 70 benefit other.
and themselves, by taking part in the direction Of
public affairs.
la this country, such Liberty, az Mr.. JcTcrsons
splendid but most mischicvous iallocy would have
set on foot, has never existed In the South, it nc
yer can exist until society has IN q long series Of
generations, changed its whole condition; or else,
by some wide and long agony Of domestic strife,
(atal alike TO both sidcs) anticipated in blood the
4 -. II.