Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1843-11-10

present age IS daily taking in the Development of all tie
arts of utility, by which The ply seal sustcnance and
enjoyment of lie can be facilitated and enhanced
the exemption from all possible danger Of war. and
from the heavy superincumbent pressure ol nccnmu'
lated mlseovernment by which the nations of Europe
have heretofore been depressed, and stunted even IN
The natural growth which thel. physical circumstances
and national characters might other wise have permitted
the perfect freedom, alike Of the moral and the animal
man, TO grow to the full stature and capacity of his
nature, with sample room sad verge enough" to spread
freely IN every d,rection-iu such q state Of things,
what assisnable cause ~ there, we repeat, that can ar.
rest the progressive increase OF our population at a 81.
nilar rate to that which the past half century has wit.
messed:
1t = in this anticipation, that We find the chief rea.
son for The deep, the intense solIcitude, which every
friend of American liberty and union ought 10 feel for
The broad and strong establishment of sound principles,
as the basis OF that grand structure OF political and
civil society, which We thus see rising upward toward
the heavens before our eyes-such principles as Will be
adequate TO sustain 81 colossal q fabric. 1t is for tins,
that the patriot would struggle to reform every vicious
institution, the operation of which is found, or IS calcu-
lated to exert a demoralizing influence on national cha
racter. For this, that he would lament TO see the bale
full poison Of that universal passion for wealth, so often
ascribed 10 us, saPping and corrupting the roots OF oil
that is truly good and great, accompanied with that
spirit OF dishonest gambling at the grand national gam
bling table Of ",he credit SYSTEM which we call BY
the more specIous name OF speculation For TINS,
that he would frown sternly upon every attempt to SOW
discord and jealousy between different, sections Of the
country end would anxiously cultivate those feelings
of harmony and brotherhood, which can only be main
tanned between great coDfederated communities, by the
peaceful pursuit by each of its own industry and its
own interests, without encroachment on those Of ano.
ther by the advantages Of partial Federal legislation,
and without an offensive interference with each other
domestic concerns and institutions. And for this, that,
in the working of our complex political machine, he
would be anxious To restrain, rs much as possible, the
central action of the Federal Government, and carry
out to the fullest extent that diffusion OF power, al the
greatest distance possible from the centre, on which the
preservation of the Union wholly depends.
If we should be asked, if we believe it possible that
this Union can hold together a hundred years hence
with a population of fc0 hundred and forty millions, or
even fifty years hence, with enc of siyiy fire millions,
spreading from Atlantic 10 Pacific, and Northward
and South ard, rs their free natural growth should
extend-we answer, yrs, provided the theory OF the
State Rights doctrine he but fully and fairly carried
out into practice. But, administered OH any other
princlples-upon such principles as have, for the
most part, heretofore governed its actlon-we must
unhesiiatingly answer, no. Too strong an action has
been propelled outward from the centre, to afford a pos.
aibihty of its working successfully on a scale so vastly
enlarged. Thus continued, it must ~infallihly dIslocate
and discover the system, so soon as the distances and
The masses increase to proportions considerably be.
yond their present dimensions. Such collisions Of
interest between great sections of country, cs we
have seen to grow out of the vicious Federal lie.
gislation Of former, and indeed OF our own times,
on Tariffs, National Banks, &c, would inevita-
bly, break up the Uaion, so soon as the weight and mo.
mentum Of Its parts receive a considerable increase by
the progress OF population and power. The central
superintendent pressure of the Federal Government
must never ae ielt US i heavy burthen, or even rs a
very sensible weigh,-eise j. will unquestcnabiy be
cast off by the section oppressed. 1t must possess aud
exercise only vital energy sufficient TO aold together
lhe cohesion ot the parts, by subscribing the few sia:.
pie concerns felt and conf sseG by all 10 be OF common
usefulness and Necessity. II i. shal! attempt In icgis
late upon, and 20. special interests, however large ard
powerful they may be, i; must inc eitab;Y go 20 pieces;
and if that political school whose theories and isncen-
c,es are avowedlv in this direction, as coEtradistin.
guished from that whose negative constitutional alb
stractions they are So won't 10 rIdicuis. should be CIR.
ried into power, as it would be in person OF Mr..
Clay, We repeat, that 1t must prove a deep, iino, a deadly
blow 10 the perpe,uily of the Union. Indeed, SO far
do we consider 1t from being safe 10 admit that party
into power, with azsteir la,itudinarianism Of cons!ruc-
,ion and pronenessS oveTworkiDg the conceded powers
of the Constitution, we rather incline 10 the belief that
it will ere long, be necessary still further to contract
ths powers and sphere OF action OF the Federal Govern
ment, even below thu point TO which the worst OF US
fanatics for State Rights now strive 10 conhne them.
The above is the point OF view IN which we look upon
the approaching election with the highest interest. IL
will not, perhaps, be appreciated with the same earnest
ness of feeling by all Of our readers-those who are
less disposed to dwell on the slow and insens'ble ope.
ration of abstract principles, than on the more speedy
aud visible action OF specific measures. To the con-
sideration of the latter-io that of ali, indeed-it will be
suthcient Tor US TO suggest, ratner cS q topic Tor tneir
own reflection shan one which we have either time
or space To develope in the present article, what
must be the pernicious, the fatal influence of the
event we are here anx'ons 10 deprecate, upon the
peace and prosperity Of the country, through the
Currency, and the whole vast extent of concerns de-
pendent upon the currency. Mr.. Clay is the head Of
the National Bank Party, the Paper-money Party, the
Credit-system Party, and his election must mean, if it
M .an anything, National Bank, Paper.money, Credit
system. For Gods sake, tell US, is that old agony TO be
Y npnpt1ed throuph apaJn , la the business of the cOul
Try us all The infinite variety of interests, moral, as
we'll rs material, of which that word is The expression,
ncret 10 be allowed to repose from the perpetual agita-
tons o: politics ?-never 10 be allowed that tranquil sta.
brhiy, which is It's first and last necessary OF existence?
This, as all know, has been the one main subject of
controversy between the two parties during the past
three Presidential terms. The Democratic policy has,
throughout, been hostile TO Federal interference with
the paper currency and commerce of the country
In General Jackson's time, it made the enc step
Of the refusal to e.cbar,er q National Bank, as a
Federal controlling leader, and head Of those, which
the States, in their own had policy, saw fit TO
create. In Mr.. Van Buren's, it made the further
step Of the total disconnection of the Federal Govern
ment from all the banks, from the whole paper money
system. Whatever other differences of opinion might
exist as to the merits Of the Independent Treasury,
there could be none that, in this point of view at least,
il met one Of the most important OF the eXigencies of
the country. II placed lis commerce, credit, industry,
all that constitutes its 'business,' at a safe distance
beyond the reach Of those political Disturbances which
had heretofore so often distressed and distracted them.
This was in itself, as not even the angrest Wing could
deny, an immense good, even while he might be most
bitterly charging against it other evlls-or rather the
negation Of other benefits, which he enormously con.
sidered it within the province and power oftbe Federal
Government 10 render 10 these great national interests.
And is this %salotary policy 10 be now all undone' Is
another National Bank to plunge the country into ane-
Their long CONFUSION of party struggle, on the one side
for its repeal, and on the other for lis retention: Is the
currency 10 be again and for yer tossed to and fro' now
high in the DIR, and dragged deep in the mire, as u foot
ball for the kicks OF parties2 The present state ofihings
is q sort of in,erregnum, an imperfect kind OF approach
to a practical sub-treasury without the specie clause, ex.
isting, in the absence Of other legislation on the subject,
under the old laws respecting The organization OF The
Treasury Department. But it is one which does not
even pretend to permanency, and which must, on the
decision of the issue now pending between the two
parties, give place to the one or the other Of the two
opposite policies, in regard 10 the currency above al'u
ded to. Can il, be possible, that any rational man, after
all the light shed on this subject, by The events of re-
cent years, can hesitate in hs choice ? Can it be pos
sible, that the accession of the National Bank Party 10