Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1843-09-30

Of the provisions of the constitution Of the United
States that guarantee slavery; but that, on the
contrary they pronounced slch provisions con-
,rary TO the law Of God, which IS Of paramount
authority TO all human law, they would follow.
Among tho persons thus assembled, and this re
eolving, were men OF property, who know how to
take care OF their own; men of business, ncute at
making birgaIns; lawyers eminent IN their pro-
fession, and skllliul 10 uphold the law; men, 10
short who, 10 all other indlyldla social, aud po-
lit,cal relations, justly deemed safe and trust
worthy counseilors, and all men, who, as much as
any other IN tho community, proht by, ana
appreciate ,ha value of settled law, and a
we'll ordered Constitution
Yet, under the Influence Of their ntonomanit,
Political Abolition, they take upon themselves to
pronounce, that what the Fathers Of the Revolu-
ton established AS tn, ganic iaw-what moro
than three generations Of men since havo recely-
ed and obeyed such--anl what some fourteen
millions Of freemen look upon the Palladium Of
their rights, the grace, the ornament, aud defence
of their personal and political exlstence-is a nnl
lity; nay, wor5e--as being III Contradiction with
the will Of God, is crime.
Can it DO possible that the rejecting portion
OF those heretofore identitl ID with abolition, viii
sustain such dangerous doctrines, consent 10
act politically with The Omen whose first step
is on the charter Of orr common rights? We ask
this question with some authonty-uot cheapiy
earned-fo we are, as wa ever have been, the
warm, Jealous, earnest foes of slavery, warm ear
nest and Jealous: not TO interfere with the consti-
tuition as II is placed, aud meant 10 be placed
IN the old States beyond he reach OF other States
or of all the States combined; bu, TO elrcumscribe
ITS extension and TO discourage It's grow th.-We
have endured obloqny, reproach and pecuniary
iOss--becauso on this head we have never com
promised our op'nlon5-and therefore 1t IS to say
we have acquired at some cost right to speak
with authority on this question.
The duties OF such TO the Constitution
and tn Ian hnI
deter them from coun'enancing the opinions pro
claimed at BIlflIo, and still from acting
them out for the danger and wrong Of such "a
course seem too obvious.
If in relation to slavery any association OF men
may rightly assume that the laws aud constitution
of the country not bInding-they nay do so,
IN relation TO every other institution; and what
any number of men may do, each In1ividuai, with
eqnai right, may do; and then, instead OF a law
respecting and law-goyerned community, we are
converted at once into nation OF wiesS sophiss.
each constructing the constitution Tor himself,
and Substituting his Individnal notions, for the
we'll onsdered and we'll established will OF the
whole. Amidst The anarchy and confusion that
must result from The prevalence OF such opinions,
negro slavery might indeed receive a death blow
but also would the regulated liberty OF our
race, and all the cherished hopes that cluster
around tho temple erected by tho hands OF our
revolutionary fathers.
Political abolition, therefore, seems TO US all
evil, and abatng in nothing Of our adherence Of
slavery, If our earnest desire to SEQ 1t cIrcnm'
scribed within ITS appointed bounds, and hnaily
hope, extinguished uiterly-we would dis
claim all fellowship with those whose iancied
zeal would overthrow the Constitution itself and
hazard The safety Of tho whole social edfi:o i'll
the attempt to eradicate a single defect
Such, too, We trust, are the sentiments of the
great mass Of the freemen of the North; and II is
invite the attention Of such to the sublec
that these few remorks are thrown out.