The North-Carolina standard., 1843-11-15
From the Charlottesville (Va) JEFF Republican.
LETTER FROM Mr.. iGILMER.
August -. IS43


LETTER FROM Mr.. GILMER
August =, l843.
DEAR 1.-THE candid spirit in which youl
inquiries are submitted induces me to reply to
them, not SO much in compliance with your de-
sire that should vindicate mysclf as to furnish
you with brief outline of some important incl
dents connected with the origin and progress of
political parties in The United States. My own
course or opinions, are of too little consequence
to afford much interest either TO partial friends
relentless opponents Idesire no other vindication
of my humble agency in public affairs, than will
be perceived by every unprejudiced mind by re-
ference to certain cardinal principles, which have
endeavored to follow as my guides under all circum-
stances These have not been willing to abandon
for the advancement of any party or any man, not
even my own. In their application, or on minor
points of mere expediency, l have been always
ready to concede and concilate for the purpose of
harmonious and efficient cooperation with those
whom believed to be united by devotion to some
great principle. AS to men in Office or when
candidates for office, have long since learned
that.of all guides they most fallacous as their
mere promotion is an object the least worthy Of
party combination.
| The general forms Of our government like our
population came originally from Earope. The
events which preceded and followed the Ameri
can revolution have not yet entirely eradicated
those mistaken ideas of the objects, duties and
powers of government which have always pret
vailed in Europe, and which, to greater or less
extent, have had their influence ia the United
States. The fatal error Of mankind fan error
which history and experience have hitherto failed
ITO correct is in ascribing omn potence to govern
mcnt; in usurping not only the rig hts and duties
of the people but also the authority and infaibili-
ty of God. The system of governing del gratiG
or without the will of the governed, is maintain
ed under the pretext of apprehended anarchy:
while history proves that despotism under its va
rious forms has been and must be the nearest road
to anarchy The true source of this disposition
constantly to augment the powers of government
and multiply the objects of their application is dis
thrust of the capacity of men In the aggregate to
govern themselves. In most governments this dis
trust the part of those who claim to govern has
becn too readily acquiesced in, and hence the le-
gitinate powers of government have been seldom
applied to strengthen the popular resources Tor
iselEgovernmPnt
There were many in the convention which franz
ed our Constitution who from distrust of the peo-
pie attempted to 1al1e the federal government in
| form as we'll as substance monarchy, without
the hereditary feature. This design being defeat.
| ed, the government was no sooner organized un-
der the Constitution than the Struggle was renew
ed. and strong government attempted to be es-
tabished by construction. 1t was urged that pow
ers which had been expressly negatlVed by the
convention were to be implied and exercised as
Unnecessary and proper" notwithstanding the ex-
plicit declaration that all powers not granted
reserved to the States or to the people The fed
erat and republican, parties of that day, and ever
since when they divided on their respective Prin-
| cipIes have differed as to the extent of powers
and discretion to be assumed by the several depart
ments under the Constitution. The federal party,
whose leader had advocated the British model in
government, not only by its measures of domestic
policy, but in its sympathies with the crowned
| heads of E urope who combined to maintain the
principle of royal Legitimacy against revoutiona-
nv France. For some time after the adoption of
the Constitution by the States public opinionswas
unsettled in reference to the foreign and
domestic questions which arose.
The old federal and republican parties finally
Joined the issue before the country in the memora-
BILE contest between John Adams and Thomas JEFF
ferson. These parties were not then known as
the Jefferson or the Adams party, but were dstin-
guished by their opposite views of government,
and they recognized these men only as the expo
nents of their respective principles. These prin-
eipIes were comprehensive, embracing on both
sides the whole circle of government, all its de-
partnents, and involving the general question of
limiting the agency of the people by extending
the powers Of government. They had reference
not only 10 Lno HledSuiSS Vi IuOSc
of every age, involving the great question whether
the people Shalt govern OF be governed. The ad-
| vocates of too much government relied then on
some of the expedients which they urge now
The alien and sedton acts, &c, were only appli-
cations of the federal principle to objects different
from those to which the same principle has been
since applied, and would be applied again. The
principle of a national bank was in issue in the
contest of 1900. It was earnestly demonstrated
against In the celebrated report of 1899, written
| by Mr.. Madison, as belonging to that class o
powers the exercise of which by the federal gov,
eminent it was maintained, would prove danger
Gus to the people and the States. 1t was attemp
ed then as it is now to sustain this particular meas
ure OH the authority of Gen Washington.
have never been able to contemplate Gen. Wash
inoton as party man. His fame rises above par,
! tv as the eagle scars above the mist. While the
authority of no man should be recognized in a re-
public as precluding inquiry into its soundness,
have never believed that the Judgment of General
Washington or of Mr.. Madison approved the prin-
cpIe involved in chartering a national bank. II
is now known that at Gen. Washingtons request
Mr.. Madison prepared veto of the first bank bill
That bin was ultimately signed more in Difference
to the solicude of Hamilton and others, than
from his own CONVICTIONS by the father of his