The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1843-11-09

to the persona and the Senate repre-
sent tie property These points, upon which there
has been amendment of the Constitution recon
mended, this very year, BY the Supreme Magistracy
He has actually recommended that the last spark o
the principle Of the representation OF property in the
Legislature should be extinguished. | mean that Of
requiring any tax to precede the right OF suffrage II
Is somewhat extraordinary, that while such has beer
the change Of opinion in the minds of the people o
this Commonwealth, that the representatives
who had originally, after elaboration, inserted ii a.
part Of the Constitution, have agreed to its being
expunged, and thus that the representation in both
branches Of the Legislature should now DO founded
upon the principle of representation Of persons alone
that still they should submit to the Constitution OF
| the United States, wherein, while it is expressly
declared ~ the very words of the Constitution thai
both branches should be representation of persons
yet that under The OF other persons, should be
included the representation Of chattels property
Applause. And what property? The owners Of
that property, persons, just as much repre-
sented are and yet property is excluded by the
very letter Of tue Constitution Thus property is at
once excluded, and admitted in the name OF other
persons.
Now, say, fellow. citizens, that never was this
calculated upon by your Representativcs--how the
elect OF It is to be guarded against, will not now
undertake to say--but call your attention To the ef
lect OF IT upon you and your interests. You have
ten Representatives Of the persons in this Common
wealth, you have representation of property
Your property, what you have virtuously and hon.
csty acquired, is excluded while tho owner Of the
slave IS not only represented you are, in his per-
SOD, but also in the persona Of bis slaves Docs the
slave give his vote No. Who gives the vote The
owner Of the slaves. He has vote then for him
SELF and three votes for every Eve Of the slaves Of
which he is the owner. And, in considering this
subject IN its effects and consequences, twelve
thousand millions Of dollars represented by ninety
members--where you have ten--slavery has ninety
members and all these ninety are bound together by
ties of such nature they all the Representatives
Of one person they are the representatives of tha
property.
| ask you fellow-ctizcns, to reflect upon this; il
the hrst pace--in point of principle. II there be ar
Objection against property being represented, how
strong must be that objection property, of such
character. II there be propriety in admitting re-
presentation oil property, upon what ground IS 1t thai
your house and land, your shop and merchandise,
should not be represented well slave property
in the Councils Of the Nation'
1t appears to us that Mr.. Adams is guilty of q
solecsm, hardly excusabe in quandam pro-
fessor of rhetoric, in declaring that the provision
| of the Constitution, upon which he here dilates
was fraudulent, and yet admitting that there
was no intention Of fraud in framing or adopt.
hight The intent TO deceive is generally sup
posed to constitute the essence of fraud, as
malice prepense does of murder
But the provision in question is not even un-
intentionally deceptive. 1t was adopted after
the maturest deliberation and freest discussion,
and the object and meaning of it were as well
known by those who adopted the Constitution,
as by those who framed ii. No man who has
right to take any interest in the matler-no
citizen Of the United States of ordinary inelli-
gence-was ever led TO suppose by the phrase
ology of the provision that the slaves Of the
South were represented as persons, or entitled
to vote for Representatives.
The apportionment OF Representatives to
slave population was merely mode-the most
obvious and natural which suggested itself
Of guarantying the rights and property of the
Southern people. The object in view was TO
guard the peculiar interests of the South, as the
object in the mode of constituting the Senate
was to guard the reserved rights Of the respec-
tive States, and Mr.. Adams objection applies
as favorably 10 the one as to the other. He
thinks it extraordinary that the people of Mas
sachusetls should tolerate, in the Con institution of
the Union, feature which they have just struck
out of their own Constitution-as il there were
any analogy between the relation in which the
People Of the Union, and Of the respective
States, stand 10 the Federal Government, and
that in which the people of Massachusetts stand
TO their State Government. He might as well
have expressed a childish wonder that the peo-
pie of Massachusetts should submit to Consti-
tuition which allows their State no greater re-
presentation in the Senate of the Union than
l. L. "A
them with affected establishment, will you toe-
rate Constitution which gives Rhode Island
Representative in the Senate for every $4,000
inhabitants while Massachusetts, has only one
for 36O,OOO7
But Mr.. Adams i, neither ignorant nor child
lsb. The objection which he makes 10 that
provision of the Constitution which NAV be
called the keystone of it, is presented in the
most arful and insidious manner. 1t is urged
as the representation Of property, and property
of The most odious kind, while Norihern proper
ty is wholly excluded; and the reason aud his
tory OF the distinction are careful ly kept out of
sight. Mr.. Adams true objection to the Con-
stituton Is, that 1t protects the Southern slave
holder in the ownership of his slaves and. if
honest, he would at once have asked his con-
sttuenls will you submit TO Constitution which
protects slave-hoders But the good sense oil
his constituents might at once have prompted
The answer, that shareholders would never have
assented 10 Constitution, nor entered into ar
union, which did not protect them. H more
cunuingly deman Dis Of tbem therefore, whether
they will submit 10 Constitution which protects
the property of the South, and excludes that oil
the North, thus appealing TO their prejudices and
selishness. their sordid and sectional feelings
Nothing could prove more conclusively than
seven years, the wisdom and foresight of that
vital provision Of the Constitution which he SO
L.. al a