The Charlotte journal. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1835-1851, 1842-02-10


nor yetoes would avail to protect If. Its
own resolution, its own valor, IFS own IN
domtabe determination TO maintain ITS
rights against all men, these and these
alone could in that case uphold Southern
interests.
Meanwhile, the people of the South had
all requisite guarantees. Firsi, they had
the sacred provisions of the Constitution
and then they had the character of our
as coniederacy-the exist
ence of these interests long before the
adoption of the Constitution, and the rights
and duties of the Government in regard TO
them recognised and laid down by that So
cred instrument. That was the security
of the South. As one who himself lived
where that peculilr interest existed, he
no security from the existence
Of the veto powcr-none hone whatever.
lie felt himself secure in that mutual har-
mony which il was alike the interest OF all
to cultivate, in the constitutional securities,
and in the certainty Of the disruption OF
the Union, as the inevitable result, the
moment that interest should be assaIled
in the capacity and determination of the
South to defend herself at all hazards,
and against all forms OF attack, whether
from abroad or at home. There, there
was the security, and not in this miserable
despotic veto power Of the President Of tue
United States.
Dir. c. went on TO say, that the amend
mcnt which he had the honor of proposing
to the Senate was encountered by argu-
mcnts which were directly opposed to each
ether. He was told by one that this pow
er was a sacred thing, not lightly TO be
touched, but TO be held in honor and yene
ration as the choicest legacy leit US by our
ancestors. He was told, on the other
hand, BY an honorable friend in his eve,
that the amendment was vain, because it
was thing impossible ever to get tie Con-
stitution amended. He admitted that II
was n thing extremely difficult, requiring
as it did the concurrence of eighteen
States. But now, in reply TO the first ar
gument, those who regarded the Constitu-
ton as so worthy Of preservation, should
be satisfied that no light and trivial amend
meut to il ever could be carried into eiicc, /;
but ifthey were convinced :ha, any amend.
ment would be for the good of the country,
it was their duty to put it forth and sub
nit i, to public will. As 10 the second ar.
gumont, he admitted, as he had said ITS
full force. Ii was indeed extremely doubt.
ful whether any gentleman here present
would ever live 10 see the Constitution
amended but still il was the duty of every
friend OF his country to use proper efforts to
have IT improved. One attempt only had
succeeded since those alterations were
adopted which took place Immediately at.
ter the adoption of the Constitution itself
But this subject had been good deal con.
sidered in the country, md If Mr.. G.. had
been successful in any degree in Demon
stratlng lis expedency, neither class OF
directors ought to persevcre in opposing it.
As to another amendment, which had
reference 10 the appointment CT the Score.
tary Of the Treasury and the Treasurer Of
the United States. Mr.. e. admitted that if
his friend from Virginia mir. Arcber)
could succeed in establishing what Mr.. c.
had attempted years ago TO demonstrate
that Congress did possess the constiiu.
,ional power to define the tenure Of office,
and to defend It against the power of dis.
iolsslon-,hcrc would, TO be sure, be less
necessity Tor making special provision
in regard 10 these two officers. Bat still.
for greater security, Mr.. C.. sbond prefer
TO have the appointment of the Treasurer
and the Secretary explicitly placed in tho
hands Of Congress.
Mr.. c. observed tina, if there was any
sentiment IN relation to public affairs on
which the People Of this country had made
up their mind, it was in regard to the nc.
cesslty Of limiting Executive power. It,
present overgrown character had long
been viewed by them with apprehension.
The power WAS not pcrsonal--it was main.
ly official. You might take a mechanic
from the avenue and make him President,
and he would he Instantly surrounded with
power and influence, the power and the in.
hucnce OF his office. 1t was very true
that the personal popularity of an incum.
bent might add much TO his power, but the
power itself was Official, not personal, and
IFS danger arose from it's tendency and
ability 10 accumulate. This was demon.
strated by all past history, and was wit.
messed by all we saw around US. All
these considerations called upon Senators
in the language Of patriotism deeply to re.
feet on the consequences which might en-
sue shonld not a power so great in itself
and so prone 10 increase be subjected TO
some salutary limitation.
Let not gentlemen deceive themselves
by names. The unprctcndlng name Pre-.
sldent Of the United States was no sccuri.
y against tho extent or the abuse Of pow.
or. The power assigned TO a public ndi.
vidual did not depend on the title he might
bear; the danger arose not from his name,
but from the quanium Of power at his
command. Whether he were called En-.
pcror, Dictator, King, Liberator, Protec-
tor, Sultan, or President Of the United
States, was of no consequence at all
Look at his power, that was what we had
I,.f f0,r