The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1842-01-01
FREE TRADE FALLAClES.-The

FkEE lhADfb tLLASILo.-l TIC
first faliacy, ard one which lies at the
bottom of all. is HAT the "Free Trade" SO
much talked of is not Free 1rade.
Ii we open our ports to the commodl-
ties of foreign nations whosrcfuse to Ie-
ceive our commodities in return, the
trade so carried OH is in no wise free
trade. The nations Of the earth engaged
together in commerce are to such an ex-
tint bound in sort of compact the laws
(which regulate their intercourse must be
of mutual and general application; for in
that particular respect the nations con-
,stltute one community. 1T will not do
for one country to establish laws of trade
irrespective of other countries-unless
indeed it chooses to adopt policy like
that of the Chinese, who are a jealous
people and do not like much intercourse
with foreigners.
A nation may establish free trade when
both of the trading parties are subject TO
its authority AS is the case III internal
commerce between Pittsburg aud New
Orleans, and in. our coasting trade carried
,on between different sections of the u
Mon. But to establish free trade with
,Grea. Britain is impossible unless Great
Britain consents toit.
1t may do in some sort for few Of the
Southern States to support the lree'Hade
doctrine. The reason is because their
,cottoutis admitted very literally into Eu-
ropean ports, and so far as the traffic in
that article goes we have trade almost
free. But this particular case should not
be made the basis of a general argument;
for il springs not from the free trade
principle; it is not part of system which
the European nations are disposed to a.
dept England admits our cotton, because
it is material necessary to her manulac-
.turers. II her own colonies or foreign
possessions could supply it, she would
not admit our article. Her policy is now
directed to the very object of securing to
herself abundant sources Of supply from
her own territorial dependencies, so that
she may be enabled to dc without the A.
merican commodity.
If the Southern people thus talk of free
trade IN view of their own staple, they
ought to recollect that Great Britain, their
chief foreign customer, does not partici-
pate in their views. She admits their
cotton, no, for tho sake of free trade, but
because she cannat get sufficient supplies
elsewhere.
But what kind Of free trade is that
which exists between the United States
and Great Britain in respect 10 the great
staples of the Middle, Western aud North
ern States? Our -four, our tobacco, pork,
lumber, Sc are burdened with heavy res
trictions in the British ports. England
sends us manufactured goofs'in profusion,
but will not receive the products which
we offer in exchange. Oar own mechan-
ics and manufacturers are likely to be I'M
sold. Shall we continue to practice upon
the (allacy of free trade under the strange
idea that such trade is free2
Whatever benefits may result from free
trade need not now be considerable
cause there is no free trade in reality. If
the advocates of the theory will address
their arguments and illustrations to the
restrictive governnu. &lon the other side
of the Atlantic they will be acting more
consistently than in seeking, as now, to
make their own country the victim of
policy which no one country can success
fully establish.-Balt. .amer.