Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1840-1842, 1842-08-19

weight OF ofhelal responsibility. wheh permits no
motive Of ambition luminosity TO ,nfiel on their
country the consequences Of their passionsf Whence
can such resentments arise, unless ftom motives oil
| ambition equally unworthy OF President OF q
| Legislator IL the majority IN Congress Wish TO
submit a, issue to the country, involving any policy
OF Government, any question OF constitutional hbet-
" or legislative expediency, 10, them not present
selves and the President Let them invoke the
Judgment, and not merely the prsjudiees, OF their
| countrymcn tn decide IL.
IL too oilen happens that party attempts to pre-
scribe Law for the Constitution, and TO on'erplate
substantive restrictions or engagements OF the pow
ers TO be derived from the text Necessity or expe-
diency is always the pretext. The first necessity
and the soundest expedieney in Government ola
written Constitution is TO preserve ITS organic law
inviolatc. That instrument may bc MS eiieciually
changed land tho Government is changed with ~
by this means rs by meodnent m the prescribed
mode. The Constitution il designed 10 furnish per
maneni, uniform and universal rule OF Government.
while parties luctuae and change with the eap,iccs
OF passion or the convictions Of Judgment. These
decisions OF mcsc party too opt to bc regarded
authority aud hence the conflict which frequently
occurs between them and the Constitution iisef. The
undersigned has already expressed his conviction
that the proceedings in this cie ace IN conflict with the
Constitution. to be regretted that It is not the
only evidence OF disposition during the present
Congress to disregard the authority OF that instru
ment, or 10 create unnecessary collisions between tho
Legislative anu the Executive departments. w nen
subject distinctly embraced in one bi as be n he
cause OF the Executive ELECTIONS 10 that bill respect
for the opinions OF CO ordinate department, or
desire 10 avoid unnecessary collisions with II would
suggest the propriety OF not immediately pressing
that Identical subject upon the consideration OF the
Executive without some intma,ion Of a change Of
opinion. The objections Of the President 10 the pro
vsional revenue bill and the general Revenue I'LL are
the same. They relate TO tho insertion Of clause
directing distribution Of the land fund without regard
10 1f Atltaa fhn frat
temporary in its duration and comparatively unim.
por,an in its objects. IL was sent TO the President
in Advance OF the second, and only Eve days prior
TO the 3Oth of June, when il was alleged there
would no longer DC authority to collect revenue.
IL contained a clause in relation to the disiri-
button OF the land fund. IL vetoed on account
| OF that clause. On the 9Th Of August, Congress
passed the second or general revenue bill, contain
ing clause still more unequiyocaly authorizing
distribution, notwithstanding the twenty per cent
restriction Of the act of 1871. Whether the first OF
these bills was designed only TO feel the way for
the second. and To ascertain II the President
could be Brought to tie dilemma. after obioeing TO
the bill, of either vetoins revenue bill, Or
submitting TO the distribution clause in order TO
obtain tho means of carrying the Govern
meni, or TO re enact, by the vote OF a majority,
single principle which had been SO recent
ly vetoed, and which could not obtain the vote
Of twothrds, 1t is part Of the history OF these pro-
eeedinss which may shed some light on our exam
nations. The legislation Of Congress at the late
extra session the subject of the Bank and its va
rIous notifications, illuraies the same disposition.
Two bills under different titles, but both for ihs OBJ
jeci Of charterng National Bank, were successive
y passed, sent 10 the Executive and were returned
with objections. lf then there has been a DISPOSE
ton the part Of the Executive to resist the aston
of Congress on certain subjects there has certainly
been corresponding disposition the part of
Congress to attack and to repeat the attacks the
Executive.
Congress have appropriated the money required
TO carry on the Government. They have author
izsd the debts that arc contracted. They alone,
under the Constitution, furnish means Of meet
ing their own appropriations Il is not in the pow
er OF the minority OF Congress 10 legislate. All
that the Executive can do is TO convene Congress,
shouldit adjourn without providing revenue to car
ry on the Government. Il is hoped, however, that
calneT considerations will inspire some motive OF
public duty stronger than any feeling OF party re
sentiment. The threats OF violence whci hav9
been heard from quarters whence better councils
should have prevailed, will not disturb The repose,
nor provoke the dignity OF free and enlightened
People.
THOMAS w. GILNER.
WASHINGTON, August l6, 1912