Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1842-01-15

free working Of the system. Yes, u would be
beautiful spectacle; we should have a perfec
Utopia Of a world. True, one nation wonit
still be richer than another, from mere natu
raj advantages of position, of extent, OF eli
mate, and Of soil. Bot, alas! political economist:
were unable thus 10 arrange things. no mere
theorist was sci UP as umpire to settle all qnes
,lons among the nations. Nttions, ever since
their existence, had been contending, struggling
for pre- emInence, and they were at II still. /
we wen, to the English authors, they would IN
culca,e upon us the fair and beautiful doctrines o
free trade, and 10 hear them one would suppose
that no other policy had ever been lhonghto oil II
Britain. Bat, when we looked at the actual poll
cy of England, did we find free trade! Did Eng
land leave capital and industry 10 seek their own
channels and find their Investment? How hat
than empire attained 70 ner present vast height o
prosperity and power? By giving every pract,
cable protection and encouragement 10 the indus
try of her people; By attracting and domestica-
tlug TO her utmost ability the manufactures OF I'M
whole world. No sooner did IA new branch o.
manufacture arise up IN any part OF Europe, thar
England tempted those who practised II, by pro
teciive duties, by bounties, by personal rewards
ty everv seductive means withia her reach, to
settle IN England. And no sooner was the exotic
planted on her shores than it was sure to receive
the fostering parental care of government, TIL It
had struck lis roots firmly into the soil, and at,
tanned a firm iuxurIan, growth; and by this polt-
cy, steadily pursued, she had risen TO her present
national strength and greatness.
But ne were exhorted to throw open our ports
to all tho world; we were 10 welcome the pro-
ducts of every foreign nation, to receive all they
chose to send, while at the same time they exclud-
ed, with w~a,chful, unsleeping jealousy, every one
of our products whenever they had any similar
ones of their own TO foster. This was a pretty
system of free trade! America has a staple. for
example, which she would exchange with Great
Britain for British manufactures; bu, Britain her
metIcally seals her ports against II, and we are
stil 10 go and buy Of her. and call it'frce trade"
The theory otthese political philosophers might
come nearer the truth had all nations. in the race
Of commercial rivalry, started at once; but when
we entered on the course, we found Great Brt-
tain, with n capital the growth of centufies.guard-
ing her own manufactures by every possible leg
'sIative device, strengthening the arm OF her pow
er at home, and covering her domestic labor tv
the strong arm Of Government. in every case
where II could come In competition with that OF
foreigners engaged In the Same occupations. In
der such circumstances, would gentlemen preach
to US the theories Of free trade? II was vain TO
say that capital and industry would ever flow in
to the channels of manufacturing production Of
themselves. unaided by the protection of legisla-
ton; without governmental protection IN their
%incipient stages, manufactures never could exist.
Our soil might be fully opened and cultivated,
and u large redundant population might grow up
upon our soil, ye, these extra hands never could
UeCOInS manufacturers unless uUUeE tne SdttpuhIO
Of legal protection. And why? Because the
moment they should commence any branch Of do
nestle manufacture, the foreign capitalist, whose
capital was invested in that manufacture, and
who had heretofore supplied our own market,
would put forth his whole strength TO crush the
infant rival. and crushed il must be unless the
arm of Government interviewed to shield it. The
natural resources of the United States were al
most boundless; they had, indeed, just begun 10
be explored. Extending through a range of eve
ry climate, cur country presented every variety
of soil and situation; our mountains were richly
stored with the most valuable minerals; our val
le,s and our plains were covered with every
plan! pleasant To the eve or good fer food; staple
products of the highest commercial Importance
abound on every side; Yet, strange TO tell, with a
land like this IN our possession, and a population
Increasing beyond all example, foreigners could
come TO our shores, take from US the raw materi-
carry 1t across the ocean, manufacture 1t into
a thousand useful forms, derive all the profit of
manufacture, and return !, 10 US without Ia
king scarcely any thing of ours in return.
Mr.. NJ. wanted TO see an end put TO such a state
Of things; he wanted 10 see the day when, under
the protecting arms of the Government, extended
over every branch of our own domestic industry.
and here he knew tho Danger of running his
head against the 'compromise acs,') all tina,
could be produced 10 meet the wants of this ma
ten should be produced here-upon her own soil.
The home market was The best of all markets
When We bartered with foreigners, a portion OF
the profit, perhaps tho larger portion. went in'o
The pocket of The foreigner. But If we trade
our own people. the prof, was American all
round. If we traded with an Englishnan, half
the profit went To England: but when a man Of
the South traded with his brother in New Eng
/ and, America got the whole-double The amount
vas m de and saved 10 The nation.
Az, but how would all this Interfere with the
act? And what was the compro-
act? 1t was a law passed in 1888, fixing a
lniform duty of twenty per cent. on all imports
it,er a certain dav, but very generously leaving
I in the power of Congress to fix the rate higher
Or lower, ii the necessities of the Government
should require or permit. &C cording to the excess
Or the depletion Of the Treasury. Why so much
was exhibited 10 connexion with This
|aw Mr.. NJ. had never been able TO understand