The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-08-30


politics, bG appointing capable men to Office, instead
OF dspensi0g official patronage the reward Of mere
yolitical partisanship The country, in this re-
spect, seemed to expect and desire moderate
prudent and conciatsry course, calculated 10
produce more general harmony and good feeling ra-
Their than the which had before pre-
vailed to IAN extent which Disguised the thoughtful
and sober-minded. During the brief period OF Gen
eral Harrison's term OF Office, he was known to be
influenced by this feeling, and Mr. Tyler has, in this
respect endeavored to walk in his footsteps. Though
both of these gentlemen were elected TO office by a
particular party, yet their individual opinions upon
particular measures not made subject of nqui-
ry 1t was expected that they would be honest,
faithful tothe Constitution, and favorable to measures
which would advance the public good and the gene
raj welfare. Even the party which elected them
were, by means, unanimous as to what those mea-
sures should be, and much less were any OF them
made test at the polls. A general benefit was ex-
pected from their election, and general reliance
placed upon their honesty, fidelity to the Const
tution and friendship to the public welfare. 1t
not be doubted that President Ty Ter has exhibited all
the qualities fitting him for his high office. His judy
ment and his views of his constitutional obligations,
have caused him to differ with the majority in Con-
gress to two of general interest. One is
National Bank and the other is the distribution of
the proceeds of the public lands. currency OF uni
form value, and sound, economical system OF do
nestle exchange, were indeed demanded by the wants
and the wishes of the country. Measures to produce
be allowable by the Constitution and such measures
he would cheerfully have approved But the fiat OF
popular disapprobation had been too unequivocally
and too emphatically pronounced upon National
Bank of discount, to leave any doubt to the popu
lar will upon this subject But Notwithstanding this
fat two bills creating bank of this character, were,
in succession eagerly and perseverlngy pressed upon
the President for his approval. He was compelled,
by his own respect for the public WILL and his
scentious view of the power granted by the Constitu
on to return both of these bills with his objections
while he ready to sanction any constitutional
law regulating domestic exchange, he could never
approve of National Bank of discount which he
deemed to be prohibited by the Constitution. 1t
not be douated that his action in this respect
politically wise as it constitutionay conscien-
tious. great National Bank of discount is not yet
favorite with the people of these United States !;
and until there is change of popular sentiment in
this respect, that party only nsures its prostra
ton which places all at hazard upon this issue.
The other matter in which the President differs
from the majority in Congress, has in it singu
lar features The country is VIGOROUSLY embarrass
ed in its pecunary resources, and crippled in its
dit, and its wants demand more revenue than its
income will supply. The President, with that
which most men apply to their own af-
fairs, deemed that country SO embarrassed could
not prudently give away that portion of its income
derived from its funds, when it was so much needed
to meet its expenses and restore its credit.
In other words, he was not willing that the people
should be taxed, either through Tariff or any other
mode to raise money to distribute among the States
when the wants of the General Government were so
pressing. 1t is the duty Of Congress to raise
venue to meet the wants of the country. To dis
charge this duty now indispensable by necessi-
ties and at the time to enforce the President
sanction the distribution of the proceeds of the public
lands against his known judgment-they framed two
separate bills for revenue, connecting with both the
distribution clause. The two subjects had no natu-
raj proper connexon, but they were Joined to
the President either to approve which
his own sound judgment reject d. or to incur the
odum of rejecting bill to raise revenue imperiousy
demanded by the necessities of the country. This
species - legislation is Of itself fraught with much
mischief and deprecated by all conscientious The
President would have been unworthy of his high place.
and of the general confidence reposed in him, if he
had Welded to this legislative coercion He came
out manfully and openly, and patriot should and
manifested his willingness to go with Congress in
raising the necessary revenue but at the same time
firmly avowing his determination not to approve Of
the distribution of any portion OF the public funds
long as the Government should remain in such
condition of embarrassment. Who can say that in
this the President is unworthy of himself or his coun-
try. Who can say that he has shown deficiency
in Judgment, sense patriotism? Who can say that
he has refused his saDction to laws demanded by the
public good?
Yet for these acts the President has been deounc-
ed by the press, and in public meetings by political
brawlers in terms of unmeasured opprobrium and at
which decency should blush. We are among those
who believe that vituperatve denunciations un-
called for-that they unworthy of free people,
and in no respect justified by the acts of the Pres
dent We are among those who believe that de-
cent respect is due the Executive Of great people,
and have yet to learn that he is more deficient in
honesty, sound judgment, fidelity to the Constitu-
ton than those who thus indecorously and holly as
sail him. We know that the President has been
pressed upon ndelicately and INCREASINGLY from eve
nv quarter, with view to make him instrument
in the elevation Of another favorte-we know that
when it was found he could not be used that every
effort was made to PROSTATE his influence and de-
stroy his character and fame by constant and
ing clamor and denunciation We will not follow
the bad example set us of assaiing the majority in
Congress- or the favorte they would elevate but that
majority would do well to look to their responsibility
to the country, and take care that when reckoning
comes, they are not found to have been more eager
for destroying the President than providing for the
welfare of the country. We will not doubt their
honesty, but the people will exact from them Judi
cous action well honest intentions. The Presi-
dent too, has his appropriate functions to perform,
and he has taken oath to perform them faithfully
and SO long as he confines himself within the const
tutional sphere of his duties, his acts TO be
spected. We among those who approve of his
acts, and think they justified by plain common
and sound judgment, and calculated to promote
the public welfare We do not approve of them less
because they have been so indecenty and violently
assailed but for that deem it the more our
duty to come forward at this time and make an avow
al Of confidence in the President in the uprghtness
of his Intentions the soundness of his Judgment and
in his regard for the great good of the whole mea-
sures that are really for the interest Of the whole
country, and calculated to give it prosperity and
peace, we doubt not he will readily approve-among
these are laws regulating domestic exchanges, and
Tariff for revenue, and incidentally for protection
sufficient to meet the wants of the Treasury and to
give stable protection to the great manufacturing and
which will be permanent, and not changing, and
such laws the President favors. 1t will be doubt
full or heeting credit to his administration that he has
been able to conclude Treaty with Great Britain,
honorable alike to this country and the statesman who
In short we believe that President TYLER deser, es