Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1842-07-15

vested 7 ght in the several States 10 a distributive share
of the proceeds of the public lands.
But does not the honorable Senator perceive that
even il this theory of the rights of the States under the
virginia Coed of cession were correct, it, by no means,
Justifles The distribution which he so ably carried
through, during the last session Of Congress. He must
show that he has pursued and c~onformed to the deed
under which he claims. Can he do So, The deed oil
ccss'on provides that the States should receive the be-
neiit oil The common fund, according to their usual re-
sPeetrt proportions IN tie gcncrai eharge and t1psndi.
ture. But the Ian Of The las, session wholly departs
from this principle, which The consistency of the ttls
now sci up would necessarily require TO be pursued,
and distributes the proceeds Of The lands among the
States, by The substituted ana entirely different rule OF
Federal nn. bers.
Hnvins sced the question Of The coded lands in its
origin p = ~ 5 under the articles Of confederation
1t us now see 80" they were considered and treated
at The adoption Of the present Constitution. Do you
find IN that Instrument, or in any ofthe c%ontemporane
Gus public acts and documents, the slightest color given
to the idea that they were to be regarded as the proper
~ Of the States Individually? On the contrary, the
Constitution expressly speaks Of the public ~terriiory
(Which then consisted exclusively Of the lands I'm.
braced by The Virginia Deed Of cession) 'as property
Jdonging 10 The United States, and as such, invested
Congress with 'the power 10 dispose of and make all
needful rules and regulations, respecting it," The Fe-
derahst, the highest contemporaneous exposition OF the
Constitution, in repeated instances, speaks of these
same coded lands az having become the absolute pro
perry of the nation. In The 9TH No. of that publication,
from the pen Of Gen. Hamilton, the cessions of lands
made to thu U. S. are spoken of as having been made
"for the common benGt IF tie rhOie,' and the "vacant
Western Territory, thereby acquired, as being the rom
man Froperty IF the CHion.' MIR. Madison, in the 3sth
No, speaks Of them, in like manner, as "a mine of vast
wealth 10 the United Suites capable, under proper
management, both of eif'cting the gradual discharge
of the public debt, and of pouring "hberal tributes into
the Fcderat Treasury. In this character, they have
been acted upon by the whole Legislation Of Congress,
Irpfn tho ppriod M tho cinut,un of tho Corsiiiufinu
down 10 the present day.
There is no other view of the subject, which will
bear, fora moment, the test Of history or of argument.
The whole body of the public lands, whether derived
from the cession Of particular States, or acquired by
purchase from foreign powers, are the property Of the
Us As such, they are, IN the language Of the Con-
stltution, subjected TO the power of Congress "to dis.
pose of, and make all Eeedful rules and regulations re
spec,;ng them This is an ample, discretionary, but
at the same time n highly responsible power, which
calls for the pro!oundest wisdom and deliberation in lis
exercise. The public lands, as the common property Of
the naiion, ought 10 be devoted 10 the general USES OF
the Uninn, so long as they are required for that purpose.
But Il, in the adjustment ofa general revenue system,
depending mainly on duties on foreign imports, ii should
be found that those duties, wisely and Justly arranged,
without pressing, with an undue weight, on any interest
or portion Of the country, yield an ample supply tor the
wants oftle National Government, it would undoubt.
eddy be within the scope Of the plennry power which we
have seen that the Constitution vests in Congress over
u HfSDoSHi Vi tHc punt uuUS W tuIU tirH VIbGt0ust
under sucl circumstances, into new channels, which
would distribute their benefits, without departing from
the principles Of 4 just equality, 10 the different mem
bPrs of the Union. In such 4 stale Of things, 10 use the
~lgngnage OF President Jackson, in his fourth annual
message TO Congress, it would be Gin the discretion OF
Conlre So to dispose of the public lands in such way as
best 10 condure to The quiet, harmony, and general in
ierest of The American People, But so long as their
proceeds are wanted for the general purposes Of the
nation, there can be no application of them so Just, so
equal, 50 proper in itself, or so much in harmony with
The motives and manner Of their acquisition, whether by
ccssion or by purchase, as 10 devote them 10 'lhe gene.
raj charge and expenditure" Of the Union.
The pclicy Of distributions, till lately, MIR. Presi.
dent, has never been attempted 10 be sustained or sd-
vocate d IN any other prime pies than these. And here,
Sir, while so many are always found In do homage To
TIE living, LEI me render an act of Justice to the dead.
The frs. proposition for a distribution Of lie proceeds
of the public lands, among The States, was brought
forward in le29, by q distinguished Representative of
PENNSYLVANIA, now no more allute 10 Mr.. Steven
son, the representative Of the Pit,sburg District,
whose merits are so well known 10 both OF The honor
able Senators from that State. had the honor 10 lc
an humble colleague cf that distinguished gentle.
man IN the committee 10 which his proposition was
retired, consisting Of Mr.. GIlmer, Of Georgia, MIR.
Reed, of Massachusetts,, and other gentlemen vel!
known here, but Of which, OF course, the Represen-
iaiiye Of pennsylvania was the Chairman ; and it is fl
and proper that !, his sole remaining colleague, now
i'm the councils Of tho nation, should replace upon MS
brow the chaplct which ought Justly 10 adorn. II, so lar rs
The orirination cf a great scheme OF public policy con
frrs distinction and rcnnwn. Though did not give
my assent 10 the measure, as one Of e~XpetIent and OPP
perfume legislation at the lime, land IT ~ due to The
honorable chairman 10 say Tia, he himself did rot prtss
il for imu#ediatc %ndcrtirn) yet in much Of the clear
and fnrcible reasoning Of his able and instructive Re
rori, concu.lcd, and still concur. Lit gentlemen
look back 10 that Report, and they Will iimd N II
nn such startling prcicns;on as that the public lands
b,icu9 10 the States! On The contrary, they were dis
tinc,ly recognised 10 he the property Of he Union, a
nrcat financial rcs0Hrre n Mc nGiioh, and q cllei bass Of
lis pp6ie credit, which, when not wanted i"r national
purposes, would he best preserved from dilap'dauon py
giving lie States an immediate interest H. Their pro-
cecds.
have already shown that when, three years ailer-
wards. the distinguished Senator frgm Kentucky, OH.
Clay took up tie proposition, winch had been brought
forward in 1899 by Tie lamrnied member oil The other
House from Pennsylvania, lie sustained 1t upon similar
grounds, -coptrndina HAT the pubic lands were no
lamar nudtd for the use Of tie nation, and that The
General Government, in Fact, was tnhaTrasstd, not by
deficits, but by s~nrpius,S. In such 4 state OF things, a
distribution of lie proceeds GftIc public lands amorg tfe
States might, Naturally enough, find advocates among
The wisest and soundr 81 practical statesmen. IL Will be
recol!ecied iha, Dir. Jefferson, in his second Inaugural
Address, and in one or two Of his subsequent messngrsto
Congress, aniici paling q surplus in the Treasury beyonc
The wants Of he General Government recommended q
"rfpartiion If II among The States rather than, by
making il the occasion Of n sudden reduction oi oulles
on foreign imports, 10 dcrange tie industrial pursuits,
and The established financial system Of The county
Similar suggestions, in like circumstances, were made
in several OF the Messages of Gen. Jackson. Bot, to
withdraw from The National Treasury the valuable re-
source of The public Gcr:a II, at a inomen mt hi The deep
e, embarrassment, in the finances, and the heaviest
pressure urnn The credit Of the nation, winch we have
seen since Tie close Of the last war, would, III my hum
Bile Judgment, be an act Of suicidal temerliy, which no
lining but the lanatcism Of party can excuse.
ask honorable gentlemen if they are prepared
to sacrifice every thing 10 this insa,iable-l had al
most said bloody-idcl of Distribution, Il tout pri1, as
Tie French woulG call it: is the necessary support
IF the Government, the salu,ary efficiency ct the
public service, in all It's branches, The sanctiy OF NE
public faith, the honor of the country itSrii IN the
eyes Of the world, all to be sacrificed, rather IMAM
not carry out a favorite party measure, which stands
suspended by The law of It's own creation, and which
canno, now he renewed, bot in violation o. The most
sulemn legislative covenant: appeal TO SEM.
,x. uho a,,as,pt tLa ,puracfprrnu interests OF