Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, 1842-02-10


is the subject of that power, but. to no little
extent possess diversity of interests from
those by whom the surrender is to be made.
III, however, the advocates of the plan can
support its pretensions by irreiragible proofs
OF It's justice, it does not become us TO turn a
deal ear to their voice. In spirit, therefore,
OF fair enquiry, with disposition to be just,
the undersigned will proceed to an examina-
ton OF the facts and arguments on which the
majority found their resolution.
The question to be considered is, in what
proportions the legislative power of the Com
monwealth shall be distributed to different
masses of those OH whom the constitution
confers the right Of suffrage? Abandoning
the exploded notion that there is in the law OF
nature an original principle which gives to a
majority right to control minority, the re-
port claims for all qualified voters right to e.
quail participation, in the exercise of the legis-
lative power. from their equal participation in
respect of qualification, in the elective fran
chise and it declares "that no good reason
can be shewn upon the principles of our pop
ular government, why the vote Of one qualili-
ed citizen should have more or less weight in
the conduct of public affairs than the vote of
his neighbours, or more distant fellow citizen.
whether separated by coerminous boundaries,
If the right of suffrage was regulated in SUI
bordnation to both personal and proprietary
rights; that's TO say if the number of qualified
voters in the different members of the commu-
nifty was made to bear relative proportion to
the aggregate interests of the whole, the pro-
position of the ma ority might be allowed.
Persons and property are alike the elements
OF society and the subjects of legislation, and
entitled alike to protection, and in such rcgu-
latlon OF the suffrage, upon the plan of the
maj GRITTY, both would enter as elements into the
basis OF representation, and protection would
be thereby afforded to property, which cannot
be any thing short of direct influence in the
government Or it might be allowed if there
existed throughout the body polite an equal
itv or identity of interests. But it is obvious
tat the same would be true of the basis of
taxation alone. Because if the number of
qualified voters furnished the measure of
wealth, it would be Indifferent whether the one
or the other was adopted :; whether represent
tatIon was apportioned according to the num-
Der of qualified voters, or to taxation, or a
combination of both ; and if in such a conGi-
ton of things, the number of qualified voters
pore hXed proportion 20 population,i it would
be equally indifferent if representation was APP
portloned according to populationalonc. Upon
either ratio each portion or member of the COM
munlty would enjoy its just participation in the
Legislative power each of the great interests,
out OF which the mass is composed, would be
secure in that protection essential to each,
and which 1t is the duty of government to af-
ford. But the right of suffrage is not so reguat-
Ell, and being established by the fundamental
law, 1t is not within the power ofthe General
Assembly to modify it, Whilst, however, il
is admitted the number of qualified voters in
each member of the community is not fair
exponent of the wealth of each member, it is.
nevertheless, supposed to bear some even pro-
portion to the number ofwhite inhabitants of
each, and accordingly it is by reference TO the
census OF population that the rcapporionment
is proposed to be made. 1t will thus be seen
that the question is brought directly before us,
whether representation shall be based on
white population exclusively ?-The investi-
CATION which this question received at the
hands OF the able statesmen who composed our
late Convention, is familiar to all, and in the
opinion of the undersigned, renders unneces-
sary any argument on their part to show that,
In a community like ours where the different
members are separated by natural and almost
impossible barriers, possessing interests di-
verse and antagonist to each other, where I'M
Portant rights of peculiar character predomi-
nate in one, whilst they are of secondary con-
sequence in another, where the ratio of contri-
button by each to the common fund bears no
proportion to their population, no basis of rep
resentat1on can be Just, equal and safe, which
does not recognize, in some form, taxation as
one of its elements. This principle, which
the majority deem SO anomalous i'm the con-
stituhon of popular governments, and which
they declare would find few advocates If it
were an original question, and uninAuenced
by the events Of earlier periods, the undersigned
believe to lie at the foundation of all free gov
ernments, to be necessary to secure that gov
eminent switch is capable of producing the
greatest degree of happiness and safety, and is
most eiiectually secured against the danger of
NAL administration" Instead of being an
anomaly,it finds examples in the constitutions
oil several of our sister States, and in that Of
the United States.
In South Carolina the representatives are
apporhoned among the several election dis
tricts oil the State, according 10 the number
OF white inhabitants contained and the amount
oil all taxes raised by the Legislature, paid in
| each, deducting thercfrom all taxes paid on ac-
count OF property held in any other district,
and adding thereto all taxes elsewhere paid on
account OF property held in such district" In
N orth Carolina representation in the Senate is
Sin proportion to the public taxes paid into the
Treasury OF the State" and in the house Of
commons according to federal numbers. Fur
Their researches it is believed would multiply
these examples.
In the convention which framed the federal
constitutional it was contended that representa-