The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-12-06
THE EXCHEQUER.

Exchequer a chance, and a trial. Many per-
sons approve it altogether; and among them
some Of acknowledged ability and experience !;
and MANY Others, feeling that something ought
10 be done, see no prospect Of success IN any
other attempt
But this dispassionate tone and tendency Of
public sentiment is not allowed to take lis free
course. Efforts are repeated in certain por
ton Of the press to prejudice the public juds
ment against "John Tyler"
We find the following paragraphs in the New
York American Of Friday last:
"To cooide 10 men Of John Tyler's selection (sf.
Ter we have recently seen what those selections are
and upon what principle madeD The power of buying
and selling exchanges on account Of the government
would be q degree OF political madness which cannot
be anticipated in the Wing party.
T" Imagine only some tool, such as Mr. Tyler could
not fail 10 choose-some wretched, crouching syco-
phant-planted here in the city Of New York, agent
Of the Exchequer with authority to buy and sell ex
changes, miami and foreign-whose bills would b,
taken Il matters not to this Agen. how much tn,
Government may lose; his business, as he would
probably understand it, or be made to understand
would be to take that the Government gained
votes and influence although it might leopard the
Peoples money.
"Let no one, therefore, be deluded into voting fol
the Presidential Exchequer, on the ground that The
President would select respectable and honest men US
its agents He has no sympathy with such men
cannot work with them, and has nothing TO expect
from them"
So barefaced proposition to place grea'
measures of national legislation on mere party
grounds, has seldom been avowed, even if such
a motive has sometimes had its unacknowledged
influence on the conduct Of individuals
'John Tyer"-to use the respectful appella-
ton of the Amercan--is President of the Uni,
ted States. He was chosen to the second office
by the People, and came to the first in the con-
stitutional mode of succession.
But the American considers 'John Il jer'
not Of his party, nor of the party of Wings.
He has no confidence in him, and presulnes
they have none; and therefore he calls on then
not to concur in passing such law, as, so fa'
as appears, he would be willing they should
pass if the provisions were carried into effect
by one OF their opn party. This is the very
uitrdism of party spirit. That spirit could mol
well go further 1t is an open and broad avowa
Of that preference of party and party objects
over constitutional provisions and the will Of
the People regularly declared, which has unde =
mined free institutions in other countries, ant,
it is well feared, may at some day undermine
them in ours.
1t is nothing to the editor Of the American
that sJohn Tyler is President by the election
of the People, and The provisions of the Con
slitution. 1t is nothing that the Constitution has
conferred on him the same power as on other
Presidents, and to be exercised under the same
responsibilities. II is enough for him 10 know
that measure necessary to the public interest,
might place the nomination of a dozen individ-
uals to Office in The hands Of John Tyler" Oh
this account he opposes the measure, and is
willing 10 leave the public interests 10 shift iol
themselves. Ir favorite of his party coulo
have the appointment he would be for the mea.
sure. If his favorite candidate was prA-;1--r
h. ,~..iI---.--se,utr. But this not being the
case, he admonishes the Wings in Congress, moi,
TO trust 10 the constitutional organization Of the
Government not to leave other Departments Of
the Government to their own constitutional re-
sponslbty, and the exercise of their own con-
sliutional powers; but they, the Wings, hay
ing majority in Congress, should interior,
with the arrangements Of the Constitution, and
refuse to the Executive the exercise of power.
which, if he were of their party, they woulo
gladly confide to him. Now what is this bu
placing party considerations above the Const
tuition What is it bu, advising one branch OF
the Government to obstruct and resist the ordi-
nary exercise of its powers by another branch
There is as much evidence that the Presi-
dent enjoys the confidence of the People as that
The members of Congress enjoy it. He is Pre-
sident, holding his place in pursuance of con-
s,itutional provisions; they are members Of Con-
gress by the provisions Of the same Constitu-
ton. Blu, because he happens, or may happen,
not to have their confidence, the confidence OF
the People shall go for nothing, and they will
no, trust him with the exercise of the powers
roperly belonging to his Office!
These are the ideas of the proper duty OF De-
partments in Government organized upon tn.
several branches, which the editor of the Ameri-
can entertains, and which he takes pains to
urge upon his friends in Congress.
For the same reason, there should be no
courts, because "John Tyler" President though
he be, should not be trusted TO nominate judges.
There should be no Army and no Navy, be
cause he could not be trusted with the nomina-
ton Of their officers there should be no appIo-
prialion for the foreign service abroad, for how
can the Wings of Congress trust "John Ty-
Ter" TO nominate Foreign Ministers?
1t has been supposed that, by the provisions
of The Constitution OF the United States, the
Government might go on even if the various
Departments should not haTmonize in regard to
all political questions. 1t has gone on, more
than once, amidst great differences Of political