The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-05-21
THE ISSUE.

one which involves the success of our Republ-
can Government, or its failure An important
faculty of the Federal Constitution is to be rem
dered poweress for good, and as consequence,
in it's weakness, to furnish an element OF destruc-
ton TO our Institutions, or else in a sustaining
influence to be derived from the virtue and pa
trotsm of the People, the fame of the iustrlous
men who won our liberties, and who established
our Government-the dignity of the sacred In
strument Of voluntary compact, and the honor
and independence of the present generation are
to be enforced and exalted.
We declared in our first article on this subject,
that at this crisis it was doubly important that
the country should be vigilant and firm in sus-
tanning the powers Of the Constitution, because
the politicians of the Legislature had taken
this opportunity of the accession OF Vice Pre-
sident, without a party" to the Presidency, to
make an attack in various forms upon an essen
tial feature of the charter of Government. And
the first Of these charges was,
THAT the second Bank Bill, and the entire course
of action upon it, both precedent and subsequent was
resorted to by of the Proorusean caucus to en-
barass the Executive, and as consequence TO ioice
into helpless submission to the Congressional dc
tation of majority, else TO break Its power down
or to force resignation the part of the President
In proof Of this position we appeal to the his
torv of the times, and in addition, to the terms
of the instrument itself. Was not the Fiscal
Corporation bill' just as Objectionable on the
score of principle and in its powers, to one con-
stitutionally opposed to Bank OF the United
States as the first Bank scheme? Do not those
opposed to the creation of Federal Bank, deny
the right on the part of this Government to es-
tablish any moneyed corporation to act per se'
that is of itself from powers granted to the cor
porators over the entire surface OF the Union!
1t is not simply the extent of function with which
the Bank may be clothed, it is the denial OF the
yight under the Federal Constitution, to make
Federal corporation at all. That the Fiscal
corporation" though it did not possess all the
faculties of the old Bank of the United States,
was nevertheless just as Objectionable In point
of principle, will scarcely be denied by any one
except perhaps by the new Senatorial light from
Virginia, Mr.. Archer, whose adverse opinions
are TO us perfect confirmation OF the truth OF
the proposition for which we contend. Then
in this view of the case, a Bank bill was pre-
scented by the politicians of Congress to the Pre-
sident, in the face of the first Veto which he
was either to sign, shamelessly admitting
want of principle in doing so, or not TO sagn,
and thus call down upon himself efigy burning,
mob insults, and the subIimely indignant thun-
der of the Wing press throughout the whole
land. If it was not for an insidious purpose why
was that Bank bill presented to the President
for his signature? What interests Of the people
b., lie ,,ccoue iS true If was
concocted in committee and passed IN three or
four days though its charter was to be lrrevoca-
BILE for tWenty years time, but 1T cost the People
twelve or fifteen thousand dollars to make the
bill. and it cost several prominent members OF
Congress sundry ong-winded speeches.
But the charge is yet scarcely rendered. we
declare that il is our solemn belief, nay that we
hnow, that the politicians, every man OF them
who concocted the Fiscal Corporation Bill"
entertained the conviction from positive lnlor
nation, received from undoubted sources, before
the passage of the Bill, that the President would
reto it if it were pressed on him. Then, except
for an insidious purpose, why was II passed
against his entreaties, prayers almost (tor the
President saw the end of such violence) upon
the Chief Magistrate {? Why was it pressed on
him. except with desire to obtain q reto tor
political ends, or else to force the President into
a tame and helpless submission, not to the ao1s-
dom but to the cdprices OF Congress
MI Webster's letter to the Massachusetts
Senators is proof incontestible ofthe Presidents
desire, that the :" cup might pass from his lips"
No, they would not permit this. The agony OF
the patriot was mistaken for the fear and weak
ness of the man, and they (the politicians OF the
Legislature forced the Chief Magistrate to take
his position of defence. And well did he take
it. Seated in the Presidential chair, clothed in
the robes of office which had once invested the
Godlike proportions of Washington and Madi-
son, he could not with his noble mind and up
right intentions, fail to derive an inspiration of
sublime energy for the appalling crisis. Did he
falter, or even for momen. hesitate? No. the
blood of the Revolutionary patriot which flowed
through his veins, rushed with concentrated in
dignation to his heart; and though beneath him
the angry multitude yelled and hooted, and was
tossed to and fro like the waves of an angry sea,
ready to engulf him in the boiling surge of their
passions, equally gentleman, patriot and
Virginia President he discharged his lofty duty
Let his enemies weep with modification. Lei
his friends exut in admiration.
But still this is by no means all. Let Bolts
"coflee-house" epistle pass-athough it must
be borne in mind, that this man was known as
the bosom companion of the Kentucky Senator
We do not attack the paid soldiery, we strike
at the leaders, the Catilines of conspiracy. II
will be remembered that after the second
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