New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1842-07-02
The Veto.


representatives. with his objections the bills extending
the present Tariff Of Duties until the lst Of Au-
gus,-for the purpose Of providing supplies Tor the
Government until, after due consideration and tie
profound reflection demanded by the traDscendsni
impouance Of the subject, permanent larih can
be established adequate satisfy at once the want
of the Government and the necessities o. the cOun-
,rv. This bill was demanded by rhe exigency OF
the case; existing provisions, without som special
legislation were about to expire by their own Inn
itation-thc country to be left without revenue
under a heavy debt---and the ports of the nation
10 be thrown open for the free admission OF goods
from abroad IL was framed with n most scrupu-
lous regard for what were understood to lie thc
preiudices Of the President, and with even more
absolute Difference to Executive dctaiion than the
free spirt of our institutions could sanction up
prove Every possible effort was made TO accom-
MEDIATE its provisions TO the Presidents scruples;
and We, he has thrown himself between the wants
of the nation and the wisdom Of Congress and for
hidden by his own power this bill to become
law. Well might his apologst from South Care
lima declare thatths was ono of the most dnr'ns
history Of American legislation contains 10 parable
to its absolute tyranny and most icrvently do we
hope that it may never be cited as precedent Tor
similar usurpaton in all time to come. In pallia-
ton of his former vctoes President yler has urged
constitutional scruplcs which have had the weight
of moral obligation. With men of extraordinary
charity this plea has had some weight-in excuse
for the man if not in justification OF the act But
for this his third and most important veto ne urges
merely difference in judgement. He places him
self far above the Congress of the Union, and
claims the power which he is very ready to usc-
% veto any measure they may pass not only for
esnstitutionaSand conscientious reasons, bat upon
the grounds Of his own judgement and his own I'M
advised will. What more than this an absolute
monarch can do we Came, conjecture
Mr. TYLER objects TO the bill on the following
grounds:
L. 1t suspends the action of the Comprsmise
bill ; and, virtually admitting that under certain
contingencies this may be done, he d" has not been
able to persuade himself that the ecigency Of the
occasion is great as 10 justify him IN signing
the bW." Passing over the insoent usnrpation
Of this claim OF right to decide, let Us see wha,
are the exigencics of the occasion The third
section of the Compromise Act provides TINT after
,he Both Of June, 1912, all credits in the payment
of duties shall be abolished. and such dticS shall
be laid for the purpose Of raising such revenue as
may be necessary to an economical administration
of the Government and the duties required to be
paid by law shall be- assessed the value at the
port OF entry, under such regulations as may he
prescribed By lac" This evidently contcmplates
legislative action before any duties can be col
lcced after the 30th OF June, This is clsarly the
intent Of the section. Now no such action has
been had. The only bill which is ever cited as
relating to this section is that of Sept 80, 1871
and this by ,s very title relates exclusively to the
sixth section Of the Comproa.c-aieetiug only
those articles which by the act of '33 were admit
ted free or at less rate Of duty than 20 per cent
This cannot be construed TO supply the legislative
action contemplated in the third section. The
provisional Tariff bill was intended expressly TO
supply this dehciency-and this John TYLER has
vetoed. So that he is now without legal warran,
for collecting any duties wiateVcr. Yet he say,
that under the directions of The Secretary 81
The Treasury" the duties may be collected. l.
mo-, this in effect though under an arttul disguise
proclaiming that ExccNfire Srders-wih OF rih
on the sanction of Congrcss-are to have the iul
force of Law And is not this an assumption 81
power which British mouaich even dared /,
arogcts. and which in past years would have
awakened spirit not only OF Indignation but O
reroiunoR throughout the land
.. The other ground of opposition 10 tins bill
assumed by Mr.. Tyler is, ,hat it snspcHds tn,
operation of the Distribution Act, whereas h,
would have it left TO suspend itself. The sum o
which is that he wishes the act repealed, bccaus,
he deems its repeal called for by "a large sumbct
it not majority of the people. by the state Of
tho public credit and finances, by the critical pos
ture OF our foreign relations, and by pablo faith
Now should like to know ii the Constitution
has made the President the Judge OF these mat.
tiers Are they not clearly left to the discretion O,
Congress And after that body, elected bv the
people for the express purpose OF making their
will lac, has solemnly declared its judgement IN
the matter, Is it the most glarsg usurpation
in the President to set il aside and substitute ms
own bare will, and make that law in its stead -
What more than this could the bayonets OF Crom-
well do
Bu, even II ne had any right thus to act, the
grounds OF objection would still BE- most absur,ly
weak. The President has in no case a right to go
beyond the election returns 10 determine what i
the Peoples will, II il were possible for him to d.
so. As To the plea that the public necessities de-.
mand for the Treasury the proceeds. Of the public
lands, how ridicuousy frivolous doe. it appear in
the light of facts. The nation Is in debt twenty
millions Of dollars her annual expenses are nearly