The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-07-07


Conservative inslitution-it is an essential in
gredlent In the great system Of checks and ba-
iances which constitute Republican Govern
ment. The House of Representatives is the
popular branch-but it is an aggregate of indi-
yIduals representing separate interests-each
member speaking the wishes and maintaining
the veal of his own particular constituents spe-
cally. The Senate represented the federalive
power-and, as in the other branch, each Sena-
tor commended principally for the benefit of his
own State. The third branch of the law-making
did not represent any one district or State
but he was elected by the aOhote people and re-
presented the whole people. But, being thus
assimllated to the popular branch of the Legis-
lature, counter check upon his power was con-
ferred on the Senate in the Veto it possessed
on his nominations. These are the leading
features of Republican system. Destroy the
Veto power and you change the character of
the system. The last inquiry he would make
was-is the exercise Of the Veto power, in this
thoughtif ever President was called upon to ex
ercse 1t, this was case in which it was impera-
lively required. The wants of the country, it is
stated, demand revenue of twenty-seven
million of dollars. This amount cannot
be raised by imposts A moderate duty
on the estimated imports will not produce that
sum. If you lay high duties, you insure SNUG
Cling by the Northwestern frontier and conse-
quently high duties will not yield the required
revenue. The only course left is to take back
the public lands, establish system of strict
economy, and lay duties for revenue only. The
question now lies between keeping the proceeds
from the lands, and resorting to direct taxation.
In the choice of the alternatives, the President
could not act otherwise than he has done. He
is elected by the whole People, and would not
have put his Veto on this bill, unless under the
conviction that the majority of his constt Iency
are with him. No doubt he is right in his con-
victions.
Mr. COOPER, of Pennsy lvania, obtained the
aoor, but gave way to Mr.. CosT JOHNSON, who
wished to move an adjournment But there be-
ing an evident Discrimination to adjourn, Mr..
COOPER delivered himself Of his denunclations
against the Veto and against the President He
was followed by
Mr.. SAUNDERS, of North Carolina, who had
no intention to say any thing against the course
that had been pursued by the opponents Of the
Veto. He was willing that the violent feelings
it engendered should have vent But, from the
language used, it might be supposed that the
President had been guilty of some enormous
crime, or at least had committed an act wholly
Unprecedented. From the tone of denuncaior
against him, it would not be conjectured that he
had merely exercised power conferred on him
by the Constitution. According to the com
mentary Of the Federalist, the Veto power was
conferred to protect the Executive, and to
hinder the passage of bad laws. from haste in
adyertence, or design. Mr.. S. did not wish tc
impeach the motives of those who advocate the
bill but there was something in the circu.n-
stances of its passage which might justify a
Veto. But it is urged, that the power should
not be exercised except on Constitutional
grounds. In returning the Bank bill, Mr.. MAD
IsoN expressly waved the constitutional ques-
ton. and vetoed from reasons of expediency
alone. He was not therefore vtuperated and
denounced, as John Tyler has been. General
Washington vetoed bill from reasons of expe-
diency. When gentlemen go home and vilify
John Tyler for his Veto on account of expedi-
ency let them also say thai the Father of his
Country did the same.
But suppose the President wrong in his
Veto; why, therefore, assail the power
itself? Gentlemen had given an enumeration
of Wing principles, but in the list they had not
mentioned opposition to the Veto power in the
Constitution.
From the language employed, it might be
supposed that Mr.. Tyler is the only man who
wishes to maintain the sanctty of the compro-
mise, There are many who think with him.
Mr. S. quoted many authorities in proof OF his
assertion-and among them the language CT Mr..
Clay in 1887, on proposition to reduce the
Tariff.
Mr.. Tyler has been immeasurably denounced.
Why2 He is accused of having been faithless
to his party. How He was expected to carry
out Wing measures What Wing measure
QlQ ne refuse 10 carry out . w ny ue NetOeu tHe
bank. Was the bank Wing measured The
Wing orators of North Carolina gloried in the
fact that Tyler was an anti-bank man. In Vir-
gina the people were told that General Harrl-
son was opposed to a bank-and it was unne-
cessary to inform them what were John Tyler's
principles on that question. He was then faith
less to no pledge either made or implied And
if he had made the pledge-yet if the good Of
the country required Of him to break it, the vio-
lation Gin the language of great man, would
be virtue, not fraud But it is said that John
Tyler was not influenced in this act by a lofty
motive. He was induced to give the Veto
through bargain and coalition with the Demo