The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-02-21
From he N. Y. Journal Of commerce.
4 JErFERsoNIAs.

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were 10 address his fellow citlzens through the news
papers, saying that he had embarked large portion OF
his property in business which turned out to be ex-
cecdingly unproftable and asking them TO contribute
for the purpose OF enabling him to 90 on he would
probably be answered that the sooner he gave up a
bad business the better for that his neghbors would
not be so foolish to tax themselves upon absurd
plan. Yet this Is precisely the proposition which Is
made by the men who tell US they shall be- ruined un
less di eliminating duties laid for their protection
There aIe but TWO grounds on which such duties can
be defended with any toerabe pausibllity They
are that those who have embarked in enterprises uh-
der the stimuants of high protection entitled TO
some consideration when the policy of the country Is
changed and, that discrimination would perfect
man factues yet in their infancy. As to protecting
American labor against foreign pauper labor, keeping
specie in the country, preventing excessive impor'a
tons furnishing a home market, and making things
cheaper by high duties that is all CANNON for the ma
rnes. Old sailors know better. The two consldera-
lions to which perhaps some weight should be al
lowed were never entitled TO less than in coun.
try, at this moment The High Tariff was forced
upon the country most uniarIy by the very men who
talk loulest of the pghted faith Ut the country
The faith of the country never plghted to sys-
TEN 50 barbarou as that of 1928. 1t was carried ny
the decisions of selfshness, and was in It's nature
temp )rary Besldes-en years notice has been gwen
of the change and has been brought about IN We
nv gradual manner. Nothing could have been better
done As to stimulating or pertectlng new manuiac'
lures that might have been said half century ago
|
enterprises are too much stimulated We 60 too fast
not too slow in all improvements There is r.
ally therefore, good reason now existing for df
parture from sound principles at all and upon TIE
grounds which urged, II is wrong altogether
and highly dangerous to the stability of business
and the peace of the country We do. not see
4 how men are able To put on lace TO chih
that the whole nation shall be compelled TO
/ pay higher price for the articles .hey NIKE
and SELL in order that their trade may be rendered
profitable Is the nation bound to make the Journal
of Commerce profitable to It's proprieors ii The ma
ton secures the free scope of our ente Prise 1t
has done all for which good citizens we have
right to ask and if il does more, IL does 1t at the ex
pense OF injustice to other citizens. Suppose the eli
tors of this city, of the country, should call con-
venton and send whining petition to Congress, SIT
ting forth that the New World and the Brother jon
athan are repubshng all the popular works OF la
glsh authors and making their papers SO popular tint
the regular Therapeutics are in danger oil beng oVe
thrown entirely, ihereupon praying Congress TO con
pei every body to pay twelve dollars year Tor our p
i pers, instead Of ten. We do not see but that th
case would be just good as that which Is now pa
\ forth by certain manufacturers, Yet the peop,
would probably call fools for palms. and tell u'
TO 90 home and print New Worlds ourselves, or 60
into some other business, which from It's usefulness
to the public, would insure It's prosperity.
/ The Compromise act fixes the rate OF duties at
! twenty per cent. on the home valuation. twenty
per cent. duty will leave our own citizens with an al 4
vantage of at least twenty five per cent over all oth
on the eartn Tor the supply OF our own
ket If the duty to be assessed on the nome Valua
ton the protection to home enterprise will be at least
thrty-three and third per cent, II we could import
iron free of duty at sixty dollars ton, then 1t will be
made in this country 50 TAR as 1t can be- at eiShy uo
= lars ton. We suppose that many OF our readers
would be almost horror struck 1t we were 10 say mat
all the iron so made would subject the country to a
positive and absolute loss of just twenty dollars ton
Yet this is our understanding of the matter. 1t the
revenues of the country derived from direct taxa
IN apI tha pppsps nfc
the expenses OF collecting duties upon imports, then
upon whole view of the case, the county, "oIt Ion.
richer by Just the attRi ct the extent better reward
Ell Yet there are iron-makers who insist that tlelr
business shall be supported and made profitable though
It require loss to the country OF thty forty dol
lars ton, whatever other sacrifice may be neces
sary, in order that they should be sustained In fact,
they think that the further apart the and
the fuel are and the greater the disadvantages Of eve
ry sort under which they labor, the greater II their
claim to protection, for the greater is the amolnt of
| labor which they consume. The fact is, they brow
away the labor of the country, and but for them six
days labor would procure as much iron eight days
labor with protection in that proportion; and the
other two days would be left for the procurement OF
other things. All the Tariffs in the world never
did and never can in the long rum increase the de-
mand Tor labor In any country. On the CONTRARY,
they do but pervert that labor, throwing away use
lessy per centage Of it equal the per centaae Of
Tariff protection If the laborers of this country
can be deuded into the support of any system but
hat of Free Trade then they are not shrewd enough
for the times
We want to state more horrible proposition. 1t
is, that there is nothing in manufacturing which OUGHT
to make that the interest to be specially cherished ~
the government. The effect of featuring on the
people is less congenia TO our institutions, and less
favorable 10 the happiness OF mankind, than almost
any other occupation All Europe there no
people so poor servlle, vicious, so every way
debascd the operative manufacturers. In our owl
country the tendency is in the same direction though
H. ,lt,YI
eminent of the age these tendencies powerfully
councraced by the literary and religious institutions
which every where adorn our manufacturing towns
and villages. The circumstance that our power is
generally mater and not steam, is one of more mpo
tauce than has been thought Of Bat after all this,
what is the effect Of manufacturing upon our people
Is factory girl likely to possess all the qualities OF
good wife and mother, as if she had continued to
live in the house of her father the girls of New
England did all Of them, forty years ago Factory
aboers liable to distress upon reverse OF tines
muc beyond agricultural peoples and what may
be OF some Importance one day, they are to certain
extent in their political action, sul,servent To the will
OF their employers. We hear it said of man.
that he control great number OF votes for he is
great manufacturer. This language never
heard in country until recently, We say, then,
that manufacturing is less favorable than agriculture
the great business Of our country, to personal in
telligence and fitness for family relatons-to uni
form competcncy-and TO that manly personal in
dependence which is the security and glory of our
country. Ii would be sufficient, then, ii such an
interest were made to share equally with agrcul
ture in the care of government. Our mode of col
ecling revenue, however, does give a vast govern
mental preference to manufacturing; preference
which ought in all reason, to satisfy those who adopt
Its pursuits.
THE ADMINISTRATION PARTY From in
dications which we find in our exchange papers we
rather think that those who attempted to "head Cap
tain Tyler" have, by their reckless course beheaded
themselves In several PAGES in the country, meet
lngs have been held, and from report were well at
tended the object of which was To rehuke the incal