The Hillsborough recorder. [volume] (Hillsborough, N.C.) 1820-1879, 1842-02-10

rights and GullFS a the G0EeuMeHA sa
Fegard 10 theaa recognised and laid down
81 llsai sacred instrument That Was ile
security Of Inc South. As one who him
self lived where thai peculiar interest e.
isled. ne possessed no serpHiy from nc
exisrnce of lie Ees0 pOxer-nnne-nore
Hha,erer. lie fell himself secure il that
mutual harmony which il Vas alike the
interest of Ell % cultivate. in the eonsliin-
lionsI securities. and IN the certainty 81
die disruption Of The Union, as de inesil-
able rrsuli. lhe moment thaiinieresl should
BE- asSsiled; in he capacity and deierml-
nation Of the South 10 defend Aetx<ll = al
hazards. and against al fOups N Jack,
whether from abroad or Al hoa>e. There,
there was The security. and ~ IN this
miserable despotic reto power o. lhe Pres
ideni of the United States.
Mr. G.. went on 10 say, that The amend
meni which he had had the honor Of pro
posing 10 the Senate was encountered BY
arguments which were directly opposed
10 each other. lie was told BY one that
this power was sacred thing, not light
~ TO be touched. but 10 be held in honor
and yeneralion as The choicest legacy leit
Us by our ancestors. lie was told. on the
other hand. BIZ an honorable friend in hrs
eve. that The amendment was vain. be-
cause il was hing impossible ever TO
ret The Constitution amended. lie adj
milled that il was Thing extremely DIFF
ficult. requiring as il did the concurrence
Of eighteen States. But now, in reply In
the FIRST argument, those who regarded The
Constitution as 20 worthy Of preservation,
should be satisfied that no light and trivial
amendment 10 il ever could be carried in
10 effect; but If they were convinced that
any amendment would be for the good Of
the country, il was their duty TO put II
forth and submit il 10 public will. As 10
the second argument. he admitted, as he
had said, lis full force. TWAS indeed ex-
iremely doubtful whether any gentleman
here present would ever live 10 see the
Constitution amended; but still il was the
daiy Of every friend Of his country suuse
proper efforts TO have il improved. One
attempt only had succeeded since those
alterations were adopted which took place
Immediately after the adoption Of the Con-
stilution itself. But this subject had been
a good deal considered in the county, and
il Mr.. G. had been successful in any de-
gree in demonstrating its expediency,
neither class of objectors ought to per-
severe in opposing it.
As TO another amendment, which had
reference 10 the appointment Of the Sec
reiary Of the Treasury and the Treasurer
of the United States. Mr.. g. admitted that
IL his friend from Virginia (Mr. Archer
could succeed in establishing what MIR. e..
had attempted years ago to demonstrate
that Congress did possess the consiiiu-
iional power TO define the tenure ofotlice,
and to defend i, against the power of dis
mission-there would, TO be sure, be less
necessity for making a special provision
in regard to these two officers. But still,
for greater security, Mr.. &. should pre-
fer to have the appointment Of the Urea
surer and The Secretary explicitly placed
in the hands of Congress.
MIR. C. observed that if there was any
seniimen, in relation to public affairs on
which the People Of this country had
made up their mind, il was in regard TO
the necessity Of limiting Executive pow
CT. lis present oyergrown character had
long been viewed by them with apfre-
hcnsion. The power was no: personal
it was mainly official. You might take
a mechanic from The avenue and make him
President, and he would be Instantly sur
rounded with power and influence, the
power and the influence Of his office. II
was very true tina. the personal popularity
Of an incumbent might add much 10 hi.
power, but the power itself was official,
not personal, and its danger arose from its
tendency and ability to accumulate. This
was demonstrated by all past history, and
was witnessed by all we saw around US.
All these considerations called upon Sc
majors in the language Of patriotism deep
ly to reflect on the consequences which
might ensuc should not power so great
in itself and so promo to increase be sub
jected to some salutary Limitation.
Let not gentlemen deceive themselves
By names. The unpre,ending name Pre-
siden: Of The United States was no securi-
ty against the extent or the abuse of pow
er. The power assigned to public in
dividual did not depend on the title he
might bear; the danger arose not from his
name, but from the quantum Of power at
his command. Whether he were called
Emperor, Dictator. King, Iiberator. Pro-
tector, Sultan, or President Of the United
States, was of no consequence at all.
Look at his power, that was what we had
10 guard against. The most tremendous
power known 10 antiquity was the short
est in its duration. 1t was not then in
duration. any more than in title, that the
danger lay, but in the magnitude OF the
power. This called for every safeguard.
The Dictatorship of Rome continued but
for brief period, yet, while it lasted, the
whole State was in his hands. He did
- Il x....l Ir.