Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1840-1842, 1842-09-30
COMMUNICATIONS
To iks EdiiSr Of tAs Whis.
THE MIXTURE. OBJECT. .f.ND .aBUSE or
THE VETO POWER.

THE VETO POWER.
NO. IL.
Ma. EoiroR; In the concluding part Of my las,
number, Showed that what was originally intended
by tie authors Of the Constitution as dormant
negative power dessnsd only 10 be excited ON great
aud important oeca sons hal 80 for changed its IA
,ure in process Of time, that 1t had become an in.
ereasng positive power in the hands Of the Ptesi-
dent aud used by him to forward his own sslfsh
schemes of ambition in a manner truly alarming TO
oil friends Of liberty. now propose briefly 10 in
vs.,isate the objects which led TO the adoption of
this much abused power, and endeavos to ascertain
how far they now hold good.
There were two objects proposed 10 he accom-
plished by this veto power. The primary one was
the protection Of the Exocutivc-thc secondary one.
to prevent the passage OF bad laws ana tho evils oil
hasty legislation. The members al the Convention
which framed tho Constitution, not having tho at
vantaso OF the experience which we OF the present
day TO our sorrow possess, had many missNngs
and induged many fears lest the Executive depart
ment, in its infant state, might no. pfo'e ualeh Tor
the Legislature, in the contests whish they piaiay
forcsaw would soon arise out of the relations 10
tween these two departments CT the government.
They were doubtless strengthened IN this opinion
oy the examples furnished them by the fathameht
ofEngland. There, the Parliament, during alorg pc
Rod and succession Of violent struggles, sometines
mating in scenes Of blood and revolution, had
continually gained upon the prerosatveS OF inc
crown. Hence they believed II was generally re-
ceived maxim, founded upon the experience OF the
past, ard not to bs denied that there was strong
propensity in the legislative department to ercToaCh
upon The rights and absorb the powers OF AL other
departments. They were firmly persuaded that IN
all contests for power, the members oil the LesS'a-
trre, coming more dueetly from tho people, would
receive thsr support, and thus overwhelm tho Ike.
cutive. They desired TO Steer middle course. be-
tween mobocrncy on the one side, and monarchy on
the other. They were Therefore disposed TO throw
around the infancy OF a feeble Executive, oil posi-
bic munimenis, in order 10 shield him from the
attack, of the LEGISLATURE. They were willing TO
throw al an entsenchment, behind which he might
retire IN cases Of evident danger and alarm. and
which would prove impenstrabe TO the assaults oil
fastion. The shielding OF the Executive from the
attacks OF the Legislature, was then the primary
object for giving him this veto power. But the
question naturally suggests itse does this necessity
any longer exis1 Has ths Executive proved him
self that feeble officer, which II was anticipated he
would bel Are not his other attributes and powers,
independent Of this amply sufficient TO guarantee
the protection of his rights against legislative tn
croachnentl Behold for moment tho vast patron
age which he wields He has the appointment OF
thousands OF officers scattered throughout the land,
ready to obey his mandate. BY means OF this
power OF appointment, he has indirectly under his
CONTROL the whole revenue of the government: foE
he at any time, during the recess OF Congress.
remove the Secretary Of the Treasury, If he should
nave 100 muCn ln1cpeuucbCe 70 OpCl MI oiuSl llohi
an unconstitutional source, and appoint another,
who will yield willing oboisance 20 his commands
In this way he can, whenever II suits his purposes
take possession Of the Treasury. Moreover, be is
Commander in Chief of the Amy and Navy-and
in addition TO all this, no is continually At his post,
always watching and ready to detect and ward of
tho least encroachment upon his rights. But II rs
unnecessary 10 enlarge on this part OF Ire SUBJECT
Our past political history shows tina, the power and
influence ofthe President has Of late years increased
atruIa Cd to ken al r
sound and discreet man of all parties, and 10 NIL
their minds with the most fearful forebodngs of the
future. The Executive is no longer an infant that
requires protection. AL his parts are now fully devs.
loped and he cannot any longer be safely entrusted
with qualified negative"
Ths second object to be attained by the VETO was
TO secure US, well as possible from bad laws and
the evils OF hasty Legislation. But here we Ind tho
prospect of evil mixed with good. For, If The veto
can keep from being oppressed with bad laws, II
can likewise keep us from enjoying the benefit OF
good ones The operations OF our government, in
this particular, teach us that the number oil good
laws from which shall be excluded. will far ex
coed the evil ones, from the banefu effects OF which
we msy be saved. This power, though, is said TO
be eminently calculated 10 shield us hom those bad
laws which result from hasty legislation. Judging
from the history of the times, should hardly lie n'
cned 10 believe that there was much danger 10 be
feared from hasty legislation. The fault now CON-
planned of mostly is, that too msch time is eonsuHi-
| ed by the members OF Congress in making long
winded and frothy harenguss. So that, in future,
We have more reason 10 fear too much delibcEation
than no, enough. But | altogether deny that this
argument possesses any weight. Ii We look TO The
Constitutions of the several States, VIC will find
that, in many Of them this veto power is not TO be
f9nn5i and do we find those States labouIins under
laws than The people OF New York. Even Ills
supposed evil might DC remedied by provision in
tho Constitution, thst bill returned by the Presi
dent with his objections, should not lie reconsiIerod
until the next session OF Congress, when n iosity
should be necessary 10 its becoming n law. AT
all events, the evil TO be derived from this source is
remote and contingent, and is incompnrably small
when compared with the oppressive bur,hens by
which we are now weighed down, and which nsy
be mainly attributed TO the unwurrnntablo exercise
OF this much-abused power. Should we, then ns
rational men, be content any longer 70 bear the evils
iioving from this source but should we not seeing
the mIsioTtunes il has brought upon u.s. avail our
selves OF tho experience thus dearly purchased and
abolish II at once' Should not the maxim, cetsdnte
rGionS, esssai e: ipsa isE, prevail in this easel
Thus We have seen that both the primary and
secondary objects or inducements which led to the
establishment Of the veto, cease to exist with US
The President IS no longer week TO require
protection. The patronage of his office is amply
sufficient for that Ceslr, think, said if you would
give him money he could obtain men, and with men
he could conquer the world. The President, with
the vast and efficient patronage incident to his Of
fce, will always be enabled, either by purchase or
persuasion, 10 influence a sufficient number of men
to maintain and defend his rights. lie being safe,
lot us take care of ourselves.
SIDNEY.
Powhntan, September. 1872