Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1840-1842, 1842-07-15
RICHMOND WING.
FRIDAY MORNING. july rs.

| The New York American touches upon the right
chord in the annexed paragraph. The question
presented by tho assumptions OF the late Executive
message is one simply whether the people arc TO be
governed by laws enacted by their immediate Re.
presen,atves or by the edics Of single Individual
Mys,iiy the subject as much as possible, to this
complexion il must come at last Ii is openly as.
serted, that the Executive is entitled to an active
agency in all legisla,on-and this, too, in the very
teeth of the Constitution, which declares that oil lc
gislative power is vested in Senate and House OF
Representatives. But even this tyranny might be
endured if there any stability in the individual
who is accidentally in position TO exert this more
than royal prerog alive. But such unfortunately is
not the case. The Representatives Of the people
may humble themselves in the dust, and devote six
months, as they have done, to ascertain the royal
pleasure. and actually satisfy themselves tia, they
have at las, discovered the secret OF prophating the
one man power-and still encounter a vetol The
tyranny isas tickle and caprieious as it is CALLING
and inexorable.
No country, making any pre,ensions to the sem
6lanee OF freedom, ever presented such spectacle
as tina. which ours does at present An ordinary
revenue bill for raising money defray the
sary expenses of the Government is vetoed, and
Congress is told that legislation is necessary
that the orders Of the Treasury can supply all the
deficiencies Of the laws-that Treasury rules and
regulations are sufficient to impose and collect the
taxes. And this in Republic-boas,ing to be the
ireest Government on earth! Il is time new Die
tionary were published adapted TO the new ssnifi-
cation of words
From the N. Y. American.
Which shall prevail, the National Legislature,
a hu fha( -, Il
cpve acting in violation OF the spirit Of the Consti
tution1 This is the question now in issue at Wash
| ingIon. The House OF Representatives, in strict
accordance with their crelHsirs right under the Con-
suuon, framed revenue money bill, in which
the Senate eoncurred. Upon this bill, without any
preteSt that IT was Irregular unconstitutional, but
solely because it does not conform to his particular
views, the President puts his veto. This of itself
seems monstrous. But the circumstances under
which this veto was pronounced render it still
SO.
The bill thus defeated had for its object to ena.
Die the Government TO collect its from the
customs, by continuing IN force for limited time
existing laws; which laws ioihom this Oil, would
expire Immediately, and leave the Treasury with
out any auIhority-as the Secretary Of the Treasu-
ny hin.sef had declared-to collect revenue. TIE
public interest," therefore, was deeply concerned IN
passing the bill; for even if il were only doubtful,
and not almost certain, that duties could, after
JOlh June, he collected without new legislation the
existence Of such well-foundsd doubts should have
outweighed any mere personal opinion OF the Presi
dent as TO the expediency or inexpedieney Of the
clause IN the bill about distribution We saw expe.
dieney or inexpedieney for this the whole OF it
no one pretending that there is any legality in that
clause.
The President however, no, only refused his rs
sent 10 the action of Congress on this money bill
but he actually undertakes 10 make law for the
oeeasion and by his nero authority, and in known
opposition 10 the opinions of the Secretary OF the
treasury, TO whose Department the subject she.
cially belongs, he causes q subordinate in that
Department to write a circular which is TO he the
law for the whole United States.
In tins Republic OF written Constitutions, care
July defined powers, and well separated duties,
as between the Legislative aud Executive Depart
ments-on a tax bill the President dares TO set n
side the action OF the Legislature, that by SO doing
he would leave the country without law; and the n
presumes, by his mere reseript, to declare never
Iheless, what he considers the law, and TO require
all men 10 conform TO il.
ARD yet men and newspapers are found TO ius-
NY this enormous usurraton; and the journal of
Commerce, especially, rolls up its eyes in horror ut
the notion, tfat Congress may sacrifice the Tariff
rather than by yielding TO the Executive, sacrifice
the Constitution their own dignity, and the rights
Of the people.
For ourselves, We think the case so plain, that no
lorce OF argument can render it more striking or
Parable. IL our form Of Government. IL popular
hOerty, and the value OF a written Constitution lie
oil less consideration than an immediate adjustment
OF the Tariff, then Congress should submit. and
humbly deierring to tho President, accept at his
hands whatever bill he may, in the caprice of is
ROVER, condescend 10 approve. III, on the other
hand, the honest resentment Of a free people DO
adequately roused at seeing the representatives. TO
whom they have confded the exclusive right to
devise revenue, money tax bills, spurned and
set AZ naught by the Executive, and their prerog-
atiye Csurped by hlm-thc course Of Congress will
be sustained. and they will he called on to maintain
ai every cost and hazard Legislative right against
Executive usurpation.
II IS recorded in ancient story that when, on some
occasion, Philip Of Macedon refused to redress
wrong he had committed, he Llunlly told by one
oil his subjects, If you refuse do us Justice cease
to he kingi' and the popular sentiment sustained
the bold admori,iOr.
wronged and insul,ed people now say 10 Mr.
Iyer, III you refuse 10 promote our welfare, cease
to be President"