Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1842-09-23

Dwelling longer on these considerations IS the
frame Of the BILL in other respects Just TO the different
Great interests Of society: is it we'll adapted to raise
rer1nuc merely, and the purposes OF honest
financial taxaion: In other words-if my views are
rronecus and 90 per cent be TOO low limit tor du-
lies on imports, and compromise prevents an III
crease ard revenue must be had from some source
and is Likely be obtained By exceeding that limit: has
the present bill gone much higher, IN form which
IS best add TO the revenue, and to render ts
kind Of tuxaton equaR My impression is, that Duties
when imposed for revenue alone, should in neral De
graduated scale nearly Horizontal Such las often
been the usage. Such the course contemplatedby
the grea Compromise in 1888; and snch s the Tend
ency of many of the changes now gong on IN Europe
Exec options can properly be made below the maximum
duty, when as with some Injuries easily smrggeo,
more revenue could probably be procured on lower
rate: while some Others not easily struggled, will
at times Weld more revenue on higher rate But The
test of eyery exception usually is the increase of duty
likely 10 nccrue by it, Besides this, horizontal stan
dard holds greater security Tor equal justice IN Inc
whole taxes Artlcls used more IN one section OF Inc
countrv than in Others cannot, by that, be taxed high
"a, from preiudces against that section; nor Others
pssd most BY one class in society, be taxed highest
from prejudccs against that class One great avenue
is thus closed against par,inty and oppression and
another AGAINST undue favor, by taxing too lightly the
mos, powerful regions, occupations and classes
AS our Constitution and laws are founded on what
is equal or in other words iorIzonta respecting the
rirhts and privileges of ALL the system OF taxation on
imports should correspond In the STATES such lne
nriucple which, with slight exceptions, pervades the
taya,ion of lands furniture, stock, &c-chefy pro-
norton 10 value and the rate being horizontal on The
same value. One of the great solaces, under nJud-
cious legislation, and one of the prevenves to IT. is
The conviction that in free and just system, 1t must
! hear as hardly on those who make the laws,
others But, IN the case of discriminating duties, to
accomplish other objects than revenue, this conviction
is destroyed Taxation may be them and often Is, light
eued TO the law makers TO their influential consttu
ents and made more bnrdensome 10 others il IS THIS
which always surrounds discriminating duty with
danger.
made for other purposes than revenue, 10 pay different
rates-one 80 one 80, 50, and one 100 per cent
Now if the quantity of imports, or any OF them, be moi
affected by the discrimination, the amount OF revenue
WILL to be sure, be the If duty OF % per cent
was laid on each. But the design is to protect the ar
,ices taxed highest and, hence, their price VIII rise
most md thus many Of them not be imported, or more
Of them smupcled In that way much revenue will be
lost, and that the very articles which, TO oil appear
ance will yield the most.
I'm the mex, place, if the poor consume the articles
being neccssores, which eighty or one hundred per
cent is imposed, and do it as much or more than the
rich, then The tax falls on them dispropotionately to
their property or means If the two articles paying
eighty and hundred per cent, are also manuacur-
ed here the poor pay thereby increased double lax
nv the higher price of all the domestic articles they
use without any indemnity, such rs the rich capitalist
! obtains who the mandatory. horizontal
Tariff is therefore, less open to farorsm and inus-
tce and more in symmetry with our equal system OF
Government. But this bill, instead OF that, dlscrim
mates in several cases, over one hundred, and, IN
many over thirty per cent paramount defect in
the general structure of this bull, is, therefore, the
great nd unequal burden which it imposes the less
wealthy classes.
Suppose, as some have, that the average tax is 80
per cent, and that the consumer in consequence Of
lhe duties being cash, has to pay len then,
all cases, the burden falling on him will be fifty
per cent If goods imported in foreign vessels
entering under any reciprocal treaty, and some OF the
present party in power propose TO put an end 10 all
such treaties and nrrangementsD the burden will equal
nearly 90 per Blu, CONSIDERING il only at ~, how
orrressyc must il be to make the laborcr mechanic,
and farmer pay much Tor one busiei oil salt one
pound of sugar, even yard of cotton or wooen
CLOTH as he would, without any duty, pay for two
You deprive those classes in this way, OF half their
earnings, when expended for such articles
| THIS is clearly too high; and, at the same time IT is
d;sproporonate among classes, as well as different
kinds of property These characteristics are what made
the poll tax oppressive, which led TO Wat Tyersre-
bellion Thus, IN England, lately, it has been com.
pued that small householder pays, for himself and
family, nearly half his earnings in taxes OF some kind
other, while the great landlord or banker pays not
one tenth of his So The small farmer here, and es-
pecaly in the Atlantic Staes with ten in his family,
IS,
Tariff like this; while the great capitalist with TWEEN
" times much property and income will pay little
or nothing more under II than he.
THIS Is another practical illustration Of the unequal
operation Of this kind Of taxation, when pushed for
any cause, too high. How wisely, under the suffer-
inrs of the poor aud humble in lil- which flow from
heavy taxes Them did the sagacious heroine, joan
of Arc, in the height of her glory, ask as the great.
es; favor from the monarch Of France those she loved
most that the people of her native village might there.
bo FIR FAY blessed
granto d. and held sacred for centuries; while all
asked IN this bull for the people, or any part OF them,
is not exemption from their due share of ,axes-not
elusive privileges; but merely the sacred rgh-the in
eslmable, holy right-o being exempt from unequal
and un ust taxation.
10 show that these objections the character and
frame Of the bill are not defamation, nor loose gene
altes for political effect, let ask attention
few moments TO some tabular details.
Thus, the first statement before me exhibits the dill
ferent Of duty average, under all our pre-
vious tariffs From this IL appears that the average IS
higher by this bill than by any others, except that OF
le2S; and that the burden which falls on the con.
sumer, through rne Of duty and cash payments,
is greater than fell on him before, since The Go.
vernment began. In this WY, it quite equals 10 to
Il 10 per cen,un while the Tariff Of 1879 (the duty be-
ing the only burcen) did not exceed 40 per centum.-
i Under the act Of lc2i which the chairman admits was
made 20 high for protection, and not revenue The ave.
rage was only about 50 per cent; and under that of
1916, quite 30 o: the different Tariffs previous to
the war made, we say for revenue alone-the ave
rage of that from 1850 TO lo0S only ~ per cent
and Of those from l7o9to 1892 and thence to lo00, only
l2i and then 3 and then 81 per cent. SO that, IT The
acts Of 1924 and 1928 nude so high, and IN so
discriminating form, not for revenue, (as more re-
venue then wanted) but for protection alone
to manufacturers, who did want it-"ho loaded your
tables with memorials for it-who Numbered at your
doors TIL they obtained i.-lhen is this bill, in ITS
form and tendency, measure for protection. For
1t is exactly like those in its determinations, like
them in its effects, and (whaiever il may be called,
to varnsh The real ojecp it is like them in sub
stance, Revenue, 10 be sure, is now wanted; but
THIS bill is not in form TO give mos, revenue, being SO