The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-02-26
From the 81. Louis Bulletin.


The Boston Courier says much in a few words on
this very important question. 1t is not worth while
to mnce matters when abiding to relations with
England, and shall not hesitate to say that we do
not differ widely from the Courier on this subject.
Misunderstanding but cannon ball has ever
brought her to acknowledge the existence of right
of any sort in any other nation If our Government
has any intention ofsecuring merchantmen against
the annoyance of British armed ships it must increase
our Maryland that right speedily. Nothing has
ever been-nofhing ever will be, obtained from Great
British by negotiation. She considers all negotia-
ton as form permitted forthe purpose Of amusing
other nations, while she is preparing the means and
deciding the mode Of subjecting them to her despo
tsm and converting them TO colonial establishments.
Boston Courier
We can remain at peace with England so long
quietly submit to indgnity and injustice without
muring, and longer Indeed, we are not quito
live long in peace with her. though tame
" submitting to indig mites and injustice. Queen
Victoria may possibly find it necessary employ her
people in with US, to keep them in subsection
to herself!
Be this as it may, we have important nd deli
cate questions be arranged by negotiation be de-
cded by arms, whilst public opinion is destined ere
long, to force President manu- facturers at Wash
ington their attention to some Other matters of
national concern, which must and will lead to the
adoption of defensive and retaatory regulations in
commerce. and to which England probably Will not
willingly submit
The people of these States cannot much longer
acquesce in that unequal trade, which is now carried
on with England, and which has nearly impoverished
the country, and almost destroyed its ability to sustain
anu Banking system The excess of our imports
our exports has involved in debts, the principal of
which cannot now pay and the interest on which
it is almost if not quite impossible to meet. And
what have we to shO,o for it all Not the value Of
Frankns whistle.
What is to be done We must first obtain indu-
gencc from our creditors, and having done this,
must place trade upon the footing of reciprocity
in conformity with the plain dictates OF duty and the
principles Of common sense. We must buy only of
those who will take products, or their proceeds
when exchanged in payment, and we must insist
either upon equal ad valorem imposts or impose
taliatory and discriminating duties "To this COM
pexion it must come at last, and the sooner the bet
ter That temporary conflict with England would
be likely to result from the adoption of the latter al
Tentative is not to be disguised II 1t be her WILL let
it come-bu let us first prepare tor It,
Why should we trade with any nation upon
quail terms If England will refuse of our most
important staples, -four and tobacco which her people
want but which her government will not admit ex-
cept they are starving for of the former and wilt
consent to pay an exObtant tax for the latter amount
ing to actual prohibition as regards 9lOths OF her
people if she will refuse these important products of
ours why shall we not retalate by excluding some
of her important manufactures which our own people
can by encouragement, provide at home! Our sub
mission to this unequal trade is not only ruinous but
degrading We say then that it is the duty of our
Government insist upon fair and reciprocal trade,
or to retaliate by high discriminating duties.
Preparatory to the adoption of this policy, howe
ver let us be ready for the consequences of carrying
it out. Our Navy must be very greatly increased.
Our future conflicts will be on the ocean. There is
our commerce there are we assailable; and there
only are we weak. Our coast is extensive, and can
not be sufficiently fortified the land. Our thou
sand rivers are navgabe by steamships, and the SUI
perorty of England in those fast moving batteries
would be alike disastrous to our commerce, to our
seaport towns and to national honor. Thousands
and tens of thousands of strong hands and stout hearts
might flock to Boston, to New York, to Norfolk to
or to New Orleans, to meet an enemy,
,ut they would hardly reach in time to behold the
moke of the ruins of those cities
Can any proposition be palmer, than that 1t is the
Imperative duty of Congress, to place our naval
orcc upon such footing, that the aforementioned
consequences would not result from war with Eng
and ? Does Congress fear that the people would
complain of an outlay Of few millions of dollars,
20 protect property to the amount OF hundreds OF
Millions and the still more valuable treasure OF
our nations honor Whatever opinions, hostile to
naval force existed in the early history of our go
there is sensible man, and certainly no
patriot who at this day would hesitate to sanction
uch expenditure as would be necessary 10 protect
,ur commerce in every sea, defend our coast nom
north to SOUTH and upon the lakes ana cope with the
1eets of anv nation the globe
The amount of property afloat upon the ocean and
mon the lakes annually, belonging to American citi-
ems cannot fall much short of two hundred millions,
whilst that accessible to the steam vessels of
nv in our commercial towns, would swell the aggre
Iate to more than thrice that sum; and all this with
ur National independence and national honor, are
D be protected and defended by Nary!
Ought not our Navy to be increased Most un-
uestonably
We shall occasionally advert to this very important
ubject, as our leisure permits.
yrPRE ,cHlNa AT THE CAPlToL-The Kew. SE P