Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1842-07-22

interest, when The statesmen of former days adopt.
ed the tariff system, instead of direct taxes. StlY
more was granted to them by the Tariff act of lSly.
But this was unsatisfactory and, in 1924, another
Tariff bill was passed ; and this, even, not satisfying
The manufacturing gentlemen, the bill Of 1928 Was
passed. at each step the demands became more
extravaganza; ard the more we granted, The n!ofe
they pretended to need. So far from being salts
fed with past isvors, or having established them
selves, as we were ut first induced 10 believe they
would, by the Cover men. extending 10 them pro-
lection for a few yeass, they now, with the same
studied assurance as at FIRST, call on Us for increased
protection, and would fam make US believe they
are in as feeble n condition, and as unable 10 withstand
foreign competition now, as formerly. If this is their
sad condition, il is q most whitening commentary upon
The wisdom of that policy which urged the people to
encounter SO many pTiya,ons and so much expense,
and SO much turmoil and angry political strife, with
out reaping the promised fruits Of success. Thus it
seems, according TO their avn showing, that the means
heretofore used to establish manufactures on a perma-
nent footing have been pre- emincntly unsuccessful.
Shall we not profit by this repeated failure Of the pro-
tective system:
Bat whether it is good or a ruinous policy, gentle
men have not made out a clear case that they would
go 10 the wall without projections; nor have they gwen
the House or the country any conclusive evidence To
prove that our other classes Of labor were more prosper
Gus than their own. invite their attention 10 this
subject. Perhaps an investigation will prove that ma
nufactnring labor is better paid than any other in the
country, and that they clear II larger per cent. on their
capital invested. Let them run The parallel; and il it
ends, as | have no doubt il; will, in their doing The best
business in the country, | hope, uhoush it is the order
Of the day, with 4 certain party, to decry conscience
nevertheless, that they ray have enough consciencct 10
abstain from imposing on tie %cnthriity, to swell the
profits Of the more fortunate.
In recurring 10 the early period OF our history,
VIXEN we had hut few manufacturing establishments
'-nay, when i'ey were, IN fact, in their Intan-
GIVE fiad many Of our distinguished men dispos-
ed to foster them so far, at least, as was compa.
trble with the other great Interests oil the Republic.
This chnr. io give 4 start 10 manufactures was 80
far successful, US not only, in a few years, 10 build
up immense cs,nbl%. shments, capable, as was thought,
of sustaining n far competition with those of Europe,
but also gave rise Ia a party OF great numbers and oil
vast wealth. Indeed, 50 popular was The Tariff OF
1882, on accoun, Of The immense wealth IT d'ttused
in the North and East, that the sagccious statesmen
of tina, day could not fail 10 perceive That such Sudden
ard unexamplrd prosperity was manly at the cost OF
the other great producing and consuming classes; ana
therefore something most be done To relieve them from
such oppressive vassalage, else they would ~i,her be-
Meath The e~zactions imposed To encourage manufactures.
Protection had been, however, - long extended, that It
was boldly demanded as j right, because many lad
conceded il as a favor. What was thus accorded
when our manufacturing interest was weak and feeble,
instead of satisfying those interested, was but n pre'ext
upon which to found the most enormous exactions. In
fact they were, when nearly at full maturity, demand
inr mare protection than was deemed wise TO grant to
them while in their in(aney. Their thirst for gain kept
pace with their accumulation Of riches; and every con-
cession made by the country was bu' an additional motive
for them TO augment their demands. The grave question
presen: na itself to the minds of legislators, III 1888,
was, whether this "irrisia,ire 5antine' should swallow
up lie profits derived from every other branch Of m
duStry, or should tc placed on the same level with them
at least as TO i~Cgisiatirc iavors. Pending that great
controversy, patriotism, III the midst of imposing
difficulties, induced those controlling cur national
destiny 10 merge selfish considerations, and nobiy
to stand forward rs tie advocates of equal justice 10
n - ~ Ia rHg M that rtg 0nnrahla GG-
casion, reason and justice triumphed over merccn-
ary motives and the contest which gave rise 10 the
act, settled. as was supposed, the DIS
pute between the two great parties then arrayed
against ench other. The voice Of the naiion then
wisely decided that manufactures must stand upon
the same footing with the other great interests OF
the country-lha, protection had been extended full
long-and that, in future, duties must be imposed for
revenue. Being fully Impressed with the conVic-
ton, that the Compromise BIZ! of 1888 was based on
the abandonment of the protective policy, | cannot,
without, in my opinion, violating tie principles and
good faith of that act. vote for any measure avowedly
for protection. That such is the character Of the amend.
ment nov before the committee, but few Will have the
~I,ardihood 10 deny. Indeed The friends OF the bill do
not hesitate to advocate IT on that ground. The bill
and amendment now before the committee both yio.
late the spirit, if not the letter, of the Compromise act
of 1898; inasinuch as they are mainly protective, ana
not, therefore, strictly for revenue.
Les, some persons not particularly %obsrrvant OF the
points in dispute when the Compromise bill was passed,
and the course Of argument then held by the avowed
friends of the Tariff, may be disposed 10 doubt whether
| have any respectable grounds for the opinion have
expressed, / beg leave 10 quote n few passages from the
debate, as r. ported in Gales and Seaton's Register Tor
1888. This | am induced to Co, az 1t IS from the ad-
missions of the tariff advocates on that occasion in part,
that draw my conclusions. In fact, their dec!afa-
tons. in conjunction with the ayowed design cfthe OPP
ponenis of the protective pulley, and their pertina-
ciously demanding . surrender Of that grinding system,
seem irresis'ibiy and conclusively TO authorize the IN
ference have drawn.
In his introductory speech Of February l2, 1888, MIR.
Clay observed:
sin first oGrt looks to Tie TarE. lam compelled to express
tho oiinion. formed alter the mo., dclihtfa at reflection, and on
4 full survey %. he y hole country, that, whether rshtuiiy or
wrongfuIy, The Tariff sand. IN Imminent danger; ~ Should 1"n
Now give Us lime; CEASE all Auc,ua,,ons and asiaiions for nine
years; and the manufacturers, IN every branch, VIII sustain them
''s' ' an anxious 20 find GU, some principle Of mu:aal
accommodation, In 'ai'sty, az iar a pr"ci'oa'e, both raltes; l"
increase the stability OF leeliaton; AMI, at s"cie dLiint day
but NJ; too distant, when wc take lnto HE W " Tue magnitude oi
to the rere"ae standard Tor wAichoar opponents nave Sc long con-
NJ. Clay then went on TO obse-ve that
"viewins it in This light, it app AIRED Thai there were eight yeas
and 4 half, aud nine year: and lalt-lakinst the ultimate TIM
which would be an .G4ieat protection the remaining duties
would he withdrawn by a Biennial reduction.
II now remained fer Inn 10 consider the o:her objecton-ihe
duties mn posed " the bill, On tho expiration Of The term which
il prescrhes. II: had 10 d0ubt tr rat. Of duties guaranteed
~ ..aaa tn ~, = 81" ,,,,o, =. n s,,ai, part. we sbsi have
all sc ,rny. History wiil faithfully fecnFd the rrtn-acton-nar-
rate under villa, circumstances the hill was passed-tlat II was 4
rac;fying mea.ilrc-t mt il was oil poured from The vessel OF The
Union. IN restore peace and harmony 10 The country. When all
th, wa. kanwn, what Congress, what !csilsta.e, would mar
thr Guaranty What man. whu ~ entitled 10 deserve the char
aclcr nf an American statesman, would stand up IN hi, place. in
ri!rr House ut Congress, and disturb this treaty Of peace and
amr,y -
Fec. % Sir. Clay remarked that
''Tle bill before rs strongly recommends itself by it, equty
and inppaIitiay. Il f.yOrs 40 one interest, and no ole State, by
an unJusi sacrifice Of others 1t deals equally by ALL"
Feb. %, 1889. The Compromise bill being on Its
pas aye
"N- Webster rose 10 express his sentiments in opposition 10
tie hill. HI opposed the bill, heclrss IL imposed a restriction on
th- future Legislation OF Congress. lie also opposed u because 1t
seemed Ia yle,d the constitutional power OF protection. lie put
r. Il the Senator from Tennessee, lhr. Gru"dy,l who had IN
tr dac; d the clause. ithe pnviso IN tie ffli srcuon,i TO say The
lid not intend That IL srouih SHOW III: Congress was 10 be con-
stdercd as hound ~ The ill, n iar rs tbs Congress could bind
the future legislation of the fona;gy. lie regarded ths bill as
tie last vii. and ,tst .pn-it q: thi& coGs:c.s, which would lie Set
asn:e by the people &c, &c.
Nor can | support any Tariffbill framed with a view