The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-02-24


tTibuted much, has this violent and indefensibe
outbreak 10 famsrize the public mind with the horri-
BILE chmera of dissolution of the Union.
SO far Mr.. Bolts is concerned, the charge against
the Secretary virtually retracted since that gentle
man admits that 'even he" will not accuse Judge Up-
shur Of seeking dissolution OF the Union, so long
he is at The head OF the Navy, and drawing from the
national purse six thousand year; admission
WINCH whatever Its weight Illustrative OF the Secre-
tary spredomnating love of mammon is yet all sufii-
cient to dlscredt as qualities the naked charge
For who cares now, what were the opinions of the
private individual in the days of notification; when
every Southern white man saw, or tanced he saw in
the measures of the Government without national
encroachment his political rights and within from
the movements Of Northern abolitionsm an appeal to
the knife of the slave 10 leap at his masters throat
Ii is too much to expect calmness in such
phere, and large allowance should be made for the vi
trasms of the day, on both sides.
1t is with Judge Upshur's sentiments Secretary
of the Navy, that we have immediate concern, 1t
is in his conduct and opinions in that relation alone,
that the people feel interest and that already
rected, Mr. Bolts himself has up to the rescue.
But it was not TO discuss this question that be-
gan this article. Our business instead is with the Re
port of the Secretary of the Navy, to which we have
beng induced to recur by The denunciaons heaped
upon It's author in Congress.
We seek in vain, in this admirable paper for evil
dence of its authors bias toward disunlon finding
rather in every line the characters of hearty patr-
otism. policy is recommended that addresses itself
at to the prudence and foresight of the National
Councils. The value of the Navy, as the right arm
of the National defer ces, is forcbly urged And the
gradual increase of our Naval power, which he in
vites, plainly shown to be Indispensable, for the
protection abroad, of our vast and growing
at home of our four thousand miles of exposed
and lake coast ;; its present inadequacy to which is
IudcIousIy illustrated, by comparison with the Ma
ves of Great Britain and France. He says I" as
pared with England and France, the two principal
commercial nations of Europe, it is found that Eng
land with much less than twice our foreign tonnage
has more than eight times many vessels of war,
exclusive of steam ships; France with only one-third
of our foreign tonnage has than five times as
many vessels of war" This should be argument
enough. 1t should, indeed, be decisive, inasmuch
may say, in the language Of the report there is
believe that is the settled policy of he
Government to increase the Navy as rapidly as the
means at its disposal will admit"
Washington may have been Judge Upshur's chief
exemplar. That great man in his address to Con-
gress in December, 1893, says "There is rank due
to the United States among nations, which will be
withheld if not absolutely lost by the reputation Of
aoeak,.ess If desire to avoid insult we must be
able TO repeL it if we desire to secure peace,
of the most powerful instruments of our rising pros
pery, it must be knoon that at all times ready
for oa,' Let us suppose this to be the text, and
will furnish comment Adams urged the establish
ment of efficient Navy, and the only pause in the
policy of gradual increase OF the Navy" from the
date of the Congress of 49, down to this day. was
| the period of Mr.. Jefferson's I" Gunboat" scheme,
which was soon abandoned as Inefficient for the pur-
| pose of harbor defence.
John Adams, Madison, Monroe, John Q. Adams,
Jackson, Van Buren,, and Tyler, how much soever
| they may have differed other questions of Ma
| tonal Policy were of one mind this one. 1t is
remarkable how earnestly and uniformly these vari
Gus administrations urged the value of our Navy as
a means of defence and invoked the aid Of Congress
for its increase These Executive recommendations
running through period of forty-three years, with
the repeated appropriations by Congress, made ia
conformity with them, we suppose may be safely re-
garded as indicating that it is the settled policy of
the government to increase the Navy as rapidly as
the means at its disposal will admit The conclu-
sion is irresistible The Navy, moreover, is the
means upon which alone the country rely to es-
cape E" the reputation OF ,oeakiess" against which
Washington warned u.s. and to repel the insult, he
would have us avoid. !,
| The weakness and strength Of nations are things
| of comparison at best; and while we are strong in
resources, strong against Spain, for example, we
fearfully weak in comparison with Great Britain,
| and her nine ships of war to for Judge Up
shur has undersated the disparity of force between
! the two Navies
Are we then ''1eady for ,oar?n are cable to
pei" insult and aggression which England may offer
backed by nine ships to our one Nay are we not,
the rather, submitting TO both at this momeut because
of our s'reputation OF weakness ~
Let the concluding declaration of lord Aberdeen
to the American Minister'S protest. give
He says in substance, to MIR. Stevenson that rights
mutually conceded by France and England for their
common convenience, ought to be agreeable to the
United States though not conceded by treaty stipua
tion but if they not why for the Unit States
alone to determine what is due to Just regard
for the National dignity and rights in other words,
England having nine ships of war to one, will
sumo to prescribe laws for the United States long
as they unable to assert their rights and crank
among nations" Trihing this matter appears in
Itself, it conceas vast wrong.
We thus in the precise attitude to which the
wisdom of Washington looked acknowledgement of
our rank among nations by 'the reputation of weak
nessn-submittmg to insult and aggression because
we are not cable to repel' them-threatened with
rupture with Great Britain because we are not
"ready for war;!
What is the duty Of Congress then but to carry out
vigorously the settled policy of the Government"
during the last thirty years to make that policy the
basis of all action in regard to the Navy and to
the more vigorously in view of the present exigcncy
resulting from the aspect Of our relations with Great
Britain.
The subjects of dispute with that Government al
ready difficult, daily aggravated and multiplied
w lille there is possibility of peaceabe adjust
nent of the question at ISSUE the probabilities are that
we shall be plunged into war; and that, too, speedily.
1t becomes the people, then, to meet the crisis, to
weigh the subject calmly and to be prepared for the
event. We deprecate war, we depIore its msercs,
and fear its countless mischies, but we look beyond
temporary ills Our local interests nay forbid war,
but local interests should be subordinate to tho
rights and interests and the honor of the Nation and
consider the first while are surrounded
by warnings, that must, step by step, yield
frank among nations" or prepare for armed vindi-
cation of the National rights.
We surrounded by such signs and at such
moment the report of the Secretary of the Navy pos
sesses an absorbing interest for every American CT
tIzen
We shall have more to say of the details Of Secre-
tary Upshurs policy in another number B.
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