The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-10-13

Confederation. and however weishty il might be-
was the duty of Congress instantly to proceed 10 'he
enactment Vi tariff, regardless OF all eonaeis
questions and # cry political passion. ana sain
that however great gentlemen might imagine their
spirit Of perseverance to be under 'ntee years OF
grinding poverty, other couns Is would surely arise
In their minds, and the dictates o. ncnor ano Patrio-
ism would certainly impeI the House to pass the Ia
IN Centlemen was not right? Will any man
saw that il was their duty to sacrifice the tariff VIII
any one who h ars my voice, VIII any NEW ENG
LAspsR admit that II was their duty to II ten to the
voice of potcai Pas''o" iau'oi ena" W ao nccossny
for this great measure
Gentlemen confidently assume that it was the
duty of Congress TO pass this act. From the 29th
of June to the 10Th of August that question oc-
cuped the public mind and agi ated the public
councils, l felt to be my duty to exert myself
TO urge the passage of the tariff, combating the
Wigs. The final action Of the House proved that
| was right; and when the tariff had passed, which
for two months, CT will not say for nine months) had
been mpeded by tho action of the Wings, you saw
by the triumph which greeted upon their return
hone the members Of that Wing majority, who had
Struggled against me and those who acted with mo,
what would have been the universal eNecraton, mad
they followed the counsel OF those that opposed on
that very 29th Of June.
have stated TO you facts universally known
repeat that in all the newspapers that have met my
eve that speech has formed the main groundwork
of the Ger sure against And, gentlemen, | read
their censure of me with quite much interest
their praise indeed hold it to be the duty of
public to pay the greatest attention to the voice
of censure, 10 take counsel of his opponents that
the way for him learn his duty TO his friends and
his country These are the only specifc allegations
against me that have come to my knowledge
And now, gentlemen, might terminate here, but
it might be said that had omitted to notice the Sc
cret grounds Of complaint against me that although
there were no specific acts OF maeasance upon
which specific allegations of complaint might re
founded have committed great fault in defending
the acts of John Tyler. Not intending to finch from
any art of this question, shall enter upon the IN
yestgation of this charge, frankly and without dis
euise he allegation is, that have defended this
administration. | might make The inquiry, If had
leisure to enter fully int IT, whether to form just
estimate of the condnct OF public functionary, It
would not be proper To view his conduct as whole,
and not to take il up in this that isolated point
merely But will meet the question as my adver-
sarles put it. Wien any one blames me for defend
ing the administration may not ask what act OF this
administration have defended that ought rot 10 be de-
Tended ?-I repeat the question, What act Of this ad
minstraton have defended that ought not TO have
defendedi have carefully scrutnized all tho charges
against me, and find nothing but vague and general
abuse-nothing but mere newspaper obloquy. But
look behind this, and what do we find?
Gentlemen il is assumed that this administration
is wholly wrong its course and that those who
banded together to oppose 1t are wholly right, Is
that true And if so, what are the specific acts of
malfeasance charged to have been performed by this
administration? Gentlemen it is our misfortune at
this time, the misfortune of our country, far more
the misfortune Of the wings party that this con-
troversy has arisen between the President of the
United States and the Wings. For, remember, that
when Mr. Tyler is charged with perhdy, it Is not
perfdy to the Constitution not to the Government,
but to an assn led party platform and pledge. 1t is
mere party quarrel. beg you to reflect on the
origin and nature of the QUARREL to what blows have
been already given and received; throwing back this
veil of mutual obloquy and abuse in which its real
character is hidden, look at it as OF a common case
of assault and battery in court Of justice, inquire
who gave the first blow, who gave the first Insult
Let us take this course for moment. Go back to
the of the first session Of the present
Congress- and observe the state of the wing party at
that time We had wing President, wing Cabi-
net wing majority in both Houses, and a trium-
plant majority of the wing party in the States That
party possessed more overwhelming political power
than any party since the accession OF Thomas Jeter-
son to the Presidential chair. What the difficult
ty at the outset in what facts did the quarrel
mence'
there was no quarrel upon any question but one. A
great variety of important laws passed. but no
difficulty occurred except in that one instance;
mean in regard TO the Bank Of the United States.
HARRIsoN Cabinet Il will not say Tyler Cahincf)
had, at the call of Mr.. Clay and his friends in the
Senate prepared aud sent to that body draft of
bill for Bank of the United States. This call was
somewhat peculiar in its character but the draft of
the bill was presented What was its fate, thus
drawn from the Cabinet BY Mr.. Clay, and committed
to his personal committee hand? What its eff
fect' Its only effect was, that the occasion sez
ed to make an issue with the President. Who does
not know that the Harrison Cabinet struggled against
this issue, but they struggled in vain. The issue
thus made by Mr. Clay and by him forced upon the
Harrison Cabinet the of all the subsequent
political and parry evils the moving cause of the
quarrel, and Of the present distracted state of the
Wings. All this is notorious.
But now mark the second stage in that QUARREL
Anterior to the Veto, before there the Of
obnoxious exercise OF power, occurred the extra
ordinary and unprecedented fact, that several wbig
members Of Congress- in their places elsewhere,
cast the grossest mpuatons upon the personal cha
racter of the President, impeaching his honor as
man, and his integrity Magistrate. So that he
assailed first by Mr. Clay forcing his issue against
the administration in the Senate aud second by I'M
merted AID uneXampled obloquy in the House.
What then is the origin of the quarrel' Here
the public facts this is its inception.
Gentlemen--There followed upon the quarrel thus
forced on the administration, two Vetoes--the dis
solution of the Harr Cabinet and the manifesto
of the 18th of September, announcing the Pres-
dent.
As one looks back on this part Of the case, il is
clear that the only thing complained of the alb
stract ct Of the Veto, for there was practical fact
behind. Who supposcs a United States Bank to
be practcabe' Who wishes for it, Where are the
capitalists who, having lost thirty.fve millions by the
last Bank are to be so amable and benefcent TO
come rward and volunteer to lose thirty five mil
lions more by Bank Of the United States !?
However anxious he may be in the cause, no public
man is bold enough to run the desperate which
this wound involve--to lead the iororn hope under
the standard of a United States Bank ask YOU gen.
tlemen-if any of you are ready to combine under a
political leader who goes forward on such an enter
prisei eau any one he So blnd not to see that If
a United States Bank charter had passed it would
have beer not only dead letter, but absolutely
Kissing and to the nation No one install
ment of its stock would have been taken. II would
have been a monument of unwise and injudcious
legislation and repeat that public stands
forward in its defence Even Mr. Clay, under whose
auspices the last attempt made, now dsavows
the project, il understand his recent letter Ut the
18th of September What is his creedi He does
that he il ready 10 underrn fhr of