Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1842-04-18

eu, anu lnat 100, InltnediRtely. No excuse can he
offered for the continuance OF the domestic slnva
lrnde n single hour. The slavedealor, totally des-
ttute Of honor and of principle, purchases his as
sortrnent OF human beings, separates husband and
wife, parent aud child, cooy sewers tho tenderest
ties which bind society together and for this uc-
cursed work, receives his filthy mammon, again
TO engage in the same internal employment think
ing nothing ofthe hearts he has so incuraby woun-
ded. Cooly TO argue the morality Of this traffic
would be to utter libel on humanity ITSELF
lhe only question admitting Of discussion, 10
slinply this: Does Congress possess the consttu-
tlona power to abolish this domestic slave trude
Within the territorial limits of the District OF CO.
Iunbia there need be no doubt, for here Congress
possesses the right to "exercse exclusive iepis-
lation in all cases DhdiSoersr" In 1928 a petition
for the suppression of this trade, and the gradual
1bo ttion OF slavery, was presented to Congress,
| signed by more than ONE THOUSAND of the imhab.
ltants Of the District From this document we
extract The following"
awhile the laws of the United States denouncs
| the foreign slave trade piracy, ard punish with
death those who are found engaged in its perye-
ration, there exists in this District the sent of the
! National Government, DOMESTIC SLAVE TRADE,
scarcely less disgruceiu in its character and even
more demorallZing in its influence. These peo-
pie are, without their consent, torn from their
homes husband and vile are frequently separate
ed and sold into distant parts; children are aken
from their parents without regard to the ties of ma
broken forever.
"Nor is this traffic confined TO those who are le-
gaily slaves for life. sumo who uro entitled 10
Freedom, and many who have limited time TO
serve, nre sold into unconditional slduery and ow.
ing to the effectiveness of our laws they are gen.
orally carried out Of the District before the neces.
sary steps can be taken Tor their release.
1--WE behold these scenes continually taking
place among u.s. and lament inability to pre-.
vent them. The people of this District hive,
within themselves, means If Iegisiltice redress,
and we therefore appeal to your honorable body,
as the ONLY ONE vested by the American Consti-
tuition with power to relieve u.s."
Congress has also the constitutional power "to
regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among
the several States, and with the Indian tribes" Ii
hns been earnestly commended that under this clause
of the Constitution, Congress may prohibit tie do.
nestle slave trade "anong the several Su,es."-
But the right of property in slaves exists in the
slave States, independent OF Congress. Slaves
are, it is true, article of merchandise, and Con-
gress may certainly regulate the commerce in
slaves among the several States, as well as in any
other species OF property. To regulate, howev-
er, does not to abolish nor destroy. Congress
may regulate commerce with foreign nations but
it cannot prohibit foreign commerce, uncondton-
ally mud forever. The embargo Of 1907 WINS not
designed to be perpetual, and yet there were not
wanting many able, well informed statesmen, who
seriously questioned its consituonality.
III Is edlU tnat unuer uilS cause OF lne COHsItu-
ton, Congress has proceeded to prohibit the for
eign slave trade, and that if The power exists in
the one case, it must exist in the other also The
two cases, however, do not happen 10 he exactly
parallel. In the one case, Congress attempts TO
destroy an eristing right The right to traffic in
article Of merchandise, recognised as such by the
laws of tho slave States In the other case, no
right of property exists, and the slave-deaer is
seeking to acquire IA right of property in thai,
which is not acknowledged as such, by the laws
OF civilized nations. Tho foreign slave trade is
nm offence against the law of nations, for the pun
lshment OF which Congress has alone the pow
er to make provision. We believe that slavery,
being an abridgment Of the natural rights of man.
can exist only by force Of positive municipal law,
and is necessarily confined to the territorial uris
diction of the power exacting it'f The power
TO regulate foreign trade belonging exclusively in
Congress, It does possess the right, not indeed
solely by virtue of our national sovereignty, to
prohibit the disgraceiul and unchrstian traffic.
II Congress has any power to prohibit the do
mestIc slave trade, it must be by virtue Of the 9th
section ofthe LIST article ofthe constitution, which
provides that "the migration importation Of
such persons any of the states now existing
shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibit
ed by the Congress prior to the year 1908, but a
lax or duty may be imposed on such importation,
not exceeding ten dollars for each person." The
intention of the trainers of the constitution, by
this provision, was probably, to prevent the intro
uuclIoH VI saves lhto any ol Tue s'dtes To'li u
broad. MIR. Madison, speaking of this par, OF our
constitution, says:
alt were doubtless to be wished that the power
of prohibiting the importation of slaves, had not
been postponed until the year 1908, or rather that
it had been suffered 10 have immediate operation.
But it is not difficult to account, either for this re-
sriction on the general government, or for The
manner in which this whole clause is expressed.
1t ought to be considered as great poin, gained
in favor of humanity, that period of twenty
years may terminate forever totthn these states.
ded the barburism of modern policy that within
that period, it will receive considerable esconr.
agement from The federal government. and may
be totally abolished, by n concurrence OF the few
states which continue The unnatural traffic, in The
prohibltory exnnpn which has been given by so
great n ma jorty OF the Uuion. Happy would it
be Tor The unfortunate Africans if an equal pros