New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1842-06-04

ties that their vessels are 10 be forcibly entered
and examined in order 10 Carly into effect these
stipulaiion, Certainly the American Government
does not believe that the high powers. contracting
parties this treaty. have any wish To compel tn
United States hy force TO adapt their measures to
it, provisions, 10 adopt H., ,iipuiaiions.
They have too much confidence IN their sense Of
Justice to fear auy such result. and they will see
With pleasure the prompt disayova made BIS your
elf Fir. IN the NAM OF your country. al the tribune
Of the Chamber Of Deputies. OF any intentions of
TIN. nature But were ii otherwise and were u
possible they might be deceived in this confident
expectation tina, would not alter in one title their
course OF action. Their duty would BE- the sane.
and the same would be their determination to fulfil
II. They would prepare themselves. with appre-
hension indeed. bur without dismay-wth regret,
but with hrnne.-, for OF those desperate suus-
giles which have sometimes occurred in the history
OF the world bat where Just ,ause and the favor
OF Providence have given strength to comparative
weakness, and enabled II to break down the pride
Of power.
But have already laid the ni,cd State. do 10,
fear that any such united attempt will he made
upon their independence. What however, they
may reasonably and what they do fear. /, that h
the execution OF ihis treaty measures will be taken
Of the parties. putting it, construction upon is
duties, and upon the obligation, OF IL, co-contract
orr. NAV involve these IN any unlocked for con.c-
qucnces either by tie adoption of,iniar measures,
OF BY their rejection do no, presume To Judge.
Certain il t. however that If the fact and the pru-
cipe advanced by Lord Aberdeen are correct
that these Gates for the abolition Of the slave
trade cannot bc executed without forcblv board
ing American ships at sea in time OF peace, and
that the obligations created los them confer not
only the right thus To- violate the American flag
but make this measure du'y-then it j. also
duty of rance to- pursue the same course. Should
she put this construction upon her obligations. II J.
obvious the United States must do tn her they
will do 10 England, IT -he persist in this attack
upon their independence.
Should she not II doe, not become r.s to invo,-
tigate the nature of her position with respect To
one ot ter associate, whose opinion concerning
their relative duties would b. widely different
from their own. But / may expre,, the hope that
the Government Of III. Majesty. before ratifyins
thi. treaty, will examine maturclv the preten,ions
asserted by one OF the parties. and see how these
can be recoucicd. not only with the honor and m
crc., Of the United States. but with the received
principles OF the great maritime code of nations
may make this appeal with ,hc more confidence
from The relations subsisiIng between France and
the United Staic-, from community of interest %
he liberty OF the seas, from community OF opin-
ION respecting the principle, which guard II, and
from community in danger, should It ever be-
mcnaccd By tho ambition Of any maritime power.
II appears to me- ST. that in asking the atten-
ton OF His Maie-iy's Government to he subject
ef the quiniupc treaty. with view To IT'S recon-
sidcraton, ] am requesting nothing on the part Of
the United States inconsistent with the duties Of
France to other powers. If, during the course OF
the discussions upon this subject, preparatory to
TIE arrangement Of its provisions, England had a.
serted 10 the other parties the pietension she now
asserts to the United States, necessary consc-
qucncc of lis obligations. ] cannot be wrong nprc-
,uming that France would not have signed it with
out guarding against this impending difficulty. The
views OF England are now disclosed 10 YOU, but
fortunately before lis ratification; and thi. change
of circumstances may well Justify the French Gov
eminent in interposing such Il remedy it may
think is demanded b. the greater interests involved
IN this question.
As to the treaties OF 1891 and 1885, between
France and Great Britaia. for the suppression OF
the slave trade, Do not consider it my duty to adj
vert to their stpuatons. Their obligations upon
the contracting parties. whatever these may be,
complete; and it is for my Government
alone Ia determine what measures the United States
ought to take to avert the consequences with which
they are threatened by the construction which one
of the parties has given to these instruments.
| have the honor 10 transmit herewith a copy o
the message of The President of the United States
to Congress in December last and the annual doc
umcnt, which accompany it. Among the latter
Will be- found tho CORES pondeacc between the
British Secretaries of State and Mr.. Stevenson
upon the subject herein rcfeTred to. From these
YOU will learn the respective views Of the Amcri-
can and British Governments
It's proper for me to add, that this communics-
ton has been made without instructions from the
United States. have considered this ca-e a one
IN which an American representative TO a foreign
power should act without awaiting the orders Of
his Go-crnmcnt. | have presumed, in the views
have submitted to you. that express the feelings
of the American Government and people. Ii in
this have deceived myself the responsibility will
be nine. \, soon a. | can receive dispatches
from the United States, in answer to my commu-
nicaii9ns, hall be- enabled to declare to YOU e.
Their that my conduct has been approved by the
President, or that my mission il terminated.
| avail myself OF this occasion to renew to your
EXcellcncy the assurances Of my very high and dis
tingui.hed consideration. l.. CASS.
His Exceency VI. GUIzor,
Minister OF Foreign Affairs.