, 1842-08-13

The scarcity of gold and silver, the
actul pressure and distress that p~revils
throughout our country, should admon-
lsh US that it is high time that we should
take some step to bring the nations with
Whom we trade toterms ofreciprocity and
equity, or to render ourselves independ-
ent OF them. 1t is a selfevident fact that
we, as a people, can never prosper until
the balance of trade is either neutralized
or turned in our favor.
The uncompromising opposition, with
which the high tariff system has ever
been met, has been owing to the improp-
per manner in which the advocates of
the cause have presented it. Judging
from what has been said and done in rel
erence the subject, one would suppose
That the chief object of the duty on i'm
ports was TO protect and enrich the cas-
tern capitalist or manufacturer at the sr-
pense Of the great mass of the people. If
this were the design, it never could and
never ought TO succeed; but should be
reprobatedby every lover of his country.
Congress, in laying a duty on imported
goods, should not stop to inquire wheth-
or it would operate against this class of
men, that, or the other-whether it
would benefit the North or South, East
or West; but the inquiry should be, "will
it benefit the AMERICAN PEOPLE?"
that is: a majority of them. This being
answered, the path of duty is plainly
pointed out. All laws, rules and regu-
lations should be framed with a view 10
benefit the creates number to the great
est possible extent.
\ large majority of the citizens of the
U. States, being producers, an increase
in the price of produce and a decrease
in that of manufactures would be a gen
eral advantage to the country. To ac-
complish this, there should be a high
rate Of duties placed upon forein mer-
chandise. We are aware ofthe objection
that will arise here, that the producer
is the consumer, and hence the imposi-
bility of his deriving advantage from a
tariff. In order to a clear and definite
understanding of this subject we must
look at both sides of the qucStion-trace
it through and through, and having done
this the perfect consistency of high du-
ties with the interest of the producer
cannot fail TO be observed, even by the
most common understanding.
For Illustration: suppose a duty Of 80
per cent be laid upon foreign manuiac-
lures, the result would be, an increase
of the same per cen in the price OF
home-manufactures-admiting it TO be
the case, (which, however, would only be
temporarily so,) what then? the number
of manufacturers would increase in a
corresponding ratio; and, consequently,
the price of manufactures would decline
30 per cent. Again, the number of pro-
duccrs and the amount produced has de-
creased 80 per cent, (the two classes be-
ing equal in number, } and in Consequence
of this the price of produce must Use
proportionably high.
A system of high duties would have
an other important effect upon our pros,
perity as a nation; that is, it would IN
ducc foreign governments to reduce the
duty on II exports, which would ena-
bic us to pay a large amount of our for
eign debt in produce, and thereby retain
our gold and silver for a circulating me-
dunn. 1t said that higher duties on i'm
ports into our markets would have nc
tendency to bring other nations to terms,
this idea, however, is very absurd; ior
if our trade is of any advantage to them
they will use means to foster it. if not
It never can be made profitable to us,
and the sooner it is abolished the better
for us.
The argument principally relied on in
support of admitting foreign goods into our
ports free of duty is this: sit is our in
terest to get the best bargain wherever
we cam This may be true as a genera
rule. vet not always; when we buy from
foreigners our money is gone from us
forever; when from our W citizens, we
have a chance to get it back again for
raw materials, provisions or some other
It'll, &c rroduce: and in this way we