The Hillsborough recorder. [volume] (Hillsborough, N.C.) 1820-1879, 1842-02-10


gnsss prseisely as il ilad lgli lhe t'nasi-
deal's hand. So anxious had : 'ehsIess
heea 70 secure he appreciation q DE RE
siIenl that. althoagh aimosi every thing
n he BIN wonld either have bern omitted
81 amended ~ msioTiiy. hey lc0k 4 =
il zane from he Presidential hand. ard
passed Il. letter Ior leiier. Is they receir-
s8iL Without going farther. did not this
fart prove that he possession Of the veto
power drew after i he power Of initial
Ing lawsl
Take another Ease in The bill RoU be-
fore The Judiciary commune. Was there
oae man 10 Be- found in eilhcr house q
Congress who would ever hare proposed
such 4 measure a. de Excheqner Board
provided IN that biii. Vet. what had been
The feeling! Had il not been this: Must
we 90 home without doing something.
Had not The feeling been. We are bound
by The veto power. We cannot do what
we wouIdl Had not the feeling been. We
must take what The Executive offers or
get nothing. Yes; already the idea was
becoming familiarizsd To the minds Of
! frecwen. TO men Of only The second gen
Grafton after the DAYS Of the Revolution,
of Submitting 10 the diciaiion Of the Ex-
eculive, because without his assent they
could do nothing. Mr.. q. warned tho
nation that il this ycio pawer was not ar
rested, II IL were not either abolished. or
a. least limited and eircumscrihed, in pro-
cess of time, and that before another such
period had elapsed as had interviewed since
the Revolution. the whole legislation Of
this cnunlry would conc to be prepared
Al the White House, or in one or other of
the Executive Departments. and wonld
come down 10 Congress iu the shape Of
bills for them 10 register and pass through
the forms Of Legislation, just as had once
beea done in the ancient courts Of France.
Then. 10 enable nation Of freemen To
carry out their will. to set Congress free
to speak that will, to redress the wrongs,
AMI TO supply the wants of those that sent
them, Mr.. G. again declared that the veto
power must b. modified and restrained.
Ii not, the question which Congress
would have to decide would he, not what
is the proper remedy for the existing
grievances Of the Country, no, what will
restore the national prosperiiy--no; but
what measure will be sanctioned BY the
Chief Magistrate.
Mr.. G. said that. as he had not the bodi-
" strength to dwell more at large on the
general subject. he would now proceed
to examine the objections which were
urged against any further restrictions on
this Executive power.
There had gotten up a notion Of late
years that some curb was necessary upon
The power of majoriiies, and that with
out this the safety Of the country must be
in danger. Now. on what grounds hal
the principle been founded that in a free
Government the majority must govern!
On two grounds. The first was of an
intellectual and moral character. II was
right that in great public, political part
nership, the greater number shoald be
satisfied with what was done, and that
there was greater chance Of wisdom in
complying with the will Of the greater
number. On the score Of chances some
must govern, and who should itbe. The
minority! Why! Because they possessed
more wisdom! Why were they likely
TO possess more wisdom! The second
ground was physical in its aspect: it held
that the majority should be allowed 10
govern, because they would govern. hav-
ing the physical force which would enable
them to carry ont their will. Now this
doctrine that minoriles must govern, whe-
Their with or wilhou, the veto, was adj.
vanced by gentlemen who professed and
called themselves members Of the Jcller-
sonian school. But what was the doctrine
of Mr.. Jefferson himself in regard 10
majori;ies, and so declared by him forty
years ago! Here Mr.. c. read an extract
from JeffcrsOn's Works, in which IL was
broadly laid down that an absolute ac-
qaiescence in the will Of majorities was
necessary in a free Republican Govern
ment.
But there were some particular inter-
ests, and one especially, in regard to which
the Seath felt great solicitude, which it
was supposed would be more safe under
the continuance Of the veto power than
without it. Now, in the first place, Mr..
G.. saw no difference in respect to safety
between that particular interest and other
interests Of the country. II it was true
tina, any one interest would he more secure
under the veto power than without ii, then
all interests would be more secure; but if
no security was produced by the veto.
then that particular interest would not be
more secure by the veto. Just as we'll
might gpgtlemen from the North rise up
and say that the navigating interest lin
regard to which they were perhaps more
interested) would be more secure under
the veto power, or the friends Of any in
terest. Northern, Southern, or Western,
might fancy tha,it would be more secure.
But the question came at last to this: is the
veto necessary power or is it not! Ifit
is necessary il is necessary to all; if not,