The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-07-07
SPEECH OF MR.. RHETT,
OF SOUTH CAROLINA,
ON THE VETO MESSAGE, JULY !.


Mr. R. said he had been very much surprised
at the warmth displayed by the gentleman from
Massachusetts, Mr.. Saonstall,) whose age and Ia
Tents entitled his opinions TO very serious considera-
tion especially standing he did at the head OF a
most important committee ION Manufactures, whose
interests deeply affected by the Veto before
the House He had spoken of The effects of the Veto
shaking the country TO its very foundations. The
gentleman from New York Mr.. Granger) had follow
ed in the debate, and said let the country reel and
toer as II might, that they must stand firm and
shaken let desolation sweep the land, and they
would see who could stand it best Mr.. r. had been
more asionshed at tins. He referred also 10 the re-
marks of MIR. Lane yesterday, who he said had gone
further, and Swallowed forth hat be the policy
of the dominant pa ty in this House. and said that
because the President had vetoed this BILL he would
not vote to give the Government means to 60 on but
because that patty thwaried by the President,
the Government TO be brought to stand
Mar X. said il in this aspect that the question
invov ed in this subject was not the temporary ques-
ton of the tariff for one month, the question
of the distribution act OF the tariff act OF 1885 lm
portant as that might be. IL was far more important
il was question Of revolution-a question whether
this Government to be brought To stand by the
dominant party here, and whether new and untried
sxpedient of changing aboshing the Constitution
not by the ordinary FORMS but by unconstitutional
ton the part of this body was to be entered on.
He wanted to show that the present Of things
justified.
What had The President donei Mr. r. referred to
the clause of the Constitution defining the duty OF
the President with reference to bills which have pass
ed both Houses of Congress, and are sent 10 him,
providing that if he approve he shall sign them, but
If not he shall them with his objections, &c
There was nothing here said TO the motive which
should actuae the President Ii he did not approve
a BILL from any cause whatever, he was bound to re-
tuIn it. Mr.. r then read from the Federallst COM
mentary the Veto power, and said it covered the
very before them; and if written by Mr. Tyler
himself as his own commentary on the Constr utlon
could have been emphatic, explicit, and
PLAIN. The Presiden' had done his duty laid down
in the Constitution, and that was ALL
Mr. R. contended that this policy of abolishing the
Veto power in the Constitution fatal to the Con-
stitution itself The principle which they opposed
the Veto was contrary TO all the principles of the
Constitution. What the Constitution but a
combination of Vetoes 2 Instead of there being but
Veto in it there fifty. The idea of the ON
Impotence of popular will faIlacious and not
in accordance with the Constitution The legislative
power was checked in various ways by vetoes this
House was checked by the Senate, by the Veto Of
the Executive, by the limitations of the Constitution
The Generel Government was checked there were
checks and all round guarding the Constitu-
ton, and the Constitution itself nothing but a
bundle of grants of power and q bundle OF vetoes.-
That was the principle of all free Governments-of
every Constitution that had been ever would
be. The element Of omnipotence was in all Govern
ments: in monarchy it existed in one individual
in aristocracy in few; and in democracy IN the
many in all it existed yet in none could 1t exist
without being restrained at every turn 1T the Veto
power of the Executive were annihilated, the nexl
step would be to abolish the Senate. The prin
ciple would apply it was now said we must not bt
ruled by man, and it would then be said abolish
the Sentative must not be ruled by the arsto
cracy
He had heard the other day, when the Senate had
exercised power perfectly constitutional, lesson
of popular supremacy preached here by the gentle
man from Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams) Gentlemen
were endeavoring to concentrate all power IN tins
House yet these advocates of popular rights were
those who oppressed the people-woud not al
low their representatives this floor to speak unless
under conditions made by the dominant party on THU
floor under the power of the gag. They were going
forward to the dissolution of the whole fabric of Go
vernment when they assaied this Veto power on the
principle set up here by gentlemen, stlgmasiDg 1t a:
tyranny not to be submitted to.
Was the Veto of the President tyranny if il
checked the tyranny of the majority this floor
we had no Veto, he would like to ask them of wha
avail the representation of the South would be on th
foor Would their representation here, with all thu
eloquence of an angel, be able to prevail those
who were binding the chains of taxation on them t,
relax them' The great object of the Constitution
on the one hand, to limit the powers of this Go
vernment to those interests which were common anC
general to all, and the other hand to take away
from this Government the power over those Interests
which were peculiar and sectional. The Constitu
ton was full Of limitations on the Executive, on th
House, on the States, the Senate. Check afte
check, Veto after Veto imposed; and when thu
great party in this country triumphed in this wa
against the Veto, they triumph the principle
Of the Constitution 1t was one of the principles Q
free Government If free Government was al
easy thiDg-n it was not most difficult for human in
genuity and patriotism to establish, why was it tina
we stood alone among the nations Of the earth in tn
exercise of their inestimable rights and privileges
and why was it that we stood, so far as bert
was concerned, proudly pre-emnent above tn
world
The great principle of democratic free governmen
was, that the people should rule themselves 1t wa
not that party, not that a section, that int
rest should predominant; it was not that the manu-
featuring interest or that any sectional interest shou
prevail but the principle of protection to all, equa
rights to ALL favoritism to none and, in accomplish
ing this object, it was absolutely necessary that eacl
and all the sections and interests in the community
should be protected. They had known, if the Bible
had not said it, that the heart decetfu above al
things. Neither one man nor any set OF men ,ul'
be trusted with unchecked, unlimited power; it wou
be abused All sections and interests should be pro
tected by putting prohibitions all around, and tina
was the way in which the people could rule. Sup
pose the majority here passed law: that suffi
cient? The Senate had TO pass it and was the Con
stitution satisfied with that No: it had elected on
man TO guard and protect the rights OF the Peop'
and the Constitution, who had to say whether thu
law should 60 into effect not; and, theoretical,
speaking, that was the most popular power of thu
three. In this House there were various interests
peculiarly represented, that rendered this House
the impartial representative Of the people the Senate
was the representative of the States but the Presi
dent stood peculiarly the representative of thu
people than any one of the three, and the Conslitu
ton provided that no law should pass but with tn,
assent of the people of the whole country and it
only in that way that the people governed themselves
Strike from this Constitution any of these checks
and would destroy the principles of the Constitu
ton. The President could not originate any mea
all that he could do was to supend it and the
danger was not from the Executive, not from the
checks and vetoes in the Constitution but in that pow
er which rendered these and checks
NOW, when the majority had passed measure after
measure to carry out their own unrighteous policy