The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-01-19

thing that has been said and published ia regard to
the exercise Of the Veto power that the people want
cd any information from the eloquent Senator to in
duce them to view it, a dangerous power, or could
he expect that those who doubted after being well
acquainted with the general scope and object of the
power, would be made converts by any thing lac
should suggest Mono person can think so-what
then was the motivei Was it not to impress on the
minds of the people, that not only constitutional,
beneficial law, they commended was negatyed but
also that the President was acting in the most unfair
and oppressive manner well as haiioro,ts to his
party and thereby to influence the resentment and
Indignation of the public mind against the President.
lhe lmputation imbodied in this speech, must
glance on the party from which il emanated
and It must be remembered that the magnitude
OF an mputation is to be measured not by the
subJect-matter of the offence imputed, but by its
actual character and tendency Turn, therefore, and
view this speech we will, it will still remain we
think, censure, ample and unmeasured on dstin-
guished portion of the Wing party and consequently,
these denuncations must be regarded proceeding
improper and nconsiderate in a considerable degree.
The charge of perfdy as imputed to the President,
has totally faied-and what remains Of the acctsa-
ton II has sunk into nothing--t has been scattered
by the light of truth-iouched by the investigating
knife, il has lost its appalling figure Every part of
the Presidents conduct has been surveyed all his
motives have been severely scrunized, and his
tons have been brought to the test of the Constitu-
ton, and the ingenuity and industry Of his adverse
RES have been unable to furnish one proof, or
fair presumption OF improper motives.
But we will advert as briefly as possible 10 some of
these considerations which show conc usiyeiy To our
minds, that admitting the decision Of the President in
the doubtful and difficult points Of constitutional law
10 have been Incorrect it is still contcned improper
conduct cannot be inferred
Admitting the President to have decided ncor-
recy in refusing to approve Of the bills establishing
fiscal corporation where is the evidence Of improper
intention lftwas an honest error in Judgment, he
is free from blame. And how can we doubt the up
rghiness Of his Intentions when we recoect although
he did not feel himself authorized sign the bills
presented to him for his signature, he yet solicited
postponement of the Bank question. This solicta-
ton to postpone the consideration Of the establishment
of Fiscal Corporation, which evnced strong
light Of upright intention and honorable conduct was
forgotten by the eloquent Senator but, fortu.
nately for Mr. Tyler it is distinctly stated by two Of
the retiring members, and especially by Mr.. Webster
How can this solicitation for osponement be re-
conciled with the impuation Of improper motives Of
aconl And why should Mr. Tyler solicit post
ponenent lthe next session of Congress 1t could
have been for other reason than a belief tina,
he was obliged, by the Constitution, TO refuse his
sanction to the BILL and that he desired more time for
further reflection to form and mature plan of
fin tl,a ~ ~
stitution
of the majority in Congress, in refusing 10 postpone
all further action after the veto Of the rsbl With
their motives we have nothing to do. 1t is into the
motives Of Mr.. Tyler alone that bound to in
quile and Of the purity Of them, this request,
spccfu and friendly and 50 unaccountably repudated,
leaves no doubt.