Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1842-01-15

open hostility; snd the Executive of that day
than whom IN popularity and IN power, ther
never had lived a greater upon eaTlh-had pu
his hand upon his sword, and threatened to ,ur
its edge upon the South. Great men, or eithe
side, were identified with The controversy, and i,
progress had involved the whole country in
stale of high and alarming evaporation. II wa
feared by good and wise men that the peace O
the Union might be endangered; and under sucl
an ofninous jIncture Of circumstance this com
promise bill became a law. Asa measure of poll
cy, as a preventative Of evil, I was wise consid
ering the times. But, TO meet US at this day, II
1912, and tell US that a law passed in 1888 has
power 10 bind this Government to all eternity, as
a compact-as an organic, fundamental aw-wa.
to advance a proposition 10 which MIR. Nj. never
would yield his assent. He never would recog
MISE the Fowtr 9. that az so 10 oiBd the Congress
of the United States. According TO the huc:ua.
lions OF circumstances f polIcy--yes, even oil
public opinion alonc-iht law was repeaIable:
The power Of Congress TO 'epeal it was indispu-
table.
Mr.. NJ. did not say tina he was in favor of
laying duties beyond the amount required for
revenue, fer the mere purpose OF protectinn.-
The proprietv Of that wa a debaIable question;
and much might be SAID, ard had been said. on
both sides. The power 10 rega'a,e had
been absolutely and condIlonally confiied to this
General Government. AID when we would in.
quire what ommerce was,we must refer TO the
universal sentiments of ihenations OF the earth.
Aud WHY grant q power to'regulate" III The
history Of the world wouldprove that The most
arduous struggles had in al ages taken place IN
reference TO II, and that tht.word had often been
drawn TO settle the controvesv. The trainers of
the Constitution were we'll acquainted with the
history of the past; and wha preparing a frame
of organic law for this young this nascent nation
for a free people, a peoPleof vast commercial
resources--the long vista = future grandeur,
power, and wealth, the fruilof successful indus
try, rose before their view, aid with a wise fore
cast they inserted this precision as q means Of
arning The Government, winpower to resist the
attacks Of foreign rivalry; ard the Government
mus, have been powerIess 'ithout it. But for
this, and Great Britain woul, at this day be the
regulator of the m ofthis nation. Moth.
ing could have prevented { resisted it. And
thus, the most important Of ii our great nation
al interests would have beerin the ha nds, and
subject 10 The will and pleasue, of a foreign Co.
If in one of those Commercial revolutions which
had so often occurred in The history Of the world,
il should so happen hat Great Br,ain should get
country 10 furnish her with he staple of
the Southern States on better terms than they
cnn-shouId she open for herself abet,er and a
cheaper supply of cotton, for e1amde, SO as not
only to he able 10 meet the wants offer own looms,
but actually to bring il here and udersell those
ATE tn mo AmcTlCau utuTket-I Suo Wi 10
able TO supply The factories of Ne, England with
cheaper cotton and equal quality he rather i'm
agined the doctrines Of Southern gentlemen on
this floor would be a little changd, Gas they had
been changed several times frelofore.) Oh,
easy il would then be to pove that it was
the duty of the Government: 10 protect our homo
industry! Yes: should Britain ever become in
De endent Of this country for her supply, and
should over meet with such gorious success as
10 produce il cheaper than our Southern States,
quickly would Southern Philosophers discov-
Br il TO be tho easiest thing in tie world TO prove
hat the industry OF the South hould be protect
I'd by Government! Mr.. NJ. vas himself from
he South. He came from a sMe State; and he
supposed he should, in that casa be told by his
Northern friends, This won't do: we can ge,
cotton as good and cheaper frsm England: we
must have free trade: we must 2 where we can
ouy the cheapest. If you compd US to buy cot
on In the Southern States, you tax US un Justly for
heir benefit: we never whl submit to it." And
What would he do? Admit. their doctrine? No.
lie would answer them, mo, yen,lemeu: The
South must not be left TO perish. She constitutes
glorious part CT this great Reconsideration Her
ands must not be lief, to ru7 TO waste; her slaves
must not be broken down ard ruined. No: YOU
hdH buy at home-you nxst get your cotton
rom Charleston, and Savannah, and Mobile. You
hall not break one half hisUnion,, 10 throw all the
rohts of your business int. the hands Of a foreign
alton" That was whatne would say 10 New
in such a case. md if Southern gentle
men would consider II SOUND reasoning then, why !
vas II not equally sound now
Now their cry was, 'Letls alone-let us buy
there we can buy cheapest-you force US to buy
a home market, when We prefer a market
violate free rade-you tax US for
he benefit of Yankee manuactures.H That WIS
The argument-that W. now the Southern
and the Southern pllcy. And Mr.. NJ.
aid he thou ght he had gore a good way TO say
bat. admitting their posi,in 10 be correct, he
vas willing TO go the whoe hog" and compel
England to protect ther cotton. But such Z
,as aot the true doctrine Of protection. The
.ankees. owing to their peculiar national charac-
err and condition. were as veil calculated 10 be-
ONE a manufacturing p~eopieas any in the world,
nd they could furnish TO the South whatever the
'outh needed on better term than any body else;
I'D protection extended to them was merely pro-