Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1840-1842, 1842-08-11

pie signature OF the President OF the United States
/ to bul sent hin, this day, would operate like 0
charm. and. together with the settlement OF the ne
go,iatons with Great Brian, securing the peace o.
The country-these two measures together, take hrs
word for il, were enough restore the prosperity
OF the country at this hour, and the effect OF
| would be felt within four and twenty hours after
that Signature should take place.
| This VAS his opinion OF the present Congress
| lie would add one measure more not yet conSum
mated: he meant that OF the reduction OF the army
OF the Uuiicd States, establishing and settling the
principle that the army - not permanent nsutu-
ton OF this country, but that il is only necessary
evil & oc maintained only in consequence oil neees
sity for the protection OF the country The settle
ment of that principle, let Il he IN what manner II
| might ns a question between this and the other
branch OF the Legislature-the settlement OF that
prneiplc the formal and deliberate decision of the
| Congress OF the United States that when the army
is no longer necessary, either in whole or in part,
| from that moment the portion Of it not ndispen-
SADLY necessary mus, be reduced, was Of great I'M
por,ance at any time, and OF infinitely moro impor-
lance at present; because, at the commencement OF
the session. from every thing they knew OF the prin>
ciples OF this Administration, its policy WAS direct
ly the reverse, MS was evident not only from the
proposals here by the military heads of depart
menis, the Secretary OF War and of the Navy, but
even by tho recommendation Of the Executive him.
self; and among the principles which MIR. A. wish
ed his colleague TO revise and which he had under.
taken 10 insist on, was that which he had now
serted, that the army was ono Of tho institutions OF
the country, to be preserved abS;raety, without in
quiry 10 the necessity Of its existence at ALL or
OF its existence in amount.
MIR A. feared that he should get through his time
without having IN opportunity of presenting the
ideas he wished to do The error Of his colleague
was the error of the Executive head himself. He
had met with the misfortune VIII ch befe Charles of
England. Mr. A. had read the history of the reign
Of Charles l., aud he found, in repeated instances,
that the author (who was partial to hm) said that
in the controversies he had had with the legislative
power, which hnaly terminated on the scafTold On
his part, that his error in conceivirg that he
was an absolute sovereign. He was full OF con-
science, very religious manj but he thought him
self TO be the supreme ruler OF the country over
which he was King, and that mistake was at the
foundation OF all his misforiunes we'll ms of the
msfortunes of the nation. The mistake of his col.
League and Of the Executive ruler himself, was
that he was a branch OF the legislative power. His
colleague had repeated number or times that :ho
President was coordinate, independent branch of
that power. Mr. A. had here a letter in which that
principle asserted by the President himself.
This letter was published and not disivowed. The
whole OF It he would not read. He intended TO
have made some other observations on il, but this
was the point TO which he would refer.
Mr. A then read fIom the letter of the President
as follows: Executive diciation! repel the i'm
putation. would gladly harmonizc with Congress
in tie enactment OF such measures if the majority
would permit me-" What is thai asked Mr. A.
II they would permit him Howl by doing Just
what he thsusht proper IL was precisely the case
OF one gentleman out of twelve on Jury, who
declared that he had never met in his life eleven
such obstinate men. The President would harmo-
nzc with the majority ii the majority would do Just
what he told them That was the substance of
the whole letter repens the charge Of dietation.
But 10 proceed with the letter: "Most gladly
would approve any bill having for its OBJ
lect, and the protection oil manufacturing industry
as its incident, which should be presented to me
unconnecied with matters having no necessary off
ation, and which are only calculated to embarrass
the Executive action" That the Presidents
opinion, but II was merely begging of the cues
tion." The President would harmonic with them
If they would harmon 70 with him-if thew would
DO THAT he told them TO do
But something further. each branch of the
Government Is independent OF every othern TThere
was the precise error (sad MIR A. Of his colleague
that the Executive was indie pendent of the Con.
gross OF the United States. No moro Outrageous
principle TO the true intent of the Constitution of
the country could be laid down than that The
Executive was no, independent "asd Heaven for
bid that the day should ever come when either can
dictate TO the other 20
Now, CONTINUED Mr. Az that this House had
the power 10 dictate TO the Executive was true In
the very nature OF IT, because it was q legislative
power. Legislation dictaion; the House had
TIE power 10 dictate 10 the Executive, and he had
no power 10 dictate 20 II Otherwise than in the
qualified veto. MIR y. further read from the letter
OF the President follows: "The Constitution
never designed that the Executive should be a mere
cipher" That was true, no doubt, said Mr A
Laughter and voice: There has been a pracii-
cal mistake, for cipher Is PresideHi;"l "on the
contrary it denies to Congress the right to pass any
law without his approval" Was ever any hing
pretended so monstEous, asked MIR a, IS that the
Constitution denied 10 Congress the right TO pass
any law without the Presidents spproyal7 Did
the Constitution expressly say that If thew sen,
the President bill and he did rot return il in ten
days, it was a law just much as ii be had signed
III How, then, was i, possible for the President
to say that It was impossible FOR them 10 pass law
without his approval? lie lei. out Of view the
provision that bill! could be passed. not only with
out the Presidents approval, bu; against his disap
prova. There was n possible sense IN which tie
words quoted were true. Was il possible that the
Executive Of this countTy could assert principle
more directly destructive the interests OF The PEG.
! pie themseyes1 |, was direct assertion Of tie
same power which is enjoyed 10y the King Of Great
Drtain; an aSs9l 81 sId 81 he King Of Great Bd-
tain, although he never exercised that power, that
the Parliament could pass no law without his ap
ptoval.
MIR AS hour here expired, and he resumed his
seat.