Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1842-02-10
- Il II T. q n {: R T. = = :.
SECOND SESSION
MoNpAy, Jan. "a, lsy2.
UNITED STATES SENATE.
SPEECH or MR.. CLAY
IroN,,rnru

rouse Oh who would ever have proposed such
measure as the Eachequcr Board provided In that b1
vet, what had been tho ieeling Had no, been this
N'us' we 90 home without dong somethnpl Had not
'he feeling been: we are bound by the veto power we
cannot do what We would Had not the feeling been
We must take what the Executive offers or pe, nothing
les; already The doa was becoming iamarixcd 10 tho
minds et eenen, 10 men Of only the second generation
Alter the DAYS OF the Revolution Of subnttin Ia tho
ue'Auoh oil The Executive. because without his assent
they could do nothing. Mr. {. warned the nation thai
IL ms 'co power VAS not arrested II II were not either
abolished or nj least limited anl circumscrbrd in n,o
cess OF time. and that before another such pcrn h,
slalscd as had interviewed since the Ravnu,,o. ,hc
""oc ''T.sa.on OF THIS country would come 10 DO pro
pared at the White House. in ono OF other of the f.,
ccuive Departments, andwould come down to Congress-
~ 'e shape "' os or them to register snd pass through
the forms OF legislation Just had once been done IN
the ancient courts Of France
hen p" enable nation Of irccmcn To carry out their
"a'' oset congress Tree 10 speak that will 10 re
dress the wrongs, and TO supply the wants Of those
that sent them, Mr. C., again declared that IA. y.,o
power must be modified and restrained n mn, IN,
question which Congress would have to decide would be
not what Is The proper remedy for the existing rrcyan.
ccs OF the country. not what viii restore Tn. national
mopen'y-no; hui what measure will be sanctioned by
the Chief Magistrate.
Mr. G., said that. he had not the loJv STRENGTH 10
uwcl more al large ON tho general subject he would
no" toce'o 10 examine tho object which were urged
Sans' any further restrictions on this Executive power
mere had gotten up notion Of late years tina, some
euro was necessary upon the power Of ma ortics and
that without this the safety vi the country must he in
danger. Now, on what grounds had the mnciple been
'ouuod tat III Tree Government the naort, must 20
vcrn On twogrounds The FIRST was of AN ,n,,llec
'oai ana moral character II was right that IN great
pubic political partnership, the greater number should
be satisfied with what WAS done and that there w,s ,
greater chance OF wisdom IN complying with ia, will ri
'he greater number TN the Of chances some must
govern and who should i. be : The minority WI, I
because they possessed more wisdom The second
ground was ply IN lis aspect it held that tho
ity should be allowed 10 govern having the nh, steal
loce which would enable them carry out their will
NO" tls doctrine that innorlilcs must govern whether
WIN OF without The veto, was advanced by gentlemen
who proessed and called ihemseycs members of the JEFF
Nrsohia school But what was the doctrine Of Mr. JET
icTson himself in regard TO maJorrs and SO declared
| by HIM forty years agol Here Mr. C. read an e,tr,,,
from JecrsonsN orks IN which il broadly laid down
mat an absolute acqu scence in the vii of maorlies was
necessary in free Republican Government.
b't There were some particular interests and onf cs
@cnliy, IN regard 10 which tho South felt great solri
'noe which was supposed would be more safe under
W.. VI. continuance oi The veto power than without it
Now In the first place. Mr.. C. no difference in re-.
sPec' 10 safety between that particular n,ers and other
interests o the country III true that any one in
'orcst would be more under the veto power hnn
without ~ then all interests would be more secure but If
no security was Produced bystho Veto then that par
lcnar interest would not be secure hy the veto
'us' as wellas might gentlemen from the North rise up
ana say that the navigating interest On regard To which
hcy were perhaps more incrcste would be more secure
unueI mo veto power, the friends Of an interest
Northern, Southern Western, might fancy that /,
would be more secure But the question came At last
70 'h's Is the veto necessary power is not .
" IL necessary II IL necessary 10 all If not il is ncccs
sary TO none
what was the security which the South would pos
sess IN this veto power Sooner or later the President
would be IN majority himself. But, if majority of
congress should put itself IN opposition tho of
the South, neither Presidents nor veocs would sy. Ia
proectit. Its own resolution, its own v.or its own in
domtabls determination to maintain rights against all
men, these and these alone could in that case uphold
Southern interests
meanwhile, the people Of the South had all REQUISITE
guarantees First they had the sacred provisions Of the
Constitution and then they had the character of our
Government as Confederacy-thc existence ofhese IN
tcress long before the adoption of the Constitution and
the rights and duties of the Government in regard 10
Them recognized and aiddown by that sacred instrument,
l nat was the security OF the South As one who him
self lived where that peculiar interest existed he nos
sesscd no security from the existence of the veto power
-none-none whatever. lie felt himself secure in that
mutual harmony which it alike the interest of all To
cultivate, in the constitutional securities and in the Ger
tany OF the disruption OF the Union the ncvitab. re
suit tho moment that interest should be assacd in the
capacity and determination of the South to defend her
self at all hazards aud against all forms of attack whe
her from abroad or at homo There, there was the Sc
cuy and not in this miserable despotic veto power of
the President of the United States
MIR. T. went on to say, that the amendment which he
had the honor OF proposing TO the Senate was en-
counered by arguments where directly oppsed to ach o.
thcr. lie was told by that tins power was sacred
thing lightly to be touched but to held in honor and
vcneraon the choicest legacy loft us bv our ances
Tors. He told, the other hand by an honorable
friend in his cye that the amendment was in vain, be
cause It was thing impossible ever to get the Constu-
ton amended lie admitted that it was a thing extreme
l,.l ,nt.,,lt - 4 II.
States But now, in reply to the first argument those
who regarded the Coma tuition worthy Of proserva
ton, should be satisfied that light and trivial amend
mcnt to it could bo carried into effect but if they
were convinced thatany amendment would he for the
submit it To the public will As to the second argument
he admitted, he had sad it's full force II was OK
tremely doubtful whether any gentleman Mere prcscn,
would ever live 10 the Constitution amended but
still It was the duty Of every friend of his country 10 se
proper efforts to have it improved One attempt only
had succeeded since those alterations adopted which
took place Immediately after the adoption of the Consti
tuition itself But this subject had been a good deal
considered in the country, and if M C. had been stc
cessu IN any degree in demonstrating it's txptdency
neither class directors ought TO persevere nopposip IT,
AS to another amendment, which had reference to the
appointment OF the Secretary Of the Treasury and the
treasurer of the United States, Mr. c. admitted that if
his friend from Virginia (Alr Archer) could succeed in
establishing what MI &. had attempted years ago de-
monsratetha Congress did possess the constitutional
power To define the tenure Of Office and 10 defend il a.
gainst the power Of dsnssion there would to be sure
I've less necessity for making special provision in regard
to these two officers But STILL for greater security