Bloomington herald. [volume] (Bloomington, I. T. [Iowa]) 1840-1849, 1842-02-18

II De ssss~~
onrht to PASS this thing over, and take no mo-
tice OF il; but 10 this he could not give his as
sent. Holding this Union as he did, to be
the only pledge for, and the only means OF
j penetrating, The liberties OF the people
ing the Union, as he did, as the only means
under high heaven by which that State IN
which he lived. and that people which he rep
| resented, could be preserved in safety and IN
dependence, there was, in his Judgment, sac
rilege in approaching it in this manner. Com
ing from any quarter, it was sacrllege: CON-
j inr from the quarter that it did, II assumed q
|political importance that it would not other
wise possess. He, sir, from whom the prop
osition was made, to pull down the temple OF
| liberty, was once its high priest and minis
tered at it's altar. Il was no obscure hand,
and no obscure name that was connected win
this procedure. That name had gone abroad
connected with all that was bright and gorl-
Gus in our country's history. The enemies
Of freedom, who had so fondly predicted the
dismemberment Of this Confederacy, had now
| their eyes turned to ',.e movements OF that
] Hall, and to the movements of that gentleman,
in relation to question which, OF all o'herS
and which he would here say did not, in the
slightes. degree, enter into The paper which
| he offered. 1t was that question, which that
gentlemen had been fonder Of stirring than a.
ny other, that had been looked at by our enc
mics abroad as the means by which their de-
| srcs might be accomplished. 1t was sub
ject he repeated, that he had never looked at
and never would. God forbid that he should
draw a line and array the Southern man on
| one side. and the Northern man on the other;
| but the proposition which had been presented
| by the gentlemen from Massachusetts to that
| House, the Northern men were bound by love
OF country to oppose, as strenuously as the
| men of the South. Were Northern men pre-
pared to say that, under any law or right, Pc
| titions of this sort shall be laid before the
Congress of the United States without CEN
| sure or rebuke; that member shall be allow
ed to present question here, and start it as a
| subject of legislative consideration in that
House, which looks to the dissolution of this
Union? But he might be told that at the time
this proposition was presented there was con-
nected with il another-thar the committee to
which it was proposed to refer it, should re-
port against it /; but, in his humbla judgement,
that il did not affect the question. Ifany thing
| ii imade it worse. If, under some fancied
| right of petition, 10 which SO much impor-
lance seemed to be attached in one portion of
the Union, the gentleman had barely present.
ed the petition, in fultilment of what he belize
we'd to be solemn duty. it might after the
case: but it was proposed that it should be
the subject of legislative consideration. and
that report should be prepared and present.
| ed to the House in accordance with the views
| of the mover. 1t was to become a precedent
as far as it went, amounting to this: that the
| dissolution Of the Union was fair subject of
| legislative consideration, and could be brought
| up in that Houss for discussion. 1t was to
be debatable question: it was matter that
was to be looked upon by the eye of the leg
islator as Within the scope of legislative func-
lions; and this position he should meet at the
| threshold with the sternest rebuke. Had
such proposition been made by his own faith
er, and had he, in addition to the ties that
bound him to the member from Massachu-
setts-if he knew his own soul-he should
have pursued the same course that he now
did. He knew Mr.. M. said, that the action
of this House on this subject would go abroad
| to the nations of the world, and he wished it
| to be shown that whatever of mischief, and
misery, aud confusion, might come upon US
in after years, at this time Of the day the Con-
gress of the United States would not permit
one of its members to become the vehicle to
bring before them proposition so monstrous
| that it could not be acted on without dishonor
to themselves, and ruin to all who might come
after them. This much he had thought pro-
per to say on presenting his resolution. If
there was wrong in it, let the responsibility
rest where it properly belonged. That there
could he mischief, he did not believe. He
would not harbor the idea that the people of
the North would countenance movement of
this kind. What, Massachusetts! of all the
lands on which Heavens bright sun beams its
radiant EMBELLISHMENTS to come forward,
and through man bearing the name which the
gentleman did, make proposition to dissolve
this Union! If she had done this, let the Sc
verest sensures Of that House, fall on the man
through whom the proposition came.
! After Mr.. Marshall had concluded, Mr.. Everett
addressed the House in opposition to the esolutions
Mr.. Wise followed--he called for the reading of
portions of Gen. Washington's Farewell Address,
which being done, Mr.. Wise addressed the House
at great length, commenting with much severity on
| the course of Mr. Adams, tracing connection be-
tween him and the Abolition Societies in Europe
and the United States, which exhibited settled de-
sign to break up the Confederacy. He yielded to a
motion to adjourn.
SENATE, Jan. 26.-After the usual business of the
morning. the Senate resumed the consideration of the
bill repeating the Bankrupt Law. Mr. Berrien con-
Guided his remarks against the bill. Mr. Burton OBJ
tanned the floor but being late, not DESTROYS Of
! proceeding at that time. Mr.. Bayard said it was
but just to allow those in favor of the repeal OPP
portuny of giving the American people the grounds
of their opposition to the law. Adjourned.
| HOUSE,, Jan. 26.-Mr. Wise addressed the House
in condemnation of his remarks the previous day.
Mr.. Adams raised the point of order. He said the
House could not rghtful entertain the resolutions,
inasmuch as they charged him with crimes of which