The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-10-27

that you had honor, and that il was wounded
Did any Of you discover it until he pointed II Out
and were you not willing to retain your places
and cicatrize your wounds with your salaries
And, further, did not more than one of you, after
you notified The President, that yoH letters Oh
resignation would be delivered by certain hour
and certain day, informally, but not indirectly,
through anxious friends, intimate 10 the Prest-
dent and his friends, that a kind word from hun
would retain your valuable services to the Adml-
nisIralion2
Let us view this matter in another aspect
We will ask you if you were honest in making
these declarations TO the Presidents II not,
what barefaced, what unequalled hypocrisy, do
you admit you have practced on this occasion
What egregious trtiing with the President
You may take either horn Of the dilemma, and
you stand convicted of holding false position
"a position unsustainable by any code'of moral
or political law. If YOU believed that the Pre-
sident had been guilty Of treachery and decep-
ton, why is il that you solicited him to become
candidate for reelection If he was not gull
| ~ Of these charges, have you not perpetrated a
fraud on the community in publishing them as
lrue2
How came you thus TO act? Did you think
that such course of action would insure the
establishment of your policy, and drive Mr.. Ty-
Ter from the convictions of his mind Success
in the system had become identified with the
pride, the character, and the hope of the opposi-
lion. As il is natural with men, who have a
fax in tha of IA 10 m on
pertinacity seemed to increase as its hopeless
ness became apparent. But these feelings,
however commendable, ou5 hit not to be gratifed
at the expense of individual justice, nor by an
endeavor 10 stamp upon man Of uprightness
and integrity, the dshonorable charge of duplici-
ty and Icachery.
The true interests of the nation require Ca
binet to sustain the Constitution, and not merely
to advance their party A Cabinet should be
composed Of men of lofty character, who will
drop the habilimens Of party, and robe them
selves in The pure and faithful vestments oftheir
country.
To use the language Of the law books, when
a witness renders himself Infamous, by his own
testimony, he is not considered worthy of credit
in court of justice. Apply this rule to the
statements of Messrs. Ewing and Bell, and is
not the testimony worse than useless? Is il not
discredited by their own showing? AS these
charges mainly rest on the testimony Of Mr..
Ewing, let us see how far he is entitled 10 cre-
dit. Let us advert to the state of mind in
which he was, at the time when these converse
tons took place, when he learnt from Mr.. Tyler
his determination TO veto the bill
/ He informs US that he was the author OF the
first BILL against which the President levelled
lection of the second bill, he considered himself
particularly badly treated. So greatly was he
| irrlated, that he committed TO writing the sub
stance of the conversation, and declared that he
would resign hi, seat in the Cabinet. This we
learn from his own testimony. In a day or
two he wrote an infammatoTy piece for the
press, purporting to be the substance Of your sew
| eral conversations THE e,o'r----.' ~~D aVo"-
euly writ en- for the purpose of effectng sepa-
ration of the Wing party. Itrecommends that
abounds with the most opprobrious and abusive
language against Mr. Tyler; and, what is still
worse, it varies from the facts Of the case.
Is it surprising, that a man in this state OF
mind, should misconceive the truth Is it to be
wondered at that he should convert his own in
| ferences, the misconceptions and distortions OF
his own brain, into facts? Have you ever
| heard person give an account III court OF
justice of a quarrel, in which he, himself, had
been party-of brawl, or riot, in which he,
himself, had been engaged-in which he had
perhaps been beaten, and Of his wrongs, for
observed how the truth, in such situations is
distorted by the blindness of passion, the parli-
atty Of selt-love, and the thirst Of revenge? We
presume that you have; you must, then, know
how TO estimate the truth Of the allegations as
made by Mr.. Ewing, from the state of mind in
which he was in when he undertook to give
them to the world.
We have said that this publication, rurport-
ing TO be the substance of the conversations be-
tween himself and Mr.. Tyler, varies materially
from the facts existing in the case. For the
truth of this statemenwe refer to the publication
itself. But we will point out one of the most
remarkable variances.
In the publication, Mr.. Ewing remarks, that it
is but "just to say that the bill which first passed
the two houses of Congress, and which was re.
turned with your (the President's) objectiors on
the 10th Of August had never in its progress, as
far as knoW or believe, receired at any time
either your cypress or implied assent
Again: "Y our veto to the first bill was on
constitutional grounds and The high conriction
Of conscienCe-and no man, in my opinion, had
right to question your sincerity | SO said,
i nd / G,r oil III