The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-07-01
REMARKS OF Ms. GUSHING,
In reply 10 Messrs. GRANGER FrrLsosr a.
on the peto Message Of The Presided. read
an the House on Wednesday.


ia the House on Wednesday.
The gentleman from New York (Nr Fianoss
had exp essed the opinion that uDiess thi. 80.
vetoed, should become law, there would be Ia n
fer the collection of the ne aud IA coass 400
with that opinion had obser, ed Pres ~ his
message, had said that there was isw enough. Nr
Y should not 60 further ON that nt than this which
would afford complete answer 10 that ysrt ~ shst
The gentleman advanced; It might possibly be that
after 10 morrow, there would be legal meaBs Oi
collecting revenue and the President himself sdmt
td he necessity for additional legs atom Whai
then, was tie duty OF Congress Was u not obsi.
ously 10 provide lawl Was this bill he ony fora,
IN which 10 obtain revenue Ii The prognOstIcs VI
the gentlemen that side were true, he called ulaa
the Chairman of the Commttee OF NAYS aud heans
TO Introduce bill for that purpose would be Ia.
first duty. Such bill could be passed this day and
In an hours time, II the committee chose
But that was a secondary question in comparison
with tho,e great AID serious and nome ntous ques-
tons which had been introduced ipto the remarks
which had been made.
The gentleman from New York said that the Pre-
sidenl moi prolessedy willing TO allow the dlsrl
bation of The land fund Tor single day, but that hls
was mere preence tor issuing veto which, In effect,
would produce distribution. The gentleman wen, on
the principle, that by the compromise act distribution
was to take place the first July. But was this sol
Did distribution necessarily take place immediately at
the 30th of June! According to lat act distIi-
button was to be suspended 10y two causes: one was
war--he other was the existence Of duties over 20
per cent. Now Mr.. c. asked had duties over the
rate of tW enty per cent. actually ceased w ouid
such dutles not continue tll the 3Jth June! And
was not the import OF the proyiso III the distribution
act that If duties and above 20 per cent should
be needed for revenue then the proceeds al the public
lands were 10 20 into the Treasury, and constitute a
part of the means of the Government During the
whole time that duties should continue over 20 per
cent there 10 be dis ribution. The inference
then, of the gentleman from New YORK is not
ranie by the terms ~ the act, nor his mputaton on
the President by the language Of Il message.
Mr. lILLrNdaAhT here asked Mr.. Gushing to al
low HIM to correct error 10 The terms vi The pro-
vlso into which he seemed to have fallen. Mr.. Z.
declined, as, he said, he might want all his time
The gentleman said it extraordinary
message and that we had reached great crisis in the
affairs OF the United States we'll in the relations
Of political parties Mr.. g. cared not straw for the
relation of parties. The People began to be disabus
ed OF the syianny of party, by which they and all
their interests had long been sacrificed To the asp
lions OF Mr.. &. SAID he did care, however, for
crisis which material to the interests of the Peo
Pile. The gentleman from New York had said that
In every question between the People of the United
States and the President he must go for the People
But what the 'crsis!" The term was used 50
frequently, and came So trpplngly and hippantly
off the tongue, that Mr.. G. had, great measure,
cea sed To attach much weight to it, Indeed he be-
gan to think very much with certain French gen.
tleman, who, having survived the dangers OF the
French revolution and the scenes ha, followed said
that zone came bear himself about as we'll in IA cri-
Sis In the interval" The gentleman seemed to re-
fer to some hidden contingency which ne did not
PLAN. MIR. T.. wished TO gather, if he could what the
nature OF this terrible crisis war.
His colleague Mr.. Satonstal) said that no const-
tutlonaI question of difference involved in the
Veto, bu. 1t Was based purely on question of rela-
tive expedlency. Well and what thenl The gem
tlenan from New York had also represented the pow
ers Of this House as invaded but that gentleman
ought to consider that when treating of the powers of
this House, and the Invasion OF them, they TO
act from that feeling which was called esprit de
corps but from regard to the Constitution 1t was
the first step in tyranny to magnify our own power
Did the Constitution declare that the President could
veto bill for none but constitutional objections Mr.
G.. had never read such clause. The Constitution,
IN what it did say about The matter lett discretion
v it'll he President. 1t prescribed his duty, whether
he approved or disapproved bill Ii he did not APP
prove he was commanded to return it, with the
OF his disapproval. The ground was broad and
simple it the fact either that he approved
did mol approve Now, lhen in this Case, where
the peril to the Constitution The tue peril was,
THAI the guards imposed by the Constitution would be
Frustrated whenever the President happened to differ
IN opinion from Congress. His colleague Mr., Sal
tonsta) asked whence we got this Veto power2 Mr..
G. would ask the same question whence did 1t come!
Where had it its origin Was 1t not the sacred tri-
bu initial power in the ancient Roman Republc2 Was
il not established for the protection OF the People
against the tyranny Of select legislative assembly
His colleague had asked when the Veto power had
been exercised In England. Why should it be used
there? Who did not know that the absolute power
Of Parliament had by management, come to be vest
ed entirely in the hands of the Ministry and of the
Crown The ministers did not introduce any mea-
sure into Parliament that was not first approved by
the Crown; and If it failed in the House. it failed in
the first step Of its pro 5ress, and If the
nbi one 4 led In "A w q
analogy between the two Governments in the app-
cation of the Veto though there might be some in
the power itself. Hence most of our errors in
about it. But what did the argument
amount to- Was this body convention to make or
to amend the Constitution The Veto was in the
it as part of the instrument. But
no; he wrong; it was not in the Constitution II
was merely the Sc of the power of a co-ordi-
nate branch of the Government in relation to the pas
sage of a bill it was mere expression OF the ob]ec-
lions of one OF the three Department, whose consent
alone could make the law. But, whatever might be
he nature OF the law, there it was, established by
he Constitution. What did gentlemen desire? Did
hey wish this Government to move in the orbit
marked out for it by the Constitution or did they
eek Congressional usurpation1 Did they wish that
he despotsm of party should make new Constr
"a ion to suit it, own ends For his part, he stood
ipon the Constitution, just as IT was; by that he
should regulate his action and this Veto nothing
less than regular constitutional exercise OF
he functions conferred upon the Chief Magistrate Of
he Union.
But again his colleague in his remarks, said that
he message went exclusively for hor. zonal tariff
If uniform duties and without discrimination. But
vas this 500 Did the message advocate duties with
,ut determinations Did it conine the tariff to the
compromise actl The gentleman had forgotten the
language of the message.
There Mr.. G. quoted two clauses, one which re-
'ogu'sed du,es when necessary, over 20 per cent,
md discrimination in duties both above and below 20
Der cent
There were other topics on which his colleague
lad not touched but which had been noticed by the
Gentleman from New York, MIR Granger) MIR. G.
and he had listened attentveiy, that in stating what
he gentleman had SAID he might fall into mistake.
L very true, the gentleman said, that his con-
iuct heretofore towards The Government had been
very honorable But the gentleman now called upon
political friends in the House and in the country
% do what Mr. &. desired to know he wanted pre-
-L L.. Latl L1L 10 aal IIal