The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-08-17

to present from a point of attack principles and
| precedences which have always been hostile to the
true spirit OF the Constitution Under the specous
pretext OF defending Congress from what IS imagined
| to be attack their constitutional rights, II Is
sought to strip the other departments of government OF
powers which the Constitution has conhded TO them 10
every constitutional obstruction to the arDi-
trary will of Congress- to destroy the equilibrium oil
well considered system Of government, and 10 as
unlimited jurisdiction, not only over the co-or
dinate branches but over the States and the People
Encouraged by the present embarrassed condition oil
the country and our public affairs, deriving fresh po-
tcal hopes from the general gloom and dependency
| which their own proceedings have east over the
Union II is attempted TO extort from the suherihgs
of the People sanction for principles OF govern
ment which their judgment has never failed to repu-
date The history OF government abounds 10 exam
pies of conflicts between the several departments
II has sometimes happened that all the departments
combined overthrow the Constitution and but for the
intelligence of the People and the controlling power OF
the suffrage in restoring the supremacy OF the Constn
ton over the Legislature the Executive, and the Ju
dietary, such combinations must have been fatal TO
our Institutions. While it is the privilege and the
duty of every citizen to arraign either department oil
the government any public officer for lnhdellty TO
the Constitution and the laws, it is neither wse just
or patriotic for of those departments to impair
the confidence the harmony which should subsist
between the separate branches of the public service
by fomentng prejudces and discord They are all
by law which all acknowledge as supreme.
Without inquiring into the motives which induced
the trainers Of the Constitution to distribute the pow
of our government they have done and to con-
fer the particular power in question on the Executive,
and without reviewing the actual experience Of the
Government as to what (from supposed analogy
not at all obvious to certain powers in others Gov
ernments,) is commonly called the Veto power, 1t is
natural that the mind should approve or condemn
the exercise of this power according to its interests
tl,.a, h,,h
applied This is true, not only to this but as to all
other powers of government Zeal, in the pursuit Of
some cherished object Of interest or AMBITION in
duces some men, not only to complain when they are
thwarted by what they easily believe to be an mpro-
per exercise of power, but to make war on the es-
tablshed forms of government and to seek by revo-
luton radical change what they cannot lawfully
obtain. The disposition which has been recently ma
infested to some extent, to disturb the well-adusted
checks of the constitution by claiming powers for
Congress which that instrument does not confer, or
by denying to coordinate branch of the Government
powers which it does confer in order to establish
particular system of party policy or carry an election
must be regarded with deep regret and serious APP
prehensons by the People those whose province it is to
Judge and who free from bias, oimere party politics can
think and feel, and act, under the superior nfuen-
of patriotism, and Government has survived the
shock of many severe political contests because hther
to these contests involved only difference of opinion
to the principles and policy of the Government as
organized. 1t has been deemed unwise, as well as
dangerous to exasperate local or general prejudces
against the acknowledged forms of the Government,
and to enlist the spirit Of revolution as auxiliary
to the spirit of party 1t has been lately proposed to
abolish the powers resulting to the Executive from
the clause of the Constitution already cited There
is evidence of any disposition to second this pur
pose, either on the part of Congress ITSELF on the
part of the States. Despairing of any peaceful
change, is however, proclaimed that this power is
dangerous to liberty to justify appeal to
This is urged by those who desire to the en-
actment of measures believed, probably, by majo-
rity of the People of the United States, and certain
y by the present Executive, to be either unconstitu
tonal or grossly ineXpedient and injurious. To OBJ
tain the charter for National Bank, when there
few bold enough to believe that any prudent man
would hazard his capital or his confidence, under
the charter or still farther to impoversh already
empty and indebted Treasury, 1t is pr posed to abol-
ish by amending the Constitution, by revolution,
one of the checks by which the Executive depart
men is authorized to arrest the unconstitutional mea
sures Of Congress. double innovation is meditated
against the Constitution, and violence is invoked to
annu one of its Executive BARRIERS because it is OBJ
stacle to the encroachments of the Legislature If
the veto power, it is Called abolished in the
Executive, it would remain in the Judiciary, I'M
constitutional legislation might still be arrested there
and il would not be In the power Of two-thirds to
control the decisions Of the Supreme Court. Hence
it is, perhaps shat distrust has been recently
Court to decide questions which have, unfortu-
natey arisen as to the authority of the Government
to collect any revenue since the Both of June last
The object Of those who believe that certain mea-
sures OF party policy are of more consequence than
the present organization of our Government can on
y be partially accomplish, by abrogatng the veto
Of the Executive. There remains, besides the veto
of the Judiciary, the veto of the People. All the
powers of our Government, into whatever hands
they be distributed, must be exercised under re-
sponsiby TO the laws and to popular opinion.
When a President returns bill to either House Of
Congress with his objections, he is responsible the
law, to all its penalties and like every Representa-
tive Of State district he responsible also to the
People. These are the great checks of system,
and they are serving the most important end for
which they have been established when they restrain
the licentious ambition which is chafed only by Con-
stitutions by laws, or by the popular will
For the first time, in the history of institutions,
they are exposed to novel experiment. 1t is, ne
vertheess, contemplated by the Constitution. 1t
is to be tried under very peculiar circumstances 1t
remains to be seen whether Vice President, called
in the regular order of events to the chief Executive
office, can administer the Government without par
ty pledged IN advance to approve or to oppose his
Administration; or, in other words whether the vi
gor and security of our Government abides in the
Constitution and laws, in a party. With re-
gard to the constitutional convictions of the present
incumbent of the Executive Office on some of the
subjects to which they have been applied it is I'M
doubleday true that they were well known to those
by whom he was nominated and elected to the second
office of the Government, and by many of whom he
is now bitterly denounced, for being what they, in
the election, proclaimed him to be With regard to
the exercise of the veto power this instance re-
currence to few facts Of public notorety and
date, will enable an impartial public to decide.
Before the death of the late President his proca-
nation had issued convenng Congress in extra ses-
sion. The necessity for this was alleged to exist in
the state of our finances Congress assembled on the
3lst May lS4l. 1t has been in session. with the in
| terval of rather more than two months ever since
Various expedients were resorted to- during the ex-
ira session. to enable the Government to meet its en-
gagements and defray its ordinary current expenses
Since that period the pay of the Army the Navy
and the civil list, have been frequently suspended
| from the utter destitution of the Treasury Loans
authorized by Congress- have failed to be negotiated