The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-02-22
From the ~ Y Journal of Commerce

DISCRIMINATING DUTIEs.-lf man of large fortune
TO address his ellow-ctizens through the news
papers, saying that he had embarked large portion of
his property in business which turned out to be ex
ceedlngly Improbable, and asking them to contribute
for the purpose of enabling him to 60 on, he would
probably be answered that the sooner he gave up a
bad business, the BETTER for that his neghbors would
not he SO foolish as to tax themselves upon SO absurd
plan. Yet this is precisely the proposition which is
made by the men who tell Us they shall be ruined un-
less discriminating duties laid for their protection
There ale but two grounds on which such duties can
be defended with any tolerabe pausbllity. They
are that those who have embarked in enterprises uh-
der the stimulants of high protection entitled to
some consideration when the policy of the country is
changed; and, that discrimination would perfect
manufactures yet in their infancy. AS to protecting
American labor against foreign pauper labor keeping
specie in the country, preventing excessive lmpora
tons, furnishing home market, and making things
cheaper by high duties that is all CANNON for the ma
rines. Old sailors know better. The two consldera-
lions to which perhaps some weight should be al
lowed, entitled to less than in our coun-
try, at this moment The High Tariff was forced
upon the country most unfairly, by the very who
talk loudest Of the plghted faith Of the country
The faith of the country never pghted to sys-
tenn SO barbarou' that of 1928 1t was carried by
the decisions of selfshness, and was In It's nature
temporary. Besides-ten years notice has been given
of the change and has been brought about in We
ry gradual manner. Nothing could have been better
done. As to stimulating or pertecting new manufac-
lures, that might have been said half century ago.
but it is out of time now The trouble is that new
enterprises too much stimulated. We 60 too FAST
not too slow, in all improvements. There is re-
ally, therefore, good existing for de-
parture from sound principles at all and upon the
grounds which urged, it is wrong altogether
and highly dangerous to the stability of business
and the peace of the country. We do not see
how men able to put face 10 claim
that the whole nation shall be compelled to
pay higher price for the articles they make
and sell in order that their trade may be rendered
profitable. Is the nation bound to make the Journal
of Commerce profitable to Its proprelors Ifthe ma
ton secures us the free scope of our eneI prise it
has done all for us which good citizens we have
right to ask and if it does more, it does it at the
pense of in Justice to other citizens. Suppose the edi
tors of this city, of the country, should call con-
venton and send whining petition to Congress, set
ting forth that the New World and the Brother JON
athan republishing all the popular works of En-
gsh authors and making their papers so popular that
the regular Therapeutics in danger of being over
thrown entirely, thereuPon praying Congress to COM
pei every body to pay twelve dollars year for our pa
pers, instead of ten. We do not but that the
case would be just gooi as that which is now put
forth by certain manufacturers. Yet the people
would probably call fools for pains, and tell
to go home and print New Worlds Ourselves, or 60
into other business, which, from its usefulness
to the public, would insure its prosperity.
The Compromise act fixes the rate of duties at
twenty per cent. on the home valuation. Twenty
per cent. duty will leave our citizens with an adj
vantage of at least twenty-five per cent over all 9TH
people the earth for the supply of our own mar
ket. If the duty is to be assessed on the home vaua-
ton, the protection to home enterprise will be at least
thrty-three and third per cent. If could import
iron free Of duty at sixty dollars ton then it will be
made in this country, far it be, at eighty dol
lars ton. We suppose that many of our readers
would be almost horror struck if were to say that
all the iron made would subject the country to
nd IF let tUUan dO
Yet this is understanding of the matter. If the
revenues of the country derived from direct taxa
ton, and the expenses of collection were the same as
the expenses of collecting duties upon imports, then
upon whole view Of the case, the country would be
richer by just the amount of this twenty dollars ton;
and its labor and capital to that extent better reward
ed. Yet there iron-makers who insist that their
business shall be supported and made profitable though
1t require loss to the country of thirty forty dol
lars ton, whatever other sacrifice may be neces-
sary in order that they should be sustained In fact
they to think that the further apart the and
the fuel are and the greater the disadvantag Of
ny sort under which they labor the greater is their
claim to projections for the greater is the amount of
labor which they consume. The fact is, they throw
away the labor of the country and but for them six
days labor would procure as much iron as eight days
labor with protection in that proportion; and the
other two days would be left for the procurement of
other things. All the Tariffs in the world
did and never can in the long rum increase the de-
they do but pervert that labor, throwing away use
essy per centage of equal to the per centage of
Tariff protection. If the aborers Of this country
can be deluded into the support of any system but
that of Free Trade then they not shrewd enough
for the times
We want to state more horrible proposition. 1t
is, that there is nothing in manufacturing which ought
to make that the interest to be specially cherished by
the government. The effect of manu- featuring on the
people is less congenal to institutions, and less
al, ha ham Of, ind
any other occupation. All Europe there no
people so poor, serve, so vicious, so every way
debased as the operative manufacturers In our own
country the tendency in the direction, though
thanks to the genius of Christianity and the enight-
eminent of the age, these tendencies powerfully
couneraced by the literary and religious institutions
which every where adorn our manufacturing towns
and villages. The circumstance that our power is
generally pdter and not steam, is Of more impor-
lance than has been thought of But after all this,
what is the effect of manufacturing upon our people
Is factory girl likely possess all the qualities of
good wife and mother, as if she had continued to
live in the house of her father the girls of New
England did, all of them forty years ago? Factory
aborers liable to distress upon reverse of times,
muc beyond an agricultural peoples and what may
be of importance one day, they to certain
extent in Their political action, subservient to the will
of their employers. We hear it said of man,
that he control great number OF votes, for he
a great manufacturer. This language never
heard in our country until recently. We say, then,
that nufactuIing less favorable than agriculture,
the great business of country, to personal in
lelligence and fitness for family RELATIONSHIP uni
form competency-and to that manly personal in
dependence which is the security and glory of our
country. 1t would be sufficient then, if such
interest were made to share equally with agricul-
lure in the of government Our mode of col.
lecling revenue, however, does give vast govern
mental preference 10 manufacturing a preference
which ought, in all reason to satisfy those who adopt
Its pursuits.
From the N. Y NcU Era.
LEGISLATING OVERMUCH.