Southern Argus. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1834-1842, 1842-03-01
NO. XIV.
SAMUEL DAVIS, PuE. AND PRopR,rroR.

perlence which had been had off II
Europe, TO the laws relating TO the col
onies, and that in a double form. f.,
there was veto Of the Colonial Gov
ernor, and also a veto of the Grown
But what was thought of this power by
the inhabitants of these States wher
rising 10 assert their freedom, mighl
be seen in the words Of the instrumen
IN which they asserted their indepen-
dence. At the head of all the griev-
ances estated in that paper, as reasons
Tor our separation from Great Britain
was placed the exercise of this very
power of the Royal veto.-Speakinc OF
the King, the Declaration Of Indepen-
dence employed this language:
''He has refused his assent to laws
the most wholesome and most neces-
sary for the public good. He has
forbidden his Governors to pass laws
of immediate and pressing importance
unless suspended in their operation
till his assets should be obtained; and
when so suspended he has utterly neg
lected TO attend to Them"
No donbt the idea of ENGRAVING thi 5
power upon our own Constitution was
adopted by the Convention from hav-
ing always found it as a power recog-
Missed in European Governments, Just
as it had been before derived by them
from the practice and history of Rome.
AT all events, the power was inseI-
ted as one feature, not only in the gen.
eral Constitution Of the Federal Gov.
eminent, but also in the Constitution
ola portion of the States. Fifty years
had now elapsed since the Federal
Constitution was formed, and it was
no derogation from the wisdom and
patriotism Of the venerable men who
framed it,now to say that the work of
their hands, though as perfect as ever
had proceeded, from human hands, was
nevertheless not absolutely so, because
that was what nothing that sprung from
man had ever been. But now, after
the lapse of half century, it was in
teresting to pause-to look back-to
review the history Of that period, and
10 compare the predictions of those
who then looked into the future with
the actual results of subsequent. exEe-
rlence. Any one at all acquainted
with the cOntemporaneous history of
the Constitution must know that one
great and radical error which possess
ed the minds Of wise men who drew
up that lnstrumentwas an apprehension
that the Executive Department Of the
then proposed Government would be
a struggle WITH the power o" Of lie Leg
islature: hence X was found that varl-
Gus expedients had been proposed in
the Convention, with the avowed pur-
pose of STRENGTHENING the Executive
arm; on9 of which went so far as TO
propose that the President should be
Chief Magistrate for life. All these
proposals had their origin in The one
prevailing idea-that Of the weakness
Of the Executive, and its incompe-
tence to defend itself against the en-
croachments Of Legislative domination
and dictation.
Now, let any man, look at the actual
working Of the machine they construc-
ted, and see whether the anticipations
which haunted their MUD on the sub
sequent polilidal history of this Gov
erument. Letthem see whether the Ex-
ecutive Department was the weak spot
in the system. Much had been said
about the encroachments of the FEEDER
al Government on the Governments of
the States, from which complaints had
arisen what was called the States-rights
party and its opposite, but an examina-
ton of the facts Of the case would de-
monstrate that no solitary instance had
yet occurred Of any such encroach-
ment by the General Governmenl;but,
on the contrary, Mr.. G.. could demon-
strate, were this the proper time or oc-
casion for doing that there had been
an abandonment by that Government
Of the exercise of its own Just powers
liz relation to the States, and this to
such an extent that the existing state
of the country presented very much
the same aspect as the old Confedera-
ton had once done, with all weakness
and imbecility.
But while there had been no such
thing in the practice as encfoachment
by the Federal upon the State Govern
ments there had, within the Federal
Government itself, been a constant
encIoachment by the Executive upon
the Legislative Department.
| First, it attacked the treaty making
power. None could nos read the
language Of the Constitution without
at once coming to the conclusion thai
the intention of the authors ofthst in
strument was that the Senate should
be consulted by the President mol
merely in the ratification but In the in.
ception of all the treaties: thst in the
commencement of the negotiations
: the instructions of the ministers sp
, pointed to treat, the character and pro
visions ofthe treaty, the Senate shoult
be consulted, end should first yield ii
! assent. And such had,in fact, BEEF