The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-08-18

4
and the question OF duty his part, and on the part
of Congress, Is the same In each instance. Can Con-
gress excuse themselves for refusing provide Ieve-
nue. for the Government, because the President did
not approve either of the forms in whch the extra
session, they attempted TO charter Bank of the UDl
ted States Is the issue, which has been soemny
proclaimed this occasion, EN- brace the long agi-
lated question OF currency besides that of revenue
Do the majority To declare that they will permit
revenue to be collected or other words, that the
Government shall cease, unless TWO conditions are
submitted to--tirst, the charter of bank In some
form and second the distribution oil the Land fund
If this be the object then these questions should have
been all connected In one bill. II has been deemed
prudent however, to connect only two of them. The
questions of distributing the land fund and raising
and raising revenue for the support of Government,
were united IN such manner to leave 1t doubtful
whether the majority of Congress considered them
selves bound to provide revenue first for the States,
or for the United States. Since they insisted uni
ting them in second bill, after former bill had been
vetoed, account of their union, and since it is
deca red that Congress dsgraced if it recedes far
as separate the questions, and that the United States
Government shall have revenues, unless the land
fund is distributed to the States there longer
be doubt of the determination either to bestow The
ways and means of the Federal Treasury on the
Stale Treasures or to staIve the Government of the
United States. The majority only resolved
on this but they resolved to accomplish their OBJ
ect in one particular mode, and that is by egislang
on the two subjects in the bill
| w nat tnen, Is the Issue III Is not whether the
power exercised by the President is a lawful power.
Its existence is conceded by the proposition abuse
IT, 1t Is not whether that power has been corruptly
abused If this is believed the majority guilty Of
culpable neglect of duty in not mpeaching. 1t is not
whether the States shall have the land fund 1t is not
whether the United States shall have a revenue. But
! it is whether this Government shall have revenue and
the States shall have the land fund.- in particular
form of legislation, which Congress have resolved at
all hazards to persevere ina form of legislation
| rte1 m first tn tha voto IF and
persisted in to the Executive by putting the
| Treasury under duress.
| As the majority of Congress seem to view this
question, 1t Is mere parliamentary punctilio on
In her aspects however in which it will be viewed
by those who IN this case, impartial arbiters
than either this majority the President it il ques
ton worthy of the most serious consideration The
| Government has now revenue 1t is in debt II
is completely organized under the forms of the Con-
stuton Its Legislature, its Judiciary, its Executive
are at their posts its Army is in the field its Navy is
on the It's representatives honorably accredi
ted by all foreign Governments the representatives
of foreign Governments here. There is profound
peace and general sense of security throughout the
country. Our fields teeming with abundant har
vests Industry and economy are gradually repairing
the evils of extravaganza and Incidence, and, they
develope great national resources they resto
ring general confidence which will revive prosperity,
and teach u.s. for time at least the danger of prefer
ring again artificial wealth and delusive splendor to
real independence and substantial comfort with the
means of individual happiness and national glory
within our reach, the People of the United States
may well ask why it is that the Constitution has fail
ed, why the laws mpotent, and why the represent
tatves of tweny-six States and seventeen millions of
People unable to provide revenue the Go
vernment from disgrace and dissolution majority
of these representatives have given the 1t is,
because they do not choose do what they have the
to do They forget their duty to the country and
the CONSTITUTIONS and remember only the imaginary
themselves and the President of the United States.
If these resentments real, will the country ole-
rate suspension of the entire Government, until
political dispute is settled by revolution reason,
between those who ought to feel on both sides
weight of official responsibility, which permits no
motive OF ambition or amnesty to lnf1ict on their
country the consequences of their passions Whence
can such resentments arise unless from motives of
ambition equally unworthy of President Legs-
| lator? If the majority in Congress wish to sub
init an issue 10 the country, involving any poll
| cy OF Government, any question of constitutional
| liberty or legislative expedency, let them not
present it in the shape of controversy between
themselves and the President. Let them invoke the
judgment, and not merely the preiudices, of their
countrymen to decide it.
1t too often happens that party attempts to pre-
scribe law for the Constitution, and to interpolate
substantive restrictions enlargements of the pow
ers to be derived from the text Necessity or expe-
diency is always the pretext. The first necessity
and the soundest expediency in Government of a
written Constitution is to preserve its organic law in
violate. That instrument may be as efectually
changed (and the Government is changed with it by
| this means as by amendment in the prescribed
mode. The Constitution is designed to furnish per-
manent, uniform, and universal rule of Government
while parties huctuate and change with the caprces
of passion or the convictions of judgment. These
decisions of mere party too apt be regarded as
authority and hence the conflict which frequently &C.
ours between them and the Constitution itself The
undersigned has already expressed his conviction that
the proceedings in this in conflict with the
Constitution. 1t is to be regretted that it is not the
only evidence of disposition during the present
Congress to disregard the authority Of that inst
ment, or to create unnecessary collisions between
| the Legislative and the Executive departments When
subject distinctly embraced in one bill has been the
of the Executive objections to that BILL respect
for the opinions of coordinate department. or
desire to avoid unnecessary collisions with it, would
| suggest the proprlety OF not Immediately pressing
that identical subject upon the consideration of the
| Executive without intimation of a change os
opinion. The objections of the President to the pro-
visona revenue bill and the general Revenue bill
the same. They relate to the insertion of clause
directing distribution ofthe land fund without regard
to the rates OF duties on Imports The first bill
temporary In its duration and comparatively unmpor-
tant in it's objects 1t sent to the President in
advance of the second and only five days PRIOR the
| Goth of June, when it alleged there would no
longer be authority to collect 1t contained
clause in relation to the distribution of the land fund
1t was vetoed on account OF that clause. On The 9th
of August, Congress passed the second general re-
venue bill, containing clause still more unequvoca-
ly authorizing distribution, notwithstanding the TWEEN
ty per restriction of the of lS41. Whether
the first Of these bills was designed only feel the
way for the second and to ascertain if the President
could be brought to the dilemma, after Directing the
BILL of either vetoing revenue bill, submitting to
the distribution clause in order to obtain the of
carrying the Government to re-enact, by the
vote of majority, single principle which had been
so recently vetoed, and which could not obtain the
vote of twohrds, it is part of the history of these
proceedings which may shed some light exam
nations. The legislation of Congress at the late
scssior, on The sl,hiect Of tho