The North-Carolina standard., 1842-10-05

more equal He may have voted to raise the
duty on WOOL and some such articles; because
they were much lower than on others, and in or
der to create equality in favor of agriculture
But the journal of the Senate would show, as
well as the publication of debates, that he was
from first to last opposed to the principle of that,
as well as this bill and recorded his nav against
the denominations las the Senator is pleased to
term them) of that bll as he should against those
oil this one. Next, the Senator processes to be
puzzled to discover how bill with nearly hori-
zontal duties OF twenty or twenty-five per cent on
all imports could yield any incidental protection
to American labor or home industry
Mr.. w was sorry that the Senator had not
learned little on this subject from the chairman
OF this commlttee on Manufacturers who had stated
IN debate Thu very day, that he considered hori
zontal tarfthe most just, and, if high enough, as
useful for protection as any other; or learned a
little from the armer of Ashland who, in 1910,
declared that the tariff provided in the comprom-
lse, which was horizontal, and only 90 per cent,
would, with cash duties and home valuations,
YIELD incidentally, all the protection to manufac-
lures which was proper; or from the hero Of
North Bend-1noher authority almost as high
with him-that the same compromise duties were
enough, and that he would never assent to a de-
parture from them, Why, sir, if 60 per cent du-
ty yields any protection, will not 20 per cent.
yield one third much? Or, if 40 per cent
yield some will not 20 per cent yield half as
much? And is it nothing to rid American indu-
try, ard the boasted American system-to restrict
the use of foreign articles, such as are grown or
produced here, unless paying on them even S
per cent tax Much more will it aid all domes-
tic enterprise, if those foreign articles are obliged
to encounter not only the risk delay, and expense
OF coming here across ocean three THOUSAND
miles, and tax here of five per cent, while ours
are free, but further tax Of TO, l5 or 20 per
cent.
Let us hear 10 more, then, that no protection
results incidentally to American labor, if all for
eign articles, coming in competition with it, are
equally taxed for revenue 20 or 25 per cent
Such tax, grant, is not imposed for the purpose
of protection; nor should it be, by the General
Government. BIT when it is imposed for revenue,
rather than to collect all revenue from lands, ex-
cse and other sources Incidental protection is Of
ten the consequence, and very effective conse-
quence, in aid of the domestic production
In respect to another imputation made bv the
Senator, as to the extravaganza in expenses during
part ofthe period of my conncxion with the
Treasury Department, Mr. w would only re-
mind him that Congress caused AMI authorized
the public expenses and not the executive depart
ments 1.-THE Senator could put his finger on Il
single case where the Treasury Department, du-
ring his administration of it. or where be, as u
member of this body since, had recommended ex-
travagant measures, let it be done He was ready
for the isSue
And in respect to snrpluses, to which the gen
tleman from Kentucky had referred, let him re-
member that the only administration Of the treas.
ury under which dollar of surplus had ever ac-
crued and been paid over to the States, was under
mine; and that to the extent of more than twenty
eight millions of dollars But he claimed no pe-.
culiar credit for that, though put to flight all tho
lnputations IN respect to the want or waste of
surpluses.
Mr.. Crittenden made a brief explanation.
Mr.. Bagby rose, and spoke for 4 considerable
time before he was distinctly understood in. the,
gallery, in consequence of the noise in the Senate,
and the lowness of tone in which he spoke. When
heard, he was understood to deny that any power,
or the slightest authority, could be found in tho
Constitution for this doctrine of protection, either
direct or incidental. He called to the recollection
of the Senate that, when this revenue bill was un-
der consideration few weeks ago, and the Scna-
tor from Pennsylvania moved to strike out tho
9th section the gentlemen opposite declared that,
sooner than forego distribution, they would let the
Government and the Constitution itself PERISH
What, he would ask, had produced such revo-
luton as was now Witnessed2 What but the d.
minution of greater interest-that involved in it
the principle of protection This, then, was the
main object of this measure. In this bill of a.
bomlnations from beginning to end of its Sd pa
ges, the ruling principle protection, AMI noth-
ing but protection.
On former. occasions the Senator from Ken
lucky advocated distribution, as essential for the
salvation of the broken down and bankrupt Gov
ernments of the indebted States Now he has
changed his ground, and insists that it is to 90 for
the education of the widows sons, and the poor
boys of every State in the Union If the com
pendium of the census be examined, it will be
found that in several of the States, their respec
tive shares would only amount to about one cent
for each individual in the State Yet, with this
mighty fund, the Senator from Kentucky was 90.
ing to effect universal system of education
Gentlemen talked of this protective measure as
necessary ha; it severed ties long cherished
1t might sever ties OH the opposite side, but he
knew of none on his side SO severed but, with re-
gard to the Senator from New York and the
Senator from Pennsylvania, (who were both, he
understood, acting under instruction,) they had no
alternative, because they cherished those princi-
pies which recognised the doctrine of instruction
But when gentlemen were talking of severed
ties, he hoped they would not set down as among
the Democratic party their own President, Mr..
| Tyler. It was in vain to say they did not know
his principles and sentiments when they elected
him. 1t was not as Democrat he was elected