The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-03-12

stress OF weather into port IN England, the
constituted authorities of that country would
have Just as much right to steal the watch we
carry in our pocket, and appropriate it to their
own purposes, as the authorities OF the BAHIA
mas have TO withhold the slaves IN question:
Let the New York American think as it may
we tell them that Mr.. Webster viii be sus-
tanned.
THE CREOLE AFFAIR
We have read with much interest and entire ap-
probation the letter of Mir Webster 10 Minister
at the Court OF st James, concerning the Creole at
fair We are happy 10 find in this case that Mr..
Webster takes the side Of patriotism, common sense
and common justice. We the more particularly
pleased with his present course, as his views of the
Mcleod had led to fear that he might possibly
prove himself on any emergency ready sacrifice the
honor OF his country to that of England In the
Mcleod case he was PROFESSIONALLY in the wrong
and all the sophstIy OF his partisans will never be able
TO make hun right or wipe out the deep stain OF his
letter of instructions to the Attorney General Mr.
Cnttenden.. But, in the present case, he has la
ken the true ground and assumed in regard to Eng
land, the attitude demanded by national honor and IN
dependence
The circumstances OF this case may be gathered
from the following tact which we make from the
Secretary letter @.,.%
III appears that the brig Creole Of Richmond, Vir-
GINA, lnsor master, bound To New Orleans, sailed
from Hampton Roads on the 9th of October last,
with cargo OF merchandise, principally tobacco and
slaves, about 80 in number that the evening" OF
the 18th Of November, some OF the slaves upon the
crew Of the vessel murdered passenger named Hcw-
ell, who owned some OF the negroes wounded the
Captain dangerously and the first mate and two Of
the crew severely that the slaves obtained com
plee possession OF the brig, which under their drec
lion, was taken into the port of Nassau, in the island
Of New Providence, where she arrived on the morn
ing of the 9th Of the same month; that at the request
Of the American Consul in that place, the Governor
ordered guard board to prevent the escape of the
ulineers and with view to an investigation of the
circumstances of the case that such investigation
was accordingly made by British magistrates, and
that an examination also took place by the consul
that the report of the magistrates nineteen OF the
slaves were imprisoned by the local authorities ha-
wing been concerned IN the muiiny and murder, and
their surrender the Consul, to be sent the Unl-
ted States for trial for these crimes, refused
the ground that the Governor wished first To c0mn!u-
nicate with the Government in Eng land on the sub
ject that through the Interference of the Colonial
horiies and even beole the military guard was re-
moved, the greater number OF the remaining slaves
were liberated, and encouraged 10 60 beyond the pow
er of the mast Ell of the vessel the American Con-
sui, by proceedings which neither oithem could con-
troll
Assuming the facts to be here stated the obvious
duty of the local authorities of Nassau To assist
the American Consul in putting an end to the cap
tivty of the master and crew, restoring to them the
command of their vessel, and enabling them to resume
their voyage and 10 take the mulineers and murdercrs
to their country answer for their crimes before
the proper tribunal The complaint OF our Cover
ment isl That the local authorities refused this
active assistance 2 That thev tnterposed to lberate
the slaves board--and 3 That they prevented the
Consul from sending to their own country the mutt
neers and nurderers to he tried for their offences.
Our Government is obviously in the right, 50 far
it is question between it and Great Britain Ii an
American vessel, prosecuting lawful voyage, having
| slaves board, had by the mutiny of lhe crew
Illegal violence, been forced into Nassau ques
ton could have arisen to the duty of the author-
ties at that port, The comfy of nations would make
| ii obligatory those authorizes TO assist the mase
| in recovering command OF his vessel and in TAX
ing the mutineers to their country to be tried for
their offences Ii is hard to what difference the
question OF slavery make in the legal Tearing of
the Ii may be very wrong for our Government
to hold slaves, or 10 suffer men TO be held 10 serv
tnde; but this is question for us to setlea qucs-
ton to be discussed among ourselves, not with Gfca
| Britain. II is question of municipal law and not Of
international law. 1t is question OF which the BIi-
| fish authorities have cogniz ,nce. These author
ties had no night to go into inquiry as to the fee
servile condition of the persons board the Creole
All they could 10 was to ascertain that the legal mas
ter of the vessel illegally deprived of his auth,r
| ~ and having ascertained this, they were bound To
assist the Consul in restoring the master to his legal
| command
Furthermore the liberation of the slaves was high
handed offence. These slaves while on boald the
Creole, were TO all lnlens and purposes on American
| territory, and under American jurisdiction The
British authorities had Just much right to libcote
the slaves any Southern plantation TO hbcratc
| those on board the Creole. Were we to consent to
this interference, should concede Great Britain
the right to emancpate all the persons held to serv
tude in this country whether for term of years or
for life Are we prepared to make ihIs very important
concession I!
In assuming the right to lberate slaves III
cases like that OF the Creole England assumes the
right TO supervise our legislation, which Is denial
of oul national sovereignty, On what ground does
She presume to oyerrue laws, and set free those
who by our laws are held in servitudc 1t is uujHst
to hold men in servitude she alleges. BE it So
But are we answerable TO her for the Justice IN
justice of our acts Has she the right to decide
for us the question of the justice VI injustice OF our
laws Z She assumes that she has, when she assumes
to override our laws, and declare slaves free, CON
trary to our own legislation fshe may do this IN the
case OF slavery she may do it in all cases whatever:
She sets up principle broad enough to cover the
whole field of our municipal legislation. She may
come into our towns and regulate our internal po-
lice, as well as go on board our vessels and hberae