Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1840-1842, 1842-08-19

enforced and thus u was 10 elect the enactment o
| A new d,stribulion law appended 10 the Revenue
bill. Each House deliberately refused to strike out
this clause aud persisted in assoeng in ludicrous
| contrast, two measures; the act TO raise mo-
ney for the support of Government by tho inposi'
ton OF taxes, the other to distribute the land reve-
nues to the States. The majority OF both Houses
had proclaimed, with the concurrence OF the Pres-
dent in September, iSii, that distribution should
| only be made when the duties were below twenty
per cent. The majority OF both Houses had again
and again proclaimed in lSis the necessity Of 5a's-
ing the duties above 20 per cent; and yet they IN
sisted distributing the land fund without regard
| TO the conditions they themselves had so recently
proclaimed without regard 10 the situation Of the
Treasury and without regard to the burdens which
nigh, he imposed ON the people. They might have
attempted TO raise revenue from imports and to dis,
tribute the land fund In separate bills. Then each
| measure wold have rested on its own intrinsic mo
rts. But they persisted IN connecting them IA one
bill. The resttction in the Distribution act Of 1871,
was designed to guard against increasing the bur
dens Of taxation to I'll n vacuum which nigh, be
occasioned by distribution. The legislation Of lS4s,
Is designed 10 create n vacuum that II may be hled
by increased taxation. There is probably pre-
ceden, in the history of any government for the
union, under such circumstances, of revenue and
an appropriation bill. As there was necessity
for such union apparent to the public, oro at Ii
bery to infer, that il resulted from consciousness
that both the measures could not have separ-
ately commanded a majority. The exigencies OF the
national Treasury were supposed 10 furnish favor
able opportunity for Congress 10 cxtort terms on
which alone the Government should be supplied
with revenue to meet their own appropriations. IL
would have been as proper under the circumstances,
Tor Congress 10 annex a charter Tor n bank, or
fiscal agent, ora fiscal corporation, as a condition
precedent TO a revceue bill, and TO raise issue
with the President, or with their constituents, il such
bill had not received the Executive sanction.
Ii is great mistake to suppose that there is
issue between the majority of Congress and the
President. There is IN issue between this same
majority in 1871. The President abdes by term,
which this majority prescribed for themselves aud
the Treasury in lStl, and they prefer accu-
satIon against him for adhcring to thsir own posi-
ton. He might with more proptiety upbuid them
fer abandoning IL. The issue is between this ma
jsii;y and the country. They who arraign the
President for obstructng the will Of Congress should
be well assured that Congress does obsruct the
will Of the States and the people il represents
Congress is neither infallibe nor irresponsible. If
this were question in which felt any interest
besides the President Of the United States and men,
bers Of Congress, there nigh, be somo plausbili:y
IN the attempt 10 narrow the issue TO them. But
that subject of revenu is one in which those who
pay are apt 10 feel as deep an interest those who
levy taxes. Every citizen of the United States,
moreover, feels solicude and all that concerns It
in the Government, in the fundamental principles
on which il is based, in the which CHARGE
terze its Administration, in its justice, its faith, and
lis fame, and the judgment OF no impartial man
can be blended or BIASED by the effort TO con-
apathy, political alteration between party major-
~ in Congress and the President. The President
has either assumed power which does belong to
his Office, or he has abused power which does not
belong 10 H. Ii has not been denied that the power
in question exists under tile Constitution; indeed it
has been proposed TO abolish it by amendment.
IL II has been abused, II was done either corruptly
and wanionly, or under an error OF Executive judg-
ment II there is evidence OF the least corruption
in the Presidents conduct, he should be impeaehed
The power of Impeachment has been confined TO
thetHouse OF Representatives. Ii is the duty there
FORE Of the majority who accuse the President, TO
arraign him under articles OF impeachment before
the Senate, II they believe him TO be guilty Of any
improbable offence IL he has neither assumed
power abused Il corruplly, then the issue dwn-
dies 10 a mere question who is right TO a measure
Of poieyl Ii the undersigned were allowed by the
circumstances which compel him 10 omit many con.
sdera,ions very proper 10 the subject he would not
despair Of showing that, independent Of all the ex
tran:ous prejudces and political feelings which the
advocates of error on this occasion endeavor 10
bring TO their aid, the mere opinion of the Exccu-
tive, in this case, is right, and the opinion of
Congress IS wrong. The narrative OF legislation on
the subject Of revenue at the late extra session. and
since December last, which has been given will fur
nsh the facts from which, without explanation or or
sument the country vii! be enabled judge whether
the majority IN Congress the President have
erred IN mefe matters OF opinion. The occasion is
both too novel and too grave to permit an argument
on such minor questions, affecting the comparative
taste or wisdom of the ma 1ry Of Congress and the
President As 10 the mere question of opinion
however, the President should not be condemned
without some charity by those who concurred with
him so recently as September, 1871. Ii the charge
preferred by the majority is understood, II involves
no breach OF the Constitution Of any law on the
part OF the President; but they accuse him OF OBJ
s.ructiug their will. The accusation implies either
a general nialbity on the part OF the accusers or
a particular exemption from error on this OCCASION
denies to the Presiden, the right and the res
possibility OF Judg nc on subject which Congress
submitted 10 his judgment. They will find that
there are two sides to that question. The Exeeu-
tive is a co ordinate department Of the Government
The President is under obligation implicitly TO
approve every bill which the Legislature may pass
lie is commanded either TO approve, or IL he cannot
approve, to return with objections. all bills sent to
him, and Congress are required to send TO him
all bills which they pass. Ii IS alleged, hows
ever, complaint, that the President has thought
proper to exercise his constitutional discretion, and
withhold his appreciation from other bills which
Congress have passed. Su the question OF pow.
er ADD the question of duty on his pri, and on the
par, of Congress, IS the same in each instance
Can Congress excuse themselves for refusing To-
provide revenue for the Government because the
President did not approve either Of the forms in
VIII eli, OF the extra session, they attempted 20 char
ter a Bank Of the United Staies7 Is the issue
which has been soemnly proclaimed on this
occasion, to embrace the long ngItated question of
currency besides that of revenue Do the MAORI. |
TO be collected, or IN other words, tina, the Govern
ment shall cease, unless two conditions are submit
ted to--hrst, the charter OF bank in some FORM |
and second the distribution of the land fund ii |
this be the object, then hese questions should have
been connected in one bill. II has been deemed |
prudent however, to connect only two Of them
The questions OF distributing the land fund and
raising revenue for the support Of Government were
united in such n manner as 10 leave i, doubtful
whether the majority Of Congress considered them
selves bound to provide revenue first for the States
or for the United States. Since they insisted on
uniting them in a second bill after former bill had
been vetoed, account OF their union and since il
is declared that Congress is disgrnced II il re-
cedes so far 10 separate the question: and that
the United States Government snail have no reye
MUGS, unless the land fund is distributed 10 the !
States, there can no longer be doubt Of the deter
mnation liner TO bostOw the ways and means Of !
the Federal Treasury on the State Treasures or to
stafve the Government Of the United States. The !
majo ~ seem not only resolved on this, but they |
req lved 10 accomplish their object in one piTti
Gu az mode. and that is by egisaling on the two |
subjects IN the sams bill.
What, then, is the issue7 Il is not whether the |
power exercised by the President is lawful pow.
Its existence 10 conceded by the proposition to
abuse II. II is not wheihtr that power has been
conuply abused. II this is believed the majority
are guilty Of Gu pnble negec, Of duty in no, impeneh
ing II is not whether the States shall have the land
fund. IL is not whether the United States shall
have revenue. But IL is whether this Government
shall have revenue, and the States shall have the
land fund, in particular form Of legislation, which
Congress have resolved at all hazirds to persovere
IN form Of legislation resorted to- first, 70 coerce the
votes Of Congress and persisted in 10 cOefce the