The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-08-09


late It's duty by refusing pay for the Navy it e1
listed
There was no question of power in the case. IL
was undenably true that the President had the right
to nominate to the Senate many officers as the
service in his Judgment required, unless re-
strained by law. Gentlemen who disputed this were
driven to the conclusion that nearly all the officers In
the Navy were no officers at all; that they held no
legal commissions. fthe President and Senate could
not make the promotions before the Senate, If
there law for these promotions, then there was
no law for any of the appointments and promotions
which had been made for twenty five years past; for
the present Executive did but execute in this respect
| the law executed by his predecessors, Madison,
Monroe, Adams, Jackson and Van Buren,.
| That il might be well for the power of the Presi-
dent, in that respect be placed under lima-
ton, Mr. G. did not deny. He conceded that there
ought to be legislation let the House pass hill
let Congress enact law fixing the maximum of APP
pointments but because this had not been done, let
not gentlemen wreak their vengeance upon the pre-
sent officers of the Navy.
The President and the Senate proceeded on the
law of the land they exercised power plainly vest
ed In them by the Constitution Let not gentlemen,
on that account, refuse pay the debts of the Gov
ernment Let not the House tilt against the
windmill of supposed question of power which had
In reality no existence. He trusted the amendment
would be concurred in by the House.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTA- yEs August Sd, 1912.
The House being in Committee of the Whole on
the bill respecting the reorganization of the Army
Mr.. CUSHING said he felt very little interest in
the proposed amendments to the bill. He supposed
that the present Congress had its predesned work to
perform, which Was to reduce the Government to
state of general prostraton, that there might de-
vove on new Administration the task of resuscita-
ing and restoring it, Mr.. G.. should offer no further
opposition to any bill for retrent hment and reform
but he could not sit silent and suffer it to inferred
that he acquesced in principles he deemed most erro-
neous.
1t was to him immaterial whether this was called
bill for the reorganization the Reorganization of
the Army it was bill, at all events, for the reduc-
ton of the Army and he stood for the Institutions
of the country as they were
He had been told that STANDING ARMIES" were ma
tural causes of apprehension in free republics ; and
the argument thence deduced was, that our Army in
| this country, ought to be reduced. Now, when he
was told that there cause to apprehend danger
from the Army of the United States, he looked at it,
FIRST as physical question. Could be feared
as being abe to resist and overcome , 500 men, and
30 destroy their liberty2 That the relative pro-
portion. Why, the old ladies in the country could
brain them with distaffs, if need As ply
steal question, them there were not two sides to it.
But moral and political question: was it true
that we had come to dread our little Army2 He adj
mited we had hereditary apprehensions of standing
army pre]udIces derived from the days of the Revo
luton but of what sort of standing army! An
| army of foreign mercenares quartered on the colo
MES by the mother country that was the object OF
our fathers dread But did the just reasons of ap-
prehension in their bosoms apply to army of our
| Own2 Were they good reasons why seventeen mil
lions of people, allowed and accustomed to bear arms
should dread ten thousand? Certainly there no
reason in the physical aspect of the matter And had
We any moreif regarded in its moral or its political
aspect2
Mr.. c.. looked back to our history to find what Of
danger had occurred in reference to the influence of
our Army contrasted with the history of the al
mics of other countries; and he was met by the fact
that there not the face of the globe country
where little of even common justice done to
military Our gallant officers won victories,
and where the dstictions and the honors they
received in reward of them 2 Were they, in the
European world blazoned with orders marked
by rank loaded with wealth Not at all Nor
were our soldiers better off. In foreign lands the
corps which had distinguished themselves in bat
tie had their victories painted upon the banners
they bore they were pointed out BY admring crowds
and to phrase from the most military of nations
they were covered with glory; but here the case
was reversed. 1t was. he was about to say, with
mean certainly with parsimonloQs and stinted hand
tina, rewards were melted oUt Of any SORT when
mos. richly earned
Was there any political cause to dread the Army
Had auy of It's officers such invaded the liberties
of their country done wrong to its Conssiir ton
/ He knew of but where such thing had
! even been imputed, and that which had
been so Illuminated by the halo of victory that had
ceased to be thought of in the Of reproach.
Army often obtained large political power. 1t ne
yer was derived from the Army, but from their hay
| ing commanded militia and mounted volunteers. An
individual entered the regular Army as a lieutenant,
ard continued to rise in it, by regular course of
! promotion, until he became major general what
opportunities had he for invading his country's liber
ties Did his personal influence enable him to exert
great and dangerous power at elections Not at all
| His profession separated him. in a great measure,
| from the mass of his feow-ctzens with whom it
! Il / No ralI he WaS Shpt
out almost from eXertng any extensive civil influ-
ence.
1t was not as Army officers that, since the Revolu.
ton, any men in this country had acquired great po
| litical distinction General Jackson and General
| Harrison it was true, had both reached the Presi-
dency, but they had both commanded vast bodies of
militia forces in the camp and in the field, and that
was the channel through which their influence had
chiefly been obtained.
The shifting nature too, of the militia service
greatly tended to extend this influence, by bringing
greater numbers successfully under its power these
after serving for comparatively short periods again
returned to the walks of private life where they be-
came voters. But all this had application at all
to the small Army of the United States.
But he had heard much about the poverty of the
Treasury. Yes, we must retrench our Army, be-
cause, forsooth, of the poverty of the nation The
United States too poor to maintain Army of 10000
men Where were the proofs of this poverty to be
found There was not nation earth, with the
same population, wealthy in all manner of mate
rial and this. 1t true that in par
ticuar branches of business there did exist at this
moment great depression. But was that poverty !?
True, the States owed two hundred millions but was
that proof of poverty If they owed this money,
they held the money or its equivalent They had
not paid it back. And did the borrowing of two hun
dred millions from Europe, while the loan was still
unpaid mpoverish the United States' On the con-
trary, it was, for the time, but greater accumula-
ton Of wealth. We had received all this money,
and had put it into various works of internal i'm
provement. Did this make poor nation' Was
poverty to railroad that cost five Millions or
a canal that cost twenty millions He could not I'M
dorSf andu at penfleInpn hv