Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1842-02-21
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POLITICAL.
From The National Inttlligoncer.
SPEECH OF HON. MIR. CLAY,
ON THE VETO POWER.
| Concluded III

Concluded.
Now before he proceeded further, he invited
gentlemen 10 form Just estimate OF this veto
power to look ut it, to see what was, to ascer-
tain what its value, what it amounted TO in the
practical operations Of Government. He should
not pretend to go into any inquiry MS to its moral
value, to estimate its influence on the individ
ual who exercised it, or the degree and extent to
which, 10y means of it, in connexion with vast
patronage, the President could sway the minds of
other men, for that was power which admitted
of no estimate. lie should coufue himself to
what might be called mere numerical estimate
OF the amount of the veto power, and hu would
make his estimate 10y taking the numbers OF the
two Houses OF Congress- AZ those houses now
Stood. The Senate vt present consisted oi hily.
two members of that number ma joriy cousiS-
ted OF twenty seVcn Two thirds amounted to tllir-
~ six. Surprising law to he passed 10y n bare
majority, land in all great and contested questions
bills were wont to be passed by very snall major
ties,) then there would be IN lis favor wenty-sev
EN- votes. The bill was submitted to the Prnsi
dent and returned by hrm with his veto. The
force of the Presidential veto could not We over
turned but Ivy thrty-six votes. Here, then, the
veto in the hands Of the President was cqua! in
its effect to nine Senatorial votes. Mr.. &. dis
missed all considerations of influence derived
from his Office all the glitter and ecat 0ilhe Pres
idcnts high station, aud all the persuasion direct
ed to the interests of men by his vast patronage
all this he laid oui of view and looked merely nj
the numerical fact that in the Senate the vclo was
equal to nine votes. And now in regard TO the
other branch. The House of Representatives
consisted Of 242 members to constitute major
ity required 1872 TWO thirds amounted to l62-
BY looking at this difference, it would he seen,
in the case of the Senate, that the Executive veto
amounted in effect to forty Representative votes.
Now, Mr.. G. did not mean TO say any thing in
the least derogatOry 10 the wisdom, or fairness, or
integrity, or patriotism Of any President Of the
United States Ii was not necessary, as lac was
utterly unwilling, without necessity, IN ure the
feelings of any man. Wo had six Presidents who
had previously been Senators. They were able
and eminent men; but he wished 10 inquire
whether any gentleman could show TINT their wis
dom and other distinguished qualities had been so
great rs to be equal to the wisdom Of nine other
Senators? Could it he shown that their patriot
ism and intelligence and integrity were equal to
those of forty members of the House of Repre-
sentativcs? If not, how did it Happen that man
who, when in that Chamber, aud acting with his
fellow Senator's had been considered upon par
with them, was no sooner transferred TO the other
end of the avenue than his will became equal 10
that o! nine Senators and forty Representatives |?
How, he asked, did this happen, aud wherein was
it Just or right? Was it not sufficient that this
man, after his political apothosis, should enjoy all
the glitter and distinction and glory attached to
his high Office ? Was il not enough that he weI-
ded so vast and formidable an amount of patron
age, and thereby exerted an influence so potent
and so extensive? Must there be superadded TO
all a legislative force equal to nine Senators and
forty members of the House of Representatives d?
Again: let the subject he looked at in another
point of view, and that was with reference to the
balance OF power among The States. Now, gen
tlemen might reason as they pleased about what n
particular President would ought to do. But
Mr., G. would answer for it that he would never
,l,,r NG hiul, I'm
State from whence he came, the early assoca
tons, the friendly sympathes, the remembrance
of honors, and all those other ties which bound
every man, especially public man, to the land
and to the People among whom he had spent his
youth and attained the honors of his manhood
All these considerations would operate ma
ny powerful motives TO prefer IN the distribution
of benefits, his State before all others. Look
ing at this ir political view was it RIGHT was it
just, to give one particular State, in which the Pres
dcnt happens TO have been born, so great an al.
vantage IN the general competition rs must he de-
rived from nine Senatorial and forty Representa-
tive votes MIR. &. said he did not mean to Illus
tlate the remarks he had made about the influence
of State pnriany Oh the mind of Chief Mags-
trate by reference TO any particulars; his appeal
was only to the general principles of human ma
tiIre. The effect, 10 he sure, would be greater or
less as the mind of the Chief Magistrate might
happen to he constituted There might be some
men who would be induced, by chivalric sense
of honor, even to do Injustice 10 their own State
in The effort TO avoid an unjust partially bat
there were other minds, all whose thoughts, and
aims, and wishes would he circuuscrlbed by local
interests and local attachments
Mr. G. had hitherto viewed the veto power sim.
ply in its numerical weight in the aggregate votes
Of the two Houses but there was another and
far more important point of view in which il
ough, to be considered. He conlenled that prac-
tically, and in effect the veto, armed with such
qualification as now accompanied il in the ConSti-
tuition, was neither more nor less than nm absolute
power. IL was virtually an unqualified negative
on the legislation of Congress. Not a solitary in
stance had yet occurred in which the veto ouce
exerted had been overrued, nor WIS such case
likely to happen. In most questions where the
veto could be exerted, there was already consider
able difference of opinion both in the country aud
in Congress ms to the bill which had been pas sed