The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-08-09

ne We ".
Men must be little given To the laughing mood, who
can graveIy read the remarks of politicians IN
Congress about the Veto; and some Of these poiii-
clans must rely largely public credulty they e1
pect 10 be believed. Mr.. Adams says the Veto Is
moDarchiaI power that it is power which the BIZ
sh crown would not dare to exercise; that when In
the reign Of George Nv, bill to restrain the royal
power before Parliament, he threatened that II
should pass he would quit The British Isles and retne
TO Hanover; and this is mentioned by MIR. Adams TO
prove that the British crown dare not Veto BILL
All this is tue, but il is far from being the whole
truth and than whole truth will prove that the Veto
power the United States is far less dangerous to
liberty, than this British Veto power which British
monarch is gfraid to No man in this country
understands this subject better than Mi Adams; and
his reference the British Veto for the purpose of
proving that American President has moIe power
than British monarch, or, in other words, that our
country is more under the domination of Executive
power than Britain, excites special wonder.
Mr.. Adams says that our Veto is monarchical
power and some Of the partisan newspapers, which
make assertions without always knowing their mean
Tag, stigmatise it as "the one man power Both Mr..
Adams and these newspapers simply, by these asser-
tons that this power is inconsistent with popular
rights is Abstraction from the power of the people,
to augment the power OF the Executive. Yet neither
assertion true the in which it Is thus used
This power is strictly republican, democratic, conser-
vative of popular rights Instead of being the power
of man, is the power of the whole people
cised indeed representatvey by The pow
Of government these only, the legislative the
Judicial, and the executive Perfect, absolute
archy, despotism, is the union of all three in man;
and government apprOximates to perfect monarchy,
with its approximation to this union. If then the
Veto power be monarchial, it must invest the Presi
dent with more Legislative, judicial executive power
than he would have without it, As it gives him
control the courts, brings him in way
nection with their proceedings DECISIONS it does not
affect them, and therefore gives him no judicial pow
er. So far then, It Is not monarchia Does 1t en-
large his executive power! This consists of two
classes only the execution of las civil magistrate
military commander, and the appointment of Off
GERS, civil and military The Veto power belongs to
neither class 1t relates to the execution of laws
for laws cannot be executed before they made by
the Legislature, and applied by the judiciary. So
far laws concerned, the President be an ex
ecuve officer only through the 1t certainly
lates not TO executive appointments Therefore it is
xecutive power 1t must then be Legislative power
This is the power prescribing laws and is dvisble
into two branches, the making of new laws and the
retention of old. The veto power does not belong to
the frs for in exercising it, the President makes no
laws 1t is merely the power of retaining old
laws, or leaving the subject of the proposed law
without regulation, and far is negative and not
positive power Of legislation. And how far does
this negative power extend? 1t is qualified not alb
soute. 1t can suspend law till the Legislature can
again express its opinion but cannot take the subject
entirely out of its hands. The President cannot say
absolutely, this shall not be the lac. He merely
say, this shall not become ap at ts session of the Le-
gislae unless t,oO thirds of each branch for it.
And it, after the President has done this the MAORI
ties of two thirds appear, what becomes of this
pensory power 1t IS exhausted, annihilated. The
Legislature moves without his concurrence, and their
will becomes the law in spite of his opposton!-
Really this is very monarchial power! A power
suspend the action OF the Legislature for moment
and to prevent its will from becoming the law unless
that will be signied by two thirds, almost equals the
despotsm of Mahometan Sultan And if two
e. a..
law what does it prove' Merely that the represent
totives of the people divided in opinion upon the
subject in nearly equal numbers, and that if they
properly represent their constituents the popular de-
mand for the law cannot be very urgent. Those who
desire it little numerous than those who de-
sire it not. A power to control the Legislature in
such case cannot be very oppressive, when nearly
one half Of the people desire the control.
And how long is the restraint thus imposed by the
President to endure Till the next session of Con
gress. And as the people, during the recess, can
elect new Congress, or instruct the representatives
already in office, or otherwise proclaim their opn-
ions upon the proposed law and the veto the act of
the President must soon be submitted to popular
judgment for approval or condemnation. What des-
potism What tremendous monarchial power! And
what is the design Of this power? 1t is to prevent
hasty legislation by suspending law till the Legis-
lature subject it to sound examination, and APP
prove it by majority of two-thirds, till the poo
die express their opinions upon in their orig-
President to the people contrivance for eciting
the popular Judgment. And this is called monar-
chal power-the power OF one man! To our COM
prehension it appears like Democratic power-the
power Of the whole. 1t is conservative power, but
conservative of popular rights and of executive
authority 1t is power by which the Executive
cannoten large its own prerogatives but merely
call upon the people to forbid or command Govern
ment action upon particular subject. How the
will of the whole people is monarchal power sur
passes our comprehension.
And what is the veto of the British crown? It is
absolute, unlimited. If the hereditary King or
Queen, which is Executive for life, rejects bill,
it is rejected absolutely; and until change of opin-
ion in the Executive, which may never occur. A
bill rejected by the crown cannot be passed by ma
jority of two-thirds, or even an unanimous vote. A
new election cannot cure the difficulty for though
the whole people should unanimously demand the
law, and elect House of Commons unanimously in
favor of it, and the House of Lords should unani-
mously concur with the Commons, still the veto of
the crown may be interposed, and is absolute Such
is the theory Of the British Constitution and if this
be monarchial power, which Mr. Adams will
doubtless admit ask him to show resemblance
between it and the veto power of the President anC
especially to piove that the latter is the most extern
siye and consequently the most monarchal.
But the British Crown never exercises this power
This is true, and because in practice not in theory
the Crown is only nominal executive, while the re
al executive power is in the ministry, and the exis.
tence of hat ministry depends the legislature
The ministers, not the crown, are responsible for all
exercise of power Legislative erecutipe-and as the
British Constitution does not impose responsibility
without power, the ministry exercise all the power
for which they are thus responsible. The King per-
forms official act without the consent of the PRIV
council. And who are they Mostly the ministry
and members of parliament The chief of the min
isry is invariably elected after his appointment to
seat in of the Houses, and is there the leader of
his party. AS he remains in the ministry only while
sustained by majority in Parliament, he introduces
no bill which will not be sustained and after that
bill is passed, veto by the would be veto by
himself! The crown cannot reject bill without the
consent OF the privy council; bill cannot reach the