The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-07-12
i'IIE MADISO nj A n {.
A VOICE FROM VIRGINIA.

10 peruse Tue suDJolneu drucie dtt'n''''I
is from the pen of one of our sages-a RePuoh-
can, whose experience in political affairs Is
scarce less than was that of the immortal JET
ferson, whose doctrines he is now confessedly
the best teacher extani.
AN APPEAL TO CONGRESS!
find an .appsalio the People
You see the situation to which the Government is
reduced. 1t is sript of funds to pay the necessary
appropriations. The loan has failed to great de-
gree Even doubt is supposed to exist, whether
the duties now be collected-the merchants are
paving them with protest-the papers say, that the
lawyers of Philadelphia have advised the merchants,
that they not bound to pay any duues-and
torrent of litigation Is let loose upon the lana. Ih
this state of things, too most important negoua-
ton is going with Great Britain The wings
insist upon giving away the proceeds OF TIE
public lands to cut off that source Of supply from
an exhausted Treasury. They go even further IN
their party rage 1t is sald that they refuse TO raise
any revenue at ALTO all doubts about the
colIectios law by temporary enactment-to pass any
law to raise the duties even If they should be want
ing for the economical administration OF the Govern
ment-nay, they even talk of refusing funds for the
support of the Army and Navy. Ii is sad that they
appear to be determined to do nothing, icithoM Dis
trbution-to PROSTATE at the Treasury and the
Manufacturing interest-in a word, to stop the
wheels of the Republic--to throw the Government
and the country into coniusion-to break down John
Tyler if they can and amid the smoke of the battle
to smuggle Henry Clay into the Presidency, if they
The Federal leaders may be capable of these ex-
cesses-but the most prudent and calculating portion
Of the Wing party, the Southern and Eastern Wings
who go for proecton cannot surely proceed to these
extremtes, with the Southern and Western Dstri-
butonists At all events, a free and sagacous
people will see the game and visit their Indignation
on the heads of its authors
Mr.. yler has taken his stand. He has succeeded
to all the functions of the Presden-and in the OK
ercise OF high, constitutional duty he has vetoed
the provisional bill for carrying out distribution,
whilst the duties raised beyond the - per cent
His message before the country, and it bears the
impress Of mind that clearly its duty, and of
spirit that is determined to discharge it. He
tends that the bill abrogates for the time the provis-
ion of the Compromise bill of 1633-which he de-
clared by his resolutions of 49, to be ''sacred and in
voate'and that it violates the pledge given in the
act of al, to suspend distribution, if the duties
should pass beyond 20 per cent Thus the Provision
al bill is guilty of the double fraud of violating the
pledges of the Compromise act of '33, and the Dstr
button act Of al. Was it then to have been expect
ed, that Mr.. Tyler party to the compromise of '33,
and who never would have signed the act Of al
without such condition, and who the public
Treasury actually strpt, it Isl Of all cash and al
most all credit, could have forfeited all self respect
all his constitutional obligations, by signing this Pro-
vsional bill: But cast your eyes over the elements
of the question.
The COMPROMISE act OF IS was the BOND OF peace
between the North and the South. 1t the coil
poured from the vessel of the UEion to restore har
mony to the country" " What man (said Mr.. Clay)
who is entitled to deserve the character of an Amer-
can Statesman would stand up in his place in either
House of Congress Ito mar the guaranty and dis
turb this treaty of peace and amity ~ On the 25th
of February 1888, he tells the Senate, that during
the intermediate time, there is every reason to hope
and believe that the bill secures adequate protection.
All nv information assures me OF this and it de-
f,,< %b,t t1a of,n
lection secured prior the 3lst of December l64l
were permanent, or if the bill were even silent
beyond that period, 1t would command the GER
dial and unanimous concurrence of the friends of the
policy What then divides, what alarms u.s." He
tells them on the ls March, 1888, when the bill
had come from the House of Representatives, and
lust before it passed the Senate, that he had che
risbed this (protectlve) system as a favorte child,
and he still chung to it, and should cling to it. Why
had he been reproachedi He had come to the child
and fou it in the hands of the PhIlstines who
dos rous TO destroy it. He wished to raise and che
rish it. and to find for it better and safer He
wished to see the system placed on securer basis
tn nant it in the bosoms and affections of the PEG
nIen But two years ago, he tells the people Of
Hanover that this measure must be carried out-that
The protection it affords adequate to most, if not
all the interests of the country-lhat the duty it i'm
poses would amount to at least 80 per cent" Gene
raj Harrison expressed similar determination to
sunnort the COMPROMISE act. In November, 1886,
he tells the citizens Of GAINESVILLE -sI would not
agree to the epea it stands. In other words,
| am for supporting the Compromise act, and never
will agree to its being altered or repealed"
Who then dares violate the law-and after mpos-
mo on the South the burdens of the Tariff for nine
Years and half, will now deny them participation
in the benefits of the Compromise When that law
requires that duties sail be raised than
sufficient for the economical administration of the
Government, who will squander the proceeds of the
public lands if the direct effect be thus to raise the
orJ vi lafe the ComnrOmSeo Sine Ot tn uS
the fanfaronade chorus, that the passage of the Dis
tribtou law and of the Compromise act at the same
session. shows that the proceeds of the public lands
were not to be estimated among the means of the
Treasury That distribution bill fortunately ar
rested by the moral courage of Andrew Jackson
but even it had prevailed, how would it have sup
ported the argument Of Mr.. Stuart and the other
CLAW clique That distribution till was not to be a
permanent regulation. 1t was to expire in five
years--four and half years before the twenty per
cenun duties the duties necessary for an econo-
mica admin stration were to take effect. Besides,
who does not see, from the whole history Of the
times that the bill never would have passed Con-
gress for single day. if the Treasury had required
the proceeds of the public lands Look at the con-
temporaneous expositions of the views of its authors,
as we gather them from the debates of the day. On
introducing the bill, the 7th January 1888, Mr..
Clay declared &c it proposes now, that the General
Government has no use for the money, now that the
surplus treasure is really source of veXatious
barrassment to us, and gives rise to succession Of
projects, to supply for short time, fund to the
States, which wants our assistance" On the 2lst
January Mr.. Ewing re-echoes the statement in terms
equally strong. He pleads for the dstr button, that
the national debt is paid, this fund is longer
needed for that purpose-nor can any man say that
it is required for the purposes of revenue. Indeed,
we have to look about us to see where we cut off
o her streams which bring their golden tribute to
the Treasury, lest we be inundated and overwhelm-
ed with its abundance The necessities Of the Gen
era Government do not require these proceeds"
Does any man now believe that single dollar
would have been voted away if the Treasury had
then been in its present condition. in debt and if it
required Tor the purposes of revenue'" Is