The Middlebury people's press. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1841-1843, 1842-01-11

CdP'oi tho eiowth Vi centuries, guarding mel
own manufactures BY every possible Legislative
device, Strengthening the arm of her power al
home, and covering her domestic labor by the
strong arm of Government, in every case where
1t could come in competition with tina. OF for
eigners engaged in the same occupations
Under such circumstances. would gentlemen
preach 10 us the theories of free trade 1t was
vain TO say that capital and industry would ever
! flow into The channels OF manufacturing pro
duction of themselves. unaided by the protec-
! tor oflcgislation without governmental pro.
lection in their incipient stages, manufactures
never could exist. Our soil might be fully
opened and cultivated, AID large redundant
population might grow up upon our soil. yet
these extra hands never could become manufac-
turers unless under the safeguard Of legal pro-
lection. And whyl Because the moment
they should commence any branch Of domestic
manufacture, the foreign capitalist, whose cap.
itai was invested in that manufacture, and who
had heretofore supplied our own market, would
put forth his whole strength TO crush the infant
rival, and crushed it must be unless the arm of
Government interviewed to shield it. The nat
ural resources of the United States were almost
boundless they had. indeed, just begun 10 be
climate, our country presented every variety OF
soil and situation; our mountains were richly
stored with the most valuable minerals; our
valleys and our plains were covered with every
plant pleasant 10 the eye or good for food sta.
pie products Of the highest commercial impor.
lance abandoned on every side yet, strange
to tell, with land like this in our possession.
and population increasing beyond all example,
foreigners could come TO our shores, take from
US the raw material, carry it across the ocean,
manufacture it into thousand useful forms,
derive all the profit of such manufacture. and
return it 10 US without tai g sca;c 'y any thing
of ours in return.
Mr.. NJ. wanted 10 see ar end 10 such state
of things he wanted TO see The day when, un-
der the protecting arms of the Government, ex-
tended over every branch of our own domestic
industry, land here he knew the danger of run
mug his head against the compromise act,
all that could BIS produced 10 meet the wants of
this nation should be produced here-upon her
own soil. The home market was The best Of all
markets. When we barted with foreigners, a
portion of the profit, perhaps the larger portion,
went into the pocket of the foreigner. But if
we traded with our own people, the profit was
Englishman, half the profit went TO England
but when man of the South traded with his
brother in New England, America got the
whole-double the amount was made and saved
TO the nation.
Av, but how would all this. interfere with the
compromise act -? A nd what was the comprom.
Use act 1t was law passed in 1888, fixing a
uniform duty Of twenty per cent, on all imports
after certain day, but very generously leaving |
it in the power of Congress 10 fix the higher or |
lower, if the necessities of the Government |
should require or permit, according TO the excess
or the depletion of the Treasury. Why so
much sensibility was exhibited in connexion
with this law MIR. M. had never been able 10 |
understand. For his own part, even if the law
had contained no such saving clause, no such |
reserve Of power to the Government to varvthe |
rate of duly, he should deny its authority in toto
as rule 10 bind The legislation of Congress-
He denied theipower oil any one Congress 10
clothe a law of its enactment with constitution
al sanction and sacredness for oil future time. |
Az temporary expedient--as means of 500
thing and allaying political and sectional exas-
peration, it might be all very well; it might |
even have been wise for the time then present. |
South Carolina held toward The General Gov
eminent an attitude almost of open hostility; |
and the Executive of that day-lhan whom, in |
and in power. there never had lived |
a greater upon earth-tad put his hand upon |
his sword, and threatened TO turn its edge upon |
the South. Great men, on either side, were |
identified with the controversy and lis progress |
had involved the whole country in stale OF
high aud alarming evaporation, 1t was feared |
h,, md hat ha nf tba
Union might be endangered and under such
an ominous jlncture ofcilcumstances this CON-
promise bill became law. As measure of !
policy, as preventive Of evil, it was wise, con-
sidering the times. But, TO meet us at this |
day, in 1912, and Tell US that law passed in |
1888 has power to bind this Government to all |
eternity, a. a compact-as an organic, funda-
mental law-was TO advance proposition 10
which. Mr.. NJ. never would yield his assem- ]
He never would recognise The power Of that act
so 10 bind the Congress of the United States.
According TO The fluctuations of circumstances,
of policy-yes, even of public opinion alone
that law was .epealabl-; the power of Con-
gress to repeal ii was indisputable.
If in one of those commercial revolutions
which had so often occurred in tie history of
The world, it should so happen that Great Brit.
ain should get some country to furnish her with
the staples Of the Southern States on better
terms Than they can-should she open herself
better and cheaper supply ofcotton, for ex-
ample, so as not only TO be able to meet the
want Of her own looms, but actually TO bring it
here and undersell those States in the American
she should be able TO supply the
factories of New England with cheaper cotton
and equal quality, he rather imagined the doc
Irines of Southern gentlemen on this floor would
be little changed, Gas they had been changed
several times hcretofore.) Oh, how easy it
would then be 10 prove that il was the duty of