The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-07-11
CHE MADISO MA i.
A VOICE FROM VIRGINIA.

is from the pen of one OF our sages-a Repupii-
can, whose experience in political affairs Is
scarce less than was that Of the immortal Jei-
ferson, whose doctrines he is now confessediy
the best teacher extant
AN APPEAL TO CONGRESS!
find Appeal to the People
You see the situation to which the Government Is
reduced 1t is strpt of funds to pay the necessary
appropriations The loan has failed TO great de-
gree. Even a doubt is supposed TO exist, whether
the duties en- now be collected-the merchants are
paving them with protes-the papers say, tha' inc
LAWYERS of Philadelphia have advised the merchants,
that they are not bound to pay any duties-and a
torrent of litigation is let loose upon the land In
this state Of things, too, most important negotla-
ton is going with Great Britain. The Wings
insist upon giving away The proceeds OF ue
public lands, to cut of that Of supply from
an exhausted Treasury. They go even further IN
their party rage 1t is said that they refuse to raise
any revenue at ALTO remove all doubts about the
collection law by temporary enactment-to pass any
law raise the duties, even If they should be want
ing for the economical administration oil the Govern
ment-nay they even talk of refusing funds Tor the
support of the Army and Navy. II is said, that they
appear to be determined to do nothing, cithom DIS
ributlonto PROSTATE at once the Treasury and the
Manufacturing interest--in word to stop the
wheels of the Republic--to throw the Government
and the country into conusion--to break down John
Tyler if they can, and amid the smoke OF the battle
to smugge Henry Clay into the Presidency II they
The Federal leaders may be capable of these ex-
cessesbut the most prudent and calculating portion
of the Wing party, the Southern and Eastern Wings
who go for protection cannot surely proceed TO these
extremitles, with the Southern and Western Distr-
butionsts. At all events, free and sagacious
people will the game, and visit their indignation
on the heads of its authors.
Mr. Tyler has taken his stand. He has succeeded
to all the functions of the Presdent-and in the OK
ercise of high constitutional Duty he has vetoed
the provisional bill for carrying out distribution,
whit the duties raised beyond the % per cent
HIS message is before the country, and it bears the
impress of mind that clearly its duty, and OF
spirit that is determined to discharge it. tie con-
tends that the bill abrogates for the time the provis-
ion of the Compromise bill of lo33-which he de-
clared by his resolutions of &c. to be sacred and in
vIoate"and that il violates the pledge given IN the
act of al, to suspend distribution, If the duties
should pass beyond 20 per cent Thus the Provision
al bill is guilty of the double fraud OF violating the
pledges of the Compromise act of 33, and the Disri
button act of al. Was it then to have been expect
ed that Mr.. Tyler party to the compromise OF '33,
and who never would have signed the act Of a
without such a condition, and who sees the public
Treasury actually sript, it is, Of all cash and al
most ali credit could have forfeited all self respect,
all his constitutional obligations, by signing this Pro-
visional billi But cast your eyes over the elements
of the question:
The Compromise act of 33 was the bond of peace
between tue NORM ana Tue SOutn III was the 'Ol
poured from the vessel of the Union to restore har
mony to the country "What man (said Mr.. Clay
who is entitled to deserve the character OF an Ameri
can Statesman would stand up in his place in either
House of Congress Ito mar the guaranty and dis
urb this treaty of peace and amity 7" On the 25th
of February, 1893, he tells the Senate, that during
the intermediate tIme there is every reason to hope
and believe that the bill secures adequate protection
All my information assures me of this and it is de-
monstrated by the fact that, if the of pro-
to tlo 1tst, Of nn.. ,h.,
were permanent, or if the bill were even silent
beyond that period, it would command the GER
dial and unanimous concurrence Of the friends of the
policy What then divides what alarms us" He
tells them too on the lst March, 1888, when the bill
had come from the House of Representatives, and
lust before it passed the Senate that " he had che
rished this (protective) system a favore child,
and he still chung to it, and should cling to it. Why
had he been reproached' He had come to the child
and fouad it in the hands of the Phstines who were
desrous to destroy it. He wished to raise and che
rish it. and to find for it better and safer He
wished to see the system placed on securer basis,
to plant il in the bosoms and affections Of the PEG
pie" But two years ago, he tells the people of
Hanover that this measure must be carried ou-that
the protection it affords adequate to most if not
all the interests of the country-tha the duty it i'm
noses would amount to at least 80 per cent" Gene
raj Harrison expressed similar determination to
support the Compromise act. In November, 1886,
he tells the citizens of GAINESVILLE 81 would not
the lepea as IL f0lC HdhdS. Otner WOruS,
| am for supporting the Compromise act, and never
will agree to its being altered or repealed"
Who then dares violate the law-and after impos-
ing on the South the burdens of the Tariff for nine
wears and half, will deny them participation
in the benefits of the Compromised When that law
requires that no duties sail be raised than are
sufficient for the economical administration of the
Government who will squander the proceeds of the
public lands if the direct effect be thus to raise the
duties and violate the Compromise! Sing not to
l. 81. H. r. Al. I A.
trbuton law, and of the Compromise act at the
session. shows that the proceeds Of the public lands
" ere not to be estimated among the means Of the
Treasury That distribution bill was fortunately ar
rested 10y the moral courage OF Andrew Jackson
hut even it had prevailed, how would it have sup
ported the argument of Mr.. Stuart and the other
CLAW clique That distribution bill was not to be
permanent regulation. 1t TO expire in five
years-four and half years before the twenty per
centum duties the duties necessary for econo-
mical admin stration, were to take effect Besides,
who does not see, from the whole history of the
times, that the bill would have passed Con-
gress for single day. if the Treasury had required
the proceeds of the public lands Look at the con-
temporaneous eXpositions of the views of its authors,
as we gather them from the debates of the day. On
introducing the BILL on the 18th January, 1888 Mr..
Clay declared " it proposes now, that the General
Government has for the money, now that the
surplus treasure is really of vexatious en-
barrassment to US, and gives rise to succession of
projects, to supply, for short time, fund to the
States, which wants assistance On the 2Ist
January, Mr. Ewing re-echoes the statement in terms
equally strong He pleads for the dstr button, that
the national debt is paid this fund is longer
needed for that purpose-nor can any man say that
it is required for the purposes Of revenue. Indeed,
we have to look about us TO where can cut off
o her streams which bring their golden tribute to
the Treasury, lest we be inundated and overwhelm-
ed with its abundance The necessities of the Gen
eral Government do not require these proceeds "
Does any now believe that single dollar
would have been voted away, if the Treasury had
then been in its present condition. in debt, and if il
were required Tor the purposes of revenueF" Is
any man, therefore, willing, when the whole
condition of the Treasury is reversed carry it out
without the slightest regard to the change TO the
consequences Such a man may be partisan, may
be n factonist-but he is not a statesman or a patri-