The Charlotte journal. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1835-1851, 1842-02-10

had been gwen beforehand that
certain bill would be vetoed ii it were
passed. And did they no, remember Va.
rlous instances 10 which the threat had |
been fulfilled Take the experience 9th I
last six months. Congress have passed
two bills to establish Bank Of the United
States; bills IN all the provisions Of which
neither party concurred, and which would
not have had the concurrence OF twenty
men in either House had their minds been
left uninhuenced by The expected action Of
the Executive. Take as u special Instance
the famous 10th section Of one of those
bills. Mr.. c. was free to declare tina, he
did not know solitary man among those
who voted for the bill who would have voted
for that section but as a measure of concili
alton, and IN the hope that, so modified, the
bull would receive the sanction Of the Pre-
sdent. Tue, that expectation was real
ized, the sacrifice was yaInly made, but il
had been made with avew to that end and
that alone. And SO in regard TO the second
of those bills. That bill, as he was inform
ed. came 10 Congress precisely as 1t had
Jeff tho Presidents hand. So anxious had
Congress been to secure The appreciation Of
the President that, although almost every
thing in the bull would either have been
omitted or amended by majority, they
took 1t as it cane from the Presidential
hand, and passed it. letter for letter, as ihey
received II. Wi,hou, going further, did
90, this fact prove that the impressions of
the veto power drew after it the power Of
initiating laws.
Take another case in tho h.. nov before
the Judiciary Committee. Was there one
man TO be found in either House Of Con.
gress who would ever have proposed such
a measure as the Exchequer Board provi
ded in thai bill Yet, what had been the
feeling Had i, not been this: Must we
90 home without doing something Had
not the feeling been, We are bound by the
veto power, we cannot do what Sc wo1id :
Had not the feeling been, We aus, take
what the Executive offers or ge, nothing ?
Yes; already the idea was becoming iami
Z larized to the minds of freemeu TO men Of
only the second generation after the dlys
of the Revolution, of submitting TO the dc
taiion Of the Executive, because w..hou,
his assen, they could do uoihI2g hr. C.
WARNED Tie nation thai il this yeig power
was not arrested, IL 1t were DOT either abol-
Ished, or at least limited and cltcumscribed,
in process Of time, and that before another
such period had elapsed as had interviewed
since the Revolution, the whole legislation
of this country would come 10 be prepared
a! the White House, or 10 one or other Of
the Executive Departments, and would
come down to Congress in the shape of
bills for them 10 register aud pass through
the forms of legislation, just as had once
been done in the ancien, courts Of France.
Then, 10 enable 4 nation OF frasmen to
catry out their will, to set Congress free To
speak that will, to redress the wrongs, aud
to supply the wants Of those that sent them,
Mr.. c. again declared tina, the veto power
mus, be modified and restrained. If not,
the question which Congress would have 10
remedy for the existing grievances OF the
country, no, What will restore the nation
al prosperity but what measure will
be sanctioned by the Chief Magistrate.
Mr. c. said that, as he had no, the bodi
~ strength to dwell more at large on the
general subject, he would now proceed to
examine the objections which we're urged
against any further restrictions on this Ey
ecuiive power.
There had gotten up notion Of late
years that some curb was necessary upon
the power Of msjorIiies, and that without
this the safety OF the country mus, be in
danger. Now, on VIVA, grounds had the
principle been founded that in a free Gov.
eminent the majority must govern %
two grounds. The first was OF an iniellec.
iual and moral character. 1t was right
that in a grea, public, political partnership,
the greater number should be satisfied with
what was done, and that there was o great.
er chance Of wisdom in complying with the
will Of the greater number. Ga the score
Of chances some must govern, and who
should i, be 7 The minority? Why =
Because they possessed more wisdom =
Why were they likely 10 possess more wis
dom The second ground was physical in
its aspect: it held that the majority should
be allowed 10 govern, because they would
govern, having the physical force which
would enable them TO carry out their will.
Now TINS doctrine that mnortIes mus,
govern, whether with or without the veto,
was advanced by gentlemen who protested
and called themselves members Of the JEFF
fersonian school. Bn, what was the doc.
irine Of MIR. Jefferson himself IN regard TO
nal1diies, and so declared Jy h,m forty
years ago! Here Mr.. c rea5 an extract
from JefI'.rson's Works, in which i, was
broadly laid down that an absolute acquies.
cence in the will Of msjcriilus vas necessa.
ry IN free Republican Government.
But there were some particular interests,
and one especially, in regard 10 which the
South felt great solicitude, which il was
supposed would be moro safe under the
continuance Of the veto power than withou,
il. Now, ia lie first place, Jr. c. saw no
difference in respect to safety between that