The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-07-15
THE INTELLIGENCER-THE VETO.
To The Editor Of the Madisonian:

long aud labored editorial article appears, con-
demna'oy Of the Veto power as exercised re-
Gently by the President; and intended 10 con-
vey erroneous opinions, not only as regards the
particular exercise Of it in the case TO which II
refers, but TO the power in general. An attempt
IL made, by garbled quotations from the "Fede.
raist," TO show that this ''was more feebly sus-
tanned than any other provision Of the Consltu-
uon." A reference, however, to those able COM
ments upon the Constitution will clearly prove
that this provision was considered indispensably
necessary 10 the harmonious action of the whole
system OF Government. In one OF the quota
tons introduced by the Inteligeneer itself, the
absolute necessity of this check upon Leglsla-
tive tyranny is made SO conclusively evident that
none can deny IT, 1t is SO peculiarly applicable
TO the circumstances under which this Execu-
tive prerogative has ben exercised by Mr. Ty-
lei, that, IN perusing il, we are irresistby drawn
10 the conclusion that the author must have fore
seen condition things precisely similar TO that
which now exists, viz majority IN Congress
not representing the will Of the People, arrayed
in hostility toward the Executive, with a fall
eminent the mere supple tool Of their dictatorIal
powers. The language of the quotation refer
red 10 is, that unless this restriction on Congress
was granted to the Executive, "the latter would
be unable 10 defend himself against the depre-
datons of the former-he might be gradually
stripped of his authority by successive resolu-
tons, or annihilated by single vote" Un the
language of the sportsman representative of
Virginia, 'hedded") This is one only of many
arguments adduced in favor of it by the trainers
OF the Constitution, and the commentators upon
that instrument; but if this were the only one,
ii is all sufficient to demonstrate that, without
such restriction, the Executive could not sus-
tain that degree of independence which was
contemplated, and absolutely necessary in that
form of Government, instituted by the trainers
of. the Constitution. Another argument used,
shows as strongly the expedency Of this pow.
sion, not only for the purpose of checking hasty
legislation, Gas the Intelligencer admlrs,) but of
stay ing the dreful effects Of the enaclments ola
corrupt faction who, constituting a majority in
Congress, might pervert their legitimate pow
ers, and by tyrannlcal edcts, trample upon the
Liberties of The country, or, by profligate legsla
ton, incur an amount of Indebtedness that
would be like an incubus upon the energy of
the People, para'ysng their industry and beg
CARING them by inordinate taxation.
The temptations, to abuse this power were SO
weak, and the penalties SO severe, that when
compared, no fear was enterteined of tn abuse
OF it by those who granted l.. Nor las the his
tory of the past exercise OF it authorized greater
apprehensions nov than existed then, to be con-
jured up against ii. In every instance, since
the formation and adoption Of the Constitution,
with vi solitary exception, in which it has
been exercised, although 1t may have excited
the displeasure Of a majority of Congress and
drawn upon the Executive the execratons of
interested parlisans and venal presses, II has
been sustained b, majority of the People; and
after events have demonstrated the wisdom and
the prudence with which it has been used
But even suppo,ing that some future Presl
dent should abu ,e this power? When the ne
sative effects of this abuse are compared with
the positive evils which might result from the
abuse Of the unrestraned power Of Congrtss,
no rejecting mind would consent to repeal the
former to submit unconsitutionally to the latter
power. An abuse of the Veto could, under any
probable circumstances, amount only to post
ponement of the contemplated measure until
the People had az opportunity of canvassing
its merits and deciding upon It's expediency or
utility, while legislative abuses, if perpetra
ted, might produce evils which would endure
as long as the nation existed
To limit this restriction in the manner pro-
posed by some of the adherents of Mr.. Clay,
would virtually annul the powers, and leave the
majority Of Congress totally without check or
restraint TO fasten upon the country any mea-
sures that whim, caprice or corruption might
suggest, however absurd, inexpedient, or tyran
meal.
1t was net intended, when the Constitution
was formed, that any one branch Of this Govern
ment should be supreme, or entirely independent
of the 9th r branches, IN the exercise OF It's
powers. Such saluiary restraints and efficient
checks were vested in each, over each, as TO
guard agains, abuses, without obstructing the
exercise of their legitimate powers. Years of
experience have proved the wisdom OF the theo-
~ adopted by our loreiathers. In no instance
upon record has there been an improper interfe-
renee of one branch with another. Throw off
these necessary restrictions, and the balance OF
power is destroyed. The whole political sys-
tenn loses its harmony of action, and Congress
sional usurpation, like Pharaoh's lean kline, will
swallow up all The coordinate branches OF Gov
eminent The history of the Venetian republic
affords fearful lesson of legislative tyranny,
which it i'll be well for this country to profit
by, when such startling doctrines as those ncul-
.o,.J h., tho Jntalli,encar arc sprpad through