The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-10-13

men belonging 70 the manufacturing interests DESIRED
hst the revenue arsng from the public lands should
i he taken away from the Federal Government in
der 10 allow an increased margin for protection
And knowing the Interests Of my tiuents, vo-
ted against the provso, because knew that TO be in
accordance with their desire. II a mere ques-
ton OF interest," and Of local interest too IL is a
much grser question for the manufacturers, whether
or not they iii take warning by the events Of 1923
and Of 1882 II surely Is not for their interest that
tarh bill passed by Congress shall be repealed by
The next They want TO plant vigorous tree whose
strong branches and healthy foliage shall permanent
y and adequately shelter and protect their branch OF
Industry. The Distribution clause was the Jonah
that would have sunk the ship IL is Of vital import
ance to free the tariff from all connexion with
political questions. The tariff is question of reye-
nue.. The distribution question has become polti-
cal one, and one whose Importance has been inn
mensely exaggerated. We hear il said that the
States have the right to the public lands So they
have the right to the ships of war which saw this
morning at the Navy Yard.
There is no difference whatever in the tenure of
the property. Nine-tenths Of the public domain, as
1t now is, were acquired by purchases from France
and Spain that is, nine-tenths acquired by pur
chase and by cession of the States. Ii is
tenth only that the cession applies In regard 10 all
the residue-the nine-tenihs-all the world admits
that there is no difference between the tenure by
which hold them and that by which we hold
ing one-tenth How is it with the right TO them :
They were ceded 10 the United States not in several
ty, but common fund, and cannot understand
oy what logic common fund comes to be construed
into several fund. IL they conveyed TO the
country a ust and the purposes of that trust
have been executed they then neong to Virginia for
she conveyed them all TO the Federal Government
After all, the question Is one Of mere expedency
and Of no great practical importance. Ii is mere
party question, which has been greatly exaggerated
BY excited political passions and interests You have
tax to pay al any rate. What difference can il
make to you whether you pay your pstarcen ofshare
in the public lands to the United States TO the
State. The argument that the distribution measure
is benefit to the States because it enables them to
raise without resortna 10 taxation, assumes
that we citizens Of different governments, that
our State and Federal Governments are as distinct
as the Governments Of Europe and America.
Then, gentlemen, in the third place, the President
is accused of g less manly species of usurpaon,"
in retaining two bills at the end of the session. with
out having the boldness to destroy them openly
What were these two bills? One Of them was the
Little Distribution act-a little trif1ing affair, about
as large that piece of paper, (holdng up piece
about as large as bank-note,) which passed
merely to make another issue with the Pres dent
This only was the object, for nobody ever dreamed
that he would sign it.
The other bill was really very important one
II was bill Of eleven pages in length and of the
most complex character which might fairly require
for lis consideration the whole ten days allowed to
the President by the Constitution for deliberaton
upon the act of Congress. This bill relating to cleo
tions, which had been so frequently altered and
amended in both branches that it would have requir-
ed the most careful scrutiny the part Of any mem
Der of either House fairly to understand what
its exact provisions at the time it passed this and
the Distribution bill together presented to the
President, if remember right, only in the last hour
before the expiration of the session. The final ad-
journment had been resolved upon at one o'clock
think it wasj and not long before one, the Presi-
dent being in the Capito-for the despatch of bust
ness, usual the last day of the session, this
important and complex bill (Which myself had felt
it incumbent upon me to vote against, the ground
that it appeared to my mind to be unconstitutional in
many particularly with the Distribution bill and the
whole mass Of the ordinary business of the session,
which is postponed TO the last day. under the vicious
and dlatory system which has obtained in Con-
grcss thrust before the President for his sigma
tlre. He did not sign it, for he had time to
read II, much less TO examine 1t. And the conse-
quence is that he is charged with want of maniness,
because he did not do what it physically mpossi
bic for him to do. Then, gentlemen, there is
other charge, that the Protest Of the President against
certain proceedings Of the House demonstrations
al Suppose, gentlemen, he had sent twenty Protests
to the House, need any break his heart about il J
do not stop to debate whether it constitutional
or not. do not consider It of the slightest practical
moment.
1t may be the right of the House try the Presi-
dent in his absence, without 80 much as specifying
their charges against him, and to sentence him TO all
manner OF obloquy and abuse. Ii may be their right
to spend their time day after day in abusing him. and
he may have no right to say, "Gentlemen, think
am innocent of the things which you charge against
me-" Is this so, gentlemen? Do we live under le-
glslative despotsm in which one branch of the Gov
ernment has unlimited power to assail another, and
that other has right 10 Indicate itself? Ii is vi
ola ton of constitutional rights to deny any
opportunity of self-defence when attacked 1t
violation Of the rights of humanity, of religion and
of honor beta cen man and man.
These four mere political rchnements, having no
practical operation whatever, the sole charges
against the President The Convention Of the Wings
of Massachusetts assemblies upon solemn ca--as-
sembes almost simultaneously with the Legislature of
the State, and instead of giving elaborate and grave
consideration to the questions Def it, INDUCES in
furlos personal warfare, which it invites you 10
JOIN, for grounds frivolous, futile, wretched and
Insignificant upon preeXts slight and tiifling, that
no political party could ever be built upon them up
on which 1t is impossible for party to stand and
which, if these trivial matters the for
which the country to be convulsed for three years.
may God have mercy on my country, for she must
have seen the day when her ruin at hand
Gentlemen, these charges against the President
mere vague party accusations, the ebullitions of
party spleen, and nothing else. 1t may be said that
you have horror of vetoes; but if, gentemeo you
have horror OF vetoes, 1t behoves you to inquire if
those vctoes were not extorted for party pu poses,
and if they have been extorted not censure the
+ esident for acting upon his conscientious prnci-
pl 5, but to censure those who compelled him in so
doing to exercise tina obnoxious power? Gentlemen,
so much for inducements. Now what other OBJ
jects are to be gained by this party warfare
Let us recur to the last authentic declaration
The only other specific objects certain amend
ments to the Constitution of the United States =
Changes of the Constitution! What picture does
this present! The great body of the people about
to enter upon an embtered party warfare and for
what For United States Bank Mo- For a re-
peal of the provso in the distribution BILL Is this
an adequate cause for three years of rcvolution for
hand against his neighborfor three years of mutual