Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1842-09-03

ing become the absolute property of the
nation. In the 18th No. Of that publication
from the pen of General Hamilton, the ces-
sion of lands made to the United States
are spoken of as having been made "for
the common benefit of the whole" and the
"vacant western Territory thereby acqu-
red, as being the common property of the
| Union" Mr.. Madison, in the 3Sth No.
speaks of them. in like manner, as "a mine
of vast wealth to the U. States" capable,
under proper management both of effect
ing the gradual discharge of the public
debt, and of pouring "liberal tributes into
the Federal Treasury" In this character,
they have been acted upon by the whole
legislation of Congress, from the period of
the adoption of the Constitution down to
the present day.
! There is no other view of the subject,
which will bear, for moment, the test of
history or of argument. The whole body
of the public lands, whether derived from
the cession of particular States. or acquir-
ed by purchase from foreign powers, are
the property of the United States. AS
such, they are, in the language of the con-
stituton, subjected to the power of Con-
gress "to dispose of, and make all needful
rules and regulations respecting them
This is an ample discretionary, but at the
same time a highly responsible power,
which calls for the profoundest wisdom
and deliberation in its exercise. The pub
lie lands, as the common property of the
nation, ought to be devoted TO the general
uses of the Union, SO long as they are re-
quired for that purpose. But if, in the ad-
justment of general revenue system, de-
pending mainly on duties on foreign i'm
ports, it should be found that those duties,
wisely and Justly arranged, without press
ing, with an undue weight, on any interest
or portion of the country, yield an ample
supply for the wants of the National Gov
eminent, it would undoubtedly be within
the scope of the plenary power which we
have seen that the Constitution vests in
Congress over the disposal Of the public
lands, to turn their proceeds, under such
y circumstances, into new channels, which
., would distribute their benfits, without de-
:. parting from the princi piles of a ust equal
ity, to the different members of the Union.
In such state of things, to use the Ian
guage of President Jackson, in his fourth
annual message to Congress- it would be
"in the discretion of Congress to dispose of
the public lands in such way as best to con-
duce to the quiet, harmony, and general in
terest of the American People. But so
long as their proceeds are wanted for the
general purposes of the nation, there can be
no application of them SO Just, so equal, so
proper in itself, or so much in harmony with
> the motives and manner of their acquisi-
ton, whether by cession or by purchase, as
9 g to devote them to "the general charge and
expenditure" of the Union.
The policy of Distribution, till lately,
Mr.. President. has never been attempted 10
= be sustained or advocated on any other
principles than these. And here, sir, while
so many are always found to do homage to
the living, let me render an act of justice
to the dead. The first proposition for
> distribution of the proceeds of the public
lands among the States was brought for
ward in 1929, by distinguished Represen-
tative of Pennsylvania, now no more |
allude to Mr.. Stevenson, the Representative
of the Pittsburg District, whose merits are
so well known to both of the honorable
Senators from that State. had the honor
to be an humble colleague of that distin-
guished gentleman on the committee to
, which his proposition was referred. consist
ing of Mr.. Gimer of Georgia, Mr. Reed of
Massachusetts,, and other gentlemen well
known here, but Of which, of course, the
Representative of Pennsylvania was chair
man; and it is fit and proper that |, his sole
remaining colleague now in the councils of
the nation, should replace upon his brow
, the chaplet which ought justly to adorn it,
? so far as the origination Of a great scheme
of public policy confers distinction and
renown. Though did not give my assent
to the measure. as one of expedient and
oPportune legislation at the time, land
it is due to the honorable chairman to say
that he himself did not press it for imme-
dlate adoption0 yet in much of the clear
and forcible reasoning of his able and in
E structiye Report, | concurred, and still con-
cur. Let gentlemen look back to that Re-
port, and they will find in it no such start
ling pretension as that the public lands be-
long TO the States On the contrary, they
were distinctly recognised to be the prop
erty of the Union, great financial resource
of the nation, and chief basis Of its pub
lie credit, which, when not wanted for ma
tional purposes, would be best preserved
from diIaPidation by giving The States an
immediate interest in their proceeds.
have already shown that when, three
years afterwards, the distinguished Sena-
tor from Kentucky, (Mr. CIayD took up
the proposition, which had been brought
, forward in 1929 by the lamented member
OF the other House from Pennsylvania,
! he sustained il upon similar Grnunds.=cnn.