Southern Argus. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1834-1842, 1842-03-01

which it was alike the interest OIL all 10
federacy-the existence of these inter
ests long before the adoption OF the
Constitution, and the rights and du-
lies of the Government in regard to
them recognized and laid down by
that sacred instrument. That was the
security of the South. AS one who
himself lived where that peculiar inter
est existed, he possessed no security |
from the existence of the veto power
-none-none whatever. He felt him.
self secure in that mutual harmony
cultivate, in the constitutional securl-
ties, and in the certainty OF the dlsrdp-
ton of the Union, as the inevitable re-
suit, the moment that interest should
be assalled; in the capacity and deter
n;ination of the South to defend her
self at all hazards, and against all haz-
ards of attack, whether from abroad or
at home. There, there was the secu-
rity, and not in this miserable despouc
veto power of the President OF the UNI
ted States.
Mr.. G.. went on to say, that the am
endment which he had had the honor
Of proposing to the Senate, was en-
countered by arguments which were
directly opposed to each other. lie
was told, on the other hand,by an hon
orable friend in his eye, that the am
] endment was vain, because it was
thing impossible ever 10 get the
Constitution amended. He admitted
it was a thing extremely difficult, re-
quired as it did the concurrence OF
eighteen States, But now, in reply 10
the first argument, those who regarded
:, the Constitution as so worthy OF pres
ervation, should be satisfied that no
: light und trivial amendment TO 1t ever
could be carried into effect; but if they
we're convinced that any amendment
: would be for the good Of the country,
it was their duty to put it forth, and
: submit it TO the public will. Asto the
second argument, he admitted, as he
! had said, its full force. Twas, indeed,
5 extremely doubtful whether any gen.
, tleman here present would ever live to
see the Constitution amended; but still
: it was the duty of every friend to his
= country to use proper efforts to have
2 it improved. One attempt only had
e succeeded since those alterations were
e adopted, which took place immediate
f ly after the adoption Of the Constitu-
e ton itself. But this subject had been
: a good deal considered 10 the country,
# and if MIR. c.. had been successful in
any degree in demonstrating It's expe-
e diency, neither class of objections
e ought to persevere in opposingit.
Y As to another amendment, which
s had reference to the appointment o.
: the Secretary of the Treasury and the
: Treasurer of the United States, Mr.. c.
admitted that if his friend from Virgin
If ia (Mr. Archer) could succeed in es-
$ lablishing what Mr.. G. had attempted
d years ago to demonstrate-that Con.
l. gress did possess the constitutional
At power to define the tenure Of office
/ and to defend it against the power o
l. dismission-therew would, to be sure
$. be less necessity for making specia
D provision in regard to these two off
er GERS. But still, for greater security
at Mr.. c.. should prefer to have the ap
er pointment of the Treasurer and Sec
III rotary explicitly placed in the hands 0
IN Congress.
v Mr.. c.. observed, that if there wa
IL any sentiment in relation TO public al
$ fairs on which the People ofthis coun
~ try had made up their mind, it was il
ne regard to the necessity Of limiting Elk
S ecutive power. Its present overgrow
Id character had long been viewed b,
S them with apprehension. The owne
m was not personal-it was mainly Off
c. cial. You might take a mechanic fror
n, the avenue and make him President
as and he would be instantly surrounde
s. with power and influence, the powe
of and the influence of his office. 1t wa
lat very true that the personal nopularit
n of an incumbant might add much t
e. his power, but the power itselfwas off
re cial, not personal, and its danger aros
IS from its tendency and ability 10 accu
id mulate. This was demonstrated b
in all past history, and was witnessed b
ry all we saw around US. All these cor
IL sideratiors called upon Senators in tn
IL language Of patriotism deeply TO re
TO feet on the consequences which migI
Ie, ensue should not power so great
re itself and SO prone to increase be sui
e jected TO some salutary limitation.
IN Let not gentlemen deceive then
&c selves by names. The unpretendin
lr- name ofPresident of the United State
OF was no security against the extent {
ny the abuse of power. The power a
IN signed to public individual did n,
en- depend on the title he might bear: Il
'ut danger arose not from his name, b.
re- from the quantum of power at his con
I'D mand. Whether he were called en-
lst peror, Dictator, King, Liberator, Pr
rub tector, Sultan, or President of the Un
IN fed States UaS Of no n0a.oon1naz