Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1840-1842, 1842-11-09


Can any thing more garingly mark the pethdi-
Gus combination, on which the presen, Adminis,ra-
ton depends than the p,r, of MIR webster's late
Faneuil Hall speech, in which HE-a member of an
Administration that when the public necessities are
most urgent rsirss Revenue bill. because it vio-
lates the CemprOmiss .ie,-assails that very Act, as
the most psrncious ever passed in this country
His words, We need no, recall: but will merely
cite here the lsudatons which they draw, in some
OF the papers devoted TO him-as the following:
From the Commercial Advertiser.
Messrs. Edilors.-There is n strong point in Mr.
Web,tor's speech, which your admirable comments
10 the Commercial do not hold forth with sufficient
prominencs-the constitutional objection to the
compromise act.
As constitutional lawyer, aud sag, cious states
man, this objection would FIRST strike and alarm
him. Nu'llhcation never devised a scheme Gun
nng, eheeive, and dansesous-whoever was the
author Of ia prohibitory clause added to The con
stiiuton by an act Of Congress,
Let those who wish or need clear and full illus
ration, turn TO Mr Websters speech in the Senate
at the time. You could not do better than TO re-
publish that part of 1t. PHILO.
This, now, is the position of the first minister
the premier, the leader, the "sreAt man." the "big
gum" of this Administration, which vetoed an in
reference with this very Compromise, when PUB
lie Credit lay al its las, gasp. add AZ -el
known that Congress was most likely. upon the
negavng Of that bill, to refuse to pass any Other!
In other countries, inferior member of the Min
isera body who should thus violently diasree with
leading measure Of the Administration and yet
keep his place, would be held miserable dog, who
however useful in any other respect, brough, inia
my upon the ministry and the men thit kept him
amongst them. But If he dared thus TO take the
field, as If TO challenge ,il stronger public atten-
ton TO the little account which he and his associates
made Of principle or Of oeeeney or of public sense.
what would be done with hint Why, the robes
OF Office would be stripped from his dishonss; shout
ders, as .xpcditiously as f,hwoman skins an eel,
or an lrshman peals potato, or YAnke skins an
onion.
Such, in even mOnarchieal States, is the regard
for correct consistent respectable public principle
which Freedom and Yirtue--the high sense of
what is right-lhere enforees Of even Kings, Min
isters ard Lords. These cannot, dare not affront
the public understanding and make a mockery Of
all those purposes aod principles for which men arc
supposed to hold Office ia civilized countries, by
thus tham,ssly announcing that they who govern
the nation are mere scounjrels, capable, in the
same breath, of declaring thog more precious
aud more sacred than even the pubic credit or ne
csssities, and YET the pernicious possible VIC
a,ion Of the Constitution!
IL il vain bnd idle 70 speak OF those countries as
less free, when the ruler is thus himself governed by
high and clear public sense, that sits continually
in rigid and VigiIant judgement on hi, aets, and
eOnP,is them to oe respectable. And, on the other
hand, nothing can be empiier, nothing merer bait
bic, than to speak Of ths, as Government highly
free, where those in power held TO none Of their
own ma1ims, may at their ease say and do what
they pleaso, and Sc, at defiance, when they like in
the wan,onness! Of proAgaey, as utterly abomna.
bio, all those things which, IN their latest public
acts, they have declared entitled TO the supremest
respect.
But let II b, considered lite why all this oe
ours, and how il comes that such latitude OF dis
honoring and gainsaying Mr. Tyler and HE col
leagues is allowed TO MIR WebstsI1 IL would
I've easily ses) have neither been done suffered,
on some other matters, 10 which his own opinions
have heretofore been equally at war with theirs,
and 10 which the President himself never attached a
superior sane,i,y. He would not, for instance, have
vsntured TO take the field against Mr. Tylsr'S and
IN favor Of bis own IDEAS Of a National Bank. Be-
denounce the very measures and principles Of which
no Is port, i, 10 easy to see that there lufks some
policy, that there is some COLLISION. that triples the
6a1enes' Of this doubs-deiing doctrine.
It's nov perfectly oompreheoded, that Mr Web
s'ef's speech at Boston, Mr. Cushins's harangues.
and Secretary speoeeFs letter, were all regular
movements in piece Of s'ecIionoorins strategy, 60.
up al Warrington; and that, except a few ralher
} hozatjous insdysueness, oil that Mr. Webster ssid
was hing arranged with his fellows Of the Csbi-
net. This denuneia,on Of the Comprehensive
only blow a, MrCay which could be expected SO
noosy TO tell in Boston-was, OF course, one Of
the points surssi 70 be sgfssd upon. And thus W
have by inference the mos, certain, the fact that Il
is by understanding With Mr. Tyler that Mr. Web
slsr, 70 damage Mr. Clay, s!dkss at ihit which NJ
, ryefs veto held up as 30 high and holy, that )
vas better 70 lei the government 60 To pieces las h
knew It might dol than touch u.
III
"OUR PECULIAR INSTITUTIONS"
There are plenty Of eii,os, plenty Of parti'ans
plenty Of potieians that have the most volsn, yea
fW Southern Right; who make Of a political buck
5,efs promise to oppose Emancipation IN tho Dis