The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-10-26
TO THE HON. THOMAS EWING, JOHN
BELL, FRANCIS GRANGER, GEO. f.
BADGER, AND JOHN J. CRITTEN-

BADGER, AND JOHN J. CRITTEN-
DEN.
1t is not our intention TO offer any common
place apology for the few observations we shall
submit to you in relation TO the charges which
you have thought proper to make against Mr.
Tyler in reference to his action in vetoing the
Fiscal Corporation bill at the extra session OF
Congress. Such, however, is the character,
and such the consequences of these allegations,
that no man who has at heart the honor and
welfare OF the Administration, ought to conlin-
ue silent, so long as any topic Of Illustration is
unexhausted, or any important point of view
unoccupied.
In reviewing the accusations thus produced,
we have a singular spectacle before US. We
have the astounding factthat you, the members
of the American Cabinet, have descended from
the dignity of your high stations, TO the task OF
utlering against The Chief Magistrate the min
gled language of indignation and reproach; and
after having acted as his constitutional advisers
and partaking largely Of his confidence, and
perhaps his friendship, you have assumed the obi
Gus character Of spies, and to fulfil the detestable
functions Of informers. We have been taught
TO believe that, however much Cabinet officers
may differ from the Executive on political sub
jects--however they disapprove of his political
principles-whatever apprehensons they may
entertain about the tendency of his measures
they ought to inculcate secrecy and confidence
and carefully avoid any collision, and not dis
close the closet views of the Executive. Not sa-
tisfed, however, with breaking the seal Of con-
fdence, by Iromulgatng to the word commune
cations, couched in terms selected to convey op-
probrium and infx a stigma; but your commu-
nications Invited the People to Withdraw their
confidence from the Administration. You say
he has not been governed by proper considera-
tons 10 discharging the EX ecutive functions,
and that he vetoed the Fiscal Corpor ,ton bill,
not from conscientious and constitutional scru-
pies, but under other influences than those
which sense of the public good required
These are the stains you have thrown on the
conduct of the President-these are the wounds
you have inflicted. IL is scare ly POSSIBLE TO
comprise, within the same compass more OF
the spirit of whatever is bitter in nvective, and
humiliating in asper,ion. This heaped up mea-
sure of vindictive contumely is prepared for
whom2 For private individual? No. For
the President of the United States, the repre-
sentative of the sovereignty of great and pow
erful nation. Elevated to power by the sullra-
ges of an emil. htened People, are we not bound
by strong political considerations to uphold him
in his sphere Of usefulness and honor bound
we say, by the most impressive obligations to
vindcate his character2
The allegations which you have made against
the Chief Magistrate, if true, would so vitality
affect his character, for sincerity and honor, to
render him unworthy of the office he now fills.
If it can be proved that, in acting on the Bank
bills, he has moved under false banners, seek
ing and obtaining support under false pretences ;
that one profession of faith is made in Congress
conciliate political adversaries-if these acts
can be exposed, and such a want of truth and de-
voledness can be held up to the scorn and con-
tempt of the People, not only will that good be
obtained, which is always consequent upon the
unmasking of hypocrisy, but the real object of
are called on to judge and act
We hope that we shall be able to show con-
clusively not only the arguments and facts
which have been urged by you are nconclusive,
but that they have been advanced in spirit of
insncerity, and with a total disregard of all
consistency and candor.
We shall proceed to make out our case and
we shall endeavor to reduce our argument
to its simplest form, and to disengage ii from
any collateral question which may distract at
tenton from the principles upon which it is
founded.
1t is alleged by you that the President Of the
u. S. vetoed the Fiscal Corporation bill to ad
vance his political designs. In inquiring into
the motive of Mr.. Tyler in rejecting this bill,
we will confne ourselves, in the first place, to
the correctness of his decision. In deciding
upon the motive which prompted the President
To this act, we must look for materials in the
testimony by this we must be governed, and
not by the imputatons, surmses, and construc
tons Of our opponents, however eloquent and
ingenious. The President and his motives are
not only denounced by you, but have also met
with the same fate from members of Congress
We take the evidence for our guide--we know
it will be the guide of the American People.
1t is general rule in all criminal prosecutions
for an act equivocal in itself, aud where the
character Of guilt or innocence depends upon
the intention with which it was done the de.
caration of the party made at the time, is al
,yovs received in evidence IN ASCERTAIN and g.
the true character Of the act; and the far ant
legitimate explanation of the act is taken ant
derived from such declarations of the party, i
not dsproved by other evidence. What, then
did The President say 10 relation 10 The proYi