The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-06-15
MR.. EWING AGAIN.

At the hazard of giving an importance to
Mr. Ewing which he does not deserve. we must
once more address him. He has won for himself
"a bad eminence" by his great promptitude in
obeying the commands of his master. If he
had been content to remain in the obscurty to
which his subserviency had condemned him. we
would hardly have felt it worth our while to
disturb him. But this has not been his course,
and thrusting himself again before the country,
it becomes desirable for the sake of all who are
TO come after him that he should be most tho
roughly understood Your letter, sir, in one
clause is so very ambiguous that we would de-
sire an explanation. You say that at the Cabi-
net meeting which figures so prominently in
your letter, every word uttered at which you
profess thoroughly to remember, the President
expressed strong wish that the whole subject
of the Bank should be postponed. After the
bill was reported to the House, he again '.asked
and earnestly urged, the members of the Cabi-
net to have the bill postponed" You state that
you urged his wishes in the only way in which
it could be done with propriety, by obtaining
the general concurrence of the Wing members
of the too Houses in the postponement. In the
next sentence you say, "that it failed, as you
have reason to believe, because the President
mould giUe no assurance that the delay qoas
not sought as q means and occasion for hos
tile movements" Unmask, good sir, and ex-
plain your meaning. As conductor of free
press, and one that may hereafter be consulted
by the historian, we would be highly gratiied to
have this explained. What J" hostile move
ments" did the Wing party expect2 What
was to be their object and character What
assurance was asked of the President? 1t
must have been Of an extraordinary nature not
only to have induced postponement Of the bill,
but, also, as we presume, 10 cause you to re-
main in the Cabinet of one who you now UNI
bushingly charge with being not only as cor
rupt, but having grossly insulted you2 You,
whose nice and delicate nerves were shocked,
because, as yoat state, falsely we doubt not, you
were not consulted about the Teto message, that
assurance had been given you, would have still
chung to your office-if for no other pun pose than
to have made the air ofthe Cabinet room pestilent
with your breath, and the room itself the scene
of continued efforts to enthra the mind and
conscience of the President. Would you, or
not, have remained in the Cabinet, Mr.. Ewing
if you could have got that precious assurance2
Speak out, man, speak out, and tell US what that
assurance was--and whether, if it had been
given, you would have remained in the Cabinet
of Mr.. Tyler. The world will draw its own
differences from the facts, when you shall have
developed them.
The President urges the Cabinet to press
a postponement of the bill, before, for aught
that appears, any vote had been taken on it
No member of Congress was committed against
it, unless through some secret machinery, which
has not been divulged to the public. You say
that the members Of the two Houses had 10 con-
cur in the postponement, and yet the Senate
had not even had the bill submitted TO il. How
came it to be necessary for the concurrenceo of the
Senate to be obtained before the House could
act? We confess that we are lost in perplexty
and doubt concerning this. Here Is sort OF
political freemasonry, the secrets of which have
not been divulged to the public. As you were
admitted to all their councils, you can fully ex-
plain it, and unwilling as we would be to ac-
knowledge any obligations to you, we will new
ertheless do so if you will but unmask. Tell
US the secret pledges which were exchanged, or
the secret oaths which were taken. 1t was the
communication of the Presidents opinion con-
corning the bill, and the belief that it would not
receive his Veto, which caused the Wing mem
bers to adopt it-but when, if you will have it
so, his opinions had undergone change, why
was not the same promptitude to meet his wish
es manifested in the last as in the first case p
Love for the Wing party could not have induced
the refusal to postpone, for you and your allies
have trumpeted it forth that the second Veto
ruined the party. What apprehended warfare
could the President wage, half so fatal as the
Veto itself2 And yet his earnest entreaties for
postponement urged, as you tell US, by your
self, and, as the country well knows, by Mr..
Webster in his able letter to the Massachusetts
Senators, all proved unavailing, ''because the
President would not give assurance that the de-
lay was not sought as means and occasion
for hostile movements" Only ninety days
were to elapse before the meeting of Con-
gress, and we confess ourself wholly un-
able to perceive what warfare he could have
made of so alarming a character in that brief
space, as TO have produced such result
Pray inform the public mind somewhat on this
point Who went to the President to exact the
assurance, the failure to give which, caused
the refusal to postpone You do not say that
you were { he ambassador extraordinary deputed
to carry on the negotiation. If you were not,
who was, and what assurance was required
The curiosity of the whole country will be un
bounded until these questions are answered In
the answer may be found secret of great va
ue The true motives of yourself and allies in
your resignation--the clamor raised since--the
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