Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, 1842-06-16

4 u
ston and Lord Aberdeen. Il is now know,
that the combined treaty upon this subject il
more extensive in its operations. and NOR
minute IN some of the details of its execution
than the separate treaties with France, which
preceded II, and equally indefinite in the dura
ton OF Its obligations. OF course measure.
which were not only justiiiable but indispen.
sable, Tor the execution of the latter, will find
equal justice and necessity in the obligations
| OF the former.
With this previous declaration made by onc
OF the parties 10 this qhintuple treaty, couccrn-
ing Its operations, the American government,
cannot shut their eyes to their true position
Inc moral effect which such union of five
great powers, two OF which are eminen,lv mar
iiime but three OF which have never, perhaps,
mad vessel engaged in that traffic, is calcula-
ted to produce upon the United States and up-
on other nations, which, like them, NAV be
lndisposed TO these combined movements.
though 1t may be regretted, yet furnishes no
just cause of complaint. But the subject as
sumes another aspect when they are told bv
one OF the parties that their vessels are TO he
icrcibdy entered and examined in order to car
ry into eflectthese stipuiations. Certainly the
american government does not believe that
The nigh powers, contracting parties to this
treaty, have any wish to compel the United
States by force to adopt their measures TO its
provisions, or to adopt its s,ipula,ions.
They have too much confidence in their
sense OF justice TO fear any such result, and
they will see with pleasure the prompt dsa-
Vowai made by YOURSELF sin in the name of
your country, at the tribune of the Chamber of
Deputies, OF any intentions of this nature.
bu' were 1t otherwise, and were it possible
they might be deceived in this confident ex-
pectation, that would not alter in one title our
course of action. Their duty would be the
same, and the same would be their determines.
ton TO fulfil it. They would prepare them
selves, with apprehension indeed, but without
dismay-wilh regret, but with firmuess. for
one OF those desperate struggles which have
sometimes occurred in The history of the world.
but where a just cause and the favor of Prov
idence have given strength to comparative
weakness, and enabled it 10 break down the
pride Of power
But have already said the United States do
not lear that any such united attempt will be
made upon their independence What, how
ever, they may reasonably fear, and what thew
DO lear is, that in the execution of this treaty
measures will be taken which they must resist.
how lar the acts of the parties putting its con-
N''''r' 'nrrn 'fs oun Il,i.i -.-.i .I,Y
ooiigations OF ITS co-contractors, may involve
o'eSe IN any uniooked-for consequences, eth
er by the adoption of similar measures, or by
their rejection, do not presume to Judge.
Certainly ii is, however,, that if the fact and
the principle advanced fLord Aberdeen are
correct that these treaties for the abolition of
lhe slave trade cannot be executed without
iorcibiy boarding American ships at sea i'm
al al hat a.,
by them confer not only the right thus to vio=
late the American flag, but make this measure
a duty-then II is also duty of France to
pursue the same course.-Shoud she put this
construction upon her obligations, it is obvi-
Gus the United States must do to her AS thew
Will do to England, if she persist in this attack
upon their independence.
Should she not, it does not become me to
investigate the nature of her position with res
pect TO one of her associates whose opinion
concerning their relatives duties would be so
widely different from their own.-But NAV
express the hope that the government Of His
Majesty, heretofore ratifyng this treaty, will
examine malurely the preientiuns asserted by
one OF the parties, and see how these can be
reconcled. not only with the honor and in-
terest OF the United States, but with the receiv-
ed principles of the great maritime code Of ma
tons. may make this appeal with the more
confidence from the relations subsisting be-
tween France and the United States, from a
community of interest in the liberty of the
seas, from community of opinion respecting
the principles which guard it, and from COM
munity in danger, should it ever be menaccd
by the ambition of any maritime power.
Itappears to me, sir, that in asking the at.
tention of His MaJesty's Government to the
subject of the Quintuple treaty, with view
TO It's reconsideration, am requesting nothing
on the part of the United States inconsistent
with the duties of France TO other powers
IL, during the course of the discussions, upon
tins treaty, preparatory to the arrangement OF
It's provisions, England had asserted to the O.
Their parties the pretentlon she now asserts to
the united States. as a necessary consequence
oil Its Obligations, cannot be wrong in pre-
Stunning that France would not have signed il
without guarding against this impending diff
Guilty. The views of England ire now dis
closed to you, and fortunately before its rati
fication; and this change of circumstances ma,
well justify the French Government in inter
posing such remedy as it may think is de
mandedb by the greater interests involved il
this question,
AS to the treaties Of 1881 and 1885, betweel
France and Great Britain for the suppression
OF the slave trade, ] do not consider it my out
to advert to their stipulations. Their obiga
tions upon the contracting parties, whateve
these may be, are now complete; and it is fc
my Government alone 10 determine VIII;