Burlington free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1827-1865, 1842-02-04
SPEECH OF Mr.. HUDSON OF MASS,

Mr. SPEAKER: have, from the first.
regarded this debate as premature; and now.
II me House are disposed To pass upon the
subject at once, | will chcorfully Weld the
floor.
But, as gentlemen say ego on" l will
endeavor TO present my views TO the consi-
Iteration Of the House. The immediate
question before us, is on tho amendment of
my friend from South Carolina, (Mr. Rheu,)
to commit to the Committee of WAYS and
Means, "witn inst uctions, that should it be
in their opinion expcdient to lay additional
duties, they shall be SO laid as not to discrn,-
mate IN favor of any particular class of in
duslry in the United States"
This opens the whole subject Of dscrim.
mating tariff. The gentleman from South
Carolina, who moycd these instructions, has
met the question with his Characteristic
trankness. He has laid the axe at the root
Of the tree. lie denies TO Congress the
constitutional right Of imposing duties which
shall discriminate in favor of manufactures
| propose briefly to notice this question.
The Constitution gives to Congress the right
''to regulate commerce with foreign nations
and among the several States" As this
grant of power is given without limitation,
it follows that Congress may regulate COM
MERGE as it pleases-may impose high duty
upon one Article, and admit another free of
duty. On any fair construction of this clause,
! the power is us undoubted in the case of dis
eliminating duties, as in the case of dcclar-
ing war or maintaining mary. This pow
er of discrimination in the imposition Of
duties seems essential, not only to the rceu-
latior, bat to the very existence of CONF
mcrce.
Great Britain, with whom we are more
intimately connected by commercial inter
course than with any other nation, lets no
opportunity OF projecting her commerce and
her industry pass unimproved. This she
does by fostering her own commerce, and
4 by restricting that of other nations. Look
at her restriction upon the commerce OF
of the United States. While we export fish
to the amount of 100000 annually, she
prohibits lis importation into the United
Kingdom, and, at the same time, admits the
products of her own fisheries free Of duty.
4 The whale fisheries constitute no inconslde-
rablc portion of our commerce; aud how
does she meet us IN this case! With free
trade! No, sir; she imposes duty Of .f2C
l2s. per tor upon our oil, and admits tho
} same article, the product of hcr own fisheries
at duty of Is. per ton, making discrin
nation Of f26 lis. against tho United
/ States. Whalebone is another considerable
article Of our commerce, bu, this /, ncarl,
F.. excluded from the English market by he
= onprous cXaciions. She imposes duty O
eos per ton upon American whalebonc, an,
G admits the same article from her province
= at duty of 81 per ton. We exported t.
:. Great Britain las, year tobacco to the amour
d S3,077 900, and she meets this article, wor,
! from six TO ten cents per pound with III
g enormous duty Of three shlinss sterling pc
ii pound, and thereby raises n revenue, o
=, one-third of our exported tobacco, equal Il
- least to the entire revenue of the Unite
States. The corn laws of En-. land are TO
I'd well understood to require comment; the
II amount 10 "A prohibition in ordinary cases.
will no, stop here to inquire whether sue
: rigid restrictions are wise or unwise it
sufficient to my purpose to know that sue
is tho policy of Great Britain, and that
operates oppressively upon our commerce
Now, under these circumstances, who wi
say that the power "to regulate commerce
does no, necessarily imply the power to pas
conn.ervaiIing duties! This seems indisper
sable to tho wise regulation, AMI almost S
TO the existence of our commerce.
But the gentleman from South Carolin
FL dispatches this at once, by saying that TO n
IN eulate is not 10 destroy. Does the gcntlcma
mean to nsnuate that commerce cannot ext
: under the restraint Of discriminating dntie'
Our commerce has always been under tn
rs restraint; and has it no, gone on increasing
Under the power to regulate commerce
10 Congress may suspend it., or, if the gentle
ls man penses may destroy 1t for the tin
in being. What was the embargo but de-
bo traction of commerce for limited period
n Wha, the non-inlercourse laws, but re
d. friction much greater than any iriond of pre-
II lection now proposes And the cons,l'niloi
allly Of these laws will not, at this day,
ed denied. That question has been settled
-. the most solemn manner. The term con
me merce is general, and includes every artic
nt which goes into our foreign trade and il
be perfectly competent for Congress to proiIl
the importation of any article under the pov
ne, or to regulate commerce. The foreign STA
~ hade was considered by the trainers of Il
Constitution as coming under the genor
denomination of commerce and so scnsh
hi, were all parties that this commercial pow
NJ gave Congress RICH; to prohibit tho sla
X, trade, that some States refused to adopt I
on Constitution until the provision was incc
no pora,ed therein, that this power should Il
, III il be exercised ill 1908.
we But, sir, there is another clause in t
i've Constitution, which seems perfectly decisi
a." on this subject. Congress shall have po
ohs err" says that sacred instrument, "to
ing and collect taxes, duties, imposts, aud G
ciscs." There is full power TO lay dut
V upon imports, al any time, and to any
. tent. The grant of power is absolute a
hi. unlimited; attended with norosricuon VIII
r Of ever, save that the duties "sl'all be unilo
IN throughout the United States" This wo
T. be sufficient of itself to decide the queslio
. but the contest makes the subject still m
clear. After giving unlimited power to
nd der duties, the objects for which duties may
nth, levied are expressly enumerated-"to
don, .Lo J.h,. II ,,royiaa for tho comu,on