Litchfield enquirer., 1842-07-07

public opinion m all quarters, thlS % alt that the manufacturing interests really require. am happy in the persuasion, that this double object can be most easily and eftectually acc compiished at the present juncture, without any departure from the spirit and principle of the statute in question. The manufacturing classes have now an opportunity, which may never occur again, of permanently identify. ing their interests wiIh those of the whole country, and making them, in the highest sense of the term, Q national concern. The moment is propitious to the interests of tho whole country in the introduction ofharm0Ey among all it's parts and all its several inte- rests. The same rate of imposts and no more as will most surely re-establish the public credit, will secure to the manufacturer all the protection he ought to desire, with every prospect of pernanence and stability which the hearty acquiescence of the whole country on a reasonable system can hold out to him.
 But of this universal acquiescence and tho harmony and confidence and the many other benefits that will certainly result from il, regard the suspension of the law for distribu- ting the proceeds of the public lands as an indispensable condition. This measure is, in my judgment, called for by large number, if not great majority, of the people of the United States, by the state of the public cre- dit and finances, by the critical posture OfoNr foreign relations, and, above all, by that most sacred of all duties, public faith. The act of September last, which provides for the dis tribution, couples it inseparably with the condition that it shall cease-1st. In case of war 2d. As soon and so long as the rate of duties shall, for any reason whatever, be rais- ed above 20 per cent. Nothing can be more clear, express or imperative than this lan- guage.
 It is in vain to allege that deficit in the Treasury was known to exist, and means ia- ken to supply it by loan when the act was passed. It is true that loan was authorized at the same session during which the Distri- button law was passed, but the most sanguine of the friends of the two measures entertain ed DO doubt but that the loan would be easer- ly taken up by capitalists, and speedily re- imbursed by country destined, as they hop ed, soon to enjoy an overhowing prosperity. The very terms of the loan making it redeem. able in three years, demonstrate this beyond all cavil. Who at that time foresaw or ima- gined the possibility of the actual state of things, when nat on that has paid off her whole debt since the last peace, while all the other great powers have been increasing theirs, and whose resources, already so great, are yet but in the infancy of thei: develop ment, should be held to haggle in the money market for paltry sum. not equal sO one years revenue on her commercial system!
 If the Distribution law is to be indefinitely suspended, according not only to it's own terms, but by universal consent, in case of war. wherein are the actual exigences of ths country, or the moral obligation to provide for them, less under present circumstances than they could be, were we actually involv. ed in war? 1t appears to me to be the indis- pensabls duty of all concerned in the admin. istration of public affairs, to see that state ofthings so humiliating and SO perilous should not last moment longer than is absolutely unavoidable. Much less excusab|e should we be in parting with any portion of our availa- ble means, at least, until the demands of the Treasury were fully supplied. But besides the urgency of such considerations, the fact is undeniable that the Distribution net could mol have become law without the guaranty in the proviso of the net itself.
 This connection, thus meant to be insepa- l rable, is severed by the bill presented to mo. The bill violates the principle of the acts of 1883, and September, 1641, by suspendi'g the first, and rendering, for time, the fas. imperative. Duties above 20 per cent. arc proposed to be levied, and yet the prouiso in the Distribution act is disregarded the pro- ceeds of the sales are to be distributed on the 1st of August, so that while the duties propo-
 
 pension of the distribution to the States is permitted to take place. To abandon the principle for 6 month, opens the way to its total abandonment. If such is not meant, why postpone at all! Why not let the dis tribution take place on the 1st of July, if tho law so directs (which, however, is regard. ed as questionable. But why not have linn. ited the provision to that effect! Is it for the accommodation of the Treasury sec no reason to believe that the Treasury will be in better condition to meet the payment on the first of August than on the lst of July.
 The bill assumes that distribution of the proceeds of the public lands is, by existing laws, to be made on the 1st day of July, l842, notwithstanding there has been an imposi. tion of duties on imposts exceeding 20 per cent. up to that day, and directs it to be made on the 1st of August next. It seems to me very clear that this construction is equally erroneous and dangerous, as it would divert from the Treasury fund sacredly pledged for the general purposes of the Go- vernment, in the event of a rate of duty above 20 per cent being found necessary for an eco. nomical administration of the Government.
 The bill under consideration is designed as only temporary measure. and thus O temporary measure passed merely for the convenience of Congress is made to affect the vital principle of an important act. If the proviso of the act of Sept. 164l, can be suspended for the whole period of tempora. ry law, why not for the whole period of a permanent law! A doubt may be we'll en. tertained, in fact, according to strict legal rules, whether the condition having been thus expressly suspended by this bill. and rendered inapplicable, to a case where it would otherwise have clearly applied, will