Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, 1842-01-06
From tie Baltimore .american.
TILE COMPROMISE ACT-lTS DURATION.


the real meaning aud intent of tho Compromise
Act Of 1888 Some are disposed to regard i, as
the basis of our Tariff policy, so sanctioned by
pledges, so firmly fixed by mutual compact and
understood agreement, that no alteration can be
made in it without violation of faith and dis
regard to solemn s,ipulations. Others consider
that the measure was adopted as an experiment
that twas a concession made by one party 10
the importantly of another, for a limited period,
and that it was thus made not because any body
was convinced ofits propnoty but to tho end that
The very party demanding it might learn from ex-
perience the mistaken nature OF the views which
had prompted the demand. In other words it
was believed by the conceding party that by the
time the period fixed by tho Act should run on,
that is, in lS42-the general sense Of the nation
would be settled upon the propriety Of more
discriminating policy than that provided for by
the Act.
In this view we fully agree. The results of
some nine years are before us-the existing re-
iatons oil trade with foreign countries and the
consequences thereof to some Of our most impor-
tant interests are known to the people-the pros
pect OF future disasters which must come upon
us when the minimum rate of duties established
by the Compromise Acts reached, as it will he
In June next-is open to view; and it is plainly
apparent In all these aspects of the case that the
interests of the Middle and Western States must
suffer, and suffer severely, unless some change
Is made in our Tariff policy. 1t is not enough
mat the interests of the cotton grower alone
should be regarded. The farmers of Pcnnsylva-
MA, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and the
whole North West; the tobacco planters of Viz
ginia, Maryland, kentucky, Tennessee and Mis-
souri; the producers of iron and lead the manu-
facturers of New York and New England; the
wool growers OF Vermont and Of othor States (;
the mechanics Of every city and town in the I'm
ion-all have their claims upon the protective
care OF the Gevernment-withint the judicious ex-
ercise of its powers. Why should one interest
be fostered and all others neglected. This should
not be.
But we can obtain definite understanding of
the real intent of the Compromise Act from the
debates that took place on its passage. AS MIR.
CLAY was the author of tho measure it NAV be
presumed that he knew what it meant and what
1t did not mean. The following extract from his
speech on the occasion referred to will show
something ofboth:
'Suppose, in the progress of gradual descent
towards the revenue standard, for which this bill
provides, it should, some years hence, become
evident that further protection, beyond lS42, than
that which 1t contemplates, may be necessary ;
can 1t be doubted that, in some form or other it
VIII oe apPiled Who can
doubt, when passions have subsidized, and reason
has resumed her empire, that there will be dis
| m t.lr.1n srl. Z.
amplejustce to all its parts? Who will believe
that any section of this great Confederacy would
! look with indifference to the prostraion Of the
interests OF another section, by distant and selfish
foreign nations, regardless alike OF the welfare Of
US all No sir, have no fears beyond lS42.-
! The people OF the United States are brethren,
made to love and respect each other. Momenta-
| ry causes may seem TO ALLEVIATE them, but like
family differences, they will terminate in closer
| and more ailectionate union than ever. And how
| much more estlmable will be system otpro.ec-
| uon, based on common conviction and common
consent,and planted in the bosoms of all, than one
wrenched by power from reluctant and protesting
weakness. That such system will be adopted,
| ifit should be necessary for the period of time
| subsequent to 1912, will not doubt
1910 the argument of the Senator from Massa.
chuscts, that this interest and the other Cannot be
sustained under the protection beyond IS42, i re-
peat the answer, that no one can now tell wha
| what may be then necessary-that period will
| provide for itself. Let me suppos,
that the antcipatons which form upon the res
toration ofcoucord and confidence shall all be fal
sihed; that neither the sense of fraterna affection
nor colnInon Justice, nor even common interest
will lead to an amicable adjustment of the tariff
beyond 1912. Let me suppose that the pcriot
has arrived, and that the provisions of the bill
shall he interpreted as an obligatory pledge upoi
the Congress Of that day; and let ne suppose
also, that greater amount of protection than tin
bill provides Is absolutely necessary to some in
terests--wbat is to be done? Regarded as
pledge, IL dOes OfJind Congress forever to atiher
10 tie specific rule IF duty confirmed an lie bill
The most, in that view, that itexacts is, to max
fair experiment. If. after such experiment,
should be demonstrated that, under such an az
rangement of the tariff, the interests of large poi
tons OF the Union would be sacrificed, and the
exposed to ruin, Congress will be competent {
apply some remedy that will be cifectual, and
hope and believe that in such contingency som
I Will be devised that may preserve the harmon
and PcrPetuatc the blessings Of the Union"
In this ..opc and belief shall we not all cordia
ly joins The extract just given is from Gales
Scaion's "Register Of D,Jaies," for 1S32-'33.-
From the same the following is taken as some
the remarks of Mr.. FoRsYTH, Of Georgia, on ii
same subject:
'sThe Senatorfrom Massachusetts had repeatt
to-day question he asked some days since
:. How could those who should vote for this bill a
tempt hereafter to modify or repeal it in the fat
C of the pledges upon it? Mr.. +. had no difficult
: in giving distinct and satisfactory answer