Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1840-1842, 1842-07-28

/ mOTe, snort VcNT,
grace the nation, and to hdng greater aeeummua-
ton OF evils on the people than either OF his Illus
trious predecessors, or both together, that We wet
at war for twelve years 10 dethrcnc. sympathy
for him, Sir, il IS iarcieal to talk about Il. Yol
had as we'll he afraid to cry mad doc after an AMI
NAL that, with Mt Of hydrophobia upon him, hSC
bt whole town, from an apprehension that yo'
would get upa sympathy in his behalf, rs to fes
the cry Of persecution ftoin MIR Tyler or his hand
ful O, friends. Who is IL that he has not hil WIS
IN this wide. spread country is it that he has no
| prosecuted. with the exception OF few bough
up editors and Office, holiersl and even they Wi
| be ultimate sufferers from his madness.
Another difficulty is, that two thirds OF the Sen
ate could not be gotten to sustain an Impeachment,
| | do not know how this Is. II not the RESPONSE
biliiy must rest upon them. Let the charges bc
sustained, and 90 before that Senate, and let one
the parties there refuse to convict party grounds
and 90 back to the people, We should soon see who
were the losers by he operation. IL rs no part o
my business TO inquire IN advance whether he
would be convicted or no.. | have only to assure
myself that he deserves it, and that proof Justify
and demand conviction can be laid before them.
must trust to them to discharge their duty.
But, sir. what is the value and amount OF this
course OF reasoninsl MIR Tyler, 1t is said, is dead
he IS too Insignificant and unimporlant TO be galva-
nlzed into life by an impeachment. Personally he
may be-politically his powers the same. He
Is too weak, and General jackson was too strong,
10 be assaed Ivy impeachment. And pray, with
what other than weak President do you ever eS.
/ peel 10 succeed IN an lmncaCnmcntf RnU 10 use
this argument now, Is nothing more NOE less than a
direct and positive invitation held out to him 10
commit whatever enOrmy his within, vanity, am.
bition or passion may dictate, and you have already
IN advance shielded and protected him from respon
siohity. Others may, but | never Will, consent
to suffer n question Involving such high and
sacred principles ore which, Tar beyord any other,
brought on the Revolutionary struggle which estnb
lshed our National Independence, to be merged into
piIIful and contemplate question OF temporary
pn1as 10 feAf hen an
be attained without sacrifice OF principles but that
party does not deserve that will yield its
principles 10 temporary eXpediency; and ! 30 not
hold 1t to be the dity OF either party here eIclu-
sveiy 10 take up this subject. Ii IS one that equal
ly affects the rights OF al, and party eonsdera-
lions should have the slightest influence in its de
termination.
Bot, IN expressing these sentiments, | wish TO
exoneraie the Wing party from any participation in
my proposition. | speak for myself alone. There
are many who do concur with me, | know; how
many do not, have had no means of aseertaining.
What propose TO do is this. when the proper
time shall have arrived, which may perhaps be when
the Veto comes IN on this peTmane n, revenue meas
sure, 10 prefer charges against the acting President
and ask the House I, appoint 4 committee, with
powerto send for persons and pipers, to inquire
into the truth OF those charges, and TO report what
action II Is proper 10 be had on them.
propose now briefly TO review the grounds upon
which he processes 10 have vetoed the late Temporal
~ bill, intended only TO continue in force the then
existing revenue laws until a more favorable bill
could be prepared and passed.
Mr. Tyler, who, in his reasons filed in the State
Department for signing tue Apportionment Bill,
declares that he yielded his constitutional dfficul
ties IN Difference 10 the will OF the Legislature, be
cause he had not brought his mind Ia the conclusion
that II was proper 10 enforce them when ihey were
not clear ana decided, negatives this bill, of great
aud paramount importance, upon the fimsiesi Of all
possible Grounds Of expectancy and assigns reasons
that are not only miserable and contemplate in
themselves, but highly dcroga.o5y to a man of com
mon understanding OF honesty. What are those
reasoEs
First, /, viosted the compromise act OF 1888; and
what was the compromise act OF 1888, bu, ord ma
ry act OF legislation plssed by men having no more
power then than We have now, to cOnciliate and
harmonic conflicting opinions IN different parts OF
The country VIVA, will this bill be but a com.
promise on the same subject We al have our
prcludlces and different interests to represent, and
perhaps after this bill is fully matuTed, II will not
be exactly such bill as any one IN the House
wou d have made, yet, by comprOms Sc and cOnci-
iIation, we will be able to agree when # each
man were 10 adhere infsxisly to his own opinions
we should pass no bill at oil; and yet what bind
ing force would this have upon our successors7 For
my own Part, l utterly reject and repudiate the
idea that am to be bound by any previous act OF
legislation not involving contract, longer than /
think that wisdom, prudence, and the hest interest,
| OF the country shall demand its continuance.
must be permitted 70 express nv regret that the
u
believe It TO have been the most unwise and
inJudclous measure that THAT great man, whose
/ brow has been crowned with laurcs for the pnrI
he bore 10 It, has ever lent his sanction TO; not only
on account OF lts vast IL fIencs the present EN-
barrassed condition Of public and private finances.
but FOR the dangerous and destructive precedent
established, OF permitting refractory STATE in
lhs Union TO control The legislation Ct The rest the
elect OF this We have lately manifested by one
branch Of the New Hampshire legislature, which
proposed tonuIify another law Of Congress; | mean
the apporiionment bill.
But there is no compromise act 10 Aolate, it ex.
pred on the 3Oth OF June last, and we proposed to
revive for one month, but the Executive said no;
let II die the death; and the death i, did die, by
the Executive hands.
Nothing be more insin-sre and hypo,ritical
than This pretence on the part Of Mr. Tyler; and in
proof of this, let ne read an extract from speect
delivered by Mr. Tyler himself. in the year 1889,
IN the Legislature of Virginia, Of which body was
then member. My two colleagues, Messrs. Cog
gin and Summers, have already read it, but il will
bear reading again. lie says:
"But. further; the public lands are no, mentioned
IN the compromise h,ll, nor could they have been
thought Of by Congress; the fact IT, that the land
bill was, at the moment Of the passage Of tie COM
promise act, IN the Presidents pocket. So far as
Congress was concerned, the proceeds Of the sales
had been disposed Of by what only wanted he sig
nature Of the President TO become Inv. How,
Ihen, car the compromise act be made, in any way,
dependent on any disposition to DC made Of The
putIlc ituu-f"
And yet, now he effects to regard this measure ns
q violation OF that act and makes i. the foundation
OF the mos; hgh-handeJ, dangerous, and alarming
exercise Of power that in these days Of msrue and
abuse and usurpatIon Of power has ever been at
tempted.
Butt, also violated, he SAVE, the compromise con-
tanned in the distribution bu.
why, sir, what sort Of a compromise wa5 that
Who we're The parties to ~ Were they tie two
parties in Coug-ess7 Certainly not. For every
nun Of one party voted against The p1ssnge OF The
bill even with what the Executive is pleased n call
the compfomise clause. The facts nre these: There
were two Senator'S. one from Virsiniu, INr Rives
and The oher from Geofgis, tNr Berren. Who in
sisted on attaching that 90 per cent. clause 10 the
bill We could not rauy il without their votes,
ana we were compelled either 10 lake IL with that
feature, or not take tail; and we calculated on
getting tao Wing Senators from Tennessee, II was
thought better to take u To- Tint way and repeal the
obnoxious features u. this session, and Il was 30
proclaimed IN both House,; 80 thit the parties 10
this great compromise were tic whole whig Marty on
the one side, and MIR Rvcs and Mr. Berrion on the
Oihefi and the respect entertained by Mr. Tyler for
the opinions o hoso two gentlemen IS ~ great that
Do would rather sacrifice millions Of revenue th1n
do What they DID not approve or vote for twelve
months ago. submit 10 The House whether this is
not TOLL and fair history Of this great compromise Of
1871.
Another Objection urged n the veto is. tha, il diI
not rspea. this distribution ac', which wos r SO d
ten months ago, upon the most sxpfess and IN 3D.
qlnihed recommendation Of Mr. Tyler IN his mes.
slge IN Corgfess.
u D. singular 10 ser into what md excessss ne
runs. lie asks for the repeal Of the Distribution
act. because II the nOvsrfy az fhe sr,ere,.. - l