Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1842-02-12

DiluSIIlS Tue SUBJECT before Inc senate mad
not devolved on some more able and skiful
hand; but, as no one else had moved upon
the subject, he felt bound to submit these
resolutions for their consideration. He
had, for long time past, thought of the
propriety of restricting the veto power,
and his convictions did not spring out of
recent events connected with it, although
they had added much strength to his CON
victions. Seven years ago, friend from
Maryland, now no more, in connection
with himself, framed an amendment to the
Constitution with reference to this subjects
and in the month of June, 1910, on one
OF the most solemn occasions, when he
addressed many of the friends of his youth
IN Hanover county, in the State of Vir-
gnia, IN pointing to what he considered
should be the course of the new Admins
traitor, he commended in favor of incorpor
atingin the Constitution all that was pointed
out in these resolutions. While redeemnp
a pledge made by SO humble member Of
the Wing party as himself he hoped that
he might be allowed to say that party
which came into power to execute promi-
ses which they made when out of power,
should not exhibit here the spectacle pre-
sented in other countries, of party pro-
Tossing one set of principles to gain the
ascendancy. and when they obtained it,
forget the promises which brought them
into power and pursue u course exactly the
reverse, He assured gentlemen upon the
other side, that. in every measure having
for It's object & reduction of Executive pa
tr"Uag'' ard an economical administrator
ut e." . v"rnment, and tie regulation of
= "e, -: dismissal, ION all of which
questions tie parry to which he belonged
stood p|edged,) they should have his hearty
co-'pera,ion during the short time thai he
expected to remain a member of the Sen
ate. They all knew that the Veto power
originated in Rome, and was abolished du-
ring the reign of Constantine, and from
that source it had been introduced into the
monarches of Europe. in which, in some
form OF other, il had an existence. But no
monarch Of England had exercised this
power for century and half; and al
though it was incorporated in the French
Constitution, there was not a solitary in
stance of its exercise. That the people of
this country had suffered by the exercise
of this power was plain, for, in the list of
grievances set forth in the Declaration Of
independence, it was said, in speaking of
the King of Great Britain, that she had re-
fused his assent to laws the most whole
some and necessary TO the public good,
and that he had forbidden his governors to
pass laws of immediate and pressing i'm
portance, unless suspended in their opera
ton till his assent should be obtained; and
when, SO suspended, he had utterly neglect
ed to attend to them" 1t was now more
than SO years since the Convention met
to frame the Constitution under which we
live; and it was no diminuton of the rev.
erence and gratitude which was due to our
ancestors, to say that the works of their
hands could not be regarded. as perfect,
because nothing which sprung from man
could be perfect. But it was interesting
at this time to pause, and look at the causes
which led to the adoption of the Veto
power, and compare the predictions of those
who objected to it, with subsequent expe-
rience. Every one acquainted with early
events, knew that those who took the affirm
alive ground maintained that, without this
power, the Executive branch would be too
feeble, too weak, to contend, with success,
in struggles with the Legislative Depart
ment. Various propositions, therefore,
were made in the Convention to strengthen
the Executive arm, and among the many
propositions for that purpose, there was
one to appoint the Executive for life. A
great deal had been said about the en-
croachment of the General Government
upon the State Governments, and hence
the foundation of the State Rights party;
but he thought that, after careful exami-
nation, not solitary instance could be
found to Justify the position; and, if this
were suitable time, he could show that. 50
far from that being the case, there had
been an abandonment by the Executive,
of the Legislative department; and at this
time, IN consequence, the States presented
the imbecllity and weakness which they
did during the Confederation. With re-
gard to the treaty-making power, the
President, without consultation with the
Senate, and according to his own sense of
Propriety, proceeded to negotiate a treaty,
and promised its ratification within GER
tain time; and Senators sustained or gave
their assent to this treaty, because the
honor OF the Government was implicated.
The next encc0achnent of the Executive
branch on the Senate of the United States,
had been the exercise IF the p war Of the
dismissal ot pubic officers, the effect of
wh IA wa t. d3>trny tac agency and CO.
s,'.ia.."" ~ .hc y .aate IN the appoint
= .. '.. y 4...- ,ah cost its Iufiucnce,
- .. i'les.u,'.t's ,x"tcise of THIS power;
BECAUSE, after IA man was dismissed, and
tnptaer recommended in his place, they
were often Obliged TO take him in prefer
ence to one less worthy And they saw,