The Middlebury people's press. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1841-1843, 1842-01-18

In part, on the reference Of the President
t Message concerning The Tariff.
[coNcLUDED.
When Americans spoke of dissolving thc
Uulon, they spoke of what they should not-tht
idea was unnameable. The Greek Legislators
!, gave it as a reason for providing no punishment
. Tor parrlcide, that such crime ought never 10
be mentioned; but If Northern gentlemen
+ chose 20 use their strength for such and end as
abolition. this Union must crumble, come what
might. To attempt such thing was 10 violate
the original compact of all the States. The
slave States were slave States before this Union
existed they were slave States when the Cav
alters Of The South first joined the Northern
Presbyterians 10 drive back the assaults Of OPP
position. When Greene and Marion fought
side by side 10 the ranks of armed freemen for
the protection of their rights, the Southern
States were slaveholding States-and their rights
as shareholders were among those for the pro-
lection of which the sword of The Revolution
was drawn. They held a constitutional recog-
milton and constitutional guaranty of their
rights as shareholders, in The provision which
required their sister States IL deliver no runa-
why's, when found, TO their rishtfuI masters, and
10 aid their Southern brethren in case of a SER
vile insurrecton. The dreams of modern
philanihr0piss about all men of all colors being
possessed ofequa! political rights had not been
the doctrine of those days, and African slaves
! were not then recognised or treated as Ameri-
can citizens. The naiioGal guaranty then
thrown over the saveholIing States guarded
them as well against their sister States as a.
gainst the power of the General Government.
/ The State fOhio must deliver up the hgaliye,
despite of all her Stale sovereignty and all her
abolition notions. Southern institutions were
solemnly recognised by the organic law OF the
I Confedcracy; AMI vet gentlemen now came
forward and Insisted that, because they were
the stronger party, they might do what was ex-
pressly forbidden by the original compact that
held US all together lfthey should attempt
this, il would be an act of lawless vioIence-an
act which could not, which ought not and
which would not be borne.
On this subj ct of slavery, Mr.. NJ. said he
might pursue what policy he pleased his Stale
was sovereign and could act her pleasure. For
himself he had done his part in her Legislature
toiprohbit the introduction Of slaves within her
borders, and the exertions ofh;mself and others
on that subject had been hitherto successful
So far as Kentucky was concerned the domes-
tic slave trade was at this hour absolutely pro
hibitcd. Would God i, might ever remain SO!
But that was their affair: ii belonged TO them
selves, and 10 them alone. The Constitution
had thrown its conservation round the rights
Of the master. and. thank God, no power OF
earth could lawfully interfere with H.
Why, rhen,m the Northern and the South
ern States BE- forever waging war upon each
other? Why must n jealousy be fosicrcd be-
tween them amounting almost to batrcdl He
must believe, himself there were faults on bolh
sides A. Southern man, he lonkcd upon
New England as an essential part o. this grea'
national Union, entitled 10 liberty and 10 the en-
ioyment OF all her social rights. To crrsh her.
10 attempt 10 strike her down, to diminish her
capital and ruin her manufactures. was TO sin
against the Union. Every blow struck a, her
was blow a, the United States. But. on the
other hand, he spoke wha: he knew when he J
warned her. by all her responsibilities 10 tina,
God whom New England men were so proud
TO acknowledge and to believe in, oy all their
sacred responsibilities 10 posrerity, TO beware
how they stirred fire which, when once fully
enkindled, would burn 10 the utter desolaiion
and destruction of ali that WIS dear to US ALL
They knew moi what they did. Men who had
been born ard lived all their lives at the North.
who had heard talk from their childhood about
equal political rights Of mankind, and all Lat
sort Of Thing, knew nothing about the acIul
state Of things in slaycholing State, Or in the
South generally.
lfMr. NJ. had righ'fully read the greatest
and the best Of books. slavery had been permit
ted and enjoiued by the God Of the Jews, The
great Jehovah; and it had existed by his toera-
ton as far as thu human race had extended The
mere abstract question was not worth debating.
They bad class of persons ut the South who
were utterly unfi, for the exercise Of political
rights and if. in prosecution Of new abstract |
theoretical righi,these persons were TO be turn !
ed loose upon their masters, the result must be /
that one or the other must perish, and that u
midst scenes of hCrIor from which even an ab- |
oliiionrst would shrink back appalled,. But on !
a matter of right, secured by the Constitution. |
the South was naturally sensitive. Would /
that the South could come together as in The
clden time, and unite in sustaining and guar
ding what they had 80 cordially united 10 con
struct Might Heaven avert that Union So
glorious. so pregnant with all benefits, should
be threatened or subveiied by such men as the
aboitionisls
Mr.. NJ. said that no power had been conf
ded TO the General Government which was not
power over the whole Union. And IL it could
not exercise its power Of regulating commerce
without injuring some great local Interest, then
the Union itself ought never TO have existed. |
If the natural discrepancies between different
portions of this widely extended country were
so great that national power could not be ex-
eried wirhou, shifting down some portion OF me
Cunfederacy, then We could not any longer De
na,ion. Ilthat was the Judgment OF the stron.
ger party. they might annul the Cnlon' aud
Then all the fair hopes which had been cher