The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-08-25

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land nation.
From the Pittsburgh Mercury.
THE FOURTH VETO.
On the 9th inst the President returned the " Great
Tariff and Distribution bill" to the House of Repre-
sentatives in which it originated with the reasons
why he could not sign IT.
argument. And is matter of surprise that John
yer should have been able to meet his enemies with
the force and calmness he has displayed when the
lentless persecution and malignant abuse he has en-
dured is taken into considerations To reason as he
has DONE and to maintain his good temper under the
proyocaton he has received, is alike credable To hs
mind and hoart
Much contempt is manifested for Mr.. Tyler and
the argument he uses by certain conductors of the
Federal press. They announce with disgusting aiiec-
taton, that they will not cumber their columns with
it, declaring 1t destitute Of literary well as poti-
cal merit. But although these gentlemen may find
this the easiest way to answer Mr. Tylers objections
they cannot keep the Message from the ''pubc eve
The people ,cM read it, and in spite of Federal cla-
NOR and his former errors, John Tyler will obtain
credit for rmness, honesty and consistency, in this
contest with the reckless and rabd Clay Wings in
Congress.
which the Distribution act was passed, and shows
that he had only consented to sanction the measure
the express condition that the duties should not be
raised above 20 per cent, and that in this view he
was sustained by MIR. Ewing then Secretary of the
Treasury, and the Wing majority in Congress. He
thus clearly proves that in seeking to distribute the
proceeds of the public land sales at the same moment
they raise the Tariff they guilty of gross ncon-
sistency, or downright hypocrisy.
The first of The assigned by the President
for refusing TO sign the BILL 49, that 1t unes two sub
jecls, "whoIly lncongruous in their character" 1t
unnecessary to point out the manifold evils of this
legislative practice of connecting various subjects in
BILL a citizen of Pennsy lvanla. The crazy
cesses and ruinous extravaganza of our improvement
systematic reckless borrowing and prodiga expendi-
which have Frustrated the credit and prospects of
old Commonwealth IN the very dust-are the bit
ter fruits OF the Infamous og-rolling syse of egis
atlon We doubt if Bldde, with all his brides, could
have bought a charter for his great Bank, if 1t had
been submitted the Legislature by ITSELF under its
own proper name. Ii was coupled with 'An act to
repeal certain taxes and passed under that title
There is Just about as much connection between the
Distribution and the Revenue laws there was be-
tween the law to repeal the State Tax and that to
charter the United States Bank. Both of mea-
sures coupled only because the Bank and Dis
tIibuton bills could not have been passed separately
and this fact lone sufficient for yetoing
the bill that contained either. In exercising the pow
ers confded to him in opposition to the villanous log
roi.g system, the President will be firmly sustained
by the people.
The second Of the Presidents is one whose
force be denied controverted 1t is that the
necessities of the General Government are such that
the money not be spared 1t is with great diff
Guilty that funds be raised by borrowing carry
on the Government, and yet those Distribution
wish to give away the revenue expected from The
ly source which must always prove the most
failing.
His third objection is that, by uniting the two sub
ects Of the tariff and distribution, it inevitably
makes the fate of dependent the other in the
future contests Of party. The friends of the dstri-
button scheme, who determined to saddle it upon
the tariff, the very worst enemies of the manuiac-
turing interests They know that great party if
not ma orty of Congress and the people, are OPP
posed to distribution, and that, if passed. it would be
IN daily danger of being repealed. They know that,
in such a contest it would be difficult or impossible
to separate the two subjects. And yet, regardless of
consequences, they have again and again sought to
connect the two subjects, irrevocably 1t is gene
rally received opinion that the frequent changes in
the tariff laws have been most derim entail to manu-
featuring inlerests-mdeed the sentiment has been
advanced that those interests would have hourished
better without tariff tnan under the numerous and
sudden changes OF policy on this subject which has
marked the legislation of Congress. 1t is agreed on
all hands that whatever measures may be taken
should be perrnanent-that stability is the desidera-
tum-and yet, in the face of this universal opinion,
the ultra Wings take the most certain means to
der the existence of the proposed tariff law Of doubt
fnl duration.
The tone and language of the message leaves no
reason to doubt that the President anxious for the
passage Of revenue BILL and would cheerfully sign
one that would afford all the protection required. lie
will consent, however, to leopard the existence
of such vital measure, by connecting it with any
obnoxious project, against which the people have
frequently given their opinion, and against which
unceasing war would be waged. The distribution
men must submit their scheme in its naked deiorm-
ity Congress they cannot ioist it upon the people
by any indirection. We earnestly hope they may
submit it to vote by itself alone; but it is likely
that they will dare t, take that step.
Nothing can better indicate the egregious folly Of
those who seek to nvalidate the force of Mr. 1ylers
message by affecting to contemn it, that the pains
ken to counterfeit its effect by the Wings in Congress
John Quincy Adams moved a committee Of thirteen
to report on the veto; in other words, to prepare
answer for it, If it is the despicable document the
Wings would have us believe it TO be, why not let it
go to the people without any comment, any effort
to ne utraze its etiects'