New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1842-08-04

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But this absence of aristocracy has been attended
with no real popular benefits the third-rate men
| Of letters, the seeoad-rate lawyers VINO have as
| sumed the lead of affairs, have done little enough
to advance liberty but much to confirm the public
indifference to high honor and commanding integ-
rity; while the division of property, IN banshlng
or greatly diminishing resident gentry, IN GRIP
/ plug capital and barring speculation, mas, with
very partial exceptions actually left Agriculture
scarcely, if at all, advanced from the period
| 1865, in which Arthur Young published his
Statistics. Governments in vain nave rried to
foster the art of Triptolemus. Writers on It's
theory have in vain recommended refor;ns-in
vain have model-farms been established, tor the
| system foibids the motives 10 its progress Inc
| peasant iogs after his old rude plough-the OK
crayls behind the old traineae--the helds still
blossom with the weed-the soil still hungers for
manure. In 1912 France produces little more
| grain than il did in 1873, while the population
has increased nearly 100000. Spectators may
declaim as they please on the cause.-The cause Is
eviden, TO common sense: viz, the absence OF AZ
arstocracy interested in the improvement OF their
lands, and with adequate capital for the improve
! ment Thus the most democratic, perhaps the
sole democratic change attributable 10 the Revo-
luton, is far from having produced the true demo-
cratic results: greater Indictment TO industry
more copous employment for the many. But en-
larging our views from details, may il not gene
rally be said that the Revolution far from per-
manently advancing, threw back, popular princip
throughout Europe; and that to the Revolution must
be ascribed the worst defects in the system of exist
ing France, whether political OF n'oral For IN the
POLITICAL the first grevous error that strikes Us at
this day,is the exceeding narrowness OF The electoral
body; an evil may be said operate against the
|
immense and powerful class mho hare no stake
wAateuer in the CONSTITUTIONS are ripe, there
fore, for any aggression upon the existing state of
things-and ready for war because unrepresented
in peace while, regarded on the more popular
side of the question, it may fairly be said that 1t IS
not representation it is oigarchy, which vests the
franchise in the hands of some $50, 900 persons
| of population of 30,OO0,000. And yet, to
the Revolution only is this defect be ascribed ;
for throughout the French public, there is still so
lively and painful recollection OF the atrocities
committed under system of universal suffrage,
that extension of the suffrage is not even a popu-
ar question. And we remember to have heard
the late Armand Carrc (the most illus.rious, per-
maps, Of the popular party, declare that the great
est curse inflicted upon France, would be con-
stitucnt BODY as large as that which, in England,
liberal politicians consider as unwisely contracted.
Had the Reform gone on, and the Revolution never
occurred: had Louis XVI. been left on the throne,
and treated with respect the sovereign OF free
people; had all the energy of the leaders OF the day
been devoted to the ameoration of law, not the
competition Of force, France would already have
acquired that political sagacity which never comes
bu, from patient and progressive experience. She
would never then have fallen into the ludicrous
error which every schoolboy SCOTS in England, of
instituting the ballot.box in the Representative
Chamber, and demanding for trustees the secrecy
which destroys the whole responsibility OF the
trust She would never have left at the disposal
of the Crown, means of corruption extensive,
that al this moment there are more places to give
away than there are voters to apply for them
Perhaps the two greatest evils of the Revolution
were first that it created that habit OF Impotence
which the best thinkers of France lament as the
prevalent characteristic of their countrvmen IT this
age-an impatence equally lamentabe in public
aud individual existence. To succeed at once or
al once to destroy-such is the maxim that makes
the assassin and the suicide. The second evil was
the habit Of Indifference to moral character, whc..
could not but be engineered by demagoguy sue
coeded by soldiery; and to this owe the OK
hihition alnone French statesmen of laxiy OF
DONOR and truth a corruption in pecunary affairs,
and an equivocation in the transaction OF business,
unparalleled in Europe, and demoralizing to the
whole nation At this moment France has
scarcely one guarantee, either for permanent
government or liberal institutions. The Repre-
sentative Chamber is confined, that 1t never
represents public opinioa ard the electoral
chamber from its constitution, is tainted with the
seryility of courtiers, and has never that interest
against despotism which belongs to arstocracy.
Even the Press, to which the French have, from
the instinct of weakness elsewhere, attached ssch
sfectianate importance, Is so teebiy guarded by
harmonzing institutions, that, while in popular
crisis can inllame passions better appeased, III
ordinary times it is exposed prosecutions, the
| virnlence and mpunity of which are scandal
both 10 the people and the crown. If we COM
pare the real safeguards for liberty, the real
| and foundations for good government possessed
| by the French, qcith those at their disposal IN
| 1889. far from having gained, they have meal
culaby lost. And at this moment man can
| faresee whether, ten wears hence, France may not
| again be democracy without education, or a des-
| potism under conqueror War is her first passion
still: and the king who leads her to war, will, if
defeated, be dethrened if successful, become alb
| solute.
] A two-fod moral then arises from the contem-
| petion of the Reign of Terror the moral TO Rulers.
aud that to the People. A terrible warning is it TO
a Monarchy that does not in time partake It's re-
| sponslbillty With constitutional assemblies 70
government that does not regard laws as Its RICH,
arm. finance as its left; to Nobility that do not
link themselves with the Commons, not suddenly
and violently, but through all the slow and imper-
ceptible links of social life to Il Priesthood that
iorgets the duties which command reverence and
attract love A lesson is it also 10 Rulers no less
in resistance than concession; TO concede early
| what is Just, but to resist the last what is
ubiquitous. The horrors OF the Revolution were
owing as much 10 the latter cowardice of all who
should have opposed, as to the early obslinacy OF
all who should have .oreseen and forestalled. A
warning equally grave, and if possible more i'm