The daily Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, 1842-08-17

N IL
session they attempted to charter Bank Of the Uni
ted States Is the issue which has been so solemny
proclaimed this OCCASION TO EN- brace the long as-
lated question of currency besides that of revenue
Do the majority mean to declare that they VIII permit
no revenue to be collected, In other words that the
Government shall cease, unless two conditions are
| submitted to-frst, the charter of bank In some
FORM and second, the distribution OF the Land fund
If this be the object then these questions should nave
| been ali connected in one bill IL has been deemed
prudent however, to connect only two of them. The
questions of distributing the land fund and raising
and raising for the support OF Government
we're united IN such manner TO leave 1t doubtful
whether The ma onty of Congress considered them
selves bound to provide revenue, first for the Slates
or for the United States. Since they insisted ON uni
ting them in second BILL after former bill had been
vetoed account of their UNION and SINCE 1t Is now
deca red thai Congress is dsgaced If it recedes so far
as to questions and that the United States
Government shall have no revenues unless the land
fund is distributed TO the States, there no longer
be doubt of the determination either To bestow the
ways and means of the Federal Treasury on the
Stale Treasurles to saIve the Government of the
United States. The majority only resolved
this but they are resolved To accomplish their OBJ
ject in particular mode and that is by leglsating
| on the Two subjects in the same bill
What, then, is the issue IL is not whether the
power exercised by the President is a lawful power
Its existence is conceded by the proposition to abuse
IL. Ii not whether that power has been corruptly
abused. If this believed the majority guilty OF
cuPabe neglect OF duty in not impeaching. Ii is not
whether the States shall have the land fund Ii
whether the United States shall have revenue. But
is whether this Government shall have revenue and
the States shall have the land fund, in particular
form of legislation, which Congress have resolved at
all hazards to persevere ina form of legislation
sorted to, first, To the votes of Congress, and
persisted In to coece the Executive, by putting the
| Treasury Under duress.
| As the majority of Congress seem to view this
| question, 1t is a mere parliamentary punctio
| hichs at ham nh III
In other aspects, however in which it will be viewed
by those who in this case, more impartial bters
than either this majority the President il ques
ton worthy of the most serious consideration. The
| Government has now revenue. 1t is in debt. 1t
is completely organized under the forms of the Con-
sttuon. Its Legsla uIe, It's Judiciary, lis Executive,
are at their posts lis Army is In the lid; its Navy Is
on the sea It's representatives honorably accred
ted by all foreign Governments as the representatives
of foreign Governments here. There is profound
peace and general sense of security throughout the
| country. Our fields are teemIng with abundant har
vests. Industry and economy are gradually repairing
the evils of extravaganza and Incidence and they
deveope great national resources they are resto-
ring general confidence, which will revive prosperity,
and teach US, for time at least the danger of prefer
| ring again artificial wealth and deluslve splendor to
| real independence and substantial comfort with the
means of individual happiness and national glory
within our reach, the People of the United States
may well ask why is that the Constitution has fail
ed why the laws mpotent, and why the represen-
tatves of twentysix States and millions of
People unable to provide revenue save the Co
| vernment tIom disgrace and dissolution ma lorlty
of these representatives have given the answer. 1t is,
because they do not choose to do what they have the
power to do. They forget their duty to the country and
| the Constitution, and remember only the imaginary
resentnents which they suppose to exist between
| themselves and the President of the United States.
If these resenmens We're real, will the colnlTy tole-
| rate suspension of the entire Government, until
political dispute is settled by revolution reason,
| between those who ought to feel on both sides
| weight of official responsibility, which permits
| motive of ambition amnesty to inflct on their
country the consequences of their passions Whence
can such resenlments arise, unless from motives OF
ambition equally unworthy of a President or Legis
laior3 If the majority in Congress wish to sub
| init an issue 10 the country, involving any poll
| cy of Government, any question of constitutional
| liberty or legislative expedency, let them not
present it in the shape of mere controversy between
themselves and the President. Let thenixhvoke the
| Judgment, and not merely the pre- udices of their
| countrymen to decide it,
! 1t too often happens that party attempts to pre-
| scribe law for the Constitution, and TO interpolate
substantive restrictions enlargcments of the pow
ers to be derived from the text Necessity or expe-
diency is always the pretext. The first necessity
and the soundest eXpediency IN Government of
written Constitution Is to preserve It's organic law IN
violate. That instrument may be efectually
changed (and the Government is changed with it, by
| this means as by an amendment in the prescribed
mode. The Constitution designed to furnish per-
manent, uniform, and universal rule of Government,
while parties huctuate and change with the caprices
of passion the convictions of judgment These
decisions of party too apt be regarded as
authority and hence the conflict which frequently
ours between them and the Constitution Itself The
undersigned has already expressed his conviction that
the proceedings in this in conflict with the
Constitution 1t is to be regretted that it is not the
only evidence of disposition during the present
Congress to disregard the authority of that instru-
ment, to create unnecessary collisions between
! the Legislative and the Executive departments. When
subject distinctly embraced in one bill has been the
of the Executive objections to that BILL respect
| for the opinions OF a coordinate department, or
desire to avoid unnecessary collisions with it, would
suggest the proprlety of not Immediately pressing
that Identical subject upon the consideration OF the
| Executive without some inlmation of change ..
opinion. The objections of the President to the pro-
vIsonal revenue bill and the general Revenue bill
| the same. They relate to the insertion of clause
directing distribution of the land fund without regard
to the rates OF duties on imports. The first bill was
| temporary In its duration and comparatively unmpor-
tant in lis objects. 1t sent to the President in
advance of the second and only five days prior the
Both of June, when 1t was alleged there would
longer be authority to collect revenue 1t contained
clause in relation the distribution of the land fund.
| 1t vetoed on account of that clause On the 9th
of August Congress passed the second general re-
venue BILL containing clause still more unequvocal-
y authorizing distribution, notwithstanding the TWEEN
ty per restriction of the act of 1871. Whether
the first ot these bills was designed only To feel the
way for the second, and to ascertain If the President
could be brought to the dilemma after Directing to the
bill, of either veolng revenue BILL submitting to
the distribution clause in order to obtain the of
carrying on the Government, to re-enact, by the
vote of a majority, a single principle which had been
so recently vetoed and which could not obtain the
vote of twothirds, it is part of the history of these
proceedings which may shed some light exam
nations The legislation of Congress at the late
extra session on the subject of the Bank and its var
| al,
Two bills under different titles but both for the OBJ
ect of charterDg National Bank, successfully
passed. to the Executive and returned with
objections If then there has been disposition on