Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1842-03-17

upon Expenditure and Retrenclment His Committee
have now The power to send for persons and paPcrs
The House refused this power when asked at the Extra
Session. Yet now, 1t sees Rc,rcnchment has become
Mr. Clay hobby again. But, we hold with DR.. Linn,
Re,enchment Is not at all in character with Wing prin
cpes II suits their politics. as much as holy water
agrees with his Satanic Majesty.
RELATIONS WITH ENGLAND.
DistridatiOn-0gain
We never Gercd question on which our own
than this question of Distribution. What yre Gr0y
the Proceeds of the Public Lands, when the Frde-
raj Government is destitute Of Enthusiastically beg
glng for the public support-its Treasury notes DIS
honored, and Tor the first time, since the founda-
ton OF the Government, credit disgraced, and
the treasury almost on the verge of bankruptcy And
at what time is this embarrassment TO be brought upon
us Al period when the United States are most
rously in want of mouey-when our Foreign Relations
are emlnenty gloomy-when have many unset
tied questions OF great importance with Great Britain
when Special Minister is coming to this country to
negotiate upon all these quesonsand when is well
understood that the failure Of Special Mission is al
ways attended with more serious danger than any &C.
neral negocation-and when above all the latest news
by the Acadia dark and its consequences omnous to
the peace of the two countries Ue kR0ac that 1t has
produced the deepest impression at Washington, and
that the members of the Cabinet forming the most
unpleasant augures from the decisive result OF the
Creole question, and that they pressing the ne
cessty OF preparing for the worst. The question oil
the Right Of Search is, of itself, exciting the great
est interest in Europe. We have now before us,
drought by the Acadla) pamphlet entitled Gan
Examination OF the Question now in discussion be
tween the American and British Governments con
corning the Right OF Search, BY an American with
the motto from the London Times, :" When we
doubted, we took the trick This able pamphlet
from the Paris press of Fournier-vndlcates
our cause in the strongest terms-and carries with 1t
the JUNCTION Of our Minister, General Cass We have
also before u.s. able Essays, received by the Acadia,
published in the "Manc!icster Guardian (England)
from the pen OF another "Amercan, distinguished
Likewise by the ability of his pen, and the weight OF
his character All these signs are decisive OF the pro-
found interest, which this new claim of Search is ex
citing abroad and omnous OF the important results which
il NAV be destined produce. But the decision in the
case of the Creole alone sufficient 10 excite the
foundest sensations and threaten some serious conse
quences. What is the course oil Great Britain: That
she refuses surrender our slaves which are recog
Missed as property by municipal Iaws-proper
IT, too ravished from by murder and by piraces.
1t is becoming time, then 10 rouse the country The
Administration deeply Impressed with the dangers OF
our situaon-und ii is time that the People should be
aroused, as they in lol2 We do not say, that
there ,rn be WaT. We hope and trust, that it may be
avoided. It was truly the interest of two
great countries that their peace should not be inter
rupted But Grea, Britain is proud, arrogant,
and overbeariug naton-and she is now making
demands upon u.s. 10 which IT is Impossible for Us
TO accede-Yet we still hope 10 avoid War, by the
discretion OF both parties We may poss bly, be saved
from such n contest, by the inierposition OF that
new moral power, which the times have introduced,
of the mediation of some third power-brt we must
not calculate with much certainty the prospects
of Peace 1t is the duty of statesmen under such cir
cumsances TO provide for either aliernative-and IN
state of such precarous peace, to make some prepare
ton for War. 1t is the duty OF Congress to 90 to work,
and do something to tor!iiy the country Ihey ought
10 put aside all these Abolition movcmensthese petty
rli q
davs-aud devote themselves to the great interests Of
their country. There wisdom and force IN the
following article, which we copy from the last Mad.
sonian
OUR RELATIONS WITH ENGLAND-TnE CREOLE CASE.
sOur readers will observe that, according 10 the intel
lIpence brought by the Acadia steamer from Eng land
debate had taken place in the British House OF Lords
in which the affair OF the Creole The subject OF
discussion It is probable that the letter Of Mr. Web
ster had at reached London, and that It's con-
tents known TO Lord Aberdeen; but The members
of the House OF Lords who ,cpated in the debate
were not advised OF the views taken by the Secretary
of State in reference to The affair, and acted in all pro-
liability, solely upon the representations made by the
authorities of New Providence. 1t will be Observed
that Lord Aberdeen expressed himself very guard
edIy on the occasion, and that his remarks were
founded entirely upon the principle, universally admit
led have been established by the law OF nations, that
in the absence of treaty stpua,ons to that effect no
power has a right 10 demand of another the restn.
ton OF criminals fugitive from justice. This is tue
doctrine which the Supreme Court OF the United
States constantly holds but the truth of this doc
rne does dispose OF, and, indeed, does not touch
the case Of the Creole. In that case, the United
States has made demand for the restoration OF fu
pitives from Justice, and, consequently makes no COM
plant of the refusal of such demands. The COM
plant is, that American vessel, in passing from
one port of The United States to another with slaves
on board was carried by mutiny into one of the Br-
fish islands, and the local authorities OF that island,
instead Of contentng themselves with the perform
ance of their plain duty OF delivering the Captain
from the confinement to which The mutineers had snb
iected him, and then restoring the ship to his COM
rnand and CONTROL directly intefered directly en-
couraged others to interfere, in iorciby freeing the
slaves from the authority of the master and assisting
their dispersion. They retained the nineteen persons
engaged in the mntiny and murder, and now, as
was anticipated in Mr.. Websters letter. they find
they cannot punish The crime themselves and decline
TO send them to the United States for trial and pn-
nishrDent What then does the whole amount TO but
this to wit: that in clear case OF piracy and muir.
der committed on board of American vessel upon the
high seas the vessel being afterwards carried by the
criminal parties into The port Of British island, the
local authorities o. that island effectively nerered as
we'll TO protect those TENDERS from all punishment as
n set free certain slaves found board the vessel p
This is the substance Of the case and neither Lord
Broucham, Lord Lyndhursi, nor Lord Denman, can
prove that such proceeding accorcs with the princi-
pies Of friendly national intercourse IN modern Tunes
at NAV be fairly inferred, from the tone manifested
on The part Of the House of Lords that there exists
very conciliaory disposition in that body towards the
o. S and it behooves to look TO defences in the
even, of hostilities between the two countries What
protection have we on the Atlantic coast? None, or
p,rt 10 none What on the Eastern, Northern, South
ern and Western frontiers: Sane. What number of
war steamers have afoat' Some tro or three, If
tic old Fulton be included. Has the Administration
put these matters before Congress- Yes, and orer
ugaia What has Congress done in regard 10 them:
.yofhne: i, has been too busy reducing the number
of its pages What will the People, whose lives and
property are at stake say this Let Tie peopie speak
for MemSetrcs'
Such 10 the Language Of the official organ at Wash:
ington-And now, we ask The enlightened people OF
the L. S, whether at such time this, we may not
,eouire Mi our resources of money and of talent 10
meet the emergency which may threaten to assa'l us
Is tins the time I've address ourselves 10 statesmen