Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1842-02-10

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nuo and make him President and he would be Instantly
surrounded with power and influence, the power and the
influence Of his office. Il very true tia, the person.
al popularity OF an incumbent might add much to his
powell but the power itself official, not personal
and ts danger from its tendency and ability to &C
cuuuatc This was domo,siracdby all past history
aud was witnessed by all around u.s. All these
considerations call upon Senators In the language Of pa
'rio,ism deeply to reflect ON the consequences which
might onsqe should not power great 10 itself and
80 prone TO ncrcasc be subjected some salutsry ma
ton.
Let not gentlemen deceive themselves bv names The
unpretcndng name fresdcn, Of the United States was
no security against the extent the abuse Of power
The power assigned TO public individual did not de.
pend on the title he might bear, the danger arose moi
from his but from the quantum Of power At his
commend. Whether he were called Emperor. Dicta
tor, King, LbcTato, Protector Sultan or President Of
the United States. was OF no consequence at all. Look
nj his power. that was what no had to guard against
The most tremendous power Of antiquity the shortcs,
IN It's duration. twas not then in duration any more
than in title that the danger lay but in tho magnitude
Of the power. This called for every safeguard The
Dictatorship Of Rome continued but FRA brief period
yet while II lasted, the whole State was In his hands
lie did whatever he pleased whether with life, liberty
or property We had, then. security against the pow
or oi the President OF the ned States IN the shor,ness
Of the term for which he was chosen
We often found very pathetic reflections in the Wi
tings OF scholars the sad condition Of knpson the
isolation Of their onoson the effect of their station in
removing them from the body OF society," where no voice
could reach them but the Of aiturcs and where
they were punctualy surrounded by the incense of adu
iat,on and the background Of sympathy seemed be
the iuposslhy that truth should reach their ears. II
might be said that this true Of kings. but did ap
ply ON tins side OF The water but let Mr. &. tel those
who thought that the actual condition Of President
Of the L. States did differ very widely from that Of
the monarchs Of the old world. Here, too, the Chief
Magistrate occupied an isolated station. where the voice
OF his country and the cries Of liz distress could not reach
his ear. llr too, surrounded by Gordon Of favor
ties, fat,crcT and lawns. Isolated IN this District,
with emharrasrmcnls himself the echoes of the pub
he distress, they reached his at ALL reaches II with
faint and feeble sound, hclng obsurlcd by those who
surrounded his person. and approached hun only fiat
ter. Facts were boldly denied and all complaints ut
ribuicd 10 factions spnt Now. he would ask was n
man thus separated, aud thus surrounded more likely
10 kno" the real suierngs, wants, md WISHES Of ms
countryncn than the two hundred and forty men IN the
other House. or the fifty two in this House. who
came here directly from their bosom} who shared IN all
thcir suffering who felt their wants particpacd IN
their wishes and sympaihzed with all their surrws =
That was the true question Of the power Now he
thought If these things duly considered, (and he
spoke not of this OF that lneumheAi Of the Office bu of
the circumstances Of who filled it, must lie
admitted by every candid mind that The rcsrt visibility was
great OF " no should undertake. his own private
opinion To resist and suppress the III Of tho nation con
stltuionslly expressed. II power not merely To
annul the national will as lawfully uttered by It's owl
ton itself and to substitute for the will of the nation
an alien will neither Of tho nation, nor of is Reprcsen
tativcs
But he was PLY sically unable to 90 further into this
subject This question WAN the old question whether
we should have IN tins country, power Wrannlcal.
despoc, absolute, the exercise of which must snncr
or later, produce an absolute drspolism, free r. pre-
sentative government with powers clearly defined and
carefully scparat'd2 That ~as the true question BE-
decided.
There other amendments ACCOMMODATING this
one on which he wished TO shy few words, but was
to day unable To do 80 Several offers had been made
by gentlemen him 10 adjournment, but he
had pcrscvcrcd in declining them.
That In relation securing Congress the appoint
ment Of the Secretary and Treasurer, Of these
reforms To which he considered the Wing party solemn
ly pledge OF the proper be- pursued in
process OF limiting Executive power, but he could not
now dwell upon il.
The other. relating the appointment, of members Of
Congress 10 Office only went, IN effect 10 carry thu
principle already sanctioned by that article Of the Con
stituion which declares that member should be ap
pointed to office which had been created OF the emou
ncns OF which had been Increased with his concurrence
This went step further and declared that no mem
Der should he appointed to office which had been Gro
ated with without his concurrence, before or after he
was member Whenever a man accented an Office
which he reasonably expected to hold for definite
term, he should continue TO hold it for that period
unless very strong existed to the con-
ary, and which had not existed pnor TO his appoint
ment.
There concluding remark On the amendment
at present before the Senate with which he would close
what he had now 70 say. Although he admitted that
the principles he had laid down would if carried fairly
out lead 10 the abolition OF the altogether AZ ncon-
sstcnt with the fundamental axiom of free government
yet he of opinion that this, like other reforms should
be introduced slowly and with crcumepection without
suddenly rushing from extreme another. Before
the power should be utterly abolished he deemed it pru
dent that experiment should be made in modified
FORM and instead of requiring majority Of twohrds OF
OF both Houses to supcrsede the Of the President
he though IT sufficient 10 require the concurrence of a
majority ofthe whole number Of members elected e.
of thirty in the Senate ard Of oue hundred and
foriy-two in the other House.
lie asked whether this would not afford sufficient
security against the dangers of asty legislation; and
in confirmation Of its sufliclency he would appeal to
what had been the experience Of all the States were such
provision had been adopted liza bill after having uns
dergone full investigation and discussion should pas
both Houses. and be transmitted the President for his
signature and he should return with his Veto and the
for that veto, and it should then be again consd-
cred and fully discussed view Of the objections urged
against by the Executive, say nothing Of the hole
influence derived from his office and all that pertaned
10 it, and still there should be found clear majority
not OF quorum present but Of the total number of mem
hers chosen by the People, not tho presumption ire
sstable tina, the bill ought TO become law2 Surely
surely, this sufficient evidence OF the will Of the
People, and abundant safeguard against the hsz~
ardous consequences Of hasty and i'll advised agsla
ton.
After Mr. CLAY concluded his speech, which occupied
about one hour and a half