Southport telegraph. [volume] (Southport, W.T. [i.e. Kenosha, Wis.]) 1840-1850, 1842-07-20
THE VETO.

The last Veto of President Tyler has created
quite sensation among the party, by whose suifra-
ges he placed in his present elevated position
He is assailed by most of the whig presses with
great virulence, and denounced a traitor to his
former professions. While political anathemas are
being heaped upon him by those who but recently
were his apparent friends, it may be proper to make
the dispassionate enquiry; how far is he deserving
ofcensure in consequence Of his last veto? When
President Tyler signed the Distribution Law, 1t
was with the acknowledgements into the act
itself, with the view of meeting the executive obec-
tions-tF.at its provisions must cease to be opera
tive whenever the duties on imports should on any
article exceed twenty per cent. 1t Is we'll under.
stood that Mr.. Tyler opposed TO the Dstrbu-
ton principle; nevertheless he yielded to the expec
tations and wishes of those who claimed to be his
political friends, so far as to sign the act, and be-
cause of the declaration aforementioned which 1t
contained.
In his annual message to Congress, he freely
avowed his opinions of the necessity and expeden-
cy of Tariff for revenue purposes, with such dis
ordinations in It's application, as might afford IN
cidental protection to domestic industry. TO any
system OF mpost duties of this kind, it was well
known that he would give his assent, provided the
principle of distribution should be abandoned when
ever the tariff rates exceeded 20 per cent In this
condition of the matter, the wing or Clay party,
who held preponderance in both houses, and who
claimed the tariff measure one peculiarly their
own, and insisted strenuously that its passage was
indispensable to the general welfare of the country
delayed and avoided the question until Congress
had reached the very Threshold of the day, (3Gih of
June) when the reductions under the compromise
act were to take effect Six months OF the session
had passed away mostly in idle debate upon other
matters, and it was discovered that the time was
now quite too short for the discussion of the grave
question: therefore temporary tariff was proposed
under the specious pretext of providing for future
time in which to settle the preminaries of a more
perfect bill. All this manouverng bears strongly
the appearance of party machinery and tactcs-the
proessed friends of the tariff doubt supposed that
by postponing any definite action on the bill until
the last moment. the President would be compelled
under the pressing wants of the government, and
the condition of the treasury, to sign the bill, and
thus place himself in an inconsistent attitude before
the country. In this state OF affairs there but
two alternatives for President Tyler-he must eli
Their violate his former expressed sentiments, with
regard to maintaining the distribution law in force
after the tariff duties were extended above 90 per
cent-tr he must maintain his former principles by
the exercise of the executive veto. In these emer
genccs the President chose the latter course.
The professions of the whig party in favor of a
tariff may be estimated by the public declarations
of prominent members of the party in Congress,
and by the tone gifts leading public journals. The
debate which in the House of Representa-
tves, after the reception of the veto exhibits the
temper of parties on this subject. 1t insisted
by Mr.. Granger, Saltonstall, and others, that tn.
principles of the whig party demand an adherence
to Distribution, at the sacrifice of the Tariff,
and indeed at and every sacrifice of the int
rests Of the country. The Albany Journal insists
upon Tariff and Distribution nothing. Many
other leading journals of the party have avowed 81
milar sentiments. Here then is an open expressed
determinations, to sacrifice an increased revenue
Tariff, and incidental protection TO the DISTRICT
ton policy.