The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-03-19
WHO ARE THE FRIENDS OF THE COUNTRY

Ultra party men, on both sides, are apt to
claim for the political sect to which they may
be long, an exclusive right to all the talents, and
all the patriotism, and according to their views,
10 differ with them is to forfeit all con.
sideration. During high party excitements,
men and measures are estimated, not according
to their real deserts, but with reference to the
side by which they may be sustained, or OPP
posed. Strange as it may seem, 1t is neverthe-
less true that political opinions derive their
value, in the eyes Of partisans, not from their
intrinsic merit, but from the bearing they may
have on the popularity of those who may en-
terrain them and even talents that are pro-
nounced to be of the highest order, when en-
ployed in our behalf, by some strange process
dwindle into nothingness when they are exer-
cised against u.s. That such is the case, will,
we believe, not be denied by any candid person,
and it must be admitted, that so long as popular
sentiment is swayed by violent party attach
ments, whatever may be the advantage to party
leaders, the country must be the sufferer. AS
for ourselves, whilst we deem parties, not only
serviceable, but even indispensable under Go
vernment such as ours, we wish to see them d.
vested of all rancor of personal feeling. There
are always two sides to question, and although
men may honestly take different views OF pub
lie measures, and advocate their opinions with
becoming zeal, they should never lose sight OF
the lberality which comedies to others the same
rights which they claim for themselves We
shall, perhaps, be tod by violent partsans, that
however plausible and reasonable such limlta-
ton of party feeling may be in theory, 1t Is not
reducible to practice. Here we must differ with
them decidedly, for we unwilling to admit
that rational beings can be so far Invested OF the
exercise Of their reason, as to listen exclusively
to the appeals of passion. However men may
differ, as to the modes of promoting the public
welfare, charity leads us to suppose that all
right-hearted men have alike that end in view.
To see the country prosper, must be the wish OF
every American. No matter to what party he
belongs he wishes to serve the country, and,
therefore, the fact of entertaining common
purpose, should make us tolerant of each other,
and ready to lay aside party distinctions, when
ever we can do 80 consistently with principle.
II, instead of INDUCING e:rclusive feelings, men
of adverse opinions in politics would be willing,
mutually, to make concessions, and meet, when
ever it may be practicable, on some middle
ground, how different would be the legislation OF
our country. Were such the case, what an IN
finite deal of Ill blood would be avoided, and how
vastly more effective would legislative action
be. Whenever questions, involving serious dill
ferences of opinion were agitated, debates
would be conducted without asperity of temper,
hv hrin
gifted minds into collision, and thus setting
forth the merits and dement's of subjects at is
sue in the strongest relief. Let us, for moment,
apply this rule of action to the long vexed ques-
ton of the currency, and see what would be
the probable result. portion OF our Ma
tonal Legislature would have us believe
that the Government, such, has nothing TO
do with the fiscal concerns of the pro-
ducing classes, and should keep itself aloof
from all interference with them. There Is
another part of this body that not only believe
in the admissibility of governmental interference
in such matters, but regard it one of the most
important duties Of the powers that be, to SYM
pathse with the tax payers of the country, and
10 fashion their policy SO as to render the means
of the Government auxiliary to business in
terests, whenever it can be done cons silently
with the demands of the public service. This
latter portion is, however, divided in opinion as
to the manner in which the end is to be at
tained some thinking that National Bank
which they believe to be constitutional would
be the best agent that could be selected; whilst
others prefer an Exchequer system, such as the
one proposed by the President, or something
similar to it, partly on the ground of constltu
tionality, and partly on account Of the objections
which they entertain to the exercise of discount