The Charlotte journal. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1835-1851, 1842-02-10


could show that their wisdom and other
distinguished qualities had been so great as
TO be equal To the wisdom Of niue other
Senator'S! Could It be shown that their
patriotism and intelligence and integrity
were equal TO those OF forty members Of the
House OF Representatives : linot, how did
It happen that n man who, when in that
Chamber, and acting with DIS fellow Sena.
tors, had been considered upon par with
them, was no sooner transferred 10 the 9th
er end Of the avenue than his will became
equal to that Of nine Senators and forty
Representatives How, be asked, did this
happen, and wherein was it just or rish, !
Was il not sufficient that this man, after
his political apotheosis, should enjoy all the
glitter and distinction aud glory attached
to bis high otficel Was il no, enough
that he welded so vas, and formidable an
amount OF patronage, aad thereby exeried
an iL;luence so potent aud so extensive
Must there be superadded TO all lesisla
tive force equal 10 nine Senators and forty
members Of the House Of Representatives ?
Again lei the subject bc looked at IN
another point of view, and that was with
reference to the balance of power among
The States. Now, gentlemen might reason
as they pleased abou, what a particular
President would or ought to DO, but Mr.. {.
would answer for II that he would never
forget, amid the splendor Of his high STA.
ton, the State from whence he came, the
early associations, the friendly sympaih!es,
the remembrance of honors, and all those
Other ties which bound every man, espe.
ciaIly public man, to the land and to the
People among whom he had spent his youth
and attained the honors Of bis manhood.
All these considerations would operate as
so many powerful! motives to prefer, in the
distribution Of benefits, hts own State before
all others. Looking at this in political
view, was 1t right, was it just, TO give to
one particular State, in which the Presiden,
happened TO have been born, so grea, an
advantage in the general competition as
must he derived from nine Senatorial and
forty Representative votes! Mr.. G. SAID
ne did not mean to illustrate the remarks
he had made about the influence of State
partiality on the mind OF Chief Magis
trate by reference to any particulars his
appeal vas only TO the general principles OF
human nature. The effect, to be sure,
would be greater or less. as the mind of the
Chief Magistrate nigh, happen TO be co.,
s,ituted. There might be some men who
would be induced, by chivalric sense of
honor, even to do injustice to their own
State IN the effort TO avoid an unjust partI
atty but there were other minds, oil
whose thoughts, aud aims, and wishes
would be clrcumscrIbed by local interests
and local attachments.
Mr.. e had hitherto viewed the veto pow
er simply IN lis numerical weight 10 the
aggregate votes OF the two Houses but
there was another ard far more important
point Of view in which il ough, to be con
sdered. He coniended that practically,
aud 10 effect. the veto, armed with such a
qualification as now accompanied it IN the
Constitution, was neither mOre nor less
than an absolute power. 1t was virtually
an unqualified negative on the legislation
OF Congress. Not a solitary instance had
yet occurred IN which the veto once exert.
ed had ever been overruled, nor was such
a case likely 10 happen. In most questions
where the veto could be exe!ied, there was
already considerable difference of opinion
both 10 the country and in Congress as to
the bill which had been passed. 10 such
circumstances, when ali the personal inAu.
ence, the official patronage, and the reason
ing which accompanied the veto, were
added 10 the substantial weight of the veto
Itself, every man acquainted with hnmau
nature would oe ready TO admit that if no
thing could set II aside bat vote of two.
thirds in both Houses, it might as well have
been made absolute a: once.
Blu, Mr.. G. was unable TO dwell on this
part of his subject, being warned by his
feelings Of a want Of physical ability TO 20
at large IN The subject.
He now, however, approached another
view of II, to which he would ask the serl.
Gus and undivided attention Of the Senate
The veto power pro(essed to act only while
the Legislature acted here |, was to ter
inmate. It's effect was 10 be, to consumn,ate
legislation. The officer Of Government IN
whose hands the Constitution placed pow
er SO formidable, was supposed in theory 10
remain profoundly silent rs TO the passage
Of great measures Of pablo policy, until
they we're presented 10 him IN finished
form for his approbaion and sancton.-
This was the theory but Mr.. c. contend
ed tina, really and in practice this veto
power drew after /. the power Of initiating
laws, and IN lis effect must ultimately
amour, TO concerning on the Executive the
entire legislative power Of the Government.
With the power TO initiate aud the power
to consumma,e legisla,loo--to give vitality
and ylgor to every law, or TO strike i, dead
al bis pleasuFe-ihe President mus, ul,l.
ma,ely become The ruler Of the nation.
When members acting 10 their leg,sla.
tive capacity knew and remembered lha, 1,
was in the power Of one man to arrest them
in Their legislative career, wha. was the
natural tendency Of such state Of thngsl
Ga the established principles of oar nature,