The Middlebury people's press. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1841-1843, 1842-08-30


} eral, he has undertaken not only TO levy la,
es to the amount Of millions upon the Pc,
pie. but to prescribe regulations for its co
lection, and for ascertaining the value {
imported merchandise, which the law ha
in express terms, reserved for the legisIatiy
action of Congress.
And now, to crown this system of cor
tinual and unrelenting exercise of Execu
tive Legislation by thu alternate gross abus
of constitutional power and bold assumption
of powers never vested in him by any law
we come to the Veto Message referred b,
the House 10 this committee.
A comparative review of tine four severa
vetoes which,n the course of fifteen months
have suspended the legislation of this Union
combined with that amphibious production
the reasons for approving and signing bill
and at the same time striking, by judicia
construction, at its most important enact
ment. illustrated by contemporaneous effu
slons of temper and of sentiment divulgeC
at convivial festivals, and obtruded upon
the public eye by the fatal friendship Of
sycophant private correspondent, and snip
ped to its naked nature by the repeated and
daring assumption both oflegslative and Of
Judicial power, would present anomalies Of
character and conduct rarely seen upon
earth. Such an investigation, though srict,
ly within the scope of the instructions EN-
braced in the reference to this committee,
would require volumiDous report, which
the scantiness of time will not allow, and
may not be necessary for maturing the
judgment Of the House upon the document
now before them.
The reasons assigned by the President
for returning to the House of Representa-
tives, with his objections, the bill to provide
revenue from imposts, and to change and
modify existing laws imposing duties and
for other purposes, are preceded by brief
dissertation on the painful sensations which
any indiriiual invested with the veto power
must feel in exercising it upon important
acts of the Legislature. The paragraph is
worded with extreme caution, and with
obvious intent to avoid the assertion. made
in such broad and unqualified terms in the
letter read at the Philadelphia Independence
day dinner party, that Congress can enact
no la,c without the concurrence of the Ex-
ecutiye. There is in this paper studious
effort to save any indiuiduaI from the i'm
putation of asserting the unqualified indie
Pendence of the Executive upon the Leg
islatue, and the impotence of Congress TO
enact any law without him. That assertion,
made in so explicit and unqualified terms,
in the Philadelphia letter, is here virtually
disclaimed and disavowed. The exercise
of some independence ofjudgment in regard
to all acts of legislation, by any individual
invested with the veto power, is here cur.
tailed and narrowed down to the mere priv.
Ilege of not yielding his well considered,
most deeply fixed, and repeatedly declared
opinions on matters great public concern
ment, to those of coordinate department,
without requesting that department serious
y to re-examine the subject of their differ
ence. The coordinate department to the
Legislature is no longer the coordinate
branch Of the Legislature. The power of
Congress to enact law without the coop
grafton of any individual Executive is con-
,eded, not merely by unavoidable inference,
or the closing paragraph of the messages
occurring again to the same troublesome
eminiscence, observes that, after all, the
fleet OF what he does is substantially to call
m Congress to reconsider the subject. If,
IN such reconsideration, majority of two
birds of both Houses should be in favor of
his measure, it will become law notwith.
landing his objections. The truism Of
his remark may perhaps be accounted for
y the surmise that it was new discovery,
made since the writing of the Philadelphia
inner-party letter and the modest pre-
umption ascribed to the Constitution that |
he Executive can commit no error of opin- |
On unless two thirds of both branches of |
he Legislature are in conflict with him, is !
empered by the amiable assurance that in |
hat event he will cheerfully acquiesce in
result which would be precisely the same
'hether he should acquiesce in it or not
he aptitude of this hypothetical position
lay be estimated by the calculation of the
hanges that the contingency which it sup
oses Is within the verge possibility.
The reasons assigned by the President
Or his objections to this bill are further
rtCCueu Nv UdrTdtlNe Oh MS dnteCe0ent
pinions and communications on the sub
ct of distributing the proceeds of the sales
f the public lands. He admits that at the
pening of the extra session he recommen.
ed such distribution, but he AYERS that
lis recommendation was expressly coupled
18th the condition that the duties on imports
lould not exceed the rate of 20 per cent. |
-ovlded by the compromise act of 1888. 1
Who could imagine that, after this most &
nphatic coupling of the revenue from du- {
es Of impost with revenue from the pro-
seds of the sales of the public lands, the !
rst and paramount objection of the Presi. I
snt to this bill should be that it unites two
Ibjects, which. as far from having any af. {
nifty to one another, are wholly incongru. i
Is in their character-whlch two subjects Z
e identically the same with those which t
had coupled together in his recommen- t
ltion TO Congress at the extra session If n
ere was no affinity between the parties, q
by did he join them together? If the 4
lion was Legitimate, who was the admin
terinp priest of the unhalIowed rites7 It r