Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1842-03-17

smendatory of SO much OF the distributor w. ar,a
10 prescriptions, and his uinehd"ient H.
,,;c,;ons upon pre- -emptIon rights lneie''o"'' -.
81 !, . desirable that the bill should be passed. Us
coon AS uossblc il passed at all irocia'nI..ons ~
I,,d snIes 10 take place soon III several '1'fs 1.
drer,;sed and If any change vas 10 be mace IN t,t
nolcy of The extra session on pre.e"ip'''"S' ,a,
before these land sales take place IL was Just
,ha settlers that it should be done lie hoPeo here
so,e The Senate would crafty Inn by taking up The
hill and passing it TO day. IA
| N, CLAY interposed, and trusted inc senate wou'o
TO the consideration OF the special oroef-h's re-
| solutions retrenchmrnt ana reio'm' iie' "o"e'''
yielded 10 the solicitation oil
Mr. YOUNG, on whose motion the Senate TOOK up
The resolution submitted on Friday, which was READ Us
| follows, viz: :,,, .,
nn;cate to the Senate the report of John Flanagan,
,an,endent of the Upper Mississippi lead mines to-
pLa. , his correspondence with the Ordnance De-
upon the subject since his appointment 10 that
office. . a. .,.o,,,;o, H.,
adding the following words:
aAnd all information IN the possession Oh the DePa''-
ment respecting these lands
! MIR YOUNG accepted the amendment Us 'hoaih-
cation and the resolution was adopted.
' RETRENCIIMEST AND REFORM $50
ho Senate then took up the resolutions oi Mr. Clay,
u, increase the Tariff above the maximum oil lhe Com
promise act: repeal that provision oil The
acl which requires its operation To be SUSPENDED
duv tilin ~ per cent DC SuPPo'N
the Government; 10 Tetrencn anu eeoho'H"' '1e -"
penses of Government.
To which MIR. Wright had proposed amendments
in favor of practical economy, by aboshng useless OIL
fees: by looping off all unnecessary expenses IN Con,
press and all the Departments OF the Governments ana
5v repealrp the Distribution act, TO render any
of the tariff above the COMPROMISE lc or any
new burdens on the people, unnecessary.
Mr. CHOATE obtained the floor and spoke for up
wards Of an hour in favor Of the resolutions generally,
that nnnnn linz an
inc rease of tariff That resolution he considered in
yolyed The whole ground of discussion; and the man
ner in which the subject should be disposed oil Tins ses
sion of Congress for years, perhaps generntons 10
decide the fate Of great and important interests OH Tue
prosperity or downfall Of which, depended the whole
| r,hrc nj national power The tariff TO be adj Just.
ed may he conceived, either give permanency TO vital
sources Of prosperity, or paralyze them SO that they
shall PROSTATE long after future efforts to resus
cate them.
He maintained that this Government had the con.
sttutonal power 10 protect and encourage American
industry; and that il 10 he found IN The taxing
power sanctioned and authorized by The clause IN the
Constitution which delegated the power to regulate
commerce lie con,endeG that under these powers
there was a Cooperating duty imperative the Co.
yernmcnt TO afford home industry full protection, re-
pardess of every and every thing but the Obvious
intention Of the Constitutions and that intention was TO
he traced with certainty from abundance OF cotempora
neous evidences. This he argued, was the true and
only true American policy. He considered the Gene-
raj Government only bound TO protect but to bring
TO life every source of prosperity in the country.
He coniended that discrimination to be carried
10 any necessary extent for the accomplishment OF this
object and that Congress could, under the Constitution,
exempt from duty any articles 1t pleased, and put what
duties it thought proper on Others and, above all,
could and ought, 10 adjust the tarby the home yau-
alton alone.
lie denied that there any thing in the compro-
mise act TO debar recurrence 10 the protective system
after the expiration Of the nine years Of reduction He
insisted that MIR Madison, from the year 1889 to the
close of his life had always con,cnded that this power
was found in the clause authorizing Congress TO regu
late commerce with the world. In proof of this he
read passages from Mr. Madison messages and letters
He considered Mr.. Madison good authority for the
power given by the Constitution.
| Congress- he maintained, was authorized by the Con.
stitution fully and amply, in the clause Tor the regna
ton Of commerce, TO do and perform any net which,
according the vocabulary OF the time, could be deem
ed and taken TO be act in inrthcrance OF the regua
ton Of commerce. even II reaching 10 the total exclu-
sion of foreign imports, affecting njurously domestic
commerce. This presumption is paramount till the
contrary is proved and the contrary had never yet
been proved II never had been shown that the lam
guage OF the Constitution dad not mean, what the
friends Of protection contrue it to mean, supported by
the contemporancous language OF every commercial
country Of that time He argued that in the year 7c7
1850, the term TO regulate commerce meant power
TO pass any law deemed necessary for The protection OF
country that day understood the phrase any other
sense. In support Of this he took general review oil
British legislation at that period lie also reviewed
the controversy of the mother country with her trans
Atlantic colonies the subject OF the stamp act, and
avcued that throughout this controversy every speak
er and every writer-every poiiclan-unders,ood the
RIGHT maintained by the British Government to protect
and encourage its manufacturing interests rested
its power 'to regulate commerce.. On this subject
he quoted many authorities chiefly speeches and pot
MA Of Eprl,ud and this the Lift
the end of the eighteenth century, and thence down
to the present time. lie maintained, from all this that
such opinions and arguments being familiar 10 the
trainers Of the Constitution, they could understand The
phrase "to regulate commerce in other sense than
that which universally prevailed nj the time. This
he considered prcsumptIre evidence that the intention
of the trainers of the Constitution, was 10 afford do
mestic industry substantive encouragement as we'll as
incidental protection-the under the power to re-
Gulae commerce. and the other under the taxing power
He asserted that before the year 1857 the people OF
this country demanded stronger Government than ex
sed the period, for the very purpose of protecting
home industry against foreign competton and for the
purpose Of regulating with other nations so
as TO check the importation of goods interfering with
domestic manufactures, and to give home industry
Impetus which would deyeope all the of the
country, essential for the supply and consumption OF
the confederation, whether in times of peace
In iulGmen of the desire of the people for strong
Government, he contcnded that 10 effect the purposes
they had in view, the present constitution
mated, clothing the legislative department of the Gene
raj Government, with the power TO afford the fullest
measure of protection deemed necessary for the deye
lopment of home resources and home industry, 10 the
manufacturing interests; and therefore he assumed that
the strongest presumptve evidence existed that other
meaning than that entertained by the friends ofprotec-
ton could be given 10 the power TO regulate commerce
even the total exclusion of foreign manufactured
articles, which check and compete with domestic ma
nufacturcs.
What after all, he asked, was this power, bua power
to protect the labor of this country from being bound
down and paralyzed by the pauper labor of foreign
tons The only question could be, whether the ma
ton or the States should have the power of this pro-
tectng domestic labor and arguing from the analogous
powers delegated by the Constuton-the taxing pow
err treaty power, and power 10 make peace war, as
well rs every other accorded TO the General Govern
ment he maintained that the protective power belonged
to the delegated agency, and was to be found in
the taxing power and the power 10 regulate commerce
He reiterated that this power demanded by the peo
in he formation of Constitution: and