The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1842-05-14
MIR. CLAY'S SENSE OF AMERICAN
PATRIOTISM


tional Inteigencer which appeared in that
paper on the 18th inst. This correspondent is
we'll known to be Mr.. Robert Walsh, late of
Philadelphia, who distinguished himself among
our editors by his able management of the
National Gazette and American Quarterly Re-
view. Like true American, he expresses his
disapprobatioD, in severe but just terms, of
the allegations of Mr.. Clay in his labered val
edictory speech, that the People of the United
States would immediate any statesman who
would venture, on any national emergency
whatever, to propose levying from them direct
tax. When Mr.. Clay pronounced in the Senate
this libel on the patriotism of his countrymen,
we felt indignant at his audacity, and could
not avoid anticipating the effect upon the cha
racter of our People and our institutions, which
has been witnessed in Paris with SO much re-
greet by the correspondent of the Intelligencer
Let every American who values the good name
of his country, read and ponder on the extract
we lay before him, and then ask himself whether
the reckless man who could in the face of the
world make such charge against her People,
party, worthy of being called American, ought
not to be ashamed to adopt such candidate
for the highest office in the Republic.
Most of the Americans here, and some of the
principal French politicians, have conned MIR. Clay's
able valedictory speech on his important resolutions
One passage of t-wel founded, doubtless, and COR
roborated by kindred declarations in State Legisla-
tures-produces an impression unfavorable to the
If he |
fer to these sentences: emo man, presume, will
rise here in his place and say that to rely Ell
Their on direct or internal taxes. Who has the te-
merity to meet the waves OF popular indignation
which will flow round and bury him, whoever ne
may be, that should propose to raise revenue by
direct taxation 1t is argued by the European po-
litica moralists that honest and provdent commun-
ties would not hesitate to pay crying debts to restore
national credit to vindicate national character, to
remedy the various evils of insolvent public exche-
quers by submitting to any KIND OF taxation or con-
trbution which should appear most efcacous for the
present day, and the surest resource for all time
And, if resolute proby and ready sacrifice might be
expected for such purposes from any communities, 1t
would be from Republican, pretending to superior IN
telgence and virtue, and protesting the strongest
love of Justice and country Europe sees at this mo-
ment that, in Monarchy, with free constitution,
with representative system, Prime Minister has
yentured to propose the most odous of direct taxes,
and to stake his Office and the recent triumph OF his
party on the success of tWotold fiscal scheme sus-
ceptbe of being 80 represented as to excite popular
dstrust class interests and party passions to violent
animosity Sir Robert Peel's income tax and modl-
fed tariff together are evidence of what statesman
of lofty spirit and direct action, disdaning the old
pallatives and doubtful expedents may dare, In Or
der to prevent the increase of public debt and pro-
vide Government for the exigencies whether ofpeace
or war. I cannot refrain from offering you in this
place the commentator which Mr.. Roebuck, the
abest member and true leader OF the Radical party
in the House of Commons, pronounced on the IRE
miers measures in that House, in the debate OF the
23d ultimo.
Mr.. Roebuck observed that the right honorable Ba-
ronet had not received that need Of APPRECIATION either
from friends or enemies which he was entitled he
had been criticised by his own ranks and those
among his general opponents, from whom support
might have been expected, had not realized exPecta-
ton. He had brought forward plan which to him
(Mr Roebuck appeared straightforward, honest, and
easy of comprehension it could deceive nobody, and
the country would understand it. Ii was intend
ed to raise certain revenue; and, that the people
should distinctly know in what manner they were to
paw it. they were not to be caoled deceived in or
der to obtain the large sum required The deficiency
was great, and was admitted and two plans OF sup
plying it had been stated. One was that OF raising
the money directly from the communltyi the other
was that of evyng it indirectly as tax upon COM
modities. The first was the plan OF the right honora
bic baronet the second was the budget of the late
Administration II was but justice to the right homo
rable baronet to take his project as whole; and ne
was not now going to fix upon any portion which ne
might approve or dislike, but to consider 1t as one
comprehensive scheme. He would presently cflllclse
it on various particulars but in the outset he was
bound to admit it was clear straightforward and hon
est He did not think that it lay in the mouths of
those who felt with the right honorable baronet re-
garding The deficiency to crticlse him for endeavor
ing to supply it. The deficiency existed and neither
side of the House was to be separately blamed; the
fault was on both sides. 1t was not Wing, nor
Tory, bat House of Commons deficiency cheers
People might talk of the expensive war In oyra out
it was the of both parties for the increased ex-
pendiure both sides of the House were responsible
All were intent on spending, anu NOBODY 'hooght Oh
saving expenditure was the rule, and saving the
exception He would tell the House, the country,
and the right honorable baronet that his chief rea-
son for applauding the present frank scheme OF
financial reform was that it could not fail TO make the
people feel and understand at whose door TO lay the
blame Hitherto the finances of the empire had only
been tempered with attempts had been made to boch
the business and to put temporary end to the diff
cutes Ivy articles that ought to have deceived nobody
He therefore, thanked the right honorable baronet
for saying that he would no longer be party to TINS
paltry chcanery for he told the people plainly 81 am
not going to create loan, or to resort to any other
expedient by which your posterity will be taxed, but
am going to tax you," [hear, hear, hear.J The
crime of deficiency belonged to the House; no man
had denied its existence; no man had exaggeratedis
amount; no man had disputed that the money was
wanted; and man had asked for reduction OF ex-
penditure At the door of the House. therefore, lay
the blame of expenditure and consequent deficiency.
Then came the question: how it was to be met was
the country prepared to pay the money in direct,
straight!or ard manner or was it willing to resort
again to old contrvances tinker the difficulty and,
under the pretence of relieving commercial distress,
to add new taxes and increase prevailing embarrass-
ments BY far the preferable course was that which
was the bodest-to tell the people that the money
must be raised and to use only the short nteligibe
phrase "pay it," [cheers The honorable member
for Lskeard (Mr. c. Buler) had said that the tax
was likely to drive capital out of the country. be
(Mr. Roebuck) thought that his honorable friend had
aspired to the character of political economist
w hat could lie the difference, regarded capital,
whether the money were taken in one way or in ano-
L. in1ir Ihe efec be the