Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1840-1842, 1842-04-21

decree promote the American slave trade was not
at all improbable. That Il was made the interest
OF the South to promote slavery IN Texas there
was no question. And Why Because self'pre>
sarvat,on the first Law OF nature. Let him tell
the gentleman and his colleagues on this floor, and
those over whom he exetc scd an slmost competent
influence in this House and the country, lift really
made the blood tinge in the ends OF their hngets
| and toes, as the gentleman from Vermont, thr
Slade) had said 1t did with him. to hear the an
nexa,ion Of Texas spoken OF, let him tell them that
It was IN their power to arrest that unslng. Let
them break up their abolition societies, scatter their
abolition presses. and abandon all their attempts to
interfere with the rights Of their nechbors irenus
ard brethren, and they would never talk oil inc an
| ne xation OF Texas. They would compromise, ana
ae rec not only not TO work Tor the annekauon OF
Texas out never listen to such proposition. But
f they continued in their mschievous designs, the
South would promote and encourage slavery In
Texas, and make il for the interest OF Texas 10 uhi'e
| with the South.
| The gentleman had said, that ms long as the slave
States were content TO eonhne slavery TO their own
limits, he would let it alone. When and where had
the South ever at empted to fasten slavery upon
| the free States ln what single instancci Would
he be referred to the Missouri case IL did not
apply. MIR B. here dwelt on that case to show that
the South did not insist upon slavery IN Missouri,
but resisted the efforts Of the North TO abr'dse or
| forbid 1t, and to leave Missouri TO adopt her Own
views. The South resisted tho condition attempted
TO I've imposed by the North
| Another objection urged by the gentleman from
| Massachusetts TO the annexation OF Texas is, that
she has submitted by treaty TO the right OF search,
to " ich he is opposed and he saws II VIC take
Texas We must take her with all her treaties, supu'
laiioas and obligations.
He asked il the gentleman, in his character OF
lcv;lan and Statesmen n, meant 10 advance the opm-
ion that IL Texas should become part ot the L.
States the United States would I've bound to tu,hl
her obligations aud treaty supulations conflicting
with her ownl To his humble intellect II appeared
that th,s would be sune1ins the United States 10
Texas. II the United States should throw OF us
own Government, abolish its own Constitution, and
adopt the form OF government provided 10y the
Texan Republic, and tnr"v itself to II as part
of Texas Il en- this wou,J be the con-cq but
when Texas abandons its own form OF government,
and attaches itself 20 the United Ststrs, ceases 10
he independent republic, and necessarily ceases
to be party 10 all treaties, AID can no longer have
treaty Stipulations to fnhl. IT the argument had
como from any other source IL would have been
| subject for mirth hut coming from one = the hrst
civilian. NJ he asr be resisted at the thresh
hold. that may not hereafter be quoted as auiho-
rity.
Was he TO understand this rs the doctrine % the
North, that the North would not aid II ntce''ary, 20
suppress sew lie r.urrectot7 that tho North would
no, 70 to vnr for the protection OF Southern inie-
rests2 Ii 80, we could not know II too soon- Ii
was not With the South; they were wiling 20
go TO war for the iortieh part OF the fraction OF
hair upon any point connected Nth the honor OF
interest OF the North, n war were necessary 10
protect that honor or intercs. The Southern men
| were willing IN march 20 the frozen regions Ci
Northern climate to die and ro', II neei be- for the
North. The honor OF ore portion OF thus | Mon
was the honor Of oil. What direct iu.eros. had the
South IN the Maine boundary question beyond that
which he had describctl And yet there was TO,
Southern man that would no. cry aloud for war,
sooner than that the integrity or territory OF Maine
should he surrendered But the free white man al
the North is not 10 die and rot under Southern
sun for the protection of Southern interests. This
is the doctrine, is Did the gentleman speak or
| ca hsdrd for the North
! mir ADAM. The gentleman may go on mis-
! representing falsely my argument
Mr. BORIS did not intend TO mjsrepresoni the
gentleman; he repeated his argument, as he under
s'ood j., and the whole House understood it
But, nothing that that gentleman could shy, no
harsh and insulting language he could apply could
force him TO retor, should drive him TO for etiul
Of what due to his age and station; he had
too much respect for himself, and he might add, for
the ntleman also, to be guilty OF gross depRr-
ture from decorum; and IT, in the ardor Of debate
| he should say any thing unkind and offensive, he
| look 1t back IN advance, and asked the gentleman
TO pardon him for 1t.
! The gentle nan from Massachusetts, had declared
that there no objection 10 the annexation Of
Texas. If 1t were not for slavery. The gentleman
! from Vermont (Mr Siade) declared that outrage
Gus would he the violation Of the Constitution by
the annexation OF Texas 10 the United States that
/ It ipSo fGcio dissolved the Government. He left
them TO decide the constitutional question. The
gentleman from Massachusetts, mad said that North
ern men are not to march TO the Southern climate.
to the burning plains OF the Southern sum- die and
rot, suppress civil or serve instruction. Thus
spoke the gentleman from Massachusetts,, an eE-
President.
He had been told that the gentleman attached
qualification, nni said that Northern men were not
TO march Southern climate 10 die and rot 10 sup-
press civil or seryile insurrection, without the
power was given 20 them after ihsy had gone there
/ of declaring whether these slaves should be bond
or free. That was the qualification, he under
stood.
! Mr. ADAMS. No sir; it is not the publication
! MIR Boris. The gentleman had claimed land
1t was not the first time, as he had done the same
| at the extra session. under the treaty making
power, II the North should be called on to suppress
civil servile instruction, that II would belong
to the North 10 say which side they would take,
and to declare the slave bond or free. lie Mr. b.
thought that expression was used under the ardor
of debate, and not the calm and deliberate opin-
ion OF the gentleman. Was the gentleman so for.
getful Of the provisions Of the Constitution as not
10 remember that it was there declared that Con-
gress should have power "to provide for calling forth
the militia to execute tie laws Of the Union sup
press Instructions, and repe invasions ?" Where
was the treaty making power when the gentleman
was called under this law to suppress a servile
r instruction, that gave 10 the North the power TO
declare whether their slaves should be bond or freel
The gentleman spoke Of the war power, martial
law, and the laws Of nation, as his authority. He
read from the letter Of General Jackson to Governor
Rabun, Of Georgia, in which General Jackson de-
cares the civil subordinate 10 the military authority
and adopted his opinions, and challenged any gen
tlemsn on this floor 10 contradict or deny his posi-
ton, and he would prove by the law Of nations.
4 With the exception Of General Jackson the gentle
man from Massachusetts was the only individual
: he had ever known 70 Justify that opinion; and
General Jackson had never expressed sentiment,
that called down upon him more condemnation and
! execratlon.
. But was it to nave been expected that gentle.
man who had been m the service Of his country for
more than half century, dealing throughout the
whole time with international law, with all the
authorities at his fingers ends, should have pre-.
sented himself here, and laid down 50 monstrous a
proposition, and challenge others TO deny ~ why
did not he prove III Why did lie not show his
auihoutes7
Mr. b. would he very slow to oppose his opinions
TO those OF the gentleman from Massachusetts, upon
question Of national law, without uthority 10 sus
tain him; but, shor, the time had been TO COX on
authority, he meant 70 deny in the mos urquai fled
terms, the soundness Of the views taken by hat cen.
Neman, and he meant 70 prove IL by the most abun.
, | dant authority.
lie meant, in the first place, 10 show that MAJ
iial law, which was law growing sr neeessaie yei
was not known TO or recognised by my writer on
national law; that II lasted only with the necessity
and when the necessity ceased the law ceased. and
all the rights Of property were restored. That mar
tal law was m truth nothing but suspension OF III
law 20 give place 10 necessary military command.
thut IN the language Of Mr. Matthew Hale, IL
was IN truth no law, but something merely indulg
ed as law.
lie denied that this was the construction out by