Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1842-07-19

rican speaks OF Mr.. Adams $ Speech, OF the 4h July,
as San unfortunate one for himself, and, as far as his
exertions went, for that party that have almost ruined
themselves IN hrs defence this very session. One OF
the specifications is, that "Mr. Adams gave a stab to
The Wing party and to MIR. Clay, in his comments on
the Compromise Act, which he denounced as "a con
spiracy" between Clay and Calhoun 10 sacrifice the
North to the South aud West. MIR. Adams is mistaken
# lie supposes the people of the North TO lie SO igno-
rant of the facts in that case, as not to know that the
choice at that time was not between the old Tariff and
the Compromise, but between the Compromise and 4
Free Trade System, carried forward by the full power
Of triumphant Jacksonism. Clay negotiated with Cal.
houn TO deprive Jackson of this advantage in the
South, by taking the work out Of his hands, and sub
shutting a gradual reduction, to take place in the
course Of ten years, for the immediate abolition OF all
protective duties. We owe il 10 Clay that all The evils
we now suffer were not experienced in 1888 with re-
doubled horrors
[By the rap, if this was a negotiation between the
two contracting parties, Messrs. Clay and Calhoun,
and If The result was "a treaty OF peace and ainity,
which Mr.. Clay declared in the Senate Chamber in
33, that ono man, entitled TO deserve the character
of an American Statesman, would disiurb'-lf MIR.
Clay's inducement was 10 save the manufacturers from
ruin then, with what grace can MIR. Clay or any Of
his friends, "stand up in their place" TO disturb the CON-
promise !, With what propriety can it be expected,
that Mr.. Tyler, who was then in the Senate, and u party
10 the compromise, can now consent TO disturb 1t :
There were others, and we were among that number,
who thought it was a bad bargain for the South, but
who were willing 10 take ii for as much rs it was worth,
and 10 avail themselves of every lar opportunity, TO
modify its oppressive operation upon the South, as lar
as possible. BIT does it therefore follow, that when
no further modification was obtained when the Com
promise act went on to execute itself, and 10 run out
its own provisions-that after the North had availed It.
self Of all lis benefits, and The South had consented 10
submit to all its burthenS for nine years and 4 half-that
nom, when the time has come for allowing the South
as much OF its benefits as is consistent with the neces-
sites of the Treasury, the Northern manufacturers,
and MIR. Clay and his Clique, should insist upon a
distribution Of the proceeds of the public lands,
and thus run up the Tariff to the same extent,
beyond the 20 per cent. duties? Is il TO be expected.
that a new series Of duties, oppressively high upon
the South, and calculated by the very character OF its
minimum and other provisions, not 10 increase the re.
venue, but TO cut off the importation, and TO protect
the manufacturers OF the North, should he quietly sub.
United 10 by the South: Let the North depend upon IL,
that the same struggle is about 10 commence between
the North and the Southland that as MIR. Hunter said
the other day in his speech, "Rfpeat would be the
word" in all the South. She cannot submit To such a
gross violation of the Compromise act. She cannot
SUBMIT to such q tariff, p%rOtectivc To the North, oppres-
sion to the South-but we warn them, that the moment
we recover the majority in Congress, Reptat IS the cord.
In ordinary times-in times when no such distress
pervades all classes Of the community; when the de-
mand for domestic manufactures is limited by the power
Of purchase, and the supply exceeds the demand, the
90 per cent. duties, upon the Home Taluation, and with
Specie payments, would be sufficient TO sustain the ma
nufacturers. Is it not even the case at tins time al
most OF the Lowell factories Is not nr anne re-
preventative, Mr.. Cushing, willing 10 testify TO
The partial prosperity which they enjoy The Yam
KEGS, we use the word in no disre.pectful sense,
are competent to understand manufactures to the
best advantage. They apply their labor 10 the
best purpose-avoid all extrayagant expenses-and
save all they can. Even in this City, but four years
ago, the factories divided Is per cent. upon their capt.
tai. This was stated, in open court, the other day, in
the suit of the Tredegar Company against the James
River Company. In 80, II is true, they divided
! lttle NJ nothinp- for this reason. that. the inmi \ q
profits Of 80, under the Tariff system, tempted the cot
ton factories of Richmond and Manchester TO increase
their machinery, and put more %spindles into notion
What was the consequences: This new expense was
to be met during the next year; and the increased pro.
duction Of the manufactures through the country,
where the like cause operated the like effects, exceed
ed the de~mand-and the manufacturers now call upon
the Government TO tax the farmers and other consumers
10 relieve their own adventurous speculation, and TO
raise the duties for their special relief. But, unfortunate
" il is like throwing fresh oil upon the flames. Every
protective duty Invites The multiplication OF domestic
their competition with each
other-and calls for higher duties to protect most OF them
from ruin. Such has been the experience ofihls country
since 1915. The war duties were then kept up, for the
purpose Of paying the National debt, and of saving the
existing manufactures from ruin. But the effect was
to multiply Investments, 10 bring on distress, and to in.
crease the duties Of iSl6, by the further Tariffs of "a,
IS, and -. The duties extended from ID per cent. to ~,
%, so, and, on some goods, even 10 40. Had the du-
ties of 1916 served only to protect the then factories
from ruin, the country wonld have submitted to the
Tariff; but unfortunately, in the same proportion that It
saved them, il invited other capitalists 10 embark in the
same nterprizes-a and such we find has always been the
case Of the successive Tariffs, and such will always be
the case.
But no manufacturer has a right, in ordinary times,
TO complain Of the Compromise act. The 90 per cent
duty, estimated on the home valuation and with cash
ayments, is estimated by Mr.. Clay hlmse.. . be equal
10 80 per cent. 1t is a remarkable fact, that the same
gentle man declared in March, 1916, that the object OF
protpcfInn manufactures Hag IL obtain ttartfcleS OF ne.
ceSSitY, made as cheap at home as they could be I'M
ported, and he believed that three gears, (under the
limited Tariff of l5IG) would be sufficient to place our
manufactures on this desirable footing :" Such, how
ever, is the growing cupidity Of improvident manniac-
turers, that they have been necessarily demanding
higher and higher duties-"thea appetite increasing with
the very meat il feeds upon" But TO return from this
long DEPRESSION from MIR. Adams speech:
We suspect, however, that the N. Y. Correspondent
has not exactly hit upon the reasons, which made Mr.:
Adams's speech so unpopular with The Wings. We shall
probably never have 4 report of the speech; Tor, IT be-
ing the 18th of July, the Reporters were not in their
places. But we have before us a letter, whilst the I'M
pressions were fresh upon the writer, which gives some
further clue TO the Wing discomfort: Old }. Y admit
ted and argued, that the power of the PRESIDENT to arrest
legislation was not limited TO such legislative proceed
inps rs he believed 10 be unconstitutional, but that he
might lawfully arrest n bill, merely because it was en-
rolled in blue ink instead Of Liack. THAT seemed to
be a poser to some Of his Federal colleagues, who had
argued the other way. He denied, too, that the House
had any Judiciary powers whatever, and said 1t could
exercise no power except in n Legislative character.
This power Of the Veto is not limited by the Consti-
tuition to mere Constitutional objections. 1t was not
so construed, by contemporary xpositions, as the "Fe-
deralist'' distinctly shows. 1t was exercised by Gen.
Washington, simply on the ground of inexpedlency-
The same power was employed by MIR. Madison, not TO
arrest a Bank, on the ground of unconstitntIonaiiiy'
but because il did not sufficiently provide for the public
necessities. Did not Gen. Harrison himself declare in
his Inaugural Message, that 1.-The Executive can put
his negative upon the acts Of the Legislature for other
cause than that of want of conformity to the Constitn-
ton, whilst the Judiciary can only declare void those
which violate that Instrument" If Congress were SO
far to abuse its admitted power TO raise an army, as TO
raise one of 100000 men in a time OF peace-or to I'M
pose a Protective duty, which was calculated to throw
an annual surplus Of 100 millions into the Treasury.
would not every Patriot admire the President for the
o.o.a - neoative3 And If he saw a treaty of