Lexington union. (Lexington, Miss.) 1838-18??, 1842-11-26
LEXINGTON, MISSISSIPPI.
Saturday November 20, 1912.
THE TARIFF.


more deep and thrilling interest IL di.
Tectlv concerns every individual il reach.
cs The highest and effects the lowest Its
nature, bearing, and operation should be
fully discussed and understood by the PEG.
pie. The press cannot do more accept
able service TO the public, than 10 trace
this subject through all its windings. Il
is measure, iraugbt with evil and danger
aud the sooner it is known by the mass,
the better.
The wings say our manufactures being
in their infancy need protection; and that
Government. therefore, has the power, x
it is boInden duty TO give it. If the
premises were true; but they are not, the
conclusion does not leglimately follow.
ii Congress can pass laws for the benefit
Of any particular interest, merely because
they might advance that interest, its power
IS almost unlimited; for this year it may
select manufactures; next, agriculture;
next, commerce, whoIing, &c., &C., until
ultimately, it would grasp the control aud
government of every conceivable interest;
matters that have been hitherto, thought TO
belong exclusively to the States, would be
no lorger so. Apply the principle and
carry it TO its full extent, and the State
governments would be virtually struck
dead. lfCongress has right to protect,
it has right to determine the degree aud
means. Ii might then, in Time oil pro-
found peace, for the benefit and protection
of the northern manufactures wholly for.
bid the introduction INFO this couutrv, OF
every description Of MANUFACTURED articles,
1t might slipulale the price We should pay
for domestic manufactures. This would,
no doubt, give them tremendous Impetus
onward, and rapidly advance them from
their feeble state Of infancy, to the ripest
maturity add perfection. But would such
a stretch Of power as This, be tolerated Tor
moment? No. The judiciary would
urhesitaIingly pronounce such law null
and void, and it not, the people would. s.
it by no means follows, that because pro-
lection might benefi, this or that interest
that Congress can give it.
Congress has the uEquestioned power
to lay and collect duties upon Imports
this the Democratic party does not dispute
But for what purpose can it do So? r,
support and defray the expenses of Gov
eminent. Is discriminating tariff hes
adapted to raise revenue? No; becaus,
10 effect its purpose, protection, The dat,
must be high. ii it is not, according I,
the theory Of the supporters Of the pro,ec
tive tarlff,ihe importer of foreign goods cal
pay the duty, and still underseIl the hom
manufacturers. II very high, it check
'nportations, and thereby diminishes III
revenue. A moderate tariff is favornbl
10 revenue, Tor the simple reason, that
enables the importer TO make REASONABLE
profit and the consumer to purchase at
ialr price; sand if the consumer can bu,
cheap, he will use goods than it he had Il
pay an enormous amount for them. IT,
TINS conclusion, after the most ample ex
perlence, England has come, and has nc.
cordiugl y lowered her tariff. The friend
of the protective tariff, then, cannot saw
that revenue is the sole object Ifrevenu,
1s not the object, Congress has no right tt
creale a tariff
Does the power TO lay and collect duty
on imports, necessarily carry with it the
right to protect domestic manufactured
Certainly NOT. There is no natural con,
nexIon between the two subjects. We
have seen that protection instead of ma
king the revenue productive, has the con-
trary effect. Congress can declare war
to defend The country from actual or an
pretended invasion. Does that give i,
the power 10 make war for mere CONQUEST
None will say SO. As little does the rev.
enue clause justify protection for proiec-
doris sake.
Wbspsysr Congress perVsrls a powc5
alaalcl q