The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-10-05

that the delay NOT sought as means and occasion
t0r hostile movements"
Now mark the dilemma In which these gentlemen
are placed Their complaint is, that the President
would neither consult them about the Veto apollo
e1e to them for writing Il And why should he
consult them7 Does it not appear, from MIR Ewings
declaration that he refused to crafty the President in
obtaining pos.ponement of the bill; that after hav-
ING pledged himself that he would stand by the Pres
dent, he went over the Presidents enemies, and
united with them in their Wing caucus, to dictate in
what manner he should discharge his official duties !
Tha, there may be no Misrepresentation, will again
quote Mr.. Ewing's words. He says. "By some Of
us, and | was myself one, tbs effort Ito postpone
the bill was made to crafty your wishes in the only
tcay in which it could be done with propriety; that
i by obtaining the general concurrence of the Wing
members Of the two Houses in the postponement. II
failed, as have reason to believe, because you would
iyc no assurance that the delay not sought as
means aud occasion for hos tile movement"
What picture is here presented. The sworn Ca
hlnc, minister acting in caucus in concert with
cre caba 10 dictate to the Senate and TO the Pres
dent aud them in the discharge Of their official
duty ~ Let it be remembered that this proceeding
took place before the passage the L and before the
President withdrew his confidence from his Cabinet.
ask the candid reader to contrast the course of
President Tyler with that of his accusers When he
came into office he found the Departments filled with
gentlemen selected by General Harrison on the ad
vice of Mr. Clay, lie knew that upon the question
of the Bank they did not agree with him. Instead Of
saying to them, my Cabinet must harmonic with me,
and you must resign, that can appoint others who
agree with me in opinion, he canddly disclosed his
opinions, and appealed to them to Stand by" him.
They pledged themselves not only that they would
stand by him and their influence prevent the
sage of any bill conflicting with his opinion, but
that they would do it to prevent the passage
Of any bill which he might suppose would be used as
ii basis or ground work Of such Bank as the late
Bank of the United States. See Mr.. Bells state
ment.) Did they fulfil their pledges The publica-
lion of Mr. Websters letter to the Massachusetts Sc
majors shows how he acted He did not 60 to Mr..
Clay and excuse himself by saying advised against
the Veto" He did not 90 into caucus and say, "The
President wants the Senate postpone the Bank bill
hut before you give your consent for such postpone
ment you should require him 10 give pledge that,
til, delay is not sought means and occasion for
hostile movement" He did not close his eyes to
Mr. Bolts letter. nor did he shut his ears against MIR.
tlays denunciation. When he ascertained that the
President supposed as he had good cause to sup
pose that The BILL under consideration would, If APP
proved by him. be made the basis groundwork of an
unconstitutional Bank he redeemed his pledge by
urging the Massachusetts, Senators to postpone the
bill Very different Mr.. Ewng's conduct; and
can any one be surprised that under this state Of
facts the President withdrew his confidence and
ceased to consult Mr. Ewing That there were
pledges given and pledges broken, is most apparent,
butt requires no less infatuation than that which
seems to control the destiny of Mr. Clay and his par
,lzans, to believe that Mr.. Ewing and his associates
were the innocent and injured party.
True WING.