The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-09-14

OF the confidential conversations and acts which
had passed between him and The President In
the year 1911, Robert Smith, then Secretary Of
State under MIR. M,dison, pursued that course.
lie issued an elaborate address to the public, de-
failing the causes Of difference between him
sell and MIR, Madison, which had grown up in
their official private intercourse; and there is
much analogy between some Of his grounds Of
complaint and those Of Mr.. Ewing The whole
country cried out against the gross breach OF
official decorum. the violation Of the sacred
confidence, which the highest interests of the
Government require TO exist in the bosom of the
Cabinet. II was seen hat if such mode Of
attack on the President, (no matter what its me
rits) were tolerated. there would be an end OF
that free and unrestrained intercourse in the
Cabinet, without which the public business
could not go on. II was thing beyond all Ter-
sonal, and above all party consideration. twas
seen 10 be an act, not only fatal to the proper
conduct of the business of the country, but dis
honorable and ungentlemanly to the last degree.
Accordingly the effect of this act Of Mr.. Smith
was, that he fell to the ground, dead in public re-
putation, and passed at once from the eyes Of
men, OF remained only like a stranded wreck on
the beach, beacon and warning TO all Cabi-
net Ministers never to allow their personal re-
sentiments or purposes of party warfare, to be-
tray them into the violati on Of the sacred conf
dence of the Cabinet. Mr.. Madison, taking no
notice Of Mr.. Smiths publication, allowed it
and him to sink into despised obscurity Re-
CARELESS Of this great lesson, unmindful of the
obvious dictates of common honor, Mr.. Ewing
has undertaken to lift the veil from the most
confidential proceedings Of the Cabinet Of which
he was late member.
The whole letter of Mr.. Ewing proceeds up
on the assumption that the President had de-
ceived him-that he made promises in relation
to the Bank bill which he refused TO perform.
Mr.. Ewing fails to establish this, his principal
assumption. He is obliged to resort to hearsay
testimony, and to his own differences, and these
last, especially those he connects with the effect
Of Mr.. Bolts letter, We're gratuitous II was
unbecoming, to say the least, in Mr.. Ewing to
means to render his hostility more effective than
his own facts would warrant But so far from
establishing his assumption, he clearly shows,
by the repeated conversations Of the President,
that the President never e.couraged his Cabinet
to expect that he would approve bill recogniz-
ing the "odious feature Of local discounts" in
any form or disguise. The letter, therefore, is
failure in its chief purpose.
In his conclusion, Mr.. Ewing adopts language
which is plainly intended for other purposes than
properly belong to justification for abandoning
his Department 1t is intended for popular ef-
fect-mere clap-trap, which, as it is meant Tor the
country, we are content shall be judged by that
tribunal.
When the rage Of party resentment shall have
time to cool, there will be but one sentiment
concerning Mr.. Ewings conduct in the coun-
try--that of unmitigated Reproduction. The Ad-
ministraton will lose nothing by such a resig
nation-the President will have nothing to fear
from such attacks.