The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-09-25

TO the subject before the nation IL no question 70
Us. There it stands, imposing its duties its response
blity and its risks. No prudent man, in this day OF
popular power would court the occasion for its exer
else. No skfu legisation, whether ithad tie coun-
try party for lis object would press il twice on its
nominal Chief But this position we think unanswel-
able and invite to it the deliberate consideration of
the people The Chief Magistrate who exercised this
power once, and should under circumstances of the
character, refuse to do again, would deserve
pity for his cowardice contempt for his imbecty.
The existence of this power in the Constitution
compels the President to examine and Determine, on
every occasion when bill is presented for his sigma
ture whether he will will exercise the preroga-
tive with which he is invested is intended to be,
and in fact is the great power of the Go
vernment-not lightly to be resorted to--not invoked
but great and momentous occasions--non nisi De-
us pindics nodus-but on such occasions no more 10
be avoided evaded, abandoned than any other of the
high duties of the Presidency. That Banking cor
poraon of this high character cannot be doubt
ed. Washington hesitated not whether it was proper
on unconstitutional Bank law to exercise the We
to; but the grave question what IL the nature of
the Bank law presented to him. Madison exercised the
power SO did Jackson. Indeed the obligation is inn
peratve. The text of the Constitution admits no dis
pute: If he approve it he shall sign it if not, he
shall return it with objections" When therefore, in
the judgment of President, bill violates the Con-
stitution, he cannot approve it, and to sign it would
be equally violation and breach Of his OATH The
judgment of the President is placed as counterpose
to the Judgment and it may be- the popular feeling,
ay the personal and party passion, of multitude
:.
say; but SO it is. 1t is breakwater which our fathers
erected against the swelling tide of Democracy know
ing probably the strength of the waters and foresee
ing that its wild waves would roar and break in force
upon its sides Our trusting temper may remove it, if
we please; but while it is there the nations pilot may
no choose than use it, than the commander of
ne-ofbattle ship its sails, its anchors, or its cannon
| as exigencies may require
| A conviction that bill is unconstitutional is a le-
climate and proper occasion for Presidents Veto.
/ A Bank bill, bill to establish Bank, any Bank,
any corporation by authority of Congress- with per-
mission to operate in the States is, by the common
consent of all intelligent men, of those acts of
Congress as to the consutionaity which statesmen
may honestly doubt; and on such debateable ques-
ton the motives of NO may be impeached, on
/ q.
Individually the writer of this paper is firmly con-
WINGED of the right and duty of Congress, under the
Constitution such an institution but he can
not challenge the honesty Of any one who takes the
opposite ground. As a question of expediency, al
though the personal opinion of so humble an indiv
dual is of no consequence he hesitate to say
that such Fiscal Agent proposed in either Of
the bills of Congress, worse than none. If the
President was Of opinion that these bills were viola
ton Of the Constitution, he required, by all the
high considerations which rendered him worthy of the
popular suffrage, to meet the occasion, and be true to
his conscience his country, and his God ss.: ,r.4
| Now it may be very wise for Wing caucus, fret
ting under disappointment, strong men always do
who cannot have their own way, to propose, at the
head of the duties which remain for them to per
form, reduction of the Executive power on this sub
ject Be it SO. Let them try. Let them succeed, if
the people please. How their future success ope
rate on past action If hereafter the President has no
such power of Veto one bone of contention will be
removed. Then he cannot exercise it, and of course
will be relieved from duty and responsibility to which
ne is now liable But how can tomorrow act upon
yesterday The people may take away or limit his
power of appointment or removal. So let il be; and
err they may try him by impeachment before the SEN
ote or the world But if with the power in his hand,
entrusted to him ny men quite deeply learned in
constitutional and rational liberty the modern Sol
onions of the Republic he shrink from its exercise
through fear, favor, affection, or hope of reward he
becomes the suicide Of bis own fame In looking at
these great prerogatives, we should remember that
they necessarily must be powerful for harm as well as
good, like the strong agents of medicine which can
save life or may kill Let It be remembered too that
President of the United States, like skful physi-
clan, is supposed to know when to administer them
and to have the integrity and frmness which the oc-
casion requires. This is our security. The eope
make him President But it is said the people may be-
and indeed have been deceived in their man. Why
not rather say the thing of this Fiscal Agent
If in one point why not in the other2 Is it the mea-
sure, then, or the mantle Bank or the President
the law or the Veto-which should be sustained by
the American people7
This is question in relation to the political nte-
gritty Of distinguished citizen, in whose fame the
whole country is interested We approach the sub.
ject with difidence because cannot approach the
President. We are lockers on in Vienna But
what we think we see, that will we tell. ..,
| MASSACHUSETTS.
L