Litchfield enquirer., 1841-09-23

forwards told one of that delegation that he
had never read the bill, which must have
originated with himself, as every body knew.
The President had told him MIR. b. not long
age, the sort OF bank which he would prefer
TO all others, and if he comprehended him at
all, this most unexceptiOnable plan to him
was the very one which he had just vetoed.
He believed the opinion of the President had
changed within the last hundred days, as
often, at least, as the sun had risen. He had
expressed to him his willingness to accept a
bank with capital of $35, 0O0, 600, and had
said that he saw no distinction in principle
between foreign and domestic bill OF ex-
change.
MIR. B. charged the President with design
of going over to the Locos, and in reply to
the remarks in the Message upon the differ
ence of opinion upon one point only, said
that Arnold and Hull had differed with the
body of their countrymen upon one point
only, which was whether they should fight
for or against their country. The President
took great credit to himself, for having con-
Cured with Congress in relation to the land
bill. He believed that he would not have
done even this, had he not previously CON-
mitted himself in the most unqualified man.
ner, and even as it was, he had hesitated a
good deal.
Mr.. Gilmer replied to Mr.. Bolts, ostensibly
with a view to defend the President, but his
frivolous and conceited remarks were chiefly
personal to Mr.. B., and were full ofthe most
palpablc misrepresentation of the meaning
of his remarks. When he had strutted his
hour before the House, with infinite satisfac-
ton to himself and very little to any one
else, MIR. Bolts said the gentleman had made
some remarks about bet of his at the last
election, which imputed to him intentions
and motives utterly foreign to his heart
The imputation was unworthy of the gentle
man, and was at once low, vulgar, and base.
Mr.. Gilmer said he should not listen to such
language Mr.. Bolts assured him he would
be obliged TO do SO, and at this interesting
point they were both called to order. II was
afterwards ascertained that the tenor of Mr..
G.'s words had been misunderstood, and the
whole affair was satisfactorily explained and
terminated by the friendly intervention Of
Mr.. Stuart Of Va, who announced the recon-
ciliation to the House. While 0m up.
may as we'll mention that Mr.. Dawson of
Ga, announced this morning that the unhap-
py difference between Messrs. Stanley and
Wise had been amicably adjusted, and their
friendly relations fully restored.
Mr.. Profit came forward to defend the
President, charged the House with having
neglected the public business for the purpose
of President making, and very boisterously
demanded proof Of Mr.. Bolts charges
against him. / am sorry, for the Presidents
sake, that his defence fell into such made.
quate hands. That task is not to be per-
formed by vague defamation, nor by per.
sonal attacks upon his opponents, as the
gentlemen who undertook it today, appear
cd to imagine. Mr.. Gushing made several
attempts 10 obtain the floor, but without sue
cess.
Mr.. Lane of Ia, snid this was the time for
speaking plainly. tie should make no at
tempt to screen the President from the storm
of popular Indignation that threatened to
overwhelm him. The President was no lon
ger the exponent OF Wing principles, as in
deed, he had not been since his Message at
the opening of Congress. The question of
his truth would come before the people, and
Jheae would nPt4pow attempt to PREJUDICE nor TO
influence 80 differentiation. He'wigs coll
scous Of no intriguing for the succession
he had seen no attempts ut President. making.
His colleague had though, proper to institute
comparison between John Tyler and
Henry Clay, in which he had the merit of
originality certainly, for no other man had
ever dreamed Of making such u compa rison.
1t was to compare the barn-yard fowl with
the bird of the gods, who wetted his wings in
the summer cloud.
Mr.. Mason, of Ohio, said that the objects
Of the Veto power were limited in reality,
though there was no express Limitation in the
terms by which it was given. II was con.
ferrcd by the trainers OF the Constitution to
shield the Executive from, the encroachmentS
Of the Legislative branch, and to obviate the
danger OF hasty or factious legislation. Did
not the present veto transcend the scope of
its legitimate exercise! He would bring no
railing accusation against the President
The harsh and wicked word "Traitor,"
should not escape his lips, but he would show
by the Presidents own messages that he had
violated his promises 10 the Nation. He had
promised his cheerful and ready assent 10
any constitutional measure for the rcstora-
ton Of IL sound currency. Did he say he
would consult irresponsible advisers, or be
governed by his previously expressed opin-
ions in Congress or in the Virginia Legisla.
ture? On the contrary, he had promised to
d" resort to the opinions of the fathers of the
great Republican school for advice and in.
structioR." What signs did they see OF com.
pliance with these promises! His message
at the opening OF Congress had been full OF
vague generalites that left him at liberty to
pursue any course he might afterwards Judge
the best. lie had not pointed out the sort of
agent which would suit his peculiar views,
but when, with the light they had, they had
honestly endeavored, at a sacrifice of their
own opinions and wishes, to meet his views
their compromise had been laughed a,-and
they themselves scorned on account of it,
He had carefully examined this last veto, but
he was not sure that he comprehended it. If
he did, the objections were to the nationality
of the institution. and TO its being passed by
Congress. Miserable abstraction, that pros
trates the entire powers of the Federal Co