Litchfield enquirer., 1841-05-13

a more stable and enlightened policy, You
will give these subjects your careful atten-
ton.
There is, however, one topic worthy OF es-
pecial consideration, the protection OF do
nestle industry and should you agree with
me as to the expediency and necessity OF
awakening public interest on this SUBJECT
and urging more patriotic views upon Con-
gress, you will make known your sentiments
by passing suitable resolutions.
A revision of the tariff is soon to engage
the attention of Congress 1t seems TO me
there is no question what course OF measures
| is dictated, by the wants OF our countrymen'
The las, Assembly passed resolutions m
structng our Representatives to resist, ny
all constitutional means, every attempt to
destroy or impair a protective tariff. The
more have reflected upon the policy OF
protective tariff, and its bearing on the at-
! fairs of New England, and other states, the
| deeper is my conviction, that duties should
not be imposed by a uniform rule, but be so
adjusted, rs to aid our industry against Tor
eign competi,iOn. We cannot yield to the
doctrines of free trade, for the obvious rea.
son. that such a trade does not exist, and will
not be reciprocated to us. Among adVanc-
cd nations, it has not hitherto existed and
if VIC may Judge from the past or present
state of the world, we cannot anticipate II TOT
the future. However beautiful IN theory
such is the diversity in the natural and suc
perinduced condition Of the chief nations OF
The world. that free trade would be found i'm
practicable, and am fully convinced it will
never be introduced. England and France,
with whom is most of our commerce, will
never consent to open new, and hitherto
Impractical trade, with the United States
Their restrictive policy is uncbangeably es-
tablished, and whether wise or unwlse, lloer-
al or illiberal, it enters so deeply into their
political relations, into the very texture OF
their domestic and foreign interests, that we
NAV not expect such radical change in
their commerce and system of taxation. 1t
England would open even her colonial ports
to a free trade, we should find some relaxa-
ton of her rigid policy, and hope for more
free commercial intercourse but at present,
we are debarred all reciprocity whatever
our grain, tobacco, and other products. 1T ad-
mitted at all into any of her ports, being bur-
dened with enormous and ruinouS dulles
So long as England and France continue to
Law us under such contributions annually tor
their wines, their silks, and other manufac-
tured goods, we must protect ourselves by
counter enaclments, or fOrego our manutac-
lures, never again 10 be revived.
Is it wise for nation Of eighteen millions
of people, to shut up their own workshops
and open others in Europe; to contract from
year to year national debt, the inevitable
consequence Of large impOrtations and ny !
rendering the market unsteady, or by OPEN
ing it to the fluctuations incident to the trade
of Europe, suffer our own establishments to
be broken down, and an extensive depression
of labor! Our products, multiplied as they
must be, if agricultural pursuits become uni.
versal, will perish without market, or sell
at prices greatly reduced. The interest of
the farmer and southern planter, are most
certainly promoted by extending manufac-
lures, as tending to divide and diversity la
Dor, and create n certain and convenient
market. am not m advocate for tariff
beyond the wants of the government bu, |
let its necessary revenue be raised by sys.
tenn Of duties so adjusted, as to protect the
industry of our citizens. | entertain great
confidence, that if such tariff was the esta-
blished and steady policy of the country,
not to be broken in upon by any change of
men or measures and together with it, we
possessed the currency which we enjoyed
for forty years, to facilitate the trading in.
tercourse of states, now fatally sundered, the |
gloom which has SO long settled upon us
would be dispelled, and hope, and conf.
dence, and courage, shed cheerful light |
over many an anxious and Responding heart. |
AS respects the exact character of n tariff |
all agree, that o tax on consumption, or in
other words duties on imported goods, col.
lected by government officers ut the CUSTOM
house, is the best and least expensive meth.
cd of raising national revenue. Whether
these duties shall be laid by n uniform rule,
or apportioned so as to avoid hnrtful com.
petition from the surplus capital and pauper
labor of Europe, is the question TO be deci-
ded. The compromise act, so called, passed
in the year 1882, virtually gives up the prin-
ciple of discrimination. Distinguished states
men in the south, who profess 10 speak the
sentiments ofthat section Of the Union, chow
correctly cannot say,) assert that discri- |
minating tariff, with special reference TO do
nestle industry, is inexpedicnt and unconsti- |
tutional that it will destroy the peculiar
rights and interests of the southern planter,
and is contrary to the very spirit of the con-
stitution. Now have sought, in vain, for
any such limitation of the benefits Of tariff;
aud am confident that the provisions of the
constitution are broad enough, and clear
enough, 10 sustain the advocate of American
industry. In regulating commerce.. as in
exercising other powers Ut the constitution,
Congress is obliged to seek after the greatest
good land surely it ought not to seek after, or
be satisfied with, the attainment ofany thing
less. The advocate of the planting interests
processes to believe, that unrestricted trade
with England and France, would increase
the demand for, and enhance the price Of
southern cotton, in Europe. He therefore
pleads for the removal of every obstruction
to commerce, and for the greatest encourage
ment of impOrtations. He is not satisfied
with free exports. which he now enjoys, but
insists upon free imports, let them consist Of