The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-10-05

,ed - The Senate and the House BY the Secre-
tary Of the Treasury.
| On the 2lst Of June, Mr.. Clay, Of Kentucky,
| from the Select Committee Of the Senate, TO
which the bill Of the Secretary Of the Treasury
had been referred, submitted a report, accompa-
MED by bill, framed in part according 10 the
plan OF the Secretary, but in the rifai matter OF
the constitutional question, involved in the 18th
article Of the llth section, differing from the Sc
cretary Of the Treasury, and proposing 10 esta-
blish discount Offices IN the several States with
out their assent
| In the House OF Representatives, MIR. Ser
geant from the Select Committee Of the House,
reported bill on the 2lsI day Of July substan-
italy the same as that reported by the Commit
tee OF the Senate.
This difference between the plan Of the Sc
cretary and the plan of the Senate Committee,
4 became, al once, the great question OF the day,
| Mr.. RiYes, on the Isl day OF July, moved,
an amendment 10 the Senate bill, 10 restore. IN
this respect, the precise language oil the bill
proposed BY the Secretary Of the Treasury
/ His amendment was not, as IL seems TO have
been generally supposed, new thing, but was
the provision Of the Secretary, and consisted OF
his very words cut from the printed Senate do
cument and wafered on a sheet Of paper, with
4 nothing but the formal words Of motion TO
amend prefxed in manuscripts.
i The two Senators from Massachusetts, MIR.
Bates and Mr.. Choate, advocated this amend
ment, that is, the adoption Of the plan OF the Sc
cretary in this respect in preference 10 the plan
| of the Senate Committee.
There i every reason 10 believe that If the
opinion OF Mr.. Bates and Mr.. Choate had been
4 followed and the amendment OF MIR. Rives
adopted there would now be in existence a new
United States Bank,-no dissolution of the Ca
binet would have occurred, no difference OF OPT
MON between Congress and the President, and
no schism in the Wing party.
For the opinions expressed oy Mr.. Bates and
Mr. Choale at that time, in III, advocacy of this
amendment, they incurred .ensure in some
quarters. appeal to you, dndto the Th0ie peo-
pie of Massachusetts, the constituents Of those
Il two Senator's to consider well these facts, and
TO do justc to the wisdom, patriotism, and
foresight Of the Senators OF our Common
wealth.
Was there, in this 18th article Of the plan of
the Secretary, any thing so Objectionable as TO
preclude lis adoption on the pan Of Congress2
That there tras not. is con,lusively proved
by the fact that, when il was ascertained IN the
Senate that the bill could not pass that body
without inserting the principle sf State assent,
il was inserted. Whatever there was of objec-
tionable, in this respect, IN the plan OF the Sc
cretary is 10 be found in the compromise proyi-
sion, so called. Of the Fiscal Bank, as IL finally
passed the Senate, and without my change, the
House Did the former plan involve the diff
Guilty Of referring the agitation Of the Bank
question 10 the political forum OF each Of the
States? So also did the latter. Did the former
involve an implied surrender of Federal power
So also did the latter This WIS most ably de-
monstrated in the speeches in the House made
By Mr.. Marshall, of Kentucky and Mr.. Adams,
OF Massachusetts, In fact, tie compromise
provision, so called, was drawn up with such
peculiar felicity, as TO contain all he evil of both
schemes without the benefits Of either, and TO
be equally obnoxious 10 the condemnation Of
both classes Of opinion, that o. the Federal
school as well as the State Rights school
II would be an act of faulty ior the Wing
party to think OF breaking from the President
and thus TO break itself up, because of any Of
these changes in the personal organization Of
the Cabinet.
sincerely trust, therefore, that conceding TO
the President the same rights Of conscience that
you claim for yourselves, and applying well ba-
lanced minds to the calm consideration of all
the facts, listening to no suggestions of fac
tious violence, you will continue to yield TO the
Administration frank and candid support.
However that may be, it remains only for
me TO say that in none of the events which
have transpired, is it possible for me to see good
reason for radical and revolutionary change of
the Constitution of the United States. No evil
exists, it seems to me. which calls for revou
tionary remedies.
Yet an address has gone forth from portion
of the members of Congress, purportng to be
the unanimous act Of meeting of THE Wings
of Congress, which, besides arraignng the Pre-
sident on various allegations of fact and surrnl-
ses not fact, recommends such radical changes
of the Constitution.
I The expression, "TnE Wings" would be ge-
nerally understood 10 mean all the Wings.
What members constituted the caucus which
issued this document does not appear So far
as the journals of the House afford any means
of knowledge, it would seem that at the time
when that address purports TO have been adopt
ed, il being the last day ofthe session, after all its
legislative business was completed, less than
half of the Wing members of Congress were
in Washington; and il is known of many mem
bers present in the city, that they had no part
in its adoption l. at any rate, had none.
protest against the act itself, the measures It
proposes, and the opinions il promulgates.
The act itself seems to me 10 have been
wholly unwise as party movement. Our
wounds needed TO be soothed by emollients, not
nfamed by irrapts.
In a constitutional sense, II seems to me still
more unwise, when coupled with its matter.
Ii proposes the organization Of a neao party,
having for its main object sundry vast changes
in the Constitution of the Federal Government.
To attempt TO organize party in pursuit OF va
, rious and great changes of the Constitution, at
this time, is to waste ones life in the chase OF
bubbles-for there is no existing fact to mpel
the people TO make such changes, and therefore
, they will not be made.
; Those changes, if effected, would concen-
trate the chief powers of Government in the
, hands of that of which this document itself is
, an emanation, namely, a Causus Dictatorship
of Congress.
The Veto power has been stigmatized as a
one-man power BY the fathers Of the Repub-
lie it was established, and by the best expound-
i, ers of the Constitution il has been constantly
defended, as a needful check on, not only uncon-