Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1841-02-22

viii be worthy of a free enlightened, and lat no
distant period great nation, TO give to mankind
the magnanmous and too novel example OF peo-
pie always guided by exalted justice and benev-
olence Who can doubt in the course of time and
things, the fruits of such plan would richly repay
any temporary advantages which might be lost bya
steady adherence to it Can be, that Providence
has not connected the permanent felicity off nation
with its virtue? The experiment. at least is rec
commended by every sentiment which ennobes hui
man nature. Alas is it rendered impossible by its
vices
In the execution of such plan, nothing is more
essential than that permanent inveerate antpathies
against particular nations, and passionate attach
ments for others should be excluded; and that, in
place of them, just and amicable feelings towards
all should be cultivated. The nation which indul-
ges towards another an habtual hatred or an habit
ual fondness, is in some degree slave. 1t is a
slave to its luminosity to its affection, either Of
which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty
and It's interest Antipathy in one nation, against
another disposes each more readily to offer insult
and injury to lay hold of slight of umbrage
and to be naughty and ntractable, when accidental
or tritling occasions of dispute occur.
Hence frequent collisions obstinate, envenomed,
and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by i'll
will and resentment, sometimes mpels to war the
government, contrary to the best calculations of
policy. The government sometimes participates in
the national propensity, and adopts, through pas
makes the animosity of the nation subservient to
projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition,
and other sinister and pernlcous motives. The
peace often, sometimes perhaps, the liberty of ma
tons has been the victim.
So likewise, passionate attachment of one ma
ton for another produces variety of evils SYM
pathy for the avorite nation facilitating the illusion
of an imaginary common interest, in where
no real common interest exists and infusing into
one the enmlties of the other, betrays the former
into participation in the quarrels and of the
latter, without adequate inducement or Justification
1t leads also to concessions to the favourte nation
of privileges denied to Others which is apt doubly
to lnjure the nation making the concessions-by
unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been
retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill WILL and
disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom
equal privileges are withheld and it gives to am
bilious, corrupted or deluded citizens (who devote
themselves to the favourite naon) facility to be-
tray, sacrifice the interests Of their country,
without odium sometimes even with popularity
gliding with the appearances of virtuous of
obligation, a commendable Difference for publick
opinion, or laudable zeal for publick good, the
base foolish compliances of ambition corruption,
or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerabe
ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to
the truly enlightened and independent patriot How
many opportunities do they afford to tamper with
domestick factions, to practise the arts of seduc-
ton, to mislead publick opinion, to influence
awe the publick councils Such an attachment of
small or weak, towards great and powerful
tion dooms the former to be the satellite of the lat
ter.
| Against the insdous wiles of foreign influence
| Il conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the
jealousy of free people ought to be constantly
wake since history and experience prove that for
leigh influence is one of the most baneful foes of
republican government. But that jealousy to be
nj ha ii, Al
| strument of the very influence to be avoided, in
stead of defence against it. Excessive partially
for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of an
other cause those whom they actuate to see danger
only on one side, and to veil and even second
the arts of influence on the other Real patriots,
who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are
liable to become suspected and odious; while its
tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence
Of the people, to surrender their interests.
! The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to
foreign nations is, in extending commercial re-
latons, to have with them little political connex-
ion as possible. So far we have already formed
engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good
faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests which to
us have none a very remote relation. Hence
she must be engaged in frequent controversies the
causes of which are essentially foreign to our
Germs. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us
to impcate ourselves by artificial ties in the ord-
combinations and collisions of her friendships, or
enmities
Our detached and distant situation invites and
enables to pursue different course. If we re-
main one people, under efficient government the
period is not far of, when we may defy material
injury from external annoyance; when we may
} take such attitude will cause the neutrality
we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulous-
} ly respected; when belligerent nations under the
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will
not lightly hazard the giving provocation when
we may choose peace or war as our interest," guild
, ed by justice, shall counsel
: Why forego the advantages of so peculiar sit
, uatlon? Why quit our own to stand upon foreigl,
. ground? Why, by Intervening our destiny with
that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace
and prosperity in the tolls of European ambition, ri
t valship interest humour, or caprice?
1t is our true policy to steer clear of permanent
alliances with any portion of the foreign world so
; far, mean we are now at liberty to do it; for
let me not be understood capable of patronsing
; infdeity to existing engagements. hold the max
i'm no less applicable to publick than to private af-
fairs, that honesty is always the best policy.
peat it. therefore, let those engagements be observ-
ed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is
unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
} Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suita-
BILE establishments on a respectable defensive pos
ture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for
extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony and liberal intercourse with all ma
tons, are recommended by policy, humanity, and
T interest. But even our commercial policy should
hold an equal and impartial hand neither seeking
nor granting exclusive favours or preferences con-
suting the natural course Of things diffIsing and
diversifying, by gentle MEANS the streams of com
merce, but forcing nothing; establishing with pow
ers so disposed in order to give trade stable
course, to define the rights of our merchants and
} to enable the government to support them-conven-
r.lAa Dft fhn tlnN Nd
: circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but
temporary, and liable to be from time to time aban-
, doned or varied, as experience and circumstances
shall dictate constantly keeping in view, that it is
folly in one nation to look for disneresed favcurs
from another; that it must pay, with portion ofts
independence for whatever tmay accept under that
character; that by such acceptance, it may place
itself in the condition of having piYen equivalent