The spirit of the age. [volume] (Woodstock, Vt.) 1840-1844, 1841-10-22

eminent. Experience has certainly proved, that f
there is any danger of That balance being destroyed,
Il arises from the constant efforts Of the Executive
department to extend its patronage and power
That such efforts have frequently been made, 10
enable the President to secure a reelection, can
hardly be doubted and it is to be feared that they
will continue 10 be too often made, so long as hu-
man nature remains unchanged
general complaint, arising from the same well
grounded apprehension, exists as to the Presidents
power of removal from office, The constitution
directly gives him no such power, but he has been
allowed to take by implication, 1t is difficult to
imagine how it should ever have been derived from
that provision in the constitution which authorizes
him 10 nominate sand by and with the advice and
consent of the Senate, TO appoint all officers
The President and Senate are jointly made the
appointing power. and, in the absence of all other
provisions on the subject one would have suPpos-
ed they must also be jointly the removing power.
But the President claims to exercise It alone and
more frequently exercises it without any cause ex-
cept for the political opinions of those removed,
than from an impartial regard TO the faithful per-
Torrance of the public service, which forms the
sole argument in favor of its existence. For II the
Constitution designed to give such power 10 Inc
President, it must have been for the purpose OF
enabling him to make removals required by the
public good But it has been perverted to to-
tally different purpose that of enabling HIM 10 le-
ward his supporters, strengthen his influence and
secure his own reelection
Another similar subject, to which would invite
your particular attention, is the power OF Inc IRE
sdent to veto bills which bave been passed by both
Houses of Congress. This Is the only monarchical
feature in our form of government, ana Is ailli-
cult to understand how it should ever have been
,Gtn1 rapnblinnn institutions. III was
probably taken, without much reflection as to It's
consequences from the British constitution, which
vests similar power in the king; but only to pro-
tect his own prerogative from encroachment. Even
for this purpose, however, it has not been eXer-
cised by him for more than two centuries Inc
early settlers of Vermont were too Jealous OF llo-
ery to allow such power any place IN our con-
stitution.
TO form Just notion of the magnitude Of the
veto power, as it may be exercised by the rresl-
dent, we must keep constantly in view, that TO pre-
vent the passage of wholesome and necessary laws
is as bad as TO pass those which are mlschle'ous'
The power to make all laws, might he as properly
entrusted to the President, as the power to pre-
vent all laws. yhe history of all Legislation proves
that majority Of two thirds can seldom be obtain
ed on disputed questions; and to allow the Presi-
dent to resist the enactment of such laws as he
pleases, unless passed by so large majority, is,
in effect to repose in one man almost the entire
power of legislation But the President not only
claims the right to exercise the veto power when
ever ne peases hut 10 exercise II as he understands
the constitution, without any regard to the decis-
IONS of the Supreme Court or TO the pecedents
established by his predecessors. Heappears to be
uncontrolled in its exercise, either by law or pre-
cedent, and to have nothing to consult hut his own
conscience, and nothing to regard but his own char
acter for consistency.
If he is right. we NAV bid farewell to all stab-
ty in our institutions. Every four years the laws
of the country may be changed, and its business
embarrassed and destroyed by the constitutional
scruples of new President The torltt,-the
bank, the distribution ofhe revenue from the pub
lie lands, -internal improvement the great
measures for the welfare of the country, will be
constitutional or unconstitutional, Just as the Pres
ident may happen to be selected from one part oil
the Union or the other
submit, to your consideration whether it is not
cXpedient to propose an amendment OF Inc conslI-
tuition, which shall render the President ineligible
10 n reelection, and which shall modify his pow
ers Of removal from office, and of preventing the
passage of laws by Congress, =,
For myself, confess that cannot doubt that, if
such amendment should he adopted by the iequl-
site number Of states, 1t would greatly contribute
to perpe,uae our free government
have thus expressed my views on these 'mpor-
,ant subjects, freely and frankly. They are, how
ever, opinions on matters of opinion, on which we
are all at liberty to differ The discussions OF de
Lucrative assembly are likely to lead to more JUS
conclusions than the reflections OF an Individual
unaided By the reasonngs Of others; and sha'
rather yield to your judgment, than wish 20" 10 Dc
governed by mine.
Grateful for the manifestation OF your confidence
and regard, which has summoned me from the bu
sness of private life to station so conspicuous n
that to which have just been called, | commend
all YOU, deliberations to that Omniscent Power
whose purpose we have tondly hoped it might be
to build up institutions in this country, which would
be favorable to human liberty and the improvement
of mankind. CHARLES PAINE.
Montpelier, October Is, ls4l.