The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-09-04

them OF not, according 70 his concientious convic-
onso of what Is or Is not constitutional or Just Nay
the President Of the United States not only ent
tied to the rights Of CONSCIENCE with any ndivi-
dual member of the House. but such separate exercise
OF his own Judgment, and individual submission to
the dictates of his own conscience were expressly
imposed upon him, as distinct branch of the Gov
eminent BY the very letter Of the Constitution As
an individual he was bound to follow the dictates Of
conscience by all those considerations moral and
ligious, which apply to individual members of the
House. As the President of the United States he
was oficiay responsible to God to Congress, and to
ms country for conscientious Difference 70 the posi-
tive command of the Constitution, which requires
him, upon his oath President he conscientiously
dsapproves Of any bill, to return the same 10 the
House In which il originated Ard in no point of
view therefore, in which this subject could be regard
ed, did become say that the President Of the
United States, invested with such high functions,
and sworn to obey the Constitutionto say, that he
should not exercise the right of conscience according
TO the letter and spirit Of the Constitution and to
charge him with treachery 70 party. for doing that
which, with his opinions and CONVICTIONS, 1t would be
treachery TO God and the Constitution not to do.
Mr.. G. said that this was the light in which he
viewed the rights and duties of the Wings party,
Of each member Of it and especially Of the President
himself He had pictured TO himself magnificent a
sublime feature Of high and extraordinary usefulness
for the party now in power. Il depended upon them,
and them Alone whether those arcipatlons should be
realized or not. Il could not be denied that at this
moment, we were placed in post critical position;
that was too painfully obvieussto universal observa-
ton And the practical question which that party had
now 70 decide for ITSELF as wellas the members of il
among the People at large as heir Representatives,
here 10 Congress, was. whethey they would concede
70 each Other and not only toeach other but above
ALL TO the President of the United States the act
ual chief of the party and Constitutional head Of the
Government the right Of CONSCIENTIOUS judgment; or
whether; descending from that broad platform Of ca
tholic forbearance and mutual respect, upon which
80.
the banner of "Tippecanoe and Tyler too" they
should take up one of the extrefe opinions Of the
ny varying sections existing along them, and erect
that extreme opinion, to thaexcusion of any and
all others, into the true and on5 test of Whigsm.-
i Wasthe United States Bank tie beginning the mid
4 die, and the end of Whigism2 Was there Whgism
in this, and this alone? and DIT of this NO Wing
4 isn't You had no more right ID make this an exclu-
sve test doctrine, and to denounce and prescribe all
dissentients than you lad TO make any other Of the
opinions Of any section or individuals the exclusive
test of Whigism. Eh secuted and repelled the
idea of any such extraugant excnsveness and into
| lerant bigotry of opinion. Should we undertake to
repel from us membe Of this House for differing
with the majority ons of the measures Of the
i sion Should We Of To House, undertake to pro-
i scribe and unchuTch theSenate if that body should
happen to differ with the House on one OF those mea-
sures, the Senate to prescribe the House for such
differencea Should we, above ALL undertake, in an
exclusive and extreme view of any one of those mea-
sures, to prescribe the PRECEDENT for such dierence2
We might attempt to do Ills if we chose; but all we
should accomplish in such an attempt would be the
suicidal destruction Of ou own party, and the cow
ardly abandonment of the power which the People Of
the United States have plated in our hands.
The People Of the Unitd States had called us to
great and holy mission-ttey had placed us in power
to discharge the exalted duties appertaining 10
station, for the publication and reform Of the Govern
ment and the promotion of the manifold interests Of
the Union. IL is for us to decide whether we will
prove recrean TO the trust the People have conded in
us; and whether, hentering upon parcidal warfare
against our own chieA and the head of our own Adj
mostration we will Face an impassableg gulf between
him and US. The question is very simple one
Would we concede r. him the rights of conscience
and of judgment in thu discharge Of his high and re-
sponsible duties which ourselves claim and exer-
csea i was in our pwer by cultivating spirit Of
mutual concession and affection, to continue to dis
charge usefuly and bnefcially the great functions
vested in u.s. and to execute the patriotic reforms for
which the People have TENT us here But if in a mo-
| ment Of weak and childish resentment we pettshly
destroy our own work We shall inevitably incur the
contempt and dspeasure of the People Of the United
States and demonstrate to our country and the world
the fact that whereas the difference of opinion be-
tween majority Of Congress and the President was
in itself but misfortune al most our own conduct
upon that difference is deliberate and wanton crime
This will be the consequence Of allowing ourselves
to in and countenance the views of the gentle
man from Tennessee and the gentleman from Virginia
IL actuated by the sentiments which those gentlemen
ayow and the opinions they entertain We proceed of
our own motion, to blow into fragments the mighty
fabric of Wing ascendancy, and throw up the power
we possess, merely because of the difference of sim
gle opinion among us we should 90 down to posterity
as Congress to which the sentence of the historian
on Galba would apply CapaT im2erii nj imperasset
having held authority just long enough to prove to the
country that we morally and intellectually incem
petent to carry on the Government. H
Mr. g. said he had but one other suggestion to make
to the House at the present timei and 1t was this
i The Chairman here announced that the hour had
expired, and Mr. Marshall of Kentucky obtained the
floor, and Mr.. Gushing was unable to complete the
remark he was about to make. If the rule had per-
mitted him to proceed, he would have concluded as
follows;
4 Mr. CUSHING had carefully observed the course Of
events without allowing alarm the hand or ex-
element on the other to bias his judgment. For him
self, he had made his election. He believed that the
President of the United States was honorable Just
and conscientious man and that, President Of
the United States, he was animated by motives of the
most patriotic desire to consult in all things the well
fare and honor of the great country which the sura
ges of the people and The will Of God had called him
to rule. He Mr.. G had reflected on all the probable
consequences of the surrounding events, and he de-
clared his full conviction that only upon the veto
which had already Come, but upon another veto, il
that should come, the Wing party would best consul,
their own honor and the welfare of the country by
yielding frank and manly support of Mr.. Tyler's
Administration. And he appealed to the great and pa.
triotic Of men of which the Wing party in Con-
gress and the country composed adhere TO those
generous principles of mutual forbearance, by and
through which alone they had obtained power to re-
pei from them all tendencies Of considered and "a
tally unwise resentment towards the President on ac-
count CT the which his conscientious convic.
tons of duty had compelled him to pursue to main
tain confding association between themselves and
the President by means of which he and they nigh,
continue to cooperate together for the public good
and thus to secure to the country REPucLicAN ad-
mnistration of the Government, worthy Of the best
days of the Republic
From The Philadslphia American Sentinel.
PRESIDENT TYLER AND THE VETO.