The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-04-03

year, distributed among the States, would re-
heye those now embarrassed, furnish important
lneaiis 10 those not in deb, restore yigor 10 the
powers, and energy TO the action Of the Federal
authorities, and the deficit in the national rev.
enue might be supplied by mposts on Injuries,
now ou'y Tree, and open 10 such legislation I'M
DER the action Of the Federal Government. In
TINS way, the original right Of the States, surren-
dered TO the Federal authorities for general good.
would come 10 their own aid in a time of need,
and prove, that the surrender Of this power was
mol an act OF folly, but a prudent recprocation
oil benefit, which comes back, whenever re-
CURED, with all the generosity which eharacteri-
zed The original bestowment. There can be no
mistake about the reciprocal claims of this high
obligation. The Federal Government is solely
indebted to grant of the States for its power
over llnposts, &C., and the time has never before
occurred in our history when the use of this
power was required as a reciprocity. Nay, il is
not required, nor even solicited, now. Ii is only
suggested, in existing circumstances, that the
Federal Government should resign its trustee
ship over the inheritance of the States, now that
the great object Of the trust is accomplished, and
depend on those all sufficient powers Of raising
revenue for the possession Of which il is also
indebted TO the States. Nothing, therefore, is
asked as boon. nor can il be said, that the mea-
sure would stand forth in the character OF re-
ciprocity of benefit II is simple act of JUS
iice, the ward being Of age, and having occa-
sion for the use of his own estate. Being of the
same family, while he did not want il, he did
| not claim il. While il was administered in a
way that satisfied himself, and he received his
share OF the income, directly or indirectly, il had
his consent. But this acquiescence does not inn
pair his title, or his right TO be reinvested with
the sole use and direction.
The scope for imposts on articles imported
into this country, free of duty, is wide, and ca
pabe of securing an indefinite amount Of rev.
enue |. Without increasing the burdens of
the poorer classes. 2. Without disturbing the
compromise act Of 1892. And 3. Without ope
rating as protective tariff, to the benefit Of one
and to the prejudice Of another section of the
Union. No one can reasonably object to legis-
lative action, for the present necessities of the
country, based on these principles, and securing
these three several ends in its operation.
| Moreover, we venture TO suggest, that no true
patriot can say, with good conscience, under
standing clearly whereof he affirms, that the
state OF the country does not require it,
II may indeed be a subject of wonder, that
the advocates of State rights, should be arrayed
against this measure. Ii they regarded cons
tency at all we should expect to see them NOV
ing earth and heaven, at the manifestation OF
such symptoms of Federal monopoly and usur-
patton, as the use OF power to withhold from
the members of the Union an estate received
only IN trust, when it is wanted to save portion
Of the States from bankruptcy and ruin, and to
establish the rest in fair condition Of prosperi-
ty. Much more, that the Federal Government
should refuse to acknowledge its obligations to
the States for the grant of that exclusive power
of raising revenue by indirect taxation on all
that passes the boundaries of our national juris-
diction, coming going, by refusing to use il in
any way for the benefit Of the States, when occa-
sionally, though rarely. their exigencies may re-
quire il. Such acts of injustice, ingralitude, and
oppression, are a recognition and defence Of
State rights with witness If Federal power
has already lowered TO such an eminence, and
established itself on such broad foundation; if
il may thus sport with impunity with the dis
tresses of the great members Of the compact,
and leave them 10 perish, itself rioting on the
spoils Of its victims, pray that the true advo-
Gates Of State rights may be SO greatly multi
piled, as to be able, by all constitutional modes,
TO storm with triumph the proud citadel that has
lifted itself on high and trampled on their just
claims.
II, however, it should be thought, that in the
present state Of the Treasury, it would be expe-
dent to defer the restoration of this estate to its
rightful owners, and the majority of them are
conlented, the question may be fairly considered,
and acted upon accordingly. But, we think, if
the whole subject be examined and sifted to the
bottom, il will be found that the best way to re-
plenish the Treasury OF the nation, and nvigorate
the financial condition Of the Federal Govern
ment, is to relieve the financial condition of the
debtor States and strengthen the members of
which the Union is composed. While they are
weak, the nation is weak; while the States are
in trouble, the Union must suffer. Or, as the
scripture hath it: "The body is one and hath
many members. If one member suffer, all the
members suffer with it," The philosophy Of our
present political condition cannot be better told
than in this picture drawn by an inspired hand.
Our greatest wisdom will be to profit by such
COUNSEL and such, we think, is the authority and
force Of our present argument 1t is not robing
Peter topay Paul, but fair adjustment Of ac
counts between brothers. 1t is simply taking
part Of the money out Of one pocket, which con-
tains the whole, and putting it in the other, TO be