The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-10-28

Il
cases occur and always will 10 the consafuc
/ ton VI the Constitution, One, where inc 'hinR Pio
posed 10 clearly and BY common consent within -
| terms and powers another, where ~ 10 eesiy az.
cer ainly without them third, where sensible anu
influential men and great masses Of the People win
them differ on this point beyond all hope OF agree
mem, some holding that il Is within and others 'ha'
il is without the constitutional powers OF the Govern
ment Now when this third case arises, where u 'he
misc hef where the danger of establishing the primer
pie that such questions may be settled by the Joint
ZION Of that National Government which has some
powers and those State Governments which have az
The powers the General Government has not. Is mol
this principle in harmony with the whole spri of our
CONSTITUTIONAL il not its obvious tendency TO allay
and prevent discomfort, and give TO tie institutions
created by the General Government that stability,
hch for all of them that touch upon money matters
is Of inestimsble value say not these things with
view OF re- arguing the question: but TO show that
the statesmen who favored thai clause were not wholly
without reasop,-that the argument was not aitoge-
ther like an i'll roasted egg, all on one side Pas
sing this by however, and repeating that the w ing
Senators we're right in rejecting that clause il, on
principle they objected 10 I'll then say that re-
collection of the policy which had given the Wings
success and adherence 10 that policy would have
prevented their pressing any Bank upon the Presi-
dent that session IL was not known with certain
ty that he would veto il but it known with GER
taniy that he mus, either veto II contradict the
whole tenor of his political life; and II was known
too that he stood there not merely as one man, but
sidency the representative and exponent Of large
class of men, and of an opinion which in some sec
prevailed very widely. say then that the pres
sing Of that bill upon the Presiden, not in accord
anes with the previous policy OF the Wings
So it would seem The Wings in Congress thought;
Tor they Immediately proceeded TO frame and pass ano-
ther BILL far concslory and concessve as to JUS
tfy hope of the Presidential concurrence. That
this the leading object of the compromise proSi-
sion, Mr.. Clay declared in one Of his later speeches
in reply TO Mr.. Rives. This hope was disappointed
why and how shall endeavor to consider in future
number when come to the doings of the President
and his Cabinet. The second bill was vetoed; and
tempest Of unmeasured wrath beat upon the President
only SO, but the edges Of the tempest broke upon
the heads al the Wings who yet refused to desert
him and the triumphant Wing party exploded into
fragments
How shall we explain this sudden and wide depart
ure from policy which had previously received the
unanimous concurrence Of all Wings, and had given
to the Wing party triumphant success. May it not be
explained by the unfortunate circumstances OF the
moment, and zeal which for time forgot discretion,
without the need of going father and doing worse
Mr.. Clay was the leader Of the Wings IN Congress,
and his position full of difficulty, perhaps of dan
ger For many years this able, jealous, and excltabe
man had been waging an unrelenting warfare upon
the unrelenting enemies of the country and the Con-
stitution At length he stood on a vantage ground,
The people had risen to cast of their burdens and
those who had laid and would have fastened those bur
to accomplish the good the Whigs had promised, and
be stood only in the forefront Of the battle but
upon him lay the responsibilities, with the power OF
control Is it then surprising that he, of all men the
most excitable the most zealous-tha he flushed with
the pride of triumph, and penetrated with the neces-
sity OF making good possible the promise OF
his party-tha he should look lightly upon obstacles
which arose, attempt to thrust them aside or beat
them down by main force2 This is an explanation,
reasonable in ITSELF and consistent with the respect
which every Wing and is glad 10 render to his
great talents and his grea, services. attributes the
whole mischief to haste, to excitement to misfortune
and there is, not only in Mr. Clays character and In
the duties OF his position, but in some things he has
said, particularly in the letter declining the public din
ner offered him in Baltimore much evidence that he
will come to Washington next winter, not dylder,
not disposed to widen the breach and infame the eI
ASPIRATION that endanger us, but peace maker,
resolved the whole might Of his influence and
of his ability heal these wounds and restore TO the
wing party health and strength.
Earnestly do hope this; and 1M hope this as
long as can. For cannot give up this hope, with
out accepting in its stead, feelings towards Mr. Clay
too painful to be INDUCED. have not forgotten, and
history will not forget, the magnanmous Ienuncia-
ton of all personal claims which he made at the call
ofthe Wing party-which he made when the good of
the country he has served well demanded the sa-
crce, And history will not forget if his evil genius
should prevail and he should prove now that his re-
nunciaton but the despair of dark and desoate
nightthat his claims revive in the first warmth of
brighter dayTevfVe To Dast ana wilmer the hopes OF
the Wing party-reviye to bring back the of
that fatal system of corruption against which for
years and years he struca the blows Of giant.
will not believe this | do not believe it now; and
will not believe this until must; and strong indeed
will be the evidence that can compel TO believe
that HENRY CLAY is a traitor.
In my next number propose to review the doings
of President Tyler and his first Cabinet and con-
slider the relations between the presen, Cabinet and
the Wing party.
A BOSTON WING.