The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-03-27

District OF Columbia were OF two fold charac-
ter, first, Federal for all purposes properly ma
tlonal, and municipal for all purposes appertain-
ing TO the Domestic interests Of its citizens. In
the former case, Congress acts in its capacity as
the Legislature Of the Union in the latter, in its
capacity as legislature Of the District. In the
former, the will Of the nation is the correlative
of the power vested, and is to be consulted; in
the latter, the correlative is the will of the in
habitants of the District. This distinction is in
dispensable to the maintenance Of the great and
fundamental princip pie of our institutions, viz:
that the will of all freemen must be respected by
the governing powers. 1t cannot be possible, as
we think, that the people of the United States
should usurp powers over others, which they
would never permit to be exercised over them
selves. This would be despotism
We are confident of the correctness of this
position, that the people Of the United States,
as such, have no constitutional right to move to
action on the District of Columbia, against the
will Of its citizens, for any other than federal
and national purposes. And this, clearly, as
seems to us, is the principle avowed by General
Harrison.
The President has devoted large part of the
Inaugural to the subject of abolition without
naming it, and very clearly defined those limits
which debar all political action originating in one
section or State from trespassing on other juris-
dctons. He has set up barriers, by defining
those of the Constitution, over which the aboli-
tionists cannot pass; and il is for this reason
that they are so much vexed with him. If Gen.
Harrison is correct, they are clearly, and as we
think, very properly, precluded from all right of
action on the District of Columbia for their spe-
ci6c Objects unless they are citizens of the Dis
trict.
We are satisfied from the history of this sect,
although they have made much noise and posi-
bly, may make much more, that they cannot ac-
qure any great political strength, on account Of
their extravagant and unconstitutional opinions.
All they could muster in the late Presidential
election was between six and seven thousand
votes. 1t will be hard work for them to revive
the movement. With them however, we do
not propose to make any debate
The State Debts.
"However deeply we may regret" says Gen.
Harrison, "any thing imprudent or excessive in
the engagements into which States have enter
ed for purposes of their own, it does not become
us to disparage the State Governments, nor to
discourage them from making proper efforts for
their own relief. The character
and credit Of the several States form part of
the character and credit Of the whole country"
How forcibly does this magnanimity contrast
with the base attempts which have been made
to force the States involved in debt into greater
and irretrevable difficulties. One could hardly
ascribe this systematic circumvention to any
thing but madness, That il is unqualifedly I'M
patriotic needs bat to be suggested to be deeply
! felt AS certainly as the whole is made up OF
its parts, will the Union suffer by the suferings
of its members and nothing could be more I'M
gracious, unkind, unfraternal, than for part of
the States to conspire TO plunge into deeper en-
barrassments those already embarrassed. 1t is
impossible that portion of the Union should
suffer- and the whole not suffer. The warfare
which was begun in the first and continued in the
second session Of the Goth Congress, against the
debtor States, was most unnatural and suicidal.
or its folly, and history will justify the impua-
ton. We are persuaded, that the good sense of
the nation will administers suitable rebuke, and
wipe away the disgrace so far as that it shall
abide only with those to whom it justly apper-
tans.
Without reviving the argument which has
been held in Congress upon this subject we
would simply remark what we have looked in
vain to see advanced in its distinct and most
obvious light, first, that relief must come from
some quarter. That is the decision Of common
sense. Secondly, it is equally evident that 1t
or indirect, Of the Federal authorities. That is
to say, thrust have their consideration. Third
ly, it is their interest to consider it, because it is
nseparable from the interests of the Union. No
power, human or divine, can make it otherwise.
Fourthly, plan of relief devised by the Fede-
raj Government will be relief to ITSELF as all
sufferings Of this kind in the members bear d.
rectly upon the head. Filthy, it is impossible
that relief should come from any other quarter,
without mode of taxation which cannot be en-
dured Sixthly, the States, by the Constitution,
have delegated TO the Federal powers the right
to the only expedient that is suited to the case.
which creates moral obligation. And lastly,
the adoption of this expedient would operate
equally on all the States, while each severaly,
and all conformity, would be equally benefited.
The means thus acquired, which would operate
for the relief Of the debtor States, and thus re-
leve the States in their united capacity, would
in the same proportion augment the wealth and
disposeable means of the other States in their
separate capacity. 1t is impossible that any of
the States should be poorer, and equally certain
that all would be richer, by the adoption of this
expedient
Let it not be supposed, however, that we go
for tho oss,,ort;on of State dabte Far from n