Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1841-09-04
A CARD-To THE PFopRIrrohs OF THE

PUBLIC Pass IN THE STATE OF Missouri
A private citizen, aspiring to nether office nor
distinction Mt the handsol yourreaders, but whose
humble opinions continue 10 be treated as the
property of the public, and not unlrequently
with great uufairness, is DESTROYS, simply, that
his present position upon the most important
political issue ever raised in his times, may be
compared with all his past declarations, and the
verdict Of the candid and intelligent awarded ac.
cordingly. If the unjust and incorporate denun.
Citations against Mr. TYLER, for his veto on the
Bank Bill, had foregone the criticisms which,
in many places, have connected so much more
humble name in the condemnation, should
have been left as well without apology for OBJ.
trudng a public commentator Of the enlight-
ened firmness for which the country will live to
thank and honor him, as for desiring to place
my own reputation in position as reproachless
and impregnable as he las placed his.
With those who approved and defended the
veto of General Jackson, the extent of their sub.
sequent concurrence (not co.operation) with the
party opposed to Mr.. Van Buren,, must deter
mine the degree of their fidelity at the present
iuncture, and in reference to the present question
Invoking, therefore, the closest scrutiny into any
and every thing have ever said or written upon
the subject, ask it as favor that extracts from
my recorded opinions and purposes, at some Of
the most opporune periods during the interval
referred to, may be published in connexon with
this note--either with or without editorial COM
mentary. ... .....
To understand them properly, it is scarcely
necessary to premise that their author had pre-
viousy stood almost alone in Missouri, in main
tanning the heresy Of the p:acticability Of an en-
cl,SiUe metallic currency-many OF the more re-
cent and prominent advocates OF that system hav.
ing run themselves into favor by demonstrating
his error. 1t is unnecessary to follow those gen.
tlemen since--nor is it my design either now
or hereafter. My purpose is detensiue-purey
so-and intended to demonstrate that upon this
great question (and | mig add upon others no
longer before the country stand now, with the
President and others, precisely where we were
left by the great body Of our political friends,
who professed to perceive a better 1cay, during
the second presidency Of General Jackson. The
public; therefore, have but to recur to the events
which transpired shortly subsequent to the Veto
Of 1882, to be able to appreciate with how much
justice and proprety the following position was
assumed in my Congressional Circular, Of the
Goth Of February, 1888:
''Since the canvass of last summer, an aspect
entirely original has been given to the question of
Banking. The simultaneous messages of the Ex-
ecutves of Kentucky, Illinois and Missouri, re.
commenting the establishment Of State institu-
tons, whereby to supply the anticipated deficiency
in the circulating medium, and the subsequent ref
erence of the subject, by large vote, to the next
General Assembly of this State, may be regarded
as unerring indications, that, in some shape or
anoher,we are doomed TO the endurance of this evil
Having in no respect changed the opinions so
often avowed in opposition to the ''principle. de-
sign and effect of Banks and Banking" | need
scarcely repeat that | could never have been in
duced to favor one hut as an alternative whereby
to avoid the still greater evil of establishing many
And without stopping here to charge home upon
certain persons fajthless and wilful abandonment
of the cooperation they once contracted in favor of
"a hard-money government it may be sufficient to
remark, that, in default of this am now as
have ever professed myself to be- in favor of a
Bank of the United States, properly restricted, in
preference to the deranged local currency proposed
to be furnished by the States"
As to what those restrictions" should be,
might refer to the many thousands who have
listened 10 me before popular assemblies, in ev-
cry section OF the State, covering and including
the whole intervening period until the closing
scenes Of 1910, and who honored me on the last
occasion on which | was candidate for Con-
gress Gin 1866 with between 2 and 5000
votes more than the deservedly respectable and
intelligent gentleman who was my colleague on
the wing ticket ask, however, to make the case
still stronger, and to render my defence opposite,
specific and impregnable, by copying from my
remarks in the Senate, on the 23d Of February,
1885, few OF the most pertinent paragraphs in
relation to the question at issue. The speech
was long one-occupying nearly - columns
OF the newspaper before me-and the subject Of
ga properly restricted national bank was brought
up in antagonsm to the State Bank bill then
under consideration, against which | voted as
well as spoke
81 will not detain the Senate said Mr.. Birch
by going deliberately into the details of s. Il new
and properly restricted bank of the United States:
1t is sufficient for my present purpose to repeat
that it should be such an cne as TO combine the
advantages and avoid the dangers Of the present
one' That the organization of such an institu-
ton is practicable, I'VE have the recorded opinions
of the President and an overwhelming ma Orty OF
the most eminent statesmen in the Union, of both
political parties. will amplify slightly however.
one OF the suggestions contained in the VEro:
A part from the exclusion of foreign capital, the
TAKING power is all embracing in its character and
operation Let this be fully conceded to the States
in the new charter, and they hold rod over the
bank which it dare not disregard. The commu-
nifty will care but little how much power mo-
MED institution may possess, if they retain and
possess counterVailing power, in the shape of
taxation, over the entire amount of it's capital and
business. 1t will not infringe their rights-it will
not trample on their intcrests-for they can chas
tise it into submission, or withdraw its life blood
at pleasure.
CONSCIOUS that the people of the States, acting
through their respective legislatures, possessed
this sovereign power, and remembering the fate