The spirit of the age. [volume] (Woodstock, Vt.) 1840-1844, 1841-11-12
Tbe Spirit of CITE Age.
FRIDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 70, 1871.
TIE VETO POWER.

denounces the Veto power His Excellency says
"Another similar object. to which | would in
vlte your particular attention, is the power of the
President to veto bills which have been passed b,
= both Houses of Congress This is the only mon
archical feature in our form Of government, ant
it is difficult to understand how it should have beer
, engraed upon republican institutions. u ua.
pr0ba6iy taken, tciHOHt much reflection as TO its
consequences, from the British constitution, which
vests similar power in the king; but only to pro.
tect his own prerogaive from encroachment. Even
for this purpose, however, it has not been exercised
by him for more than two centuries. The early
settlers OF Vermont were too Jealous of liberty to
allow such power any place in our constitution. -
Not TO notice the delicate thrust at the trainers
of the constitution, -hasty and inconsiderate fell
lows!-we apprehend the old farmer of Lamoe
could have exhibited better knowledge of history
than his Excellency does in the extract, preceding,
1t would have been well for his Excellency be-
fore he talked so loudly of the Veto power as be-
ing ga monarchical feature in our constitution, !"
TO have read that part o: Roman history which gives
us its origin. lie would have learned that the peo-
pie, tired of oppression after fighting the battles of
their country, and returning victorious from the
Sabine war-iindng that the consul Valerius broke
his promises, ''that the Insurers made them no
abatement, that the Senate pretended TO remember
nothing of arguments, butwiihout any concern saw
them dragged to prison." &C., became dissatisfied.
During the popular discomfort, the enemy invaded
the Roman territories The common people, borne
down by the patricians, refused to bear arms, and
retiring from the city repaired 10 the sacred mount,
declaring as they went, hat =" the rich mad driven
them from their habatons-that Italy would sup
ply them with air and water, and place of burial
that Rome afforded them nothing else, but to
bleed and die for their wealthy oppressors." The
Senate became aarmcd-thc patricians finally con-
coded to the pebians liberty TO choose five persons
as Tribunes, with power to put rcto on all laws
which the Senate might enact The first Tribune
ever elected was Junius Brutus, and to him and
the Tlibunes of the people must we trace the veto
power. The persons of the Trl5unes were made
sacred, and " their sole function was to interposc
in all grievances offered the peJians by their SUI
periors. This inlcrposng was called iatcrcessio,
and was performed by standing up and pronoun-
cling the single word I'cio, forbid it,"
Ills Excellcncy should know that it was the
"COmmon people," who forced from the patricians
of Rome, the privilege of appointing five men to
defend their rights, who should be called Tribuncs
of the people, and that the Veto so far from being
,cL; . f. {
taken from the British constitutions" was wrung
by the people from their opprcssOrs for their pro-
lection, and is one Of the earliest memorials Of
popular liberty, We would respectfully suggest,
that his ENcc|lency dance less, and read more.
1t is not surprising, however, that the ledcralisls
should find fault with the constitution. Yet they
like that as much us they do anything that inter-
ltrcs with their plans and spcCulations, The fra
mers of that instrument hncU nearly as much, in
our judgment, as our cruditc Governor, though,
perhaps, they might not have been so conycrsant
with history.
In the 73d No. of the Felcralid, we find the
following exposition of the object of the Veto;
"The propensity of the Legislative department
TO iatruie upon the Iighis aud to absorb the pow
crs Of the other departments has already been more
than once suggested; the insuiciency Of II mere
parchment dcncation of the boundaries of each
has also been marked upon and the necessity of
furnishing each with constitutional arms for its
Otra defeacc has been inferred and proved. From
these clear and ihdubable principles results the
proprlety OF negative, either absolute or quail
fled, in the Executive, upon the acts Of the Lcgisa
tive branches. Without the one or the other, the
former would be absolutely unable TO dCfend him
SELF against he depred0iiOns Of The latter. lie
might be stripped of his authority by successive
revolutions, or dnAihiIaied By single role. And
in the one mode or the other the Legislative or
Executive powers might speedily come to be Jlea-
ded in the same hands.
" If even no propensity had ever discovered it.
self in the Legislative body TO iHrGde the rights Of
The EJCcutirc, the rules Of Just reasoning aud lhco-
rctic proprety would Of themselves teach US that
the one Ought not 10 be left at the mercy Of the
other, but ought 10 possess a constitutional and
VcctuGi pOWer Of sELF-DEFENCE.'
so wrote our fathers; but then, if we are to be-
ernor Of the State Of Vermont they wrote "wilh- |
out much reflection" and our readers are to take
their opinions with few grains of allowance. But
what is the matter with the veto power! None,
whatever, except that it stands in the way of The
PpcIayers. And, if the Senate, or the House, or
the SupIcmc Court, should ever happen TO be
found in the same position, they, one and all,
would be equally obnoxious, and their anniha-
ton called for as loudly.
Notwithstanding his Excellcncy's assertion, that
the veto power was engralled into the constitution
hastily, and without consideration, we take the
liberty to think it very wise provision. Suppose,
for an instance, that this power had been taken
from the President at the suggestion of Henry Clay,
and before the late Fiscal Corporation bill passed
Congress That bill would then have been law,
tho in few weeks after the adjournment of Con-
gresss, the people have declared against it with an
majority! The veto power in this
case, has proved the safety Of the people, and by