The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-03-02
The Constitutional o,,e,tion

| Some have thought that National Bank is uncon-
stitutionai A difference Of opinion would perhaps
Indicate that the is not clear one; and if not
clear that side which has the greatest weight of
hority may fairly be taken the safest If right
the dictates Of prudence would incline that way II
might seem rash TO adopt the side which has very little
authority. How, then, stands the case in this light
In the first place, have the authority Of the Su-
preme Court Of the United States that National
Bank Is constitutional That is the highest possible
authority. Next, ii was 50 judged by majority of
the nation and Of its constitutional representatives
when the first Bank of the United States was formed
When its charter oftwenty years duration expired
however, there were some scruples about renewing H.
and the question lost. In five years these scru-
pies vanished, and National Bank was erected
for another twenty years. During its existence
scarcely any doubt entertained Of the consitu-
tionalty ofthe Bank the nation satisfied and re-
solved to the charter with stronger vote than
was ever before given the question, notwthsfand-
ing the sudden and violent opposition which sprung
up in quarter Of the greatest influence ever exercised
over the people Of this country. No one doubted
when General Jackson came into power, that the char
ter would be renewed nor did he himself, at that
time, entertain the project of opposing it.
Il may b, said therefore, tina, the opinion of the ma
ton, from the beginning grew stronger and stronger
in favor of National Bank, down to 1880, and that
IN 1879, there was greater unani nifty this ques
ton, than almost any great and contested measure
ever submitted TO the will the people But the au-
hority of General Jackson alone came like thunder
bolt this established and confirmed state Of opinion
and broke it up The monarchical power Of his veto
notwithstanding his personal influence and unbounded
sway over his own party ordinary questions, was
in this instance required to dsappont and subver the
declared will Of the nation.
BY the accident of the personal influence of thi
man, and for the sake ofhe great and fatal experiment
which was forced upon the country by his authority,
opinion the subject ofa National Bank for while
wavered, and COMPOUNDED in the general shock
casoned by that bold measure. We say, COMPOUNDED
by the shock For such appears have been the true
history Of this question for the lastten years Opinion
before settled and the confusion which has since
occurred and the great national caiami,ies ung
theefrom may fairly be ascribed violence done 10
our institutions. twas not the steady march Of that
kind OF influence the public mind, which gene
rated BY the legitimate operation OF Government
but like ship thrown suddenly aback by the rush Of
in peril Of going down. SO suddenly did The opinion Of
this nation encounter the power of single man,
We see, then, that the true history of opinion in
this country, fairly viewed and correctly written is
not only on the side of the cons,tutonaty, but of
the expediency Of National Bank and that this OPT
MON has gained strength for half century with the
exception here noticed in connexion with the cause
and in view of the manner thereof. II cannot be de-
MED therefore, that far authority is concerned it
chiefly side. And that is the point TO which
we have directed these remarks. Authority always
has great influence, IN moments OF reflection, and is
justly entitled to il In setting it aside, dishonor
the advice of history, and the hazard Of expert
ment And this authority is not borrowed; it j. our
own In respecting il, we respect ourselves. For
period of years, the opinion Of the nation on this
great question has been surrendered 1t was seized
thwared, oyerbrns, trampled On, and has never yet
recovered from the blow. Had been respected, we
should have had National Bank at this moment, and
the nation, We have reason to believe, would have
been in a of prosperity. So much for the authc
rity of opinion.
But it happens and matter of record that Gen.
Jackson himself who probably never had dcub, Of
the constutona,y Of the Bank OF the United States
when he came into power-whose former opinion, |
therefore, may be quoted against his later opinion,
leaving US our own election between the twot hap
pens we say, at the end Of all his opposition to
National Bank that he has declared that may be
formed which rouid be constitutional and that he him
sell could do it. The principle, therefore being ad-
mitied every will see, that all which is required
is admitted And 50 we have had all this ado about
nothing and suffered 50 much for nothing.
remarkable spectacle.
w have then before this extraordinary spectacle
Of history nation surrendering its opinion to
man against ali the advices Of its own experience
against the constitutional declaration Of that opinion
hy the hi constitutional authorities in the legisa
tive branch ofihe Government against the decisions Of
the Supreme Judiciary, and against the cooler,
considerate quiet opinion of that himself,
on the most vital and most momenious question 81
this great Republic The resat has been commensu-
with the greatness Of the error and the historical
monument Of our national caamities will forever Be
held up beacon 20 ourselves and 70 the world.
The monarchical sway Of the Veto in this and some
other instances, has stamped i dangerous power,
and told he country what i not before Of
that hy the operation Of this principle under
an elective monarchy II may Airly t. presumed
that the Veto power never intended thus 10 CON
aici with the Fundamental principle q ! republican
government 70 defeat lLc xil ofthe nation and sub
ject il TO the will Of ONE MAN. In case it was the
experiment Of our government, is principles are
commonly interpreted ~ tbe word j. complete fail
ure. JUNIUS.