The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-07-01


merely To defend The of the Secretary State My
purpose, on the contrary 70 attack the course Of the
Opposition IN Tins matter, and 10 show that n not the
object yet The tendency and end OF their course u To
substitute for the true issue between the United States
and Great Britain false one TO play into the hands
OF England; 10 force the Government Of the United
States II they may To abandon the Improbable for
tress OF night and 10 drive the country 10 the edge OF
piecpice, over which, ii the nation should fall II
would like the rebel angels Milton be hurled down,
as u were, iiom the heaven OF It's present lofty posi-
tlon into the botioness abyss of and dsaster.
This, say, 10 the tendency and inevitable result OF
the argument Of the Opposition, as will undertake
10 demonstrate.
The question involved in the Of Mcleod is a
secondary and incidental one-incdenal 10 the man
question OF The attack on the Caroline. To appreci-
ate the true position Of the United States in the whole
matter therefore, II is necessary to 20 back to the orr
glnal fact
What was that fact7 instruction and civil war
existed IN the British Province of Upper Canada,
coniernnous with the territory Of the United States.
That instruction had its root in causes which APP
peaed irreslsbly TO the sympahes OF the People OF
the ned States TO their revolutionary recollections,
and 10 their innate love of liberty. il was question
OF colonial Independence, OF republican feeling OF love
Tor liberty and OF the right of self government. II
was impossible for the people of the United States not
TO sympahse with the insurgent party in such case
TODD fault of theirs but, the contrary, a
merit II any disorders occurred on side OF the
line for those disorders Great Britain the United
States, responsible Great Britain RESPONSE
bic for all the unavoidable consequences of her own
msgosernment Of her own Colony, for the agitation
which that msgovernment gave rise to side OF
the line well as hers; for il the ordinary rase
OF Two neighbor' occupying parts OF the same house,
III which, If of the sets fire his part
of the house either by careessncss by malice is
his fault which involves the other in the common ca
lannty That individual citizens OF the United States
on the frontier should be disposed to aid the nsugent
Canadians was the natural and necessary fact but
the Government of the United States exerled self
and exered itself efficiently, TO restrain its citizens,
the English Government itself has again and again
ayowed IN the strongest terms. Nay, il owing to
the strict Observance of neutrality the part Of the
United States, that the Canadas were not, at that
time lost to Great Britain.
The United States in this respect are above re
proach, and least Of all Great Britain make our
conduct subject OF accusation. England has, at all
tunes, permitted and frequently encouraged, her sub
jccts To enlist, not by individuals only, but by whole
baaons, III the civil of other nations, whenever
1t was, she imagined was for her interest. No
commotion could exist in any pat of the world, in
Europe, Asia, Africa, America, into which she did
not thrust herself as government, ol alloy her sub
jecis to intervene The spirit OF universal informed
ding was Characteristic of her " hole foreign policy
! The United States, on the contrary took a higher
and nobler view of their duty as government They
did not allow themselves to inquire what for their
interest they did not found their foreign policy upon
soIdld considerations; they did not undertake basey
toprevarcae IN international questions by pretending
TO be neutral asa government while their people were
let loose as Individuals to organize war against Il To-
reign power. They adopted the spirit OF their o
reign policy the principle which animated Their
domestic institutions VIZ the assertion and mantle
nance OF moral night, as the only true guide tor the
conduct of nations as well as For the safe
guard Of their own honor as nation, for the love OF
the eternal principles of right the United States have
by long system of legislation, established public
policy of neutrality national and individual In their
oregn relations, In this we have set the example 10
The world-an example which England herself IN heI
own legislation on the subject has been emulous, IN
profession at least to follow And when the troubles
| in Canada broke out the Federal Government inter
posed IN good faith TO check and, so TAR as possible
prevent all interference therein on the part of the peo
pie OF the United States. Great Britain, on the Other
hand at nearly the same period OF time exhibited the
spectacle of allowing whole regiments of her subjects
to enlist arm, and equip themselves, in her own ports
for the purpose OF engaging as mercenares in the CT
vii wars of Spain and Portugal Nay, member OF
! Parliament took the command of British legion en-
gagged IN the ci, war in Spain, attended in his place
in The House of Commons in the intervals Of his cam
paigns and has been knighted by the English Go
sernmen IN recompense OF his services IN that wal
multitude OF other conspicuous examples might be
cited, in confirmation Of which IL the fact that when
in the year 1919 the English Government procured
the passage of act to prevent enlistment in the ser
vice of the Spanish colonies against Spain, that act
was opposed Ivy many of the most eminent men IN
England and in part by the same men now in power
there being departure from The ancient and long
continued policy of England, which, without any adj
mted breach of lis neutrality had furnished supplies
munitions of war; and men, for one party or the other
in half the civil wars in Europe.
repeat therefore, that, in the general matter OF the
troubles in Cana la the conduct OF the United States
altogether above reproach, al least far as H.
rardcd Great Britain A nd il was under these cir
u ttStu pJ No Dh-ml
neutral policy of the United STATES, that the attack on
the Caroline took place IND therefore, unless there
was something in the particular circumstances of the
case of the Caroline to take II out OF the general
\ principles of national right that attack was wholly
unjusfahc, and conrrs on the United States an IN
dlsputabe claim on Great Britain foI redress.
Was there any thing IN those clrcu stances to con
stitute such exception There is but one solitary
ground upon which any such ptetence Of exception
can be put or in of the books international Law
is put-and that Is, absolute necessity, There wa
no such necessity IN the case. II McNab desired t.
destroy the Caroline as, in the absurd and ridiculous
Language Of the English Government a lraleal YES
sel, he could have done when she crossed over Il
the English side, and in the ACT OF transporting
persons or munitions Of war, if she did SO, Navy
! Island But he made the attack on her she lay
pcaceaby moored TO the wharf at Schlosser. lie hat
the excuse of entering the territory of TIA,
United States IN the hot pursuit OF vessel caught 1t
the performance of any act injurious TO his Govern
mcnt His invasion of the territory of the Unec
States cowardly, thieflike, wanton, gratuitous
and unjustifable Doing this in pursuance of til,
orders of his Government doing il of his own head
and the act having subsequently bet assumed ant
| justified 10y his Government, what he did constitute,
an act of against the United States. ! say ar
act of war; for there may be an act Of war wlthou
there existing any state of continuous or declared
warfare. And the Government of the United States
| IN claiming reparation Of Great Britain mmediaei,
atterw ards, made that clam the ground that wha
had been done, if avowed or assumed 10y the British
Government constituted act OF war, shall show
hereafter by the production of the despatch on tina
subject addressed by Mr. Stevenson to Lotd Pdlmers
ton. And ! assume, the premises of all that shal
have To say concerning the of Mcleod that, II
the precise matter Of the Caroline the United State
possess such clear and manifest right of redress