Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1841-07-31

older, affirming it to be violation of order to
refer TO the opinions oil the President on pend.
ing subject Of deliberationl In an 4
Mr.. RivEs said, the Senator from Kentucky
had certainly mistaken his purpose. He was
making an historical review Of the circumstances
attending the late Presidential election in re-
ference to an issue alledged to have been made
and decided in that election. 1t was in that con-
nection only that he referred to the past opinions
OF the President on this question of q National
Bank, as known to the whole county; and, in
that connection it was, surely, both his right and
his duty, if he thought proper to do so, TO speak
Of them. He did not speak Of what might or
might not be the present opinions of the Presi-
dent: and, least OF all, did he make any reference
to his opinions with view OF producing any
effect on the independent action and free deliber.
atoms Of this body. ..t .. E
Some farther conversation ensued on the
question Of order, when the President OF the Sen.
ate decided that the remarks OF Mr. Rives were
in order. .....
Mr.. RivEs proceeded think, therefore,
Mr.. President, there is no sufficient ground for
saying that the question Of tho constitutional
power Of Congress TO establish National Bank
was decided in the late Presidential election.
have seen, with regret, the preserving efforts that
are made to occlude the liberty of private udg-
nent by holding up this question as me finally
closed and settled by the most authoritative sane.
tions. Great names are arrayed; and have seen
this morning, the name of Mr.. Jefferson, who
was all his life an unyielding and uncompro.
missing opponent OF National Bank, brought
forward to sustain it, A statement is produced
from what source | know not nor is it my purpose
10 question in any manner the responsibility OF
it, that Mr.. Jefferson, in conversation with Mr..
w. A. BurweIl. OF Virginia, in the spring Of
1911, after the refusal of Congress to re.charter
the first Bank Of the United States dec Jared that
he considered the question of its constitutionality
as having been defmitioely settled. Now, sir,
the published writings OF Mr.. jefferson show
that three years after that time he did, indeed
consider the question Of the constitutionality oil
Bank Of the United States as settled, but as
settled against its consttutionaily. In lette,
to Mr.. Eppes, dated the 9th Nov, 1913, he uses
this emphatic language; CATER the solemn de-
cision Of Congress against the renewal OF the
charter of the Bank of the United States, and
the grounds OF that decision, (the rant of con-
stittuional po,cer,) had imagined that question
at rest, and that no more applications would be
made to them for the incorporation of Banks -
The truth is, Mr.. President that this mooted
question has received different decisions, at the
hands Of the people and their representatives., at
different times, and it probably gives rise to as
much difference OF opinion at this, as at any
former period OF our history. If it has been
settled one way at one time, it has been settled
another way, at another time; the result OF which
is, that it is yet an unsettled and open question,
and will, probably, ever remain so, in the public
judgment. will not undertake 10 say on which
side Of it majority Of the nation are, at this
moment. All must admit that very large and
patriotic portion OF the nation probably moiety
at leasD yet maintain the negative. In this divi.
ded and nicely. balanced state Of public opinion,
on fundamental question of poacer, and one,
too, which has never failed to excite profound
sensation through the mass OF the people, is it
not the part of true policy and wisdom to avoid
the disputed question, when the same practical
results can be attained in the mode proposed by
the Secretary Of the Treasury? | would appeal
to honorable gentlemen on this side OF the House,
and ask if they are not willing to show as much
consideration for the honest and conscientious
convictions OF large body OF their ellowcitizens
in regard to the sacred boundaries of the Con.
stitution, as they have shown in the case of the
H.
founded claims Of a foreign power in regard to
the limits Of the national domain, by abstainins
from the disputed territory.
Mr.. RIvEs said that, in our very origin as
nation-in the history Of that great struggle which
had dissolved the British Empire-we had mon.
itory lesson on the danger OF extreme assertions
of power, which ought not to be forgotten. That
glorious and ever memorable contest had arisen
on the abstract right of the British Parliament to
tax the colonies, acithout their consent. So long
as the colonies were permitted to TAX themselves
in the joyous pride and voluntary generosity of
freemen, they poured out their treasure, with un.
stnted abundance, into the lap OF the mother
country. But. in an evil hour, the scheme wds
conceived OF taxing them, without their consent.
The dignity Of the Cro,cn and the honor of
Parliament" it was said, required the assertion
of The porcer. The stamp act was passed, and
repealed. Port duties, as they were called, were
then imposed but the colonies, planting them.
selves on the imperishable principle of British
liberty, (he free consent Of the people, through
their representatives, to the imposition of taxes,
demonstrated, and again prevailed. or the six
port duties which had been imposed by Parlia.
ment all were repealed except the miserable
duty OF three pence pound on tea; and that was
continued, not for repenue, for it yielded none,
but as an assertion Of The Legislative supremacv
of the British Parliament over the colonies. at
was such management as this" in the magnif.
cent language Of Burke, "by the irresistible op.
Grafton Of feeble councils, that so paItry sum
as three pence in the eyes Of a fnancier, so in.
significant an article as tea in the eyes of phi.
losoPher, shook, and finally dissolved the pillars
of commercial empire that crcled the whole
globe"
Shall we follow so Inflated an example, and
insist on the pOwer of establishing branches of