The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-11-06
Communications.
COMMUNICATED.
TO THE WINGS OF THE UNION.

BRETHREN:
Suffer one from his solitary studio, who is wrapt in
no Clouds and buffsted by political storms and tenn
pests, but who, like Tycho Brahe in his observatory
can look out not only upon the rude waves of the
Baltic but deep into the mild and illimi,able EmPy-
rean whisper few words unto thee, IN all cour'e
sy and in all kindness of spirit
Those messengers Of the daily chronicles OF the
outer world, as daily reach mel and were my abode
even upon the lofies summit of the Pinchincd, tower
ing over Quito full 5000 toises yet could judge Of
thee and thy doings Just as well as If were in the
midst of thy political vortex and, with this be
lief shall venture to pass some judgment upon thee
since all philosophy and experience in life hath taught
me the truth of that sage Italian proverb that "Ogh
rnsdaglio ha il sue rererso"-in other words that
"there are two sides to every statement"
That there is such thing as political sagacity
amounting to prophecy is not to be questioned But
then it comes from only one in million-from some
shrewd political Montesquieu, snugly ensconced
amidst the enduring wisdom Of past and present
ages cooly surveying the past and present experience
of man, and in reference to the momenous future.
Such oracuar pronouncing upon the minute and
hidden embryos Of tme only be looked for say,
from some sage and venerable patriot, wholly aloof
from party strife Segregated from all sinister nfu-
ences either personal in respect of loving friends
and from such when thus seated, as it were,
upon the summit of Pisgah, surveying with keen
anxiety for his countrys veal and glory, the whole
land of the political Canaan!
Not a carlino would l give for the political prophe
cies of those croaking and disappointed partizans
who dictatoriaIly announce, we sometimes hear
from them, that
The aole Wing party i, oreoer dead, neDer to rise
again"
like not that arrogant class who, reckless of conse
quences presume to despair for their country; it is
bad enough to despair Of our country; and even that
should be done only upon the clearest lights of the
present. distinctly penetrating into the future but to
despair for our country is generally nsoent and rash
dictation-is the abuse of holy trusts an aban-
Comment of exertion by those haung pooer and at
the very moment, too, that the country most needs
their exertions. This despairing for our country
the great crime of the viruous and otherwise noble
PHocIoN, who, high in power and when his country
most needed his services, pronounced, it were,
cathedra, that Athens then in rrerievable dan
ger,-wholy lost! and shrinking away from his own
high duty, by the force of his own example, won
ny over to his own despair! For that crime Pho
cion condemned to the poison-cup- his bones were
sent in perpetual exile to Megara, and he, once the
most honored and lauded of Athenians became a ma
tons reproach, until that nation, forgving his pol
cal cowardce, in respect of his other known virtues
and great services recalled his remains and raised
bronze statue perpetuate his name, mot his unhoy
despair Of or for his country, but in tender
brance of his former deeds)
l pray of some of these modern wise-acres without
he, vtha of phoc;on,. mort and IF
who may Justly compare with him, to lay to their soul
of serious consideration, the deep crime of despairing
for nation and carefully to ask themselves whether
President Tyler did one single act that ought
justly to any to despair Of the Wing party,
much less to justify those high in influences to despair
for the Wing party2 aver that such cause
lists. Mr. Tyler has differed, with pain, from por-
ton of the party in regard to t,oo matters FIRST
the details of fiscal institution and secondly, to
the true principles of removal from and retention in
Office.
As to the first, he vetoed very Objectionable Bank
which was followed by another veto of still OBJ
jectionable one. Now if the first not mex
piable political sin, the second still less so; for
consecutive series of inefficient causes ought not to
produce postue result, any further result than
was due to the first link in the chain. But say the
macontents, the second worse than the first, for
three reasons: first, because done in disregard Of
stronger manifestation of popular sentiment; second
ly, because less in regard to an "enhghtened
science !" and thirdly, because that second bill
made in conformity to his expressed opinions. de-
ny each and all of the acts and all of the principles,
involved in these three charges. Let briefly look
at each.
LIST. Was there any stronger manifestation Of the
popular wish, at the time of the second BILL than of
the frst-and if so, where is the evidenced Doubt
less the same gentlemen of Congress who fashioned
and sustained the first BILL would not fail maintain
the second; and hence We really gain nothing from
this but repetition of an that they in
earnest the second as well the first time And, as
to the indications of the press to say the least they
were probably, or possibly, balanced; for it would be
difficult now, to say that these indications
in favor of the Banks which were rejected. But ar
gumeni grata suppose every voter in the nation had
been for a Banks popular opinion ever to be the
maker, the destroyer or the eIpounder of the Cons
tution2 Surely not. Once grant that the Bank
question is in any degree open queson-once con-
cede that the Supreme Court has not closed it. and
rendered it res adjudcata, in every aspect that mo-
ment the question belongs exclusively to the Presi-
dent after Congress has acted upon il, by presenting
him bill for approval disapprovaI. Surely it
not mean for approval only, even if Congress were
unanimous; and equally SO, even if every human
being in the land should cry out, Pass the 6iur'
Is this law, or is it mott Every Bank is not ne
cessarily constitutional. No Bank is constitutional,
says the Supreme Court, unless the neces-
sities Of the nation then demand it-and of that ne
cessity there taoo constitutional udges-no one
only,-vz: Congress and the President. If it be
passed by all, by two.thirds, it becomes law at
once but only because then the President has no con-
'tifutional right to object in the way of Veto: but
still, know Of that should, even in such
case, prohibit the President, upon returning the bill