Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1840-1842, 1841-06-19

the British Government Of the capture Of the Car
= line, should such an avowal be made, would n
Tree Mcleod from prosecution in the criminal cour
OF the State Of New Nork. Its effect mere
cumulative. IL did not take away the offence
Mcleod, but added thereto, and made il a nation
rs well as AN individual offence. The legal pre-
| secution of Mcleod, and the application to a
British Government for satisfaction, were IL
| dependent OF each other, and might be sep.
1t ntely and simultaneously pursued. But wheIh'
this were the true principle of national law
. no', MIR Forsyth very properly sNid that Oh
question must be decided by the judiciary OF Ne,
York, and tha. II the position of MIR Fox wer
1 well founded, Mcleod would have the full protec
ton of that doctrine before the court. He coul
plead that his act had been recognised by the Bri
tSh Government and il the plea were allowed, h
would he set at liberty. That was the position o
the business at the close OF MIR Van Buren's admin
istraton; and n happier, safer, and more secure 10
sition OF the question for American rights and ever
for the honor Of England, also. could have beer
desired. when the trial came on, Mcleod would
have two grounds of defence: first, that he had no.
Hcen present at the capture Of the vessel, and next
that this capture had been snised by the British
Government as public act, done under its author
ity. IT, IN this state OF things, there had been lit
tie prudent delay, the question would soon have
settled Itself TO the satisfaction Of both parties But
inquiries had been addressed, in Parliament the
British ministers this subject, and high excite.
ment had been produced Throughout the British ma
ton. This always be done in that country on
every controversy with America, because our side
OF the question never appears IN their public jour
mails. have been for years IN the habit OF reading
some OF the English journals, and so far as have
observed, side Of the question even in relation TO
the northeastern boundary, had never TO this day
been presented TO the British public.
! No EncliShman can obtain from any of these
journals which have seen, any distinct idea what
ever TO the ground insisted upon by IN that
troNersy. An excitement had been raised the Me-
I Leod question, and loud deisnces had been uttered
on the floor ofthc House ofCommons- Threats had
been made, in case the American Government should
dare 10 retain Mcleod in custody. Anauempt had
been made both sides OF the water, to produce the
belief that war was impending; and so far with sue
cess that the American fleet ia the Mediterranean
/ least portion OF II, had actually returned home
while all our vessels in that had passed the
straits and gone into the Atlantic. Some people
here even, other than the ladies' became afraid that
/ the British fleets would be upon our coast and lay
our cities in ashes. \ marvellous panic prevailed
for time among those who had weak nerves, and
then, 10 Crown AL came the letter OF MIR Fox 20 Mr.
Webster. The Il IlISh nation has, | freely admit,
much 10 recommend It, but we all know that their
diplomatic policy, unlike thaiot other European
\ TONS has been OF character bold arrogant, and
overbsarrC. John Bull has ever preferred TO
complsh that by main force which other nations
would have attempted by diplomacy. | come now
to the letter OF Mr. Fox, and such a letter! This
letter is the imposing from the fact that It
not MIR FoNs own composition, but is official sou-
municltIOn from the British Government This fact
appears from It's hrsi sentence which follows;
THE undersigned, her Briianni. Maissiy's En-
voy Extraordinary and Minister P.enip5,en;ilry.
instructed by his Government 70 make the following
| official communication 10 the Government CT ,Ae
| United States"
Il Is then an Official communication from the Bri-
| fish Gov eminent themselves. lis no; my desire
this occasion 10 excite either here or elsewhere
any feelings which should NOT be excited. | mere
! state fac:S. To what Is this letter an answer Ii
to any thing II Is 10 the letter Of Mr. Fogsyth ad-
dressed TO MIR Fox on the 2s;h December, 1910. |
will trouble the Senate 10 read that paper, they
may find 1t in document 49, page /. And what IS
| the character Of the letter of Mr. Fox? IL common
ceS with perempiory and conclusive settlement OF
| the whole matter so lar as the British Government
is concerned. ]; is not sufficient for that Govern
mcnt 10 say that they take the responsibility OF the
act OF Mcleod upon themselves, but they even jus
tty IN the strongest terms the capture OF the Caro-
! line itself Yet here Is Mr. Webster on the 2ilh OF
April arguing question which the British ministry
| had settled SIX weeks before. They DO not say
surrender Mcleod and the question OF the Caroline
shall be Left open. That would not be according 10
! the manner OF John Bull wheh he puts himself far
! ly IN motion. he does not stop 10 argue, but at
once cuts the knot without the trouble OF giving
reason. Mr. Stevenson had demonstrated IN the most
urgent manner, and had submitted 10 the British
! Government al London mass of testimony, but no
notice whatever w1s taken OF his communication, and
no reasons given for their determination. Mr. Fox,
or rather that Government, IN halt sentence set.
ties the question:
r have e esa as s in 9fsiGH ays III: letter.
OF opinion that It was, justin tOe employment OF
force for the purpose OF defending British terri
tory" &c.
Our remons,rance, when this was written had
been pending for three years Mr. FORSYTH, in his
letter Of 26th December, 1910, had argumen;a,ve.y
stated the whole case, setting forth that the ayowAl
OF McLeOd's act shoudIt be assumed by the British
Government, 50 far from doing away with our ground
OF complaint, went only to increase it. IL was Gu
mu alive. not eTcu.paory. Whilst It would not re-
eve Mcleod from personal responsioii;y, II would
seriously Imp.icdte the Blush Government in his
guilt. And how Is that argument answered In
this naughty lmPeriouI sentence:
Her MaJesty's Government cannot believe that
the Government Of the United States can really in.
tend 10 set an example igaught with evI. TO the
community Of nat ons, and the direc, tendency OF
which must be to bring back into the practice Of
modern war, atrocities which clv zaiIon and Chris.
tIanIty have long since banishej"
Here IS no argument attempted, no authority ci.
ted but simple declaration put forth IN the strong.
est terms as 20 the "aroclty" OF the principle for
which the American Government had been serious.
q ~ contenjins. Bot the crownns point OF this in.
sgung letter s YET TO come: and undertake TO say
that II contains direct threat from the British Gov.
q erument- | not extensively acquainted with
the language Of diplomacy, but / certainly hay,
. not seen any thing Ike this threat IN any oihcil
n commuuicaHon between civilized nations for III,
4 1st fifty years. hope | may be mistaken H. my
= view Of the language but here it's:
, "But he that as II may, her Majesty's Govern
= mcnt formally demand, upon the grounds u.read,
stated the immediate re ease OF Mr. Mel cod:
4 her Majesty Government cnlreai the Pfesiten, o
q the UuTed States 10 take into his most deIiberau
consideration tie serious nature Of the c0nsequen
= ces which must ensue from rejection Of this de
% mand."
II WHAT consequenccs' WHAT conseGuences7 AZ
ter the denuuclations VIC have heard IN the Britis
10 Parliament and all that occurred in the course q
II the previous correspondence, can any thing bay
1 been intended but 'thc serious nature Of the con
o sequences which must ensue" from war with Eng
2 land' And here let me put clse. am so IN
fortunate rs to hove difference with n friend O
- mine. viii suppose 1t 10 be my friend from Sout
- Carolina, (Mr. PTCston) ] know, " you please
q even that am IN the wrong. My friend comes q
3, me and demands an explanation, adding, al In
NJ same timc, these words: n you DO not r-ont I'M
. reparatiOn demanded, enucl, you IN consider Nh
Il serious consequences which must cnguc from Won
n refusal. Certain am there is not single mefnbe
% OF this Senate, might say not an inleligen, man If
{. the civilized world, who would not consider sucl
c language as menace, which must be Withdrawn o
II explained before any fcparlton could be made
n was The moment offer rcId this sentence TINT de
IS tcrm'ned to bring the subject before tho Senate
thought then struck me which perhaps should d
better now 10 reprcss, Ou; II was this imagine
~ saw that man whom MIR. Jefferson truly denom
y mated the cd Roman, sitting m his apartment nm
% reading this letter for the first time. When he cam
- 10 this sentence, VIVA, would he his feeiogs7 win
w indignant emotions would j. arouse in bis breast
W. Ol him II may be Justly said
"A Kind, true hcau;a spirit ligH.
pr lNf rDuIuuf tCaf. and FI moi Ig.y