Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1841-05-24

tectnB the domestic industry OF the country Ills
motions on these kindred topics are sound and Or
thodox. The following is an extract -
A revision of the tarif is soon TO engage the
attention of Congress. 1t seems 10 me there is
no question what course of measures is dictated
by the wnnts of our countrymen. The last AS
semby passed resolutions instructng our repre-
sentaves to resist, by all constitutional means, ev-
cry attempt to destroy or impair protective tar
III. The mere have reflected upon the policy Of
a protective tariff and its bearing the affairs of
New England, and other States, the deeper is my
conviction that duties should not be imposed by q
uniform rule, but be so adjusted to aid our IN
dustry against foreign competition. We cannot
yield to the doctrines of free trade, for the obv-
Gus reason that such n trade does not exist, and
will not be reclprocated to Among advanced
nations, it has not hitherto existed /; and il we
may judge from the past or present state of the
world, we cannot anticipate it for the future
However beautiful in theory, such is the diversity
an the natural and superinduced condition of the
chief nations of the world that free trade would
be found impractieabe and am fully convinced
it will never be introduced. England and France,
with whom is most of our commerce, will never
consent to open new, and hitherto Impractical
trade with the United States. Their restrictive
policy is unchangeably established, and whether
wise or unwise, liberal or illiberal, it enters so
deeply into their political relations into the very
texture of their domestic and foreign interests
that we may not expect such radical change in
their commerce and system of taxation. IL Eng
land would open even her colonial ports to free
trade, we should find some relaxation of her rigid
policy, and hope for more free commercial inter-
course; but al present, we are debarred all reci-
proclty whatever; our grain, tobacco, and other
products, if admitted at all into any Of her ports
being burdened with enormous and ruinous du-
ties. So long as England and France continue to
lay us under such contributions, annually, for their
wInes their silks, and other manufactured goods
or iorego our manufactures, never again to be re-
vved. Is 1t wise for a nation of eighteen millions
OF people, to shut up their own workshops and
open others in Europe; to contract, from year to
year, national debit the inevitable consequence
of large inportations; and by rendering the mar
ket unsteady, or by opening it TO the fluctuations
incident TO the trade of Europe, suffer our own
establishments to be broken down, and an extern
sve depression of labor Our products multi
Piled rs they must be, il agricultural pursuits be-
come universal, will perish without a market, or
sell at prices greatly reduced The interest of
the farmer and southern planter most certain
ly promoted by extending manufactures, as tend
ing to divide and diversity labor, and create cer-
tain and convenient market. am not an advo-
cate for tariff beyond the wants of the govern
ment; but let its necessary revenue be raised by
system OF duties So adjusted as to protect the
industry of our citizens. l entertain great conf.
dence, that if snch tariff was the established and
steady policy of the country, not to be broken in
upon by any change ofnen or measures and to-
gether with il, we possessed the currency which
we enioved for forty years. TO facilitate the trading
intercourse of States, fatally sundered, the
gloom which has so long settled upon lis would
be dspeed, and hope and confidence, and cour-
age, shed cheerful light over many an anxious
and Responding heart.
AS respects the exact character of tariff, all
agree, that a tax consumption, or in other
words, duties imported goods. EUil1UIed by
government, ofli..aie at the custom-house, is the
hs-: and least expensive method of raising a ma
tional revenue. Whether these duties shall be
laid by uniform rule, or apportioned so as to a
void hurtul competition from the surplus CAPT
tai and pauper labor of Europe, is the question to
be decided. The compromise act, so called, pas
sed in the year 1882, virtually gives up the prin-
ciple of discrimination. Distinguished statesmen
in the South, who profess to speak the sentiments
of that section of the Union, chow correctly |
cannot say assert that discriminating tariff with
special reference to domestic industry, is inexpe-
dent and unconstitutional; that it will destroy the
peculiar rights and interests fthe Southern plan
ter, and is contrary to the very spirit of the con-
stituton. Now have sought in vain for any
such Limitation of the benefits of tariff; and
am confident that the provisions of the constitu-
ton are broad enough, and clear enough, to sus-
tain the advocate of American industry. In reg
ulating commerce, as in exercising other powers
OF the constitution, Congress is obliged to seek
after the greatest good and surely it ought not TO
any thing less. The advocate of the planting in
terests processes to believe that unrestricted trade
with England d. France, would increase demand
tor, and enhance the price of Southern cotton, in
Europe. lie therefore pleads for the removal of
every obstruction to commerce, and for the great
est encouragement Of imporations. He is not
satisfied with free exports, which he now enjoys,
nut insists upon free imports let them consist of
what they may. 1t is his theory to manufacture
iiltle ana import much. l am convinced this class
oil politicians are combating commercial impedi-
ments, which have no existence but in. imaelna-
lion; and that their boosted theory in favor of
free mportatons, is untrue in its essential princi-
pies. Neither experience nor reason will estab-
lsh the fact, that Southern cotton will not sell in
Europe u our importations are lessened; no that
the encouragement of domestic market for cot
ton, will not counterbalance the loss resulting
from dimlnuton of foreign commerce. Ii is
quite certain that hitherto the amount of cotton
exported, mas not aw aye correspondent in amount +:
and hence the theory, against which we contend.
ii allacous and productive ofinjury. 1t is inter.
est, interest only, which induces England and
France TO purchase cotton. Is it from any affec.
ton for us? DO they not find this article TO be
for them, the most profitable within their reach |:
and when either Of them can procure n better
from any other quarter, and especially from their
own possessions in the East, tor which England
Is now putting forth strenuous and unexampled
efforts, will their ports be any longer omen
to our cotton, or will not this trade be brought
within the exclusive policy which distinguishes
nil their laws oftrade and manufactures To me
II appears obvious that every American, whether
ne ne a farmer, planter or manufacturer, is inter
ested in extending the domestic market for cot
ton-a market, which the American can forever
and fuily secure TO himself, and which, until of
late, has been regularly and rapidly increasing.
The Southern politician is mistaken in the card-
MAJ principle OF his theory; "that duty on i'm
ports is a duty on exports" tits tax chiefly on
consumption to some extent on foreign capital
and labor If, indeed, it be true that q duty on
imports is duty on consumption, then the con.
sumner is most affected by the tariff, and not the
Southern planter. The South, in proportion to
its population, consumes less, very much Less.