The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-09-21


sumed 10 have desire TO favor them. He win have
an opportunity sobery 10 examine the acts and reso
luons passed by the Legislature not having paraken
OF the feelings or combinations which have procured
their passage and thus TO correct what will sometimes
be wrong from haste and inadverence, well as de-
sign. His view Of them If not wise, OF more
elevated, will al least be independent, and under an
entirely different responsibility TO the nation, from
what belongs them He is the representative of the
whole nation in the aggregate they are the represen-
tayes only of distinct parts and sometimes OF little
more than sectional or local interests.
Nor is there any solid objection to this qualified
power vi should be objected that II may sometimes
prevent the passage OF good laws, well Of bad
laws the objection is entitled 10 but little weight. In
the first place. be eiiectually exercised II
two-thrds OF both Houses are in favor OF the law and
if they not il is not easily demonsrable that
the law is either wise or salutary. The presumption
would rather be the other way; or al least, that the
utility OF il is not unquestionable II would receive
the requisite support, In the next place, the great
evil of all free governments Is a tendency To over
legislation; and the mischief OF Inconsistency and mu-
liability in the laws forms great blemsh in the cha
racter and genius of all free governments The injury
which may possibly arise from the posponement Of a
salutary law, is far less than from the passage of
nlschievous one, or from redundant and vaciating
Legislation. Book III, CHI. H.
In addition TO the consideration that the exercise Of
the Veto to be etfectua must be sustained by ma
oriiy Of at least two-thrjs Of each House of Con-
President, in the exercise Of this power must unite
with minority against majority of the representa-
lives of the people, which he could rarely have any
sinister or interested motive for doing, and further
must generally act against his own party, which
would afford stronger presumption Of the questoDa-
bic character of the law which the subject Of the
Veto, Il is unlikely that the President, and major
lily of Congress, would represent different parties
and if he should be compelled to decide against his
party, there would be greater to suppose
thathe actuated by conscientious motives or at
least by conviction that in that particular decision
he would be sustained by majority of the people.
There is too, another view of the exercise of the
Veto power which we should have supposed would
peculiarly accord with the professions and doctrines of
the Wing party. 1t is Of their avorte principles
that the Chief Magistrate should be the President Of
the nation and not merely of party. II was one Of
their strongest objections against General Jackson
and Mr. Van Buren, that they were party Presidents.
Now, how would it be possible for President to
prove that he was not mere party President unless
he sometimes venuIed to differ with his party and
that, too, not merely questions Of minor impor-
lance For if he differed only trihing points il
would, by the very hypothesis, be matter Of little
Importance whether he differed II he acted in
blind obedience to the dictates Of party spirit in all
matters of importance-if he were a mere automaton
in their hands, far their essential party views
and objects were concerned-a show of independence
in riAes would avail but little 10 make him in honest
truth patriot President.
II is admitted that upon all questions except one
questions of the utmost Importance, and strongly
calling for the party spirit on the other side-the Pre-
an
found him. The Wing Address, or proclamation Of
war; says, after enumerating the acts of Congress
almost every party measure, and all requiring
the corporation of the President" we have been
enabled to achieve all, and than all, that
our constituents could have demanded at hands"
The Senator from Kentucky who countersgns and
lends the sanction Of his great name to the declaration
of party against the President, equally join in
the confession of his jealous cooperation with the
party "If gentlemen, all has not been accomplished
at the late session Of Congress that the public inte
rest demanded more, much more has been Effected |
than Ianiicipated at its commencement"
In the face Of this confession which probably would
not have been made for their sakes but in which
they compelled indirectly to do justice TO the Pre-
sidept in order that they may claim credit themselves,
il requires some open fragrant and daring abuse of
power set forth by manifest and undenable evidence
TO justify this solemn and public promulgation of
party war, which, indeed, scarcely any thing could
Justify, at the present moment, except a conviction
that the Chief Magistrate actuated by personal
motives 50 perfidous and so dangerous to the national
welfare as to be almost equivalent to treason.
There should at least, be consistency in the designs
imputed to him. if moi conclusiveness in the evidence
upon which the imputation is based. But even in
this met by apparent discrepancy in the out
set. The late Secretary of the Treasury, who must
from his position, have had at least favorable OPP
porunity Of dvining the Presidents secret motives
any of the sgners of the Wing Address, and who
does not have felt himself under any restraint
in his revelations, imputes the Presidents Veto solely
to Mr.. Bolts letter and g a kindred source" The
Wing committees accuse him of having been beguiled
by opinion that he might be able to divert the po
Icy of his administration into channel which should
lead To political combinations" The Secretary
admits that from the first he rather hoped than expect
ed" the Presidents approval Of bank bill, (wthout
the assent of the States because he Knew the extent
to which he was committed on the question, and the
pertlnacity with which he adhered to his expressed
opinions The Wing committee do not deign to give
The President credit for any opinions, at any time
pressed, on the bank question: but accuse him of hav
ing been actuatod solely by personal motives and cal
cula,ons Of political combinations. This subject,
how vcr, deserves separate and attentive conside-
ration.
A Free Vine.
FOR THE MADISoNIAN.
THE MANIFESTO AND THE PRESIDENT.