Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1841-09-11

d States. And now here in nv place. add 10 II
n testimony already before the Public, By decIarr
n that II Is within my certain knowledge, that &
II cision did not proceed from a disbelief CT M
Il Joriiy OF the Senate in the power Of Congress
d establish National Bans, bu, from combined CO,
o slderations of expcdiency and constiiutionaiIt'
II A snsj jFity of the Senate, tho contrary. as
know, entertained no doubt the power ,
c Congress Thus the account, as 10 Congrosse!
! stands i've Tor, and not one, against tho power.
; Let look into the state of authority d
r riyable from the opinions Of Presidents of the
c nited States. President Washington believed i
: the power of Congress, and approved bank bill
I President Jefferson approved acts to extend bran
ches into other parts OF the United States, and
punish counteriaitcrs Of the notes of tho bank
; acts which were devoid of all Justification what
ever upon the assumption of ahe uac0nstituti0n
aliiy Of the bank. For how could branches b,
extended or punishment be lawfully inflicted up
on the counterleiters Of the paper Of Il corpora
ton which came into existence without auY au
thori:y, and IN violation Of the Constitution oil
the land?-JQnes Madison. not withs tanding those
carly scruPle5 which be had entertained, and
! which he probably still cherished, sanctioned and
signed bill to charter the late Bnuk Of the Uni.
ted States. 1t is perfectly well known that Mr.
I Monroe never did entertain any scrnples or
doubts IN regard 10 tho power Of Congress. Here,
then, are four Presidents of the United States
who have directly co'iateTa'ly borne official
testimony 10 tho existence of the bank power IN
/ Congress. And what President is there tina; cv-
or bore unoquiyocay opposite testImony-that
disapPToved a bank charter III tho sense nten-
ded by President Ty er?-Gen. Jackson, although
he did apply the veto power 70 the bill for re-
charioring The late Bank of the United States in
1882, II IS within The perfect recollection Of us
all, that he not only testified TO the Utility Of Il
Bank Of The United States, but declared mat if
he had been applied to by Congress, he could
have furnished the plan Of such bank.
haf in
viewing the action Of tho Legislative and Execu-
tive departments OF tho Governyne NJ, there is q
vast prepondeianco OF tho weight of authority
maintaining tho existence Of the power in Con
gress. But President Tyler has, presume I'M
Intentionally, wholly omitted TO notice the Judg
ment End decisions of tho third coordinate de-
par,mont of the Government upon this controver-
led quesiion-ihai department, whose InterpFeta-
tons OF The Constitution, within its proper juris-
dieton and sphere of action, binding upon all
and which, therefore, may lie considered
cising controlling power over both The other
depa rinenis. The Supreme Court of The United
States. with its late Chief Justice, tho illusrious
Marshall, at its head, unanimously decided that
Congress possessed this bank power; md this adj
iudIcation sustained and re-ailirmed whenev- !
err the question before the court
After recoun;ipg the occasions. during his pub
lie career, which he had expressed opinion
against the power Of Congress to charter Bank /
u the United States, the President proceeds to
say: Entertaining the opinions alluded 10, and
having taken this oath, the Senate and the coun-
try VIII sec that | could not give my sanction 10 /
measlro of the character described, without
5u.rendering all claim 10 the respect Of houosa-
bic men-all confidence on the part of the people /
all seifrespectall regard 10 moral and religious
obligatlons without an observance OF which no
Government can be prosperous, md no people can
&c happy. 1t would be to commit a crime which
would no, willingly commit to gain any earthly
eward, and which would justly subject to the H
dicu!e and scorn OF all vIrtuous men" Il
Mr.. President, must think and hope may be
Iiowcd 10 say, with profound Difference to the
Chief Magistrate, that it appears 10 he has
i!owed with too lively sensibIhty tho personal
consequences to himself Of his approval of the
ill; and that, surrendering himself to a vivid
ma gna,ion, he has depicted them in much TOO
lowing and exaggerated coloTs, and that it would
ave been most happy if he had looked moro to
he depiorabie consequences Of veto upon the
opes, the interests, and tho happiness Of his
ountry. Does it follow that G magistrate who {
ieds his private Judgment 10 the concarring au- 5
hority OF humorous decisions, repeatedly and de- {
beFatey pronounced, after The lapse of long IL
eTvals, by al! the departments Of Government, /
nd by oil parties, incurs the dreadful penalties,
escrbed by the president? Can any man be |
iseraced and dishonoged who Yields his private ]!
pIni3n to the Judgment Of The natIcn2 In this ?
ase, the country, q mean a majority,) Congress,
nd, according 10 common fame, unanimous a
tabnet, were all united in favor Of the bill s
houId any man feel himself humble5 and decra- .
ed in Welding to the conoint force Of such high
Does any man, who at one period Of 8
is Ito shall have expressed particular opinion, u
nd at a subsequent period shall act upon the OPP u
osIte opinion, expose himself 10 the terrible con-
equonces which have been portrayed by The
resident? How is it with the judge, in the case Il
: no means rare, who bows to the authority Of Il
spea,ed precedenis, settling particular ques =
on, whilst in bis private judgment the law was Il
.herwise? How is il with that numerous class Il
public men in this country. md with the two Fl
-ea, parties tina, have divided it, who. at differ b
Ut periods, have maintained and acted oppo- I
o opinions in respect TO this very bank question:
How is ii with James Madison, the Father of II
10 Cons;itu:ion-thei great man whose services p
, his country placed him only second 10 Wash =