Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1841-07-12
a7TH CoNGREss.....FIRs SESSION.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,.
FRIDAy Juna % IRdI
DISTRIBUTION AND pRE-EMPTloN BILL.

ceeded to address The committee at large in ex-
PLANTATION and support of the bill
He snid il was not his purpose 10 tresspnss long
on the time and attention of the committee. If
he had consulted his own convenience, he should
have submitted the bill its own merits without
undertaking to say word in its favor. lie was
well assured that at this day nothing new could
be said ola the general subject. The bill enihra.
ced questions which had been subecis of discus
sion from the foundation ofthe Government .own
TO The present time. Every legislator, whether &,
member Of the STATE Legislature or taking II pnrt
III the National Councils, every member of soci-
ely, indeed had had The subject presented to his
nlud Nv so many forms, and uurr every possible
tspac'. that MIR. J must he prcsunpu ,tis indeed
could he SUPPOSE il in his power TO Ger any Thing
new III hchuf Of the bin before the connure.
lie yielded, however, to what custom seemed to
have rendered matter Of necessity, in saying
few words III relation to it. He was induced TO
do SO, first, because The committee had orhurnc
to accompany the bill with any report, thinking
with him, that The measure was one which would
hcSpeak the regard oi the House in it's avor, and
being persuaded that all the members Of the House
were already so familiar with the merits of the
subject that no argument Of theirs was likely to
change The opinions of single individual. IL
seemed, however, almost n political inposshity
that any measure, how obvious soevcr its prurri.
ETY., conld pass The ordeal Of Committee of the
Whole, or Of the House ITSELF without more or
less discussion. He was therefore compelled to
yield to whit might almost TIC dcnonnHted the
mandate of public opinion here, aud uespass for
few moments Oh the Kind Indulgence of the
committee.
In what he had to say he should not venture to
speak for the COMMITTEES Of which it was his hon
or to be n member, or for the political PARTY with
which he was wont TO act. He had no inSiuc-
tons TO speak for any one and If he had, he
should not do it. Standing as he did on the high
personal responsibilities OF = ncmbcr Of the A.
uicrican Congress he should not arrognie TO him
self the right 10 speak the sentiments of others ::
neither would he utter Other sentiments than such
as he did himself entertain Genirnien would
therefore please to bear It in mind that, for any
thing he might row utter, lie himself was solely
and individually responsible. Each member OF
the commute would act III the matter according
to his own sense Of what was his duty. Bur the
question was one of such yasi national nonlcn,, Of
such deep concern to the whole American People,
hc might seem remss should he fail to present, IN
as few words as possible, some Of The why
lie Introduced bill like this
To go into II history OF the public lands would
orcupy tie time oil the committee beyond The i'm
it Of its patient endurance To go into Il minute
examination Of the question in all its aspects,
would he n task of no small labor. From this he
should refrain; because he knew that he YVES adj
dressing, OH that floor, the intelligence OF the A.
mcrcau nation; he knew II at he was surrounded
with men who had devoted much anxious and pa
stood quite well, if not better, than the hum
Bile individual who was addressing them.
Tho public lands had constituted fruitful sub =
ject of discussion from the formation of The Gov
eminent to the present time. Ever since the date
of our enrlicst struggle with the moihcr country.
these lands, and The proper disposition Of them
had been discussed, in the first Congress, in tie
Convention TINT formed the Constitution, in State
Legislatures, in Congress, and before the People ;
SO much SO, to render tie subject familiar to
cry State legislator, 10 every member of the Ma
tional Legislature, and almost TO every private cit
lien. 1t had been, he would not say vexed, but
certainly a compound question, interviewer with
uur national policy, aud with the whole genius and
spiri, Of our national institutions and lhe ample
manner in which it had been argued had brought
il to the familiar comprehension of the nation al
large lie should therefore not attempt to 20 in.
TO minute analysis of it, but content hinseI
with presenting general view in justification o
The committee for reporting the bill now under
consideration
There was nothing novel in the bill. The com
mittur, in dmughing il, ind no cIainrlo originate
| ~. All It's features had, in turn, been subjects q
discussion IN our leg slavH halls, and both cgis
laiors and the public would meet them as matter
| Familiarity known.
From the very inrhption Of the Governmen,
from the date Of our confedcraed alliance MS
| Union, the disposition Of the pubic domain hat
| hecn viewed II subject of paramount consider
|
NATION of the Union itself was 10 be found in TN
| fact that many of the States out of which it wa
10 lie formed caincd MS their own the vast uniu,
| proved territory which had before formed whn
was then famiiorIy known as the Crown lands /;
while oheis resisted that claim on The groun,
that the Crown lands had been wresied from In
uosscssion OF the British Government by the uni
ted effort of all the States, and that they shou,
therefore inure to the benefit of The entire People
and TO that of each State IN purtlculnr, accOrdin
10 the lede al numbers" of its population, and il
portion of the common burden aud eXpendur
lor the benefit Of the general alliance.
| MIR. J. said he would not tresspass on the pa
tience of the committee 10y particular reerenc
To The acts of cession, or 10 The charters of til
Suites further Than to say that the Congress
the United States regarded The ces>ons by tn
other States MS not on so broad a basis as Ihus
mndc by Virginia md Georgia, who, with mag
unanimous generosity peculiar TO themselves, sur
rendered their own claims and coded The tnlir
domain 10 which those c!aims referred, 10 bcconl
| the public property Of the whole Union. Tn
! lands were crded to The General Government n
I trustees for all the Suites of The Conftd erncy,
! be applied TO Ire benefit Of the whole. Mr. .
! should not pause 10 dwell! on the stern refusal h
Delaware, New Jersey, and Maryland 10 JUN I'll
other confederate States, though in the darkest an
most perllous hours of the great national confc
hrch,ise the other states claimed The whole of Ines
public lands, and to unite with them would be
Join States whose population, wealth, and powe
were such as must soon absorb every thing
themselves, and place these smaller md wake
communities as between the upper and the nr,h5
milestone. Maryland, during three of the darke
years olthe Revolutionary war, had On this Lroun
refused to confederate with her sister States. lie
argument had been, that it, even in the midst
such conflict those ether Suites could insist o
such claim rs they advanced to The entire bod
of The public lands, much more might they he c'
peclcd 10 adhere 10 it in the hour Of final victor
aud that they must in the end, crush and brea
down the smaller States that should unite wit
them under the admission Of such claim Til
argument had great influence with the old Coz
grcss, and still more with the larger States then
selves and so deeply did they feel its equity, tn
they actually surrendered their entire claim TO Ii
j Crown lands, reseNing TO themselves only ia
proportional participation in Ike proceeds of The
sales, in common with all the Other members