The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-11-09
THE NEW WORLD.
"yfr. TYLER and the Whig Party"

The paper, called the ssNew World" hereto
fore strictly literary journal, has been convert
ed, Of late, into party newspaper. But Tor the
fact ofits hitherto neutrality, and Of the moral
influence which periodical, neutral in lis cha
racter, when conducted on lofty grounds, neces-
sarily exerts in the community we should not
think il necessary to reply to the unjust and in
sidious editorial articles lately published in its
columns. The ostensible editor informs the
public that he is not the author OF these contri-
buttons, appearing under the editorial head, but,
by giving them such conspicuous place IN his
paper, he necessarily endorses the sentiments
they express. We take it for granted that the
author or authors Of these communicated edito-
rails have never seen the President-for in no
other way can we account for the slngularm isre-
presentation, both of the history and the charac-
ter Of the President; and if the editor has never
seen him, and has never made the proper In
quiry into his character and the history OF his
life, he certainly is not discharging his duties, as
the conductor Of press, intended to difuse
accurate information and just knowledge "of
the world and the things of the world" among
his readers, while suffering his journal to be
made the medium of such insidous attack; on
the contrary, he, unquestionably, (whether will
fully or by negligence,) abuses his high trust In
these communicated editorials the ground is as
sumed that Mr.. Clay is much too violent and ultra
for safety or success, and that il would be perous
for the Wing party to follow his political lead,
and that Mr. Tyler is too narroc-minded, as a
stat, sman, educated, as he has been, in the
"bigotry" of the States Rights SCHOOL, but, that
being now the President, 10y accident,) and
having Presidential term to serve, il would be
bad policy to oppose him. The inference is
clearly to be drawn from the text that Mr.. Web
ster is juste milieu between the ultraism OF
Mr. Clay and the bigotry and narrop-minded-
ness of Mr.. Tyler Mr.. Webst is surely
great statesman, aud certainly man of vast
intellectual supremacy" and he may, beyond
question, bear comparison with any human be-
ing, in this world, for gifts Of mind. But we
are perfectly certain that Mr.. Webster, as
statesman, as man Of large intellectual powers,
and as member Of the Cabinet Of the Presi-
dent of the United States, so far from endorsing
the sentiments contained in these editorials, in
reference to Mr.. Tyler, entirely repudiates the
letter and spirit Of so unjust a publication. We
are only surprised that any friend or friends Of
Mr.. Webster should suppose that they are rem
derlng that gentleman any service BY promuga-
ting such opinions Of the President, and indulg-
ing in such structures on the character, moral
and intellectual, and the political life of John
Tyler.
Ii is our object, on this occasion, simply, to
take certain passages of one of these contribu-
tons, published in recent number of the New
World, and to anayze them in reference to their
truth and justice.
After speaking, in the first paragraphs, of the
"intelectual supremacy" of Daniel Webster and
the "lordly will" Of Henry Clay regarding these
as he would 1.-THE disrobed figures of heroes, ma
ked Of circumstance" (by the bye, the author
here has his oipn meaning, we suppose he goes
on to remark that
"To perform the same service in the case of Presi-
dent Tyler, seems very different labor. Endowed
by nature with attributes Of intellectual or moral
power, in which we might discern prefguraticn Of
HE high destny-traned by no discipline of life TO
| cope with those stormy elements in whose collision
he tossedrased 10 his lofty station by ''con
past history 10 learn his charoeferthrough his pre-
vious to read the law Of his future conduct
To make substantial parsonage the field of poll
i tics requires the array of circumstances much
the in the require the aid Of dress
Their identity is in their gdrb, and he needs most
ample drapery to make him presenable figure before
the public"
We cannot subscribe to the justice ofthe SEN
timents here set forth In running our eve over
/ -. ~. r.. Nj.
practical instances Of the possession Of the
.'attributes of moral and intellectual power in
which we can discern prefguraton of his high
destiny" as long the people of this country
remain the same patriotic and enlightened people
which they now are In the unsullied purity Of
his private lfe-in his high social qualities, re-
fined by Christians heart and Christians
thoughts--in his irmness, in resisting the ordi-
nary and extraordinary temptations TO err which
TO all men in this life are presented, to that de-
gree that he is quoted as proverb by all who
know him, for benevocnce and integrty--in his
forttude under trying political intiictions-ln his
prompt resignation of the honor and emoluments
of one Of the highest offices in the world, rather
than hold il under suspicion that he did not
represent his State, in his singy recorded vote
against the "Force Billn-in the unwavering
line which has marked his political march from
the foot TO the very heights Of the mount of
Famen-in all these things are seen manfes-
tation Of extraordinary character, and all go to
show that, if Roman virtue should be respected
and that if to do right is TO be most rise, that
it was to be expected that the People of this
Confederacy would recognize and reward such
wisdom and such virtue