The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-04-16

4
blood for the sake Of vengeance on an humble
individual.
This, as Il seems TO US, is the light in which
the matter stands The law must have its
course. Pardon Is an act of generosity, and
when there are sufficient reasons TO justify il,
70 call for II, the law is not dishonored while
the clemency Of the dispensing power imparts
ius're TO authority, and deracts not from the eff
cheney OF good government. In case Of the con-
| Viction OF Mcleod, we have nothing at stake in
pardoning him, but should receive much credit
Tor II from all the world, as the motive would be
appreciated. 1t would not be called fear-for
nations know not fear, as individuals debut it
would be regarded as generous satisfaction to
the feelings Of an interested party.
Why, then, this talk about war, as matter of
policy, even If it could be proved to be such,
since the motive is unknown to our Government,
and repudiated in our whole history2 1t is a
sad evidence how easily some people may be
tempted 10 swervefrom principle, and that going
down hill in morals is easy, and going up hard
We persuade ourselves, however, that they
who are hoping and trying to plunge us into
war, on account Of Mcleod will be disappoint-
ed. The people Of this country, we believe,
will never desire such an event, nor consent to
1t, unless national honor or national justice should
require 1t. We see not how either would call
for the death of Mcleod though he should be
convicted. On the contrary, our national honor
would be tarnished with spot before the world,
that could never be wiped away, il, with the
rdp in IL II
up victim TO the law, which is liable to become
provocation to tens of thousands of victims to
the sword.
England, we trust, will be better advised than
to say, our laws shall not have their course,
when il happens that one or more of her sub
jects have fallen into their hands, If not, our
honor would be touched But when she avows
the acts which constitute the offence as her
own, we may pardon the individual without dis.
honor, and look to the nation for satisfaction if
any other is demanded, after the forms of law
have been sustained The sacrifice of the indi-
vidual IN such case would chance to bring
down upon us, from that public, called the
world, the charge of an infraction of the law of
nations.
Let those who think and talk lightly Of war,
as if 1t were light thing TO be engaged in,
stand by themselves, and act on their own re-
sponsibility. We have no fellowship with such
minds; much less with those who only inquire
whether it win be profitable. Whenever the
United States shall go to war for profit, we are
lost-lost to principle, and lost to our claims on
the protection and blessings of heaven. We
shall then have lost our high and proud distinc-
ton among the nations of the earth. We have
publicly repudiated the motive ofconquest for the
acquisition of power or the extension of empire,
and stand alone upon our rights-rghts, as they
relate to sovereignty, to honor, and to Justice
The nation that touches these, touches our hearts,
and will feel our resentment however powerful,
while the weakest and most defenceless of the
tribes of the earth are safe from our INVASION
We crouch not 60 kings, ana as we respect the
rights Of all, we claim that our own shall also
be respected.
We do not envy the position of those who
have the responsibility Of endeavoring to stir up
strife Of nations for such cause. 1t is more
than inconsiderate and RASH We will not trust
ourself to speak out all that we feel We have
shown that il is anti American, unpatriotic, and
to its positive character, let the conscience of
those concerned-f yet there remaineth such
virtue in their bosoms-let the spontaneous SEN
timents of peace-loving, vet not the less honor
loving and justice-oving community, pronounce
As to our readiness for war with England,
which is presupposed by the artful question of
the Globe" Are not the United States able TO
maintain their independence ?"-the real question
here intended, being an affirmation, that we are
ready forwar, isridicuous, as question of policy
Was there ever nation more unprepared than
we are TO plunge instantly into such a war, if
we consider our own condition and that of Great
Britain2 No money in the public Treasury
brought deeply in debt on peace establishment,
no currency worthy Of the name, no Navy that
could safely go to against the force to be OPP
posed to US, and where are the troops to encoun-
| ter the first regiment of the numerous British
Army now in the border provinces, that should
cross the lines2 What is the condition of our
sea board and frontier Notifications Where
are the ways and means to give efficiency to the
War Department in the exigency of sudden
hosiilites And yet, if war comes on account
of Mcleod, it will come in a moment, like a
clap Of thunder.
In this critical situation Of our domestic af
fairs, in this utter destitution and heplessness,
at all points and in all respects, Mr.. Pckens' re-
port, supposed in Great Britain to be adopted
and sanctioned by Congress, though it was not,
but only ordered to be printed-this Report, I'M
der such aspects, and clothed with such suppo-
sed authority, throws down defiance at the feet
! of the most nnMerfnl nation nm the Globe and