The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-04-16
THE BELLIcosE TEMPER OF THE GLOBE
AND OTHERS

"Are the United States TOO weak 10 maintain
their Independence 2"-the true version Of which
would be,-Are we not ready for war? and
ought we not forthwith to plunge into it7
We have never doubted, that the aim of Mr..
Pickens's Report on the Mcleod and Caroline
case, was to provoke this result Such, mani
testify, was the impression at the moment among
those members of the House who felt it their
duty to speak against il, as Messrs. Adams,
Granger, Everett, and others. And what ,oas
the result2 The last news has shown us that
it has set London and England in blaze.
We have too much reasonto know that, since
the de.eat of the late Administration, the leaders
OF that party have been more than willing to see
the Government and country embarrassed by
whatever means. This might seem too unpa-
triotc motive to ascribe to political opponents,
and doubtless il ought TO be far qualified to
suppose, that they would as willingly see the
country, after having been driven to the verge Of
ruin saved at last, if they could have the credit
of it. But such is poor human nature, that be-
ing beaten, it cannot easily be kind to those who
beat
As if it were not enough utterly to have des-
uoyed the prosperity of glorious country and
the happiness Of happy people; as if it were
not enough to have used and dissipated all the
public wealth, and left the Treasury bankrupt
but il seems to have been devised and planned,
if possible, wantonly to plunge the nation in
war.
The Globe, in the article to which we have
alluded, has proved, doubtless TO its own salts
faction, not only that we are ready for war, but
that we ought to go at it, None, according to
the Globe, could suffer by it but our adversary,
she principally. fare not the United States
able to maintain their independence" What
singular beat to arms is this Who would
think that it meant WAR?
There is an elaborate argument, composed of
political reasons backing this call, the amount Of
which, we suppose is, that as soon as we can
prove war to be good policy, that Is a sufficient
justification. This, we know, is the doctrine of
despots, whose trade is the profession, and whose
aim is the prowess Of arms And sometimes
with more pacific governments, the question of
peace or war turns on question of policy
But il is time that Americans should be con-
cerned, when such calculations are coolly made
by those among us who set up as guides of OPT
Mon, without any question of conscience. In
the true American creed, we know of no ade
quate occasions Of war, but the calls of honor
or of justice. From the beginning Of our his
tory this has been our profession before the
world. But now, for the first time, we begin to
talk Of advantages and disadvantages, and to en-
ter into nice calculations which party will pro-
h,Il,, 81. r.
prove that England, or any other power. that we
can provoke into war, will get the heaviest, why
then let us go at it with all vengeance! There
will doubtless be talk about honor and justice !;
but the great question is one Of policy-simple
policy.
The Globe has proved, or affects to have
proved, that England, in case of a war, will get
the worst of it. If war must come we hope this
prediction will prove true. And the Globe, in
its calculations, relies much upon the contin-
gent, and by the Globe assumed to be favorable
disposition of other European powers. This, at
best, is precarious dependence. We have
many tokens of late, that the powers of Europe
would not be unwilling to see this Republic en-
tirey suppressed. We are moreover advised
very recently, by no mean authority from the
continent, that our cause Of war must not only
be just in our own esteem, but just in the eyes
Of the world, before we can expect any sympa-
thy or aid in that quarter, direct or indirect
Suppose one or more of the great European
powers should be pleased to find an apology to
decide this question against us, form alliance,
defensive and offensive, with our great foe, and
Join their forces to put an end to our great and
to them unwelcome experiment of Republican
Government.
For ourselves we firmly believe, that we could
stand against the world, and that the aspect of
such conspiracy would itself make us invinci-
bic, and in the end triumphant Neverthe-
less, all history proves, and we, of all people,
should never forget, that war is doubtful and
fearful game. No American principle or sentl-
ment, recognised in our history, or institutions,
or public State papers, would justify it to be
waged as game. In the war of the Revolu
ton, our cause being just, we dared to appeal to
the God of battles, and he sustained us. We
also felt, that the last war with the same power
was also provoked by insults and injuries insult
ferable. We risked the consequences, and we
came off with credit, though not, perhaps, with
much advantage. We did not fight for advan-
tage, bet for honor and justice.
Ofthe provocations we may now have for such
an encounter, there is no occasion at present &c
speak, inasmuch as the immediate occasion is
we believe, very unjustly put TO our account, as
a provocation, by the operation of our laws on q
British subject. Before the provocation was
=. = oQ,. Ia Tha,