The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-01-28
WHOLE NO. 433.

r say word or two that point. II is, on my par,
norunnng proposal have very little fthat qua
in my composition il is thing | know not in M
public course; 10 work by cunning is a thing Ieav
TO older and more practiscd politicians than myself
IL was not my purpose design TO do any thing
ning when offered the amendment 10 the present bill
wished, as have said, 10 put my exact position
record, that all might see it, do not any thing
so very cunning" in this knew, before hal
SAID word that all who will not yield their unques
uonng assent TO depredaoDs the public lands may
calculate on being denounced here AZ enemies of those
hardy and adventurous men who al our precursors
- supuung the wilderness. never was their enemy
am the son OF pre-emptioner, and was myself born
on presumption; and If have been restrained from
gong the full length with gentlemen on This snb;ect
Is from no enlniiy towards the pre-emptioners but
from sense OF duty 10 the Union as one of the TINS
ices 70 Wnom mas been confided the ma nape of
their common property. rejoice to find that there a.
nov. now way IN winch may at once crafty my sympa
thes with the industrious and hardy settler and M The
same time do my public duty TO ali the States: thai
can make compromise between the rights of the set
tier and the rights of the Union am now ready mi
whiing 70 give presumption right Of three hundred
ana twenty acres OF the public land every real bona
tide settler who Is not worth over one tbousa nd do
lars. am prepared to protect him in his possession
against the host of rich and gaspng spectators who
under the pretext of your presumption law and under
'ne uoesP,Ne mask oi an intention to sett and im-
prove your lands, are seeking to get the public do
main INTO their possession that they may convert il
INTO an engine TO enrich themselves Is there any
ihiDg In this proposition very unreasonablc--so
monstrous so "enormous"--so " cunning ~ If
we are ~ have '.r.ian at ALL 70, whose henet
is to be granted1 Gentlemen in very nusap urs
demand our sympathes and ask our bounties for the
poor and needy This proposition meets their sym
pathics and complies with their demands: il holds Out
bounty to the poor and the needy-a larger bounty
than the gentlemen themselves propose to give and
all 1t asks is guard that this bounty shall not be
given TO the rich. Is that monstrousa T. What DO
Al.
they want to give pre- empons to the rich2 To make
the rich richer II not, why do they reject my pro-
positions Mine has The very essence Of pre.emr-
lion law and It is the only of pre-emption law
which can be honestly indicated. Few men worth
thousand dollars seek FIR themselves home
amongst the distant wils of the public lands Very
small indeed, is the number whom such restriction
will exclude; but it will shut out the men who make
their wealth out OF the public plunder Do gentlemen
resist it on that account
| would not occupy moment of the Senates time
were not bound to show that am not ashamed Of
the measure have proposed and have no thought of
shrinking from its defence. What objection can
be urged against that part Of my amendment which
proposes to unite with presumption the principle of dis
tnbution II would be idle at this time to repeat the
history of the cession to the Union of the public do
main-on which cession rests the right Of the States
to participation in Its proceeds These lands were
coded, be II remembered, in lisa, at time when the
old confederation the fundamental law Of the
Union When the Treasury supplied by reouisi-
tons the States according to the amount of terri
tory in each State il ceded with the express mr.
pose that should be and remain for the common bene
fit of all the States. The proceeds were to be divided
according to the quota furnished by each State 10 the
expenses of the General Government; and how was
that quota regulates According to an estimate of
the amount of improved lands in the several States
But is that the rule of the States contribution now
If the proceeds of the public lands 90 into the Trea
sury does each State get its share now in this uropor
ton MOI not unless the taxes were in exact pro-
portion to the lands in each State. The rule has
been altered. You have changed the means of taxa
ton. But you cannot change the words Of the acts
of cession under which you hold your public lands
and the only way to fulfil the intent and meaning Of
that cesson to 60 according TO the terms in which
it is expressed. The revenue from the public lands
not like the rest Of the under the Constitu-
ton Those lands were coded to u.s. not under the
Constitution, but under the Confederation; and the
purpose of the cesson only be fulfilled by ms near
| an approximation to the very words Of the deed MS
circumstances render possible.
But this proposition is very dangerous The ho-
norable gentleman from Missouri reminds us that
when some years ago, we about TO distribute the
surplus then in the Treasury by deposiing it with
the States he uttered the prophecy that the practice
of distribution would not stop there that if the States
once began To lap that blood it would eventually be-
come their common food that the General Govern
would be stripped of its revenue; that the States
would seize upon the money in the Treasury, and
would have the General Government collect the de-
| nct as IL cOuu, III WORD, tnat the OtateS having
once got the taste ofbood, would asten on the Gene
raj Government like many vampires, and would
drain its veins of the last drop of their vitality Well
the honorable Senator last up to think land |
with him) that ought to rcpose the fullest
confidence in the good faith of the States and rely
without hesitation their fulfilling all their
tracts But what does the argument of the Senator
from Missouri imply Confidence in the fidelity of
the States What magnificent compliment has the
honorable gentleman paid to the States Of this Cone-
deracyl In his opinion, they many vampires
they are to lap the blood of the Goversmentthey
to feed upon its strength and suck its veins. Why
what is the General Government? Is it their own
ofIspringl And is the parental sentiment SO weak
ened so destroyed reversed, that the parent will
dcvour the child The States, it seems not TO be
trusted; they set of vampires; they will lap the
hearts blood OF the Government and drain its veins.
That is the Senator's opinion of them. | believe
such thing but he does; and were told all this,
yes, and great deal more The States, il they
get their hands upon this money, will apply it TO
wise purposes; it will corrupt them-dcsIoy their
dignity and Of independence! In our pure
hands alone there is contamination. The States
pack of idle spendthrts, tempted by the sight of
money, intoxicated by the touch ofther property
corrupted by its possession and led into all sorts Of
folly and mischief; therefore, we, as sort Of wise
guardians, must keep these our little wards from uve
nile indiscreons defend them from themselves,
by-keeping their inheritance Laughter
The States have right to demand this dribuon ;
and if they have their circumstances render it desra
BILE that they should have what is their due. They
have debts to pay; and under such circumstances,
think you that they do not like private individuals
like to receive what is due them7 We their debt
ors we them this money; and they ought to
have it, If it is their just right then IT Is no argu-
ment to say 1--WE need this money we cannot spare
III our Treasury is very low ebb, and if take
out this amount pay il to them, shall have to lay
taxes 10 make up the deficiency" We have no right
to their property for our purposes. We possess
ampIer modes of raising funds than the States do
and f paying your just debts leaves you with de-
fic il is much easier for you to supply i, than for the
States TO lie out Of their dues That is my answer to
the honorable Senator, and all he says about the
strosiiy of my proposition
II is said to be "ide" to pay this money the