Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1841-07-19

Europe thirty millions of dollars; vet we do not
ask you to raise thirty millions of dollars on all
EUROPEAN products combined; we only need
twenty two millions on the produce OF the whole
earth. He must, repeat il, be a subtle reasoner
who can make Americans believe, when their.
Government could pny the debts of the revolution,
State and NATIONAL and all the debt of a second
war, and yet increase as it has, that the ds,ribu-
ton of three millions OF the proceeds Of the public
lands is going to ruin hem.
| have said thus much by way Of illustration,
land have found that the best way to illustrate
is by analogy.) i have thus answered one chief
argument which will be brought against the bill
by anticipation
| come down 10 examine for O moment the
subject matter of The bill.
| You will have to divide, in the progress of half
century or ola century, some thousands Of mil
lions OF acres of the public domain. And here
will anticipate another argument which will be =
urged against the bill on the other side. You may
not divide the proceeds OF the public lands, be-
cause the expenses of the government in The
question: surveying, and general administration of
these lands, have not YET been reimbursed by the
nvails of the lands themselves. Let me refer gem
tleneD to the facts of the case. VIM are they2
II they would consult House Doc. No. l64 of The
25h Congress, they will find that the information
from the Treasury Department was this: The
amount OF expenses of sales, surveys commits
SONS sc. WINS $73,736,047 81 cost OF scqusi-
titioH and management Of the lands, S29 100000
making, in all, some Sl02, 220, 600; while the
receipts 10 September, 1898, stated al but $97,-
9O0,37o 3d. Here is an apparent deficit. But if
! gentlemen will look little further into the same
document, they will find that upwards of twelve
millions of of the land, instead Of having
been sold, were given to different States, for pur
poses OF education, for seats of Government, fop
deaf aud dumb, &c. beside which, the Govern
went has paid large atnounts of its own debts out
Of the same domain not including the amount al
lowed in private land claims, or the bounty gwen
to increase the pay of The soldiers during the last
war. Yet there have been 5,93l ,095 acres already
entered by land warrants. III gentlemen will look
at another volume hold in my hand, they Will
find that the debt of the Government for the pay
OF the army has been in great degree liquidated
by these public lands. Averaging the value Of
the land at so an acre, (and most OF it sold OH
credit at S2 the amount granted in pay to the ar
my is not less than twenty-five millions otdoliars
Here is an argument from the record an aigu-
ment of figures, better than figures of rhetoric.
But it will be said that even conceding that, ne.
rordDg 10 the provisions in the acts Of cesson,
there is law, equity, and justice in distributing u
mong the States so much OF the public domnn as
is covered by those acts of cession over which the
General Government was by those acts appointed
n trustee, yet how can yoa apply the same prin-
cpe TO that other large portion OF the DOMAIN
which was obtained not by deeds of cesson from
+ the States but by purchase from France and
4 SPUN? reply, that the purchases OF Louisiana
and Florida never designed by the Govern
ment n source of revenue, any more than were
the cessons 10y the States. No such object was
in view in the purchase either of Florida or OF
Louisiana. Those purchases we've made on high
considerations Of State policy: they were fnnde
because the General Government wisely thought
that were the land itself barren as the desert of
Zahnra STILL rather than leave it to lie in the hands
of Il foreign Power, that might one day become
foreign enemy for him to erect forts. impede the
navigation and make irruptions on our terrltoIy,n
! would be better 10 make sacrificeof money and
i fee mr. n NAPOLEON
was then beslriding Europe like Colossus, and
his ambition sought to subjugate the world: It was
Important particularly at time like that, that
we should hold the mouth OF the Mississippi,
though obtained al any price and therefore the
purchase made. Mr.. Jefferson, HIMSELF ad-
nlilled at the time that the act was violation OF
= the Constitution: but there was throughout the
nation perva1ng sense Of the obvious policy of
. the measure: all hgh-minded, far-seeing, deep
thinking statesmen were cow inced, with one &C
cord, that the purchase ought to be made, II It
could be effected and it was concluded that the
= general expression Of The national will overrode,
in this case, the letter OF the Constitution, and for
med Il sufficient sanction for the purchase.
3 But more: when these lands had thus been ac-
qured, were they NOT at once thrown under tho
i operation of our general land system? Did not
y the same law apply to them which applied to any
other lands held by the Government? The same
: donations made out of them as out ofoihersj
the whole mass was treated alike, as being kindred
n Gov eminent as an argument 10 prove that they
i we're identical with The rest Of the pubic domain.
K They afford the same means OF supporting the
e Government without injuring any OF The States or
g depressing the People l leave it to the better
Q judgment OF The committee 10 say whether there
{ is amy force in this objection. | am arguing now
e from considerations Of expedency. Let me ad-
e duce one or two in addition TO those l have al
f ready pressed.
II gentlemen will look at the bill on your table,
. they will see that it contains provision not only
tor distributing the proceeds of these lands at tins
time, but extends that provision to the future, I'M
Ill Congress shall arrest the operation Of the sys-
TEN, or until there shall arise Il national war Con-
: gress has complete jurisdiction over the whole
plan they can suspend or modify IL at pleasure.
r But there is argument urged against the
s bill which, when duly examined, will be found to
f be of the strongest that could be urged in its
n support. Gentlemen say TO Us in warning tones,
|" Ii you once divide the proceeds OF these lands
amongst the States, you will never get them back
e into the national Golfers" Well; ask gentle
e men if they have confidence in the Legislation of
Z the States? Have they ANY belief in tie wisdom
r Of the People? And II they have, is not their
6 own statement an admission that the States and
the People will both approve this measure as wise
d That they will appreciate and give Hther aniVer-
. sal sanction 2 SO far from this being an argument
against the bill il is the strongest oil oil arguments
, in its favor So far from discouraging me ~ pres
sing il upon the support and iavor-o lhe House,
= IL urges me on; II stimulates me 10 perseVere'-
= WI hat greater encouragement could desire than
A the assurance, even from the lips of IN adversary,
that the People of my State will hail such law
with joy And is mine the only State &? Let
gentlemen themselves be the judges. Is there
, State in the Union which, when this boon is cast
into her lap, viii repudia,e and rejec, il Can
gentlemen point me TO State Legislature which
will rise and say We reject the offer" ven-
ture to predict there will not be one in The limits
, Of The whole Union. And that consider one OF
the strongest arguments in favor OF the measure:
: State rights do moi mean by State rights the