The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-07-13

liz SENATE or THE UNITED STATES, JULr 6, lS4l.
do not design nor desire to go into discussion Of
the amendment proposed by the Senator from Viz
GINA Mr. Rves nor of the amendment 10 his amend
ment proposed by the Senator from Delaware, Mr.
Bayard but ask the indulgence Of the Senate 10
state before give my vote, the ground upon which
shall give it, wish, TO prevent mistake and miscon-
struction TO put on record, If can, contempora
neous exposition Of the motives by which | 60
yerned.
And begin by saying have doubt 10 the
power of Congress to establish Bank Of the United
States within the District Of Columbia without IT,
nor Of the power OF Congress To establish branches
within the States either with their consent With
out IT, any more than have of the right of Congress
under the commercial power, in order TO prevent the
wreck Of property and the loss of human he, to es-
tabsh hg hit house al the lands end OF Caps Charles
or Cape Henry And further, hold that #, upon
fair construction of the Constitution and Just sur
vey OF the great purpose for which the Constitution
was designeJnot the government OF petty corpora,
tion beginning and ending 10 matter OF dollars and
cents and half cents, but The Government Of great
and growing nation, whose destiny, IN the yiesstade
Of human Affairs II was impossible TO ioresee and ye
was 10 be provided for and whose duration II is to tie
hoped will he limited only by that OF tme-a doubt
should arise upon any of It's provisions doubts must
arise the Constitution itself has provided its own
appointed exposItor of It's own meaning the
the judicial commissioned by itself expressly
Egr
nitely settling such questions md when invoked
in due form liz decision becomes in the highest sense
whatever any man may say 10 the contrary res adju-
dicata-a part of the text engraven on the table of the
Constitution by the power that made 1.-THE people -
And until reversed, the official oath 10 support the
Constitution embraces IL as much as If there no
other provision in it, 1t is obligation to support il
in the provision for its construction and in lis
struction as much as IN any other pat of it, How
can man who respects and reveres the Decalog,e
nj naupht the dey eopement and exposition of the am
ptude OF It's meaning by HIN who commanded IL /
mean no rreycrence, but II to me the prnaple
which governs IN one case must govern in the otha
The question Is not then, what Mr.. jefferson or
Mr. Madison or Mr. Monroe or General Jackon
or Mr. Adams, Hamilton, or Washington, has sail or
thought--great names admit and for some of which
have the most profound respect and the hghestad-
mraton But circumstances change, influenes
change, men change, and opinions change admonBh-
ing us not TO be confident of that OF which ire
not certain and to be little lndulgent than
are There are comparatively but very few things Of
which man can be certain he sees the whole. Blu.
the question is what saith the judicial power, the
scripture the only power authorized and commits oned
to speak on this subject, and speak authoritatvey
as well as definitely, and 10 all who acknowledge the
supremacy OF the Constitution Once and again II
has spoken judiclally and formally, and has settled
this question and to It's decision should think, the
mind Of any mere mortal man might bow in submis.
sion and the conscience OF any man reposs upon ii r
peace and security Sir, there is nothing short of il
upon which the mind can rest, and there's nothing
beyond but that which is bottomess ane shoreless.
The mind must come TO this, as the mind ct Mr. Ma
olson returned to it after its wandering AMI rest
upon his did when the last light of II went
1t the only safe lum for the conscience of pub
lie man, and indeed o. any other
1t follows, that think National Bank necessary,
in the administration of the finances, as hsca
agent of the Government. In my judgment II vii
he ma in he q specIe
by the Banks, In my judgment It will be useful IN
equalizng the exchanges. And in my opinion,
Bank of the United States is Indispensable IN giving
a uniform currency to the people. How can twenty
six independent States, organized as the Banks now
are, furnl a uniform currency 1t is idle to talk o
IT. And how can Congress do ii without the inter
vention and instrumenlahty of National Bank, the
sphere of whose lnn shall be coextensive with
the limits of the Union.
These sir are my views unimportant to the Senate
know, and which should net have obtruded upor
its attention did not my position render it necessary
should do it. Honorable and distinguished gentlemen
in Congress and out of Congress, with whom have
acted in achieving the victory that has put the Wings
al the head of affairs differ from me in opinion
They think Congress has power to establish
Bank of the United States within the States without
their consent and they cannot vote for bill that af
firms the power without violating their official oath
We may attempt to convince them they wrong
We may entreat and implore them, by the ten thou
their opinion. But we cannot ask them to stain then
character with guilt and very reluctantly should
unite, II could IN concentrating upon them coer
Give power that should force them 10 do ii. He whc
causes guilt in another may parake of it, This then
is our relative position. What is to be donel A
bank we must have. The people look to it for re-
denption from the thraldom in which their business
is involved. They wait for it for the dawn of
bright and glorious morning after disturbed dark
night OF distress and suffering They demand ii they
lnN 81 nah IN tItrys hall hay ~ Al any
cy OF mine can help to give it to them. | will stay
here not only TO August, but December, and from
December to March, and from Maichto March again
but they shall have II. will sacrifice every opinion
tina, WI leave me conscience undefled to provide il
Tor them wi overlap every barrier that is net alb
soiutely impossible. Sir the spirit that prevailed up
on memorable occasion elsewhere must predominant e
and prevail here. We must have union Tor the sake
OF union, and union for the sake OF tue cause, and or
the sake OF the people, for whom this Government vas
formed, and for whom only. No other consideration
Is worthy TO have feathers weight of influence upon
our dehberation our action +" What's Hecuba 10
hemF
If our friends cannot come to us, shall we 60 20
them Can we} Ought we What will be the
effect if we do 7 What will be the effect if we do not
These are grave questions and deserve grave con.
sderaton. have revolNed them the best hight my
understanding furnishes. With our friends who dit.
fer from IN the particular have stated is matter
of conscience. With me it is not They cannot
with their present views, come to me. | can 90 10
them. | have resolved TO do it, In the first place
will do 1t for the sake of union-unitcd we stand In
the next place, TO accomplish the object we have in
,iew-the establishment of a Bank of the United
States. In my judgment, the bill reported can ne
yer be invested with the authority of law. cannot
shut my eyes to he light that is shining around me
And to avoid being INTERCEPTED the subject state
IN advance, have no special illumination from the
Pesdent, directly nor indirectly, any means of in
formation the subject that not within the reach
of all Senators. But the information have satisfies
me TINT the prospect this bill becoming law without
the amendment, or the amendment TO tie amendment
Is absolutely hopeless ! act upon lhi- conviction
Other Senator'S think differently Without doubt
the honorable Chairman MIR. CLAY INDUCES the be-
lief that the bill will become a law, for nothing short
OF the barest fermentation could originate bill with
Us upon this side the Chamber the friends of the Ad-
LLai ,.l.ll 4.