The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-03-25

the legislature of the Union lin the latter, in its
capacity as legislature Of the District. In the
former, the will of the nation is the coreatye
OF the power vested, and is to be consulted; in
the latter, the correlatiye is the will Of the in
habltants Of the District. This distinction is in
dlspensabe TO the maintenance Of the great and
fundamental principle Of our institutions, viz:
that the will of all freemen must be respected by
the governing powers. Ii cannot be possible, as
we think, that the people Of the United States
should usurp powers over others, which they
would never permit to be exercised over them
selves. This would be despotism
We are confident of the correctness Of this
position, that the people of the United States,
as such, have no constitutional right to move to
action on the District Of Columbia, against the
VIII OF It's citizens, for any other than federal
and national purposes. And this, clearly, as
seems TO US, is the principle avowed by General
Harrison.
The President has devoted large part of the
Inaugural TO the subject of abolition without
naming it, and very clearly defined those limits
which debar all political faction originating in one
section or State from trespassing on other juris-
dctons. He has set up barriers, by defining
those of the Constitution, over which the aboli-
tionists cannot pass; and il is for this reason
that they are so much yexed with him. Ii Gen.
Harrison is correct, they are clearly, and as we
think, very properly, precluded from all right Of
action on the District of Columbia for their spe-
cifc objects, unless they are citizens Of the Dis
trict.
We are satisfied from the history Of this sect,
although they have made much noise, and posi-
bly, may make much more, that they cannot ac-
quire any great political strength, on account Of
their extravagant and unconstitutional opinions
All they could muster in the late Presidential
election was between six and seven thousand
votes. 1t will be hard work for them to revive
the movement. With them, however, we do
not propose to make any debate.
The State Debts.
However deeply we may regret" says Gen.
Harrison, "any thing imprudent or excessive in
the engagements into which States have enter
ed for purposes of their own, it does not become
US to disparage the State Governments, nor to
discourage them from making proper efforts for
their own relief The character
and credit of the several States form a part of
the character and credit of the whole country"
How forcibly does this magnanimity contrast
with the base attempts which have been made
to force the States involved in debt into greater
and irretrievable difficulties. One could hardly
ascribe this systematic crcumvention to any
thing but madness, That it is unqualifedy I'M
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felt. As certainly as the whole is made up of
its parts, will the Union suffer by the sufferngs
of its members and nothing could be more I'M
gracious, unkind, unfraternal, than for part Of
the States to conspire to plunge into deeper EN-
barrassments those already embarrassed. 1t is
impossible that portion of the Union should
suffer, and the whole not suffer. The warfare
which was begun in the first and continued in the
second session Of the Goth Congress, against the
debtor States, was most unnatural and suicidal.
We can find no language equal to its turpitude
or its folly, and history will justify the imputa-
ton. We are persuaded, that the good sense of
the nation will administer suitable rebuke and
wipe away the disgrace so far that it shall
abide only with those to whom it justly apper-
tains.
Without revivng the argument which has
been held in Congress upon this subject, we
would simply remark what we have looked in
vain TO see advanced, in its distinct and most
obvious light, first that relief must come from
some quarter That is the decision of common
sense Secondly, it is equally evident that it
cannot be obtained without some action, direct
| IL, ,,la
to say, il must have their consideration Third
w., il is their interest to consider it. because it is
inseparable from the interests of the Union. No
power, human or divine, can make it otherwise.
Fourthly, plan of relief devised by the Fede-
raj Government will be relief to itself as all
sufIerngs of this kind in the members bear d-
rectly upon the head. Filthy, it is impossible
that relief should come from any other quarter,
without mode of taxation which cannot be en-
dured. Sixthly, the States, BY the Constitution,
have delegated to the Federal powers the right
TO the only expedient that is suited TO the case.
which creates moral obligation. And lastly.
the adoption of this expedient would operate
equally on all the States, while each severaly,
and all conformity would be equally benefited.
The means thus acquired, which would operate
for the relief of the debtor States, and thus re-
lieve the States in their united capacity, would
in the same proportion augment the wealth and
disposeable means of the other States in their
separate capacity 1t is impossible that any Of
the States should be poorer and equally certain
that all would be richer, hy the adoption of this
expedent
| Let it not be supposed, however, that we go
for the assumption of State debts. Far from it.
We have pursed this course of suggestion