The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-10-02

President carries on the Administration, and
unites with five other undoubted Wing citizens
in the conduct of Executive Wing measures,
Notwithstanding the Legislative denunclation.
In this state Of things, what can be done2 How
is the party to exist, how work together while
they are taught by the action of the Secretary
Of State that the President is true Wing,
whom he and they are bound TO sustain, and by
the Legislative caucus, that the President is a
traitor, whom they ought to renounce2
Again; for one act of supposed opposition to
the will Of the members ordering the Manifesto,
the President is denounced by his former sup
polters and friends. In anticipation of this, and
on the same ground, his Cabinet is broken up.
Yet on this and every other measure of the late
session, one or more distinguished members Of
the party are found in opposition to the mea-
slres proposed. Mr.. Riyes to the Bank. Mr..
Preston to the Land Bill. Messrs. Saltonstall
and Winthrop to the Revenue-cum multis
alis. They did all they could in their position,
and it was only less effectual than the Presi-
dents, because their position was inferior to his.
Yet these eminent, true-hearted Wings, are in
full fellowship with the party which, for his one
supposed misdemeanor, John Tyler is to be read
out of the Church.
"A Once more. Ewing and the rest resign. tits
proofthat the President is no Wing. Mr.. Web
ster sees no cause for the voluntary dissolution
Of the Cabinet, and he holds on. But this diff
ference Of opinion is to be deemed no disparage-
ment to him and no evidence that the President
is true to his party. Yet again. While the
Manifesto declares, in effect, that the President
is unworthy the confidence Of his party, he re-
constructs his Cabinet of good Wing materials,
and brings round him eminent and able Wings,
to whom he voluntarily gives his confidence, and
receives theirs in return.- ~ E@%s @2 @'''
In this confusion, on which side is the party
and where are the people2 A house divided
against itself cannot stand. The theory of our
Government points out the true course. It is,
that each coordinate branch is to act conclu-
sively in its own department. While it does
this, and no more, there is no reason to COM
plain. Difference Of opinion is necessary con-
sequence of division of power, and is an evil,
or rather an incident that has its compensations.
The historian, in future times, when, from the
rock of ages he shall review the turbulence of
party strife and personal disappointments in the
security of distance, will not find in the legisla-
ton of Congress that intelligence and prudence
which belong to statesmen or partisans whose
buoyant spirits should have carried them beyond
the storms of passion and the clouds Of temper
He will wonder at that strategy which compel
ed second Veto from their Executive chief
He will see in it none of that skill by which Ma
poleon made even his mistakes minister to his
victory, but the repetition OF a fault-worse than
crime. sai patsa5oG 4 s5H .ts6 ~ 4 a t9s e..
The Wing party, if it is not ready for dissolu-
ton, must again rally its broken columns under
the Presidant as its chief under his Cabinet as
the field marshals Of the War, under the Con
stitution, by authority of which every thing has
been done, and with full trust in Providence
that the ills, if there be any, will be cured by
time, and partial evil prove universal good.
A writer in the Richmond Wing, addressing
himself to the g Editor of the Madisonian," ac-
cuses us of having changed our whole moral
and political CODE" as7a.a III. ....s as,ao5
h Another ultra Wing Bank paper charges Us
with having, not long since, earnestly advocat-
ed a National Bank. - ,.' "".'" a."'
Although we should not feel that we had com
mitted a very heinous crime if we had changed
an opinion of some persons and their princl-
pies, yet it SO happens that it is in our power to
deny thatwe are guilty Of either of the charges
above alluded to- To sustain the denial, we
have no other means of proof than the columns
of the Madisonian, to which, as record of our
opinions and principles, wepoint with confidence
and triumph. We defy any man to show, from
the past volumes of the Madisonian, that our
"moral and political code" has ever been dife-
rent from what it is at this day, or that we have
ever advocated National Bank, either " ear
nestly" or indfferently. The denunciations
and charges with which we are visited by the
ultra Wing Bank press, will, unless accompa-
MED by evidence to sustain them, pass by as the
mere vaporings of party passion and intolerance.
If we had been soft enough to abandon the Ad-
ministration for a Veto of miserable, defornl-
ed, and impracticable Bank bill, we might then,
in truth, have been charged with inconsistency,
and the proofs Of it would have been abundant
The President has approved every measure
passed by the Wing party, at the late session,
except the Bank. The sole cause of difference,
denunciation, and separation, then, is the Bank
Of this question, the ultras are on one side,
and we are on the other; and for the position
we occupy, we are accused of changing our
" whole moral and political CODE" The accu-
sation is false and groundless, as can be easily
shown. For this purpose, we beg leave to refer
our accusers to the fist volume of the Madiso-
nian. When we came upon this arena, we adj
dressed "the Republicans Of the United States,
in language Of which the following is part and
a specimen:
" But the times are proptous for the schemes OF
the designing and the occasion has been improved py