Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1841-08-21

fered from the President, and it may read
lily be supposed that where there was mu-
tual respect and confidence, all practicable
means of approximation and agreement
were honestly and candidly exerted. Nor
can it be at all doubted that the President.
| from Difference to the sentiments of the
people who had elected General Harrison,
would, as far as possible, forbear from dis
tutbing any thing settled by him, and that
he would also, to the extent of his power,
and so far as his conscientious sense of
duty to himself would allow, do every
thing to fulfil those public hopes which his
election had inspired. But he, too, had
been elected to the second office by the
people with we'll known opinions on this
great constitutional matter, any modiica-
ton of which must be left to his own re-
Elections and his own conscience. The
power of approving or disappearing acts
of Congress is a power belonging to the
President alone. He may advise with his
cabinet, but the entire responsibility of the
final decision rests with him.
But the position of the President in re-
gard to the bank question was not the only
difficulty. Important Wing members, in
both branches Of the Legislature, stood in
the same relation to this question as the
President. need not name particular
gentlemen; but there was good reason TO
believe, from the first, that bank charter,
without some essential alterations from the
old forms, would not even get through Con-
gress.
Under these circumstances, the Secre-
tary of the Treasury was called on for his
plan for a bank. Two sets of opinions
exist, as to the manner in which he ought
to have executed his duty.
First, there are those who think that
regardless of any other opinions, and of
the practicability or impracticability of its
passage into law, the Secretary ought to
have reported bill, of the strongest char
acter, giving the bank all the powers of
former charters. That he ought to have
done this, merely by virtue of his own Of
fee, and in the exercise of his own proper
powers.
But there were others who were of a
different opinion. They wished to avoid
the incongruity and unseeminess Of that
which happened in Gen. Jackson's term,
when the Secretary of the Treasury re-
commended a bank and the President We.
toed the bill They regarded it as all
important that the Wings should agree,
before hand, upon some measures which
they could carry by their own strength,
and not by their own division throw them
selves and the country in the power Of
the opposition. They knew to what ex-
tent the declared sentiments of the Presi-
dent had gone;-they knew the opinions
of certain Wing members of Cons ress,-
especially in the Senate, whose votes could
not be spared; they felt that both the good
of the country, and the preservation of
the Wing party, absolutely required that
something should be done; and they had
the fullest conviction, which every succeed
ing day has strengthened, that if the
Wings, in and out of Congress, would sup
port the plan as it came from the Treas
ury, with some alterations which all agreed
to, the object in view would be fully &C
complished. And they thought, finally, that
in the present most important and criti-
cal state of affairs. the true POSTURE OF
OPINION, as well as the state of things ought
to be made known to the people, that they
might not on the one hand be carried
away by imaginary fears, nor, on the other,
deluded by false hopes.
The main difference between the plan of
the Secretary and the plan which has
been struggling for three weeks in the
Senate, consists in this: The Secretary
plan gives the bank power to establish
offices of discount in the States, Nth the
consent of the StateS-the Senate authorizes
it to exercise that power Without the con-
sent Of the States This is the difference.
You know very well my own opinion
of the constitutional power of Congress in
this particular and believing the power a
useful one, if all others thought like me
the bill would contain it. But is this
power absolutely essential Is its insertion
matter of necessity? Is any great, i'm
portant constitutional principle surrender.
ed by its omission Is the existence OF
the power so clear that no respect is due
to him who doubts Will the bill be gooc
for nothing without this powerl And il
we cannot get bill containing it. is i,
better that we should have no bank VIVA
; is this power of discount! How far il
lit. of itself, national NATTER How fal
is it connected with the power and duty
of collecting and disbursng revenue, Oh
with the duty of regulating commerce be-
tween the several States, and with foreign
nations? These are questions which pres!
upon US, and ought to be anxiously con
. sidered, commend them, my dear sir, t.
your earnest attention, and may trouble
you with my own thoughts upon some o
them in another letter.
!, I'm am, with regard, yours, &c.