The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-10-30

the States and the National Government But Ii this
just sol In the working OF our Government, three
cases occur, and always will occur as TO the consruc-
tion vi the Constitution One where the thing pro-
posed Is clearly and by common consent within its
terms and powers ;another, where il is clearly and
certainly without themi-a third, where sensible and
influential men and great masses OF the People with
them, inner on this point beyond all hope Of agree
meh some holding that IL is within and others that
II Is without the constitutional powers of the Govern
ment Now when this third case arises, where is the
mischief where the danger of establishing the princ-
pie that such questions may be settled by the Joint
uon OF that National Government which has
powers and those State Governments which have all
the powers the General Government has not Is not
this principle in harmony with the whole spirit of our
CONSTITUTIONAL il not its obvious tendency to aay
and prevent discomfort, and give to Il institutions
created by the General Government that stability.
which for all of them that touch upon money matters
is OF inestimable vaue2 say mol these things with
view of re-arguing the question; but to show that
the statesmen who favored that clause were not wholly
without ason,-that the argument was not altope-
Their like an ill roasted egg, all on side" Pas
sing this by however, and repeating that the Wing
Senators were right in rejeoting that clause it, on
principle, they objected to I'll then say, that re-
collection of the policy which had given the Wings
success and adherence to that policy would have
prevented their pressing any Bank upon the Presi-
dent at that session. II was not known with certain
ty that he would veto it; but il known with GER
tanty, that he must either veto 1t contradict the
whole tenor OF MS POLITICAL me- anu IL was known
too that he stood there not merely man, but
that he placed in the Office which led to his Pre-
sidency the representative and exponent of large
class of men, and Of an opinion which in some
tons prevailed very widely say then, that the pres
sing of that bill upon the President not in accord
dnce with the previous policy OF the Wings
So it would seem the Wings in Congress thought
for they Immediately proceeded to frame and pass
Their BILL far concilistory and concessive, as to JUS
hfy hope Of the Presidential concurrence. That
this was the leading object of the compromise prov
sion, Mr. Clay declared in of his later speeches
in reply to Mr.. Rives. This hope was disappointed;
why and how shall endeavor to consider in future
number, when come to the doings of the President
and his Cabinet. The second bill was vetoed and
tempest of unmeasured wrath beat upon the President
not only So but the edges of the tempest broke upon
the heads of the Wings who yet refused to desert
him: and the triumphant Wing party exploded into
fragments.
How shall we explain this sudden and wide depart
ure from policy which had previously received the
unanimous concurrence Of all Wings and had given
to the Wing party triumphant success May it not be
explained by the unfortunate circumstances Of the
moment, and zeal which for time forgot discretion,
without the need of going father and doing worse
Mr.. Clay was the leader Of the Wings IN Congress,
and his position full of difficulty, perhaps of dam
ger. For many years this abIe Jealous and exctable
man had been waging an unrelenting warfare upon
the unreenting enemies of the country and the Con-
stitution. At length he stood on vantage ground.
The people bad risen to cast off their burdens, and
those who had laid and would have fastened those bur-
thens upon them. An extra session had been called
to accomplish the good the Wings had promised, and
he stood not only in the forefront of the battle, but
upon him lay the responsibilities with the power OF
control. Is it then surprising that he of all men the
most excable, the most zeaous-that he flushed with
the pride of triumph and penetrated with the neces-
sy of making good possible the promise of
his pary-that he should look lightly upon obstacles
which arose. attempt to thrust them aside beat
hen HOu hu in 10 pla finn
reasonable in itself, and consistent with the respect
which every Wing owes and is glad 10 render to his
great talents and his great services 1t attributes the
whole mischief to haste, to excitement, to misfortune
and there s not only in Mr.. Clays character and in
the duties of his position but in some things he has
said particularly in the letter declining the pub lie din
ner offered him in Baltimore, much evidence that he
will come to Washington next winter, not divider,
not disposed to widen the breach and infiame the ex.
ASPIRATION that now endanger but peace-maker,
resolved to exert the whole might of his influence and
of his ability to heal these wounds and restore to the
Wing party health and strength.
Earnestly do hope this; and ,oiH hope this
long as can. For cannot give up this hope, with
too painful to be INDUCED have not forgotten, and
history will not forget the magnanmous lenuncia-
ton Of all personal claims which he made the call
of the Wing party-which he made when the good of
the country he has served 80 well demanded the
crfce And history will not forget if his evil genius
should prevail and he should prove now that his
nuncation but the despair of dark and desoate
night-that his claims revive in the first warmth of
brighter day-revve to blast and witber the hopes of
the Wing party-revive to bring back the curse of
that fatal system of corruption against which for
years and years he struc. the blows of giant. I
will not believe this. do not believe it now; and
will not believe this until must and strong indeed
will be the evidence that compel me to believe
that HENRY CLAY is traitor.
In my next number propose to review the dongs
of President Tyler and his first Cabinet and to con-
slider the relations between the present Cabinet and
the WING party. posron ur,,c