The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-09-18

ite in an electioneering campaign, for which,
unfortunately, too many persons seem to have
been preparing. aa- faa ..sr
There is but one example, that we know of
in the history of the Government, of retiring
Secretary, who has undertaken to assai and
revile the President by means Of the publication
of the confidential conversations and acts which
had passed between him and The President. In
the year 1911, Robert Smith, then Secretary of
State under Mr.. M alison, pursued that course
He issued an elaborate address to the public de-
failing the causes of difference between him
self and Mr. Madison, which had grown up in
their official private intercourse; and there is
much analogy between some of his grounds Of
complaint and those of Mr.. Ewing. The whole
country cried out against the gross breach of
official decorum. the violation of the sacred
confidence which the highest interests of the
Government require to exist in the bosom of the
Cabinet. 1t was seen that if such mode of
attack on the President, (no matter what its me-
rits) were tolerated, there would be an end of
that free and unrestrained intercourse in the
Cabinet, without which the public business
could not go on. 1t was thing beyond all FER
sonal, and above all party consideration. 1t was
seen to be an act not only fatal to the proper
conduct of the business Of the country, but dis
honorable and ungentlemanly to the last degree.
Accordingly the effect of this act of Mr.. Smith
was, that he fell to the ground, dead in public re-
putation, and passed at once from the eyes of
men, OF remained only like stranded wreck on
the beach, a beacon and warning to all Cabi-
net Ministers never to allow their personal re-
sentiments or purposes Of party warfare, to be-
tray them into the violat on of the sacred conf
dence of the Cabinet. Mr.. Madison, taking no
notice of Mr.. Smiths publication, allowed it
and him to sink into despised obscurity. r.
CARELESS of this great lesson, unmindful of the
obvious dictates of common honor, Mr.. Ewing
has undertaken to lift the veil from the most
confidential proceedings Of the Cabinet of which
he was late a member.
The whole letter of Mr.. Ewing proceeds up
on the assumption that the President had de-
ceived him-that he made promises in relation
to the Bank bill which he refused to perform.
Mr. Ewing fails to establish this, his principal
He is obliged to resort to hearsay
testimony, and to his own differences, and these
last, especially those he connects with the effect
of Mr., Bolts letter, were gratuitous. 1t was
unbecoming, to say the least, in Mr.. Ewing to
wander thus out of his own record in search Of
means TO render his hostility more effective than
his own facts would warrant. But 50 Ear from
establishing his assumption, he clearly shows,
by the repeated conversations Of the President,
that the President never encouraged his Cabinet
to expect that he would approve bill recogniz-
ing the "odious feature of local discounts" in
any form or disguise. The letter, therefore, is
a failure in its chief purpose. ,,... -.
In his conclusion, Mr.. Ewing adopts language
which is plainly intended for other purposes than
properly belong to a justification for abandoning
his Department. 1t is intended for popular eff
fect-mere cap-trap, which, as it is meant for the
country, we are content shall be Judged by that
tribunal
When the rage of party resentment shall have
time to cool, there will be but one sentiment
Mr.. Ewing's conduct in the coun-.
try-that Of unmitigated Reproduction. The Ad-
ministration will lose nothing by such resig-
nation-the President will have nothing to fear
from such attacks. Ed. ..4.a.,> "a