The Yazoo Whig and political register. (Yazoo City, Miss.) 1840-1842, 1841-03-19

those which violate that instrument. But The de-
cision Of the judiciary ID final in such . case,
whereas - every instance where the vote Of the
Executive d applied itmay Be overcome By vote
Of two thirds Of both houses Of Congress- The
negative upon the acts Of the Legislative, By the
ExeculieB authority. and that inthe hands 81 one
individual, would seem 70 be an inc0ngruily in our
system. Like some others Of similar character
however, i nppeafs 10 highly expedieni, and Ii
use only with the lorbeaEance and In the spirit
which was intended by its authors, i may be pro-
ductlye Of great good and be found one Of the best
safeguards 10 the Union. AT the period Of the
formation 81 The Constitution, the principle does
not appear 70 have enjoyed much favor inthe State
GoYernments. Il exisled il but two, and in one
ct them there was q plural Executive. i we
would search for the motives which operated up
on the purely patriotic and enlightened assembly
which framed the Constitution, for the adoptlono Of
provision 50 apparently repngL nt e the leading
democratic principle, that the majority should
govern, We must reject the idea that they antici-
pated from II an benefit 70 the ordinary course Of
/ legisatlon. They knew too we'll the high degree
Of intelligence which existed among the people.
and the enlightened character Of the State Legi-
slatuEes, not % have the fullest confidence that the
two bodies elected ~ them would be worthy rep
resentatiYes Of such constituents, and, Of course,
that they would require no aid il concciying and
maturing the measures which the circumstances
81 the country might require. And Il Il prepos-
ferrous 70 suppose that thought could for q mo-
ment have been aseertained, that the President
placed at tho Capitol, in the centre Of the country,
could better understand the wants and wishes 81
the people than tier own immediate Representa-
tives, who spend tart Of every year among them,
living with them, 9ften laborIng with them, and
bound 70 them BY tAe triple tie Of interest, duty
and affection.
To assist or contfd Congress then in its ordina-7
~ legislation, could not, IconceYe, have beenthe
motive for confeFringfhe veto poweron the Presi-
dent. This argument acquires additional force
from the fact Of it's nEyer having been thus used
by the FIRST six Presidents, land two Of them were
members Of the Convention, one presiding over
its deliberations, and the other bearing larger
share il consumating the labors OF that august
body than any other person. Buff bills were never
returned to Congress BY either Of the Presidents
above referred to, upon the ground Of their being
Iinexpedient, or not as well adapted as they might
be to the wants Of the people, the veto was aPPll-
ed upon that want of conformity TO the Ionstitu-
| ton, or because errors had been committed from
q too hasty enactment.
There is another ground for the adoption
Of the veto principle, which had probably
more influence In recommending It 70 the
convention than any other, refer to the
security which it gives to the just and equi-1
table action Of the Legislature upon al parts
of the Union. It could not but have occur
ed TO the convention that, in country SO
extensive, embracing so great a variety Of
soil and climate and consequently of products
and which, from the same causes, must ever
exhibit great difference ID the amount Of
the population its various sections, calling
for great diversity il the employments Of
the people, that the legislation Of the major
10y might not always justly regard the rights
and interests of the minority. And that acts
of this character might be passed, under an
express grant by words ofthe Constitutions.
and, therefore, not within the competency
of the judiciary 70 declare void. That how i
ever enlightened and patriotic they might
suppose, from past experiences, the members
Of Congress might be, and however largely
partaking, in the general, of the liberal feel
ings of the people, il was impossible to expect
that bodies so constituted should not some-
times be controlled by local interest and sec
tional feelings. Il was proper, therefore, TO
provide some umpire, from whose situation
and modeof appointment more independence
and freedom from such influences might be
expected. Such one was afforded By the
Executive Department, constituted by the |
Constitution. person elected to that high /
Office. having his constituents In every sec
ton, State and subdivision of the Union,
must consider himself bound by the most
solemn sanctions to guard, protect, and de- /
fend the rights Of all, and every portion.
great or small, from the injustice and op-
preston of the rest. I consider the veto /
10 the Executive Of the United States, solely i
as conservative power. To be used only,
first, to protect the Constitution from viola
ton; secondly, the people from the effects
of hasty legislation where their will has been
probably disregarded or not well understood;
and thirdly, to prevent the effects of COM
hinations violative of the rights of minOri-
ties. In reference 10 the second Of these
objects, I may observe that consider i the
right and privilege of the people TO decide
disputed points of the Constitution, arising
from the general grant of power to Congress
to carry into effect the powers expressly {
given. And believe with Mr.. Madison
that repeated recognitions, under varied
in act of the the Legislative /
Executive, and Judicial branches Of the Gov !
srnment, accompanied by indications, in diff :
ferent modes, Of the concurrence Of the gem q
5ral will Of the nation, as affording to the 4
President sufficient authority for his consid- 2
ring such disputed points as settled. II
Upward Of half century has elapsed since !
lie adoption Of the present form Of Govern 3
nent II would be an object more highly d
desirable than the qualification Of the curi-
sity of speculative statesmen ii It's prescise
ituation could be ascertained, fair exhibit 3
made Of The operations Of each OF its Depart s
aents, of the powers which they respective
7 claim and exercise, Of the collisions which q
ave occurred between them, or betW cen the ii
vhole Government and those Of the States, 6
/ either Of Them. We would then compare q
ur actual condition, after fifty years trial Of q
or system, with what it was IL the COM i i
lencement Of its operations. and as certain = !.
Fhether The predictions Of The patriots who m
- - 49, 4