Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1841-09-18

PUBIC. heVeruDg DaCK 10 the peTlon OF lne
promu CATION of the Address, could any other
construction have been given to its language?
What is it? 81 shall promptly give my sane
ton to any constitutional measure which, origi
mating in Congress" shall have certain defined
objects in view. He comedies the vital import
ance of sound circulating medium to industry
and the public prosperity. He comedies that its
origin must be in Congress. And, to prevent
any differences from the qualification, which he
pIefxes TO the measure, being interpreted that
United States Bank was unconstitutional he
declares that in deciding on the adaptation Of
the measure to the end proposed and its con.
formity to the Constitution, he will resort to
the Fathers of the great Republican school,
And who are they? If the father Of his country
is to be excluded, are Madison, (the Father Of
the Constilution,) Jefferson, Monroe, Gerry,
Gallatin, and the long list Of Republicans who
acted with them, not TO be regarded as among
those Fathers? But President Tyler declares
not only that he should appeal to them for adj
vice and instruction, but to the light Of their
glorious EXAMPLE. What example? What other
meaning could have been possibly applied to the
phrase, than that he intended to refer to what
had been done during the Administrations of
Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe.
Entertaining this opinion of the Address, |
came to Washington, at the commencement of
the session, with the most confident and buoyant
hopes that the Wings would be able to carry all
their prominent measures, and especially Bank
Of the United States, by far that one OF the great.
est immediate Importance. anticipated nothing
but cordial cooperation between the two de.
partments of Government and | reflected with
pleasure that should find, and at the head Of
the Executive branch, a personal and political
friend, whom had long and intimately known,
and highly esteemed. 1t will not be my fault if
our amicable relations should unhappiIy cease, in
consequence Of any difference Of opinion between
us on this occasion. The President has been al.
ways perfectly familiar with my opinion on this
bank question.
Upon the opening Of the session, but especial.
ly on receipt OF the plan Of a National Bank, as
proposed by the Secretary Of the Treasury, fears
were excited that the President had been misun
derstood in his Address, and that he had not
waived but adhered to his constitutional scruples.
Under these circumstances it was hoped that by
the indulgence Of mutual spirit Of compromise
and concession, bank, competent to fulfil the
expectations and satisfy the wants OF the People,
might be established
Under the influence Of that spirit, The Senate
and the House agreed, lst, as to the name OF the
proposed bank. | confess, sir, that there was
something exceedingly outree and revolving to
my ears in the term ''Fisca Bank" but, |
thought, "What is there in name? A rose
by any other name, would smell as sweet"
Looking, therefore, rather to the utility of the
substantial faculties than to the name OF the con.
templated institution, we consented 10 that which
was proposed.
I'd. As to the place of location Of the bank.
Although Washington had passed through my
mind as among the cities in which il might be
expedient to place the bank, it was believed TO
be the least eligible OF some four or five other
cities. Nevertheless, we consented to fix it here
And lastly, in respect to the branching power,
there was not probably a solitary vote given in
either House Of Congress for the bill that did not
greatly prefer the unqualified branching power,
as asserted in the charters of the two former banks
of the United States, to the 10th fundamental
condition, as finally incorporated in this bill. 1t
is perfectly manifest, therefore, that it was not in
conformity with the opinion ard wish of MAORI.
ties in Congress but friendly spirit OF concession
towards the President and his particular friends,
that the clause assumed that form. So repug-
nant was it 10 some of the best friends Of Ma
tonal Bank in the other House, that they finally
voted against it because it contained that com.
promise OF the branching power
1t is true that in presenting the compromise to
the Senate, stated as was the fact that did not
know whether it would be acceptable to the Pres.
ident or not; that, according TO my opinion, each
department of the Government could act upon its
own responsibility, independently OF the other,
and that presented the modification Of the branch.
ing power because it was necessary to ensure the
passage of the bill in the Senate, having ascer.
tanned that the vote would stand 26 against it to
20, if the form OF that power which had been re.
ported by the committee were persisted in But
| nevertheless did entertain the most confident
hopes and expectations that the bill would receive
the sanction Of the President, and this motive al
though not the immediate one, had great weight
in the introduction and adoption Of the compro
mise clause. knew that our friends who woull
not vote for the bill as reported were acruated, al
they avowed by considerations of union and har
mony, growing out Of supposed views OF the Pres
ident, and presumed that he would not fail tc
feel and appreciate their sacrifices But deep
ly regret that we were mistaken. Notwthstand
ing all our concessions, made in a genuine anc
sincere spirit of Cancellation, the sanction of thu
; President could not be obtained and the bill h4
been returned by him with his objections.
! And shall now proceed to consider those ob
jeclions, with as much brevily as possible, bu
with the most perfect respect, official and person
: all towards the Chief Magistrate
{ Alter stating that the power of Congress to es
tablish National Bank, to operate per Sc, ha
been controverted question from the origin Q
! the Government, the President remarks: "Me
most justly and deservedly esteemed for their hig
intellectual endowments, their virtue and thei