The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-10-21
Communications,
FOR THE MADIsosIAN.
FOR THE MADicoNiAN.
TO THE WING PARTY OF THE UNITED
STATES.-No. IL.

TO THE WING PARTY OF THE UNITED
STATES.-No. IL.
A Review Of the Manifesto Of the Whig menu
bers Of Congress, the statements Of the seced-
ing members of the Cabinet, and the events OF
the late extra session OF Congress
Before we refer TO the direct charges as set
forth ia this address against the President, Is now
ever necessary 10 dispose Of one general assertion
which has been the theme Of much eloquent deciama
ton II has been asserted by the Van Buren, party
that the and lis friends form an ineon-
pruous mass, united by no common or inteliisio'e
principle, and making TO each other the most unwot-
Thy and dsgr Sacrifices to retain power and De
feat their political opponents keservng Tor ahef
consideration the inquiry, whether the charge does
not equally apply the Opposition, weproceed TO con
slider il, and The evidence on which il rests. II we
examine the pr ncipes which must ever guide the
conduct of the great Wing party, we premise that they
rest upon freedom Of judgment, and decided hostility
against the slavsh adoption OF restricted political
creed. We contend that division upon on- question
does not involve incon sisencythat in uniting upon
others Of higher import, and safely connected
with the happnes and glory ofthe Republic, we obey
patriotic duty. ~
Il was easy 10 foresee, from the signs in the po-
cal zodiac that the establishment OF Bank Of the
United States whenever effort should be made 10
give il existence, would have to contend with a
most stubborn oppcs ion that there was no measure
in which the Government could engage, 50 little Ike
" TO be viewed according 20 its Intrinsic merits so
very likely encounter misconception Jealousy, and
a determined resistance. For this, any reasons may
be assigned, if il were necessary. But II rs only to
know the vanity and vindicveness OF human nature,
TO be convinced, that there will always exist, among
us, politicians who will oppose the estab ishnent OF
measures when proposed by the dominant party en-
Uttered in their ,osity proportion to the zeal with
which they pressed Iii material inference from
this, that such men will watch, with lynxs eyes, for
mites of discrediing the proceedings Of the
Government and will display hostile and malignant
zeal upon every OCCASION while they think tina. there
any probability of hwartng the views Of the Gov
eminent.
Ii is only TO consult the history Of nations, to per-
ceve that every country, at all times, cursed by the
existence of men, who, aciuaied by an irregular amb
ton, scrupIe at nothing which they imagine will con-
tribute 10 their advancement and imp rtance in
monarchies, simple courtieIs, in republics, fawnng
demagogues, worshpping the idol OF faction wherever
erected and trafcng in the weak nesses, fraities,
prejudces of the people II to have been expect
ed that such men, counting on the passions than
on the reason of their fellow citizens, and anlicpat-
ing that the establishment of Fiscal Corporation
would have to struggle with prejudces, would be dis
posed to form alliance with popular discomfort, TO
nourIsh it, and press il into the service Of their par
tcular views. II was also known, beforehand, that
personal and party rvalshs Of the most active kind
would work tie Incorporation of provisions in the bill
to which the President could not consceniiously give
his sanction.
And hence the origin of the manifesto, and the sys-
tenatic pains which have been taken to impair the
weIl-earned popularity OF the Chief Magistrate
Those who have concurred in opinion with him have
been repeatedly the objects of attack with the same
view. His friends, well as his enemies anticipated
that he could not approve Of the establishment Of
institution which conficted with all his previously
pressed and sincerely entertained opinions, and thus
furnish weapons for his enemies to assail his
tency and it 10 have been ignorant of the indie
fatgable malice OF his adversares have doubted that
they would be seized with eagerness and welded
with dexlerity, to effect his overthrow.
1t becomes now important to ascertain wha, were
the political views of President Tyler during the
vass OF 1910.
Ii is fact TOO well known to be successfully contra
dcted that his opinions in 1919 directly and po
sitvey adverse to the establishment of national bank,
upon constitutional grounds This fact was well
known at the Harrisburg Convention in 1889. His
opinions through bout the whole remained firm
and unchanged Whenever Intercepted in relation
to his views in connection with the establishment OF
national bank he invariably referred those no sought
information 10 his opinions TO his speech which he
delivered in Congress in 1919, when the report Of
the Investigating Committee under discussion
BY reference to this speech, will be found that he
viewed the action of the Federal Government in the
creation OF such institution violation of the in
functions of the Constitution From the onset of
President Tylers career, he has been consistent Re-
publican. He has been recognized ofthe cham
pions OF the reserved rights Of the States and at the
same time, he has been ever unwilling to curtai the
constitutional power Of the General Government, or
enfeebe its necessary energies he has advocated the
rights Of the State Governments the best barriers
ainst anti Republican tendencies, while he has urg
ed the presei vation OF the General Government in its
whole constitutional vigor the sheet anchor of
peace at home and safety abroad This has been the
creed of is political faith and the creed which he has
on all occasions, without concealnent, enunciated
whenever he has been summoned by the people TO dis
charge the duty ola representative.
We affirm that the President was supported by the
hig party, with the distinct understanding that his
opinions on the subject fully known and under
stood by all the prominent members of the party And
Is this true We appeal to the recoecons OF all con-
versant with the incidents of the late Presidential
We refer his recorded votes in of
this assertion. Recolectng these things could we
view the late address Of the Wing members otherwise
han with surprise
In making this assertion we do not commit ou selves
to the direction OF party vehemence bu, only on the
strength of documentary evidence to prove IT. The
documents growing out of the campaign are before the
public, and 1t might be considered waste of time 10
comment upon them with the view of strengthening
the complete justification oil Executive measures which
they afford.
BUTT is attemped,by implication, to demonstrate that
the President, in 1889 favor of national ban
That in the Harrisburg Convention, he was
the decided supporter of Mr.. Clay. We must
confess, that cannot how the support which he
rendered TO Clay, makes him friend to such bank
lie was anxious, we will admit, for the elevation OF
that distinguished individual 10 the Presidency He
preferred hun decidedly TO the then incumbent the
Presidential chair His and his policy were more
in accordance with his own, than Mr. V Buren's He
had served with hun in the legislative councils of the
country. He had seen him, with generous heart and
glowing eloquence, unfolding the honor and freedom
of the nation and with expansive and liberal mind
endeavoring protect all the great interests of the
country, and connect the whole republic by The liz OF
common industry and mutual commerce. The Pres
dent in whatever he engaged, he engaged warmly. 1t
Is indeed difficult, II not impossible, Tor any man TO
associate with set OF men, whom he csteems and re-
specls, without often adopting views and opinions
merely as theirs. The lonrer one is cnnncced with