Southern Argus. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1834-1842, 1841-09-14


try. Does it follow that magistrate
who yields his private judgmentto the
concurring authority of numerous
decisions, repeatedly and deliber-
ately pronounced, after the lapse
of long intervals, by all the de-
partments of Government, and by all
parties, incurs the dreadful penalties
described by the President Can any
man be disgraced and dishonored who
yields his private opinion to the judg-
ment of the nation! In this case the
country, q mean a majority )Coagress
and. according to common tame, an
unanimous Cabinet, were all united IN
favor of the bill. Should any man
leel himself humblcd and degraded in
yielding to the conioint force of such
high authority? Does any man who
at one period of his life shall have ex-
pressed a particular opinion, expose
himself TO the terrible consequences
which have been portrayed by the
President How is il with the judge
in the case by no means rare; who
bows TO the authority Of repeated pre-
cedents, settling a particular question
whilst in his private judgment the law
was otherwise? How is it with the
numerous class of public men in the
country, and with the two great part
les that have divided it, who at differ
1ent periods, have maintained and act
FED upon different opinions in respect
to this very bank question
How is il with James Madison the
father OF the Constitution-whose ser
vices to his country placed him only
second to WashingtOn-whose virtues
and purity in private lile-whose pa
triotism, intelligence, and wisdom in
in public councils stand unsurpassed:
He was a member of the National
convention that formed land of the Vir-
ginia convention that adopted,t the con-
stitution. No man understood it bet
ter than he did. He was opposed in
1791to the establishment Of the Bank
of the U. States upon constitu-
tional ground; and in 1916 he approx.
ed and signed the charter ofthe lac
Bank Of the United States. 1t is. /;
part of the secret history connected
with the first bank, that James Madi-
son had, at the instance of Genera
Washington, prepared veto for hin
in the contingency of his rejection O
the bill. Thus stood James Madison
when, in 1915, he applied the veto tt
a bill TO charter the Bank upon con
siderations of expediency, but with
clear and express admission Of the ex
istence of constitutional power il
Congress TO charter one. In 1916, tn
f bill which was then presented to hin
being free from the objections appli
placable 10 that of the previous year
5 he sanctioned and signed it. Di
James Madison surrender sail clair
10 the respect Of honorable men-a
confidence on the part of the People
all self respectful regard for mora
and religious Obligation Did tn
pure, the virtuous, The gifted jaime
/ Madison, by his sanction and signatur
= to the charter of the late bank of ii
Bank of the United States, commit
! CRIME which justly subjected him 81
the ridicule and scorn of all virtuot
! men,"
+ Not only did the President, as i
!. respectfully appears to me, state Ell
If tirely too strongly the consequence,
i of his approval Of the bill, but is |
/ perfectly correct in treating the que
J. ton, las be seems TO me TO have done
D which he was called upon TO decides
. presenting the sole alternative of h
= direct approval or rejection of IL
r. bill? Was the preservation of tn
e consistency and the conscience Of Il
g President wholly irreconcilable wi
n the restoration of the blessings of
N sound currency, regular and moderat
e exchanges, and the revival of com
:, dence and business which Congre
. believes will be Uurcd by Nation
Bank! Was there no alternative b
It, to prolong the sufferings of a bleedir
re country, or to send us this Veto! Fro
n. the administration of the Execute
nc Department of the Government, d
s. ring the last twelve years, has sprul
VI most Of thel public ills which have {
~ fiicted the People. Was it necessal
r. that that source suffering should CO
D. tinue to operate, in order 10 preser
e. the conscience of the President unvi
he lated1 Was that the only sad and d
on plorable alternative? [ think, N
III; President, there were other ALTERNATIVE
eu worthy Of the serious and patrio
81 consideration of the President. L
ith bill might have become law, in v
ar tue of the provision which requir
hal its return within ten days. If I
nd President had retained it three da
al longer. 1t would have been a Ia
on without his sanction and without
signature. In such contingency
nxo President would have remained p
of sive, and would not have been liable
ted any accusation ofhaving himselfvio
= ted the Constitution. All that COZ
I'D: have been justly said would