The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-07-29

| and coercive emergency The independent discount
ing power, will have been proved by actual trial
| be Indispensable and necessity will have been de
monstrated 10 exist for Bank Of the United States
10 be created solely BY YOU and of the old fashion
to which all theories Of the Constitution must anu ""
| give way
repeat, then, that by uniting here on tins amena
ment you put an effective bank IN OPERATION 20 So
useful and extent, by the LIST OF ganuay
Turn now TO the other alternative. or, ~ you ~
here 10 the bill reported by the committee, iI ~,
| lieve YOU pass no bank charter this session '
whether YOU carry il through Congress II you can
| | do not believe you can make u law ha,o ~
ih, vo ,;ll fail 10 do So 40 not enter on the rea-
sons az nv belief The rules OF orderly proceeding
here decorun plide, regret, would all pe'en' my ~
inc il have no personal or private GROUNDS iof he
conviction which holds me last oul Juuge On no,o
r;ous and to my mind decisive Indications; ana
know thai il is my duty TO act on my belief, whether
veil ar IN founded and however conJecturally de-
rived Then, sir YOU break up the session without
charter The summer and the autumn come and 60,
and the People the People, TO this KIND
Of relief than they are now More hope deferred,
max ing the hear and more sick The admins
traton Of relief in power, and yet no relief! A pa
tent confdng, and suffering country has done us the
honor expect every thing from our harmonious and
prudent councils from justice from our veraci'y,
from our prompude, and we do nothing
Sir the same tactics and the same opinions that
control and embanass will do al the next ses-
sion of Congress- and at the next and you must wait
two years, or four perhaps great deal longer ior
National Bank
Now think the people ought not to be made 10
wait so long for the relief they have right to demand
They ought not to be made TO suffer while we argue
one another of the recorded and inveterae opn-
ions of our whole lives. say therefore, for myself,
that anxious 10 afford them all the relief which they
require regreting that the state Of opinion around me
puts il out of my power to afford that relief IN the
form might prefer | accommodate myself to my POI
son and make haste to do all that can by the short
est way that can Consider how much better II Is to
relieve them 10 substantial extent by this means
at once than not to relieve at all than TO initiate
system or of relief at all and then 90 home at
the end of this sslon OF Congress, weak and weary,
and spend the autumn in trying opersuade them that
the fault of of friends that nothing
done How poor compensation Tor wrongs 10
the people will be the victories over our friends
am going now to give another reason for my vote,
which you may say scarcely suitable 10 the dignity
of this place which do not mean to dwell for a
moment but which the manliness of Senators will ex-
my suggesting and that is that the adoption OF
the amendment will not only soonest effect the grand
object of public relief but will preserve the harmony
and unity OF the ascendant political party DO not
suppose shall dwell for moment on such topic. |
owe you, owe especially the waketu and powerful
minority by which we are observed here, an apology
for speaking of it, address myself to the majority
You acknowledge the importance of united counsels
and action. SuborJinatey to the larger offices of pa
totism rather the mode of fulfilling those otfi
ces you acknowledge your duty to the party OF relief
and reform Sir, in the language of the great phi
losophc orator on whose immortal and universal wis
dom the Senator from Virginia drew instructively
yesterday, "in the way which call party worship
we the Constitution of our country" Now, whhou,
entering in detail on the grounds of my opinion !
think shall hold that party together longer; we
shall do more7 good and hinder more evil; shall
effect more relief and more reform; shall carry out
more of great measures shall ensure longer
succession of our great men by adopting than by re-
jectng the amendment. IL was due to trankness and
to honor to say so much Decoium and custom for
bid me to say more See, however, If the keen and
vigilant opposition this floor, who mark their OBJ
ecs and pursue them with the eyes of eagles do not
vote against the amendment in sufficient numbers TO
defeat if divide on it among ourselves. speak
not of motives and | know nothing of actual lnten-
tons but from the obvious OF the case,
and believe that, if they nothing else will their
party tactics will defeat It,
For my part ! own that wish the new Admins
tratlon to have the honor and the felicity of carrying
successfully through this its first of relief
wish It to relieve the country, and also to preserve
itself wish to disappoint their prophecies Who told
us SO oiten during the late canvass that materials
discordant that no common principles bind US to-
gether and that our first attempt at measure OF GO
yernment would dissolve and dssipate will not
IT can help it, have hand in fulfilling such prophe-
cies. But then, if could hinder their inevitable
fulfment, remember that must administer the
power we have acquired with the wise tolerance
OF the opinions fthe widespread members of our par
ty Ivy which we acquired it. If you took up The can
dddte set of tests of political orthodoxy, will
you try and wilyou destroy The incumbent by the APP
picaton of different and stricter tests
And MI President in larger view of this matter
Is it not in high degree desirable to make such a
charter that, while 1t secures TO the people all that
such kind OF fundamentally Bank can secure
may still, in the mode and details of the thing
spect the scrupes and spare the feelings of those who
Just as merorously, useiully, and conspcuously at
yourselves, members of political association
but who differ with you the question of constitu
tional powerl If can improve the local currency
diffuse sound and uniform national one, facilitate
cheaper and systematize the exchanges, secure the
safe keeping and transmission of the public money
promote and deepen and multiply the springs
of healthful credit by Bank and can at the same
time so do 1t as to retain the cordial, constant ope
ration and prolong the public usefulness of friends
who hold different theory of the Constitution, is il
not Just much clear gain
was struck, in listening to the Senator from Vir-
gina yesterday, with the thought how idle, how sense
less it is 10 spend time in deporing being peeyish
about the inveteratc constitutional opinions of the
community he so ably represents, Thee the opinions
What will you do with them You cannot
change them you cannot stride disregard
them, There they are what will you do with them
Compromise the matter dust it IT YOU can in such
sort that they shall neither yield their opinions, MOI
you yield yours. Give TO the people all the practical
good which Bank give and let the constitutions
al question whether Congress make Bank by lls
own powers not stand over for argument the last
day of the Greek kalcnds when the disputans may
have the world all to themselves wranyle it out in
Yes, sir, compromised, Our whole history j. but a
history Of compromises. You have compromised in
larger things; do ii IN less do ii in this You have
done it foi the sake of the Union do il for the SAX,
of the party, which is doing it for the sake of the
Union You made one which was received with
wider and sincerer JOY than this would be. Do 1t
then Do as your fathers did when they came ioge
tier, delegates from the slave States and delegates
from the free representatives, of planters OF mechan
les, of manufacturers and the owners of ships the
cool and slow New England men, and the mefcuria
children OF the sun and sat down side by side in the
presence of WashIngron. 10 frame this more peIec