The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-09-23
REMARKS OF MR.. PRoFFIT,
On The Teto Message Of The President, re-
turning The Fiscal Corporation Bill.

HOUSE, or REPRESENTATIVES, SEPTEMBER 10, le4i.
The message Of the President Of the United States
returning the bill TO establish Fiscal Corporation
with his objections thereto being under consideration
Mr.. PROFFlF said Mr.. Speaker ! had hoped
that the debate upon tins important question would
have been conducted in a manner creditable to the
National Legislature. ! had hoped that our discus
sons would he confined 10 the subject matter Of the
message OF the Executive and the merits of the bill
now before us and that argument, courtesy and de-
corum would distinguish our deliberations on so grave
and momentous an occasion the present. But sir I
have been disappointed, and, must confess deeply
mortified at the course which il has pleased the gem
tleman from Virginia MIR Botts) TO pursue.
Ii must have been of pain and regret TO
every friend of peace and harmony listen to the
speech made by that gentenan-a speech sir,
~ gancing at the message the bill before u.s. but
repete with the most denuneiaoTy epthets against the
public and the most ferocous assaults apon the pr
vate, character Of the Executive The eentIessan
from Virginia has charged upon the President per-
fdy, "teacheryP and prostitution OF his official cha
| racter for selfish and unworthy purposes. He has
thought fit 10 compare him with the traitor Arnold and
with Hull He has said that this is the first time
that John Tyler has been guilty Of perfdy, but that
more than occasion, the charge has been made
and proceed. He accuses the President also of equ-
vocation.
Sir shall proceed to take notice of the geneman's
charges in the order in which he has made them and
now give notice 10 him that ! will hold him 10 the
proof Of the accusations made upon this floor under
the responsibilities OF an American RepresentatINe,
The gentleman cannot complain Of this he gave
notice to the House some ten days since that he would
arragn the President and that he would furnish
deniabe evidence to sustain his charges Of pedy and
treachery. His attack, then, is premeditatcd He
has had ample time to collect material for the assault
When Mr.. Speaker heard the gentleman declare
former occasion, that he intended to prove the
Executive guilty Of these odious charges, thought
that he was speaking under momcntary excitement,
and that time for reflection and good counsel would in
ducp him IN n different | rouI1
leve it possible that the gentleman would persist in
determination SO papahly unwi.e and improper
Whatever private griefs and personal enmities he
might entertain, ] could not believe that this Hall
would be selected a fitting place for their avowa
and exposure.
Anticipating as had debate upon the merits of
the bill now before us, had prepared myself with
enments 10 meet a fair and open discussion of its
principles and tendencies ] had also taken some
pains to collect authorities, judicial and financial to
maintain the positions which had assumed when the
bill before the House. 1t would be than
useless TO present them now. This House is not in
fitting mood to listen To argument on question Of
finance and, from the Of opening this debate
by the gentleman from Virginia (who appears to have
done by the universal consent of the friends with
whom he acts on this question) know that It would
be vain to ask dispasslonate and calm attention
shall then, at proceed to notice the genemans
remarks. He commenced by informing US that his
particular position required him to speak at this time,
and in another part of his speech he alluded to the fact
of the President having returned 10 him letter which
he had address ed to him the subject OF certain
celebrated communication, generally denomnateJ the
Coffee House correspondence. can well under
stand, Mr. Speaker, that the gentleman should enter.
tain feelings OF personal enmly towards the President,
also a feeling Of mortifcation at the publication Of
his unfortunately loose correspondence. But, sir,
what interest has this House or the country in his
peculiar position? What have 10 do with his per-
sonal feelings towards The Executive2 What does
the country care about the published or unpublished
corr If he ppn In this tep md
of ours write what we please The gentle
publish his opinions Of the President either
in political personal character lie can couch
those opinions the form of letter, and direct il to
whom or what he pleases. few days since he gave
his views of the President 10 the Pubic IN the form OF
a CIRCULAR. He can address another communication to
the public. None OF these opinions would thea require
or receive answer. But when the gentleman thinks
fit to select this Hall place IN which To ure harsh
and denunciatory language towards the Presidents
and this grave and solemn occasion as tine proper
for The display OF his personal feeling, he must expect
be answered, though the friends OF The Pres dent
should do reluctantly. We protest against II, a
wanton waste OF time. We protest against this Hall
being converted into arena for the display Of the
gadiaoral feeling of patty violence or personal ran
cor. But, sir have no choice lct To Us We
have duty 10 perform As Representatives, we must
suffer the public 10 be abused As the poli,i-
cal friends Of the President we will not permit his
public life and character and conduct and motives to be
nsrepresented; and as his personal friends, we will
sit silently and heal his private character ira
duced Thus Il is, sir, that the gentleman i response
bic for the tenor OF this debate
have. said, sir, that the gentleman glanced al tue
message before us and his crlticsis on II We're,
thought, marked Ivy spirit Of extreme uniairhess
He saws 'that as the Constitution tited the Exccu
tive To his objections he should consider all the points
made by hun constitutional objections TO The bill
Now, SIR, without further comment, what will any b-
eal and candid think of this declarationl Does
il spirit of unaIrness too plain To permit
~ lpr mil nf tlp
it is madeY
The gentleman next fnis fault with the President
for sa, wing, 81 distinctly declared that my opinion
had been uniformly proclaimed TO be against the power
of Congress create a National Bank 10 operate per
Sc over the Union" What language would the gen
tleman have the President TO make use Of more ex
prcssive of his ohjectionsl He objects to bank
which IF itsey, through us own inherent power, by
its very creation, can operate throughout the Union
am sure sir, that more comprehensive expression
could not be found And however much we may DIFF. |
fer with the President the powers of Congress 10
establish bank, cannot complain that his obJec-
ions are clothed IN ambiguous language Whether
the President proclaimed these opinions previous to
his election, shall examine the course OF my re-
marks.
The gentleman has, in the next place made one
two small criticisms, which it is quite unnecessary to
notice. There is one, however so glaIngly unjust
that will aude toit. He says that the word pub
hc is objected to, being in the title of the
bill and the gentleman presumcs that II the word pr
lte had been used would have suited the Presidents
constitutional objections Now, sir, the message
makes n objection Of The kind stated by the gentle
man and his presumptions therefore entirely gra
tutous. The House will pardon me for aluding to
these very small matters but il is necessary to expose
them proof Of the unhappy tone and temper with
which G have 10 contend
Another criticism of the gentleman will give in |
his own words (" The next objection that the /
provisions of the bill did not contradict It's title y
Now Mr.. Speaker is not this also palpahIe misrep-
reservation OF the messagcl The President makes
no such objection, and viii insult this House by
referring them to his message now before us will