The spirit of the age. [volume] (Woodstock, Vt.) 1840-1844, 1841-11-19

/ l'cllOn W INC ToNH' lTeloshlNe, when Inc very
| theory of the British constitution makes it an in
| herent right of the crown, when no British govern
mental act prcscrbes any limit, and when COM
mcnru,ors on the British constitution say that it
covers all cases We advise him to hug the coast,
and not launch upon the ocean of political phoso-
ply without rudder or compass. Out of sight Of
| land, he will soon be lost.
Governor Paine says that even to protect the
royal preIogoive, the veto power has not been ex-
erclsed in England for more than two centuries
We know not from what partzan circular he got
this, but feel confident that he did not get it from
English history; for Charles l., spent the whole of
his reign up TO about l645, in quauelng with par
liaments and refusing TO pass laws for the public
good, He will also remember that during the
whole administration of the Tudors, and even that
of the halildot James, no parliaments were sturdy
enough to pass bill without previously understan-
ding tue royal views of it, Upon the restoration of
Charles H., the power of the crown was limited
the rights OF the people secured aud that parlici-
patton OF the ministry in legislation established,
which had existed ever since Under the estab-
llshment rescued from the lreachery of James H.,
by the revolution of 1858, the ministers of the
crown, who ARE the only responsible executive, can
he elected members of Parliament; and through
long practice, the first lord of the treasury, or Prime
Of Commons, or the House of Lords; and through
another long practice. whenever the ministry use
the support Of the majority in the House of Com
mons, they must resign. Therefore no bill can be
passed without the concurrence Of the ministry, for
they must be careful TO introduce no bill which the
majority will reject. If they do, which was the
case with the late ministry in attempting to repeal
the corn laws, it will be rejected and consequently
cannot reach the crown for signature
Thus we find that all bills which pass, really
originate with the ministry, They being the only
responsible executive, and consequently liable for
all the acts of the crown they will permit the
crown to do nothing which can bring them into diff.
fCully; for the English have wisely ordered that
the king is not responsible, he shall realiu have
no executive power, but that all of it shall he cx-
ercised by MS ministers in his name. Therefore
ifhey propose bill which the ma orily will pass,
the crown will really be obliged to sign il; and
therefore the royal veto would be, in fact, the veto
of the ministry upon their own acts! Gov. Paine
may therefore perceive, if he will examine, why
the royal veto has not been exercised since Charles
II. 1t Is because the veto power is in the hands
Of the ministry, who are supported by the majority
IN the House of Commons, who prevents any bill
from reaching the crown, which it is not prepared
to sign. The exercise of the royal veto in England,
AT present, would be an absurdity, How logically
profound then is Governor Paine, in deducing an
argument against the American ycto from the dis
use of the power in England, If the English have
substitute for it in The necessary connection be-
tween their responsible executive and popular
branch of their legislature, it does not follow that
or veto power is useless or dangerous. If we
abolish the responsibility Of the President, impose
all responsibility for his acts upon his cabinet, adj
init this cu5lnet TO seats in Congress- authorize il
TO appoint Senators without limitation of number,
and compel il to resign whenever the majority of
the House Of Representatives is against it, we may
then abolish the veto power, for it would be per-
iecy useless, and fall into oblivion in practice. If
retained in theory. How wise our cabinet would |
appear in requiring the President to veto bill !
which they had pressed through Congress!
Governor Paine says that the early settlers Of
Vermont were too jealous Of liberty TO allow such
n power place in their constitution Does the
Governor mean by the early settlers of Vermont
those who devised and adopted its present consti-
tuition in 1893 If so, he would be quite as CALI
did in impung the omission 10 an oversight, as to
jealousy Of liberty; for the provision was adopted
in almost every other State constitution. With high
the independent spirit which has ever
characterized that truly republican State, we beg
cave to insist that jealousy Of liberty is quite Ms
III NluSSHCHuSPllS. 1cl lllc EHN Slnlc
adopted the gubernaOriu veto. Would n. lamp
ihlre, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, nc
knowledge any infcrioriiy to sturdy Vermont in
enlousy Of berty' Yet each of them adopted the
veto. But to upset the Governors hypothesis
completely, we would inform him that the veto
Iower was engrulted upon this very constitution Of
Vermont in 1893, and is found in the sixteenth
ecllon of the second chapter Of that instrument.
t authorizes the Governor and council TO propose
to bills and 10 suspend them nil the
cXt session Of the legislature, if such amendments
70 not adopted hy the Representative. So mnch
nr the boast Of jealousy of liberty! We allow TO
he high minded Green Mountain BOYS all the
'nlousy Of liberty which any body can claim for '
hem. but do M, ADMIT with Governor Paine, that
hey have exhibited this jealousy BY oning to
rovidc against hasly Legislation, or that they have
WINGED any such neglect. But his communication
t their jealousy upon this point implicitly impcach-
: the convention which devised, and the Stn,es
'hich adopted, the Federal constitution Were
hey deficient in jealousy Of liberty! But this very
'cdera' constitution was adopted by the State Of
crmon when it entered the Union. lf so Jealous
liberty us 10 exclude the veto from its own con-
iturion, (Which is not the fhct,) why did it not c
amonstraie against this power in the Presidency, I,
nd propose its abolition? We, the legislature Of I,
ermont hgve never proposed any such amend
tent. Governor Paine. .--ahem!!. :