The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-10-12

3D. Branches thus established can only be with
drawn removed with the previous assent of Con
gress. Here the power do is still in Congress o.
lis corporation, and the power TO undo reserved, too
10 Congress
L. The States are graciously given the time at thu
first sessions OF the Legislatures after this act 70 nh
eonditonay assent dissent, assem- will De pre-
suaed. Why should dissent not be presumed oy
those who deny the powerf A man, whose ngn'
deny totally, gives notice that ~ by gwen uhe
neither assent dissent uncondItionaily 70 some
| thing he will presume my assent 10 MS r'gh' 10 my
land or other property. Am ibonnd 10 assent OF Gus
sent, either conditionally or unconditionay h ip
am bound 10 do neither, will the omission To do elmer
| give his presumption the right he claims Ana are
the States bound do either act condluonaiy or I'M
condtionaIly7 If not will their omission to do either
confer a constitutional power on inns eiosein'neh'
which il does not possess Can even the assent, I'M
conditional and even inviting and imprecating, con-
fer power which the Constitution does not confer at
readyf But the dissent must be unconditional, or -
assent will be presumed. And yet
9Th Il is provided last, after all this complex con-
dtonal and unconditional assent dissent or assent
10 be presumed that whenever becomes necessary
and proper Congress may by law compel the directors
10 establish branches in any Of the States phateoeri
AZ even though every State in the Union, within the
,;me allowed. should uncondittonaHy dissent Was
there ever such an absurd batch Of contradictions
strung togetheri
''Firs il will and then il won't;
Then il does and then il don't"
And after hurly -burly of assent dissent, uncon-
dnona dissent or assent, assent presumed-enough
TO make a headache-it at last hourishes out OF the
dizzy maze by asserting the unqualified, unlimited,
absolute power in Congress to establish the Bank ana
its branches where il peases nolens roenswill ye
mill We Ii is only equalled BY sort OF an lrlsh ar
gument heard in its support 1t either gives the
power or it does not give the power. II gives tne
power why il gives the power; and if It don't give
the mower why il don't give the power. And what
n,ld haya n
can't be satisfied with neither view, when there are
some Of us who are satisfied with either view SO
come in and be united upon proposition which must
please ALL for it's either neither OF what ye would
have or its all We would have or just nothing at all
at all r.
Now, such proposition this pays no respect
whatever to the intelligence or the honesty and since
ity of those who deny the power to Congress to CHAR
ter bank. On its face presumes hard conscience
or soft head in the bosom the shoulders OF those
10 whom it is addressed as even compromise upon
subject which cannot be compromised. Fol myself
having no scruples about the power of Congress,
could Individually adopt il as direct assertion Of pow
cr more strong than the bill would make without tt
But must confess that, did doubt the power OF Con-
gress even though had resolved to initiate the exam
pie OF Mr. Madison, and to sanction charter, would
veto this bill with this clause in it, lest the world and
posterity might suppose, they certainly would either
that had intellect enough to discover It's patent
absurdity that had conscience plant enough 10
catch at such pretext to evade solemn oath can
well excuse the course Of Mr.. Madison signing he
did no dubious charter as 10 the power but never
could either the sagacty sincerity OF that man
who would veto this bill without this clause for
Of constitutional scrupe, and yet sign IT for the
reason Of the insertion of this clause.
cannot regard it inserted in good faith If the
bill be signed every partisan of the power TO incopo-
rate National Bank by Congress will be truly assur-
ed that it mpars not, denies not, but empha,cay as
serts that power And if be vetoed, the President
,uill bp for mt piyI tp q
tended compromised This is TO be the effect Of It, and
will not give it the least federation or countenance
Let what will come, will not treat any man whom
have elected any Office with known public and pub
ished constitutional opinions and conscientious scru
pies with such gross injustice, torture him with any
such cruel test that this bill with this clause in
its provisions. Sir, would, perhaps, steal Pronethe
fire from heaven, but would not and will not steal
the powers of the Constitution. Nor will be parti-
ceps erinir,is in this act Pass the BILL and let it go
to the President Its fate, hope will soon be known
Whatever that may be, it will become law, or be We
toed without my vote.
now, like Giles ofold may be reproached with ha-
wing denied the distractions of Virginia, and yet with
having yielded practical obedience 10 them. And
like Giles, may suffer martyrdom for that practical
obedience But let me say to my colleague, Mr..
Stuart, that if Giles was punished for denying the
distractions of instructionsa doctrine which | ne
heard any Vrginian deride as an abstraction be-
fore though he yielded practical obedience to its
mandate from his mother State-with how many
more stripes shall he be punished who not only de-
Mes but derides, all her cherished abstractions-all
the tenets of her fond falkland that too, in land
of strangers Sir, my colleague Mr.. Stuart cx-
ceped to the gentleman from North Carolina Mr..
Saunders saying that in 1916 the constitutional ques-
ton was not raised. He very properly replied that u
constitutional question always rises OF ITSELF without
being raised. That is true | agree with him that,
not like Samuel, it requires no Witch OF Entor to
her magic wand raise it up before the consci-
ences and minds of the true lovers of the Constitution
But there those sir, who, when it does rise up
before them, habitualy cry it down down. down
and those who will not permit others TO raise up on
its feet without upbraidiDg them with the Federal
scofi of . bsractlonist' !"
Abstractionst! | take that name will adopt it,
and write it in my book of books. Let it be abused
and denounced and derded by those who have been
overcome before by the principle il imports-the
great and mighty and invincble principle OF eonsfnu
tiondl Repnblicanism! Parties know the value OF
hard names. Republicanism has borne more oppro-
brium than this-it has been called Jacobinism, and
Democrats have been called Red wastcoats and even
lnfdels and illuminate. This nickname Of modern
times is not half bad those applied to 1t OF old
when il triumphant, as it will be again. Under
its real dare assa it, and this proves IT.
power to exist still among the people. Abstrdctionsts
| can well bear which, in term, imports that they
are those icho can and ,r die for prineipie-and that
is the meaning Of the reproach in these degenerate
| days to Virginia 'Shc will die of an abstracton!"
Let my colleague take of his health, for warn
him that he will be sick of this nick name before he Is
done with it, Does he mean, and those with whom
he mean, that the of Uhig" is hencefor :
dropped} Be il so. We will reorganise, IT he viii
have it So and 90 before the sovereign people unde'
the less imposing and the opposing names OF 40
stractionists the side and Nationals" on th'
other-the former "the cognomen Of constitutions
Republication, the latter of national Repubticdnisns
the former representing the doctrines and principles
of 1893, of State sovereignty, and popular rights, an,
the latter the doctrines of Federal consolidation ant
Capitalization In this contest take my side and an
"an Abstroctionist glory in the name, and, conf
dent of the issue, appeal only to the old Republican
Totally!
From the Army and Nary Chronicle