Litchfield enquirer. [volume] (Litchfield, Conn.) 1829-current, 1841-03-11


This state Of things has been in part effected Ey
inherent in the Constitution and in part by the
never-failng tendency Of political power to increase
ITSELF BY making the President the sole distributor
Of all the patronage Of the Government, the trainers
Of the Constitution do not appear to have anticipated
at how short period i would become formidable
instrument to control the free operations OF the State
Governments. Of Tifng importance at FIRST it had,
early in Mr.. JeffersOns administration, become SO
powerful to create great alarm in the mind of that
patriot from the potent influence itmght exert
trolling the freedom of the elective franchise. Hsuch
could have then been the effects of its influence how
much greater must be the danger at this time, quad
ruped in amount asst certainly is, and more COM
petey under the control Of the Executive will than
their construction OF the powers allowed or the for
bearing characters OF all the early Presidents permit
ted them to make? But it is not bv the extent of its
patronage alone that the Executive Department has
become dangerous, but by the use which it appears
may be made the appointing power, to bring under
its control the whole revenues of the country. The
Constitution has declared it to be the duty of the
President to see that the laws are executed and it
makes him the Commander in Chief of the Armies
and Navy ofthe United States If the opinion of the
most approved writers upon that species of mixed
| Government, which, in modern Europe, is termed
Monarchy, in contra:distincton to Desposm, is
rect, there wanting no other addition to the pow
! ers OF our Chief Magistrate to stamp monarchical
character our Government but the control of the
public finances And to me it appears strange, in
deed, that any should doubt that the entire con-
who have the custody of the public money, by the
power of removal with or without Cause, Goes for
all mlschlevous purposes at least virtually subject
| the treasure also to his disposal The first Roman
Emperor, his attempt to seize the sacred treasure
senced the opposition Of the officer to whose charge
It had been committed, by significant alusion TO
for the OF the public money, reference TO their
commissions by President would be quite as effect
nal an argument as that of Caesar to the Roman
Knight. am not lnsensible of the greut difficulty
that exists in devsing proper plan for the safe
keeping and disbursement of the public revenues.
and know the importance which has been attached
vorce, as it is called, ofthe Treasury from the bank
ing institutions. 1t is not the divorce which is COM
planned Of, but the unhaowed union of the Treasury
with the Executive Department which has created
such extensive alarm. To this danger to our Re-
publican institutions, and that created by the inf-
ence gwen to the EXECUTIVE through the instrumen,
the remedies which may be at my comm. nd it WIS
certainly great error in the trainers of the Consti
tuition, not to have made the officer the head Of tie
Executive He should at leasthav been removable
only upon the demand of the popular branch of the
Legislature ! have determined never to remove
all the circumstances attending such removal to boh
Houses of Congress. The influence Of the Execu-
I'VE in controlling the freedom of the Ee Give tran
be efectually checked by renewing the prohibition
published by Mr. Jefferson, forbdding their nterfer-
ence IN elections further than giving their votes;
OF perfect immunity, in exercising this sacred prvi
ege Of eemen, under the dictates of their own nbi-
assed judgments. Never with my consent, shall an
officer Of the People, compensated for his services
out OF their pockets become the plant instrument Of
Executive will
There is no part of the means piaced in the hands
OF the Executive which might be used with greater
effect for unhallowed purposes, than the control of
the public press The maxim which our ancestors
derived from the mother country tina, the freedom
OF the press IS the great bulwark of civil and reli
which they have left us. We have learned I too,
from our own as well as the experience of other
ny whatever pretence imposed, are fatal to it
the iron bonds of Despotism. The presses in tic
never be used TO clear the guilty, or to varnish
crime" A decent and manly examination Of the scS
Of the Government should be not only tolerated. but
encouraged. . ....
Upon another occasion have given my opinion, at
some length, upon the Improperly of Executive in.
.s ~ in ae legislation Of Congress. That the
president to communicate information and authorz-
ing nm to recommend measures, was not intended
70 make him the source of Legislation, and, in partc-
uinr. that he should never be looked to for schemes
OF finance. It would be very strange, indeed, thot
tho Constitution should have strictly forbidden one
branch Q! the legislature from interference in the
ong1nation OF such bills, and that It should be consid-
cred proper that an altogether different department
Of the Government should be permitted to do So
ome OF our best political mexims and opinions have
been drawn from our parent Isle. There are others,
however which cannot he introduced in our system
without singular inconeruity, and the production Of
n moen mseh' And this eoneeiye to be one No
may originate, nor by whom introduced, minister
or member OF the opposition, by the fiction of law
or rather OF Constitutional principle the Sovereign
Is supposed to have prepared it agreeably to his WILL
ana then submitted 90 Parliament for their advice
and consent Now the very reverse is the case
nere not only with regard to the PRINCIPLE. but the
forms prescribed by the Constitution. The prnciplo
certainly assigns to the only hcay constituted by the
Sonsutuon (the legislative body the power to make
laws and the forms even direct that the enactment
should be ascribed to them The Senate in relation
TO Revenue bills, have the right to propose amend.
mems; and SO has the Executive, by the power civ
en- INN to return them to the House of Representa-
tives with his objections 1t is in his power also, to
suggested by his observations upon their detective
or injurious operation. But the delicate duty of de-
ylslng schemes OF revenue should be left where the
Constitution has placed it-wth the immediate rep
resenatlyes OF the people: For similar reasons the
mode OF keeping the public treasure should be pre-
sscribed by them; and the farther removed it may be
from the control of the Executive, the more whole
some the arrangement, and the more in accordance
with Republican principle.
Connected with this subject is the character ofthe
currency: The idea OF making it exclusively metal
hc, however well intended, appears to me to be
iraugh with more fatal consequences Than any other
scheme having NO relation to the personal rights Of
the citizens that has been devised. If any sin
gle scheme could produce the effect Of arresting, at
once that mutation Of condition by which thousands
and enterprise, are raised to the possession Of
wealth, that is the Hthere is one measure bet
ter calculated than another TO produce that state of
things SO much deprecated by all true republicans, by
which the rich are daily adding to their boards, and
the poor sinking deeper into penury it is an exclu-
slve metallic currency. Or if there is process by
which the character of the country for generosity
and nobloness of feeling may be destroyed by the
great increase and necessary federation of usury it
IS an exclusive metallic currency.