The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-09-04

~ esI by The lsie President Of the ned States TO
enter upon such of legislation ~ should DC
suggested TO Us by him Wecame here WIN tne kno~i
edge NOT only that a triumphant majority, bot
with SORT OF oserweening Of the party omniP9-
ence in these halls which were thus TO exercise IN
the outset the proceedings ofthe house were neopseu
by that most unhappy and dePloraoie question 81 APO
lion-the cause Of much idle and fruticss aqua
ton in this HOUSE, question which he hoped al the
next session 10 see separated from the question OF The
right Of petition, and thus rendered susceptible o.
ready settlement SO far this House was conecfnen
After this brief delay entered upon the business
az he session and mark the magnitude Of the mea-
sure. which Congress had already dealt with and tne
energy with which they had been earned through the
House. ,an
by which the floating debt incurred BY the last Admin
straiion was separated from the current dealings oil the
pre.ent and placed by itself with pledge on our
part however thai il should be extnguished and paid
by the present Administration. In the second place,
we haze passed the land distribution bil which IN ms
(Mr Cs eye il il had other merit, was entitled 10
the highest consideration in being at the same ume
permanent prospective pre-emotion hill men we nau
passed the BILL and he would say IN regard 70
that though he voted for IL with extreme reluctance
on account Of various objections Of detail and with the
greater reluctance because in that vote he differed from
some Of his respected colleagues, yet he thought
due TO the principle thai all hazards or party
popularity we should not shamble on IRON indebted
ness TO Indebtedness and should al once provide meanso
meet the debts and carry on business otheoyernmeni
Nett had passed sundry great measures oil puolo
defence for the augmentation OF our naval armament,
and the prosecution Of land defences winch oiis
alone were enough TO do honor la Congress Next
we had passed that great act OF humanity and Justice,
an well as of mercy the bankrupt bill, by which SO
many thousands Of fellow citizens would be eman-
cipaed from the servtude of state OF insolvency
which alike injurious both TO creditors ana DEBT
ors Finally we had swept from the statute book not
only the Sub reasury act-the sole measure oil MI
Van Burens Admnstration-but also the dePosns
act the chief measure of Gen Jacksons second perl
cd and have thus efectuaily put the stamp OF the
public reprobation upon all the financial policy oihe
last Administration. Several OF these bills had al
ready received the sanction OF the Executive, had De
come the law Of the land and were beginning aireauy
to exert a sautary influence In the country ana ~
all Of them there existed between the Executive ana
the two Houses OF Congress, sentiment OF cordial
cooperation and a common solicitude Tor their pas
| sage.
| Now let the House ponder for moment on these
facts. Mr. G. said that we might IN vain look pack
the history Of the country Tor any thing 70
parallel these great events. be would aver, and DEFY
| any man 10 contradict him-he would aver that you
might run over the legislative history OF the last eight
yearsthat not only had no previous Congress adopt
ed measures of legislation OF SO much magnitude, 30
much value, and so deeply exciting and important IN
character TO the People OF the United Siatesas TINS
Conl has done but that, in the eight bfie weeks
Of the present Congress, we might proudly poin' %
the completion of more great measures han nave peen
ACCOMPLISHED in all the eight preceding years OF the
last two Administrations We had done great things;
we had manifested the patriotism Of Wing principles,
the dignity and efficiency Of Wing Government; ana,
happen what might for the future thus much was Sc
cure and nothing could deprive the administration OF
John Tyler Of the glory Of having effected these great
these noble things for the honor and prosperity Of the
| People Of the United States
| Mr. c. said that these considerations were perth
nen introduction to the inquiry whether the President
of the United States had been guilty OF treachery TO
his party and his country. Was any man justified IN
making this henous accusation z Upon what cause
For what preext1 Not because he and we had acted to-
pether So aloriousy and noby the great measures
which Mr. c. had enumerated but, forsooth, simply
because Congress and the President had differed in OPT
Mon upon single question, that Of Bank and for tins
difference the President is wantony charged with foul
violation Of faith and honor. Mr.. c. said there never
was a more gronndess accusatlon-one more totally
destitute Of all foundation in truth and in fact
In the first place, when and where was Mr. Tyler
pledged to the Bank bills Of the present session
When and where was he pledged to any Bank
Never any where. Take the proceedings OF the Har-
rsbure Convention of hundred tests in regard
to this question. Was the Bank BILL in any Of its
shapes drawn out at that Convention, and submitted
him. to he made the subject of pledge on his part
Was any Bank Was any hank idea Every man
in the United States knows that no such thing was
made the subject of pledge at that Convention On
the contrary, all specific pledges of any sort were pur
posely excluded. Mr.. Tyer's own opinions upon
that subject were matter Of notorety were Gen.
Harrisons; and in the face Of those opinions they
were nominated by the Convention.
Mr. C. said he would 90 further not only was not
Gen Harrison, and least of all MIR. Tyler pledged to
these particular bank bills any other form OF nj
ted States Bank, but the whole party itself was alike
unpledged He believed the precise fact to be- that,
although the issue of Bank or no Bank was rendered
to the Wings by the other party, and attempts were
made by that party represent the idea of Bank as
the specific and discriminating characteristic OF Wing
gerry yet that issue refused and the idea repuda
ted if not universally, yet very generally by the or
| gans and orators of the Wings. And II, as he Mr.
c. believed, this was the true and precise state OF
the case then it is not the President of the United
States Who is guilty of perfdy towards us; but u we
insist that bank is exclusively the essence of Wing
principles then it is who guilty OF Perhdy To-
wards the President and not towards the President
| only but towards the entire People OF the United
| States. For if the premises upon which the gentle
man from Tennessee and the gentleman from rginia
proceed in aragnng the conduct Of the President arc
true, then the Wing party had oised itself into pow
by concealng from the People OF the United States
| the issue.
/ Mr. c. admitted that throughout the controversy at
any rate wherever he was and he addressed public as
senibes in many Of the States and on numerous oc-
casions, he admitted that the Wing party did under
take settle the currency question. They undertook
to settle upon principles consistent with the prosper
ty and interests of The People of the United States
XaSS, condemned the currency measures of the last
sures and to introduce better y change It's mea
the Sub-teasury, but in doing they left themselves
open and uncommitied the precise of set
ting that question. If the thoughts of many gentle
men, perhaps of most, turned towards the idea
OF United States Bank yet in the minds of many
others that was unsettled question: and in the
minds of all, scope reserved as t. the time of in
Producing such measure and TO its precise details
That was left, by common consent for discussion and
consideration when the time for action should arrive
Mr.. c. said that, in repeating the Sub-treasury
act, Congress and the President had redeemed the
only distinct and notorious pledge in this matter the
currency, TO the immediate execution Of which they
were held, in his opinion, by the events Of the late
| canvass for the Presidency. What should next be
done thing for calm and mature reflection
i naiL IL, haIr al fnr h.1th he hnnL LII,