The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-09-23

passed Inadvertently, ough, to be arrested. La, ~
consider case Of vested rights
The spirit Of radcasm is alive in the land, and W.
have recently heard much of the doctrine Of /" ap
peal, as applicable TO the very which ha,
just been the subject of the Veto power. Had the
Fiscal Corporation bill become law, an attempt
would doubtless have been made, throughout the
country, TO effect It's early repeal But after its en-
actmenl and individuals, under the plghted faith OF
the Governn-nt, should have embarked capital in the
stock, the charter ought to be hedged in by every
constitutional barrier. But proclaim, that bare
msjoriiies may repeal, and what prudent capitalist
would embark in the concern7 In vain will II be
said, that the Supreme Court would sustain ii. In a
conflict between the Court and the Legislature, the
odds would be with the latter power Ii factious
joriies disposed, they would seek the means to
organize the Court, in such manner, To meet their
views. Vested rights might, therefore, become the
victim of inadyertent legislation, and capitalist
would have the hardhood to place his property the
mercy of at Legislature thus constituted. But no man
of sufficient character to become President OF the
United States, would be likely TO sanction a law
which would thus trench on vested rights. Ii we
limit the view therefore, to the Bank ITSELF every
stakeholder would place reliance the Veto power,
and feel insecure without it. r.
But take another of vital interest to the South
ern States the slavery question. Would any South
ern man be willing TO commit TO bare majoriiies the
right to interfere with this institution in the District
OF Columbia, in the Territories, and between one
State and anoiher7 We all aware of the constr
tuiional barrier against disturbing the institution
within the several States. But there many who
claim the right Of Congress 10 control or abolish sla-
very, in the District and in the Territories, aud to
regulate the traffic between the States Are South
ern statesmen prepared to abandon this great interest
TO bare majoritles Prior to the election of 1886
the question was solemnly propounded TO Mr.. Van
Buren,, whether, if elected President, he would Veto
BILL if presented to him, to interfere with these ex
iensve vested rights He answered explicitly, that
he would not But for this answer, he would not have
received a single Southern electoral vote. Did any
man complain Of the anticipated will of one man
against the will of the nation :" He was indeed de-
nounced in some sections Of the country for " bran
dishlng the Veto in advance But did any Southern
man then talk this dangerous power the source Of
all our 7" On the contrary, it not hailed as
the timely declaration Of benefcent conservative
principle Here, again, il may be assumed, as pos
tulaie that who would be likely 10 be elevated
10 the highest honors Of the Constitution, would SO
far disregard its obvious intent, to approve Of bill
designed to cast frebrand into the country.
The Veto power is, therefore, not only shield for
the protection Of the property and vested rights Of the
South but is calculated to prove permanent bond OF
the Union itself
But it is not necessary to multiply cases As a
feature in the Constitution il ought to be sustained
by everv true patriot. Whatever may be its inconve
nience to President predisposcd to acquiesce in the
measures Of Congress, am far from .upposing that
Mr.. Tyler has become SO much inbued nth RADICAL
ism to wish plucked from the Constitution
of his country As an enlightened statesman anx-
ious for the welfare of the nation, beyond
the ephemeral existence If party, if he were in private
life he would probably raise his voice aloud to preserve
this palladium of the rights OF individuals and the
union of the States.
A VINO IN PRINCIPLE AND Practice.