Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1841-10-09
We have

reason to believe that he has permitted him
self to be approached, counselled, and infu-
enced by those who have manifested least
interest in the success Of Wing measures
What were represented to be his opinions
and designs have been freely, and even in
solently, put forth in certain portions, and
those not the most reputable, of the public
press, in manner that ought to be deemed
offensive to his honor, as it certainly was
to the feelings of those who were believed
to be his friends. In the earnest endeavor
manifested by the members of the Wing
party in Congress TO ascertain specifically
the Presidents notions in reference to the
details of such bill relating to a Fiscal
Agent as would be likely to meet his appro-
baton, the frequent changes of his opinion,
and the singular want of consistency in his
views have baffled his best friends, and rem
dered the hope of adjustment impossible.
Congress, early in the session, called
upon the Secretary of the Treasury for
the plan Of Fiscal Agent; the result of
this call was bill which was reported in
detail, with an argument in its favor and it
was, as we have a right to regard it, re-
ceived by all as the bill of the President.
In fact it was known to contain provisions,
in reference to the assent of the States,
which correspondent with the private opin-
ion of no member of the Cabinet. This
bill the President had informed more than
one member Of the House he would be
willing to sign, if passed by Congress; yet
it contained provision for local diScounting,
in regard TO which his Veto Message
atfirms his objection to be altogether insu-
peral. The President has subsequently
declared that this not his measure, and that
when he said he would sign this bill he had
not read it. The plan of an exchange
bank, such as was reported after the first
veto, the President is understood by more
than one member of Congress TO whom he
expressed his opinion, to have regarded as
a favorite measure. 1t was in view of this
opinion, suggested as it is in his first Veto,
and after using every proper effort to OBJ
tam his precise views upon it, that the
Committee of the House of Representa-
tlves reported their second bill. 1t made
provision for Bank without the privilege
Of local discountng, and was adapted as
closely as possible 10 that class of mercan-
tile operations which the first Veto Mes
sage describes with appreciation, and which
that paper specifically illustrates by refer
ence 10 the dealings in exchanges" Of the
Bank of the United States in 1888, which
the President affirms "amounted TO one
hundred millions Of dollars" Yet this plan,
when it was submitted to him, was objected
to on new ground. The last Veto has
narrowed the question of Bank down to
the basis of the sub-treasury scheme, and it
is obvious from the opinions Of shat Mes
sage that the country is not to expect any
thing better than the exploded sub-treasu-
ry. or some measure Of the same character,
from Mr.. Tyler.
In the midst of ali these varieties of OPT
Mon, an impenetrable mystery seemed to
hang over the whole question. There was
no such frank interchange of sentiment as
ought to characterize the intercourse of a
President and his friends, and the last
persons in the Government who would
seem TO have been entrusted with his con
tidence on those embarrassing topics We're
the constitutional advisers which the laws
had provided for him.
In this review Cf the position into which
the late events have thrown the Wing party,
it is with profound sorrow we look to
the course pursued by the President He
/, has wrested from US one of the best fruits
Of a long and painful struggle, and the
contamination Of glorious victory: he
, has even perhaps thrown US once more
upon the field Of political strife, moi weak
ened in numbers, nor shorn of the sup
: port of the country, but stripped of the
arms which success had placed in our
hands, and left again to RELY upon that high