The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-04-17
John TYLER.

upon tnlS genuemdn, the HonoIe2 oucccSSoi
of the lamented Harrison, is now fixed the gaze
of his countrymen Their hopes rest upon him
to carry out, with strong hand, the glorious
| Reforms, rendered necessary by the long reign
of corruption and misrule. His past and present
opinions are sought after, with avidity to give a
clue to his future course. To crafty this very
natural curiosity, we make an extract from an
able letter of his written in October last In reply
| to Loco Foco Committee of Henrico giving
his views upon all the leading questions of pub
lie concern. 1t proves him to be thorough
going Reformer, and gives earnest that he will
not weary or falter in the great and important
task of correcting abuses, and aiding the true
Republicans of the land, in preserving the pub
lie liberty He will go to work with zeal and
unfagging industry to perfect the labors OF the
venerable Patriot, who sacrificed his life In the
service of his country. He will succeed in per
fecting those labors, and he will receive the
blessings of grateful millions. -Richmond Whig.
The letter is in reply to series of nterrogatories
which sufficiently explained by the respective re-
sponses: "
A, have cause to thank you for ascribing to me
kind feeling towards the People of the District of
Columbia, although you do me too much honor in
supposlng to be parental certainly 90 take an IN
regarded by them in the light of parent-and if /
did not tell them whether would interpose to
them from the oft attempted invasion of the fanatca
hDOlltlonlstS, IL was because nau good reason TO
believe they knew full well my sentiments on that
subject. My recorded votes in the U. s. Senate, and
my opinions spread before the country, through the
medium of the public press apart from their knowledge
of the fact that resident citizen of the State of
Virginia, left me nothing to explain to them on that
head. l have now, in answer to your inquiry, to
quote and to adopt the opinion of General Harrison
expressed in his letter to Judge Berren of Georgia.
dated 30h of September 1886, in the following words
/" do not think that Congress abolish Slavery in
the District of Columbia without the consent of the
States of Virginia and Maryland, and the people of
the District 1t would be breach of faith towards
the States have mentioned, who would certainly not
have made the cesson if they had supposed that it
would ever be used for purpose different from that
which was its object and injurious to them free
coored population in the midst of their slave popua
ton of the same description Nor do believe that
Congress could deprive the People of the District of
Columbia of their property without their consent. 1t
would be to revive the doctrine of the Tories of Great
Britain in relation to the power of Parliament before
the Revolutionary War, and in direct hostility to the
principles advanced by Lord Chatham, shat what was
mans own was exclusively and absolutely his own,
and could not be taken from him without his own con-
sent or his legal representative" Whether l would
veto bill vioatory of these opinions, SO plainly ex
pressed if seated in the Presidential Chara station
which neither aspire to in the future, expect to
devolve me in any other way-t would seem to be
the merest work of supererogatIon to answer. You
would not doubt my course any more than you have
cause to doubt the course of Gen. Harrison, under
the circumstances supposed.
5. In reply to the first branch of your inquiry l
quote and adopt the language of Gen. Harrison in his
speech delivered at Dayton: "There is not in the
Constitution any express grant of power for such pur
pose and it could never be constitutional to exercise
that power in the event the powers granted to
Congress could not be carried into effect without
sorting to such institution" The latter branch of
your inquiry is fully answered by my answer to the
first part. The Constitution confers on Congress- in
express terms, "al powers which are necessary and
proper to carry into effect the granted powers. Now
if 'the powers granted could not be carried into eff
feet without incorporating Bank then it becomes
" necessary and proper" and of course expedent--a
conclusion which presume no one would deny who
desired to the existence of the Government pre-
sersed and kept benefcialy D. operation. Whether
wou1d 6r Moald not exert the peto, il will be tIne5
enough for me to say when | am either candidate
for or an expectant Of the Presidential oceneither
of which expect ever to be. If your question had
been varied to have inquired of me what course
| would pursue if elevated to the Vice Presidency,
and should be called upon TO vote upon bill for the
incorporation of Bank, you should have had direct
and emphatic answer As it is, have only to refer
you to my speech delivered in the House of Represen-
tatives of the United States in 1872 the question
of issuing scire facias against the Bank, and my
vote given in the Senate Of the United States 1882
the question of Ie-chartering the late Bank.
6. That Congress has right to impose duties on
merchandise imported none can deny. The rate OF
duties, you well aware is called tariff Of duties.
The power "to lay duties" is given by the Constitu
of import which to levy the duties is unqueston-
able. Every duty imposed operates pro tanto a
bounty the production Of the article at home,
and has been considered wise policy the part OF
ALL Administrations to impose the duties TO adj
the production of such articles of nation
al Importance. certainly do not doubt the policy
expediency of such a course. The duties, however,
should be laid with reference TO revenue, except where
they laid TO counteract the policy of foreign Gov
ernment and with a view to the regulation Of trade
have hesitation in saying that | regard the Com
promise law as obligatory on the country, and that
resolved, so far as depends on myself to carry
out its provisions in good faith.
7. This question is a mere abstraction in the pre-
sent condition of the Treasury, for there is no money
there to carry out any system of Internal Improve
ments. My votes repeatedly recorded on the jour
nails of Congress against the power of Congress
this subject in all its phases and aspects well in re-
gard to roads and canals, to harbors and rivers
The first viz; appropriations to roads and canals,
have well nigh entirely ceased while annual appropri
atoms, to large amount, have been made to harbors
and rivers, with the sanction and approval of the Pre-
sident oil the United States.
8. What Gen. Harrison may have said, written or
done upon the subject of the Proclamation or Force
Bill and whether he approved of MIR. Websters speech
upon these Subjects is well known to yourselves as
me. have had no conversation with him upon such
subjects, nor have ever received any communication
from him in relation to them. have before me his
speech delivered at Dayton in which find this en-
phatc sentence: Ifthe Augean Stable is to be clean
sed it will be necessary to 60 back to the principles OF
jefferson and at earlier part of the speech
the following: {" I have been charged with being
Federalist deny that ever belonged to that class
Of politicians. How could belong to that patty?
was educated in the school of Anti Federalism" &c
&C. These sentiments are decidedly at variance with |
the doctrines of the Proclamation and but recent
y expressed ALL therefore, that can say you, is,
that do not doubt that if you will apply to him for
information upon the subjects referred to in your qucs-
ton, he will promptly give it, and take leave to re-
commend that you pursue similar course towards
MIR. Van Buren,
g. Whether Gen. Harrison would veto charter for
Bank Of the United States, have other know |
ledge than that given by him to the public in his letter
to Sherrod Williams, and in his Dayton speech. That
he dene: to the Government the right to abolish slave
ry in the District Of Columbia without the consent of
the States of Virginia and Maryland, and the People
Of the District is sufficiently proven by his letter to
Judge Berrien, already quoted. That he denies to
Congress all power slavery in the District is pro-
by the same letter, and many speeches of his in
print That while he believes the power to exist in
Congress TO construct roads and canals yet that he
longer believes it prudent expedent to exercise
it, he has repeatedly decaredand his determination 10
adhara he If he has