The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-09-04

Inditdu4l Judgment IN MS legislative Actioni ~
bills presented 10 him by Congress, and 10 approve
them not, accopjing 10 his conscientious consie-
tons Of what is not constitutional OF Just Nay
the President of the United States only enii-
tied TO the nights OF conscience with any ndiyi-
dual member OF the House. bat such separate exercise
of his own Judgment, and individual submission to
the dictates OF his conscience, expressly
imposed upon hsm, as distinct branch Of the Gov
eminent, BY the very letter Of the Constitution. As
individual he bound TO follow the dictates Of
conscience BY all those considerations moral and re-
ligious which apply TO individual members of the
House. As the President of the United States be
officially responsible To God, to Congress, and 70
his couary for conscientious Difference 70 the posi-
tive command Of the Constitution, which Requires
him. upon his oath President If he conscientously
disapproses of any bill, to return the TO the
House in which il originated And in no point OF
view therefore in which this subject could be regard
ed did become Us TO say thai the President OF the
United States, invested with such high functions,
and sworn 70 obey The CONSTITUTIONAL say thai he
should exercise the right Of conscience according
TO tie letter and spirit of the Constitution and TO
charge him with treachery TO party for doing that
which with his opinions and convictions, nwoud be
treachery to God and the Constitution not 10 do
Mr. G. said that this was the light in which he
viewed the rights and duties Of the Wings party,
OF each member of it, and especially of the President
himself He had pictured TO himself magnificent,
sublime feature of high and extraordinary usefulness
for the party in power. Ii depended upon them,
and them alone whether those anticpations should be
realized not IL could not be denied that, at this
moment, we were placed in most critical position
that too painfully obvious 10 universal obsersa-
lion And the practical question which that party had
to decide for ITSELF well the members OF u
among the People at large their Representatives
here in Congress, was whether they would concede
each other, and only To each other, but above
all to the President OF the United States the act
ua chief Of the party, and constitutional head OF the
Government, the right of Conscientious judgment;
whether descending from that broad platform Of ca
thoic forbearance and mutual respect upon which
they originally assembled To organise victory under
the banner of Iippecanoe and Tyler too they
should take up OF the extreme opinions of the ma
ny varying sections existing among them, and erect
that opinion to the exclusion OF any and
all others, into the true and only test OF Whigism-
Was the United States Bank the beginning, the mid
die, and the end of Whigsm} Was there w higism
in this, and this alone 2 and out of this NO Wing
ism You had no right TO make this an eIclu-
sve doctrine and to denounce and prescribe all
dissentients than you had TO make any other OF the
opinions of any section individuals the exclusive
test OF Whieism He secuted and repeed the
idea Of any such extravagan excusveness and into
lerant bigotry of opinion. Should we undertake to
repel from US member Of this House for differing
with the majority on one Of the measures OF the SEES
sion Should we of the House, undertake to pro-
scribe and unchurch the Senate if that body should
happen to differ with the House OF those
suTes the Senate to prescribe the House for such
differences Should we, above ell undertake, in an
sures to prescribe the President for such dierence1
We might attempt TO do this if we chose but all we
should accomplish In such an attempt would be the
suicidal destruction OF our own parry, and the cow
arjiy abandonment of the power which the People of
the United States have placed in our hands.
The People Of the United States had called us to a
great and holy misson-they had placed us in power
to discharge the exalted duties appertaiIinp TO our
station, for the publication and reform Of the Govern
ment and The promotion Of the manifold interests Of
tha IInnnn 4 FAY 10 t.tn sh~th
prove TO the trust the People have conded in
US and whether in entering upon paricdal warfare
against chief, and the head of our own Ad-
mioistration, will place impossible gulf between
him and u.s. The question Is very simple ONE
Would we concede TO him the rights Of conscience
and Of Judgment in the discharge of his high and
sponsible duties which ourselves claim and exer-
cisel Il was in our power by cutsating a spirit OF
mutual concession and affection, to continue to dis
charge usefuy and bene6cially the great functions
vested in u.s. and to execute the patriotic reforms for
which the People have sent here But it, in a mo.
ment OF weak and childish resentment we pettishly
destroy own work we shall inevitably incur the
contempt and dispeasure of the People Of the United
States, and demonstrate To country and the world
the fact that, whereas, the difference of opinion be-
tween majority of Congress and the President
in itself but a misfortune al most, conduct
upon that difference is deliberate and wanton crime
This will be the consequence Of allowing ourselves
in and countenance the views Of the gentle
from Tennessee and the gentleman from Virginia.
IT, actuated by the sentiments which those gentlemen
avow and the opinions they entertain we proceed Of
our own motion, TO blow into fragments the mighty
fabric of Wing ascendancy and throw up the power
possess, merely because of the difference of sin
gle opinion among u, should 90 down posterity
as Congress to which the sentence of the historian
on Galba would apply Capar imperii nj imperassei;
having held authority just long enough prove the
country that we morally and Intellectually incom-
petent to carry on the Government.
Mr. c. said he had but one other suggestion to make
to the House at the present time; and II this
The Chairman here announced that the hour had
expired, and Mr.. Marshall, OF Kentucky obtained the
floor, and Mr.. Gushing was unable to complete the
remark he about to make. Ii the rule had per-
mitted him to proceed, he would have concluded as
follows
Mr.. CUSHING had carefully observed the course OF
events without allowing alarm on the hand :
ctemen, on the other to bias his judgment. For him
SELF he had made his election. He believed that the
President of the United States honorable Just
| and conscientious man and that President OF
the U nted States, he was animated by motives of the
patriotic desire to consult in all things the vel
fare and honor of the great country which the sufa-
pes of the people and the will OF God had called him
10 rule He (Mr ca had reflected all the probable
consequences Of the surrounding events, and he de-
clared his full conviction that, only upon the veto
which had already come but upon another veto, il
that should come, the Wing party would best consult
their cwn honor and the welfare of the country by
yielding frank and manly support of Mr.. Tyler.
And he appealed to the great and pa
gress and the country was ios.- rrha,o r.,
generous principles Of mutual forbearance BY AM
through which alone they had obtained power; to re-
pei from them all tendencies of iIl-consIered and ia
tally unwse resentment towards the President on ac
count ct the course which his conscientious convic
tons of duty had compelled him to pursue; to main.
tam confdng association between themselves anc
the President, 10y means Of which he and they nigh
continue to cooperate together for the public good
and thus 10 secure to the country a REPucLic.s adj
ninistratlon of the Government, worthy of the bes
days of the Republic.
From hs Philadelphia American Sentinel