The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-10-28

Chief Magistrate is faithful TO the Wing party in do
ing winch, the writer falls into what loglcans call
vicious circle, iorgetu evidently that the best possible
proof of that fact is the general belief Of it, And it
happens accordingly that the only reasonable part Of
MS Argument, Is what he doubtless thought no argu
ineh' AZ ail-vz: positive denial Oft With view
oil sustaining his assertion, he resorts to insinudion
ana urges upon you these unworthy considerations
winch prompted him 10 exercise the prerogatve Of ne
gatlyng the Objectionable bills. The Manifesto holds
the following language;
We are constrained to say that we find no ground
70 justify us in the conviction that the Veto OF the
President has been inteposed this question, solely
upon conscientious and well-consdered opinions oil
constitutional sciupe his duty in the case pre-
sented On the contrary, too many proofs have been
forced upon our observation TO leave Us free hom the
apprehension that the President has permitted himself
10 be beguled into opinion that by this exhibition
OF ms prerogatve, he might be able TO divert the Pocy
OF MS Administration into channel which should
lead TO new political combinations and accomplish re-
suits which must overthrow the present divisions Of
party IN the country, and finally produce a state OF
things which those who elected him, al least, have ne
YER contemplated
This is every way most extraordinary assertion
Form ubstancepremis all are, we
humby think, ludicrously absurd and grossly misrep
resented
The charge which has been made against the
Chief Magistrate If true, would so vitality affect his
character for sincerity and honor to render him ut
terly unworthy Of the office he now fills
Ii il can be proved that the President has moved
under false banners seeking and obtaining support
under false preences-that profession Of faith is
made in Congress TO influence division, another to
influence and conciate political adversaries
these grounds be exposed and this want OF truth
ard devoedness be held up to the and con-
tempt of the People only will that good be obtain
ed which is always consequent upon the unmaskng of
Hypocrisy but the real objects of the contest may be
rendered obvious TO all who are called on to Judge
and act.
We hope that we shall be able to show conclusvey
not only that the arguments which have been urged
by the writer Of the Manifesto inconclusve but
that they have been advanced in spirit of insncery
and with total disregard of all consistency and
candor.
We shall proceed to make out case; and we
shall endeavor to reduce our argument to lis simplest
form, and to dsengage it from any collateral question
which may distract attention from the principles upon
which il is founded.
II is wsll known that Veto is always a conspicu-
Gus measure. II speaks for itself Ii take the
garb of hypocrisy and shelter itself from the scrutiny
Of vigiant and well instructed politician 1t is in
the exercise of this power that responsibility to public
opinion, which even despoism feels and truckes TO- is
of gigantic force If il possible as am sure II
is rot that distinguished American citizen, elevated
upon the credit Of long life of virtue to place full
Of honor, could feel disposition TO commngle the
petty concerns Of a perverted ambition NTH The mo-
mentous affairs Of his country, and TO immediate her
happiness and prosperity by the reputation OF Bank
charter for the erection of +" political combnd
tions" or 10 aggrandize himself, he would still be
saved from the destruction of such course not only
by the constitutional checks, but by the responsibility
to public opinion, in nation where public opinion
mask, and will not be senced President
Tyler knows full well his political career is but the
thing Of hour, and when ii has ceased to exist he
must descend to the shades Of retirement the object
either of love and veneration or OF scorn and con-
tempt.
him to adopt policy that would overthrow the pre-
sent divisions Of paryl" The writer Of the Manifesto
does not condescend to inform US.
The President has moi seen without some sensible
ty that a transaction accompanied by such circum-
stances as have endeavored to point out has been
thus tortured to his prejudice and made the basis OF
malignant charge, without adducing one particle Of
proof to sustain it.
If the writer of the Manifesto means to insnuate
that he has prosued the influence Of his office, and
struck deadly blow at the yltals of the Wing patty
in order ensure his own elevation ask for the
proofs.
In lnquiring into the motive of this act of the Presl-
dents we will copfne ourselves to the correctness of
the decision, according to the premises OF the Prcsi
dent, and to decide its innocence or crlmnality.
mean politically we should consider il in relation TO
its moiire, its time, and manner, and its consequent
ces. II nothing partial or corrupt Is to be found IN
any Of these, know not in what or from whence i'm
proper views are to be established In deciding upon
4
we must look for materials in the testimony by this
we must be governed, and not by imputations, sur
misses and constructions of our opponents however
eloquent and ingenious. The President and his mo-
lives are only strongly denounced in this Nantes
TO- but also have had the same fate from the seeding
ministers take the evidence for my guide and /
know it will be the guide of the American people.
1t is general rule in all criminal prosecutions for
an act equivoca in itself and where character of
ruilt or innocence depends upon the intention
with WA al nj
made at the time, is always received in evidence, 10
ascertain and fix the true character the act and the
fair and legitimate explanation of the act is taken and
derived from such declarations OF the party If not dis
proved by other evidence. What then, did the Pre-
sident say in relation to the provisions ofthe bill to
tablish banking corporation 7
1t is stated by all the retiring ministers that the
President in presenting his objections to the bill IN
cooperating Bank, always objected to the feature al
lowing the Bank 10 deal in local discounts.
The first Bank BILL it must be admitted contained
the provision of dealing in local paper The second
permitted the corporation to buy and sell bills of ex
change. These features were deemed by the Chief
Magistrate as insuperdbie objections. On the other
hand, a majority in Congress viewed them as impor
tant in the regulation of the exchanges between the
extreme sections OF the country.
The President contends that the power to establish
corporation is like other powers vested in the General
Government has object direct, and objects resulting
Its direct object is the management of the revenue
Among its resulting objects is the dlscounng of local
paper. This is clearly secondary in its objects, and
subordinate in importance to the first object
Now the friends of the banking system contend for
Bank to manage the concerns of the Government
which is no doubt constitutional but they contend al
so for the establishment of on account of its result
ing objects, namely, the discounting power-not for
an institution to collect and dsburse the revenue but
for an institution possessing number Of branches
agenciesthus binding the particular design and vio-
la,ing the general spir, Of the Constitution. The
dscountng engraled upon the banking power, he
thought, would cause it TO degenerate from objects
truly national, such connected with the pow
crs and duties of the Federal Government to those
merely local and also to become the means Of extern
sive and dangerous political combinations, could not
be doubted. He apprehcnded that this tendency
too strong to be resisted it ought and would prove fa