The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-09-25

e8esn SOf the states ana Inc people, NJ IN tnen WE
dom OF their folly, they venture - remodel the areh
lecture Of the nobesi arsiss oftke world In relation
70 the subject b<fe the nation il Is question foI
us There 4 stands imposngiis duties, i,s rssponsi
bilty, and its risks No prudent man. in this day o
popular power would court the occasion for lis
else. No skilful legislation, whether il had tie
y party for lis object, would press ID twice lis
nominal Chief But this position we think unanswer-
able and invite 70 it the deliberate consideration Of
the people The Chief Magistrate who exercised this
power once, and should under circumstances Of the
same character refuse TO do so again. would deserve
pity for his cowardce contempt for his imbeciliy.
The existence Of this power in the Constitution
compels the President to examine and determine,
every occasion when bill is presented for his sigma
ture, whether he will win not exercise the Weroga
tive with which he Is invested II is intended be,
and in fact IS the great conservative power Of the Go
vernment-not lightly to be resorted tonoi invoked
but great and momenlous occasons-non nisi De
us rindiee nodus-but such occasions no 10
be avoided evaded abandoned, than any other Of the
high duties Of the Presidency That Banking cor
poraon Of this high character, cannot be doubt
ed. Washington heslated moi whether il was proper
on unconstitutional Bank law TO exercise the We
to- but the grave question what is the nature of
the Bank law presented to him, Madison exercised the
power; SO did Jackson Indeed the obligation is i'm
peraiiye. The text of the Constitution admits no dis
pute " II he approve it he shall sign it if not, he
shall return il with objections" When, therefore, in
the judgment of President, bill violates the Con-
stiuon, he cannot approve it, and to sign it, would
be equally violation and breach Of his oath The
Judgment of the President placed as counterpoise
10 the Judgment and it may be- the popular feeling
| ay, the personal and party passion, Of muItitud
nous assembly. Whether it should be SO we do not
say but SO is Its breakwater which our fathers
erected agains, the swelling tide Of Democracy know
ing probably the strength Of the waters and foresee
ing that its wild would roar and break in force
upon its sides. Our trusting temper may remove IT, if
we please; but while it is there the nations pilot may
no IRE choose than il, than the commander Of
line-of battle ship its sails its anchors its cannon
| as eIigencles may require.
conviction that bill is unconstitutional, is le-
climate and proper occasion for Presidents Veto
A Bank bill, bill to establish Bank, any Bank,
any corporation by authority Of Congress- with per
| mission 10 operate in the States, is by the common
consent Of all intelligent men, one Of those acts Of
Congress to the consttutonay Of which statesmen
may honestly doubt; and on such debateable ques-
| ton the motives of no may be impeached, on
| whichever side he declares his opinion
Individually the writer Of this per is firmly con-
WINGED Of the right and duty Of Congress- under the
Constitution, 10 erect such institution but he can
not challenge the honesty of any one who takes the
| opposite ground. As question of eIpcdency, al
though the personal opinion of so humble an indyi-
dual is of no consequence, he hesitate 10 say
that such Fiscal Agent proposed in either of
| the bills Of Congress, than nome If the
President was Of opinion that these bills were viola
ton Of the Constitution, he required by all the
high considerations which rendered him worthy Of the
popular suffrage, to NEE, the OCCASION and be true to
bis conscience, his country, and his God
Now 1t may be very wise for Wing caucus, fret
ting under disappointment, strong men always do
who cannot have their own way, to propose, at the
head of the duties which remain for them to per-
FORM reduction of the Executive power this sub
ject. Be it Let them try. Let them succeed, if
the people please. How their future success ope-
rate past action Thereafter the President has no
such power Of Veto one bone of contention will be
removed Then he cannot exercise il, and Of course
will be relieved from duty and responsibility 10 which
yesterdays The people may take away or limit his
power Of appointment removal So let it be; and
aerward if he attempt TO exert such prohibited pow
err they may try him by impeachment before the SEN
ote or the world. But if with the power in his hand,
entrusted to him by men quite as deeply learned in
constitutional and rational liberty the modern Sol
onions of the Republic, he shrink from its exercise
through fear favor, affection, hope Of reward he
becomes the suicide Of his own fame In looking at
these great prerogatives, should remember that
they necessarily must be powerful for harm as well as
good, like the strong agents Of medicine which can
| save life or may kill Let il be remembered too that
President of the United States like sklful physi-
clan, is supposed to know when to administer them
and to have the integrity and frmness which the oc-
| casion requires. This is our security The ,eople
make him President But is said the people may be,
and indeed have been deceived in their man. WHY
not rather say the same thing of this Fiscal Agent
If in point why not in the oiher Is it the mea-
sure, them or the mantle Bank or the President
! the law or the Veto-which should be sustained by
the American people1
This is question in relation to the political D,e-
gritty Of a distinguished citizen in whose fame the
whole country is interested We approach the sub,
Ject with dhdcnce, because cannot approach the
| President. We lockers on in Vienna But
what we think we see, that will we tell
MASSACHUSETTS.
/
| FOR THE MADisoNIAN