Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1841-09-13
VOL. 35, NO. 52-WHOLE NO. 1921.

Mr.. President must think and hope may he
allowed to say, with profound Difference to the
Chief Magistrate, that it appears TO me he has
viewed with too lively sensibility the personal
consequences TO himself of his approval of the
bill aud that, surrendering himselft to vivid I'M
ognalion, he has depicted them in much too
glowing and exaggerated colors, and that it would
have been most happy if he had looked more to
the depIorabe consequences of n veto upon the
hopes, the interests, and the happiness of his
country. Does it follow that magistrate who
yields his private judgment to the concurring al-
thoriy of numerous decisions, repeatedly and de-
libcratey pronounced, after lapse Of long inter-
walls, by all the departments of Government, and
by all parties, ncurs the dreadful penalties de-
scrbcd by the President? Can any man he dis
graccd and dishonorcd who yields his private o.
pinion to the judgment of the nation? 10 this
ease, the country q mean mnjorty,) Congress,
and according to common fame, an unanimous
Cabinet, were all united in favor Of the hill.
Should amy man feel himself humblcd and de-
graded in yielAng TO the. COP oint force OF such
! high authority? Docs any nun, who nj one pc
Rod Of his life shall have exposed particular
opinion, aud ut n subsequent period shall act upon
The opposite opinion, expose himself TO The terri
ble consequences which have been portrayed by
| the President? How is it with the Judge, i'll the
case Ivy no means rare, who bows 10 the authori-
| ~ Of repeated preceden;s, settling particular
question, whilst in his private Judgment the law was
otherwise? How is il with that numerous class
of public men in this country, and with the two
great parties that have divided it, who, at different
| periods have maintained aud acted on opposite
opinions, in respect to This very bank question?
How is it with James Madison, the Father OF
the Cunstiution-that great man whose services
% his country, placed him only second TO WASH
lngion-whose virtues and purity III private life
whose patriotism, intelligence aud wisdom in
public councils stand unsurpassed? lie was a
member of the National Convention that formed
and of the Virginia Convention that adopted, the
Constitution. No man understood it better than
he did. He was opposed in l79l to the esiab-
shment of the Bank of the United States upon
constitutional ground; and in 1916 he approved
and signed The charter of the late Bank of the
| United States. Ii is II par, OF the secret history
connected with the first bank, that James Madison
had, AT the instance of General Washington, pre-
pared n veto for him in the contingency of his re.
lection Of the hill. Thus stood James Madison
when, in 1875 he applied the veto to n bill to
charter n bank upon considerations OF eXpedien-
cy, hut with clear and express admission OF the
existence of constitutional power il Congress TO
charter one. In 1876, the hill which was then
presented to him being free from the objections
Applicable to that OF the previous year, he sane
toned and signed it, Did james Madison sur
render sail claim 10 the respect Of honorable men
-all confidence On the part OF the People al
self respect all regard for moral and religious
oblIgH'iuns ?" Did the pure, the yrtnous, the gil
ted Jnlncs Mad son, 10y his sanction and signature
10 the charter of the late Bank of the United
States. commit CRIME which justly subjected
him "to the ridlcule and scorn of al virtuou:
men =
Not only did the President, as it respectfully APP
pears to me, state entirely too strongly the conse-
quences OF his approval of the bill, but is he per
fecty correct in treating the question, ms he seem;
to me to have done,) which he was called upon lC
decide, presenting the sole alternative of his
direct approval or rejection OF the bill! Was the
prrsrr> alton of the consistency and the conscience
of the resident wholly irreconsilnbe with the
restoration Of the blessings of a sound currency
regular and moderate exchanges, and the revival
of confidence and business which Congress be-
lirvcs Will be secured by a National Bank Was
there no alternative but to prolong the suifprings
of Il bleeding country, or to send us this Veto
From The administration of the Executive De-
IpnrImeut OF the Government, during the last
twelve yeats, has sprung most of the public ills
which have afflicted the People Was it necessa.
ry that Mat source of suffering should continue to
operate, in order to preserve the conscience OF the
President unviolnted? Was that the only sad
and d"pGrahle alternative? | think, Mr. Pres
dent. there were other alternatives worthy of the
serious and patriotic consideration of the Presi
dert The hill might have become Il law, in vir
Tue Of the provision which required its return
within ten days. If the President had retained i
ihrce days longer, il would have been law
without his snrcton and without his signature
In such Il contingency the President would have
remained passive, and would not have been liable
to any accusation of having himself violated the
Constitution. All that could have been Justly
said would be, that he did not choose to throw
himself in the way as an obstacle to the passage
of Wing measure Indispensable to the pros
perity Of the nation, in the judgment of the party
which brought him into power, OF the Whig
al
speaks true, OF HE Cabinet which the lnmented
Harrison called around him, and which he volun-
arily continued In an analogous case, Thomas
Mexican, when Governor Of Pennsylvania Than
whom the United States have produced but few
men OF equal yigOr of mind and frmnrss of pur-
pose, permitted bill to become II law, although
IN his opinion, il was contrary to the Constitution
of that STATE. Aud have heard, aud from the
creIilaale nature of the source, | am inclined to
hclieve although | will not youch for the fact
la towards the close Of the charter OF the frs
Bank of the United States during the second term
Of Mr.. Jefferson, some consideration of the ques-
ton OF the renewal OF the chatter was entertain
ed. and that he expressed wish thar, II the char
ter were renewed it might he effected by the OPP
Grafton of The ten days provision, and his consis-
tenry thuS preserved.
II ii were possible TO disintcr the veneraled re-
mains of james Madison, reauimale his perishing
form, aud place him once more in that chair OF
state, which he so much adorned what would
have been his course, if this bill had been pre-
scented to him, even supposing him never to have
announced his acquiesceuce in The settled Judg-
mcnt of the nation? lie would have said that
human controversy in regard to n single question
should not he perpetual and ought TO have Il ter
mination This, about the power to establish a
Bank Of the Uniled States, has been long enough
continued. The nation, under all the forms Of its
public action, has often and deliberately decided
it. A Bank, and associated financial and curren-
cy questions, which had long slept, were revived
aud have divided the nation during the last ten
years Of the arduous and bitter struggle aud the
party which put down the Bank, and accustomed
all the disorders in our currency and finances, has
Itself been signay put down, by one of those
great moral mud political re, olutons which free
and patriotic People can but seldom arouse Itself
to make Human inialliby has not been grant
cd hu Cod md lha channns of nrrnr ara nlIlcl