Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1841-03-20


such extensive alarm. To this danger to our Re-
publican institutions, and that created by the inlu-
encc given to the Executive, through the instru-
mentality Of the federal officers, propose to apply
all the remedies which may be at my command. 1t
was certainly great error in the trainers of the
constitution, not 10 have made the officer at the head
Of the Treasury Department entirely independent
Of the Executive. lie should at lenst have been
removable only upon the demand of the popular
branch Of the Legislature. | have determined
never to remove q Secretary of the Treasury,
without communicating all the circumstances At
tending such removal to both Houses of Congress
| The influence Of the Executive in controlling the
freedom of the elective franchise through the me-
dunn Of the public officers, can be efectualy
checked by renewing the prohibition published by
Mr. Jefferson, forbdding their interference in cleo
tons further than giving their own votes, and their
own independence secured by an assurance of per-
feet immunity. in exercising this sacred privilege
Of rreemen under the dictates ofther own unba ssed
! judgments. Never, with my consent shall an Of,
tcer of the people, compensated for his services ont
of their pockets, become the plant instrument of
| Executive will.
There is no part of the means placed in
the hands OF the Executive which might be
used with greater effect, for unhallowed
purposes. than the control of the public
press. The maxim which our ancestors de-.
rived from the mother country. that ''the
freedom of the press is the great bulvark
Of civil and religious liberty" is one Of the
most precious legacies which they have left
us. We have learned, too, from our own.
as well as the experience Of other countries.
that golden ShackIes, by whomsoevcr or bv
whatever preience imposed, are as fatal to
it Us the iron bonds of despotism. The
presses in the necessary employment Of the
| Government should never be used "to clear
the guilty. or to varnish crime" A decent
and manly examination of the acts of the
Government should be not only tolerated
but encouraged.
Upon another occasion have gwen my
opinion at some length, upon the impropri-
ETY. Of Executive interference in the legis-
I laton Of Congress. That the article in the
Constitution makingi it the duty Of the Pre-.
sdent to communicate information, and au-
| thorizing him to recommend measures, was
not intended to make him the source in e.
glsIation. and, in particular, that he should
never be looked 10 for schemes of finance.
1t would be very strange, indeed, that the
Constitution should have strictly forbidden
one branch of the legislature from interfer.
ing in the origination Of such bills and tina,
it should DO considered proper that an al
together different department Of the Gov
eminent should he permitted to do So.
Some o! our best political maxlms and opin-
ions have been drawn from our parent Isle.
There are others, however, which cannot
be introduced in our system without singu-
lar incongruity and the production of much
mischief. And this conceive to be one.
No matter in which Of the houses Of Par
lament bill may originate, nor by whom
introduced, minister or member of the
opposition, by the fiction Of law, or rather
of constitutional principle. the Sovereign is
supposed to have prepared it agreeabv to
his will, and then submitted it to Parlia.
ment for their alvice and consent. Now.
the very reverse is the case here, not only
with regard to the principle, but the forms
prescribed by the Constitution. The prin.
cIpe certainly assigns to the only BODY
constituted by the Constitution (the legis!a.
tive body the power to make laws. and the
forms even direct that the enactment should
be ascribed to them. The Senate in reIa-
ton to revenue bills; have the right to pro.
pose amendments; and so has the Execu-
tive, by the power given him to return
them to the House Of Representatives with
his objections. 1t is in his power, also. to
propose amendments in the existing reve.
nue. laws. suggested by his observations up
on their defective or injurious operation.
But the Delicate duty of devising schemes
Of revenue should be left where the Con
StItuli'n has placed it-Wilh the Immediate
representatives. % the people. For similar
reasons, the mode OF keeping the public
treasure should be prescribed by them. and
tie, farther removed 1t may be from the
control Of the Executive. the more whole
some the arrangement, and the more IN &C.
cOrdance with republican principle.
Connected with this subject is the char
acter Of the currency. The idea of ma
king it exclusively metallic, however well
intended, appears to me to be fraught with
more fatal consequences than any other
scheme, having no relation to the personal
rights OF the citizens, that has ever been
devised. If any single scheme could pro.
duce the effect of arresting at once. that
mutation OF condition by which thousands
Iof our most INDECENT teIlow-c;tizcnS. by
their industry and enterprise, are raised to
the possession of wealth, that IS the one.
II there is one measure better calculated
than another TO produce that state Of things
50 much deprecated by all true Republicans.
by which the rich are daily adding to their
h 'ardS, and the poor sinhing deeper into
penury, it is n exclusive metal;G currency.
Or if there is process by which the char
acter of the country for generosity and no
bleness OF feeling, may be DESTROYED by
the great increase and necessary tOle