Democratic standard. [volume] (Georgetown, Brown County, Ohio) 1837-1850, 1841-12-28

to try, involved the right to condemn and
execute. There is no right of appeal
from the State courts to those of the Uni
ted States courts, for crimes against the
municipal laws Of the States. This,
McLeOd's counsel we'll knew, and there.
fore did not attempt TO appeal from the
State Jurisdiction TO that of the General
Government. il they had, it would not
have been allowed by the State tribunal.
The Message, on this point, makes to.
tai misstatement Of The law, and evinces
consciousness of it, by proposing to make
"suCh provisions by law, so far as they
may constitutOnally do SO, for the reno
val at their commencement, and at the
option of the party, of all such cases as
may hereafter occur" &c.
If Mcleod had this option at the com.
mencement to remove the case before the
Federal Courts on habeas corpus, whore
is the pretext for saying that provision
by law is necessary to make the removalf
The truth is, Mr.. Webster knows that
the Federal courts have no jurisdiction
over murder committed in violation of
the laws of State, but he seeks support
in new enactment of Congress, for his
monstrous concession that the assump.
tiOn by Great Britain, of the crimes com.
mitted by her subjects against the juris-
diction and citizens Of the States, alb
solves the culprit from all liability, and
imposes the necessity Of his surrender
at the bidding of the English Govern.
ment, by the Government of the Union.
The principle asserted by Mr.. Webster
in his letter to Mr.. Fox is shocking, and
his application TO Congress to sanction
it, an insult.
The treatment Of the Caroline affair,
out of which McLeod's case grew, is in
perfect keeping with Mr.. Webster's views
of the responsibility incurred by ihe &C.
tors in that fragrant violation of the laws
of natiOns-inVading New York with fire
and sword in time of profound peace.
The message says:
"This Government can neve concede
TO any foreign Government the power,
except III a case of the. most urgent ne
cessity, OF invadingi its territory, either
to arrest the persons or destroy the prop
erty Of those who may have violated The
municipal laws Of such foreign Govern
ment, or have disregarded their obliga-
tions arising under the law of nations"
If Great Britain has the right to invade
our soil and jurisdiction, murder our cit
izenS, and give their property to cOnAa-
grafton, sin a case Of tho most urgent
and c1treme necessity" the party having
the right to take this high-handed course,
must of course Judge of the "urgent and
ertreme necessity" Ifthe party entitled
to exercise this supereminent power over
another had time TO consult the one TO
be affected by it, there would evidently
be no urgent necessity in the case. Mr.
Webster, therefore, in supposing that an
urgent necessity would be sufficient jus.
tificaton for the conduct of the British
party at SchlOsser, most clearly intends
to advance that plea for England in re-
gard to the monsttOus outrage on our
country in the case of the Caroline. But
then Mr.. Webster has a salvo for US in
thus yielding the right of England to set
aside our Government on this side ofthe
lakes, and take it into her own hands.
1t will be found in the close of the par.
agraph of the message which concludes
comment on this subject.
"The correspondence between the two
Governments on this subject, will, at a
future day of your session, be submitted
to your consideration; and in the mean
time, cannot but indulge the hope that
the British Government will see the pro-
priety of renouncing, as rule of future
action, the precedent which has been set
in the affair at Schlosser.''
All is made safe for us by indulging the
hope that the British Government sOiH
see the prOpriety Of renOuncing, as rule
for the future, what Mr.. Webster is will,
ing to concede was sufficient justification
| for its past conduct!
The arrogant pretension--the right OF
search-whlch Great Britain has again
practically asserted under the plea of lis
necessity in suppressing the slave trade,
is met by Mr.. Webster in a way which
might have been expected from one who
did not think it cause of war when EN-
ployed in impressing our seanen, from
our national ships. This topic is thus
broached in the message:
81 invite your attention 10 existing laws
for the suppression of the slave trade,
and recommend all such alterations, as
may give TO them greater force and eff
cacy. That the American flag is grossly
abused by the abandoned and profigate
of other nations, is but too probable
Congress has, not long since, had this
subject under its consideration, and its
Importance we'll justifies renewed and
anxious attention.
"Whether this Government should
now enter into treaties containing mutual
stipulations upon this subject, is a.ques
.;on fnr ;ts' rnatnPa dnliha TatiOn. Gertaiu