Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1841-10-04
TLIE SOITTII

THE SOUTH.
We have certainly no other feelings than those
OF kindness aud good will towards our brethren
of the South. We believe il is our duty, as A
merriam citizens, to rejoice in their prosperity and
to sympathyZe with them in their msfortunes. II
is not i'll our power to regard with compiacency
the efforts of those, who can coolly "cacuate the
value of the union," or indeed, in any manner,
attempt 10 aenalc portion of our common
country from the rest.
But an affectonate regard for the interests of
our southern brethren cannot blind us TO the fact
that the position they often assume, on topics con-
nected with slavery, is not only preudical 10
themselves, but ut vurience with our notions of
right, of truth and justice. Slavery we regard as
moral and political evil; nor shall we very pa
iienty consent to be told that we have no right to
express our opinions fearlessly and independent
ly on this subject, rs we'll as on every other. The
hardy republican of New England cannot quietly
submit TO be told there is any subject so sacred he
may not fearlessy discuss it, and just fearlessiy
express any opinion he may buppen to entertain
respecting it.
Shall he be told, beside his plough,
What he must speak, and phen, and hon 7"
We are wi0g to admit that this right of dis
cussion has been abused. So too, has been, aud
is, every other right. If our southern brethren
believe that the abuse of right should teach US
to abandon the right ITSELF we would advise them,
at once, to occupy for willie, the places of their
slaves, to divest themselves of the legal rights OF
slave owners, when they would, perhaps, learn
there are abuses Of slavery, which, on their own
principles require an immediate abandonment.
1--WE believe that Congress have no authority to
interfere in the emancipation OF slaves, or in the
treatment of them in any of the states; it remain
ing with the several states alone to provide rules
and regulations therein, which humanity and true
policy may require" This was the language Of
the North, SO long ago as 1890, and we can noio
see no good reason for holding different. If the
South see fit to aflict themselves voluntarily with
the evil of slavery, to trample or the rights OF the
oppressed, ana to glory in their shame, we can
only regret it, but they must no, ask expect US
to he silent witnesses of their conduct Remon.
STRANGE we have right to employ; and it is the
height of absurdty and folly TO expect us to neg
lect it.
On this subject it is our duty to be plain and
candid. The language of harsh nunciation Of
recrmnaon and abuse, is peculiarly inappropri-
ate in this controversy. 1t can answer no benefi-
cial purpose. We have heard more than enough
of it from the self-syed abolitionis Of The North,
and the pro slavery advocate Of the South. 1t
has retarded, not accelerated, the cause of hu-
manity, of freedom and of truth. But when we
are told not 10 speak ct ALL when southern chival-
ry manfess itself by treating, with contempt, the
sacred right of petition, and asks us to adopt
their absurd and despoc rules of action in matters
in which we are concerned, we must and shall
give atteiance to our thoughts, not in tones of fear
and trepdaton, but with manly independence.
We have been led to these remarks by noticing
in several southern papers, condemnation of the
late President Van Buren, because he saw fit to
approve the decision Of Navy General Court
Martial, held in the month of May, 1889, for the
trial Of Lieut.. Geo. M. Hooe, by which he was
sentenced to be dismissed from the West India
Squadron. The ground of objection is that the
Court admitted the testimony Of two negro ipit-
neSses The attention of Congress was called to
the subject, and resolution introduced, calling
tor copy Of the record of the proceedings OF the
Court the approval of the judgment by the Sec
rotary of The Navy, and the remonstrance of 1t.
HUoe, addressed to the President
The only objection to The legal competency OF
the witnesses was the simple fact shat they t0ere
negroes" We have no complaint against their
intellectual or moral characters, and, of course
| warranted in the conclusion that none such ex
listed. We claim then the right TO ask why it is
that the President of the U. S., why that any de
partment OF the national government must be Sc
verely censured, because they cannot see fit TO
sanction the adoption of principle, at which e.
ven Americans would blush to undertake its advo-
cacy. Are negroes incapable of telling the truth
Is the color of witness important to his tes;imo-
ny? Does it necessarily diminish its truth, or
render him incapable of uttering il? Must the
|
ny of u coored witness, simply because the lie
gislatures OF sIaveholding states have seen fit to
disgrace themselves by rendering him incompe-
tent TO testify before their state tribunals Nus
the judicial tribunals of the nation become sub
servient to the em-barbarous enactments o
southern STATE legislation?
Really, gentlemen, this rodomontade of your
is little too ridiculous. If you can show any
good end sufficient reason why the testimony o
coored witnesses should be rejected, we are read,
to hear il, and il convinced OF our error, as ra-
tional, consistent men, e. as republicans we shall
be willing to yield the point. But we shalt re
quire something more convincing than the simple
annuncaton of the fact, as we saw it in the Pc
tersburg Va. Intelligencer, that n native Virgini
All had been convicted, before a National Cour
Martial, on
"u5-THE TESTIMONY OF TWO NEGRO
MEMO"
: We must acknowledge our inability to under
stand the force Of such an argument. We thin
we understand its meaning, and we pity the man,
we would heather, who can condescend to urg
il. Yetit we are wrong, if good and sufficien
reasons exist in favor Of the principle coniende
for, let us hear them fully and calmly stated, nu
we will, at least, endeavor to he convinced, il i
an error on this subject ID.