The Mississippi Creole. [volume] (Canton, Miss.) 1841-1851, 1841-07-10

bloodless victory!
P. S. A letter addressed to c. S. Tarp-
lev at Clinton, by any member of the
committee informing that he has received
the Madison contribution, will be honor
ed by the remittance of seventy dollars
ror,bwrth. KINDS.
ACARD TO MY CONSTITUENTS.
Impelled by deep conviction of con-
sttutional obligation to separate from my
Southern friends on the question of re-
sending the 21st rule of the House, and
declining to assign my reasons in Con-
grsss because deprecated all discussion
on that subject atthis extraordinary ses-
sion of Congress, convened for the pur-
pose of relieving the Government and
the country of their financial embarrass-
ments, and because | was unwilling to
avail myself of a privilege was not dis
oosed to extend to others, feel that it
NAV be due to those who feel an interest
nmy legislative action here briefly to
assign the reasons that prompted me to
vote in the affirmative.
In the first place, | hold the right of
petition to be absolute, unlimited, and UNI
controllable, (for, if line is to be drawn,
YOU will hardly find any two that would
draw it at the same Peint,) a right guar
aniied to the humblest citizen in the COM
munity, and that it necessarily carries
with it the obligation to consider and
upon its consideration two questions
arise 1st Have you.the power to grant
the prayer? 2dly. If you have the pow.
er, have you the disposition? And my an
swer to these particular petitioners
would be- that have not the power,
and i'll had, have not the disposition.
Ny friends deny the right to receive the
petitions, because they say, we have no
Constitutional right to grant the prayer.
ltlbis doctrine be correct, upon what
principal Of propriety can those who de
ny the constitutional power Of Congress
to establish bank or a protective tariff
cousentto receive petitions on either o
those subjects? The unavoidable inter
ruptlon that would ensue to the harmony
Of the Union from the assertion of such
principle in Government need not be
exposed.
But, apart from the constitutional cues
ton, the most profound reflection that
am capable of giving to this question has
not only strengthened, but rivetted my
former Impressions upon my mind tina
the course Of wisdom and of true policy
othe South is, to disconnect the question
Of the right of petition from that of Ado
htlon, and to dissipate the delusion tina
prevails at each extremity of the coun
Ny,by ascertaining the exact strength o
the aboIitionists in Congress, and there
by settling the question at once and for
ever. Moreover, am not disposed t
indulge in timidity and apprehension a
the body of a dead monster, that can on
E0e terminated by an injudicious cours
o. policy by its own enemies. II left
themselves, the Abolitionists are irrevc
cably dead.
/ was satisfied before | came to Con
8feS' that we occupied false position Of
'nlS question, which was rendered NOR
un'enabIe at the last session by tn
adoption of the 2lst rule; and, while
was willing to surrender great deal
'neJudgment of those whose interests ar
identified with my own, could not COZ
sent to yield the deep, deliberate, an
conscientious conviction of my own jud'
ment, with full view Of the mischi'
mat | thought would necessarily resu
from Incorporating that with the otht
rules of the House.
Next winter, if it is thought desirabl
snail be prepared to go fully into tn
SUBJECT with those who differ with m
out at this time was neither dispos
" embark in the discussion myself n
indulge it in others.
Most respectfully,
JNo. M. Bolts.
June 8, 1841.