The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1841-11-06

hidden the mind-ofthe soul-of the heart,
and presume to say that what President or any one,
declares is forbidden by his conscience is still done by
him in disregard of an enlightened conscience They
are privileged to say that in their opinion his judy
ment was wrong-but they cannot say, with justice or
fairness, that his conscience in the least so Judg
ment is one thng-Conscence quite another,-th
two entities wholly distinct unless the facts be in
deed SO gross to occlude all conscience from the
case-and predicate this of the second BILL
as contrasted with the first.
3dy. Is il clear case that the second bill was in
conformity to Mr. Tyler's expressed appreciation .
This has never been very clearly made out to my
mind, by all of the statements given, to the
conversation on the 18Th of August. Bot, suppose
the President, in that conversation, did express him.
self content, was there room still for mutual mis-
understanding to the extent and full import of what
he did consent to2 An instrument in the rough, is
presented to me for my APPROVAL had reason to be-
heve an English transaction, and if So that pounds
sterling were MEANT it Immediately turns out
that was mistaken-it was not English transac-
ton, and pounds were intended by the other
party Is there locus penitentis-no room for ex-
planation-shall honesty and conscience be set at
mistake-and if that mistake be dissented from, and
without reserve too lo before the instrument is en-
crossed and signed, and ready for delivery to me by
that other party, for my formal and final act shall
not be permitted to avail myself of that dssent2
think SO. And this is precisely what Mr.. Tyler did
do. He never objected to erchanges-he assented to
them-but he always did object to loaning the public
moneys even for hour: he had previously objected
to the dscounting of promissory notes. and therefore
when he assented to the clause respecting exchanges
he equally meant to occude bills Of exchange, if
upon time, which may be equivalent in all respects to
the discounting of notes-and might prove even far
more Objectionable Now, knoao that contempora-
neously with the pery earliest discussion of the Fiscal
Corporation bill in Congress- President Tyler did
press and that too in the presence Of Mr. EWING his
dissent TO bills upon time-and further, that at that
very tme he did in the presence of the a0rter and of
Mr. Ewing, express his disapprobaton likewise of the
name given in that bill, stating that "Fscal Institu
ton" would be better than "Corporation." And
remember still further, in that conversation that
President Tyler also expressed to Mr.. Ewing his
doubts as 10 the constitutional right to establish Agen
cies without regard to the wishes of the States AS
to the name, he doubtless, regarded it of very
substantive importance; but we all know that even
Shakspeares philosophy will not hold in all cases
and that a name is sometimes a little more than
mere name, and is pregnant with consequences This
conversation with Mr.. Ewing in the writer's presence,
was on the afternoon of the Goth of August and,
he believes, the Fiscal Corporation bill had only been
introduced on the morning of The 10Th. Mr.. Tyler
at the time stated that he had only just then
ceived the bill, [prnted, suppose but had not par
ticularly examined it, That conversation SO assured
the writer then that the President naIliby veto
that BILL that he remarked to Mr.. Tyler, in the pres
second Veto, which should much deplole-they
should not fail to give you time. and ascertain the
practical operation Of all Details by commission to
obtain evidence throughout the Union from actually
practical men, they often do in England" The
Presidents brief reply was sit ought to 60 to the
regular session. only ask for a few months"-or
words to that effect.
Well do ! remember my surprise upon reading that
portion Of Mr. Ewings letter respecting his nonantic
patton of second Veto, save from mere rumor,-
since could not but regard it highly probable that
Mr.. Tylers unhestating candor on the afternoon Of
the 10th August, must have been equally manifest
to all others and he had conversed with Mr. Ew-
ing and myself in a way that left no doubt whatever
upon my mind the fate of the Fiscal Corporation
BILL Mr.. Ewings hopes were surprising to me, since
that conversation stated those very points which
mainly the grounds of objection stated in his second
Veto message.
sEcoNDLY.-That President Tyler is severely as
sailed by his Wing brethren in respect to the princi
pie of his appointments or dismissals from Office
| Al. l..
clear barrier of conscience that being usually matter
of re judgment, of policy, and of expedency. By
this do not mean that any reckless turning out Of
office for opinions sake, would not be volave
of sound morals and hence of conscence-it might be
both In this, am sure, should agree. But
do think that it is utterly impracticabe to have a
Hhig Government with Gin large degree) Loco
Foco mdchinsry-that would be anomaly in any
government, and SO, as apprehend, the whole world
would think, and SO do the whole Opposition party
think, and 80, suppose thinks President Tyler But
the grauamen really TO be complained of is, that he
does not turn out a sufficient number; and here diff
fer with him, and so do other true Wings, in common
with those Disseminated Wings who have committed
the suicidal folly Of loudly qnarrelling with him, and
using extremely harsh language, and stalking every
thing dear to the country and dear to the orthodox
party, without having looked dispassionatey at the
whole mattsr.
am satisfied there are very many opposition Office
holders who ought to have been forthwith dismissed
not because they in the opposition merely, but be-
they utterly unworthy, and have grossly VI
oated the rule pledged the Wing party by the late
President Harrison, and heartily responded to by
cry Wing in the country. Many Of these Q6fee-hold
haze shamguly abused their official station for
political purposss-others are pery incompetent and
equally immoral; and Others again. at this very time,
secretly striving to pull down those very powers
that have thus graciously retained them, and as
black in their hostility though only dsguised
they ever were As to the notion ofobaining tecnica
and legal proof Of the conduct and character of such