Southern Argus. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1834-1842, 1841-03-24


! competency Of the judiciary to declare Kolps
That however enlightened and patro'le ths9
migltsuppose, from past erience' tne mem
Der 80 Congress might be- and however lafge-
II pagtaking, in the general, OF the liberal ieei.
ings Of the people, it was impossible 70 expect
/ that bodies so constituted should not some
times be controlled by local interest aud sec
tional feelings. 1t was proper, therefore, 10
provide some umpire, from whose situation ana
mode of appointment more independence ana
| freedom. from such influences might be expect
ed. Such one was afforded by the EzecutiVe
| Department, constituted by the Constitution
"A person elected 10 that Office, having his con-
stiuents in every section, State and sub divis,
ion of the Union, must consider himself bouua
by the most solemn sanchonskto gard, pr0teci'
and defend the rights OF all, and every poruon'
great or small, from the injustice ana oPpres'
sion ofthe rest. consider the veto power,
therefore, given by the Constitution to the
Executive Of the United States, aolely as
conservative power. To be used only, urst'
to protect the Constitution from violation, sec
ondly, the people from the effects OF hasty le-
gislation where their will has been pronaOiy
disre2arded or not well understood; and lhiIa-
~, TO prevent the effects of combinations vio-
late of the right of minorities. In reference
to tbs second of these objects, may observe
that consider it the right and privilege OF
the people TO decide disputed points of the
| Constitution, arising from the general grant
of power to Congress TO carry into effect the
powers expires ,lV given. And | believe with
Mr. Madison, that repeated recognitons, un-
der varied circumstances, in act of the egisla-
tive, Executive, and Judicial branches of the
! Government, accompanied by indications, IN
| different modes, of the concurrence OF the gen.
era will of the nation, as affol ding 70 the Pres
ident sufficient authority for his considering
such disputed points as settled"
Upward of halt century has elapsed since
the adoption of the present form of Govern
ment. IL would be an object more highly de-
slrable than the qualification of the curiosity
of speculative statesmen, If its precise situation
could be ascertained, fair exhibit made of the
operations OF each ofits Departments, of the
powers which they respectively claim and ex-
ercise, OF the collisions which have occurred
! between them, or between the whole Govern
ment and those of the States, or either of
! them. We could then compare our actual
condition, after fifty years trial of our system,
with what it was in the commencement of its
operations, and as certain whether the predic-
lions OF the patriots who opposed its adoption,
or the confident hopes Of its advocates have
been best realized. The great dread of the
former seems to have been, that the rnserved
powers of the States would be absorbed by
those ofthe Federal Government, and con-
soldated power established, leaving to the
States the shadow, only of that independent
action for which theyhad so acknowledgements
ed and on the preservation of which they re-
lied as the last hope of liberty. Without de-
nying that the result to which they looked
with so much apprehension is in the way Of
being realized, it is observed that they did not
clearly see the mode of its accomplishment.
The General Government has seized upon
none OF the reserved rights of the States. AS
far as any open warfare may have gone, the
State authorities have amply maintained their
rights. To a casual observe, our system pre-
sents no appearance of discord between the
different members which compose it. Even
the addition of many new ones has produced
10 Earring. They move in their respective or
bits in perfect harmony with the central head,
and with each other. But there is still an I'M
der current at work, by which, if not seasonal
bly, checked, the worst apprehe nson of our
anti federal patriots viii be realized: and not
only will the State authorities be oyershadow-
ecutIve Department of the General Govern
ment, but the character of that Government if
not It's designation, be essentially and radically
charged. This state Of things has been IN
part effected by causes inherent IN the Consti-
tuition and in part by the never falling tenden-
cy of polite al'power TO increase itself BY ma
king the President the sole distributor of all
the patronage of the Government, the trainers
OF the Constitution do not appear TO have an
hcipate at low short period il would become
a formidable instrumen to control the free op-
erations Of the State Governm ents. or tri-
Hing importance at first, il had, early in MIR.
Jeiterson's administration, become so powerful
as to create alarm in the mind of that patriot
from the potent influence il might exert in con-
trolling the freedom of the elective franchise.
If such could have then been the effects
ofits influence, how much greater must be
the danger at this time, quadruple in amount,
as 1t certainly is, and more completely under
the control of the Executive will than their
constructive powers allowed, or the forbearing
Characters of all the early Presidents permit
dthem to make. But tits not by the extent OF
ITS patronage alone that the9Executive DEPART
nent has become dangerous, but by the use
winch II appea may be made of the apDoint-
ing power to bring underits control the whole
revenues OF the country. The Constituon has
! declared it to be the duty of the President 10
/ see that the laws are executed. and If N axee
MN the Commander in Chief Of the Armies
and Navy ofthe United States. If the opin-
ION OF the most improved writers unon that
| species OF mixed Government, which in mod
ern Europe, is termed Monarchy in contradis-
JUNCTION TO DeSPotiSm, is correct, there was
wanting no addition to the powers of our Chief
magistrate to stamp a monarchial character
on our Government, but the control of the pub
nc hnancies-And to me it appears strange
indeed, that any one should doubt, that the
entire control which the President possesses
over the officers who have the custody of the
pubic money, by the power of removal, with
or without cause, does, for all mischievou;
purposes at least, virtually subject the treas.
ury also to bis disposal The first Roman
Emperor, IN his attempt to seize the sacred
treasure, silenced the opposition of the officer
TO whose charge it Lad been committed, by
significant allusion to his sword. By a Sc
lection OF political Instruments Tor the care 81
the public money, reference to their com
J missions by President, would be quite al
enectual an argument as that Of Cesar to the
; Roman knights.
am not lnsensible of the great difficult,
tlat exists IN drawing proper plan for thu
: sale-keeping and disbursement Of the publ,
revenues, and know the Importance whicl
mas been attached by men of great abilities
3 and patriotism to the divorce, as it is called
\ q the treasury from the banking institutions
# x Is not the divorce which is complained Of
but the unhallowed union of the Treasur,
with the Executive Department, which ha
e created such extensive alarm. To hisdan
r ger TO orr Ran uhlicap ;pr4;+rt.or. l al !.