Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1840-06-02

80 ras,l,ons. the first was-"that Congress possess
no constitutional power TO interfere IN any way WIN
the institution of slavery IN any OF Tue 3'es u e
confederacy;" the second, ihat congress ouSh. lo "
interfere in any way with slavery IN the District OF
Columbia" and third, which was, IN substance,
that all papers and motions bearing upon the sub
;act of slavery should be laid upon the table with
out any further action thereon. They were accompa'
med by an elaborate apd very able report setting iorh
nj arre the reasons favor of the opinions reported,
and the course recommended BY the Committee The
subject finally discussed considered and dec,aed
upon The first resolution passed by vote OF ioS 70
c-the second OF 1872 to 45-and the third, OF ~ 10
65. In the Senate, the matter was cohsiuerta upon
Society of Friends praying for the Abolition OF DO.
nestle slavery and the slave trade IN the District OF
Columbia The bject was by that memorial present
ed in terms which offered no violence 10 the eelhgs
of any class ofcitizens and were pest 70 Sc
martial decision After several days discussions the
PRAYER Of the memorialiss was rejected, by vote OF
Mirtyf four to siI -
An expression of similar opinions on the part ofthe
Federal Executive with avowal OF determination
10 carry them in his official acts, taken in connec
ton with the known condition of the Congressional
representation of the several States IN regard to the
slave question: would it thought, during the con-
tinuance of his constitutional term prevent all ag
tation of the subject before Congress The conse-
auent certainty that nothing could for years at least
be accomplished in that way, would, 1t was hoped,
present sufficient inducements to all who were 60
verned by conscientious motives to deslst from pre-
senting their memorials, and leave all Others without
even plausible pretence for continuing to agitae the
subject in that form No one could, 1t was sup
posed, believe, that Southern brethren could be
driven peuceable emancipation by the mere force
of agationby appeals to the fears OF The master ana
the passions of the slavethese might indeed, II per-
sisted in draw after hema servile, and probably civil
war; with final dissolution of the Union. Attempts
10 expose our country TO such fearful hazards for no
other assrnabe motive than to harrass the savehoid
ing States or TO subserve political purposes, wnud not
it was confidently believed be endured much less coun
tenanced, by the American people Paraking largely
in the general apprehension in regard to the fatal ef
fects of this baeful agationhaving seen enough to
satisfy me that circumstance so directly and IN
evtably tended to impair the stability and interrupt
the harmonious action of our complicated political
system, as the existence of doubt IN the public
mind concerning the action of the Federal Govern
ment upon this disturbing subject-sincerely anxious
TO promote the commendabe design of Congress to re-
store tranquility TO large and uniformly patriotic por
ton of the Union and deemng the subject to be of
sufficient Importance to justify departure from the
ordinary usage of the Executive embraced the first
public occasion to refer TO the opinions had expressed
before my election, and to declare, formally, that no
bill conflicting with those views could ever receive my
constitutional sanction Those opinions, and that de-
termination have been greatly strengthened by subse
quent experience and reflection.
No one can doubt that the tendency of this species OF
agitation is, as your House of Representatives have
very Justly observed to dsturb the amcable relations
subssting between the slaveholdng and nslavehold
ing States Of this Union, and is not the least remark
able feature in its history, that the means employed
precisely those best calculated to defeat the avowed OBJ
jecs Of its authors 1t is, to my mind, most danger
deuson to believe that the people OF the slavehod
ing States likely to be induced TO change condl
ton of things which, under the Constitution, they
alone have the control, which they had agency in
producing and for the consequences of which, whatever
they may be, they cannot be justly held responsible
which is interviewer with their domestic relations and po
lca astitutionsby charging its existence upon them
a crime against God and man, against humanity and
religion: or that to awaken the appehensons of the mas
ter by appeals to the passions Of the slave the way to
improve the condition of the latter All candid and tenn
perate observers must the contrary admit that such
are the by which salutary ends produced
that furious denuncatons and unmtigated eproaches,
little accord with Christian charity with brotherly
love, and much likely 10 produce stern resist
ance than quiet acqucseence. These truths de-
,nonsrated in the results of the abors of the Abolition
ists in the United States which have hitherto been
productive of nothing but evil, new restraint upon
the colored race, veXaon TO the owner, and dsrac-
ton to the councils of the nation In reference them to
such practices as those to which you have called my
attention, can, public man, find the path OF duty
only in one drectIon-tlat ofundisguised opposition.
am, gentlemen,
Very respectfully,
Your obi servant,
NJ VAN buren,.
To Levi Tyler, Jacob Geger, d. hleriwether, and
Thos. J. Read, Esq, Committee, &c.
Fellow citizens, you have heard much Of what one
party has sneerngly termed the accommodation OF
Mr. Van Buren,, and what the same party has said and
sung of the honesty independence and decision OF cha
racer of the available selected its candidate for the
Presdency-and, with the foregoing letters before you,
we appeal to you TO say whether you have ever met
with more striking refutation of ccnsure in one in
stance or praise in the other' You see the Hero dodg
ing behind Confidential Committee, or standing mute,
and the reved sNon- Committal'-the silly "Magi-
cian"-freely and fearlessly avowing his sentiments.
One cannot confde in the intelligence and patriotism OF
his countrymen the other earlessly appeuls to both
One dare not utter a sentiment ''for the public eye
against the Aboltionss, the other proclams them in
the face of the nation dsturbers of the deliberations
of Congress, and of the relations suhsisting between
the slavehoding and non-slavcholdng States. One
desires and expects the aid of the fanatics the other
repudiates the tsruthess faction and deems it un-
worthy Of association with either OF the great political
parties These facts strkingly illustrate the force Of
the remark that "staesmen often controlled by cir
cumstanees-at times impelled onward by currents
which scarcely perceived until they are bearing
downward their turbulent bosoms every thing vaua-
bile Though Tie "former expressed opinions of
Gen Harrison are contradictory, his friends did not
dream that he would refuse to express repugnance to
sect of fanatics who disturbing the amlcabe rela-
tons subsistng between the slaveh"ld:ng and non
slaveholdng States Of this Union Yet he has done
so-ne declares mat ne Will neither answer Tenu nor
foe the vital question of Abolition In thus disap-
pointing and betraying his friends into the commission
of which have subjected them to keen rebuke
and whitening rdicue, Gen. Harrison or his Confden-
tia. Committee ecould not have acted without motive.
The force Of this remark will be felt before we close
this address.
When appealing to you, fellow -citizens, we trust we
shall not forget what is due to you ourselves Be.
icvng the principles profess just, and such
freemcn must cherish if they would continue to merit
that proud ttle aim is discuss this subject with
candor and in a becoming temper We know you too
well to believe you continue to sustain any party
when your Judgment may tell you it is unworthy or
unsafe, or that you would knowingly support who
would hazard the tranquility Of the Union for Office
We feel that we addressing the people of State
famed for its intelligence, chvalry and patriotism
people who only be Influenced by truth. reason
and elevated national considerations-who in their ad-
mra,on Of genius may occasionally err, but never can
be retrevably estrangcd from The sacred principles of
our free institutions. In the eyes of such people
nothing is beautiful but truth. nothing persuasive
with them but frank appeals 10 their pure love Of coun
try, nothing convincing but fail argument from