The pilot and transcript. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1840-1841, 1840-07-13

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- tbe whole country, that am the 'ecideu
J'.aeate of national bank, under proper iai-
sst;ons and restrictions. And ! will attehu -
sb;s part of the argument, presently,
But sir, do not oppose this soi semen ov,,or;.
nance because i Is now ana u"' ' e ;II5 -
tnent but because It has been ti1ed anu "a H.
I'll the eSneriineilts upon the hnahGcS "ic "a. .n
currency with w'ich the country nas 1eon mi M
ed for the last seven years, nav 80 -
<chene has be n in practical operation SINCE
1887, and t.is bill proposes li'olS ~
s,oinf III fact. than to iegaize the system "hlch
49, u ios t;scd - all intents and purposes,
4S peen Pie discretion, since the suspension
Us r;o rrneuts by the banks, in May, 1857.
o. sfeoro trrelena well known to the whole coun-
sAf az loading member Of the Administration
" q IN This House during the last Congress, in
H. tyneech upon the Sub-Treasury bill, reported
4 lin as Chairman of the Committee of Ways
aad Means, boldly declared in his place, on this
foor-as you must we'll remember; Mr.. Chair
mau--that the scheme soGS in practical operation,
and should continue to be so, until 1871, IN spite
OF lamentations here or elsewhere!
Sir, {, 8 NEE sure has been held up to the coun-
tzy-to US the language of the gentleman from
New York DIR. Strong)-as the panacca for eve
Nv evil u~ler which the country has suffered
But sir, look abroad in the country, and behold
the evidence Of the predictions that it would only
aggravate those evils. Sad and woful experience
has proven that it has not produced the salutary
results and innumerable blessings promised by
ats friends Nor is it possible it ever can, and
they know it. So far from being measure OF
relief it has proven itself to be measure OF OPP
preston. And hence, sir, the policy OF 'Ehe
party" in keeping it back to the last days OF the
session, IN order that they may make the plausi-
bic apology to the people, that it has not had
time; that it has not been in operation sufficient
" long for its beneficial results to be developed.
Now, Mr.. Chairman, / propose to say few
words in reply to the argument of the honorable
from Nnxsy
Of objection to this measure There is no ground,
ne says, for the opinion, that it will augment
and enlarge the power and patronage of the &C.
neral Government to alarming and dangerous
extent. He contends that the increase of patron
age which this bill confers on the President, is
merely nominal, and is unworthy of serious
tice; that it only authorizes the appointment of
four additional officers, TO be denominated re-
ceivers general-one at New X rk, one at Cos
ton, one at Charleston, and another at ST. Louis.
1t will rather diminish, than increase the patron
age of the President, says the gentleman; be-
cause, he alleges, that if that public moneys be
kept on deposite in banks, it not only gives the
President a more direct control over it, bat gives
him an influence over a much larger number of
WHY, sir, certainly the gentleman has not
read this bill with sufficient care. fear sir, he
supports it more by faith than by sight. If he
will turn his attention to the 18th section of this
bill, he viii End, that the Secretary of the Trea-
sury is authorised to appoint an unlimited num-
Der of travelling agents and superintendent, to
overlook the conduct and inspect the books and
accounts of these receivers geEerai. And, sir,
the Secretary of the Treasury is not only invest
ed with unlimited discretion as to the number of
these travelling supervisors, but Is also autho-
rised without limitation restriction, to fix the
amount of their salaries. Sir, in the language
of a distinguished member of the last Congress,
from the State of Mississippi (AIr. Prentiss,)
or tha Iin
hands Of receivers general, and appointing
corps Of travelling agents to overlook their con-
duct and prevent its application to any improper
purpose, looks very mach like placing eat in
cellar to watch crock OF cream, and sending
another cat to watch it and prevent it from eat
4ng up the cream. And, sir, | should suppose
the public moneys will be just abodt as safe IN
the hands Of your receivers general and travel
ling supervisors, as the cream would be in the
kesping Of the tive cats.
What an admirable scheme is this, MIR. Chair
man, to provide places and salaries for the hun
CRY and greedy cormorants who follow the for
tunes of this administration for the purpose of
iattenlng on the spoiis. II is most dangerous
and unwarrantable power, and may, and doubt
not will be, converted into system Of reward
lng noisy and brawling partizans of power, for
their political services.
And, sir, besides this unlimited number of Of
ficers with salaries 70 be fixed by the Secretary
OF the Treasury, without limitation or restriction
as already stated, the 18th section of the bill
thorizss the appointment OF the ten clerks, whose
aggregate salary may amount to eight thousand
dollars. But, sir, as it has been often said we
only see IN this bill the germ of what the system
is to be. 1t is but the grain of mustard seed
which is to grow up and become mighty tree,
whose branches viii the whole land and
overshadow the liberties Of the people.
But, sir, this is not my chief objection to the
bill on the score of an increase of patronage.-I
maintain that it will give the president absolute
and unconditional control over every dollar of
the public treasure. What, sir, is the argument
of your political friends this point? 1t is this
that this bill depgves the Executive OF all con-
troll over the public moneys, because it places
them in the custody of the law, and he cannot
draw one dollar from the treasury, say they, not
even his own salary, without appropriation
by Congress. Well, sir, all this looks quite
plausible at first blush. But let US examine it
for moment, and see how it will appear when
the other side of the picture is presented beg
TO be distinctly understood, Mr.. Chairman, on
this point. am not so uncaDdid to assert that
this bill authorizes the president to exercise any
legal control over the public purse-but what
do insist upon is this--that it places the public
treasure in such condition as will enable the
chief magistrate to assume the control over it at
any moment he chooses to do so-and with
thousand fold greater facility, as | think shall
be able to show, than If it were placed in ma
tionat bank for safe-keeping. And Why Be
cause uhuer inc provisions OF this Dill the public
nonys TO be kept by six officers appointed by
the president and removable at his pleasure
nde strange as it may seem, this is one Of the
main arguments relied on by the friends of the
bsl to prove that it dirninishes the patronage of
the president. 1t gives him an influence over
but SIX men, say they but place it in the custody
81 national bank or the State banks and he may
exercise an influence many hundred men,
Why, sir, this argument is not only most shall
dow piece of sophistry, but is in fact most ridi
scuious absurdity
Row, sir, how much easier do You suppose it
zvouid be Tor the president to control the action
OF sax men appointed by himself-his own polit-
acal friends, and removable at his pleasure, than
a thousand, connected with the administration of
banks, who owe him no obligation-who do not
derive their appointment from him, and who are
beyond the reach of his power of removal9 This