The pilot and transcript. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1840-1841, 1840-07-11
sPEECH OF Mr.. CROCKETT,

OF Tennessee, in reply to Mr.. Strong, of New
York, on the Sub-1reasury bill, in committee
of the whole, on the State of the Union.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,, I
June lot, 1870
[CoNITNUED.J
MR CROCKETT said:
But sir, | do not oppose this scheme of fl
nance because it is new and untried expert
ment but because it has been tried and failed, as
all the experiments upon the finances and the
currency with which the country has been afflict-
ed for the last seven years, have done. The
scheme has been in practical operation since
1887, and this bill proposes nothing more i'll
point of fact, than to legalize the system which
has been practised 10 ali intents and purposes,
under executive discretion, since the suspension
of specie payments by the banks, in May, 1887.
Mr. CaIabreleng, well known to the whole coun-
try as the leading member Of the Administration
party in this House during the last Congress, in
kis speech upon the Sub-1reasury bill, reported
by him as Chairman of the Committee of Ways
and Means, boldly declared in his place, on this
Aoor-as you must well remember, Mr.. Chair
man-that the scheme scas in practical operation,
and should continue to be so, until 1S41, in spite
Of lamentations here or elsewhere
Sir, this measure has been held up to the coun-
try-to use the language of the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Strong)-as the panacea Tor eve
~ evil under which the country has suffered
But, sir, look abroad in the country, and behold
the evidence of the predictions that it would only
aggrayate those evils. Sad and woful experience
has proveR that it has not produced the salutary
results and inpumerable blessings promised by
its friends. Nor is it possible it can, and
they know it. So far from being measure of
relief it has proven itself to be measure of OPP
preston. And hence, sir, the policy of t'she
party in keeping it back to the last days OF the
session, in order that they may make the plausi-
bic apology to the people, that it has not had
time; that It has not been in operation sufficient
1y long for its beneficial results to be developed.
Now, Mr.. Chairman, | propose to say few
words in reply to the argument OF the honorable
gentleman from New York, upon another point
of objection to this measure There is no ground
he says, for the opinion, that it will augment
and enlarge the power and patronage of the Ge-
neral Government to alarming and dangerous
extent He contends that the increase of patron
age which this bill confers on the President, IS
merely nominal, and is unworthy OF serious no.
tice; that it only authorizes the appointment OF
four additional officers, to be denomInatcd re-
eeivers general--one at New York, one at Bos-
ton, one at Charleston, and another at St Louis.
1t will rather diminish, than increase the patron
age Of lhc President, says the gentleman; be-
cause, he alleges, that il that public moneys be
kept on deposlte in banks, it not only gives the
President a more direct control over it, but gives
him an influence over a much larger number of
men.
Why, sir, certainly the gentleman has not
read this bill with sufficient fear, sir, he
supports it more by faith than by sight. IL he
will turn his attention to the 18th section OF this
BILL he will find, that the Secretary OF the Urea
sury is authorised to appoint unlimited num-
Der of travelling agents and superintendent, to
overlook the conduct and inspect the books and
accounts OF these receivers geReral. And, sir,
the Secretary of the treasury IS not only invest
ed with unlimited discretion as to the number OF
these travelling supervisors, but is also autho-
, borf limit or
amount Of their salaries. Sir, in the Language
of a distinguished member of the last Congress,
from the State of Mississippi (dr. Prentiss,J
this system of keeping the public moneys IN the
hands of receivers general, and appointing q
corps OF travelling agents to overlook their con-
duct and prevent It's application to any improper
purpose, looks very mach like placing cat IN a
cellar to watch crock OF cream, and sending
another cat to watch it and prevent it from eat
ing up the cream. And, sir, [ should suppose
the public moneys Will DC just about as safe In
the hands of your receivers general and travel
ling supervisors, as the cream would DC In the
keeping of the tw cats.
What an admirable scheme is this, MIR. Chair
man, to provide places and salaries for the hun
CRY and greedy cormorants who follow the Tor
tunes Of this administration for the purpose oil
fattening ON the spoils. 1t is most dangerous
not will be, converted into system OF reward
ing noisy and brawling partizans OF power, Tor
their political services.
And. sir. besides this unlimited number of Of
ficers with salaries to be fixed by the Secretary
of the Treasury, without limitation or RESTRICTION
rs already stated the 18th section OF the bill au-
thorizes the appointment OF the tenclerks, whose
appreciate salary NAV amount to eight thousand
dollars But, SIR, as it has been often said, we
only see in this bill the germ OF what the system
is TO be. 1t is but the grain OF mustard seed
which is to grow up and become mighty tree,
whese branches will cover the whole land and
oyershadow the liberties of the people.
But, sir, this is not my Chief objection to the
bill on the score of an increase of patronage
maintain that it will give the president absolute
and unconditional control over every dollar OF
the public treasure What, sir, is the argument
Of your political friends this point9 1t is this
that this bill deprives the Executive OF all con-
troll over the public. moneys, because it places
them in the custody Of the law, and he cannot
draw one dollar from the treasury, say they, not
even his own salary, without an appropriation
by Congress- We'll, sir, all this looks quite
plausible at first blush. But let us examine it
Tor n moment, andssee how it will appear when
the other side of the picture is presented. beg
Ia be distinctly understood, MIR. Chairman, oh
This uoint am not so uncandid as to assert that
this hill authorizes the president to exercise any
legal control over the public purse-but what
do insist upon is this-that 1t places the pubic
treasure in such condition as VIII enable the
chief ma ristrate to the control over It at
1. any moment he chooses to do so-and with a
fhousand fold greater facility, as | think shall
be able to show, than il itwere placed in a ma
tionai bank for safe-keeping. And why! Be
cause under the provisions OF thus bill the public
moneys are to kept by six officers appointed Dy
the president and removable at ms pleasure
And strange as it may seem, this Is one Of the
main arguments relied on by the irienos Oh lne
bill to prove that it diminishes the patronage OF