The pilot and transcript. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1840-1841, 1840-07-13


with the permission of the committee l will
read his letter of resignation. 1t seems he had
not only embezzled the, public moneys, but had
left the Office to take care of itself and gone oil
on a froliclz, l suppose down to New Orleans,
from which place he writes. Here, sir, is his
letter. ,,oe
ssNEw ORLEANS, Feb. 25th, 1888.
Dear Sir With this you will receive my ac-
count current aggregate of moneys received and
account with the Treasurer of the United States,
which have been delayed in their transmission
hy nay leaving the Office, and there being no mail
at Greensbury during the last aonth. In this
also tender my resignation receiver of public
moneys, being no longer acortiy Of tae trust,
and IN conclusion must recommend MIR. L. "
Battles as a gentleman more worthy to fill the
vacancy than any one Of the present applicants.
Respectfully your ob't. serv't
PARIS CHILDRESS.
Hon. LEVI WOODBURY., Secretary of the Trea-
sury.
1t seems. Mr. Chairman, that this worthy dis
ciple of Levi had suddenly become impressed
with a sense of his unworthness; but at the
same time that he acknowledged the fact, and
gave up the Office, he thought himself quite
worthy to recommend successor. am unable
to saw sir, whether MIR. Woodbury. followed his
advice or not; but have no reason to doubt 1t,
from the course he usually pursued in such eases.
Now sir, the most reasonable conclusion IN re-
gard TO tOe TcaI truth Oh 1t WpuAu SSSAA
to me, from the evidence, is, that this man,
(Childress,) had plundered until he was pretty
we'll satisfied, and then resigned, and recon-
menAed one of his particular friends as ht per-
son to fill the vacancy, in order to give him an
opportunity to do likewise
But, sir, | find am consuming more time than
intended have few authorities which APP
ply with great force to this part of the arguments
and TO the bill generally; and, sir, / regard the
proof to which 1 am now about to call the atten-
ton of the committee as altogether unimpcach-
able and conclusive upon the friends of this bill,
because 1t is from their own mouths. They viii
not, | hope, attack their own credibility, what
ever others may do.
The gentleman from Georgia (Mr Blacl)
caused to be read from the Journals yesterday
the vote on this scheme when it was brought for
ward by General Gordon, Of Va, in 1885, from
which it appeared that the whole party then and
now in power, and who are now urging it upon
the country in defiance Of public opinion, voted
against 1t. This of itself is an important fact,
proven by one of the friends of the bill, rather
by accident than design | think. But, sir, they
not only voted against it, but they denounced it
in the most unmcasured terms, as | shall present
" show. The thundcrs of their eloquence were
then hurled against it as a scheme calculated to
increase the power and patronage of the Presi-
dent to an alarming and dangerous extent, and
put in his hands the means OF corruptiou-to give
the absolute control over the pubic
and to render it altogether unsafe and insecure.
Sir, | will begin BY introducing to the notice
of the Committee ose or two articles in the Globe
newspaper, then and now the official organ of
the administration. Speaking of this measure,
the Globe then denounced it in the following elo-
quent and patriotic language:
ssIt is disorganizing and revolutionary, subver-
sive OF the fundamental principles of our gov
eminent and its entire practice from 1879 down
to this day,
And again. Had such a suggestion came from
Gen jackson it would have cen rung through
the Old Dominion with the reiterated fIlseheods
about the proclamation and the protest, as con-
elusive proof OF all the aspirations which have
been charged to the hero Of Orleans. Sec Qhey
would say) how he wishes tc put the public mo
ney directly into the palms Of his friends and
partizans, instead of keeping it on deposite in
bank, whence it cannot be drawn for any other
than public purposes without certain detection.
In such case we should feel that the people had
Just cause for alarm, and ought to give their most
watchful attention to such an effort to enlarge
executive power, and put in its hands the means
of corruption,
In speaking further on this subject the Globe
exclains: EsIt is as palpable as the sun that the
effects of the scheme would bG to bring the pub
lie treasure much the actual control OF the
President than itnow is and expose 1t to be plum
dered By hundred hands tchere one cannot 1toto
reach it,"
The present governor Of the state of Tennes-
sec the honorable James X. Polk, at that time
a leading and prominent member OF the admins
tration party, and still one of the most thorough
going and interruptions adherents Of the power
party made a speech, in which he discussed this
measure, and exposed with master hand its
evil tendencies. One of the chief objections he
urged against it, was the one | am now discus
sing, its danger to the security of the public trea-
sure. Listen, sir, if you now please, to what
he said. ga corporation,o said he, tEnnay be
safer than any individual agent, however
sponsible he may be, because it consists Of an
ISOLATION of individuals who have thrown togo
Their their aggregated wealth, and who are bound
IN their corporate characterize The extent of their
whole capital stock for the deposite In addi-
ton to this the secretary OF the treasury NAV re-
quire as heavy collateral security in addition
to their capital stock paid in, from such a cor
poration, as he could from individual col
lector or receiver, which makes TIE government
deposite safer in the hands Of bank, than it
could be with an individual. 1t may be well
questioned whether the heaviest security that
the most wealthy individual could give, could
make the pablic deposites safe, at the point of
large collection. In the city of New York, half
the revenue is collected. Several millions of
public money may be in the hands of a receiver
at one time, and, if he be corrupt, or shall en-
gage in speculation or trade, and meet with
reverse of fortune, the loss sustained by the go
vernment would be inevitabeo
He then goes on to enumerate the losses the
government had sustained By entrusting the pub
lie moneys to the custody ofindivduals. fsThe
losses in three cases alone" he continues, Gas
stated in 1927 and 1928, when it was supposed
ample care had been taken to secure the debt,
amounted to near two millions. AS, then, be-
tween the responsibility Of public receiver and
bank corporations, as banks do exist. and are
likely to exist under state authority; the latter,
upon the ground of safety t. the public are to be
preferred. Banks, when they are safe, recon-
mend themselves to the service Of the treasury
for other reasons The increased facilities they
possess over individual collectors or receivers in
making transfers of public money to distant
points for disbursement without charge to the
public Indeed, this IS service which indiyi-
duals, to the extent of our revenue, could not
perform"
And again, he says, fsWhilst the deposit is in
bank, the bank may use it, keeping itself ready,
at the same time to pay when demanded, and it
ia NOT withdrawn from onn L.