The Charlotte journal. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1835-1851, 1840-10-29

three distinct propositions on the subject OF slave
r. and the slave trade-Firsl, in the words Of the
Constitution, that Congress cannot, prior TO the
year 1908, prohibit the migration or importation
OF such persons as any of the States then exist
ing should think proper to admit second, that
Congress had authority 10 restrain the citizens of
the United States from carrying on the African
slave trade, for the purpose OF supplying foreign
countries. On this proposition, our early laws
against those no engage in that traffic. are found
ed. The third proposition, and that which bears
on the present question, expressed in the fol-
lowing terms:
" Rssairsd, That Congress have no authority
TO interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or III
the treatment Of them in any of the States-itre-
naming with the several States alone to provide
rules and regulations therein which humanity and
true policy may require"
This resolution received the sanction of the
House of Representatives as early as March, 1890.
And now, sir the honorable gentleman will allow
me to remind him, that not only were the select
committee who reported the resolution, with
single exception, all Northern men, but also, that
Of the members then composing the House Of
Representatives, large majority, | believe near
ly two.thirds, were Northen men also.
The House agreed to insert these resolutions in
its Journal, and from that day to this, it has never
been maintained or contended that Congress had
any authority to regulate or interfere with the
condition of slaves in the several States. No
Northern gentleman, TO my knowledge, has mov-
ed any such question in either House of Congress.
The fears of the South, whatever fears they
might have entertained, were allayed and quieted
by this early decision, and remained until
they were excited atresh without cause, but for
collateral and indirect purposes. When it be-
game necessary, Or was thought so by some polit-
zeal persons, to find an unyaryng ground for the
exclusion OF Northern men from confidence and
from lead in the affairs of the Republic, then,
aud not till then, the cry raised and the feel
ngs lndustriously excited, that the influence Of
Northern men in the public councils would en-
danger the relation of master and slave.
For myself. claim no other merit, than that
this gross and enormous injustice toward the
whole North, has not wrought upon me to
change my opinions or my political conduct
hope | am above violating my principles even
under the smart of injury and false imputations
Unjust suspicion and undeserved reproach, what
ever pain may experience from them, will not
induce me, trust, nevertheless, to overstep the
limits Of constitutional duty, or to encroach on
the rights of others, The domestic slavery of
the South, leave where find it tin the hands
oil their own Governments. 1t is their affair, not
mine.
go for the Constitution as it is, and for tho
Uaicn as II is but am resolved not to submit in
silence to accusations, either against myself indi-
vidually, or against the North, wholly unfoun-
ded and unjust accusations, which impute to us
disposition 10 eyade the constitutional compact
and to extend the power of the Government over
{ the internal laws and domestic condition of the
States. All such accusations, wherever and
whenever made. all insinuation of the existence
ofany such purpose, know and feel to be ground
I less and INJURIOUS And We must confde in
I Southern gentlemen themselves we must trust
4 TO those whose integrity Of heSrt and magnanim-
/ ity of feeling win lead them TO desire to main.
tain and disseminate truth, and who possess the
means of its diffusion with the southern public,
and we must leave il to them to disabuse that
public of its prcjujces But in the mean time,
for my own part, shall continue to act justly,
! whether those towards whom that justice is eSer-
/ cissd receive It with candor OF with contumely,