Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1840-05-19


sense IN House of Representatives. The most illus
r'ous OF these must therefore, be separated from the
mass and placed by themselves in Senate"
In ms 2Oth letter he says 81 only contend that the
English Constitution is in theory the most supendous
fabric of human inventions both for the adjustment OF
Inc balance and the prevention of its vibrations and
that the Americans ough to be appauded, instead oi
censured, for initiating it as far as they have.
In his 10Th letter he says "lfthcre is then i'll society
such natural aristocacy these great writers pretend
and as all history and experience demonstrate, formed
partly by genius, partly by birth, and partly by riches,
how shall the legislator avail himself of their influence
tor the equal benefit of the public, And how, on the
other hand shall he prevent them from disturbing the
public happiness? answer by arranging them all, or
at least the most conspicuous of them together in one
assembly, by the name of Senate by separating them
from all pretensions to the Executive power; and BY
controlling, in the Legislature, their ambition and ava
rice, by assembly of Representatives on side, and
by the Executive authority on the other"
In his 9th letter. he says eff should undertake 10
say, that there good government IN the
world that did not consist of the three species of Mo-
narchy, Arstocracy and Democracy, think may
make ii good.
In his 29th letter. he says: 8" shall show in another
place, that nobility or gentry in popular govern
men, not oyerbalancIng it. the very life and soul OF
it,"
In his sd letter he says: 'Thc only remedy is to
throw the rich and the proud into group, scpa-
rate assembly, and there tie their hands; if you give
them scope with the people large their represen.
atves, they will destroy all equality and liberty arh
the consent and reclamation Of the people themselves
In his Saith letter he says ''The astocracy ambi-
tous republic becomes Immediately oligarchy-
what shall be done to prevent il? Place two guardians
Of the laws 10 watch the aristocracy. One III the
shape Of king side of it, another in the shape
of Democratca assembly on the other side"
In letter ~, speaking Of the factions in the Greek
Republics, he says: "But man, party, ever
thought of introducing efectua balance by creating
king, with equal power to balance the other two
In letter -, he says ''The distinctions Of poor ana
rich are as necessary !" states Of considerable eren as
iobor and good gOrerRment The poor destined 10
labor and the rich, by adranfaGes Of ed"catioR i@iC-
peadence Gnd leisure, are qwafdtor superior stations
In letter l. vol H. he says "a royal dignity is the
most obvious though, 10 exnguish anmostles between
mobiles and commons
Again, commenting ON arcmark IN Machiavel ) work
on Government, he says
1T pity he had not said, parties must be upheld
together by the constitutional legal authority OF one
man alone possessed Of the whole executive power OF
tile State and then if he is taken of hy DEATH another
will succeed.
Again 'sWhen the three natural orders in society,
the high the middle, and the low all represented
in the government and constitutonally placed TO watch
each other and restrain each other mutually by the
laws, il is then only that emulation takes place Tor
the public good, AMI divisions turn 10 The advantage OF
the nation
The whole work is inter sperscd with sentiments of a
similar nature clearly showing the authors opinion,
that the people incapable of self government, and
that the only good system king lords, and com.
mons, representing three distinct orders in society.
The same distrust of the people was evinced, and
the opinions 10 government, were expressed IN
the convention Of Isl, which formed the present Con.
sttuton OF the United States Mr.. Madison, III his IN
PRODUCTION TO the debates in that body, recently pub
lished among the circumstances attending It's meeting
mentions the following:
at found, moreover, that those least partial 10
popular government, dstrustu Of its efficacy
were yielding to ancipatons that from an increase oil
the confusion, government might result more congo
NAL with their taste or their opinions whilst those most
devoted to the principles and forms OF republics, were
alarmed for the of liberty ITSELF At stake IN the
American experiment, and anxious for system that
would avoid the neifcacy Of mere coniederacy
without passing into the opposite extreme of consoli-
dated government. 1t was known that there were in
dviduas who had betrayed bias towards monarchy,
and there had always been some not unayorablc to
partition fthe Union into several coniederaccs, either
from better chance of figuring on sectional theatre
that the sections would require stronger governments
or BY their hostile conflicts lead to monarchca cen
solidation.
The succeeding debates contains abundant evidences
that the principles of JOHN Adams had their advocates
among the abest men III the Convention. Wecan give
but few examples out ofmany.
Mr. Hamilton said: (Madison Papers, pages $500, Z,
81 "In his private opinion he had no scrupe in de-
carng, supported he was, by the opinion OF so many
of the wise and good, that the British government was
any thing short of it would do in America
Again: The progress Of the public mind led him to
anticipate the time when others, well as himself
would Join in the praise bestowed by Mr. Neckar on the
British Constitution namely, that IT IS the only 60
vermont in the world which unites public strength with
individual security
| Again: "Thrir House of Lords is 4 most noble inst
tuition" "No temporary Senate will have tirmnes:
enough to answer the purpose"
Again: GAS to the Executives il seemed to be admit
4 u had ,IIpnT
principles Was not this giving up the merits of the
question, for there be good government without
a good Executive' The English model was the only
good that subject
Again: "What is the inference from all these obser
vatons' That we ought TO 30 far Republican
principles will admit. Let one branch of the Leglsla
ture hold their places for life, at least during good
behaviour. Let the Executive also be for life
| He submitted his plan to the Eonvention avowing
however that he did not expect the people to adopt il
"at present." "BEt he the Union dssolvng or al
ready dssolvcd-he evils operating IN the States
which must soon the people of their ondness or
Democraces-he sees that great progress has been
already made and is still going on in the public mind
He thinks, therefore, the people will IN time be IN
shuckled from their prejudces, &c, &c
His plan was an assembly elected by the people, a
senate elected by the electors chosen by the people in
districts to hold their Offices during good behaviour
and Governor elected By electors chosen by the pco
pie in the senatorial Districts to hold during good beha
your and that the Governors of the States should be ap
pointed by the general Governor, with an absolute ne
satve on acts passed by the State Legislatures.
Speaking of the States, page 9O5, he said:-"Ever
as corporations the extent of some OF them, as Virginia
Massachusetts, &c would be formidable As STATES,
he thought they ought to be abolished But he admit
ted the necessity Of leaving in them subordinate Jurs
dictions
Page 966, ssHe acknowledges himself not to think
favoraby of Republican Government &c
Gouverneur Morris speaking Of the second branch IN
the Executive Department, the Senate, pages lolo-
! 10, 90, says
zone interest must be opposed to another interest
vices as they exist must be turned against each other
In the second place. it must have great personal pro-
pery it must have the arstocatic spirit II must love
to lord it through pride. "lf The second branch IS &c
be dependent, better without It, 10 MAKE II IN
dependent il should be for life II will then do wrong
it viii be said He believed he hoped so. The
rich viii strive to establish their dominion and ensnve
the rest They always did They always Will Inc