Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1840-10-02

reasonable clique of Hartford Convention FedSsalrss:
all OF whom, hoping that their sins against the n,on
have been buried and forgotten, raise their faa
heads; and, under changed names and newborn prA-
LESSONS for Democracy, deceItfully repudiae the I'd
deraisni they have worshipped and sustained iohSk
years.
Whoever has curiosity TO examine the identity of
Hartford Convention FeJerasts with the present Har
rIson Wings, has only read the pamphlet published
by Green < lIe,t, of Massachusetts,, and the con
tents of which appeared in the Boston Post in August
last
What has been the public course Of both these Massa
ctusetts Senators on the great Southern question:
which Pngrosses every mind,
In lo35-6, the following petition presented 10
Congress:
'To Tie Senate md House of Representatives. of tie
United States
sThe memorial of Calm Quarterly Meeting of the
Religious SOCIETY," c' Friends, commonly called Qua
scrs, respectfully represents that LAYING long felt
deep sympathy with that portion of the inhabitants Of
the u States, which is held IN bondage, and having
no doubt that the happiness and interests moral and
pecunmry, OF both master and slave, and our whole
community, wnnd b. greatly promoted fhc iacStima-
mabic TigM toIt6eriy maS crtraded equaHy 10 M
template With extreme regret that the ID strict of CO.
uuiba, over which you possess entire CONTROL IS ack
nowedgcd to be of the greatest Tor the traffic
in The persons OF human beings in the known world,
notws landing the principles of the Constitution de.
clare, that all men have an InalIenabe right TO the
blessings of liberty.
Uc therefore earnestly desire, that you rl enact such
ors ,cH secure Tie rgh Of freedom TO erery human
being residing rhin The constitutional Jurisdiction Of
Congress, and prohibit every species of traffic the
persons OF men, which is as inconsistent IN principle
and rnhuman in practice as the foreign slave trade
"Sgned by direction and behalf of the aforesaid
Quarterly Meeting held in Lancaster county, Pennsyl-
vana, the 10Th Of II mo-, 1855
LINDLEY COATS
ESTHER HAYES,
Cicrks"
However sophistry may Disguise what Abolition de-
Signs the PLAIN, direct purpose of tins and every such
petition is TO dissolve the connection between master
md slave and thus to require Congress to do what the
Constitution and the vested rights of the citizen plainly
prohibit.
March l. 1896, Mr.. Buchanan, an Administration
Senator, moved reject this pettion although il
from his Statc.-And after full and solemn dis
cussion, the petition rejected. Yeas 81, nays o.
John Davis and Daniel Webster both voting to sustain
that petition as the Journals of the Senate prove
And, in the published speech, which Mr. Davis then
made he said: at would be folly for him TO attcmptto
Disguise the fact that vast mai orty of the people in
the free States entertain the opinion that Congress have
Constitutional power slavery, in the District Of
Columbia.
oAfcr this decision, Mr.. WcbStcr gave notice, hG he
had in his hand several similar petitions which he had
forbnrne present till this from Pennsylvania should
be- Disposed of: and that he should now, early
caslon present them. and move TO dispose of them IN
the way vii ch had been his opinion from the first
that all such ptons should have been treated, that 49,
to refer them to Inc COMMITTEE Tor enquiry ana con-
sidrration
Here. then is the opinion Of Mr. Webster soemnly
expressed in the Senate of the Z s., that all petitions
for the abolition of slavery in the very heart OF the
Union should be referred the committee, for
lection but for inquiry and consideration.
This has been the steady, unchanged opinion Of Mr..
Webster, and he has publicly avowed it more than
once.
On motion o receive IN Abolition memorial, March
l. 1886 Senator Webster said ale thought such pc
nuht IN he
That was what was usually done with petitions
other subjects.
"Those who believed they had an undoubed rghtto
petition, and that Congress had undoubted constitu-
tional authority the subjects, TO which their petit
ton related, would be satisfied with refusal TO
receive their petitions, with formal reception Of
them, followed by an immediate vote rejecting their
prayer.
ain this matter in others, Congress must stand on
its reasons 1t in vain TO attempt to shut the door
against petitions, and expect in that way to avoid dis
cussion On the presentment of the first of these petit
tons he had been of opinion that ght TO be referred
to The proper Committee.
ale was of that opinion still The subject ought 10
be discussed. And he wished it should be discussed
calmly dispassionatey and fully all its branches and
al its bearings.
These sentiments and opinions Of the Massachusetts
Senators the subject of slavery recorded IN the
National Iateigencer, their tavorite organ and sup
porter
It is acknowledged, that Mr.. Webster is n strong ad
yocate of National Bank Protective Tariff, and
great system of Internal improvements by the General
Government. HIS speeches and opinions on those SUBJ
jccis have been very decided, and generally read
But his opinions the subject Of Slavery, though
equally decided and consistent, have been always
unnccountably concealed.
The most nborrd aud argumentatve memorial against
the admission of Missouri into the Union, unless she
would first sOlrmnv engage to exclude slavery from
her soil, came from Boston, signed by Daniel Webster,
John Davis and others and presented 10" and read
in the House of Representatives., the I'm January,
1870 The style, power, and constitutional research OF
the compositions denote the paternity of this memorial.
But iii yet be possible that ar Webster himself did
not write IT, certain that he signed 1t IN hrs own
proper hand and thereby made II his own. have seen
III. SIGNATURE to the original which is now in exist
encr and know it we'll And, for the information OF
my fellow citizens, will state, in the very language of
the author some of the doctrines and arguments which
il contains and every impartial man will admit that
they precisely the doctrines and the same ar
vuIucnls which the Abnlitronsts resort to-
"Congress posses rs the constitutional power 10 pro-
hib slavery the States, and 10 make such pro-
hbnn condition in the admission OF new State mic
the Union; and that Just and proper uatNey a0ua
exercise that p0rrr.
"The prohibition Of slavery no infringement of
any inst rights belonging to free States, and was not
incompatible with the enjoyment of al! the rights and
inmunitics, which admission into the Union was
supposed To confer
"Commerce in slaves, since the year l5OS, being as
much subject to the regulation of Congress any other
commerce, if 1t should sec fir 10 enact lint no stare
shoud ercr be s0d r0m Sats 10 another, IS not
perceircd ho,c its constitutional tgh TO make such pro-
rision could be questioned. II would seem TO be too
plain to be questIoned that Congress did possess the
power before the year ls09, I" prohibit the grafton
or importation of slaves into its Territories MS well as
into any new State and that its authority after that
wear might be as fully exercised to prevent the gra
ton or importation of slaves into any Of the old
States.
Here the doctrine is advanced that Congress may
Consutonally enact that ono Stare shall be sod
one State 10 an0tcr; and whether the States be
did, of consequence: the doctrine covers them all
In their argument against the permission of slavery,
the memorlasts say: "They not without the hope
that the time had length arrived when the 'nconve-
and the danger Of slave population had become
apparent all parts of the country, and IN all parts oil
the civilized world
"Us hare strong feeling of injustice any toterd-
ton Of slarsry "Wha IS It, but 10 encourage "'d'
rapacity and fraud, and violence, against winch we
have so long pointed the dennncatons :" our penal code