The Madisonian., 1840-02-25

I
not fghimg men. receiving pay from the Uni
ted States as militia ''in actual service and
looking up 10 the President as .iheir Com
mander in Chief" as the Constitution, in that
case, provides and directs. know Of but
one precedent for SO profound conlrivance;
and that was in the days Of the English
Commonw eallh, so called, when that willy
statesman Oliver Cromw ell, divided the king.
dom into twelve military jurisdictions, justas
the Seoretarynow proposes to divide the United
States into "eight military Districts" and un-
der cover of organizing the militia, caused
them 10 be "enlisted," or recruited, under
proper officers, and Irregular pay TO be disiri-
bu,ed among them" which the historian
says, the Lord Protector found to be a most
efloctual ''resource" Tor repressing his polili
cal enemies, but which all reasonable men
considered as "lhrowing aside the mask of
liberty" and 'parcelling out the people into
SO many subdivisions of slavery" ! have
no disposition 10 question the originality o
the Secretary, by insnua,ing that he may have
derived the hint Of his plan fiom SO celebra.
ted an authority.
But TO return to the interesting question
the financial condition and prospects Of the
country, we have just had most impress
sive admonilion of the precarious and uncer-
tain character Of Executive professions and
assurances on this subject. You doubtless
recollect that, in his message at the com
mencement Of the session OF Congress, the
| President exhibited highly haltering picture
of the condition of the Treasury and Of the
very successful manner in which its opera
iions had been conducted. He told the Re-
presentatives of the people, there is every
reason TO believe if ongress shall keep the
appropriations within the estimates furnished
by the Executive, that the out standing Trea-
sury notes will be redeemed, and the public
expenses be betrayed" by the existing and
current means Of the Treasury, without i'm
posing upon the people any additional burihen,
either of loans or increased taxes )" and then
proceeded to descan on the "great evils OF
public debt in time Of peace" This mes
sage was delivered en- the lwenty-fourth of
| December, 1889. But
Nescia mems hominum fai sortisque future,
/ III seIvare modum, rebus subata secundis--
On the 4lh day of February following, in
less than six weeks after these fattering as
surances, and before any appropriation had
been made by Congress. except for their own
pay, another message is sent, communicating
an apprehended defciency' in the revenue,
and urgently calling on congress to make
early provision of certain and adequate" dddi-
tionul f" means to guard the public credit, and
10 meet promptly and faithfully any Deficiencies
IN the reuenue, from whatever cause they may
arise"-or, in other words, by another issue
Of Treasury notes, or loan in some other
form, to incur " that very creation Of public
debt" with the denunciation of which he had
.embellished his discourse at the opening o.
the session Of Congress.
Let us look litle farther into the Presi-
dents late annual messageto Congress, to see
if it furnishes to the Conservatives any ground
to expect a change either of policy or doc
trne on any Of the questions on which they
have differed with him. Does he renounce
any Of those dangerous and anti republican
claims Of erecutipe po,otr which we have seen
have been heretofore advanced by him and
his friends So far from it, he has, in the
ominous declaration he makes in his message
"that The Eaecut,ue forms component part 0,
lie legislative po,oer," put forth new, and by
far the boldest and most unconstitutional pre-
tension in behalf Of Executive power that ever
was avowed or counienanced by any states
man in this country. Where can the Presi-
dent find any thing tqgive color TO 50 danger
Gus dogma! The uery first line ofthe Con-
s,iln,ion Of the United States decisivey repu-
dates it by expressly declaring that . all ie-
gisidripe potoers herein granted shall be vested
in The Congress Of The United States, which
shall consist Of a Senate and House Of Repre-
sentatiues." Will the President endeavor to
find some sanction to this bold pretenson in
that provision Of the Constitution which di-
rec,s that when /" bill has passed the two
Houses of Congress, it shall be presented to
the President for his signature; and, if ne re-
fuse TO sign it, he may return IT. with his OBJ
jecions, to the House in which it originated :"
But this very same provision expressly de-
cares that, though he has refused TO sign it,
yet the bill " shaA become tap," wtfhout lbs
signature, if two.thirds of both Houses over
rule his objections. The same provision also
declares that if a bill be not returned by the
| President within ten days after 1t shall have
been presented to him, the same shall be a iaw
in Ike manner as If he mad signed H." This
very provision OF the Constitution, then, shew
ine that bill may d" become law" without
the concurrence of the President, gives not
the slightest support to the sweeping claim
now brought forward by him that the /" Exc
cuive forms component part OF the leglsla-
tive power !" whie-that claim, as already re-
marked, is most cmpha,ically repudiatod and
condemned by the first line of the Conslitu-
ton, which declares that "aH Legislative
powers herein granted" are vested in the two
Houses of Congress.
If this extraordinary declaration of the Pre-
siden were a mere barren theory, revolving as
it is TO the understanding, it might be permit
ted to pass without the expression of any
other sentiment than that of especial won