The pilot and transcript. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1840-1841, 1840-06-24
AMOS AT HIS DIRTY WORK.

The last Globe fully explains the reason why
the destruetives have labored so hard to force
Gen. Harrison into a correspondence. They
want some pretence to mis-represent and distort
what he may say. Thus the Globe asserts that
in speech at Cleveland, Ohio, he said =
f'I will make no pledges in regard to princi-
pies should be elected I viii give my assent
to all the laws which pass both Houses of Con-
gress, however much these laws may be against
my own opinions and Judgment"
And from this the Globe argues that his pur-
pose was to conciate the abolitionlsts, by pledg-
abolition of slavery.
Now, in the first place we deny that Gen.
Harrison has made any such declaration. 1t is
impossible that he could have So declared him
self. We all know how apt men, who seek for
opportunities to distort remark, are to misun-
derstand and misrepresent its NEST obvious
meaning. We did not hear what he said at
Cleaveland, but we have before us his written
declaration, in his letter to Sherod Williams, in
which he treats this question of the veto, how
ever, with so much distinctness and propriety,
that it is conclusive refutation of the ISLANDERS
letter at length, because they ought to be en-
graved on the heart of every voter; they embody
sentiment essential to the preservation of our
liberties, and to the disregard of which is to be
chiefly attributed, the present unhappy condition
OF the country. Why is it that the people elect
members of Cougresss Is it not that they NAV
bring up with them to the seat of government,
hoe a.
members of Congress thrown back upon the peo-
pie once in every two years Is it not that they
may be made to feel their dependence on the
people So jealous were our fathers of public
liberty, SO DESTROYS they of the Executive
influence, that they disqualified members of Con
gress from being electors. What do we now
see? Gez. Harrison In the letter before US,
says =
fsI consider the qualified veto upon the acts
of the Legislature, conferred by the Constitution
upon the President, as conservative power, IN
tend only to be used TO secure the instrument
itself from violation, in times of high party
excitement, to protect the rights of the minority,
and the interests of the weaker members of the
Union. Such, indeed, is my oplnios, and such
we must believe to be the opinion of nearly all
OF the distinguished men who have filled the
Executive chair. If | President of the
limited States, an act which did not involve
either Of the principles above enumerated, must
have been passed under very peculiar circum-
stances of precipitancy opposition to the known
public will TO induce to refuse to it my
sanction
Now. here is the distinct declaration that he
would veto a bill that he believed was passed in
violation of the Constitution. In his late letter
ID .aIa, he bae -affsr
this letter to MIR. Williams. In his letter to Mr.
Calhoun and others, he refers to his published
opinions, and it is positive that with the declar
alton in his Yincenness speech, that he believes
the scheme of the Abolitionists to be uncsnstitu
tonal, and that in the face of his declaration, bu
the other day at Columbus, that to charge hin
with an intent to propitiate that party, was ;
SANDER, he would at cleveland give pledg
that he would veto no bill, however repugnant t.
his town opinions and judgment" 1t is false
he made no such pledge.
II any thing further were wanting, it is to b
found in his letter to MIR. Sloo, of New Orleans
where he says:
ssI do not believe that Congress can abolis
slavery in the District of Columbia, without I'll
consent of the States of Virginia and Marylan
and the people of the District"
With all these facts before hfm-with his la
and repeated re-aiirmation of all these publishs
declarations, it is impossible that Gen. Harrise
could have said he would veto no bill, howevs
repugnant to his own opinions and judgment
Its false He made no such declaration-wh
didsay is fully explained by the following extrat
from his letter to Sherod Williams, which
among the best, if not the very best expose of tt
veto power, that we have seen coming from tt
pen of any public man.
In relation to the exercise of the veto powe
by the President, there is, think importar
difference in opinion between the present chi.
magistrate and myself | express this opinio
with less difhdence, because believe mine is
strict accordance with those of all the previou
Presidents to Gen. jackson.
The veto power, or the control of the exec,
tive over the enactment of laws by the leeisl:
tive body, was not unknown in the United STAT,
previously to the formation of the present fede
al constitution. 1t does not appear. however
have been much in favor. The principle was
be found in but three of the State constitution
and in but one of them (Massachusetts) was Il
executive power lodged In the hands Of sing
chief magistrate. One other State, (Soutb G:
rolina,l al, indeed, MT only adopted this pri
ciple, but had given its single exs G 1tiye maei
trate an absolute negative upon the acts of II
iegasiature IN all other instances it has been
qualified negative, like that of the Un;sed 8 ate
The people Of South Carolina seem 49, =
net to have been long pleas with this ;rves
ne { Ut p1wer in their governor as il last.l =.
two years; having been adopted in 1776, and : !.