The pilot and transcript. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1840-1841, 1840-12-03
From the Louisville Journal.
THE PRESIDENCY.-NO. III.
To MR. WEBSTER.

VA n w Il lEEs
have said that the election Of President
never will or ought to be given directly and
exclusively TO the House of Representatives,
1t never will, because the large States will not
agree to the present mode of voting there by
States, and the smaller States will not consent
to change II into vote per capita.
Itoughtnot TO be go given, because, without
dwelling on a host OF other objections, there is
an incompatibility in the exercise of such a
power By the House, when viewed in coRsec-
ton with other features of the Constitution, ga
lone sufficient peremptorily forbid it. To give
requisite energy and efficiency to the Govern
ment, the President must always be allowed
to retain vast power and patronage. Their ex-
eTcise is naturally liable to more abuse and
corruption han all the other operations of Gov
eminent. The members of the House of Rep
resentatives are the natural, as we'll as Consti-
tutional sentinels 10 watch and guard against
its abuse. The President should be neither
their creature nor their master The powers
they seveGaly profess are partially and theere-
tlcaliy OF an antagonist character, and are wise
ly placed as a mutual counterpoise. This
counterpoise is entirely destroyed, when he is
elected by the House. We find in practice,
that the party in Congress who even lend the
aid OF their influence towards making a PIesi
dent BY The popular vote, are bound 10 sustain
him, right or wrong, or at least do so sustain
him, in order to sustain themselves The tai
ents and vigilance which should be devoted to
the detection and exposure of Executive abuse
OF power, become lis defenders and apologists.
The comuptions of the Government are sue
cessfully cloaked under the imputed virtue and
vigilance of the representatives of the people.
This is true and of easy proof, as to every
party President we have ever had The great
bulk Of the people are too removed from the
immediate scene of action and scarce of correct
information, either to detect the imposition
themselves or TO credit its existence, when de-
tected by political adyersaries whom they hab-
itually distrust and disbelieve This destruc-
ton oithe natural functions; and entire perver-
sion of the assigned duties of the immediate
Representatives of the people constituting, as it
does one Of the strongest objections to:the pres.
eRt system, would apply with redoubIed force
to plan vesting the election exclusively in the
House.
The amendment OF the present mode, which
seems heretofore 10 have obtained most favor, is
that, which, taking from the House all participa-
ton In the election, and aboishing the interven-
ton OF electors. gives it exclusively TO the peo-
pie. Inns change might be step from the
bad to the less bad; but without any decided
approximation TO the good. 1t is mode, into
which the nation might be driven, in avoidance
oil the evil Of frequent elections by the House:
but it is one which would never have been pro.
posed Or adopted as an original scheme, for its
own merit, or as one likely to avoid any of the
advantages within the contemplation of those
who framed and adopted the Constitution.
The present blended plan is liable to obiec-
tons, therefore, thatwould not apply to either of
those amendments separately. We have now
all the heat, turmoil, public excitement, and
corruption, that could possibly result from a
direct popular election, without any certainty
OF the contest resulting in the selection of one
who will be acceptable to majority of the ma
ton. lit has not already happened in the
case ofMr. Adams, it is easy to see that it NAV,
and no doubt, often will happen, (from The
mode OF voting, and other causes,) that the |
person selected by the House, will be I'M
acceptable, not merely to a majority of the ma
ton, but even TO majority OF the members of
the House The present plan, therefore, eX
cept IN the cases of contests between two ex-
sting parties, has not even the nerit of Sc
curing TO popular sentiment certain control
ever the result This is radically wrong, and |
Mr.. Adams case is striking instance in proof
that it is so. So long as the system ofelecting
is kept up with an ostensible submission of the
questionto the popular voice. the popular voice
ought to control the result
The great objection to the present plan, or
any mere modification of it, is its inevitable
tendency to generate party feuds of the most
disgraceful and deleterous character. The
natural proneness of all republics TO this inner
ent vice was neither overlooked nor disregarded
by the Convention. The misfortune is, that
they miscalculated the sufiiciency of the guards
which they employed against it. The fact was
not then sufficiently known, that, to make the
people indirectly participate in the election,
was ultimately 10 give it 10 them directly and
exclusively, The Convention was too we'll
versed in human character not to know the
vast machinery of corruption that would be put
in requisltiSon to excite the great body of the
people, If the election were transferred directly
and exclusively to them.
Doctor Franklin proposed in Convention,
that the President should be allowed no pc
cuniary compensation for his services. Listen
to part Of what he said in support of his pro-
position, and then judge whether human nature
was understood in that day or not. ssThere are
two passions that have a powerful influence
on the affairs ofmeh. These are ambition and