Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, 1840-09-03

Mr.. lerreil referred to the northern man
With southern principles, and said this fac,
was eNempllhed in his opposition to Madison;
his vote to give free negroes the right of sui.
irage; his approving negro testimony against
white men, In the case of Lit. Hooe ; his vote
IN the case OF Florida. In his first address,
MIR. Il. said nothing about Gen. Harrison.
And now aude aheran, parton. MIR. Grigsby
rose with great confidence of manner. He
seemed TO have ''planted in his memory an
army OF I'D iords." Sand could call spir.
its from the vastly deep - ,sBat did they
come!" would not do him injustice, but it did
seem as if he thought his appearance of con-
hdcnce was necessary to the success of his
argument. He doubtless recollected piece
OF Mahomet history, who called on a noun
tain to come to him, and when it would not
come, why he went to the mountain. Mr..
Gngsby is right funny sometimes, and evil
IDENTIFY has cultivated his fancy.-"Stumps,' -
| "cracked nuts, and ''cute law
yers' danced through his Imagination in all
the mazes of metaphorical confusion." An
| old gentleman present, to whom he frequent
ly addressed himself, remarked, that his mode
| of arguing put hin, in mind of hen busting
| herself. She would raise wonderful dust,
and work herselfinto many shapes; but when
! she had finished, she was still a hen. He
was In one respect like good man described
| by Goldsmith.
He commenced his argument by violent
! attack on Gen. Harrison, and twitted Mr.. II.
for not mentioning him, in(crring that his
character would not bear inspection. Mr.. Il.
replied that he had not time, his speech be-
ing limited to two hours. Mr.. G. "Oh, l
know it, know it," 1 just threw out the re-
mark. His great object seemed to be, TO
prove Gen. II. a federalist. In proof ne re-
fered to John Randolph's assault in the Sem
ate, and his appointment to Office by John
Adams; ergo, he was federalist. Mr.. It.
in reply called fact to his memory about
Randolph. Randolph during the war was
rank federalist himself. He opposed it with
all his powers. The II. Enquirer then charg-
ed federalism on Randolph, and acquitted
Harrison of federal principles. Those in IA
YOUR of the war were called republicans, those
opposed federalists. Yet Randolph was the
republican, and Harrison the federalist! But
Randolph is known to have been the bitter
enemy of Thomas Jefferson, but still he is
good evidence against Harrison. If it is
good In one case 1t is good in all, even when
he testified to the number of Thomas Ritch-
les principles as just seven, stwo fishes and
five loaves." But beg Mr.. G's. pardon, he
did not mean to prove so much by Randolph.
Oh no F! He would only take his evidence
shades. Let him take care, that he does not
prove like the Ghost Ct Samuel. The friends
of Gen. Harrison have nothing to hide in his
political character. They never have conten-
ded that it is faultless. Let it then be adj
mitted that he has been friendly to the tariff,
internal improvement, proclamation, and even
the bank. Many true patriots were friendly
to all these. And if these principles consti-
tute federalism, then Mr.. Van Buren, is equal
ly federalist. Who will deny it! Mr.. V.
Buren, voted for the tariff of 1924, and 1923,
and said in speech at Albany, that he was
friendly to the tariff of 1916 and III. Gen
Jackson and Madison were both in favour of
the proclamation. Jackson, its very author,
and Mr.. Van Buren, pledged ''to follow in his
footsteps" Madison and W ashington were
both bank men, each signing U. States Bank
charters. In proving Harrison federalist
then, the same proof will convict jackson,
Washington, and Madison of being federal
lists. Gen. J. was likewise a bank man as
his message proves. Mr.. Van Buren's secre-
tary of State is an ayowed bank man. But
MIR. Terrell proved by reference to General
HarriSon's avowed sentiments, that he is not
in favour Of bank, and refuses if elected to
sign bank bill unless under the pressure of
stern necessity, such as induced Washington
and Madison to sign the bills Of the first and
last banks. Mr.. Grigsby then was in no
danger Of rot proving enough; but his proof
like two-edged sword cut into the very
! bowels Of the leaders of his own party, and
at best only placed Harrison where the best
men in the nation have stood. His charge OF
! federalism then.wih snch proofs must fall to
the ground. But let us look little al the
meaning of this term federalism. Who are
! federalists noto I Those who call the present
opponent of executive nisrule and usurpation
| fedeIalists know why they do so. Their OBJ
ect is to deceive; and they know well. that
Il true history of the rise of federalism, and a
reference TO its true meaning, would fix the
charge on themselves. Who Were called fe-
dcralists in the convention which formed our
present constitution Those who advocated
"a strong executive. Those who were TO,
giving power to the President, at the expense
Of Congress, and the people. The republic
| cans were Jealous OF executive power. They
feared that the ruin to liberty would come
irou- that quarter. They were in favour OF
weakening the executive arm. And now le
us try parties at present, By this test. When
the proposition was made in the convention
to give the President command over the mill
tia without restriction, p. Henry, the repub
llcan leader, cried out. yOu 'ciH make him {
ling. But does not Poinsett ask in his bill
with the sanction of the President, for thi;
same power But still the opponents o
this measure now are federalists, and the Pre-
sident republican. In the convention, thu
republicans contended, that Congress SHOULD
hold the purse. The Sub-Treasury gives i
TO the President, but the opponents of th
measure now are federaIists, and its friend
republicans. Give the President the purs
and sword said Henry, and he is a king, bu
those who yield both now, are republicans