The Madisonian., 1840-02-25


forgot his former opinions, as TO recommend
TO Congress the enaction of a special bank
rupt law, applying TO these institutions ex-
clusively. and intended 10 put an end TO their
existence by an act of the Federal authority
Ia measure which but Il few years before, he
had denounced-in the strongest terms, as All
!" odious and unconstitutional invasion of the
rights Of the States" (See his Speech IN the
Senate of The Uaifea States. oh a proposition
If Mr.. Branch, Of ~ c. on The 9Th Of Feb,
1927. 3D.. pot. Register Con Deb, p. 2s6.)
Upon all these subjects, the Conservatives
have differed, and still differ with the Presi-
dent as well rs upop his Sub-lreasury scheme.
These differences have been manifested by
them on various occasions, and in variety
of forms--speeches, votes, and discussions Of
popular assemblies. In regard to myself, l
have omitted no proper occasion, in both writ
ten and oral addresses to my fellow citizens,
TO proclaim them and yet | have seen with
initiate surprise, that some persons recently,
to cover their own change Of position, have
alleged that it had been heretofore understood
that differed with the administration on but
u single question, that of the Sub-treasury
This allegation, too is made in the face of the
the adninist alton press from one extremity Of
the country TO the other, for daring in the con-
scientious discharge of my public duty, to
oppose and expose divers other acts and mca-
sures of the President and his party--his IL
ct and dangerous renewal Of the connection
with the Bank of the United States,--his
alarming and ani-republican doctrine breach
ed in his message 10 Congress at the COM
mencement Of the last session Of Congress
with regard to the discretionary employment
Of banks in general, as FISCAL agents Of the
Government, ut his sole ,riH and pleasure,
without any rule or limitation Of iaw,--and
finally, the daring attack made by his friends
in the portentous doctrines Of MIR. Walls re-
port, on the vital principle Of representative
GovernmeEt-the' freedom Of elections. On
this last occasion, | characterized the general
policy Of the administration by what seemed
TO me to be its leading features, and declared
my conviction that on all the great questions
OF respect for the rights Of the ntes,-limi-
aton Of Executive paironage-economy in
the public expense-ihe independence OF the
legislative epartment-ucquiescen in the
decisions Of the maiority-and sacred regard
to the right of election-(the memorable land
marks of repubIicanism laid down by Mr.. JEFF
ferson)-it had widely departed from every
principle held and acknow ledged BY true repub-
cans. Ii is, moreover, well known, that at the
last session Of Congress, opposed,to the best
ofmy lily another iavorite measure ofthe ad-
ministration, commonly called the Graduation
Bill, for virtually giving awayto certain favor
cd States, that common fund" Of the pub
lie lands, derived in great part from the mu-
nificence of Virginia, and in the benefit Of
which she expressly reserved her equal right
to participate. How idle then, the sugges-
ton recently invented, that either myself, or
the Conservatives in general. whose opinions
and destiny il is alike my pride to share, have
differed from the administration on but sin
gle question.
Let us now inquire whether the President
has changed his policy or practice on any Of
these highly important questions, on which we
have differed with him. Some Of his noisy
partizans have claimed for him great credit
for the larish professioss Of economy he makes
in his late message TO Congress. But what
has been the practice, which we are much
more interested in knowing than the empty
precepis of his administration According to
his own statement, the public expenditure
during the year 1887, the first Of his prcsi-
dency, amounted to "the sum Of thirty three
millions of dollars ]" during the year 1898,
he SAYS this amount 8 was somewhat re-
duced )" and for the year 1889, he thinks that
the public expenditure will not in all proba-
bility have exceeded twenty-six millions of
dollars" But this sum of twenty-six mil
lions Of dollars happens to be just the double
of the public expenditure under the admins
tration of John @. Adams, which most of US
thought was so enormous and unjustifiable rs
to merit the displcasure and rebuke of the
people. What, however, are we to think If
the Presidents promise of" continued reduc-
ton" Of the public expense, when we find on
the very same page Of his message, the most
earnest recommendation by him to the iavora-
BILE consideration Of Congress, of plan Of
the Secretary Of War for recruiting militia
army Of faco hundred thousand men, onehaf
to be in "active service" the other half to
form "reserve !" the term Of service to be
eight years; the troops to be armed, equipped
and paid by the United States, " according TO
rate Of compensation to be fixed by law"
but in other respects to be under the "regu-
lation' OF the War Department. The an
nual cost of such force, according TO any
conception can form of the Secretary's plan,
under the outlines he has given of il, could
not fail to add many millions to the public
burthens. ! now speak only Of the question
Of expense but in other aspects, this most
extraordinary project, emphatically endorsed
as ii is by the President, for, in his message to
Congress, he says, !" j cannot recommend it
too strongly TO your consideration" deserves
the most serious reflection of every ffiehd of
The public liberty.
Is not militia force, as the Secretary choo-
ses to call il, or the one half Of it, at least,
which is TO be Gin active seryice"-.reornit-