The pilot and transcript. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1840-1841, 1840-11-07

r.ncc necessary to proper appreciation OF such
information 1t is true that we have suffered
our passions and preludiecs to be piped ana
nIavrJ upon for the getting up OF these party
str;fes iii we have lost nearly all claim to our
own selE-rcspcct and therefore can expect much
from, those who have played upon us. But let
that preat mass be once aroused ~ a proper
snnse of the danger-let them be convinced that
our republican institutions are pcritled b. these
contests. and will venture one poor mans head
mon The issue, that there IS still virtue ana III
| trllipencc enough in that mass, who are the
o,yners Of bo. h the country and the Government
10 do whatever their own true interest shall
rso,ire. and, with the authoritative mandate oil
n,ycrs and of masters, bid these strites to cease
Dur;rg the lull which will ensue the great
noIiti,al storm the intense interest every where
fclt upon the subject OF the presidency cannot DC
better directed, than to dispassionate invesu-
| ~,tion Of the whole structure OF the Executive
| Department of the Government. If the evus
Growing out of the contests for the Presidency
are to be perpetually recurring and increasing
evils. accompanied, too, with such peril TO ouI
| institntions. then there must be some inherent
! defect in the plan OF making aur presidents II
so. to hope an escape from the peril, IS to nope
against nope, or IN despite OF despair. Instead
Of Inducing the slight solace of such idle hope,
would il not better become yuN and all of us to
endcayor to trace the evil tn its root and i.eely
apply the knlfc' Is not such, alphabetically the
| Great duty, the great obligation on this genera
lion towards preserving from destruction our
free and happy Republican institutions? inns
duty, common to us all, rests more decidedly
with YOU than with any other men that no"
live. If YOU are understood right, 1T IS your
highest boast while living, that You are the
champion of the constitution, and crave no no.
bier epitaph when dead than that, as its cham
mon. YOU have discharged your whole duty
/ Not meaning mere compliment, 1t Is but
truth to say that your exGrtions IN that character
have. on constitutional questions, rendered your
yeice potential" above that OF many men. You
cannot speak ON that subject, but this whole ma
ten will respectfully give ear: 1t Is the purpose
of this address to aid IN pointing out the root oil
The evil alluded to, suggest remedy, and then
/ insis,upon the aid ofyour powerful talents AND
distinguished reputation towards influencing the
nation to allow its application. Il is not how
ever alone because Of the authority of your name
on all constitutional questions, that your aid
will be so earnestly entreated, but as the leader
of all that class of men scattered throughout the
nation holding those political tenets commonly
| known as Federal, and because of your supposed
peculiar influence over all such. So difficult is
/ il to procure an amendment of The constitution,
that in the opinion OF some, no material amend
ment will ever be made. Any amendment of
! vital Importance, such as that about to be sug-
gested, will necessarily require the aid Of
large majority of all the intelligent men oil all
/ political persuasions. The general tenor of your
| Richmond speech has induced the belief that
YOU would lend your aid towards convincing
! those of your own sect Of the propriety of such
an amendment. As It looks to a most essential
curtailment Of the power OF the most important
officer Of the Government, difficulty is anti
cipated in convincing those of the opposite
tencts. The Democracy has always been ready
theoretically at least to curtail political powers
aIl GE,aii md t,ar
rider to the fence
In that speech you say, that in your Judgment,
it has come to be time, in the actual working of
our Government, that the Executive has in
creased its influence and patronage to such
degree, that it may counterfeit the will oil ma
jOrity of the people. / believe that the power
and patronage OF the Executive not only has in
creased-is increasing, but ought to be dimin-
ished" Again you say;-s'Perhaps il remaing
to be seen, whether he friends of the Constitu-
| ton had not better have given less power to the
| Executive and taken all tn Inconvenience aris-
! ing from the want of it, rather than hazard the
| granting of so much as might prove dangerous
not only to the other departments, but to the
safety and freedom Of the country at large"
All this might well be treated by those of u
who have received our political teaching from
the Democratic fathers OF the Republic as a dis
tinct and most hatterIng Acknowledgements of
their superior sagacIty on this subject. But to
tne candid, L DO not KNOW thdJ we can, IN Ialr-
ness, treat it as such an admission. For to tell
the whole truth, neither the old Democrats or
Federalists ever supposed that the President
could acquire such tremendous power he now
possesses. His practical portrayal are so inf
nitsly beyond their Theoretical portroial in the
constitution that it is but justice TO its trainers
to suppose them all to have totally misconceived
and misrepre5ented the practical operation of
this department of the Government. Even Gen.
Hamilton, were he now living 10 witness the
display of those powers, would confess that they
greatly transcended his ideas OF a strong Gov
eminent. and would concur with you in saying
they ought to be diminished. But whatever may
have been the private views of any member of
the convention, not one of them dared to have
undisguisedly recommended such a scheme of
Government to the men of the revolution Be
this, however, as it may, we are agreed that his
powers, as now seen, are too great and ought to
be diminished, that the working of that branch
Of the Government is the cause of the evils I'M
der which we laboring, and presents the
most imminent OF all the perils that threaten the
longevity of our institutions.
You say, that, in the formation of the Con-
stitution the greatest difficulty its trainers en-
countered, was with regard to the Executive
power. The great and parplexing question
was how to limit and regulate the Executive
power in such manner, that while it defended
the country il should not be able to endanger
civil liberty" This was, no doubt, perplex-
ing question; but with due difference, the his .
tory of the convention proves, that it was by
no means the most So BY far the greatest,as
also the most difficult and perplexing question,
was how to provide an Executive head for the
Government. There was no other subject up
ON which the opinions Of the convention APP
pear to have undergone such repeated and ra-
dical changes. 1t was first resolved, by vote
ofeight States against two, that the election of a
President should be given to Congress, having
previously negatiyed by the same vote pro-
position to have him chosen by electors elect
ed by the people and by a vote of nine to one,
another to have him chosen directly by the
people. Upon reconsideration it was resolved,
eight to three, that he should be chosen by
electors appointed by the State Legislatures.
BY subsequent vote of seven to four, it was
again resolved the election should be given to
Congress. The plan adopted was ultimately