The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1840-06-27


| short of majority of their voices would wanan'
the passage Of a law which could cons,Hu.T,vu1 a
ally affect their property in their slaves NJ
| Constitution secures in direct terms, 10y
citizen in the United States nviolate, the Dene-
iii of his contracts and the peaceabie possession
Of his property, except that u should De he1es-
sarily condemned for the public use, ana '9 zen
the public is bound TO pay HIM ialr anu iu''
compensation for IL. ,
The moral thought may be horrible that one
man should hold property in another-should
hold him involuntarily in unlimited slavery and
unconditional bondage In this land oil liberty ana
of laws. whose fundamental principles and
whose Constitution recognise all men on poll
teal equality. We have legal hctions-they APP
pear to be ridiculous but political fctiops seem
10 be superlatiyely ridiculous when they serve
TO keep nearly three millions Of the human race,
within the borders Of this happy and free repub-
lie, in unconditional slavery and involuntary
bondage. say such thought may be horrible
to the philanthropist and big with fraud, crime,
and iniquity; but we must take things some
times in this world as we find them they are
not as we would like TO have them.
regret that am not prepared TO give def
mite answer TO your third question. Il IS one
which requires careful, deliberate, and patient
investigation and the only apology have ior
not being better prepared TO answer your inter
rogatory is. that il has never been my duty TO
act officially upon the subject. When that time
shall come, will be AT my post, and prepared,
as well as am capable and susceptible Of pre-
partition, and will try TO discharge my duty with
reference TO what suppose to be for the best in
terests Of my country, and to the support OF the
Constitution.
have stated that am moi prepared TO give
you definite answer to your third interroga-
tory. This may be construed into wish TO
la. tka f<to md tna os.rh
a supposition or construction, will show you
that am not entirely without opinion on this
important subject, nor have any hesitation in
expressing that opinion at all times, so far as |
have made II up
There is no man living, perhaps, who is more
deadly hostile to slavery than am. My feelings,
my education, the circumstances that have sur
rounded me through life, together with my prin-
ciplcs of what believe to constitute the natural
and political rights Of man. all conspire to make
me abhor il as one Of the greatest evils that ex-
lists on the face OF the EARTH Yes, greater in its
moral effects and corruptng tendencies than all
other human evils put together. II is not only a
moral and political evil within itself, or intrinsi-
cay so, of the darkest and most damning charac-
ter, but in all its bearings and effects calculated 10
produce the most fatal effects on both the moral
and the political institutions of our country. II
is an evil that has, does now, and will in all time
10 come while il exists, involve in il, as well in
its present possession in its future operations,
crime, fraud, theft, robbery, murder, and death.
For the truth OF what | say as to its present eff
fleets upon the institutions OF the country, have
only 10 refer you 10 view Of the slave States
IN our Union, and comparison between the re-
lalve condition Of the Improvements Of them and
the free States. You see the free States happy
and hourishing, TO the admiration and astonish-
ment of all who see them. Public improve
ments and private prosperity are swift and head
and head in the race, while on the other hand
poverty, lean and hungry sterility. and squalid
wreichedness, seem TO cover the face Of the land
in many parts where slave institutions have re-
sdence. Cross the line that separates the free
from the slave State, or stand upon it and look
and look across the former: you will see compa-
ratvely all life, all happiness, all prosperity, both
public and private; but turn your eyes upon the
latter and survey il: every thing material lex
cept few of the wealthy proprietary bearing
the impress OF poverty and dapidaton; all look
as if pestilence and famine had been making
their sad innovation. The anger of God and
the vengeance Of Heaven seem to rest upon
every thing upon which you can cast your eyes
Every prospect seems to be withered and wilted
by the irown and disapprobation of ayenging JUS
tce and violated humanity. In short, almost
every institution, every prosperity, public and
private, seems 10 be sickening and dying from
the corrupting and corroding effects Of slavery
But the curse be on the head of those who sus.
tain such an institution. We found it when we
found ourselves IN possession of our new, oul
free, and our independent Gree and Independent
Of other powers) Government.
We have neither share nor lot in either the
benefits or the crimes of slavery. II was toe
rated by our ancestors at the formation of the
Government, and the adoption Of the Constitu
IN md ~ Ia 90
which had cost omuch blood, so much treasure
and 50 much toll. The liberation Of slavery
was one of the conditions upon which the slave
States agreed to enter into the confederation,
and TO adopt the Constitution; and to disturb
the question now, contrary TO their wish, and in
the face Of their appreciation, is in some degree
TO violate the Constitution upon which the Fede-
raj Government was established and if persisted
IN may greatly endanger our happy Union. II
would be arrogance in me, and show great
want Of generosity and lberality, to hesitate for
moment TO believe that in the great number OF
cases the spirit of abolitionism flows from any
other than the purest fountains of charity and
humanity. | believe that hundreds and thou
sands OF those who are zealously supporting the
abolition cause are governed by no other wish
than for the best interests of the country, and
the purest principles of humanity yet | have
not been able TO concur in abotionism | have
thought, and do think, that it is a mistaken phi
lanthropy. md would fear the effects of aboli-
tlonism, even If there were no constitutional OBJ
Jections or violation of personal or State rights,
IN carrying out the system. | fear the effects
would be more fatal to the unhappy and unfortu-
nate African than even slavery itself. Nor can
| help fearing some fatal consequences from the
continuation Of slavery and the slave trade
The Greclan helots ruled their masters with q
rod of iron and all history is false If sayerv dooe