The pilot and transcript. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1840-1841, 1840-07-17

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misinterpreted. Misconceptions ar erroneous con-
structions of the powers granted in the Constitu-
ton would probably have occurred, after the
| lapse of many years, in seasons of entire calm,
and with regular and temperate administration
of the Government; but, during the last twelve
years, the machine, driven by reckless chario-
teer with frightful impetuosity, has been great
ly Jared and jolted, and it needs careful txafli-
nation and thorough repair.
With the view, therefore, to the fundamental
character of the Government itself, and especial
ly of the Exc uive branch, it seems to me that,
either by amendments of the Constitution, when
they are necessary, or. by remedial legislation,
when the object falls within the scope Of the
powers of Congress, there should be,
1st. A provision to render person ineligible
to the Office of President of the United States a-
ter a service of one term.
Much observation and deliberate reflection
have satisfied me that too much of the time, the
thoughts, and the exertions of the incumbent, are
occupied, during his first term, in securing his
reelection. The public business, consequently,
suffers; and measures proposed or executed
with less regard to the general prosperity than
to their influence upon the approaching election.
If the limitation to one term existed, the Fresi-
dent would be exclusively devoted to the dis
charge of his public duties; and he would endea-
vor to signalize his administration by the benef-
cence and wisdom of its measures
I'd. That the veto power should be more pre-
cisely defined, and be subjected to further lnita-
tons and qualifications. Although large, per-
haps the largest, proportion of all the acts of
Congress, since the commencement of the Gov
eminent, were passed within the three last days
of the session, and when of course the Presidents
for the time being had not the ten DAYS for con-
sideration allowed by the constitution, President
jackson, awaiting himself of that allowance, has
failed to return important bills When not re-
turned by the President within the ten DAYS. it
questionable whether they are laws or not. 1t Is
very certain that the next Congress cannot act
upon them by deciding whether or not they shall
become laws, the Presidents objections notwith-
standing. All tins ought to be provided for.
At present, a bill returned by the President,
can only become law by the concurrence OF
two-thirds of the members of each House.
think if Congress passes bill after discussion
and consideration, and, after weighing the OBJ
jectons of the President, still believes it ought
to pass, it should become law, provided ma
ioritv of all the members of each House concur
in its passage. If the weight of his argument
and the weight of his influence conformity can
not prevail on a majority, against their previous
convictions, in my opinion the bill ought not to
be arrested. Such is the provision of the Con-
situations of several of the States, and that of
Kentucky among them.
Sd. The power of dismission from office should
be restricted and the exercise of it be rendered
responsible. 8
The constitutional concurrence of the Senate
is necessary to the confirmation of all important
appointments; but, without consulting the Sen
ate, without any other motive than resentment
or caprice, the President may dismiss, at his sole
pleasure an officer created by the joint action oil
himself and the Senate. The practic Al effect is
to nullify the agency of the Senate. There may
be, occasionally, cases in which the public inte-
rest requires an Immediate dismission without
waiting for the assembling of the Senate; but,
in all such cases, the President should be bound
to communicate fully the grounds and motives OF
the dismission. The power would be thus rem
dered responsible. Without it, the exercise Of
the power is utterly repugnant to free institu-
tions the basis of which is perfect responsibility
and dangerous to the public liberty, as has been
already shown.
4th That the control over the Treasury of the
United States should be contided and confined
exclusively to Congress; and all authority of the
President over i, by means of dismissing the
Secretary of the Treasuls or other persons hay-
ing the immediate charge of it, be vigorously
precluded.
You have heard much fcllow-citizens, of the
divorce of banks and Government. After Grip
ping them and impairing their utility, the Elk
ecutive and its parhsans have systematically
denounced them The Executive and the country
were warned again and again of the fatal course
that has been pursued; but the Executive never
theless persevered, commencing by praising, and
ending by decrying the State banks. Under cover
of the smoke which has been raised, the real
object all along has been, and yetis, to obtain the
possession of the horsepower OF the Union That
accomplished and sanctioned by the Peoplc-the
union of the sword and the purse in the hands OF
the President effectualIy secured--and farewell
to American liberty. The sub-Treasury is the
scheme for effcctlng that union; and, | am told,
that of all the days in the year, that which gave
birth to National existence and freedom is the
selected day to be disgraeed by ushering int
existence measure, inlminently periious to the
liberty which, on that anniversary, we commence
rate in JOYOUS festivals. Thus, in the spirit 81
destruction which animates our rulers, would
they convert day of gladness and of glory into
day of sadness and mourning. Fellow-citizens,
there Is one divorce urgently demanded by the
safety and the highest interests of the country-a
divorce of the President from the Treasury of the
United States.
Congress to any Office, or any but few specified
Offices during their continuance in office, and for
one year thereafter, be prohibited.
This is hackneyed theme, but it Is not less
deserving serious consideration. The constitu-
ton now interdicts the appointment of a menu
Der of Congress to any office created, or the
emoluments of which had been increased whilst
he was in office. In the purer days of the re-
public, that restriction might have been suffi-
cient, but in these more degenerate times, it Is
necessary, by an amendment Of the constitution,
to give the principles greater extent. .t
These are the subjects, in relation to the per
manent character of the government itself which,
it seems to me, are worthy Of the serious atten-
ton of the people, and of a new administration.
There are others, of an administrative nature,
which require prompt and careful consideration.
LIST. The currency of the country, its stability
and uniform value, and, as intimately and in
dissolubly connected with it, the insurance of the
faithful performance of the fiscal services neces-
sary to the government, Should be maintained
and secured BY exercising all the powers requi-
site to those objects with which Congress is con
stitutIonally invested These are the great ends
to be aimed at--the means are of subordinate inn
portance. Whether these ends, Indispensable to
the well-being of both the people and the govern
ment, are to be attained by sound and sale State
banks, carefully selected and properly distribut
ed, or by new. bank of the United States, with
such limitations, conditions, and restrictions as
have been indicated by experience, should be