The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1840-05-16


~ - = he SERIES Of svs Wish ~ 70 spsng from
49, $500 are such you have nd Of 70 have heen
(1sd On the mir plains Of Italy and Gnnl by he
|cyeA1e hofdes Of Attilla and AlariO and such, ~
- q you aPpsehsnd upon thai memorable night
Mhsn ne tomahawks and var club Of the followers Of
seSmseh We're rafting in your suburbs regard nos
fhe any such intention upon the part ofthe
aneha q these schemes, since upon thu exaiien Of
ehe punucasions which have been made they win be
bun9 locontain the every Act and which
vos have been used r s1cA hsd besp cher obiscss
An certain that there y mot in ths assembly Of
thGe detuded men, and that there ara few within the
hosn6s = the Stsas. II thess are any would car
10y 1ntEss. them . sbs.r y pause in theis career
and denbcrately consider tbs consequences Of their
coaduct 70 the whole Union, 70 The States more ims
nats'y in1ssested and those Cor whose benefit they
ofess % act That the latter will be the victims Of
- wsak tnjudcious, pscsumptuous and unconstitu-
tsansi eesss 70 serve them, thorough examination Of
~ sah)ect must convince them. Tie struggle (and
asuggie there must be- may commence with horrors
such = have described, bat II will end with
dENly nveteng the chains o. in the utter extirpaton
q those whose Cause they advocate. Am ! wrong,
faow cs.isens, in applying the terms weak xesumptn
esnancipstcn? A slight examination will, I think,
ausW shaS am not In vindcaAion Of the objects Of
'8he convention which W. htdy held IN ono Of tbs
towns Of Ohio, which saw In . newspaper, II was
SAID NAT nothing intended than to produce
fals Of 6sslina which would lead TO an amendment
Of tho constitution, authorizing the abolition Of slavery
IN Che United States. Now, can an amendment 10
the consttution be effected without the Of the
Southern States What then, is the proposition To be
submitted to thema Il is this: The present provi-
slons Of the constitution to you the right Ga
right which you held before il was made, and which
you have never given up) to manage your domestic
concerns IN your own way; but as we are convinced
that you do not manage them properly we want YOU
to put in the hands Of the General Government in the
councils Of which have the majority, the control
over these matters, the effect Of which will be virtually
to transfer the power from yours into our hands
Again in Of the States and in sections Of Others
the black population far exceeds that Of the white
Some Of the emancipators propose immediate aboli
ton What ID the proposition, then il regards those
States and parts of States but the alternatives Of ANAL
gamation with the blacks exchange of situations
with theml II there any man Of common sense who
does not believe that the emancipated blacks being
majority will not insist upon full participation of po
tcai rights with the whites, and when possessed Of
these that they will contend for full share Of
cla rights also2 What but the extremity Of weak
and folly could induce any one to think that such
propositions these could be listened to by people
10 intelligent those Of the Southern States Fur
ther the emancpators generally declare that is their
intention to effect their object athough their acts
tradici the assert0n) by other than by
vncng the shareholders that the immediate emancipa-
ton Of the slaves called for both by moral obligation
and sound policy. An un6edged youth at the moment
Of his leaving ndeed in many instances before he has
left ~ his Theological Seminary, undertakes to give
lectures upon morals TO the countrymen Of Wythe
Tucker, Pendleton and Lowndes, and lessons OF 10
tical wisdom TO States whose affairs have so rccently
been directed by Jefferson and Madison, Macon and
Crawford Is il possible that instances Of greater va
nifty and presumption could be exhibited2
But the course pursued by the emancpators is un-
constitutional do not say that there are any words
in the constitution which forbid such discussions as
they say they engaged in. know that there are
not And there is even article which secures to
the citizens the right 10 express and publish their OPT
Int
the constitution il always necessary 70 refer to the
circumstances under which was framed, and to as
certain its meaning by comparison of its provisions
with each other and with the previous situation Of the
Of these slavery was recognized and they took care to
have the night secured thcun follow and reclaim
such Of then, were fgitivcs to other States The
laws OF Congrsss passed under this power have pro-
vded punishment to any who shall oppose or interrupts
the exercise of this right Now, any one believe
that the instrument which contains provision of this
kind which authorizes master to pursue his slave into
another State, take him back and provides punish
ment for any citizen citizens Of that State who
should oppose him, should at the time authorize
the latter assemble together pass resolutions and
adopt addresses, not only to encourage the slaves to
leave their masters but TO cut their threats before they
do so2 insist that il the citizens Of the non slave
holding States avail themselves of the article of
the constitution which prohibits the restriction of
speech the press, to publish any thing injurious
the rights Of the slavehoding States they can 90 to
the extreme that have mentioned, and effect any
thing further which writing or speaking could effect
But fellow citizens these not the principles of the
constitution. Such construction would defeat one
of the great objects Of its formation which that
Of securing the peace and harmony Of the States which
were parties to it. The liberty Of speech and the press
were given the most effectua to preserve to
each and every citizen their rights, and the
States the rights which appertained to them at the
time of its adoption.
1T could never have been expected that il would
he used by citizens of portion of the States for the
purpose Of deprvng those of another portion Of the
rights which they had reserved at the adoption of the
Constitution and in the exercise of which but
themselves have any concern or interest If slavery
is an evil land no one more readily acknowledges il
than do the evil is with them If there is guilt in
il the gu is theirs not ours since neither the States
where il does not exist, nor the Government of the
United States can, without usurpation of power and
violation Of solemn compact do any thing to remove
il without the consent Of those who are Immediately
interested With that consent there is not man in
the whole world who would more willingly contribute
his aid TO accomplish il than would. If my vote
could effect it, every surplus dollar in the Treasury
should be appropriated TO that object But they will
neither consent for aid consent TO be aided long
az the illegal Prosecuting, and dangerous movements
are in progress of which complain the interest Of
all concerned requires that these should be immediate
" stopped This can only be done by the force
OF public opinion and that cannot tosoon be brought
into operation. Every movement which is made by the
abotonsts in the -slaveholdng States is viewed
by our Southern brethren an attack upon their
rights and which, if persisted in, must in the end
eradicate those feelings of attachment and affection
between the citizens Of all the States which pro-
luced by community Of interests and dangers in the
war of the revolution, which was the foundation of
our happy Union, and by a continuance Of which
il alone can be preserved cntrcat you then, fellow
citizens, to rown upon the which pro-
duce results much to be deprecated. The opinions
which have now given, have omitted no opporu-
nifty the last IN of
my own State. have taken the liberty to express
them here knowing that if they should unforu
natcy not accord with yours, they would be kindly
ccivcd"
With these proofs Of uniform adherence to
anti abolition views hv General Harrison nun