Whig Republican. [volume] (Lexington, Miss.) 1840-18??, 1840-10-21

STOOD, II applied to other nations, which have
been formed from once disjointed and separate
parts. Our Union isnot that which, like mar
rage tfierges the Dhole rights of the parties
In common stock. We are not
--"Joined like meeting rivers
Which roll into the sea one common food,
And are no more distinguished"
Our union is more properly like an ordinary
co-partnership composed of number of indi-,
vlduals, who each furnish portion of capital,
to be subjected to the control of the majority
of the pattners, but who each also retain ano.
Their portion under their own exclusive manage.
Tent. With the latter, neither the partners
collectively nor individually have any more
right to interfere, shan if there existed no sort
OF connection between them. This is, also,
the theory Of our General and State Govern.
ments. Over the powers retained by the
States respectively, neither the General gov=
eminent nof the other States. nor the citizens
of other States, can exercise the least control.
1t this opinion is correct, it follows that dis
cusslons in public assemblies, in relation to
to alter or affect them, was not in the contem-
plation, either of those who framed the Con-
stitution, or those by whom it was adopted.
Let US apply the theory l endeavor to main
tain to this assembly. We are here, some
5000 persons, in the double character of citi-
zens of Ohio and citizens of the United States
In the first place, we can undertake the consid-
GRAFTON and discussion of any subject belong
ing to our State policy, embody our senti-
ments in the shape of resolutions or petitions,
and in the event of a supposed grievance, pre-
sent them to the appropriate State authorities
for redress. AS citizens of the United States
we are competent to consider and discuss any
subject of national policy, and by SINH
lar process submit the result of our delibera-
tions, if we should choose to do SO, to the de-
POSSESS the power to give us relief. But in
which of these characters, either as citizens
of Ohio, or citizens of the U. States, could
we, consistently with the theory aAd spirit of
the constitution, discuss subject belonging
exclusively to any other Statef
constitutions of some of the States (other than
the federation of slavery which are very much
unlike thos e of Ohio. The property qualifca-
ton of voters for instance. This is a restric-
tion upon the right of suffrage to which per-
sonally | am opposed. / would accord this
important privilege to every citizen. Having
ascertained that he was citizen, l wonld not
proceed to enquire the amount of money he
had in his pocket at the time, or what other
species of property he might possess. With
tion q resolution declaring that the restricted
suffrage in some of the States was an atisto-
cratical feature in their systems of govern
ment and should be abolished. Such propo-
sition could not fail to create much surprise,
and bring to the mind of every man in the as
sembly that neither in his capacity as cti-
zen of Ohio, nor of the U. States, could he in
terfere with the people of Massachusetts, Vir-
ginia and Mississippi in the management of
their domestic concerns. Should be asked
If thought any harm could arise from such
a discussion, answer decidedly in the affirm
alive, harm in more ways than one. 1t woul
tend more, perhaps, than any thing else to de-
stroy the idea of the perfect individuality dis
tinctness of the State government which has
ever been considered as one of the most i'm
portant features in our system, and prepare
the minds of the people for the prostration of
the barriers which have been erected with so
much art and care between the General and
State Governments, and those of the States
respectively, and finally led to that dreaded
consolidation which, in the opinion of our wi
sest and best statesmen, would be the immediA
ate and precursor of the downfall of liberty
1t could not fail, also, to impair, if not entire
" destroy, those feelings of confidence and af-
lection between the citizens of the respective
States, which is the only efectual bond of our
Union.
From the discussion of any question In an
/ conclude with the repetition of my op,n-
ion that the right of the people to write on,
speak on and discuss any subject which they
may deem worthy Of consideration, and that
of petitloning for the redress of any thing
(which they may consider grievance are
secured to them both by the Federal and State
Constitutions, and that these rights can neith-
err be impaired or restricted. The abuse of
them. In the forciole language of the late
distinguished Chief Justice of the U. States
s. it is an evil inseperable from the good to