Democratic standard. [volume] (Georgetown, Brown County, Ohio) 1837-1850, 1840-09-03

lis intended first victim. Nor had tina
victim been unadvisedly marked as the
object of their prosecution. Matthew
Lyon, an American by naturalization, ar
Irishman by birth, (naturalized Irishmen
take notice of this fact, and bear it in
mind, when, in November next you &c
to the polls,) was respectable farmer
ofVermont, the father of numerous
family, and so endeared to his fellow-cit.
izens, both as public and private man.
that he had been called by their suffra.
ges TO represent. them in Congress-
Some of those very qualities, however,
that had designated him to the conf
dence and affection of Democracy, had
pointed him out to Federalism as pow.
erful and dangerous adversary. They
deemed it an act of policy to strike ter
ror among all naturalized citizens, by d.
recting the inAicton of their new penal
act against an offender belonging to that
respectable portion of our political fam
lily. On the other hand, the sturdy Dem
ocrat seems to have courted, rather than
Stunned, this contest between right and
might: this struggle between the SUI
preme law Of the land that protected, and
the law ofa party that threatened him.
He had weighed the probable results of
what he intended, before he wrote and
published-but, like Hampden, he had
determined, at all hazards, to test the
consttutionality of the new statute
His aim was to place its authors in the
embarrassing dilemma either to let it
lie dormant and harmless, a bfutum full
men, in their law arsenal, or to meet, in
broad daylight, the indignant eyes of A
merican patriots. ifthey attempted to eX-
ecute its penal enactments. In tie tor
mer alternative, contempt would visit the
faint-hearted politicians, who, having
threatened, had not the hardihood to
strike when de6ed and in the other hy-
pothesis, odium, deep, undying, odium,
would attach to the grand jury that should
denounce the pretended offence; TO the
petit jury, who, in the trial of the cause,
under the provisions Of that act, should
allow their right of determining whether
or not the words set forth in the indict-
ment were false, scaudalous, and mali
cious, to be even questioned; and to the
Judge, who, usurping this right-the pat
rimony Of American jurymen-should,
without the special finding Of The jury TO
that effect, pronounce the publication Ii
bellious.
A part ofthiS memorable publication,
thrown by its fearless author in the very
teeth of the self-made inquisitors into the
expressed thoughts of free Americans on
political subjects, and in relation TO acts
of public functionaries, we transcribe,
word for word. We lott for those Amer
ican Democrats grown up TO manhood,
and ripened into age, since the caIam-
of 1898, under the wise and temperate
administration of Jefferson, Madison and
Monroe; even under the four years of
the younger Adams, (for he burst not ex-
hume the feted corpse Of the sedition law
and bring it, galvanized, into a second,
unnatural, convulsive existence,) under
the glorious Presidency of people-born
hickory Jackson; and now, under the au-
spicious administration of MarlIn Van Blu
rem, a statesman as intent on preserving
the Union as Washington; as tenacious
of State rights as Jefferson; as acute in
the provision and avoidance of collision
between State sovereignties and Federal
powers as Madison; as unOstentacious,
mild, and conciliatory as Monroe; as,bold
and determined, in all internal questions,
to maintain the unsullied fame of Amerl-
can honor, as Jackson himself; like him,
100, infexibly resolved 10 free our coun'
try from the trammels Of Bank monopoly
and, to close this parallel, like two of his
illushious predecessors, Jefferson and
jackson, the object of the undying hatred
of the confederated foes of Democracy.
Nearly half century of uninterrupted fei
bcity, of unshackled freedom, both Of bo
dy and mind, to which future historians
may we'll apply the boast Of Tacitus, Who
living in the reign Of Trojan, exclaimed
in the exultation of disenthraled mind
GA glorious period! in which, through
the rare felicity of the times, man may
think with freedom, and what he thinks
he may publish to the worldw
We do so, we repeat it, that the Democ
racy of our day may understand wha
were the bearings Of that odious law; anC
over what fearful extent Of debasing re
preston it could be made 10 stretch, b.
timorous or packed iurymen. Here yol
have it all, Americans; read and medi
tate!
"As to the Executive, when shall SCI
the effects of that power bent OIL the pro
motion Of the comfort, the happiness, ant
accommodation of the people, that Execu
tive shall have my Jealous and uniform
support. But whenever ! shall, on tn
part Of our Executive, see every conside
, ration of public welfare swallowed up in
, conlual grasp for power, in an unbonnde
thirst for ridiculous pomp, foolish adul'
} lation. and selfish. avarice-when ! sha
|, f., n ~ - o,,t doilw turnad M