Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, 1840-10-15


resist the public will, until the country is
reused to a high and simultaneous effort, and
the imperative mandate of the public voice
dismisses the unfaithful servants from their
places. Now, ask, can it be supposed that
this Government can go on long In course
of successful operation, if no change can be
produced without such an effort as that in
which the. People of this country arc now en-
raped | put it to the old-iashioned Rcpub-
1icans of Virginia. ask them, whether it
can be supposed that this free Republican
Government of ours can last for half centu-
nv longer, if its Administration cannot be
changed without such ain cxcitemant-l may
say, such civil revolution, as is now in pro-
gress, and, l trust is near its completion
/ present this case as the greatest and |
strongest Of all proofs that Executive power
in this country has increased, and is danger
GUS to liberty that when majority OF the
people have for a long time been opposed to
an Administration, it still requires such an ell
fort-it still demands that men should stimuli
taneously relnquish all their private pursuits
to produce a change of that Administration.
Ii this be so, then ask, what arc the eau
ses which have given and have augmented
this force of Executive power? The disci-
piles of the ancient school of Virginia long en-
tertained the opinion that there was great
danger of encroachment by the General Gov-
eminent, on the just rights otthe States; bat
they were also alarmed at the possibility OF
an undue augmentation OF the Executive pow
er. 1t becomes us at crisis like the pres
ent, to recur to first principles-to go back
to our early history, and to see how the ques-
ton actually stands.
You all we'll know that, in the formation
of Constitution for the government OF this
country, the great difficulty its trainers scn-
ccuntered was with regard to the Executive
power. 1t was easy to establish a House oil
Representatives and second branch of the
Government, in the form of 4 Senate, for 1t
was very obvious thing to say that the
States should be represented III one House OF
Congress as the People We're rerresentcd.-
But the great ard perpleXing question was,
how to limit and regulate the Executive pow
or in such a manner that while 1t defended
the country, it should not be able to endanger
civil liberty. Our fathers had seen and felt
tae Inconvenience during the revolutionary
war, of IL weak Executive in Government
The country had suffered much from that
cause. There was not any unity OF purpose
or efficiency ofaction in It's executive power
AS the country had iust emerged from one
war, and might be plunged into another, they
were looking intcntly to such constitution
as should secure an efficient Executive
Perhaps it remains to be seen, whether In
this respect they had not better have given
less power to this branch and taken all the
Inconvenience arising from the want OF 1t,
rather than to hazard the granting OF so much
as might prove dangerous not only to the 9TH
or departments of Government, but to the
safety and freedom of the country at large.
Because, in the first place, 1t is the EXecu-
tive which confers all the tavors of Govern
.nent. 1t has the patronage In Its hands, and
if we look at the augmentation OF patronage
which has taken place In this country, we
shall see that in the course of things, and to
answer the purposes of men, this patronage
has greatly increased. We shall find the eX-
penditures for Office has very much increased.
We shall find that this is true OF the civil
and Diplomatic departments-we shall find
it is true of all the departments; OF the Post
Office, and especially of the Commercial
Department. Thus to take an instance from
one of our great commercial cities In the
Custom House at New DIRK the number OF
officers has in twelve years increased three
fold-while the emoluments OF office have
been augmented more than three-fold, as well
as | remember. There is thus aconstant in
crease of power from the bcstowment OF Of
fee.
Then there is the power of removal
power which in some instances has been eX-
crcised most remorsely. by whatever party
it is exercised, unless it he called for blythe
actual exigencics of the public service, Viz
ginia, more than any State of the Union, has
ever rejected, disowned, disavowed the pow
er of removal for opinions sake. Loud
cheers.) do honor to Virginia III this re-
spect. That power has been far less practls-
ed in Virginia than in certain States where
the Spoils' doctrine is known to be more pop
MAR. But this power of removal, sanctioned
as it is by-time, does exist, and l have seen
it exercised in every part of the country where
public opinion tolerated it, with a most re-
morScless hand.
will now say, however, that which adj
NIT to be very presumptdous, because 1t is
said, notwithstanding the illustrious authori-
ty of one of the greatest Of your great men-a
man better acquainted with the Constitution
of the United States than any other mana
man who saw il in its cradle-who held itin
his arms, as one may say, in It's infancy
who presented and recommended 1t to the A.
merican people, and who saw it adopted very
much under the force of his own reasoning
and the weight of his own reputatlon-who
lived long enough to see 1t prosperous-toe en-
Joy its honors-and who at last went down
to the grave among ten thousand blessings
for which morning and evening he had thanked
God ~ mean James Madison. Yet even
from this great and good man, whom hold
to be chief among the just interpreters OF tie
Constitution, am constrained, however pre-
sumptuous it may be considered TO differ lii
relation to one of his interpretations Of that
instrument. j refer to the opinion expressed
by him, thatthe power of removal from Office |
does exist i'm the Constitution as an indepen- |