Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, 1840-05-14

more firmly riveting the chains, or i'm utter
eXtirpation, of those whose cause thew advo-
cate.
".7m / ,0ronS, .fello,o-citize,as, in applying
lie terms, ,cedk, Presumpfuous, and unconsiitu-
honoi, to the measures of the emancipators
A slight examination will, l think, show that
am not. In vindicaton of the objects of a
Convention which was lately held in one of
the towns of Ohio, which saw in n news
paper, 1t was said that nothing more was in
tended than to produce state of public feel
ing which would lead to an amendment of the
Constitution, authorizing the abolition of
slavery In the United States. Now, can an
amendment of the Constitution be effected
without the consent of of the Southern States!
What then, is the proposition to be submitted
to them! 1t is this; The present provis-
ions of the Constitution secure to YOU the roht
Ga right which you held before it was made,
which you have never given up) to manage
your domestic concerns in your own way;
hut aswe are convinced that YOU do not man
age them properly, we want you to put in the
hands of the General Government, in the
councils of which we have the majority. the
control over these matters. the effect ofwhich
VIII be virtually to transfer the power from
yours into our hands,
IS. -
tons of others, the black population far ex-
| coeds that ofthe white. Some of the eman-
cipators propose an immediate abolition.
what is the proposition, then, as it regards
,hese States and parts of States, but the al
ternatives OF amalgamation with the blacks,
or an exchange of situations with them1 Is
| tnere any man OF common sense who does
not Delleve that the emancipated blacks. be-
ing ma ority, will insist upon full partici-
patton of political rights with the whites :;
and, when possessed of these, will they not
contend Tor full share ofsoca rights also z
| what but the extremity Of weakness and fol-
| ~ could induce any one 10 think that such
propositions as these could be listened to by
apeople so intclligentas the Southern States?
| Further: the emancipators generally declare
that 1t is their intention to effect their object
| (aithough their acts contradict the assertion)
by no other means than by convincing the
Shareholders that the immediate emancipa-
lion OF the slaves is called for, both by moral
obligation and sound policy. An unfedged
youth, at the moment of leaving (indeed, in
many instances, before he mas left it) his
theological seminary, undertakes to give lee
lures upon morals to the countrymen of
Wythe, Tucker, Pendleton and Lowndes {;
and lessons of political wisdom to States
whose affairs have so recently been directed
by Jefferson and Madison, Macon and Craw-
ford. is al possible that in.tances Of greater.
oanity and presumption could be erhi5iled ?
But the course pursued by tie emancip0tor as
unconstitutionai2 do not say that there are
any words in the Constitution which forbid
the discussions they are engaged in; ]
know that there are not. And there is even
an article which secures to the citizens the
! right to express and publish their opinions
| without RESTRICTION. But Ii the construction
OF the Constitution it is always necessary to
refer to the circumstances under which it was
framed, and TO ascertain its meaning by n
comparison of its provisions with each other.
and with the previous situation of the several
states who were parties to it. In portion
OF these, slavery was recognised, and they
TOOK care to have the right secured to them to
follow and reclaim such of them as were f,,-
gItives to other States. The laws Of Con-
gress, passed under this power, have provid-
ed punishment to any who shall oppose or
interrupt the exercise of this right. New,
can any one believe that the instrument.
winch contains provision of this kind
winch authorizes master to pursue his slave
INTO another State, take Gim back, and pro-
vides punishment for any citizen or citizens
OF that State who should oppose him, should,
! at the same time, authorize the latter to as
semble together, to pass resolutions and a.
/ dopt addresses, not only to encourage the
slaves to leave their masters, but 10 cut their
Threats before they do 500
81 insist that, if the citizens of the nom
i slaveholding States can avail themselves of
| the article of the Constitution which prohib-
It's the restriction of speech or the press to
! publish any thing injurious to the rights of
the slaveholding States, they can 90 to the
extreme that have mentioned, and effect a
NY thing further which writing or speaking
could effect. But, fellow-citiZens, these are
not the principles of the Constitution. Such
construction would defeat one of the great
objects OF It's formation, winch was, that of
securing the peace and harmony of the States
which We're parties to it. The liberty of
speech ard OF the press was given as the most
enectaal means to preserve to each and every
clt1zen their own rights, and to the States the
rights which appertained to them at the time
OF their adoption. 1t could never have been
expected that it would be used by the citizens
OF one portion of the States for the purpose
OF deprIving those of another portion of the
| rights which they had reserved at the adop-
| tion OF the Constitution, and in the exercise
| OF which none but themselves have any con-
Germ or interest. If slavery is an evil. the g.
VII is with them. If there is guilt in il, the
| guilt Us theirs, not ours, since neither the
| States where 1t does not exist, nor the Gov
eminent of the United States, can, without
usurpation of power, and the violation of 4
solemn compact, do any thing to remove it
without the consent of those who are inmedi
ateiy Interested. But they will neither asl,
Tor aid, nor consent to be aided, whilst the IL
legal, prosecuting, and dangerous movements
are IN progress, of which / connDlain. the in