The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1840-02-25

| fnent is coniined 10 lew, and n Is benehcidi
to a large majority Of the States, il would be
evidence of as little foresight, as OF moral rec
,ltude IN the latter, to counienance the injury"
On the subject Of Internal improvements.
General Harrison, Iapprehend, never gave
SO strong vote in affirmation Of the power
Of the General Government, as Mr. Van Blu
ren's vote for the erection Of tollgates on
the Cumberland road, according to his own
admission, was; and if you look into the re-
cent Report OF tho Secretary Of War, you will
find that that officer, as the organ OF the admi-
nistration in this branch OF the public policy,
distinctly asserts the constitutional power Of
Internal improvements in the federal govern
ment, :" IN regard TO such works as are OF GO
neral utility" while his statements and re-
marks show that appropriations for works even
OF different character have received the Off
clal approval and signature Of the President.
Gen. Harrison, in his letter TO Sherrod Will
hams, Esq, declares his opinion that " no mo-
ney should be taken from the Treasury of the
United States TO be expended on Internal I'M
Provements, but for those ,chich are strictly
national" and Inculcates, with great force, the
propriety OF "forbearance and cancellation in
regard TO power, The exercise Of which, had
produced, and would, doubtless, continue TO
produce jealousies and dissenson."
| Let Us now see what foundation there is for
the assertion that Gen. Harrison is in favor of
a National Bank. We have already seen that,
In his address 10 the voters of the Cincinnati
district in 1922, he expressly declared that
"he believed The charter given to the Bank of
the United States was unconstitutional" In
his letter to Mr.. Sherrod Williams, in answer
to the query, "whether il elected President,
ne would sign bill with proper notifications
and restrictions, for charlering Bank Of the
United States" he replies in the following
very specific and guarded terms-"I would, if
i were clearly asce, tanned that the public in
terest In relation to the collection and dis
bursement of the revenue would materially
suffer without one, and there were uneqniuocal
manifestations efpublic opinion IN its }aror. |
think, however, the experiment should be faiyiy
tried to ascertain whether the financial opera
hons OF the government cannot be as well
carried on without the aid Of National Bank.
ifn IS not necessary for that purpose, il does
not appear to me that one can be constitutions
[ ally chartered. There is no construction
which can give to the Constitution which
would authorize il, on the ground of affording
facilities to commerce." II is TO be remarked
that Gen. Harrison here speaks, not Of what
ne would recommend, or is personally in ia
vor OF, but what he would do, in The epent of a
bill Tor chartering bank, under proper modi-
fcations and restrictions, being passed by
Congress and presented to him for his sigma
ture; and even in that case he says he would
sign il only under the special contingencies he
enunerates, to wit, that it had been clearly as
ccrfained BY experience TO be necessary for
carrying on the financial operations Of the GO
vernment, and that there were unquivocal
manifestations of public opinion in its favor"
and, he adds emphatically, that unless it
should be shown ito be necessary for conduct
ing the financial operations OF the govern
Inent he does not think one can be constitu-
tionaily chartered" Connecting what Gen.
Harrison here says with the declaration in his
address 10 the voters Of his district in 1922, it
IS evident that his own eanings are decidedly
against National Bank. While this is Gen..
Harrison's position on the question Of a Ma
tional Bank, Mr.. Van Buren, is, we know, ac
lively exerting all the influence of his high
office to force upon the country great go
rernmeni bank, (under the disguise OF his
Sub-treasury schemc,) controlled entirely by
executive agency, and thus efiecting, in the
hands Of the President that union Of the mo-
neyed and political power Of the government,
which has ever been held fatal to the liberties
OF free people.
This question of Erecutirc po,rcr is, after
all, the great and paramount question Of the
day, thrcatening,-as it does, the existence Of
that civil and political freedom on which all
our institutions repose. We have'seen what
rapid and alarming development, by means
Of party discipline, the abuse Of official pa
tronage, and the new and extraordinary pre-
tensions put forth by the President and his
friends, this power has recently attained till
the Government has been warped into practi-
cal monarchy Of the worst sort, in which all
power is centred in one man, to be used, not
for the good of the people, but for the erclu-
sire benefit Of party TO "correct this pro-
cedure"-to "restrain Executive power"
within its legitimate bounds--to bring back
the F" administration to republican forms and
principles" and to protect the "purty and in.
dependence Of the legislative department.
should now be the object Of every republican
patriot, as it was that which, Mr.. Jefferson
tells us, 18th vol. Of his writings, page 45o,)
first aroused and united the republicans of '9S
and 80. To enable you the better to judge
Of the principles and opinions of Gen. Har-
rison on this great question OF Executive
power, in contrast with the doctrines and
practices Of the present administration, will
| extract from his letter to the Hon. Harmar
Denny, written four years ago, certain card-
nal principles which he lays down as proper
to be observed by any Executive sincerely
DESTROYS of restoring the Government to its
original simplicity and republicanism," and
then exhibit in immediatejuxta postiont to them
the correlative principles fairly deducible from
the practice or express declarations of the