Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1840-07-14

man who properly understands the duties OF such po-
sition. You worm no secrets ont of him by asking him
what The Scotch call "pawky questions" lie is as
close as an oyster.
bv Executive influence" He will magnanimously
permit them to do exactly as they think proper. lie
VIII not lead them by the nose, as he might do without
the least trouble. He will not, by disclosing his own
ou;nions. make himself stthe source from which all the
measures of the government emana.c,' knowing as ne
does that Congress would make the opinions OF so very
wise a man the sole rule of their conduct. tie might,
{ is true, make a few general fourishes when 1t was
certain that no practical application could be made OF
them. hui sin regard to all subjects upon which the le-
g;sIainre NAV be called TO act, in other words, in all
cases where it could be of the least consequence to
know his opinions, he tells US he would not declare
them. For a member of Congress to publish his views
on such matters may be very proper, but not for a
candidate who is eanrassing for the Presidency. 1T IS
t~s%nIsness when Intercepted to look wise and keep a
close mouth. In short, according to Harrison $ doc.
tr;ne he President Of the United States is to be a kind
of dummy. whose business is merely to sign the bills
passed by both houses.
which be Is 50 "frank, full and explicit" We hope
thew satisfy our readers. They are an admirable sum
mary Of his views on the questions Of Banking, Ia
riffs Abolition, State Debts, Bankrupt Laws, Internal
improvements, &c, &c. They might be compressed
into this short phrase, addressed TO all those imper,i-
n.nt neopIe who are curious to know what he thinks
on these MISREPRESENTATION, it is none of your busi-
III lbVoC huNN~'
ness" +,
II was \ GOOD piece of advice which an experienced
LAWYER oove TO friend, not very well verscd in Jurls-
nrndence. who was appointed a Judge in one of the
British colonies: 'Nevcr attempt to give any reasons
for vour decisions, : said the old advocate; "for If you
do Won will be quite certain TO give bad ones
Harrison's friends have cause to regret that some
such adviser was not at his elbow when he penned the
letter 20 the Committee Of the Wing members OF the
New York Legislature, which we published yesterday.
VI he riyec for mot answering the questions
which the people Of the United States are asking, are
worse if possible than his refusal to answer.
One Of the reasons he gives for not answering IS,
that unprincipled men will answer falsely. lie says:
"The people of this country do not rely on PROBES
sions, promises and pledges. They know that ifa can.
didate is unprincipled he will not scruplc to give any
pledge that may be required of him, and as little will he
hesita.-- to violate it, :.
In DINER words, .us.s: me no questions and will tell
YOU no lies" Is then Gen. HARRISON wiling 10 pro-
claim himself a dishonest man, T!.o can p:S!ess one
one thing and practise another If so he IL cetta'hts
not fit to be the candidate of any party. If, on the other
hand, he means TO practise what he processes, where is
the evil of making his professions public: Must no
man tell the truth because some men speak falsely
Must no man declare his opinions, because some per-
sons profess opinions that they do not hold? Yet this IS
the drift of Harrison's doctrine. Again says General
Harrison:
oAs it regards the subjects upon which the Lcgisla-
ture may be called TO act, the pledges and opinions
should be required, if required at all, of the members
of Congress-"
Here we plunge into another difficulty. If a can
dida;e for the Presidency is not TO declare his opinions
because the danger is that he may lie, why should a
member of Congress he called upon to declare his
Cannot a member of Congress play the knave as well
as a candidate for the Presidency: Are all those who
canvass for n seat in Congress honest men, and all
who canvass for the Presidency knaves and hypocrltes:
Another reason given by Harrison for not declaring
his opinions while a candidate, is that they might have
an influence on the legislation of Congress in case he
should be elected. He would leave Congress, he
SAYS. sas much as possible untrammelled 10y Executive
influence in the discharge of its legislative functions
And again, he says that the applications made to him
''for his opinions relative to matters OF legislation, I'M
py that, in the opinion of the writers, "thc Presidential
office is the proper source and origin OF all the legisia-
ton of the country, ' an opinion which he thinks at war
with every principle ofthe Constitution. In other words,
General Harrison holds that it is not the business of the
President of the United States TO trouble Congress with
his opinion on any matter which may be the subject OF
legislation.
The Constitution of this Republic, in enumcrating
the duties of the President, says:
"He shall from time to time give to the Congress in
formation of the state of the Union, and recommend
to their consideration such measures as he shall judge
necessary and expedient."
General Harrison puts his veto on tins clause OF The
Constitution. He would not discharge the duty OF
publicly suggesting TO Congress such laws as he might
think necessary, lest he should ''trainmel them with
Executive influence" There is no greater nonsense
than this. The President has other means of making
known his wishes to members of Congress than by mes
sages and public declarations. a neglect to recon-.
mend proper laws in 4 public manner, would not be the
slightest security against. the influence of Executive in
luence. Messages and other official declarations are
intended for the people as well as for members of Con.
gress; and if they were abolished, the more dangerous
method Of private suggestion would be resorted to.
~. y. Post.