The Madisonian., 1840-02-01

square, or any lesser qusniiy. TO be located within
the limits OF this State and IN any pars 'ns'so. s
,n2ress may by law direc and The same Is nereoy
frever ceded aud rclinquished 10 The Congress ana
GIVE nmsn Of the United States, In iu anu absolute
right e1elsiUs jurisdictions, as weii" sou rs OF
persons residing OF To reside thereon, pusuaM 10 hs
kasr and sfcctO Ms egAM section ~ the frt orfi-
eleef ne Consultations oj ue Government of ths O1i-
ted States"
Is not here, sir, clear limitation upon the
powers OF this Government over this District
10 the enumerated powers of the Constltus
iiunl and did not Congress accept the ces-
sion with this condition annexed! With
what proprIey. then, can Congress be asked TO
usurp power and violate this express condi.
tiont But, sir, another view presents itseli,
growing out OF this section of the art. which
clearly proves the intention Of the contracting
parties, and their views Of the powers oil Con-
gress over this subject when tile cession was
made. This section conferred upon Con-
gress the power Of locating the ten miles
square, any where in the state OF Virginia,
which it ,night select. Suppose 1t had been
located SO as TO include the city Of Richmond,
as il mi ght have beenl Do you think, sir,
Virginia had bestowed upon Congress dis
creIion which, in her eslimaton would have
enabled 1t to abolish slavery in the very centre
of its slave population, embracing It's very
cspual The idea is too preposterous TO think
Of. Thus, sir, the power of Congress is not
only limited by the plain letter of the Con-
slitulion, bu, by its pIighled iailh, which II is
bound, by every consideration Of national ho-
nor Ia fulfil.
/ he QUESTION now recurs, Mr. Speaker,
what disposition should be made Of these Pc
litions; should they be received or nor.
contend that they should not be received. -
firs,, because they ask Congress 10 do that
which il has no constitutional power To do
| haiter myself that have satisfactorily
proved that Congress has no constitutional
power TO abolish " slapery," or the "stape
trade" between citizens of this District and
the slave States and between the slave States
themselves, and that if the prayers OF the Pc
iilioners were to prevail, It would be in viola
ton Of the Constitution, and III utter disre-
gard Of the rights OF private property
Why. then, receive petitions which call upon
the House TO do what il has, palpably, no
power to dol II is an idle waste OF time,
and most pernicious example. Second be-
cause from the effects which the introduction
of such petitions, must necessarily produce.
Their introduction uniformly produces excite
ment and Improbable discussion here, and
corresponding excitement in the two great
sections Of the Union. The discussions here
are well calculated To produce hearlburnlngs,
iealousies and alterations, between the Re-
presentatives Of the slavoholding and non
saveholding States, which will act and react
upon their constituents, and produce like feel
ings among them to the hazard OF the peace
Of the country and the integrity Of the Union.
Not only, this, but these discussions, urged in
manner SO violen, and unreserved, will find
their way to the slave population, and excite
among them delusive hopes and spirit OF in
subordnaton, and attempts at insurrectiOn,
which, after the butchery Of few helpless
women and children, can only end in their
own destruction. These are the only effects
which the introduction and discussion Of these
petitions are calculated 10 produce. Why,
then, introduce them! Why cast irebrand
into the midst OF such combustible materials,
and hazard an explosion so fatal TO the has-
mony Of this body, the peace of the nation,
and the integrity of the Union! Why pro-
duce dscord, where harmony and good will
would otherwise prevail Is there any good
likely to be accomplished, worth such immi-
nent hazards None. sir whatever The
trainers of the Constitution, men, whose wis
dom and patriotism was never surpassed, fore
saw the delcacy and danger Of this question
Of slavery, and wisely closed the doors of the
Federal Constitution upon it. They saw in
this young and rising nation, all those elements
Of greatness, which need only be discreetly
used, to produce unparalleled power, pros
perlty and glory. They ioresaw that section
al jealonsles alone, could produce that alien
alton Of feeling which would sever this great
fabric Of liberty and break it into powerless,
contemplate fragments. They foresaw that,
of all other subjects, none were so likely TO
produce these disastrous consequences as that
Of domestic slavery in The States; and they,
therefore. wisely determined not to clothe the
Federal Gov rnment with any power over the
subject, but leave it entirely 10 the jurisdiction
of the States where it existed. Let us imi-
tate, Mr.. Speaker, this high and patriotic ex.
ample of our fathers, and close forever the
doors Of this Hall 10 this infammatory, excl
ting and dangerous subject, by keeping out
this description of petitions, as dangerous to
the peace and tranquility Of the country and
the integrity Of the Union. Interest patri-
otism and duty all unite in imperiously de-
mandingit il. If through the instrumentality Of
this question, this Union, consecraied by the
best blood of our fathers, and founded upon
the true principles Of liberty, should ever be
broken down, we shall incur heavy and ir-
redeemable responsibility to the world and to
pos,eri,y
Third. Because, if the prayer Of such pc.
ttion should be granted, il would be in viola
tion of that faith which is fairly inferrible
from the compact of cosson, and dangerous
to the tranquility and subordnation Of the
slaves in Virginia and Maryland. 1t cannot
be, for a MON, INT, supposed that Virginia and
Maryland, two Of the largest slave holding
States in the Union, would have peen guilty