Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1840-10-31

longer needed. daughter and cheers)
Fellow Citizens: We are on a great march
TO the triumphant victory OF the principles Of lib.
erty over executive power. live do not accom-
plish it, the future own, appears to me full Of
darkness and doubt.-lf the American people
shall sanction the course and the principles Of
this Administration, for one, though have been
thought hitherto Of rather sanguine tempera-
ment, shall begin not little to despair Of the
republic. But | will not despair Of it. The
public mind is afoused men are beginning to
think for tn emselves, and when they do this they
are not far from right decision. There is now
an attempt on the part of the Administration,
who seem beginning at length to fear for the per.
petuity Of their power, TO excite feeling OF &C.
rmony and bitterness among neighbours. Have
you not seen this particularly Of late in the Ad'
ministration papers! Be above it, (Cries Of sue
will--1ce are,'' mingled with cheering.) Tell
your neighbors that we are embarked in one cause,
and that we must sink or swim together. Invite
them not in q taunting, but in generous and
temperate spirit, TO come forth and argue the great
question OF the day, and to see il they can give
good ard solid reason, why there should not be a
change. Yes, CHANGE. said when was in
Baltimore, and repeat here, the cry, the univer
sal cry, is for change. (cheers) However well
many may think Of the motives and designs OF the
existing administration, they see it has not sue.
ceeded in securing the welbeing OF the country
and they are for change. Let US revile nobody
let us repel nobody. They desire but light; let
US give it to them. Let us discuss with moderation
and GOODNESS the great topics Of public policy, and
endeavor 10 bring all men Of American heart and
feeling into what sincerely believe to be, the true
AMERICAN CAUSE. How shall Lob how shall
I-.-express to you my sense of the obligation which
rests upon this generation to preserve from desruc-
ton our free and happy Republican institutions?
Who shall spread discussions among us? Are we
not together under one common Government 10
obtain which the blood Of your fathers and Of
mine was poured out together in the same hard
fought fields Nay.-.does Imagination ITSELF in
its highest fight, suggest any thing in the form Of
political institutions, for which you would ex.
change these dearly thought institutions OF our
own? (Shouts of mo, no!'')
For my part, having now arrived at the period
Of life when we begin to reflect upon the past,
love to draw around me in thought, those pure
and glorious spirits who achieved our revolution.
cannot find deeper or more (ervent sentiment
in my heart, than that these precious institutions
and Liberties which we enjoy may be transmitted
unmpaired to the latest posterity.-.hat they may
terminate with the termination OF all things earth.
y---when the world itself shall terminate
When rap't in flames the realms of ether glow,
And Heavens last thunders shake the world below
NorE.-The following is the passage to which
Mr. Webster referred in a previous part of his
speech:
Extract from Mr.. WebSter's speech in reply tn Mr..
Hayne, January 2lst, 1880.
At the very first Congress- petitions on the sub
joct of slavery presented, if | mistake not
from different States. The Pennsylvania society
for promoting the abolition of slavery, took lead,
and laid before Congress memorial, pra ying Con-
greSs to promote the abolition of such powers as
it possessed, This memorial was referred, in The
House of Representatives, to select Committee,
consisting of Mr. Foster of New Hampshire, Mr..
Gerry of Massachusetts, Mr.. Huntingdon of Con-
necticnt, Mr.. Lawrence Of New York, Mr.. Lin.
nickson of New JERSEY, Mr.. Hartly Of Pen nsylva-
MIA, and Mr.. Parker of Virginia of them, sir,
rs you will observe, Northern men, but the last
This committee made report, which wa commit
ted to committee of the whole House, and there
considered and discussed on several days. and
being amended, although without material altera-
ton, it was made to express three distinct propo
sitiOns on the subject Of slavery and the slave
trade. First, in the words of the Constitutions
that Congress cannot, prior to the year lSOS, pro-
hbit the migration or importation Of such persons
as any of the States then existing should think
proper to admit; second, that Congress had author
ity to restrain the citizens of the United States
from carrying on the African slave trade, for The
purpose of supplying foreign countries. On this
proposition our early laws against those who en-
gage in that traffic, founded. The third propo.
Siton, and that which bears on the present ques-
ton, was expressed in the following terms:
Resolved, That Congress has no authority to in
| IS. IL
treatment of them in any of the Statesit remain
ing with the several States alone to provide rules
and regulations therein which humanity and true
policy may require.
This re~olutioa received the sanction Of the
House Of Representatives so early as March,
1880. And now sir, the honorable gentleman will
allow me to remind him, that not only were the Sc.
ect committee who reported the resolution, with a
single exception, all Northern men, but also that
of the members then composing the House of Rep
resenatvcs, a large minority, I believe nearly
twO-lhrds, were Northern men also.
The House agreed to insert these resolutions in
its Journals and from that day to this, it has ne
yer been maintained or cOntended that Congress
had my authority to regulate or interfere with the
condition Of slaves in the several States. No
Northern gentleman, to my knowledge has mo-
we'd any such question in either House of Congress-
The FAIRS of the South, whatever fears they
might have entertained, were allayed and queted
by this early decision, and so remained until they
were excited afresh without cause but for cOllate-
raj and indirect purposes. Wen it became neces-
sary, or was thought so b. political persons,
to lind an unvar.ing ground for the exclusion Of
Northern men from confidence and from lead in the
affairs of the Republic, then, and not till then, the
cry was raised, and the feeling industrously excl
ted, that the influence of Northern men in The pub
lie councils would endanger the relation of master
and slave.