The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1840-09-04
WHAT CLAIM HAVE THE suB-THEAsuRY LEADERS
TO PUBLIC CONFIDENCE
Extracts from The speech Of Nh. BELL, Of TEN
NEssEE, on the sub Treasury Bin.

|
Extracts from The speech Of Nh. BELL, Of TEN
i NEssEE, on the sub Treasury Blu
/ Let US see, sir, IL have done the leaders on the
side of this bill any injustice In denying to them any
just claim upon the public confidence on the ground
OF the principles or policy they now will be-
gin with the head of the Executive branch of the Gov
ernment (Mr. Van Buren, and who is, at the same
time sr Qeio, the head of his party. This gentleman
IN 1898 was ultra IN his support Of internal improve
ments-voting in favor Of the power to establish toll
gates and TO appoint federal toll collectors upon the
roads within the States. In the next year or two he
dsavowed his opinion, but still maintained the power
TO appropriate money to toorks within the States and
ne ACTUALLY voted for many such appropriations while
member of the Senate Of the United States At the
present Juncture we find him quoted and relied upon
IN the South as utterly opposed to the whole system
and policy of internal Improvement by the General
Government, in any form whatever. Upon this great
subject then, he has BEEN at some time other of
all opinions, and upon all sides oft
Now let try him The subject Of the tariff
In 1921 we find him voting for il without scruple or
/ qualification, and without instructions In 1928
find him still voting for il, in the most unjust, unequal
and oppressive form assumed but for this act
claiming to be governed by the instructions of his
friends and supporters IN Nep York. AT this mo
ment, sir, defy any to say, with any certainty
confidence, whether he is for against the protec
tive policy, though he allows himself to be reputed
| against il in the South On the great question Of the
power TO establish United States Bank, we find Mr.
Van Buren,, in 1926, expressing the deliberate opinion
IN the Senate that since the approval of the late char
ter Ivy MIR. Madison in 1916, the power could no lon
ger be questioned Upon the question of the expedi-
ency of such institution, he in suspense until
General Jackson lead oil in 1882, and then he only
ventured the sentiment at public dinner that the
"rar against THE United States Bank should be
| COMPROMISING" Jet now he appears to have changed
his opinion the question of the poper and TO have
TO the conclusion that his speech in 1896 not
well considered lie now thinks no such power can
be exercised on any ground. At what time this change
took place we have knowledge believe il was
not until 1886 that this new opinion was avowed.-
| Again we find Mr., Van Buren, concurring with his
party in 1878 and q, in the doctrine that State
banks the safest repositories of the public moneys
and that it was sound and republican principle TO
foster, strengthen and support the State institutions
But now sir, find him denying their claims to the
countenance OF Government in any shape and utterly
| repudiatng them fit to be employed or treated
financial agents In 1S34-5, and o. he held the doc
trne that the Federal Government had the power to
interfere in the regulation of the eurrency but in 1887
he came to the conclusion that this Government had
no right to interfere with the currency which the
States may think proper to establish
| Upon another great and delicate question Mr.. Van
Buren,, though protesting TO be sound and orho-
dox in his support Of Southern interests and institu
tons yet in the crisis Of this question: at the critical
moment when it was to be decided whether the South
should continue to have that most valuable of all guar
antics for the protection of their peculiar nterestsd
majority Of the Representatives. in Congress-or be for
ever afterwards dependent upon the uncertain justice
and forbearnnce of majority chosen from free States
he was against them But for that, the South might
have looked with indifference and contempt upon all
the Vaccinations of the combined anacism OF Europe
and America against their institutions. Now, let me
ask you sir if you rely upon the future course Of
this gentleman upon any Of the great questions to
which have alluded, from any thing you see of him
| at the present or in the past
/ lpass to notice of the changes in the
reer of another distinguished champion of this BILL
in every respect of talents and prominence as public
man more entitled to our regard | alude TO the dis
tinguishcd Senator from South Carolina (Mr CAL.
HouN) This gentleman has, in the course OF his pub
lie services, been found, first the advocate and sup
porter and then the stern opponent of the power and
policy of the Government in regard to internal i'm
povements So of the tariff and Of the United States
Bank having been at different times Il advocate and
| opponent of both la the commencement of his ca
reer and until several years after the late war having
but slight regard for the rigid doctrine of State rights
subsequent period carrying his support of them
the extreme of notification On the subject of the
sub reasury alone is he entitled to the merit of
sistency since its origin in 1884 which cannot be said
of his present associates.
! now feel compelled to notice the course of another
gentleman, not so distinguished as the gentleman from
South Carolina but still not unknown to fame | am
sorry compelled to notice him at all because TO do
may suspicion that the purpose Of this
part of my remarks is rather for local than general eff
feet for speak of one of my colleagues in the Senate,
Mr. GRUNDYD but he has of late occupied conspic
uous rank in the party to which he belongs, that
cannot overlook him-having acted the part of master
of ceremonies and director general of The pdrtyat their
late Baltimore convention consider that have
right since that event. to consider my colleague sort
of model specimen of his party-no man being
perfect among them, | observe, indeed that in the
opening address in that Invention, he hailed
"reteran dcmoerat;" and what exceeded all his other
honors, he proclaimed ''ahe friend Of Andrea
Jackson and associate Of his early years. rho had bat
tied nth that hero IN the cause Of democracy These
distinguished honors not declined by the
RAN object of them when he to speak amidst the
loudest cheering 81 am, he exclaimed "a peteran in
the cause Of democracy was born and raised dem
ocrat, and have continued even beyond my three
score years"
am rejoced, Mr.. Chairman, to have the authority
of the whole party assembled in convention at Balti-
more, for holding up my distinguished colleague as a
man exemrlifying, in his own person, throughout
long life, the principles and conduct which constitute
| a true and undoabted democrat Of The present day.
| 1t is in these times, when much doubt and mystery
exist TO the meaning Of democracy i'll the accepta-
ton OF the party, advantage TO find man, who
is admitted TO be fair illustration of all that is meant
by 1T man, too who does not hesitate TO declare his
own merits in that respect.
| Sir, that may give that attention to this gentle
man, public man, which is due after the rank thus
assigned him by common consent of himself and his
friends let first examine his conduct in that last
great act (the Baltimore convention for that take
It, will be regarded as the pcrfection-he consumma-
ton of all that is wise and sound in democratic coun-
| cis and principles.
Now hear this Nestor of the party on the subject of
the propriey of full declaration Of their principles
and policy.
Let not follow the bad example of our adverse
rcs, set by the Harrisburg ention Let us come
out with open, frank, and candid avowa Of our opn
| ions. We have nothing to fear Those only shun
the light whose deeds evil 1t is due to the people
that public leaders should not conceal their sentiments
upon questions of vital interest II is the right of the
people To know beforehand upon what principles par
| ty intends TO administer the Government"
Now sir, after this pompous profession Of candor and