The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1840-05-12
LETTER OF JAMES GARLAND


having assumed decided aspect, and there be-
mo bni two candidates before the American peo-
ME for their sufrages at the ensuing election,
Martin Van Buren, and William Henry Harr-
son. il becomes the duty OF every citizen 10
choose between them. Having myself deter
mined on the support Of General Harrison, |
feel il duty which owe TO you, being your re-
preventative in Congress, to state the reasons
ON which that determination Is founded.
When | supported Mr.. Van Buren, for the Pre-
sidency at the last election, did so under the
firm conviction that he would administer the
Government according 10 the strictest and most
rigid principles Of the republican faith ares,
the systematic invasion Of the rights OF me
States by federal authority; check the usu'pa
lions and encroachments Of the Executive de-
partment introduce the most rigid system Vi
ECONOMY and simplicity into the expenditures
and practices of the Government, ana resist the
enlargement of Executive power ana patronage,
bv ali the means in his power Mr.. Van Buren's
speeches and published opinions, although did
not concur with him in every thing, Justihed tins
opinion. In all this, fellow-citIzens, have been
sadly deceived; and believing that his practices,
since he ascended the Executive chair, have
been al war with his previous professions, and
that the system of policy and measures which
he is now urging upon the country will sap the
foundations OF our republican institutions, over
throw the liberty and destroy the prosperity Of
the country and erect upon their ruins an invete-
rate and intolerable despoism. feel il my duty
10 my country and to you to oppose his re-elec-
ton.
| will now state the measures which Mr.. Van
Buren, proposes, for the purpose of establishing
that policy which regard so dangerous and fatal
in its consequences, and briefly assign the rea-
sons upon which found my objections to them
The first is
THE suB-TREAsuRY SCHEME.
BY this scheme it is proposed to place the Ac~
TuAL and CONSTANT custody of the public moneys
in the hands of subordinate agents of the Trea-
sury, who by the Constitution will be appoint
able by the President, and removable at his will.
That act of legislation which commits to the
custody OF these subordinate agents the public
purse, indirectly, but eectually, places il within
the power of the President; who will ALWAYS
have key, In the constitutional power of reno
val, by which TO unlock the strongest vault No
pains or penalties which can be imposed, or bond
and security exacted, can resist this cOnstifu-
fiondl power of removal, and secure the public
treasure against the grasp Of an aspiring and
ambitious Chief Magistrate When il is re-
membered that the President, by the Constitu-
ton, IS commander-inc chief of the army and ma
vy-wields the aohofe appointing power, and is
Inc source OF all patronage, it cannot but be per-
ceiyed that, IN addition to powers already fear
full and dangerous, this system will add another
the control of the public purse-whch will
make the Executive, in its power and influence
omnipotent. These, fellow citizens, are no
phantoms OF my imagination; no inventions of
my brain, TO excuse or Justify my abandonment
of this Administration. They spranp from
higher and more important sources They
sprang from the republicans of l79S-'99, and
from an able and truly patriotic report made in
1926, from committee of which Mr. Van Blu
rem himself was member; directed against like
principles and like dangers
This scheme will not only place the virtual
custody OF the public money in the hands of the
PRESIDENT but will add to the already overswoen
number OF the "0Hfcidi h0rde' q new batch. and
add largely TO the already immense and prodgal
expenditures OF the Government. The bill
which the executive committee of the House of
representatives has reported, proposes to add
four new officers and appropriates about $40 200.
This will be the beginning, but what will be the
end none can with certainty predict but iudg-
ing OF the future by the past, augur nothing
preservative of our free institutions, or beneficial
to the people. | have no doubt there viii be
rapid accumulation of both
In the address of the republican members of
The Legislature of Virginia, which accompanied
the immortal report of 1898. II is said:
If measures mould Governments and if an
uncontrolled power of constructions surrendered To
those who administer them, their progress may be
easily foreseen, and their end easily foretold
lover OF monarchy, who opens the treasures of
ruption by distributing emolument among devoted
parflsans, may at the time be approaching his
object and deluding the people with professions of
republicanism. He may confound monarchy and
republicanlsm by the art of definition. He may var
nish over the dexterity which ambition never fails IN
display, with the piancy of language, the seduction
OF expectancy, or the prcjudiccs of the times. And
he may come at length to avow, that so extensive
territory that of the United States only be 20
verned by the energies of monarchy that il canno,
be defended except by standing armies and that it
cannot be united except by consolidation"
The measures of the Administration of John
Adams, which tended to these ends, and which
aroused the jealous enthusiasm of the repubi-
cans OF that day, TO determined and vigorous re-
sistance, consisted, as they stated
In FISCAL SYSTEMS and ARRANGEMENTS which
keep an host of commercial and wealthy individuals
embodied and obcdent to the MANDATES of the Trea-
sury:
:" In ARMIES and NAvlEs which will ON The one
hand, enlist the tendency Of man to pay homage to
his fellow creature who feed or honor him and
on the other, employ the principle of fear by punish,
ing imaginary instructions, under the pretence of
preventive justice.
In the swarms of officers civil and military who
can incuicate political tenes tending to consolidation
and monarchy both by indulgences and seventies
and can act as spies the free exercise of human
reason.
lin restraining the freedom of the press and in.
vesting the Executive with legislative executive and
judicial powers, over a numerous body Of men
And, that we may shorten the catalogue in es
tablshng, by successive presidents, such mode of
cons'1uing .ne constitution as will rapidly remove
every restraint upon Federal power"
II these objections against the Administration
OF John Adams, with its limited numbers of pub-
Inc officers, small amount of public expenditure
and proposed regular army were Just how much
more strongly do they apply to the present Adj
with its swarm of officeholders
immense amount of expenditure, army. and pro,
posed organization of an active militia force. and
general consolidating measures2 If this state
OF things be maturely considered we can in