The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1840-06-25

has been to unite The whole South against
Northern men, or Northern measures. This
feeling, always carefully kept. alive, and main
tanned az too intense a heat 10 admit dIscrimlna-
ton or reflection Is a lever Of great power In our
political machine Ii moves vast bodies, and
gives 10 them one and the same direction. But
the feeling is without all adequate cause, and the
suspicion which exists wholly groundless. There
is not, and never has been, a disposition in the
North 20 interfere with these interests of the
South. Such interference has never been sup
posed 10 be within the power of Government;
nor has Il been, in any way, attempted. II has
always been regarded a matter of domestic
policy, left with the States themselves, and with
which the Federal Government had nothing 10
do. Certainly, sir, ain, and ever have been, Of
that opinion. Let US look little al the history
OF this matter.
When the present constitution was submitted
for the ratification Of the people, there were
those who imagined that the powers OF the Co
vernment which il proposed TO establish, might,
perhaps, in some possible mode, be exerted in
measures tending TO the abolition Of slavery
This suggestion would, Of course, attract much
attention in the Southern conventions. In that
OF Virginia. Gov. Randolph said:
I hope there is none here, who, considering the
subject in the calm light of philosophy, will make an
objection dishonorabe 10 Virginia; that at the mo-
they securing the rights of their citizens, an
objection started that there IS spark OF hope that
those unfortunate men now held in bondage may, by
the operation OF the General Government he made
free.
Al the very first Congress, pelltions ON the
subject were presented, IL mistake not, from
several States. The Pennsylvania Society for
promoting the Abolition of Slavery, took a
lead, aud laid before Congress memorial, pray
ing Congress to promote the abolition by such
powers as il possessed. This memorial was re-
4. -, ~ nr tat.u
Select Committee consisting Of Mr.. Foster, Of
New Hampshire, Mr.. Gerry, of Massachusetts,
| Mr. Huntington, OF Connecticut, Mr.. Lawrence,
Of New York Mr. Sinnickson, of New Jersey
Mr.. Hartley, OF Pennsylvania, and Mr. Parker,
OF Virginia all of them sir, as you will observe
Northern men, but the last, This committee
made a report, which was committed TO a Com
niitee OF the Whole House, and there consider
ed and discussed on several days and, being
amended, although in no material respect, it was
made TO express three distinct propositions, on
the subjects Of slavery and the slave trade
First in the words OF the constitution, that Con
gress could not, prior TO the year 1908, prohibit
the migration or importation OF such persons as
any OF the States, then existing, should think
proper TO admit. Second, that Congress had
authority TO restrain the citizens of the United
States from carrying on the African slave trade,
for the purpose of supplying foreign countries
On this proposition, our early laws against those
who engage in that traffic are founded. The
third proposition, and that which bears on the
present question: was expressed in the follow
ing terms:
Resolved, That Congress have no authority TO
interfere in the emancipation Of slaves in the treat
ment Of them in any Of the States, IL remaining with
the several States alone TO provide rules and regula
tons therein which humanity and true policy may re-
quire."
This resolution received the sanction OF the
House of Representatives SO early as March,
1890. And now, sir. the honorable member will
allow me TO remind him. that, no, only Were the
Select Committee who reported the resolution,
with single exception, all Northern men, but
also that of the members then composing the
House of Representatives, large majority,
believe nearly two-thlrds, were Northern men
also.
The House agreed to insert these resolutions
in its journal and from that day TO this, il has
never been maintained or contended that Con-
gress had any authority TO regulate, or interfere
with, the condition of slaves, in the several
States. No Northern gentleman, to my know
ledge, has moved any such question in either
House Of Congress.
The fears of the South, whatever fears they
might have entertained, were allaye and quiet
ed by this early decision; and so remained, till
they were excited afresh, without cause, but for
collateral and indirect purposes. When II be-
came necessary, or was thought so, by some
political persons, to find an unvarying ground
for the exclusion Of Northern men from conf
dence and from lead in the affairs of the repub-
lie, then, and not till then, the cry was raised,
and the feeling industriously excited, that the
influence of Northern men in the public coun-
ellis would endanger the relation of master and
slave. For myself, claim no other merit than
that this gross and enormous injustice towards
the whole North, has not wrought upon me TO
change my opinions, or my political conduct.
hope | am above violating my principles, even
under the smart Of injury and false lmputations.
Unjust suspicious and undescfved reproach what
ever pain may experience from them, will not
induce me, trust nevertheless, TO oyerstep the
limits Of constitutional duty, or 10 encroach on
the rights of Others The domestic slavery Of
the South leave where find tin the hands
Of their own Governments. II is their affair,
not nine Nor do | complain Of the peculiar
effect which the magnitude OF that population
has had in the distribution OF power, under this
Federal Government. We know sir that the
representation Of the States in the other House
is not equal. We know that great advantage,
in that respect, Is enjoyed by the slave-holdng
States and we know, too, that the intended
equivalent for that advantage, that is TO say, the
imposition Of direct taxes III the same ratio, has
become merely nominal the habit Of the Go
vernmenl being almost invariably TO collect its
revenues from other sources, and in other modes.
Nevertheless, ] do not complain nor would
counenance announcement TO alter this arrange
mcnt Of representation II is the original bar
gain--the compact-let il stand: let the advan-
tage of it be fully enjoyed. The Union itself is
TOO full Of benefit 10 be hazarded in propositions
for changing its original basis go for the
Constitution as il is, and for the Union as il is.
But am resolved not to submit, in silence, to
accusations, either against myself individually,
or against the North, wholly unfounded and I'M
lust-accusatons which impute TO Us DISPOSE