The Columbia Democrat. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1837-1850, 1840-05-30


pen hostility, they attempt deception by an
affected devotion 10 the democracy as sud.
den as it is short live1. The moment tho
crisis is past, whether il terminate in sue
cess Or in disappointment, the mask so un-
willingly assumed, and so impatisntly worn,
10 thrown off.
If there be any essential difference be.
tween the ancient federaists and modern
wings II is to be found in the absence of
some Of those traits in the latter, which, at
the commencement Of the division Of par
ties, contributed in some degree TO give
character TO the former. At the time thoie
divisions originated. and during the whole
period in which the federaIisIs maintained
their ascendency, their course was marked
by degree Of decornm which gave GER
tain responsibility 10 the principles they a.
vowed. So long as msjority Of the peo-
pie supported the pretenliOns, they treated
them with apparent respect, while Under
mining their rights by insiduous legislation,
in conformity TO their ayowed principles;
but the moment the tendency Of their meas
ures was discovered and denounced by Mr..
Jefferson, and they felt themselves sinking
from their power, their department under
went so sudden and so thorough change
as 10 bring out, in strong relief, their doubts
Of the capacity Of the people for self-gov-
ernmen..
The federal administration began its war
against popular rights by enacting laws cal.
culaled and intended 10 repress and punish
the free exercise of the privilege of speech
and the just complaints Of the people
measures which were followed up by stand
ing atnies to cVerawe Them in the exercis,
Of their sufrages. These, and other man
ifeststlOns of their designs, reused he pee
pie to defence; they rose in their irtssista
ble might, and the edfice Of federal power
fell PROSTATE before them.
From this period, systematic pOlitica
contests have been carried on between the
two great parties Of the country, the mark
&c characteristics in each and all having
been, confidence in the honesty and intelli
gence Of the people, and their capacity FOL
self government on the one side, and dis
trust On the other; desire for an extension
Of The elective franchise TO every free citi
zen Of the country, on the one side, and fol
its abIidgement, by property qualifications
and other restrictions, OF the other; a slrug-
gle for popular equality on the one side
and for peculiar and monoPolIzing rights
corporate and private on the ether. In
short csnteRtion for popular sovereignty
on the ono side, anu for a government con-
IrOlled by favored interests and privileged
classes on the other. These contests have
all been brought to the polls Of election,
and by almost necessary consequences,
have me! an entire uniformity Of decision
there--the prevalence of the popular over
ths ariStocratie principle.
The Presidential election, at the period
to which we have referred, proved that the
aiistocratic principle was no. to be conclu-
ded by the fair and distinct decision Of the
people, without struggle behind the polls
Of election, u reverse their vote; and to
gain, by indIrection, or fraud, bribery, or
force, what it had failed TO secure in the O.
pen field or popular discussion. Hence the
fearful and trying controversy for the Presi-
dency between Mr.. Jefferson and Mr.. Burr,
in the House of Representatives in 1901.
TIE intention Of the people as expressed
by the popular vote, was not matter Of
doubt or question, but when il was found
that power was dearer than principle 10 one
Of the candidates upon the Democratic tick
ct, the rule, divide and conquer" became
that for the action Of the Federal party, in
their effort to overthrow tho election and
make that man President Of Republic,
whom, from a mistaken confidence, the
people had intended 10 make Vice Plssi-
dent.
The limits Of an address will not permit