Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1840-10-10
From the Cincinnati Republican.
GENERAL HARRISON'S SPEECH AT
CARTHAGE


ult, as related to the sublec, Of Abolition
"Having recently received letter from per-
sonal friend, who Is q member oil an Aooiilion
Society, proposing to me two questions, which ne
requested me TO answer; but having from neces
sity, arising from the absolute impossi biliy OF
numerous letters | receive, requiring my oPn-
ions upon political subjects, declined TO answer
any from indiv, duals, willingly embrace the OPP
poriunity of answering them which this occasion
has given me, without violating the rule had
found myself under the necessity OF adopting.
The questions are the following, VIZ:
lst-Do you believe the people of the UnNed
States possess an unrestricted right to discuss
any subject, that to them may seem worthy OF
considerations
2nd-Do you believe the people of the United |
States have the right to petition their Legislature
for the redress of whatever they may deem
grievance, aud for the adoption of such measures
as the petitioners may think conducive to the well
fare of the nation!
do not hesitate to answer both of these ques-
lions in the affirmative. The Constitution OF the
United States, and that of our State, have secu-
red to the people the enjoyment OF the rights re-
fcrred 20 in both questions, entirely unrestricted
but by their own sense fpropriety and the legal
rules which protect the rights of others. The
freedom Of speech and the Pre-- ar" the ''-f'"
su..hsa eh~racteristics of free government
Without them, might call our country Re
public. but it would be SO only IN name, like that
Of Rome, under the Emperors, it might be mask
TO cover the most horrible despotism. The ri ht
of the people to write and to speak openly and
freely upon all matters of public policy ''is the
palladium Of all civil and religious liberty"
The authors Of our CONSTITUTE ion must hav known
that it would be subject to abuses to be used for
improper and indeed sometimes for criminal pur-
poses yet they declared il without restriction.
More than half a century has passed away since
it came into operation, and although upon one
memorable occasion it was resorted 20 for the
purpose Of giving effect to councils tending TO
paralyzo the efforts Of the nation in tho midst of
a dangerous war, and to encourage the enemy to
persevere in supporting their unjust pretensions,
still these declarations OF rights in relation to wri
ting, speaking and publishing, have been suffer
ed TO remain in all their pristine force. should
be the last person who could, under any circum-
stances, consent TO restrict them by legal enact
mens.
I must, however, take this occasion TO repeat
what have before declared, that the discussion
Of the right of one portion of the States which
compose our Union to hold slaves by an assem-
blage Of citizens Of other States, which hold none,
is in my opinion not sanctioned by the spirit of
the Cons titution. If 1t Is tolerated by the broad
and unrestricted declaration in the Constitution,
to which have referred, it is forbidden by the
general tenor of that instrument, and the funda-
mental principle of the government which Il has
established. Our government is certainly one
Of very complicated character, difficult in
Of its aspects TO be well understood. To foreign
present, power clothed with he most ihnhhd 10
attributes Of sovereignty; and SO far rela-
iions with them may be concerned, they to
see nothing be- ond that which is described in
glorious moto "E Pluri6us Unun'' We ore,
however, not eone'' in the that it would be
understood If applied TO other nations which ha
been formed ono from disjonted and separate
parts. Our Union is not that which, like mar
riage, merges the ,Dholc rights of the parties
common stock. We not
-soined like meeting rivers
Which ioll into the one common nood,
And n:e no moro distinguished''
Our Union is more properly like an ordinary
copartnershp composed of number of indivi6u-
ale. who each furnish portion OF capital, to be
subjected to the control of majority of the part
ners, but who each also retain another portion
under their own exclusive management. With
tho latter neither the partners collectively nor in
dividualIy have any more right to interfere than
if there existed no sot, of connection between
them. This is, also, the theory OF our General
and State Governments. Over the powers retain
ed by the States, respectively, neither the Gen
eral Government nor the other States nor the CT
tZens of the States, can exercise the least con-
troll. If this opinion is correct, 1t follows that
discussions in public assemblies IN relation TO the
institutions of other States. with view to alter
or affect them, not in the contemplation Ell
Their vi those who framed the Constitution. or Of
those by whom it was adopted. Let apply the
theory l endeavor to maintain TO this assembly.
We are here, some three thousand persons, in the
double character of citizens of Ohio 81 of the u.
States. In the nTSt, we can undertake Tue con-
eideration and discussion ofanv subject belonging
to State policy, embo6y our sentiments in the
shape of resolutions petitions, s. in the event OF
supposed grievance, present them TO the appro-
pirate Stale authorities for redress As citi-
zens of the United States, competent to
consider and discuss any subject of national poll
cy, and by similar process submit the result of
delibe tions if we should choose do 50, to
that department of the Federal Government
WEIGH possesses the power to give relief. But
in which of these characters either as citizens
Of Ohio, citizens of the United States
could we, consistently with the theory and spi.
rit of the Constitution, discuss a subject belong
ing exclusively 10 any other STATED
There are many principles to be found in the
Constitutions of some of the States (other than
the federation of slavery which are very muck