The Charlotte journal. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1835-1851, 1840-05-21
TIE sUB.TREASrRY.

. ubTreGsury are from the mouth Q! the
: Administration
"To retain the Public Revenue in the
Treasury, unemployed, in any way, is i'm.
practicable. 1t is considered against the
: genius Of our free institutions to lock up IL
vaults the treasure of the nation.
Such d treasure would doubtless be eE.
ployed at sometime, as it has in ether coun-
tries, when opportunity tempted ambition. .
-PreSideat Jacksn'S Message Of 1886.
The scheme is designating and rero
lutiondry, subverslye OF the fundamental
principles Of our Government, and of It's
practice, from l7S0 down TO this day."
at is as palpable as the sun, that the
effect C the scheme would be TO bring the
Public Treasury much nearer the actual
custody aud control of the President than
Il is now, and expose it to be pltmdered by
a hlndred hands, where one cannot no"
reach it,"
"Had such suggestion come from Gen.
Jackson, it would have been rung through
the Old Dominion as conclusive proof Of
all the aspirations which may have been
charged to the Hero Of New Orleans. See
here, they would say he wishes to put the
public money in the palms Of his friends
and partisans, instead Of keeping il on de.
posle in banks, whence it cannot be drawn
for other than public purposes, without Ger.
tain detection. In such case, We should
feel tina! tue people had just case for alarm,
and ought TO give their most watchiul al
teniion TO such an effort TO enlarge executive
power, and pu, in lis hands the means Of
corruption Globe, in 1884.
eve have objected to the Sub. Treasury
system, SO called, that in the first place it
will enlarge the Executive pocer, already
too great for a Republic. Secondly, that
it contributes 10 endangcr the security Of
, the public funjs--and thirdly. that il is cal.
culated to produce two currencies--a baser
E one for the People, and better one for the
Government. The more we reflect upon
the matter, the more we read the speeches
Of the orators on both sides, the more firm.
ly are We satisfied Of the strength Of these
objections.
II, is certainly subject to very strong Oh.
iections, not the least Of which IS, the rcry
great increase Of patronage to which II
must give rise-and patronage OF the
most dangerous Influence, as being so i'm.
mediately connected with the public money.
But can see no advantage, and on the
: contrary, a fruitful source Of mischief, IN
making government officers the keepers OF
the cash. Place about them what guards
you may, in the shape of commissioners,
inspectors, or whatever else, pecuiatton ,ctH
be endless. There is no security in ii and
it will involve heavy and unnecessary ex.
pense. The chief and everything objection,
however, is the endless source Of patronage
to which it would give rise. Make the
machinery as simple as you may, and open
TO view, wherever money is, temptation will
creep in, and corruption in erery FORM fol-
lou at its heels
1.-The recent defalcation in New York,
confirms the opinion long since entertained,
that the present regulations of our FInan.
cies are grossly deiectlvc-tbat the public
money ought 10 be better secured than to
be left SO much 10 the custody Of the public
officer; aud the public Treasury so much
10 Executive discretion. "-Richmond En-.
quirer.
Yet the Globe nor urges the adoption Of
a measure, which, in 1884, it denounced
as disorgaai-ing, rerolutionary-Subrcr.
sire Of the principles Of our government -
as exposing the public money to be plum
dercd by hundreds of hands AS enlarg'
ing Executive power and furnishing the
President with the means Of corruption |!
If this was the true character Of the moa.
sure NJ 1884, why is its adoption urged upon
US now! The measure has not changed.
1t still has all the mschlevous tendencies,
il then had. These were perceived AID
proclaimed by the Editors Of that prn; in
1884. Are these tendencies less evident
now! BY no means. Why then do the
Editors of that print advocate aoW, what
then, they condemned Men are generally
supposed 10 intend that which is the proper
result of what they do, but if this rule should
be thought too strict, surely, charity itself,
must hold them responsible for the evil con
sequences which they themselves have de-
cared will follow from The measures they
support. Therefore, We are Justihed IN
concluding tina, they wish noi0, to put the
public money where II may be pluudered-
: to enable the President TO enlarge Executive
power aud to enjoy the means of corruption,
, these being the very consequences which
they said IN 1884, would follow from the
Sub Treasury. Is it not time then for the
people 10 be alarmed, in the language of the
, Globe quoted above, =" at such an efiort tc
, enlarge Executive power and put IN II:
, hands the means Of corruption" Reader
pause and reflect. The darling measure o
the Adminis,ratlon-the support Of wheel
is, nosr, the test of fidelity to the party II