The Charlotte journal. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1835-1851, 1840-06-04
{ NUMBER SO.

IRON yours into our bahus.
Again; in some Of the States, and IN
sections Of others, the black population far
? exceeds that of the white. Somesof the
emancpators propose an immediate aboli.
}. ton. What is the proposition, then, as /.
: regards these States and parts Of States,
, but the alternatives of amalgamallon with
the blacks, or an exchange Of situations
! with them! Is there any man of commch
sense who does not believe that the eman.
cipated blacks, being majority, viii INSIST
upon full participation Of political rights
with the whites and when possessed OF
these, will they not cou,eud for full share
of social rights also What but the ex.
tremity of weakness and folly could mduce
any one to think that such propositions as
these could be listened to by people 50 IL
telligent as the Southeru States ? Fur.
ither: the emancjpa'Jrs generally declars
that il is their lnteHiion 10 rlicct thelr OIL
lect although their acts contradict The as.
seltion) by no other means tina by conyinc.
ing the Shareholders that the Immediate
emancipation Of tue slaves IS called for,
both BY moral obligation and sound policy.
An unnedged youth, at the moment Of ieav-
Ing (indeed, IN many Instances, before Lo
vas left it, his theological seminary, under
takes TO give lectures upon morals to!t
counirymen Of Whyte, Tucker, PendetoC,
and Lowndes and lessons Of political wis.,
dom TO States, whose Gfairs have so rrceut-
" been directed by Jefferson aud Madison,
Macon and Crawford. Is At possible that
Instances of greater rdnity and presumption
could be exhibited Bat the course pur-
sued By The emqacipQt0rS is unconstitutional.
| do not say that there are any words III
the Constitution which forbid the discus
sion they are engaged in know that there
are not. And there is even an article
which secures 10 the citlzens the right TO
express and publish their opinions without
restriction. But in the construction it is
always necessary to refer to the circuu!-
stance under which it was framed and to
ascertain It's meaning by comparison OF
lis provisions with each other, and with the
previous situation Of the several States who
were parties TO it. la portion Of these,
slavery was recognised, and they took care
to have the right secured to them 10 follow
and reclaim such Of then as were iugitlyes
to other States. The laws Of Congress,
passed under this power, have provided
punishment TO any who shall oppose or in.
tegrupt the exercise Of this right. Now,
can one believe that the instrument, which
authorizes master to pursue his slave into
another State take him back, and provides
punishment for any citizen or citizens OF
that State who should oppose him, should,
at the Same time, authorize the latter TO
assemble together, to pass resolutions and
adopt addresses, not only to encourge the
slaves to leave their masters, but to cut
their Threats before they do so?
81 insist that, if the citizens of the non.
slavehodlng States can avail themselves Of
the article Of the Constitution which prohb-
lis the restriction of speech or the press, to
publish any thing injurious TO the rights Oh
the sIayeholding States, that they can 90 to
the extreme that have mentioned, and eff
feet any thing further which wriiisg or
speaking could effect. But, fellow. citizens,
these are not the principles of the Constitu-
lion. Such construction would defeat one
Of the great objects Of its formation, which
was, that Of securing the peace and harmo-
ny Of the States which were parties to IT,
The Liberty Of speech and Of the press, were
given as the most etiec;ual means to pre-
serve TO each and every citizen their own
rights, and TO the States the rights which
appertaiued to them at the time of their
adoption. II could nerer hare been expected
that it ieould be used by the citiasnS of one
portion Of the States for the purpose Of de-
priring those Of another portion Of the rights
'rhi-h they had reSerrsd at the adoption of
the Constitution, and in the exercise of
uhich, none but themselves hare any concern
or interest. # sIduery is an eril, the erik
is NTH them. If there is guilt in it, the
guih is theirs, not ours, since neither the
States phere ii does not eriSt, nor The Cor.
ernmeat Of the United States, can, witkout
uswpdtion Of potrer, and the riolation of a
solemn compact, do any thing TO remore il
,rithout the consent Of those 'oho are imnae-
dtdteiy interested. But they will neither
ask for aid, nor consent to be aided, whilst
NAN iAANSuhN FN'SSAutibS dlld hobSSlouo
movements are in progress, of which l
complain; the interest of all concerned re.
quires that these should be stopped mme-
dlately. This can only be done by the
force Of public opinion, and that cannot too
soon be brought into operation. Every
movement which is made by the abolition
lists in the non sIaveholding States, is view
ed by our Southern brethren as an attack
upon their rights, and which if persisted in,
must in the end eradicate those feelings OF
attachment and affection between the citi-
zeus of all the States, which was produced
by community Of interests and dangers in
the war Of the Revolution, which was tho
foundation OF our happy Union, and by
continuance Of which il can BIO alone pre-
served. entreat you, then, to froWn upon
measures which are to produce results so
much to be deprecated. The opinion which
have now given, have omitted no oppor-
tuuity for the last two years TO lay before
/ tho poo,lo OE ms, ovrn State | have taken