Boon's Lick times. [volume] (Fayette, Mo.) 1840-1848, 1840-07-04

tluJ the emancipation OF
the slaves is called for both by moral obligation
and sound policy. An undedged youth, ut the mo.
ment of his leaving Gndeed, in many instances, be.
tore he has left D his theological seminary, under
taxes To give lectures upon morals to the country
men of Wythe. Tucker, Pendlcton and Lowndes,
and lessons of political wisdom to states whose
affairs have so recently been directed by Jefferson
and Madison, Macon and Crawford. Is it possible,
that instances of greater vanity and presumption
could be exhibited! But the course pursued by
the emancipators is unconstitutional. do not say
that there are any words in the constitution which
FORBID the discussions they were engaged in |
know that there are not. And citizens have the
right to express and publish their opinions without
restriction. But in the construction of the constu-
Ion, II Is always necessary to refer to the circum-
stances under which it was framed, and to ascer-
tain its meaning by comparison OF its provisions
with each other, and with the previous situation Of
the several states who were parties to it. In pOr-
ton OF these, slavery was recognized, and they took
care to have the right secured to them, to follow
and reclaim such Of them were fugitves to other
states. The laws of Congress, passed under this
power, have provided punishment for any one who
snail oppose or interrupt the exercise of this right
Now can any one believe, that the instrument
which contains provision of this kind, which au.
thorlzes master to pursue his slave into another
state, take him back, and provides punishment for
any citizen or citizens of that state who should on
pose hin, should, at the same time. authorize the
latter to assemble together, to pass resolutions aud
ADOPT addresses, not only to encourage the slaves
to leave their masters but to cut their Threats be-
fore they do so
81 insist, that if the citizens of the non-sluve-
holding states can avail themselves of the articles
OF the constitution, which prohibits the restriction
OF speech the press to publish any thing iniuri-
Gus to the rights Of the holding states, they
can 60 to the extreme that have mentioned, and
ELECT any thing further which writing or speaking
could effect. But, fellOw-ctlzens, these are not
the principles Of the constitution. Such coustruc-
zion would defeat one of the great objects Of its
formation, which was that of securing the peace
and harmony of the states which were parties to it
The liberty otspeech and Of the press was given
as the most efecual means to preserve TO each and
every citizen his rights, and to the states the
rights which appertained to them, at the time Of
their adoption. 1t could never have been expected
that it would be used by the citizens of portion
of the states for the purpose Of deprvug those of
another portion, of the rights which they had re-
served at the adoption of the constitution, and in
the exercise of which, none but themselves have
any concern or interest. If slavery is an evil, the
evil is with them If there is guilt in it, the guilt
IS theirs, not ours, since neither the states where it
does not exist, nor the government Of the United
states can, without usurpatlon OF power, and the
violation of solemn compact do any thing to re-
move 1t without the consent of those who u re i'm
mediaely interested. But they will neither ask for
aid nor consent to be aided whist the illegal, per"
scouting and dangerous movements are in progress,
of which | complain: the interest Of all concerned
requires that these should be stopped Immediately.
This can only be done by the force Of public opin-
ion, and that cannot too soon be brought into Oper
alton. Every movement which is made by the abo-
ltionists IN the nonslaveAolding states is viewed
by our southern brethren as an attack upon their
rights, and which, if persisted in, must in the end
eradicate those feelings Of attachment and affection
between the citizens uf all the states, which was
produced by a community Of interests and dangers
in the war of the revolution, which was the tOunda
ton of our happy union, and by continuance of
which, it can alone be preserved. | entreat you,
then, to rown upon the measures which ure to pro-
duce results so much to be deprecated. The opin-
ions which have now given, | have omitted no Op-
for the last two years TO lay before the
people of my own state. have taken the liberty
to express them here, knowing that even if they
should unfortunately not accord with yours, they
would be kindly received"
Remember, fellow citizens, that this was in a
free state, at Vincennes, in lndana-that he
might have omitted to notice the subject OF abo.
liton but he felt and knew that he had, or de.
served to have, some influence with the people Of
Indiana; he knew he had been faithful to them
in peace and in war, and that, if there were any
such deluded men as he had spoken of, (Aboli-
tioniss) in Indiana, he felt it his duty to his
Try to put them right il in his power to do so,
For chasteness and vigor OF style, power Of ar
gument, felicity of illustration, and high souled
patriotism, we pronounce this speech to be unsur.
passed and but seldom equalled in the eloquence
of this country. Having read the whole Of this
speech (Which the Democratic Central Committee
Save the mark) did not deign to give to the PEG.
ple) we will ask where is the man who can pro,
nounce Gen. Harrison an Abolitionist? None
such can be found, unless it be one who prefers
the triumph Of reckless party, 10 truth, honor
and Justice!
Is further proof wanting? We refer you to
Gen. Harrson's letter to Mr.. Sloo, of New Or.
leans, which is as follows;
CINCINNATI, 25th November, 1886
Ny Dear Str answer the question you pro-
posed to me this morning, with great pleasure
First / do not believe that Congress can abolish
slavery in the States, or an any manner interfere
Wih the property Of the citizens in their sareS, but
upon thr application of the States; in which case,
and in no other, they might appropriate money to
aid the States so applying to get rid Of their
slaves. These opinions | have always held and
this the ground upon which | voted against
the Missouri restriction in the fifteenth Congress.
The opinions given above are precisely those which
were entertained by Mr.. Jefferson and Mr.. ALadi-
son.
Second do not believe that Congress can abol-
ish slavery in the District of Columbia, without the
consent of Virginia and Maryland, and the people
of the District
received a letter some time since, from John
NJ. Berrien, Esq, of Ca, proposing questions,
similar to those made by you, and | answered them
mora at length than have now done, but to the
same import.
In haste, yours truly,
L L