The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1840-05-16
APPENDIX

ON EXECUTIVE POWER AND PATRONAGE.
A jealousy of power has been the strong and
characteristic instinct Of every people in every
country who have loved liberty. In the forma-
ton of real Republican Governments every
where, this instinct has exhibited itself in the
effort to distribute power, and prevent its accu-
mutation in the hands Of one or few.
The natural state of man is state of equality
of rights; he is not disposed to part with those
rights without 3 struggle; and if any man, or
combination of men, deprive him of any portion
of his liberty or subject him to restraints which
are not equally imposed upon all, he will not rest
contentedly.
The foundation Of those institutions which
secure the largest liberty to the greatest number.
have labored to obviate every such cause Of dis
content-hence our excellent Constitution--and
hence il is that its great and wise trainers sought
to establish the principle Of freedom and indie
pendence in all the branches Of the Goyssn-
ment--avoiding the preponderance Of any one
over another, or over the whole-preventing
their consolidation, their undue influence over
the People, and making them sentinels and
checks over each other. Out of this just jeal-
ousy of power originated the trial BY jury, the
freedom Of the press, the liberty Of speech and
Of conscience, the power Of impeachment, the
responsibility to constituents, the control Of the
Senate over appointments, the reservation to
the States of all powers not otherwise expressly
granted, and some other provisions Of similar
character. We can never too highly appreciate
the value Of these provisions, nor feel too deeply
the debt of gratitude we owe to those whose
efforts secured to us to this day the privilege Of
enjoying their influence, and of living under
their protection. Their establishment was a
signal triumph over the love of power and the
spirit of tyranny. They have served, however,
only to restrain-they did not destroy those ma
tural propensities Of man. The violent efforts
of the Tory party to defeat the experiment Of
democratical liberty, proved that the lust and
pride Of the human heart were restless and insa-
tiate. The subsequent history Of the country,
referring to the rise Of the Federal party, who
had little faith in the capacity Of the People TO
govern themselves, and who would have pre-
ferred all power in the hands of one grand, CEN
trail, national head, confirms the truth Of the
proposition. Thanks to the sages of the revo-
luton and the fathers Of the Republican faith,
neither the Tories nor the Federalists succeeded
in theirprojects. The Republicans then, as now,
had an undying jealousy and dread Of power,
because it was and is the handmade Of corrup-
ton and the natural enemy of liberty.
The history Of the world is but the history Of
a struggle between power and weakness. The
struggle has divided mankind since the death Of
Abel 1t arrays society into two parties. The
line has been marked in America from the old
colonial times to this day. 1t divides this COM
munty, and we have met, in solemn council, to
seek how we may best protect the rights, and
secure the general good Of the people, or, in
other words, preserve the Constitution and per-
petuate the public Liberties unimpaired against
the encroachments Of power and the undue ex-
ercise of official prerogative. We represent no
body, but free people-have no patronage to be-
stow-no force to use-no power to exert, except
what nature has given to free hands, fearless
hearts, and a righteous cause. We occupy a
position on that side the line of parties which,
resting upon the Constitution, looks to the pro-
lection of the rights and the security of the hap
piness Of the people
The zeal which animates the multitude of our
friends to-day is born of the same instinct and
love of country which aroused and directed the
patriots of the Revolution. But wise and eau
tious, as well as ardent as the latter were, expe
rience has proven that the barriers they labored
to erect to protect the liberties of the country,
are not impregnable to the inroads Of power
The division of the Republic into several free
and independent sovereignties, was thought by
some to be sufficient and desirable means of
any undue exercise of influence by
the Federal Government, and by others, to have
the effect Of rendering that Government weak
and inefficient. But we have seen the antcipa-
tons of both sides disappointed. II is the natu-
raj tendency Of power to extend itself. From a
state Of weakness the Federal Government has
beer rapidly increasing in strength and influence,
until its Executive may challenge comparison
with that Of England or of France. In many
specific things its power is absolute either,
while in extent Of patronage and influence, direct
and indirect, it is surpassed by few heads of any
governments in the civilized world. The only
control exercised over the patronage of the Exc
cutive is the supervision of some Of the leading
appointments by the Senate, and the power of
impeachment by the House Of Representatives,
which amount to nothing, comparatively, since
a popular President will nearly always have
friendly Senate, and House sufficiently partial
foprevent Observation-Disclosures, the example Of
appointing members Of the Legislature them
selves to Office has almost wholly DESTROYED that