The pilot and transcript. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1840-1841, 1840-07-13

find difficulty IN obtaining the services OF some
lnereenary tool and scaVenger. Of power, who
would think it s'glory enough 70 serve under
such chief" and follow his dictatien. Thus,
sir, the money of the people may be removed
from the sscustody of law and used by the Pre-
sident to accomplish any scheme of ambition he
might mediate against the liberties of the coun-
try.
Sir, we have on our public records, prece-
dent in point, which will not soon be forgotten.
The public moneys were in the custody of the
law when they were on deposite in the bank OF
the United States. But, sir, the President de-
terInined to remove them from ITS custody, con-
trarv to the will of Congress, expressed in the
most solemn form. He commanded his Secreta-
nv of the Treasury 10 perform the act, and he re
fused, upon the ground that he had the most
conclusive evidence that the public deposites
were safe, and he believed he was not authorized
BY law to remove them upon any ether ground
What was the result This faithful public
officer was instantly cashicred for his independ-
encc, and successor appointed, who had, doubt
less, agreed in advance TO perform the infamous
deed. The man who committed this outrage
upon the laws, was Roger B. fancy, one OF the
most ultra federalists in America; and concur
entirely in the opinion expressed yesterday by
nv friend from Kentucky, (Nlr. Pope that the
President could not have got any man but an old
federalist, to become his instrument in commit
ting such an act of executive usurpation. This
ma r. now wearing tnG EODeS OF the llluS-
trious Chief Justice Marshall. Ee is now fill
ing the highest judicial station in the u States;
but, sir, | will not say that it is the reward Of
that act of political prostitution. In this case,
Mr.. Chairman, the public treasure was removed
from the custody Of the law, and was kept for
more than three years by private contract, at the
entire discretion of the President, and as COM
pctelY under his control as if it had been in his
own pocket And, sir, by similar process, it
may be done again. ~
Sir, should be unwilling 10 place so much
power within the reach of any man, no matter
how much might confi6c in his honesty and in
tcgrity but much less would be inclined to
place it within the reach of man, whose whole
history proves that avarics and ambition are the
leading passions of his soul, and the governing
principles of all his actions. will conclude my
remarks on this point, sir, by calling the atten-
ton Of the committee to the report OF commit
tee of eSretrenchment and REFORM which was
raised in the Senate, in 1926, and of which Mr..
Benton was chairman, and Mr.. Van Buren, was
also member. | shall read short extract from
it, without comment; and do it, MIR. Chairman,
to show what the President and Mr.. Benton, and
all the leading men of the party now in power,
thought ut that time, of the power which the
President is able to exercise over the actions and
conduct of his subordinate officers. 1t sustaius
me to the fullest extent in the positions l have
assumed; and beg the attention of gentlemen
to it; for, whatever | may think of it, coming as
it does from the President himself, and the heir
apparent to the succession, in the event Mr.. Van
Buren, should be reelected, it must be good au-
thoyity with the friends of this bill Speaking
of the alarming increase of executive power and
patronage under the then existing administra-
ton, the committee use this strong and emphatic
language
'''Fhe king of England is the fountain of hon
or; the President Of the United States is the
e IL he en-
tire system of federal appointments, jobs and
contracts; he has power over the support of the
who administer the system. He
makes and un-nalSes them. He chooses from
the circle Of his friends and supporters, and MAY
dismiss them and, upon all the principles of
human action, tcW dismiss them as often as they
diSGppoi1t his eIpe Citations.
Again they say We must look forward to
the time when the nomination of the President
can carry any man through, the Senate, and his
can carry any measure through
the two Houses Of Congress When the princi-
pie of public action win be open and ayowed-
the President wants my vote and / want MS pa
tronage lcW cote as he tcisheS, and nc aoW
s-ire me the office irish for" What viii this
be, they exclaim, but the government of one man?
And what is the government of one man, but
Now, hIr. Chairman, how many Of these sage
predictions have we seen literally fulfilled! And,
sir, pass this bill and we shall soon see them all
if possible more. Who has bold
ness enough to deny that at this moment, the
time has arrived when the nomination of the
President can carry any man through the Senate,
and his recommendation can carry any mea-
sure through the two houses of Congress. Sir,
lamentable and hunihating as the idea must be,
to every man who values liberty and who wishes
to preserve unimpaircd, and transmit to his chill
dren the inestimable legacy bequeathed to us by
revolutionary fathers, we now behold this
prediction fearful at the time it was made and
now, realized to the fullest extent. The Presi-
dent at this moment exercises the most fearful
and unlimited control over both branches OF Con-
gress in spite of the will Of the people The Leg
islative department of the Government, which
ought to be the guardian Of popular rights-the
shield against the encroachments and usurpations
of power-the Sentinels upon the watch-tower
of public liberty, has literally became the mere
registry of executive eGicts. In the language OF
that Committee, Congress has become bat mere
&c nominal check upon the Executive will, and
he is enabled to rule as easily and much more Sc
curely with than without it ; for it is sort Of
" nominal shield between him and the people,
which quiets their approximations and lulls them
into false security.
Another recommendation of this bill, says the
gentleman from New York (h1r. Strong) is,
that it provides for more full and adequate secu-
rity of the public moneys than has been required
under any former system. And upon what ground
does he make this assumption Why sir, he CON
tends that in much The bal makes it fello-
ny to embezzle the public moneys or apply then
to private purposes, punishable by fine and inn
prisonment, defalcations will be effectually pre-
vented And he exclaimed with apture that un-
der its provisions we should hear of no more
Swartwout and Price cases. This, sir, is the
common argument of the friends of this bill
Now, sir, the gentleman seems to forget that
it is necessary to catch felon before you can
punish him. This argument would be Of some
weight il the gentleman and his friends can in
vent any plan by which you can take thief as
well where he is not, as where he is, and hang
him as he runs but otherwise it is all in my
eye-there is no force in it whatever. Unless
the gentleman can favor us with plan of this
description this mode Of preventing defalcations
and embezzlements of the public money must
prove wholly nugatory ana imperative. The
deiaulters are always gone beyond the reach of
our laws before their crime is known.
But, sir, admitting for the sake of the argu-
ment that they coulo he cau-ht x.,La4 or-tar-