The pilot and transcript. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1840-1841, 1840-05-13

In his speech before the federal caucus, Mr. Grundy
said that the committee Cincinnati will not let Gen.
Harrison have the of pcn ink and paper and that
they say that he shall neither speak write and they
viii not do it for him.
He adds, son the subject of abolition which the wing
committee will not let their candidate speak out upon,
Mr. Van Buren, hasbeen most explicit. He has declared
his oppnston to the fell spirit in strongest and
stated advance that he would veto bill passed by
Conaress interfering with the question of slavery either
in the states the District of Columbia. But how Is it
with the wing candidate! There are vast numbers of
Aboitioniss the North, and though they are atFouble
some set of people, their count well as those of
Others. Now the wing committee of Cincinnati have
come TO the conclusion that letter written TO the Abo
onsts unfavoabe to their views would cause the loss
their votes while letter of contrary character would
cost them The votes of the South Hence the necessity
their part ofavoding all correspondence on that sub
jec for whether they wrote one wayo the oher they
would be placed in an awkward predicament"
Such is the declaration fNIr Grundy What are the
facts. The committee declined to enquiries, be-
they say it the opinion ofthe committee that
Gen. Harrison should be put before the country his
known opinions and public services and that no new is
sue should be made. The Cincinnati committee did no
more than conform the suggestion of tue National
Convention Mr. Grndy charges that they act their
own fears of the effect of Cen Haus0n's opinions if
made known. Now what are Gen. Harrisons opinions?
Mr. Grundy boasts of Mr. Van Buren's explicit declaa
tions-now hear what Gen. Harrison has said. In
I
Their than MIR. Van Buren, ever dd.--He said;
Further the emancipators generally declare that it is
their intention to effect their object (ahough their acts
contradict their asseron) by no other means than by
convincing the shareholders that the emancipation of
the slaves is called for, both by moral obligation and
sound policy An unfedged youth, at the moment of
his leaving Indeed many instances, before he has left
m his theological seminary undertakes to give lectures
upon morals to the countrymen OF Wythe Tucker PEN
deton and Lowndes, and lessons OF political wisdom TO
sates whose affairs have recently been directed by
Jefferson and Madison, Macon and Crawford Is il pos
sibe, that instances of greater vanity and presumption
could be exhibited But the course pursued by the
emancipators unconstitutional do not say that there
any words in the constitution which forbid the dis
cussions they engaged n know there are not And
citizens have the right express and publish their opin
ions without restriction But in the construction OF the
constitution, is always necessary to refer to the circm
stances under which ii was framed, and TO ascertain It's
meaning by comparison OF its provisions with each 9th
and with the previous situation of the several states
who parties TO it, In portion of these, slavery
was recognised, and they took to have the right
cured TO hem to follow and reclaim such of them as
fugtives to other states. The laws of congress
passed under this power have provided punishment for
who shall oppose interrupt the exercise ofths
right Now can any one believe, that the instrument
which contains provision of this kind, which authorizes
master to pursue his slave into another state take him
back and provides punishment for any citizen or ci
otat state who should oppose hin Should NJ the
time, authorize the latter 10 assemble together to
pass resolutions and adopt addresses, not only to
rage the slaves to leave their masters, but TO cut their
throas before they do so.
insist that if the citizens of the non-slavelolding
states can avail themselves of the constitution, which
prohibits the restriction ofspeech the press to publish
any thing injurious 10 the rights ofe states,
that they can go 10 the extreme tiai nave mentioned,
ana effect any uhg IuIther wheh "Ilthg OF sPeAi.g
could effect But, ieiiow-ciizens, these are hot ls
principles OF tne cohsutuuoh' oueh wouu
defeat one oil the great oplect OF us ioIhaoh winch was
that OF securing the peace ana harmony ol e st''e
Which were pafues 10 u. rue lpery Vi seech anu VI
the press were gwen as tie most e'ecti Gas ~ e
serve 10 each anu every ciheh leiI uml gnls' anu
tne states tne nghts winch 10 tne, at e
tune OF then aaopuoh ~ coulu never nave peeh eA
pected that It would nave oeen useu Dy the clzes Oh
one poIuon oil me STATES IoI Tue purpose y, uePsms
those Of another poron OF me rights wch hey nau re-
served az tnc adopuon OF tne consuon, anu III le eA-
ercse OF which, none out themselves nave any concern
or interest
-,
"Ctncinndti, @ofh Noeemoer, 1910.
MY DEAR SIR answer me quesuohs you proposed
TO me TINS morning, WIN great pleasure.
FIRST; 40 not DeheVe tat congress can aDoisi, siaNe
~ IN the states, or IN any manner interfere rh me pro
enc cazens IN laelT Sdces pu upon te appca
uon l.e s.des III winch sas; anu III ~ o'ile, wy
might appropriate money to aid the states so applying to
get M OF then slaves. fnese opinions nave always
helu ana us "aslne gfouhd upon when Noted against
the missouri res,rlcuoh IN Tue HIeehh congress. Inc
opinions gwen aoove are pfecisey tnose "ch were en-
tertained py Mi. JEFFERSON ana MT mauisoh' .
second; 90 not beheVe tnat congress can abolish
slavery IN the Disctm SoiunDia Without Tue consent
OF virginia anu anu e ., u a Dlslnct
Ireceiyed letter some lne since, rom j.; NJ BerfIen
esd o. oeosia pIolois .1 i ~. 70 uiose
From Tie Charleston Is. C) Courier.
with pleasure, to the following letter, from distinguish