The pilot and transcript. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1840-1841, 1840-07-15

laws thereafter. 1t will be seen that here the
;round is taken, distinctly taken, that where the
wo races are nearly equal, it is impossible that
hey can exist together without the present relation
# master and slave. The intelligent reader who
s familiar with the present tone of public opin-
on, upon the subject of slavery, will be aston
shed to find that the editor of the Enquirer was
hen an abolitionist, and that the editor of the
U. S. Telegraph was compelled, much as he was
at the alarmed condition of things in Virginia, to
sneak with the caution and circumspection indi-
Gated in the article which we give below. This
article, it may be said, was the first of a series
from our pen, which gave tone to public senti-
ment, and contributed, with the able Essays OF
President Dew, of William and Mary College, |
and Judge Harper, of South Carolina, to revo-
lutionize public sentiment in relation to the
whole subject of slavery In recurring to the
state of public opinion at the time, we are sur
prised to find that Gen. Harrison, residing in
non-slaveholding State, should have been so lit
tie under the influence of fanaticlsm which ex-
tended over the whole land, and was saPPing the
very foundation Of property, even ofthe non-slave-
holding States themselves. And it is extraordi-
nary that MIR. Richie, who not only went the
whole length of abolition, but was prepared to
appropriate the proceeds of the sale of the public
lands and surplus revenue in aid of that object
who was the leading editor in the slave-holding
State of Virginia, and prepared to adopt even the
most unconstitutional means, should now be de-
nouncing Gen. Harrison, who, although residing
in non-slaveholding State, was much more
orthodox than Mr.. Richie himself. Having Civ
en- the extract from the Enquirer above, we now
quote the comment of the editor of the Pilot up
on that article, published in the U. S. Telegraph
in January 7, 1882.
Extract from the q. s. Telegraph, of January
1892.
GIVE have abstained, till now, from noticing
the deeply important, and we may say dangerous
subject, so unexpectedly agitated in the Virginia
Legislature, and which has produced so much
excitement in that State. We felt that although
interesting to the whole community, it was par
ticularly so to that ancient Commonwealth, and
that she ought to be permitted to develope her
own views, before those of others, were hastily
obtruded upon her. The open and free discus
sion of the subject, has, of course, presented 1t
as proper subject of reflection and remarks, to
every other portion of the community.
eve deeply fear, from all that we have seen and
heard, that it has been prematurely and unwise-
ly agitated. We enter not into the abstract
question of Emancipation. That is solemn
question, belonging exclusively to the slayehold-
ing States, deeply involving their peace and hap
piness but surely there can be no division OF
sentiment, as we believe there is scarcely any
among the wise and rejecting, that to agitate
such subject in a community where the two
descriptions of population are nearly equal, with
out having formed any practical plan by which
emancipation and removal could be effected,
which could be promptly and certainly executed,
as appears to be the, case in Virginia, was equal
ly unwise and dangerous, not to use even stronger
expressions.
ssIt could not possibly be productive of any
good, and must necessarily produce great and
durable evil, not only to Virginia, but to the
whole South, and we must add, the Union itself.
It is calculated to unsettle every thing-the
mind of masters and slaves; and if not closed by
prompt and decided rejection Of the measure,
must produce the consequences which necessarily
follow the unsettling of the public mind on such
question.
'EWhat may be the remote effects of slavery,
whether its evil viii increase or decrease, is a
question in the womb of time; but we feel as
sured that there is existing evil that can in
any degree justify the consequences which must
flow from the agitation of the subject at this
time, and in the manner in which it has BEEN
people, IL IS true may DC 100 lHuliIeIent ABOUT
the future, but with our short and limited facul-
ties, we may often make great errors in legislat
ing for remote contingencies, which may never |
occur, instead of providing against those which
actually press. Such fear, is the present |
case.
E'That the Southampton affair required legis-
lative enactments to guard against similar
occurrences; to strengthen the police; to put
down fanatical d fusion, and pretenders to
religious instruction by ignorant blacks, no
will doubt; but that it should be seized upon
the occasion for adopting measures to unsettle
the very foundations of property and society in
the State to guard against dangers which may
not happen, and which none expect to happen
within several generations, affords but another
evidence of the feebleness of the human mind, |
acting on a remote contingency instead OF pre- |
sent circumstances.
ssWe hold, as a great fundamental and univer |
sal truth, that total change in the property and
the condition of society, cannot be effected wise
ly by any sudden Legislation. 1t must be left to
the slow and insensible operation OF those I'M
seen causes which are always at work with the
advance OF improvement, and only occasionally
to be retarded accelerated by the interposition
of positive enactments.
''We fear that the movements of those who
have led in Virginia on this deep and interesting
subject, have been excited by the example OF
Pennsylvania and other States North of her
To our mind there is not the slightest analogy
What was wise in them, with their few slaves,
would, we fear, be madness in Virginia with her
half million. With them emancipation did
not involve removal. With Virginia it imperi-
ously does-which of itself, makes an essential
between them. Where the two races
are nearly equal, it is impossible that they can
exist together without the present relation of
master and slave.
EsBut that half a million of whites, whose pro-
perry consists mainly in land and slaves, Qand
almost worthless without being worked by their
aborO should undertake of themselves, not only
10 emancipate their slaves, but to remove Thorn
% distant region of the Globe, would seem 50
clearly beyond the capacity Of the State-would
80 obviously plunge their masters into irretreva-
Die poverty and distress, that we amazed that
such an idea should ever be entertained by any
-nfinnaI ma |