The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1840-06-11
EXTRACT FROM THE SPEECH OF
MIR. BELL, OF TENNESSEE,
On has Bill to secure the Freedom Of Eiecfio,

EXTRACT FROM THE SPEECH OF
MIR. BELL, OF TENNESSEE,
On has Bill to secure the Freedom Of Elections
come now, sir to explain the second branch
Of the remedy proposed by the bill under con
sIderahon; and one, in every way, of subordi-
nate importance to the first for if the abuse
complained Of in the exercise Of the appointing
and removing power shall be corrected, there
will be no necessity for penal enactments to
suppress, the abuse am now about to bring to
your notice; il will be found to be but conse-
quence TO the first
The second section of the bill provides
That no officer, agent or contractor or other
person holding any Office, employment Of trust or
profit, under the constitution and laws of the United
States, SHALL by the contribution of money any va
uabe thing by the OF the Thanking privilege or
the abuse Of any other official privilege Junction.
by threats menaces in any other manner inter
NEEDLE in the election of any member members Of
either House of Congress, or of the President Vice
President" &c. &c.
am aware that great prejudices have been
excited in many sections Of the Union against
any measure of this nature, by the zeal and in
dustry by which the bill Of the Senate of last
year was misrepresented and denounced. Nor
can il be denied that the wording OF that bill was
unfortunate; for while the spirit and object of
il were perfectly defcnsible and Of easy expana-
ton, yet its details were at the time liable
TO some exception, and afforded plausible grounds
for attacks upon it before the people; and at
tackled il was, sir, in the most furious spirit Of
party warfare 1t was the theme of perpetual
and unrestrained denunciation. II was declared
to be more odous and infamous than the alien
and sedition laws. 1t was declared to be the
forerunner of a train of measures which would
renew the reign of terror, and revive all the en-
ormities of the black cockade period of Of 1898!
The people were actually induced, in many in
stances, to believe that they were to have gag
put into their mouths as well as the public Off
GERS.
The description of the offence proposed to be
punished by my bill was copied, word for word,
from bill of similar nature introduced by me
three years ago and ask candid examination
of it, request it to be brought to the strictest
test Of constitutional principle, Of reason, and
sound policy.
The contribution Of money, or other valuable
thing, by public officers, for the purpose of in
huencing or controlling elections, is the inter
ference first enumerated, and proposed to be
prohibited by law Is there, or can there be,
any just exception to this proposition? Is il fit
that any portion of the salaries paid to public
officers, out of the common treasure, shall be
given TO corrupt the ballot-box and to carry cleo
tons in favor Of party? Some are hardy
enough to deny that such practice prevails |;
the very denial of the charge shows a prevailing
sense, among manv of the enormty of such
practice.
The next species Of interference proposed to
be punished is the use of the ranking privilege,
which implies necessarily an abuse of it. Who
will dare to find fault with this part of the bill
or who will, or who dare justify an abuse of
this or any other official privilege function by
public officer, in order to influence or control
~. ...l I .nrat ,t ell.
provision without further mark; nor need
dwell upon the prohibition Of " threats and me-
naces," as means of influencing elections. No
one not wholly insensible to the value of indie
pendence and integrity in elections, can find
fault with SO much of the bill.
But propose to punish any public officer who
shall in any other manner intermeddle in cleo
tons. Let us see if there exists any plausible
grounds Of objection to this prohibition.
Infermeddie, is technical term. All the
most learned photographers agree in its defini-
ton. II Is clear and unequivocal. II is also
term in common and popular use, and is well
understood among the people. II means in the
connexion in which it appears in the bill, an Of
fcious interference; taking an dctipe part busy
ing ones self; going out of ones way I; taking
part, or engaging in the business Of election
eering. The prohibition proposes no restraint
upon the free expression of political sentiment,
or OF preferences Tor candidates. In ones usual
and customary walk and intercourse with socie-
ty. The right of suffrage is expressly admitted
by the bill, as, indeed, it could not be taken
away by it, Now, ask, what exception can be
taken to this measure in reason or upon prin-
ciple2
| have heard it objected that there are some
thousands of deputy post masters, and other Of
| ficers under the Government, whose compcnsa-
ton is so small that they can have but little
temptation TO interfere in elections, and, there
fore, any penal enactments against that class
would be equally vexatious and useless. My
observation of the course Of appointment lately
pursued in the Post Office Department, satisfies
me that these officers, as well as those OF
! higher grade, are selected from among the most
heated partisans, whenever there are any such
at or near the point where the office is situated
and when appointed, they Immediately become
the most active agents Of the party in elections;
especially in distributing electioneering matter
| in behalf of the Admin straton candidates and
the interest and excitement by which they are
governed, leads them often TO suppress OF with
hold from circulation all matter Of counteract-
ing tendency. But to conciliate the support OF
others TO the support of this provision of the bill,
| would have no objection to limit IFS operation
to all officers or agents whose fixed salaries or
usual rates of compensation exceed two hundred
dollars.
/ II was but few years ago, Mr.. Speaker that
it was strenuously denied by the official organ Of
the Administration, (the GIobe) that the Presi-