Vermont telegraph. [volume] (Brandon [Vt.]) 1828-1843, 1839-03-06

| lion operated, were not IN the BOSOM OF
the kingdom, but in remote and feeble
colonies, having no voice in Parliament.
The West India Shareholder was neither
represented nor representative IN that
Parliament And, while | most fervent-
y wish complete success to the British
experiment of West India emancipation,
| confess that | have fearful forebodings
OF disastrous termination Of it. What
ever it may be, think that it must be adj
mltted that, ifthe British Parliament treat
ed the West India slaves as freemen, it al
so treated the West India freemen as
slaves" IT. instead of these slaves being
separated bya wide occln from tie parent
country, three or four millions Of African
negro slaves had been dispersed over
England, Scotland, Wales, and ireland,
and their owners had been members Of
The British Pdrliainent--a case which
would have presented some analogy TO
that Of our own countfy-does any one
believe that it would have been eXpedient
or practicable to have emancipated them,
leaving them to remain, with all their
embittcrcd feelings, in the United King
dom, boundless as the powers Of the Brit
lsh Parliament are!
Other cases have conspired with the
British example to produce the existing
excitement from abolition. | say it with
profound regret, but with no intention to
occasion irritation here or elsewhere, that
there are persons in both parts of the
Union who have sought to ming lie aboli-
ton with politics, and to array one por-
Ition of the Union against the other. 1t is
the misfortune in free countries that, in
high party times, disposition too often
prevails TO seize hold of every thing which
can strengthen the one side or weaken
the other. Charges of fostering abolition
designs have been hePdlessly and unjust
Y made by one party against the other
Prior to the late election of the present
President of the United States, he was
charged with being an abolitioniSt, and
abolition designs were imputed to many
OF his supporters. Much as | was OPP
posed to his election, and am to his Adj
ministration, | neither shared in making
nor believing the truth Of the charge. He
was scarcely installed in Office, before the
same charge was directed against lhose
who opposed his election.
Mr.. President, it is not true, and I re-
Jolce that it is not true, that either OF the
two great parties in this country has any
designs or aim at abolition. [ should
deeply lament if it were true [ should
consider, if it were true, that the danger
to the stability of our system would be in
finitely greater than any which does,
hope, actually exist. Whilst neither par.
ty can be, l think, justly accused of any
abolition tendency or purpose, both have
profted, and both have been injured, in
particular localities, by the accession OF
abstraction Of abolition support. If the
account were fairly stated, l believe the
party to which | am opposed has profted
much more, and been injured much less,
than that to which belong. But an
far, for that reason, from being disposed tC
accuse our adversaries Of being abolition
| lists.
And, now, Mr.. President, allow me tc
consider the several cases in which tn,
authority of Congress is invoked by these
abolition petitioners upon the subject O
domestic slavery. The first relates 10
as it exists in the District ofCoIumbia. Tn,
following is the provision of the consti
tuition of the United States in reference tc
that matter:
"To exercise exclusive legislation in all case
whatsoever over such District mot exceeding te
miles sGuare) as may by cession of particula
states, and tile acceptance Of Congress- become tn
scat of government of the United Statcs.'
This provision preceded, in point {
time, the actual cessions which wer
made by the states of Maryland and VII
GINA. The object of the cession was I
establish q seat Of Government of III
; United States, and the grant in the cor
stltutlon OF exclusive Legislation must
, understood, and should always be inter
2reted, as having relation to the object &
the cession. It was with a full knew
) edge of this clause in the constitution Ia;
t those two states ceded to the Gcner,
Government the ten miles square, const
tutin9 the District of Columbia. In NAL
ing the cession, they supposed that it wa
to be applied, and applied solely, 10 III
purposes Of a seat of Government, f
: which it was asked. When it was mad
: slavery existed in both those common
$ wealths, and in the ceded territory, as
: now continues to exist in all Of them
: Neither Maryland nor Virginia cou
: have anticipated that, while the instit
: ton remained within their respective liz
/ It's, its abolition would be attempted [
J. Congress without their consent 6 Meth
: of them would probably have made {
/ unconditional cession, if they could ha
# anticipated such a result.
d From the nature OF the provision
d the Constitution, and the avowed object
t the acquisition of the territory, two d
n ties arise on the part Of Congress. Il