The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-09-14


" slave states had an equal representation with OF
ers in the Senate, but Mr.. L. had silenceG him
reminding him of the fact that moral force WI
id greater than numerical. Give them but ten di
Y nguished men such as Morris, and they won
e produce moral earthquake that would upheaN
Is the foundations Of slavery and tumble the who
= structure to the ground. If then they could g
l. but one man, let him be an abolitionist out an
n out.
v Mr.. Culver here asked Mr. Tappan whethe
if Thomas Morris was but fve-sixths right, an
e was wrong in the sixth point, Mr.. T. would vot
: for him.
a Mr.. Tappan said he had rather vote for job
W. Hill, the gentleman of the gouges and chisel
Y who had addressed them.
t Mr.. Scott admitted that Mr. Lees ar9umen
would have been unanswerable if his chain hat
had one more link, that is if he had shown that t.
vote for man who was fve-siXths of an abolition
list was to vote for slavery. Without this the ar
gument was incomplete. Now on all moral anC
practical questions the Saviour's axiom always
held, " He that is not for me, is against me-
This was plain in the case of Mr. Adams. The
immediate abolition of slavery in the District Of
Columbia was one great leading object of the alb.
clifton effort, and yet Mr. Adams, five-sixths alb
olitonist as he was, had on this vital point gone
dead against them and with his present views
would continue to do so whether in Congress or
the presidential chair. To vote for him therefore
would be voting for slavery. II they went for
him, another candidate would ask them to 90 for
hm because he was four-SXths of an abolition
isl, another because he was half another because
he was third, and so iii the end they might vote
for every man who had III him the least grain of
abolition Admitting, however, that there might
be various practice in so large body Of men, Mr.
5. insisted on the necessity Of at least fixing a
high standard and endeavoring to keep up to it.
If they would accept of men who were half abo-
Iitonists, they would be likely to get no better,
but if they insisted on the whole they would get
the whole. If any were hypocritcal in their pro-
lession, it was their own concern, and even their
false profession might be means Of leading them
to examine the subject, and thus render them tru-
ly what they had falsely p7o,essed lhemselvestobe
Mr. Plumb, Of Conn. denied that man that
could answer five out of the six interroeatories
was therefore fve-siXhs of an abolitionist. He
was not one-sixth, nor one-tenth, nor one-thou-
sandth part of an abolitionist. An abotionist
was one who believed in his heart that wherever
slavery existed it existed by wrong and ought TO
be instantly abolished. Just as man might be-
lieve in the existence of God and the Immortality
of the soul, in present providence and future
judgment, and Yet if he denied that Jesus Christ
was the Son of God, he would not be four-ffths
of Christian. He would be no Christian at all.
Mr.. Spear of Lansingburg, admitted the gener-
al truth of the principles advocated by those who
were in favor of political action, but his only diff
hculty as to the time when, and the mode
how, this action was to be applied. There were
three conceivable modes in which this might be
done, first to form distinct party-wth candi-
dates for every office all aboitioniSs-the second
was to reserve their power as a body and to cast
it wherever it would do most good and the third
was to stay at home and not vote at all. Either
of these was consistent with the adoption OF the
first resolution. He had heard no proof adduced
that this was the time to 60 into political action
There was a right and wrong time to act politi-
ralIy; if it was done too early, their success
would he ephemeraI and transient. There GER
tany was an order Of movement, proper sue
ceSsion of operations, and he hoped that gentle
men instead of spending time in proving general
principles, would bring forth facts and data to
show that this was the time.
member asked if Mr.. Spear could show that
this was not the time.
Mr.. Knapp of Vermont said that the true cues
ton was, not whether this was the time, but
whether they should regard the great 1undamen-
tai principles CT ant-slavery as in action para
mount TO all others. He agreed with earnestness
in the affirmative, and dwelt for some time on the
force of moral suason. He insisted upon the du-
ty of planting their foot upon the rock of duty,
and throwing away all calculations Of expediency.
Then should one " chase thousand, and two put
zen thousand 10 flight"
Mr.. Granger of Connecticut was in favor OF
he first resolution because it laid down a plain
oath, and proposed simple and ineligible rule
IF action This was just wha, abolitonists want-
ID. But the substitute was wholly in default and
eft the path Of duty as uncertain as ever. To
show that this was the time for political action,
he took an illustration from the command 10 re-
,ent. The duty was pressing and immediate, and
hough this was a busy season, and men were in
he midst of harvest the great principles of truth
md righteousness were not the refore 10 be Sis
pended. And though there might be little pros
,ect these busy laborers would Immediately attend
O it, yetit was pressed now they might the sooner
attend to it when harvest was over. And so in
he abolition enterprise though the prospect might
,e slender Of an immediate compliance with prin-
,ipe in its whole extent, yet principle was never
hel~ss to be pressed on the minds OF all abolition
SITS, and no abatement or compromise could be
made to suit the present aspect of circumstances.
The previous question was now moved, and
.ocopJoj ,rl oorr;nd and tho main question be- ;