The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-08-31

i resolution:
2 Mr.. Gibbons, OF Delaware said that all VIII
I were acquainted with the state of things wher
he resided, must know that it was impossible tn;
abolition candidates of the character described i
the resolution could be voted for, because no sue
: individual could even obtain a nomination as
political candidate. Now, they had before Their
at this time very important question on the sui
yect OF temperance. An effort was making in hi
State to obtain the passage Of law similar to tha
IN Massachusetts, prohibiting the retailing of al
cohollc poison Mr. G and his friends felt intens,
interest as to the result of that effort. Now,
Two sets OF candidates should be presented to Them
one OF which would certainly vote for such law
and the other vote against it, must Mr.. G. be pro
hblted from voting the first ticket because the can
didates upon it were not in favor of the immed
ate abolition of slavery? He wished some repl,
to this question, and he wanted to know especial
! ly how the resolution could be acted npon by the
friends of abolition in the slave states.
Mr.. Tappan here asked leave to report from
the committee on the application to the Governor
in the case of the three colored men demanded by
the Governor of Virginia, that information had
just been received that his Excellency had refused
10 deliver up the men.
This annunciation received by the Con-
vention with loud plaudits
MIR. n. B. Stanton said that though the Con-
vention had got rid of the amendment to the res
olulion, the question was far from being settled.
IT. said he, believed every delegate would heart
lily adopt the resolution as it now stands, return
home and honestly carry it out in action, would
say nothing. But, resolutions adopted in Anti
Slavery Conventions have got to be too much like
custom house oaths-mere forms which too many
regard as having no binding force. This class of
abolitonists egislate like wise men, and then ex-
ecute like fools. They pass very strong resolves
on the subject of political action, but arrived at
the point where they can act efficiently for the
slave they utterly fail. They will sit in our meet
ings and listen to truth, and cringe under anti-sla.
very arguments, and bow their heads and let the
blow pass over, and then return home and let the
collar of party eat into the very sinews Of their
aecks. In the business committee | at first, OPP
posed the introduction of these resolutions, be-
cause we had so often disgraced ourselves in re-
gard to political action, by affirming one thing and
doing another. However, the subject is before
US, and will briefly state my views upon it.
In my opinion the course marked out in this
resolution is the only mode of action that will rid
the country of slavery. will not for one mo-
ment attempt to disparage the immense influence
of moral suasion upon a community of reasoning
men but, the car Of abolition cannot go forward
on one rail, however we'll laid. 1t must have two
rails TO run on; and these are moral suasion and
political action at the ballot box | take the
country as find it, with its conscience deeply
corrupted on the slavery question; rotten that
you cannot make moral truth hold. This fair
city, the political centre Of this great State, is but
one spot where leading men will not fully appre-
ciate those exalted considerations which are not
of a moral nature, and unconnected
with political power. Roll up arguments heaven
high, and whether arranged before the wing or
democrat, they occupy but small space in the
vision OF the mere politician especially on the eve
Of an election.
| was surprised to hear the sentiments which
fell from the lips of my respected friend Mr.. Cor
nish, in regard to political action Does he not
know that the principle laid down by him, operates
practically to nulify our whole anti-savery move
mem? Can he influence the South by his argu- |
ments, while he thus practices? Saith the Bible.
&C let those who bear the vessels Of the Lord be
pure" Let aboitionists carry out their principles
at every cost, if they would hope to reach the con-
science of the STAKEHOLDER. What is the doctrine
we have invariably proclaimed to our southern
fellow citizens! That slavery, at all times, and
in all circumstances is sinful; and that every
STAKEHOLDER is obligated to instantly enancipate
his slaves, and every southern voter bound to
make the immediate abolition of slavery, a test at
the polls. We have reasoned with them as fol-
lows:
"Slavery is sin, and should be at once abol-
ished. The STAKEHOLDER replied, "Our laws
sanction it," The abolitionist rejoined, " But who
made your laws? If they were made by slave
holders and if they are iniquitous, you respon
sbe." "But," answered the Shareholders, {" ifI
we emancpate our slaves they will cut our threats
your abolition scheme will flood our land with
blood" To this the abolitionist replied, If you
would avoid danger from yourselves, attach them
to you by the strong cord Of gratitude-set them
free; doing them good, and The good they most
desire, is not the way to make them murder you,
but doing them injury" But if this consideration
is not strong enough then the abolitonist resorts
10 his last argument "Suppose ii should deuge
your land with blood if it is your duty to do it,
better to wade through blood to the kingdom OF
Heaven, than to sail upon an ocean Of nectar TO
the gates of perdition. Duty is ours-conaequen-
ceS are Gods. But If we convince them that e.
will not endanger their lives, the
STAKEHOLDER still answers, 1t will reduce us to
The abolitionist in reply points to
the West Indies; to peaceful and aourshing
where the brigh flush Of health, pros
perity and happiness has superseded the pallid
hue of ruin and apprehended death. He reads TO
them the report of Thome and Kinball, proving !