The native American., 1839-03-02
THE NATIVE AMERICAN.
REMARKS OF MR.. MOORE. OF NEW YORK.

Z
!, the District OF Columbia against the reception
of Abolition petitions, etc.
Mr.. SPEAKER: present to the House ne
monstrance, signed by some several hundred cili-
gems of this District, against the reception Of pc
titions from citizens of the States praying for the
abolition Of slavery in the District OF Columbia
The memorialists represent that they regard Con-
gress as the local Legislature Of this Distric,
standing in the same relation to the citizens
the District that State Legislature does 10 tn.
citizens Of State; and that they claim the rigb
to advise or instruct the Congress, as their locs
Legislature, on all subjects relating erclusicel
to the local interests and municipal institution
Of the District And further-that they regar
the interference Of persons residing without tn
limits Of the District, by petition or otherwise
as intrusive and understandable; and claim thepf
ternal projection Of Congress against such inter
ference with their rights and interests conc'
with the views of the memorialists, and sha
proceed to yindeate them to the best OF III
abilities.
believe, Mr. Speaker, / am justified in IL
declaration that since have had the honor OF
seat in this body, at least one third of our tim
has been unnecessarily wasted, or mischevous
employed, | will not undertake 10 say which
in debating petitions, resolutions, &c. 81
touching the abolition Of slavery in the Distri
of Columbia. In other words, If am correct j
tie views which would beg leave to submit
the consideration Of the House before take m
seat, we have, for the last four sessions Of Cor
gress. consumed large portion of our time
discussing a subject over which the Federal Lt
gislature, in their Federal capacity, have
Jurisdiction. If this be SO, is It not time that
pause; nay, is it not high time that SO chang
our course Of action on this exciting and vexs
tious subject, as to reject outright all petition
and memorials praying for the abolition Of SLAYER
in the District Of Columbia? 1t is well know
to the members Of this House that all attempt
to suppress discussion on this subject have prove
utterly abortive. And so long as we continu
to receive petitions from citizens of the States OF
the subject of slavery, SO long will our time, q
heretofore, be occupied in agitating this ques
tion Nay, it must be apparent to all now,
that AboitionisRl has assumed political char
acter, that this perplexing subject will become,
from year to year, more and more embarrassing
to the Federal Legislature, unless there shall be
found sufficient frm,ess in a majority of its
members to shut down the gate at once upon all
petitions Of an abolition character And, sir,
permit me to say, that am not altogether COZ
fdent the American people do not attach undue
Importance to the right Of petition" when IN
derstood in broad and political sense--in that
sense, mean, in which it has ever been regard
ed in England. When / hear gentlemen on
this floor dcclaim with SO much warmth and en-
ergy on what they are pleasedto call the bless
ed, sacred, and iaestimable right Of the PEOPLE
to assemble and to petition for redress Of greysn.
ces," am sometimes inclined to believe that
their zeal is not exactly according TO knowledge,
and that they have not duly considered the cha
racter and genius Of our free institutions.
1t is true, and to my mind it is as strange as it
is true, that the Congress of 1859 deemed proper
to propose an amendment to the Constitution,
recognising ''the right of the people peaceably
ITO assemble and petition the Government for
redress Of grievances" The statesmen of that
day, as well as those of the present, were too
much in the habit Of looking to England, not
only for precedents but for political principles
and practices. And from that source did they
derive their ideas concerning the sanctity and
importance of the right of The people TO assem-
BILE and petition their Government. That the
right Of petition has ever been held dear and
sacred by the oppressed and down troddcn sub
jects of Great Britain, is not to be marvelled at.
Nothing could be more natural than that peo-
pie, whose political franchises had been wrench
ed from them by the iron hand of despotc pow
er, should esteem it a boon TO be graciously per-
mitted to assemble, and make known their
wrongs, and to petition to suppcate for redress
1t was the only avenue to the throne which
tyranny had left them; the only mode to obtain,
or rather to solicit, redress, which the sovereign
had vouchsafed to them. The grievances COM
planned Of by British subjects speak particu-
larry in reference to by-gone times--were mostly
general in their effects, and political in their
character, and originated with the Government
And the only general or political remedy, if re-
medy it could be called which the subjects were
permitted to apply, was to assemble and petition
the crown relative thereto. Hence, ever asso-
ciated with the "righio Of petition is the idea Of
an oppression Of the public sentiment, or OF the
public will. But with what propriety this
identical idea has been transferred to the Ame-
rican Constitution, confess l am at loss to
determine.
In England, especially in the reign of King
John, of Magma Charta' memory, and Of the
first three Henrys the people loudly and earn
sesty camored for the right Of petition, because
their voice could only reach the throne through
the medium Of supplica'ion-of petition. It was
the -omnpotency Of the prince on the one hand,
and the impotency Of the subject on the other.
Under such circumstances it was not only natu-
raj but polite for the subject to address the 500.
ereign in the aheet language Of application