The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1839-01-08
PUBLIC REVENUES.

In debate recently, in the House OF Representa-
tives, Mr.. w. Cost Johnson, of Md, made the fol-
lowing remarks 1t will be observed that they have
reference.to mode of collecting and dsbursing the
public moneys, similar to that suggested by article
published in this paper over the signature Of Low
lander.
He (Mr j. had not fully devised plan, but from
the remarks of his colleague Mr. Thomas) he was
induced TO say thata plan had occurred to him which
would meet the point 10 be attained That he would
move Il when the Sub Treasury was urged by the
Chairman Of the Committee of Ways and Means
if no other member would. 1t was in a few words
thiS-,halhe Custom House officers and all the pub
lie receivers should not touch one dollar of the pub
lie revenue.
That the Virginia system should be adopted by the
General Government That when an importing
merchant for instance had to pay revenue duties he
would first have TO find from the Custom House
officer the amount-that then he should deposie in
such bank or institution as the State would enruSt
with its revenues the amount of his bonds du-
ties-and then obtain certificate of the amount OF
deposi,e. That when this was given TO the Custom
House Collector, he would then give receipt to the
importing merchant. That when the Government
had to pay an amount il would give the Government
creditor draft on the depcsory-so that no inter-
mediate agency would touch the receipts or dis
bursements of the public revenue The system was
simple and reasonable, he though-and he would
add one view further. He was opposed to the whole
system Of securtes-that he was opposed to any
V,
the first was if you did not allow him to touch the
public money, there was necessity for giving
curity. The second was, that if you dispense with
securities IL would increase the responsibility of the
Executive to appoint gentlemen to ofice-ior some
securities we're but satellites around Juper-ihe
plea was, il you place degraded or corrupiible
man in Office, that it was OF no consequence, for his
securities were liable.
He opposed the plan and usage of securities, as he
has always opposed in State governments the exist
ence Of an executive councils because it divided
sponsibility. II the public eye rested upon the Off
Ger alone, and not upon his securities the executive
would be forced BY the moral feeling of the nation
10 appoint one worthy and well qualified for the Of
fee. .,.~
He would not attempt to enlarge upon the corrup-
toility oil human character. The divine lesson has
taught us all in early infancy 10 guard against temp
tdtioR.
There were but few men in these DAYS of specu-
lation that he would entrus with a million or half
a million of the public money.
He would say further, that he would desire the de-
posltories OF the public money 10 be those which
the States entrusted with their public funds-and in
States or Territories where there were no States or
Territories--he would In all cases REQUIRE Congress
not the Executive to designate the place for making
the deposites. The plan would work as well in The
east-tor when the repositories, banks or institu-
tons OF such character as might be named were
known purchaser Of public lands would have but
TO depoSite the amount which he had to invest, in
any OF those institutions, get certificate of deposite
and that certificate would be received at any Land
Office in The nation. He would not trust frai hu-
man nature with large amount OF money. He
could not vote for the Sub Treasury system because
1t placed the public officers in immediate contact
with the public money-they had 10 feel and to han
die t-and in doing so il led them into temptation
II really Seduced them into corruption He could
not trust men with millions unless those receivers
were themselves placed in "Sotesr-and such sases
as has neither door nor a window TO creep out at.