Southern Argus. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1834-1842, 1839-03-05

l still shlnk that the question OF such
emancipation in the farming states Is one
whose solution depends upon the relative
numbers of thestwo races u. any given
state. If | had been citizen 81 the
state Of PENNSYLVANIA, when Franklin.s
plan was adopted ashould have voted for
it, because By no possibility could the
black race ever acquire the aScendancy
u thaE state But # I had been then, oF.
were now, a citizenof any Of the plant.
ING states-the Southern or Southwestern
states-I should have opposed, and would
continue to oppose, any scheme, whatever,
Of emancipation, gradual or immediate,
because of the danger of an ultimate as
cendancy of the black race, or of civil
contest which might terminate ia the ex.
tinction of one race or the other.
The proposition ia Kentucky for a
gradual emancipation did not prevail, but
il was sustained by large and respectable
minority, That minority had increased,
and was Incl leasing, until the abolitionists
commenced their operations. The effect
has been to dissipate all prospects whatey-
er, for the present, Of any scheme of graz
dual or other emancipation, The people
of that state have become shocked and
alarmed by these abolition movements,
and the number who would now favor q
system even Of gradual emancipation, Is
probably less than it was IN the years
1883. At the session Of the L egisla-
ture held in 1898, the question of call
ing convention was submitted to the
People by law passed in conformity
with the Constitution Of the State. Many
motives existed for the passage of the law,
and among them that Of emancipation had
its influence. When the question was
passed upon by the People at their last an.
nual election, only about one fourth Of the
whole of the votes of the state supported
a call of a convention. The apprehension
of the danger Of abolition was the leading
consideration amongst the People for OPP
posing tho call. But for that, but for the
ag talion of the question of abolition in
states whose population had no right, in
the opinion Of the people of Kentucky, to
interfere in the matter, the vote for con.
yention would have been much larger, if
t had not been carried. | felt myself
constrained to take immediate, bold, and
decided ground against it.
Prior to the agitation Of this subject Of
abolition, there was progressive melio.
ration in the condition Of slaves through
out all the slave states. In some of them,
schools of instruction were opened by hu.
name and religious persons. These are
all now checked and spirit of insur,
bordination having shown itself in some
localities, trOceable, it is believed, to aboli-
ton movements and exertions, the legisla.
tive authority has found il expedient to IN
fuse fresh vigor into the police, and laws
which regulate the conduct Of the slaves.
And now, Mr.. President, if it were
possible to overcome the insurmountable
obstacles which lie in the way of immedi.
ate abolition, let US briefly contemplate
some Of the consequences which would
inevitably ensue. One of them has been
occasionally alluded TO in the progress
IF these remarks. It is the struggle
which would simultaneously arise between
the two races in m1st of the Southern and
Southwestern states. And what dread.
tul Struggl e would it not be! Embittered
by all the recollections of the past. by the
lnconquerable prejudlces which would
prevail between the two races, and stimu-
ated by all the hopes and fears Of the fu-
ure, it would be contest in which the |
of the blacks, or their as.
.endancy over the whites, would be the |
ole alternative. Prior to the conclusion,
r during the progress of such contest,
asst numbers, probably, of the black race |
Fould migrate into the free states; and |
What effect would such migration have
pom the laboripg classes in those states
Now the distributionO of labor in the u. |
tied States is geographical the free Ia.
orers occupying one sideof the line, and |
he slave laborers the other each class
ursuing its own aYocatious almost alto |
ether unmixed with the other. But, on |
be suppositionof immediate abolition, the |
lack class, migrating into the free States,
yould enter into competition with the |
yhite class, diminishing the wages Of their
lbor, and augmenting the hardships Of
leir condition.
This is not all. The abolitionists sire.
uously oppose all separation Of the two
aces. / confess to you, sir, that | have
cen with regret, grief, and establishment,
heir resolute opposition to the project OF
No scheme was ever pre-.
ented to the acceptance Of man, which,
whether itsbe entirely practicable OF not,
5 characterized by more unmixed hu-
nanity and beneYolence than that Of
transporting, with their own consent, the
rec people Of color in the United Staies
o the land of their ancestors. lthaS the
powerful recommendation that whatever
I does a Qood and if il effects nothing,
I inficts "a one evil or mischief upon any
,artion Of our society. There IS no ne-
hostility between the objects sof
and abolition. Colonization
9eals only with the free man Of color, and
hat with his own free voluntary consent.
Il has nothing to do with slavery. Itdis-
tnrbs no mans property, seeks TO impair
40 power IN the slave states, nor to attri.
butte any to the General Government. All
its action and all its ways and means are
voluntary, depending upon the blessing Of
Providence, which hitherto has graciously
smiled uponit. Andyet, benefcent and
and harmless as colonization IS, ne pot-
ton Of the People Of the United States
denounces it with 50 much perseuering
zeal and such unmixed bitterness as do tho
abolitionists.