The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1839-03-30


nstraiion, and which formed at Thai time an admit
ted majority Of The people Of the United Staiesf
had been associated with that party In some OF It's
most vital and important struggles, in defence, as
believed, OF The liberty, union and best interests Of
the nation; and the tannls which are daily adj
dressed 10 me, Of The bright prospects have for
feiled" by my mpolitic obStinacy, would seem 10
tborize the conclusion that enjoyed, at least as
much OF lis favor aud as likely 10 obtain its
future support In aid of the amb tious aspirations
ascrbed TO me, as any other man. Every consideIa-
lion Of personal nature, iben urged me u sustain
Mr.. Van Burer s administration 10 whatever course
OF policy !, might adopt. IL had been capable Of
listening 10 the suggg slions oil selfish calculation,
when the highest interests OF my Country seemed 10
be at stake, should have suppressed the solemn con-
viclions oil my Judgment and in silence, have reaped
the reward OF NY acquiescence and serviiiiy knew
too, from the bleeding examples before my eyes,
what fearful thing IL 10 incur the denuncia-
tian OF party, But The conscious satisfaction OF
doing what believed 10 be right and OF unfolding,
as far "a my feeble could aid In doing II, the
liberties and happiness Of the people against The mis-
chievous schemes of party or OF power, J priced
above every other consideration, and resolved TO
perform my duty 10 The country, cost what 1t might
of personal sacrifice 10 myself
The first question which occurred under the adj
ADMINISTRATION of Mr. Van Buren, was one OF The
highest importance, and involved considerations
intimately connected with the fundamental prInci-
Piles Of the Government. aliude, OF course, 10 the
action OF the new Executive, on the subject OF The
celebrated specie circular That measure had been
condemned by Overwhelming majorities OF both
branches Of Congress. A bill, having for lis object,
among other things, the aLnulment of the circular
had passed the Senate by vote Of Al 70 5, and The
House OF Representatives by a vote OF l43 10 o5 ~
presented 10 General Jackson within the lasten
days Of the session of Congress and OF his own adm
nsiraiion; and being withheld by him until the ad-
tournament Of Congress- under circumstance OF
which Il Is no part Of my present purpose 70 speak
failed 10 become a law But though II was thus pre-
vented from acquiring the force Of positive law, its
moral effect, an authentic and imposing expression
OF the will of the people, manifested through their
constitutional organs, the two Houses OF Congress,
was full and undiminished II was, accordingly,
expected by the great body Of Mr. Van Bureh's
friends that the first act Of his administration wonld
be to defer TO this expression oil the Legislative VIII
BY resembling or essentially modifying the specie
circular. Many OF them before leaving Washing
ton, united in written and formal representation
urging him, in the strongest terms, TO do so.
Feeling myself the ivelesl interest in the success
of Mr.. Van Buren's administration, having conri-
buted my best efforts 10 his election under an honest
belief that he would conduct the affairs Of the nation
with prudence and moderation, and on sound repub-
lican principles, could not but feel much anxiety
TO The decision he should form on the important
question thus presented 10 him. in the outset Of his
official career. Whatever might be said In excuse
OF the specie circular as temporary measure 10
check exiravagant speculaions in The public lands
its continuance beyond the immediate exigeneies Of
the occasion, considered wholly unjustifabe. Be-
II
contemplated between the different branches of The
public revenue, its operation direct and indirect be-
came eminently injurious 10 derangfDg the whole
monetary system Of The country, and contributed es-
sentiaily, as i have always thought, 10 the final
catastrophe Of the suspension Of specie payments by
the banks May, 1887. expressed this opinion in
advance as early as the l0h January, 1887, in a
speech made by me on that day in the Senate u s.
and the Of that opinion more fully de-
veloped in another speech made by in the Senate
on the 18th September, 1887 after the actual occur
renee Of the catastrophe.s But important as this
aspect of the question was i was mol The most I'm.
rant in which the subject was necessarily presents
ed by the circumstances that had taken place. TO The
consideration Of the new President There was an
other aspect Of Intimately connected with the vital
principles OF representative government itself Amer
the almost unanimous expression Of opinion against
the continuance OF The specie circular, by The two
Houses Of Congress, the question was, shall the will
of the people, conveyed through their representa-
tives, prevail or the will of the Executive felt all
the gravity OF this question: aId as sincere friend
Of The President, addressed letter 10 him, present
ing for his consideration with the respectful earnest
ness which that friendship inspired, The views of il
which, thought, ought 10 regulate the conduct Of
Republican Chief Magistrate. Having heard that
institutions (absurd enough surely,) are not untre-
quenlly made thar was never the friend Of the Pre-
sdenf, though aiding in his election but that deter
mined In advance To oppose his administration right
or wrong herewith submit the letter referred TO- that
the public may Judge whether the spirit in which it
was written was not that Of arue friend, and whether
the suggestions il contained were not also those Of
true and rejecting friendship.
castle Hill, April nth, 1887.
My Dear Sir-You will excuse, i am sure the
liberty am about 10 take No one has more sincere
ly desired your elevation TO- your present distin-
guished station than have done None more anx-
iouSy wish for your success in it. These sentiments
have de,erminedme TO express to you, with the frank
ness you desire, know from all your friends, the
| thoughts which occur 10 me, on question OF the
deepest interest to yourself and the country.
infer from some recent articles in the Globe that
the subject of the Treasury Circular is still under
your consideration. l have drawn that inference
particularly from an article signed Il. in the Globe
of the Isl inst, which, from the internal evidence,
suppose, 10 be from official source. The article
shows evidently bias in favor of maintaining the
Treasury Circulars and yet what is the result Of its
| reasoning, and statements That the measure is OF
but little or no efficacy either for good or evil in
commercial and financial view, while, in its political
operation, il is injurious. take this to be about the
most favorable view that can be presented OF the
matter. What ought to be the consequence? This
measure, which, It is admitted does neither much
| good nor harm, has been condemned by large mao-
rites in both branches of Congress- and bill abro
eating it, passed by vote Of nine-tenths in one
House, and three fourlhs in the other, which
would now be the law Of the land if it had been
turned. think ought to have BEEN to the Legis
lative Department
Ought measure of such a character to be main
tanned by the Executive against overwhelming an
expression of the oil the Representatives Of the
people and the States2 Would il be in harmony
with the genius OF our Instuons2 l might ask
indeed, adverting to the well known and invarable
practice both in England and France of ministers
yielding to parliamentary majorites, however small
ifi would be in harmony with the genius of any con-
situional government think, then, my dear sir
that your through this difficulty is very plain
one. Whatever you may think of The Treasury Cir
cular Congress- whose full control over the matter
cannot be questioned and whose twas
expressly submitted by the late President has pro-
nounced upon it, BY m0jor,ies sufficient TO have
given the force of law TO their opinions in spite Of
Executive objections, If the opportunity had been a
forded to them. In carrying out their will thus So
lemnly expressed, the responsibility is not upon you
but upon Them with whom the constitution lodges