The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-01-26

is ready to perish. She is ready to say to the
bondman, "Entreat me not to leave thee, or to re-
turn from following after thee, for whittier thou
goest will go, and where thou odgest will
lodge; thy people shall be my people, thy GOO
shall be my God where thou diest | will die, and
there will be buried the Lord do so to me, and
more also, if aught but death part me and thee.
The resolutions, adopted by the legislature Of
Vermont, addressed to Congress- last year, cover
ing the extent of ordinary constitutional action,
the part of the contederacy, cheered the heart 81
the philanthropist and armed humanity herself
with new power to march to the terrible contest
between the forces of light and darkness, truth
and falsehood, liberty and slavery. In the char
acer and spirit of those resolutions the savehold-
err must have seen Swallowed out, in coming days,
his Indictment, trial and final overthrow. Then
he a sovereign state march into the field.
Then the Shareholder found out the falsehood of
the addIe+hedded chafgethat the abolitonists were
only few, decayed old women, subject to hySter-
les, and few moon-struck, fanatcal men, who
nursed and fed themselves on visions, and spent
their time in frances, or lost themselves by diving
into the mysteries of prophecy, and second sight,
or in writing commentaries upon Mormon Bibles.
But these noble minded men of the South, whose
minds scared into the lofty regions of chivalry,
where women.whipping is one of the most dis
tinguished features or employmens of that chioal-
ry, flor except in those peculiarly gay and gallant
regions women are not whipped) through John G.
Calhoun the prince of notification raised the cry
that before the Vermont resolutions were consid-
cred, by the Senate, string of resolutions all split
out of one log, and by Mr.. Calhoun, must first be
conSidered as a counter statement, to those from
Vermont, as sort of breakwater to prevent their
consequence Thus the cnlprit, arragned by
W.. i
duce his evidence and sum up his cause, and make
the most of his argument, before the prosecution
was heard, and thus forestal the judgment of the
court. have no doubt this new and improved
mode adopted by the shareholders in Congress, of
trying criminal, would relieve the gaows from
bending under the weight of many pirate and
the state prison from the confinement of many
scoundrel. These highly cultivated shareholders
deny the slaves right to petition on any subject,
any more than mules, dogs or horses. On the
ground that slaves have no rights to be violated no
matter what is done to the slave, by any one, he
as slave having no RIG ht, nor any interest in any
rights, which can be violated, therefore he not
as slave assume to ask for the redress of any in
jures because he the slave has nothing which can
be injured. He has nothing which can be the sub
ject of Legislative address, on his own prayer for
to admit it, would be admitting there was some-
thing the master had not crushed and DESTROYED,
in appropriating the slave to himself. The slave,
says the master, can not petition for himself for
any thing, therefore the freeman can ask no great
er right for the slave than the slave could for him
self, therefore the freeman can not petition for him.
And lift be right to deny the petition Of the slave,
in person, or the freeman for him, therefore it
must be right to deny the petition of sovereign
state, who asks for the same thing, yea the whole
nation if it ask for any thing in behalf of the
slave who has nothing, and is entitled to nothing,
on the ground that the nation is agent for the state,
who is agent of the freeman, who is agent of the
slave, or nothing; this whole matter resting on
legal nothing, no matter how high you pile con-
sderations upon nothing, and extend the bounda-
ries of nothing, to nothing it must come at last.
In this bark-mil circle southern mind revolves,
on the question of slavery. We know not which
most to wonder at, the gross inhumanity it mani
tests, the shallow logic by which they affect to
maintain this proposition. Let US examine for
moment one of the prominent reasons, why there
appears to be such numerous and active force
upon the floor of Congress, ready to contend for
propositions, which for absurdty are only exceed
ed by their cruelty, and seem to mock all the pre-
tensions which civilization and Christianity ever
claimed in their advancement of the human race.
The American Congress is, without doubt an
dHOlHuly DIS uellDerduVe DOuy; Ill TIE ClNlllEeu
world. In that most august representative body
of twenty-four sovereign and independent states,
are twenty-eight members elected in consequence
of two and quarter millions of slaves existing
in one part of the nation, from whence these twen
ty eight members come, not to represent them but
to oppose any plan, or project, which might tend
to the benefit of those slaves, to whose very num-
bers these twenty eight members were indebted
for their seats. BY counting five slaves as three
white or free persons, as the basis Of congresson
al representation, these twenty eight members of
Congress hold their seats as the chattel represent
atives, or as the representatives of things and not
of men, and possess or claim the power to silence
their chattel or Mimg-constituency, when it asks
or seeks to become a maan-conStituency, and also
claim the high prerogative of silencing their as
sociate members of Congress, who would seek to
elevate the chattel constituency of the twenty
eight to the man basis. The twenty eight claim
that it is distinct portion of their official duty to
countervail the sympathy and humanity of the
age, when it shall manifest desire to elevate
their constituents to the common right and privi-
leges of mankind. These twenty eight men come
to represent nothing but the congregated absurdi-
ties and all the marked moral obliquities of this
neriod of the world RI of II MT he sl,nnocad I