Madison Whig advocate. [volume] (Canton, Miss.) 1839-1841, 1839-03-09


ding to the spirit OF the understanding " area
/ prevailed al the period allUd TO- Should g a
slave State. Ii nav be tTue that TIE eos'YfoAl-
Use does IN terms embrace Fiest.s- 1---
that IL is not absolutely binding an ooiiga1"-
! ~; but all candid and impartial men ns1st
agree that il Ought not - be dssTegarasd VITA
fogt the most xeichtiy Considerations. ard thai
nothing could be more deprecated tlan 70
open anew the Iieed'ng ~9uneS VI .l 49,
happily bound up and healed by that com
/ promise. Florida IS the only REMAINING e
rirorv 70 be admitted into The Union y ita tEe
institution of domestic slavery NnAs rs
lcoEsin aud Iowa are now neaFiE sAP1 io- 1''.i7-
SION without II
/ The next instance IN which the exsFc s. q
the power Of Congress IS sosEeliuSe i nat OF
prohibiting what Is cenoiniastvd bF 1Ae Peu-
ltioneTs the slave trade between the Sl~'es- o.
as IL Is described in abolition pttt4oDsr tae
traffic in human beings between the States
| This exercise Of the power OF IonSIess :
claimed under thai clause OF the tonsa;tn.aln
| which invests 1t with authority 10 regeia'e
commerce with foreign nztIons- and among
the several States, and with the Indian tribes
The power - regulate commerce among the
several States. like other powers n INC tOHstl-
| tuition, has hitherto renamed coffnaht n re-
spect 10 the interior trade By land between
the States. Il was power grantec- Ike ali
| the other powers of the General Government
! to secure peace and harmony among the STATES
Hitherto it has not been necessary 10 exercise
It. All the cases IN WHICH, curing s.iS pr
1
exert the general authority TO regulate Gem
merce between the States. cannot be coneelN-
| ed. We may easily imagine, however, eontiE-
gencies which, if they were 10 happen, might
| require the interposition OF the common 2H-
thority If for example, the State OF Ohio
were, BY law, 20 prohibit any vessel from en-
| teriup the port of Cincinnati, from the port OF
| Louisville, in Kentucky. IT that case be not
already provided for by the laws whica Tegn-
1 late our coasting trade, 1t would be competent
to the General Government 10 anRul the pro-
hibition emanaiing from State authority or
if the State of Kentucky were to prohibit the
Introduction within its limits, OF any articles
of trade the production of the industry OF the
inhabitants Of Ohio, the General Government
might, by its authority, supcrsede the State
enactment. But | deny that the General Gov
eminent has any authority whatever, from the
Constitution, TO abolish what Is called inc
slave trade. or in other words, IL prohibit the
removal of slaves from one slave State 10
another slave State.
The grant in the Constitution is Of pow
or of regulation, and not prohibition IL IS
conservative. not destructive. Regulation CT
"a iaferBliai implies the continued existence or
prosecution of the thing regulated Prohlol-
ton implies total discontinu1nce ur annIhila-
ton. The regulation intended was designed /
to facilitate and accommodate, not 20 ohsITUct
and incOmmode the commerce TO be regulated 1
Can it be pretended that, under this power -
regulate commerce among the States. Con
giess has the power prohibit the Transports
ton OF i've STOCK wlfcn. III countess NUMBERS
daily passing from the Western and interior /
States to the Southern, Southwestern. and At I
lantic States! The moment the IncoutestI- {
bic fact is admitted, that negro slaves are prop
erty, the law of movable property isTesIstIbIv 4
attaches itself 10 them. and secures the right |
of carving them from to another State. Z
where they recognised property, with 4
out any hindranee whatever from Congress
But, Mr.. President, | will not de tain the 4
Senate longer on the subjects of slavery with I
fho and 1raff he
of Congress to prohibit the removal Of slaves I
from one State TO another. These, as l have \
already intimated, with ultTa-abOhtoEists aTe
Uut SO manv masAeu batteries. conceai5r~ the ]
real and ultimate point Of attack. That point
of attack Is the Institution OF domestic slave
~ as it exists in these States. 1t - TO hber-
ate three millions of slaves held IN bondage
within them. i nd now ailo~ me, ST., 10
glance at the insuTmountable obstacles which
lies in the way Of the accomplishment Of tins
end, and at some of the consequences which
would ensuc if II were possible TO attain It.
The first impeachment is the utter and abso-
Lutte want of all power on the part OF the Cen
era Government to effect the purpose. The
Constitution of the United States creates Il
mited Government, comprising comparatively
few powers, and leaving the ressduary mass OF
political power In the possession of the several
States. Ii is well known that the subject OF
slavery inteTposed one of the greatest difficult
ties in the formation of the Constitution IL
" as nappliy compromised ana GQtUSlE4 III
spirit OF harmony and patriotism--A ccO-dlng
to that compromise, no power whatever vas
granted TO the General Government IT respect
to domestic slavery, bat that which relates 10
taxation and representation. and the power 70
restore fu gitive slaves to their lawful owners
All other power in regard to the institution
of slavery retained exclusively by the
States, TO be exercised BY them seveTally, ac-
coTdIng TO their respective views OF their OWE
peculiar interest. The Constitution Of the
United States could have haen rr1f
upon the principle of investing the General
Government with authority TO abolish the IustI-
tuition with pleasure. II never can be continu-
ed for a single day if the exercise Of sCci Z
power DC assumed or usurned-
But it may be conteudcd BY these uItra-abo-
lItionsts that their object IS net 10 stimulate
the action of the General Government. but 70
operate upon the States themselves IL which
the institution of domestic slavery exists Ii
that be their object. WHY these abolition So
cIetIes and movements all confined 10 the free
States! Why are the slave States want0nly
and cruelty assailedl WHY do the abolition
presses TEEN with publications tending 10 ex-
cite hatred ond luminosity en- the part of the {
inhabitants of the free States against those OF Z
the slave Statesl Why is Congress petitioned + =
1 he free States have no more power or rgdf 10 ?
interfere with the institutions of the slave S
states. conhded TO the exclusive jurisdiction %
hose States, than they would have 10 interfere I
With the institutions existing in any foreign :
country. What would be thought of the Tor (
nation Of societies in Great Britain, the issue /.
II numerous infiamat0Ty publications, and tie c
sending out OF lecturers throughout the king 7
IN, denouncing and aiming at the desfructIcE + s
II any o. the institutions CT Fr&nce1 Would / q
hey be regarded as proceedings warranted bv 4
rood nefghborhoeds Orwhat would be thought n
# the formation of societies in the slave 4
states, the issue of violent and iniIamatorv ! h
racts. and the deputafion of missionaries \
touring out iHiPassioned denuEciations against .
nsiisutions under the exclusive control Of the Il
rec statess Is their purpose TO appeal 10 our =
and TO aetuaie orr humanity Z;
nd do they expect 10 accomplish that bur-
'ose BY holding us mp to the scorD- anc con :
empf- and detestation of the people of the .
rec States and the whole civilized world = =
The slavery which exists amongst Us Is our af- :.
AR, not theIfs; and they have no more sust !.
oncern with il than they have with slavery a. =
exists throughout the world WHY not leave =
TO US. as the common Constitution Of our i.
ounfry has left it. TO be dealt with. under the =
uidance of Providence, as best We nav OF :.
am -
The next obstacle in The way Of abolition e
of he fact ~ -