Vermont telegraph. [volume] (Brandon [Vt.]) 1828-1843, 1839-03-06
Concluded from FIRST Page.

q
prising comparatively few powers, aDd
leaving the residuary mass Of political
power in the possession of the several
States. II is well known that the subject
Of slavery interposed one Of the greatest
difficulties in the formation of the Consti-
tuition. 1t was happily compromised and
adjusted in a spirit of harmony aud patri-
otism. According to that compromise, no
power whatever was granted to the Cen
eral Government in respect to domestic
slavery, but that which relates to taxation
and representation, and the power to re-
store fugitive slaves to their lawful own
ers. All other power in regard to the in
stllution OF slavery was retained exclu-
sively by the States, 10 be exercised by
them sevefally, according to their respec-
tive views of their own peculiar interest.
The Constitution of the United States
never could have been formed upon the
principle of investing the General Gov
eminent with authority 10 abolish the in
stitution at its pleasure. 1t never can be
continued for a single day, if the exercise
of such power be assumed or usurped.
But it may be contended by these ultra
abolltionists that their object is not to slim
ulate the action of the General Govern
ment, but to operate upon the States them
selves in which the institution OF domestic
slavery exists If that be their object,
why are these abolition societies and move
ments all confined to the free States Why
are the slave States wantonly and cruelty
assailed Why do the abolition presses
,teem with publications tending TO excite
hatred and luminosity on the part of the in
habitants of the free States against those
Of the slave States WAY is CONGRESS
petitionedf The free STATES have no
more power or right to interfere with in.
stitutions in the slave States confdel to
the exclusive jurisdiction of those States.
than they would have to interfere with in
stitutions existing in any foreign country.
What would be thought Of the formation
OF societies in Great Britain, the issue Of
numerous inhammatory publications, and
the sending oat of lecturers throughout
the kingdom, denouncing and aiming at
the destruction of any Of the institutions
OF France2-Would they be regarded as
proceedings warranted by good neiohbor-
hood -! Or what would be thought of the
formation OF societies in the slave States,
the issue OF violent and inflammatorv
tracts, and the deputation of missionaries.
pouring out imprisoned denunciations
against institutions under the exclusive
control of the free States2 Is their pur-
pose to appeal to our understandings, and
to actuate our humanity And do thew
expect to accomplish that purpose by hold
ing us up to the scorn, and contempt, and
detestation of the people of the free States
and the whole civilized world? The
slavery which exists among US is our af.
fair, not theirs; and they have no more
just concern with it than they have with
slavery as it exists Throughout the world
Why not leave it TO US, as the common
Constitution of our country has left it, to
be dealt with, under the guidance of Prov
idence, as best we may or can2
The next obstacle in the way of aboli-
ton arises out of the fact of the presence
In the slave States Of three millions oil
slaves. They are there, dispersed thro'
out the land, part and parcel of our popu-
lation. They were brought into the coun-
try originally under the authority of the |!
parent Government while we were colo |
mics, and their importation was continued
in spite of all the circumstances of our
ancestors. If the question were an orig |
inal question, whether, there being no
slaves within the country, we should in |
troduce them, and incorporate them into
our society," that would be a totally differ
ent question. Few, il any, of the citizens
Of the United States would be found TO ia
vor their introduction. No man in it ,
would oppose, upon that superstition, their I
admission with more determined resolu- |
ton and conscientious repugnance than |
should. But that is not the question:
The slaves are here; no practical scheme
for their removal or separation from US
has yet been devised or proposed; and the
true inquiry is. what is best to be done
with them.
In human affairs we are often constrain- !
ed, by the force Of circumstances and the
actual state Of things, to do what we would |
not do if that state of things did not exist.
The slaves are here, and here must re-
main, in some condition and, | repeat,
how are they to be best governed2 What |
is best to be done for their happiness and !
!. our own2 In The slave States the alter
kdtiNN los tuot hhC WHttG iiIdH IluSI govern
the black or the black govern the white. |
La several Of those States, the number of
the slaves is greater than those of the
white population. An immediate abol-
ton Of slavery in them, as these ultra -ab-
olitionists propose, would be followed by
desperate struggle for-immediate ascend |
ancy OF the black race over the white
race;~or rather it would be followed by
instantaneous collisions between the two
races, which would break out into civil