The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1839-02-12


The owners OF slave property. Andihe taxes to raise
that enormous amount can only be Justly assessed
upon themselves orupon the ffee States II they can
persuade them 10 assent 10 such an assessment for
Il would be moekey Of all justice and an outrage
against an equity 10 levy any portion Of the tar upon
the slave States TO nay for heir own unquesioned
properly.
II the considerations 10 which have already adj
veried are not sufficient TO dsSuade the aboonists
from further perseverance In their designs, the in
teresi oil the very cause which they profess 10 espouse
ought TO check their career. Instead Of advancing
by their efforts, that cause, they have thrown back
Tor haii a century The prospect Of any species Of
emancipation OF the African race, gradual or imme-
diate, in any of The States They have done more;
they have increased the rgors of legislation against
slaves IN most II not In ALL Of the slave States Forty
years ago the question agiiaed in The State OF
Kentucky OF gradual emancipation Of the slaves
within It's limits. BY gradual emancipation, mean
thai slow but safe and cautious liberation of slaves
which was frs, adopted In Pennsylvania al the In
stance Of DR.. Franklin, In The year l1s0, and,
cording TO which, the generation In being were 10
remain In slavery, but all their offspring born AFTER
specified day were to be free at the age Of twenty
eight, and, In the mean time, were 10 receive prepa
ratory instruction TO qualify Them for the enjoyment
offreedom. That was the species OF emancipation
which, al the epoch to which allude was discussed
in Kentucky. No one was rash enough to propose
or think OF immediate abolition. No one was rash
enough TO think Of throwing loose upon the commu-
nifty, ignorant and unprepared, the untutored slaves
Of the State Many thought, and amongst Them
that as each Of the slave States had right excu-
siyey 10 Judge for itself In respect to the nsti ution
Of domestic slavery, the proportion OF slaves com
pared with the white population In that State, at
that time, was SO inconsiderable that a system Of
gradual emancipation might have been sa fely addp
ed without any hazard 10 the security and Interests
Of the Commonwealth. And sill think that the
question OF such emancipation in the farming States
Is one whose solution depends upon the rel tive
numbers OF the Two races In any given State IL had
kaan air IF he Gtata nTD IL -
Franklin's plan had been adopted l shonld have
voted for IT, because by possibility could the black
race ever acquire the ascendancy in thar Stale. But
If had been then, or were now, citizen Of any
ofthe planning States--the Southern or Southwestern
States--l should have opposed and would continue
TO oppose, any scheme whatever Of emancipation,
gradual or immediate, because Of the danger OF an
ultimate ascendancy OF the black race or Of civil
contest which might terminate in the extinction of
one race or th other.
The proposition in Kentucky for gradual eman-
cipaton did not prevail, but II was sustained by
large and respectable minority. That minority had
increased and was increasing until the aboltionists
commenced their operations. The effect has been 10
dissipate all prospects whatever fer the present cf
any scheme OF gradual or other emancipation The
People Of that State have become shocked and
alarmed by these abolition movements, and the num-
Der who would now favor system eren Of gradual
emancipation is probably less than it was In the
years 1899 AT the session Of The Legislature
held in 1878 the question Of calling convention
was submitted to the consideration of the People by
law passed in conformity with the Constitution of
the State. Many motives existed for the passage of
| the law, and among them that Of emancpa had
| its Influence. When the question was passed upon
by the People at their last annual election only
/ about one-fGurh of the whole voters Of the State
supported a call Of a convention. The apprehen-
sion OF the danger Of abolition was The hadng con-
sideraton amongst the People for opposing the call
But for that but for the agitation of the question of
abolition IN States whose population had no right, in
he ind nrt ba r
in the matter, the vote Tor convention wonld have
been much larger, if II had not been carried felt
myself constrained TO take immediate, bold decided
! ground against It,
Prior to the agitation Of this subject Of abolition,
there was progressive Moderation in the condition
of slaves throughout all the slave States. In some
OF them, schools of instruction were opened by hu-
name and religious persons. These are all now
checked; and spirit Of characterization having
shown itself in some localities, traceable Il is be-
leved, TO abolition movements and exeuons the le-
gisative authority has found it expedient to infuse
fresh vgor into the rolice and laws which regulate
| the conduct Of the slaves
And now, Mr.. President, if il were possible to
overcome the insurmuuntable obstacles which lie'in
the way of immediate abolition, let us briefly con-
template some Of the consequences which would in
evitably ensue One of these has been occasionally
alluded TO in the progress OF these remarks. II is
the struggle which would instantaneousy arise be-
tween the two races in most Of the Southern and
Southwestern States And what dreadful struggle
would il not be Embilered by all the recoections
of The past by the uncoDquerabe preudces which
would prevail between the two races, and stimulated
by all the hopes and fears OF the future It would be
contest in which the determination of the blacks
or their asSendancy over the whites, would be the
sole alternative. Prior 10 the conclusion or during
the progress of such contest vast numbers proba-
bly, of the black race would migrate into the free
States; and what effect would such migration have
upon the laboring classes in those StaeSl
Now the distribution of labor in the United States
froa Iah
side of the line, and the slave laborcrS the other
each class pursuing its avocationS almost alto
geiher uninixed with the other. But, on the suppo
siliun OF immediate abolition the black class MI
grating into the free States, would enter into CON-
petition with the white class, diminishing the wages
OF their labor and augmen,ing the hardshps of their
condition.
This is not all. The abolitioniss strenuously OPP
pose all separation ofthe two Iconfess to you
sir that have seen with regret, grief and asoniSh-
ment, their resolute opposition to the project Of
lonzation No scheme was ever presented to the
acceptance OF man, which, whether il be entirely
practicable or not, characterized by more unmixed
humanity and bene voence than that of transporting
with their consent The free people of color in the
United States to the land of their ancestors. 1t has
the powerful recommendation that whatever il does
is good and il il effects nothing il infcis one
evil or mischief upon any portion of our society,"
There is no necessary hostility between the objects
Of colonization and abolition. Colonization deals
only with The free man OF color, and that with his
own free voluntary consent. II has nothing TO do
with slavery. 1t disuIbs no mans property, seeks 10
impair power in the slave States, nor to attribute
any TO the General Government. All its action and
all its ways and means are voluntary depending up
on the blessing Of Providence, which hitherto has
graciously smiled upon II. And yet, benefcent and
harmless as colonization is, no portion of the people
of the United States denounces il with much per-
severing zeal and such unmixed bitterness as do the
abolilioniSts.
They put themselves in direct opposition TO any
separation whatever between the two races They
would keep them forever pen up together within the
same limits, perpeluating their animos.ties, and con-
stantly endangering the peace Of the community =
They proclaim, indeed, that color is nothing; that
the organic and characteristic difference between the
two races onght to be entirely overlooked and disre
garded. And, elevatng themselves to sublime but