The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-03-23

all rlght 10 enter slave state lor tne purpose ol
intercourse with the slave. 1t is the master whom
they wish 10 address; and they ask and ought to
receive protection from the laws, as they are will
ling to be Judged by the laws. We invite into the
arena of public discussion in our state, the slave
holder; we are willing to hear his reasons and
facts in favor of slavery or against aboiitionists
we do not fear his errors while we are ourselves
free to combat them The angry feelings which
in some decree exist between the citizens of the
free and slayeholding states on account of slavery
are in many cases, properly chargeable to those
who support and defend slavery. Attempts are
almost daily making to force the execution of
slave laws in the free states; at least their power
and principles and no term is too reproachful to
be applied to those who resist such acts and con-
tend for the rights secured to every man under
their own laws We are often reminded that we
ought to take color as evidence of property in
human being. We do not believe in such evil
dence, nor do we believe that man can Justly be
made property by human laws We acknowl-
edge however, that man, not thing, may be
held to service or labor under the laws of state
and, if he escape into another state, he ought to
be delivered up on claim of the party to whom
such labor or service may be due; that this dev-
cry ought to be in pursuance Of the laws of the
state where such person is found, and not by virtue
of any act of Congress.
This brings me, Mr. President, to the consider
alton of the petition presented by the Senator from
Kentucky, and to an examination of the views he
has presented to the Senate on this highly impor-
tant subject. Sir, feel, | sensbly feel, my mad
equacy in entering into a controversy with that
old and veteran Senator; but nothing high or low
shall prevent me from an honest discharge of my
duty here. If imperfectly done, it may be ascri-
bed to the want of ability, not intention. If the
power of my mind and the strength of my body,
were equal to the task, would arouse every man
yes, every woman and child in the country to
the danger which besets them, if such doctrines
and views as are presented by the Senator should
ever be carried into effect. His denunciatons are
against abotionists and under that term are class
ed all those who petition Congress on the subject
of slavery. Such | understand to be his argu-
ment, and as such shall treat it. /, in the first
place, put in broad denial to all his general facts,
charging this portion of my fellow-ctizens
with improper motives, or dangerous designs
That their acts are lawful, the Senator does not
pretend to deny. call for proof to sustain his
charges. None such has been offered, and none
such exists, or can be found. repel them as ca
lumnes doube-distilled in the alembic Of slavery
deny them, also, in the particulars and differences;
and let US see upon what ground they rest, or by
The very first view of these petitioners against
right of petition, strikes the mind that more is
intended than at first meets the eye. Why was
the Committee on the District overlooked in this
case, and the Senator from Kentucky made the
organ of communication? Is it understood that
anti-aboitionism is passport to popular favor,
and that the action Of this District shall present
for that favor to the public gentleman upon this
hobby? Is this petition presented as subject off
fair legislation Was it solicited by members of
Congress- from citizens here, for political effect
Let the country judge, The petitionersstate that
no persons but themselves are authorized to in
terlere with slavery in the District; that Congress
are their own Legislature; and the question of sla
very in the District is only between them and their
constituted legislators; and they protest against
all interference of others. But, sir, as if ashamed
of this open position in favor of slavery, they in
very coy manner say that some of them are not
Shareholders, and might be forbidden by conscience
to hold slaves There is more dictation, more po-
ltical heresy, more dangerous doctrine contained
in this petition, than have ever before seen couch
ed together in so many words. We! Congress
their own legislator in all that concerns this Dis
rict! Let those who may put on the city livery
and legislate for them and not for his constituents
do so; for myself, came here with different
view, and for different purposes. | came free
man, to represent the people of Ohio and intend
to leave this such representative, without wear
ing any other livery. Why talk about Executive
usurpation and influence over the members of Con-
gress? | have always viewed this District infu-
ence as far more dangerous than that of any 9TH
er power. 1t has been able to extort, yes, extort
from Congress millions to pay District debts, make
District Improvements, and in support of the civil
and criminal jurisprudence ofthe District Pray,
sir what right has Congress to pay the corporate
debts of the cities in the District more than the
debts OF the corporate cities in your State and
mine None, sir. Yet this has been done 10 a
vast amount; and the next step is, that we, who
pay all this, shall not be permitted to petition Con-
gress on the subject of their institutions; for, if
we can be prevented in one case we can in all
possible cases, Mark, sir, how plain tale will
silence these petitioners If slavery in the Dis
trict concerns only the Inhabitants and Congress,
so do all municipal regulations. Should they ex-
tend to granting lottery, gaming-houses, tppling-
houses, and other places calculated TO promote and
encourage vice-should Representative in Con-
gress be instructed by his constituents to use his
influence, and vote against such establishments,
and the people of the District should instruct him
to vote for them, which should he obey? TO
state the question is to answer it; otherwise the