Herald of the times. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1830-1846, 1839-02-21

element on the subject Of abolition. The
principal one, perhaps,is the example Of Brit
isb Emancipation of the slaves in the islands
adjacent to our country. Such is The SINH
lariiy in laws, in language, in institutions,an
in common origin, between Great Britain and
the United States, that no great measure Of
national policy can be adopted in the one
country without producing considerable de-
gree of influence in the other. Coniounding
the totally different cases together, Of the
powers Of the British Parliament and those
of the Congress of the United States, and
the totally different situations Of the British
West India islands, and the slaves in the
sovereign and Independent States OF this
ConfeGerucy. superficial men have inferred
from the undecided British experiment the
practicability of the abolition OF slavery IN
these States. The powers ofthe British Par
lament are unlimited, and are often describ-
ed to be omnipotent The powers Of the
American Congress, on the contrarv,are lew,
cautiously limited, scrupulonsly excluding oil
that are not granted, and, above all, carefully
and absolutely excluding all power over the
existence or continuance of slavery IN the
several States. The slaves, too, upon which
British Legislation operated, were not IN the
bosom Of the kingdom, but in remote and
feeble colonies having no voice in Parliament.
The West India STAKEHOLDER was neither rep
resented nor representative in that Parlia-
ment. And whilst ] most fervently wish
complete success to the British experiment
of West India emancipation, confess that
have fearful iorebodDgs Of disastrous ter
mination Of it. Whatever it may be. thlnk
it must be admitted that, if the British Par
lament treated the West India slaves as
freemen, il also treated the West India free-
men as slaves. II, instead Of these slaves
being separated by wide ocean from the
parent country, three or four millions of AT
lrican negro slaves had been dispersed over
England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, and
their owners had been members Of the Brit
,ish Parliament--a case which would have
presented some analogy 10 that Of our own
country-does any one believe that 1t would
have been cxpedient or practicable TO have
ema q ci pated them, leaving them to remain,
with all their cmbiitered feelings, in the Uni
ted Kingdom, boundlcss as the powers OF the
British Parliament are'
Other causes have conspired with the Brit
ish example to produce the existing excite.
ment from abolition. ] say il with profound
regret, but with no intention to occasion ir'
ritaton here or else~ here, that there are per-
sons in both parts Of the Union who have
sought to mingle abolition with politics, and
to array one portion of the Union against the
other. II is the misfortune in free countries
that, in high party times, n disposition too Of
ten prevails TO seize hold OF every thing
| which can strengthen the one side or weaken
the other. Charges Of fostering abolition de-
signs have been hcedlcssly and unjnstly
made by one party against the other. Prio
lI.. .,ia Ia. 81 ,f tho prasidpu
f of the United States, he was charged will
being an aboltionist, and abolition design
were imputed to many of his supporters
Much as was opposed TO his election, ant
am to his Administration, neither shnred IL
making nor believing the truth Of the charge
! He was scarcely installed in Office before the
same charge was directed against those who
! opposed his election.
! Mr.. President, it is not true, and rejoice
that it is not true, that either Of the two great
parties in this country has any designs or ann
at abolition. ! should deeply lament II II
were true. should consider, if it were true,
that the danger to the stability Of our system
would be infinitely greater than any which
does, / hope, actually exist. Whilst neither
! party can be, think, justly accused OF any
| abolition tendency or purpose, both have pro
fitted, and both have been injured, IN paiticu
lar localities, by the accession or ABSTRACTION
of abolition support If the account were
fairly stated, believe the party to which
! am opposed has proftted much more, an
been injured much less, than that to which
. belong. But am for, for that reason, troI
: being disposed to accuse our adversaries G
: being aboltionlsts.
And, now, Mr.. President, allow me to con
; slider the several cases in which the auhorit
, of Congress is invoked by these abolition pc
} titioners upon the subject Of domestic slavery
j The first relates to it as ii exists IN the DIS
trct of Columbia. The following is the pro
! vision of the Constitution of the United
! States in reference 10 that matter.
N "ro exercise exclusive legislation IN all case'
whatsoever over such District (not exceeding
ten miles square) as may by cession Of particu
lar States, and the acceptance Of Congress, be
come the Seat Of Government Of the Unite'
> States"
This provision preceded, in point Of time
: the actual ccssions which were made by tlI
| States of Maryland and Virginia. The 90
e iect of the cession was to establish a seat Q
u Government of the United States; and ,h
= grant i'm the Constitution of exclusive legs
!, lotiop must be understood, and should be al
ways interpreted, as having relation to tn
object of the cession. 1t was with fu
= knowledge Of this clause in the Constitution
that those two States ceded to the Gcner;
: Government the ten miles square, constitu
i ing the District of Columbia. In making IL
ce, g on, they supposed Tint it was to be a
Piled, aud applied solely, to the purpose OF
: sent of Government, for which It was aske
} When it was made, slavery existed IN bo
l. those Common W eaths, aud in the ccded te
J. r,ory. rs il now continues 10 exist In all
s. them. Neither Maryland nor Virginia cou
&c have anticipated that, whilst the institute
D. remained within their respective limits,
abolition would he attempted by Congre
"a without their consent. Neither OF the
"a would probably have made an unconditlon
81 cesson, if they could have anticipated SUI
- result.
- From the nature Of the provision in q
Constitution, aud the nvowcd object OF Z
:, acquisition Of the territory: The hIst ~
:, render the District available. comforoo'
:. and convenient, rs a seat OF Government
10 the whole Union; the other is, TO govern U
people within the District so as best 10 W
mute their happiness and prosperity: ne
'. objects are totally distinct IN their na'u'
W and, in interpreting and exercising Tue g.a
'e of the power Of exclusive legisla',on, w
he distinction should be constantly oofne
g. ,,;nd \, 10 necessary, in order 10 reno