Virginia free press. (Charlestown, Va. [W. Va.]) 1832-1916, 1839-02-21

| "'e oeeh 'nFee epoebs IN the
history OF our country at which the spiri
Of abolition displayed itself. The tir.
was immediately after the formation o
tho present Federal Government. When
The Constitution was about going into
operation. ITS powers were not well un.
de.stood by the community q. large. and
remained TO be accurately interpreted and
dehned. At that period numerous abo.
ii'ion societies were formed. comprising
not merely the Society Of Friends. but
many other good men. Petition, we're
presented TO Congress. praying for the
abolition OF slavery. They were receiv.
ed without serious opposition, referred.
and reported upon by a committee. The
report stated that the General Govern.
ment had no power to abolish slavery as
u existed IN the several States. and that
these States themselves had exclusive iu-
r'sdieiion over the subject. The report
was generally acquiesced in, and salts
faction aud tranquility ensued; the abo.
iition societies there after limiting their
sxertions. in respect to the black popu.a.
ton. to Offices os humanity within the
scope ofexisting laws.
The next period when the subject of
slavery, aud abolition incidentally, was
brought into notice and discussion, was
that on the memorable occasion of the
admission OF the State of Missouri into
The Union. The struggle was long, sire
nuous, and fearful. II is too recent TO
make u necessary to do more than merely
adver. to II, ard 10 say. that it was FINAL
ly composed by one Of those compromises
charscteristic Of our institutions. and Of
which the Constitution itself il the most
'iSnal instance.
The third is that in which we now find
ourselves. Various causes, MIR. President.
have contributed TO produce the existing
excitement on the subject Of abolition.
The principal one. perhaps. is the exam.
pie OF British emancipation Of the slaves
IN the islands adj accent 10 our country
Such Is the similarity In laws, in Lam
guage. in institutions, and in common
origin. between Great Britain and the
United States. that no great measure Of
national policy can be adopted " the one
country without producing a considerable
degree Of influence in the other. Con-
founding the totally different cases toge-
ther. OF the powers Of the British Parlia-
ment and those Of the Congress Of the
United States. and the totally different
situations Of the British West India Is.
lands, and the slaves in the sovereign and
independent States Of this Confederscy,
superficial men have inferred from the un-
decided British experiment the practical
oility OF the abolition of slavery in these
STATES. The powers Of the British Par.
lament are unlimited. and are often de-
scribed TO be omnipoteni. The powers
Of the American Congress, on the contra
~. are few. cautiously limited, scrupu-
lousy excluding all that are not granted.
and. above oil, carefully and absolutely
excluding all power over the existence or
continuance Of slavery in the several
States. The slaves. too. upon which
British legislation operated. Were not in
the bosom Of the kingdom. but in remote
and feeble colonies having no voice in
Parliament. The West India STAKEHOLDER
was neither represented nor representa-.
tive in that Parliament. And whilst I
most fervently wish complete success TO
the British experiment Of West India
emancipation. confess that have fear
full forebodings OF disastrous termin alton
OF It, Whatever il may be, think il
must be admitted that, il the British Par
lament reated the West India slaves as
frcemen. it also treated the West India
fTeemen as slaves. IL instead Of these
slaves being separated by wide ocean
from the parent country. .hree or four
millions OF African negro slaves had been
dispersed over England. Scotland, Wales.
and Ireland, and their owners had been
members Of the British Parliament-a
case which would have presented some
analogy to that OF our own couniry-does
any one believe that IL would have been
expedient or practicable 90 have emanci-
pated item, leaving them 90 remain. with
all their embit.ered feelings. in the Uni
ted Kingdom. joundlcss a. the powers OF
the British Parliament are,
Other causes have conspircd with the Rriush
example 10 produce the existing excitement from
abolition. ! say It with profound regret. but
viih NO intention 10 occasion irritation here or
elsewhere that there are persons IN both parts Of
The Union who have sought io mingle abolition
With politics. and 60 array one portion ~ the
Union against the other n Is the misfortune in
free countries that. IN high parry times. = dispo-
sulon too often prevails O. seize hold 81 every
thug which can strengthen tie enc side or weak
ga the other Charge If fostering abolition DO
sirns have ieen bccdicssiy and unjustly made bv
one party against ihs other Puor 90 the late
election ~ The present President 81 the Uui,e,i
states, be was charged alih being an abolition
-, and aloliuon designs were imputed o. many
81 his suppofieTe. Much n I vas opposed ~
hrs election and avn o. has AdmiHistfaii0n. neg
ther shared IN making NOT believing ilsc roth II
he charge. lie was scsrccly installed IN oillce
before The same change Vas directed against tnose
Who opposed hIs election.
! Mr. President. u IS not true. ard rejoice hat
" is not true that either II the two great psrtse.
N this country has any designs ~ ann AZ aboli-
/ uon. should deeply iaurnt if q ue4~ true
should consider. II 10 we're tfuc. that the dangri
| 20 ihe stability 81 orr system would hs nhnitsiy
greater than any which docs. ihoye, actually ~.
| st Whilst neither party can b.. think. Ius'
I ly aroused n any abolition irudencv or purpose
both have pfofiiei. and both have iecn injured
| ~ particular iocaliiirs. - the accession 90 ab
siraction q abolition support. II The accoun
/ vcfc fairly stated. hclleyc ihc party 20 wheel
/ I am opp1scl has pfohied much more and beer
/ injured much iess dian that 90 Wh,ch tei0ng
hut am Ear. for that reason, from beng 4. -
| arrtrsr fsf4r rIrrrrart-a n 49,.