The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1839-01-17

pie by proposing remedies for evils Of thei
lion. This country - peculiarly situated in reference
to weak and unprlnciped administration In Eng
land bad ministry be brought to the bar Of public
opinion at once; and upon the heel Of any great official
delinquency, judgment Is pronounced upon them, and
they are hurled from power before time shall have soft
ened public lndgnston or afforded the offenders the
opportunity Of dyerng public attention to some other
subject Here is only at stated times, fixed by the
Constitution, that bad administration can be brought
10 account, or be removed from their places and they
may go ON for years q Of adminstra
tlon oil administrative abuse and imbeciity-they may
commit The grosses nfracton of the Constitution itself
they may prostitute the patronage Of the Government
to the vesi and most selfish purposes, and, after all
escape the sentence OF injured people. Ample time
- Afforded TO enable them 10 court and ater when they
lind they have given offence 10 get up subject
oil excitement, and turn away the stroke OF popular
wrath before is allowed by the Constitution 10 fall
upon the culphls. ], therefore. admonish The oppos-
ton in this House, be sangune Of the results
OF recent developments, whatever impression they may
make for the present IL yet two years before the
people decide finally upon them and the puny de-
faultes whom is proposed 10 pursue and hunt 10 de-
structon. will be forgotten. They WILL at best
only become the scape goats OF their supeors station
II is against the principles and practices Of The Execu-
tive Chief himself that opposition be made efec-
tive II by carrying the into the heart of power
and exposing the defects and conuptons which exist
thereit by administering corrective TO the original
fountain of evil alone, that we expect to bring about
real reform, and confer a lasting benefit upon the
| country.
The next clause Of the Message which struck me as
deserving notice is in these words
:" But the appointing power cannot always be well adj
vsed in its selections, and the experience Of every
try has shown that public officers always be
proof against temptation"
This must be regarded singular and precious aj
mission. coming il does from the appointed success
sors Of General Jackson. What! the executive not
inallble And is 1t admitted, at last, that there are
abuses IN some branches Of the public service Truly,
public officers not always proof against temptation,
nor can the Executive be always well advised in its
lectons But how does happen that the and pre-
sent Administrations have been unfortunate in this
respect than all those which went before theml That
is the question. How does it happen that when the
Executive has been advised OF former defacaons andde-
lnquency, they have formed no objection in making its
selections, as in the case Of Linn understand that
case and as was certainly the Of late district at
torney 10 Alabama! III does it become such Exec
uve to complain that it cannot always he well advised.
How has happened that the appontees of the late and
present Administration have so generally given way
when exposed TO temptation! answer, because both
advice and the selections based upon false and
corrupt principles and maxims. Partizan service and
party fidelity have been the only tests of fitness for Of
hce and when the Executive was well advised upon
these points, it was all that was required
In the same paragraph every wel-informed reader
will be asonished to find true constitutional principle
connected with such subject recognised by such
thorty, and an exhortaton to congress to enforcet
Congress-" says the President "cannot be too
jealous of those who ntrusted with the public
ney and shall at all times be disposed encourage
wachfnl discharge Of this duty" "If a direct
cooperation the part Of Congress in The supervision
OF the conduct Of the officers ntrused with the custody
and application Of the public money is deemed advsa
ble will give pleasure to assist in the establish
ment Of any udicous and constitutional plan by which
that object may be accomplished"
Who would have believed that we should have had
so decided and unequirocal recantaon Of the doc
rnes applicable to this subject ayowed and success
fully maintained under the late Administration, and
that too by pledged to walk in the footsteps Of the
late Executive chiefl That Congress cannot be too ea
ous Of those who have the custody the public money
is frankly admitted and the President actually tells us
that he will encourage the exercise Of that duty But
he earnestly recommends direct cooperation Of Con-
gress In the supervision OF the conduct Of public off,
GERS This must appear incredible those who have
been conversant with the doctrines Of the party in
power for several years past-bu nevertheless it is
true. Congress is actually invoked to cooperate with
the President in the business Of experimenting the
duct Of his subordinate officers This amounts al
most to revolution. Still all Is not yet told. The Pres
dent further submits to our consideration ST." .
"Whether committee of Congress might not be
proftably employed in inspecting, at such intervals
might be deemed proper the affairs and accounts OF Of
fces entrusted with the custody Of the public moneys
: "They might report to the Executive such de-
falcations were found to exist, with view to a
prompt removal from office, unless the default
satisfactorily accounted for"
The great Democratic party must certainly be con-
founded by this last proposition is this message in
tended to be confession of political faith for the
whole party! Congress is unequvocaly invited to in
stute investigations into the conduct Of Executive
officers and word is said Of the necessity Of
specifications or Of mpeachments, conditions prece
dent The doctrines and recommendations Of this
part of the Message appear to me to be entirely
pugnant in every particular to the opinions and senti
ments Of the late President, that tempted to go
back the messages and other state papers emanatng
from the late Administration, and to trace the contrast
that may what the creed of the dominant party
is TO be for the future.
From the grant, in general terms, of "the Execu-
tive power" to the President; by the Constitution, and
the assignment to him, in the same general terms Of
the duty OF taking care that the laws be faithfully
executed and the terms of his oath of office, by
which he is reqred to preserve protect, and defend
the Constitution" degree of power deduced and
arrogated to the Executive under the late Adnnlstra-
ton, which truly appalling, and would, if sustained
by the country, inevitably lead TO despotlc power -
From the grant of the Executive power" the late
President claimed the erckusipe direction and control
OF every thing in the affairs Of Government, in its
ture executive and not legislative, 1t being made his
duty to take that the laws be faithfully executed
and to preserve protect, and defend the Constitution
1t followed that this duty devolved upon him exclusive
W ana that any interference on the part OF Congress-
with view to the object, gratutous and I'M
CONSTITUTIONAL except in the discharge Of the duties ex
pressy assigned to it in the Constitution He also de-
rived from the the idea of his exclusive
responsibility for the faithful execution Of the laws
and the preservation. protection, and defence of the
Constitution; and, building upon this foundation, he
claimed, first, the right in all cases. to give such con-
strucon to the Constitution and laws as he thought
proper; for it contended it would be highly I'M
reasonable and absurd make any man. or any Depart
men OF the Government, responsible for the protection
and defence OF the Constitutions and the faithful exc
cuton Of the laws ordng to the construction Of any
other Department, any other tribunal whatever .
Secondly, he maintained that every officer under the