The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-08-24
MONTPELEEEs, VERMONT, AUGUST "a, 1899

men recently arrested on requsition from Vii
ginia. He observed that he considered this pre-
ceeding as entirely inconsistent with that mutua
comfy which was due from one of the States c
this Union to another. AS to the duty Of surren
: dering those who had committed crime in anothe
State, and had fled to this for refuge, there wa
no specification in the Constitution of the Untet
States, as to the particular class or nature of thu
crimes referred to. That point was left open tt
be decided by the law of nations.-When a STATE
contained within it institution peculiar to itself
and an act had been done which amounted to
crime against that peculiar institution, but not a
against the general distinction of right and wrong
prevailing in other states and in foreign countries
there could be no obligation TO deliver up such ar
offender. The obligation referred only TO such
acts as were recognized as crimes by the laws o
all civilized socetes-such as murder larceny
or arson-acts which struck at the very root of all
society. And the demand for the surrender of a
fugitive was rendered the more palpably absurd
when the institution offended against was not on
ly peculiar TO one State or region of country, but
was an institution deemed by the Christian world
in general inconsistent with human happiness.
To demand the person who had spoken or acted
in derogaton of such an institution, to be delivered
up by another State for punishment was to make
an insolent demand, inviting the public authorities
to perpetrate injustice. Surprising Christian
when travelling in Turkey, should use arguments
with Mohamedan to induce him to embrace
Christanry-an at, which in that country, was
deemed so highly criminal as to be made capt.
tai oaence-and suppose the Sultan should there
upon demand from the Government of the United
States, that the Christian missionary, who had
dared thus to offend against the peculiar institu-
tons of his empire, but had escaped to the United
States should delivered up to him for punishment.
Would he not have precisely the same right as
the governor of slaveholdng State had to de-
mand the person of one who had offended against
the peculiar institutions of slavery? and to de-
mand this from State, whose habits OF thinking,
and all of whose institutions were based upon lib
erty? Mr. B. considered the case as one of great
Importance, on account of the principles involved,
and he was therefore DESTROYS that the whole sub
State, SO that full hearing might be had, and
all premature and precipiate action avoided.
Mr.. inquired whether the distinction
which had been taken by Mr.. Birney would ap-
ply to this State? Were there not laws of the
State which recognized slavery, which permitted
masters to bring their slaves into the State, and
punished all persons decoying slaves away e.
This case appeared similar to one which had re-
Gently occurred in Maine. There the Governor
of Maine had refused to deliver up the fugitive
but there existed this great difference:-In Maine
there were no laws recognizing slavery in any
shape, but in N. York there were.
The President stated that the subject had been
brought before Chancellor Kent, who had decided
hat the act must be recognized as crime by the
aw of nations, before State was bound to deliv-
er up the perpetrator to be judged by the State
where the action had been committed.
On motion of MIR. Tappan, the subject was re-
erred to a select committee, which was appointed,
o consist of Messrs. Birney, Tappan and Chap
in, with power to act during the sttings Of the
Convention.
Mr.. Leavitt moved the appointment of Com
mitee to prepare the draught of an address to the
citizens of the United States, on the subject of
heir duties in relation to the continuance of A
nerican slavery He observed that such an ad-
history of the sanction of slavery ~ our nation
hen, history of the ID pton of the principles Of
liberty ny ~, .e same nation, together with the in
of the two it ought, then, to con-
tain statement of the encroachments, and of the
arrogant, and oppressive exac-
tons of the slave power. The growth of the slave
policy, and the injurious influence of that policy
on all our commercial, financial and free inslitu-
tons; the necessity Of at oace striking at the root
of this complicated vi!iany, as the only means of
checking their growth and of preserving the little
Of liberty which is left fer ourselves and
for our poserty; it ought, then, to set forth the
importance of abolition as political question; its
paramount claims, over all other subjects, and
justly requiring, not of abolitonists alone but of
the freemen of the United States as such, the
of all minor debates and political
Vaccinations, from a love Of liberty and desire
to continue the blessings Of the Constitution. Elk
hortng all to unite their efforts undsheartened by
opposition, and undivided by any local, party, or
personal preferences, in the great enterprise of
slavery in the United States. Mr.. L.
observed that long and careful examination of
the subject had led him to the conclusion, that the
political power of slavery was its main stronghold
at this moment. He believed that it could be as
sailed no where else with so great and so certain
effect. Unless its political encroachments could
be met at the ballot box and by that political in
huence which the Constitution secured to aboli-
ionists as American citizens, it could not be met
at all and then our utmost hope must be to let
the wave of oppression roll unresisted over US,
overwhelming ourselves and our posterity in one
common ruin Of despotism. Ifthis was So it was
important that the subject should be so presented
as to arrest the attention. to open the eyes, and to
move the hearts of the American people, so that