Martinsburg gazette. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1833-1855, 1839-02-20

ence Of their logic upon our stupid minds,
they recently resolved TO change their
system of action. To the agency oftheir
powers of persuasion, they now propose
10 substitute the powers Of the ballot box;
and he must be blind to what IS passing
before us, who does not perceive that The
inevitable tendency Of their proceedings
is. if these should be found insufficient, To
TO invoke, finally, the more potent powers
Of the bayonet.
Mr.. President, it is at this alarming
stage of the proceedings OF The uiira-aoo'
litionists that would seriously invite eve-
nv cousiderate man in the country solemn
" TO pause, and deliberately to reflect,
not merely on our existing posture, but
upon that dreadful precipice down which
,hey would hurry US. 1t is because these
ultra abolitionists have ceased to employ
the instruments of reason and persuasion,
have made their cause political, and have
appealed to the ballot box, that am
induced upon this occasion, to address
you.
There have been three epochs 10 the
history of our country az which me spfi
of abolition displayed itself. The hrst
was Immediately after the formation oil the
present Federal government. When the
Constitution was about going lnlo opera
ton its powers were not well UNDERSTOOD
by the community at large, and renamed
to be accurately interpreted and Defined.
At that period numerous abelit'on socle-
ties were formed. comprising not merely
the Society Of Friends, but many other
good mon. Petitions were presented to
Congress, praying for the Abolition OF
slavery. They were received without
serious opposition, referred and reported
,lpon by a committee. The report stateo
that the General Government had no pow
err 10 abolish slavery rs II existed IN the
several States and that these States them
selves had exclusive jurisdiction over the
subject. The report was generally ac-
auiesced in, and satisfaction and tranquil
~ ensued the abolition societies there
after limiting their exertlons, IN respect
to the black population, 10 offices OF hu.
manty within the scope Of existing laws.
The next period when the subject OF
slavery and abolition incidentally, was
brought into notice and discussion, was
that on the memorable occasion oithe nd
mission of the State Of Missouri into the
Union. The struggle was long, strenu-
Gus. and fearful. Ii is too recent to make
il necessary to do more than merely ad-
vert to it, AMI TO say that II was finally
composed BY one of those compromises
characteristic of our institute ns, and OF
which the Constitution itself is the most
signal instance.
The third is that in which we now find
ourselves. Various causes, MIR. Presi-
dent, have contributed 10 produce the ex-
sting excitement on the subject of aboll-
ton. The principal one, perhaps, is the
the example of British emancipation Of
the slaves in the islands adjacent TO our
country. Such is the similarity in laws,
in language, IN institutions and in COM
mon origin, between Great Britain and
the United States, thai no great measure
of national policy can be adopted in the
one country without producing consider
able degree of influence in the other
Conforming the totally different cases to-
gether, of the powers of the British Parll-
ament and those of the Congress Of the T.
nited States, and the totally different stu
atoms of the British West Iudia Islands,
and the slaves in the sovereign and indie.
pendant States Of the Coniederacy, super
ficIal men have inferred from the undeci-
ded British experiment tie practicabiity
Of the abolition Of slavery in the Stat s.
The powers of the British Parliament are
unlimited, and are often described to be
omnlpotcnt,
The powers OF the Am rican Congress
on the contrary, are few, cautiously limi.
ted, scrupiousy excluding all that are
not granted, and, above all, carefully and
absolutely excluding all power over the
existence or continuance ofslaverv IN the
several States. The slaves, too, upon
which British legislation operated, were
not in the bosom ofthe kingdom, but in
remote and feeble colonies having no voice
in Parliament. The West India slave.
holder was neither represented nor repre-
sentative in that Parliament. And whilst
] most teiyently wish complete success to
the British experiment Of West emancipa
ton, confess that have fearful flrebo.
dngs OF a disastrous termination Of IT.
Whatever il may be, think it must be
admitted that, if the British Parliament
treated the West India slaves as freemen,
it also treated the West lnGia freeman as
slaves. If, instead of these slaves being
separated by wide ocean from the pa
rent country, :hree or four millions Of AZ,
rican negro slaves had been dispersed o.
yer England, Scotland, Wales, and Ire
land, and their owners had been members
OF the British Parliament-a case which
would have presented some analogy TO
that OF our own couutry-does any one
believe that il would have been eXpedent