The North-Carolina standard., 1839-02-13

upon the representatives system, a libel upon the
fathers of the Constitution. = We have the phys
lcal power, 1t IS true. SO to declare, but thank
God our fiat is futile without the sanction Of
the people. Public opinion will be heard and
must be obeyed, and | tell Gentlemen, do what
they will. resolve what they may, the day of
retribution is at hand and that same public pin
ion will indignaty rebuke this attempt to pull
down the safeguards to the rights OF the States
and the rights of the people, consecrated by the
doctrine of instructions. Where are the friends
of State Rights in this body2 call upon them
to rally to the standard of their faith to rescue
their principles from the overthrow with which
they are menaced, TO aid me in resisting this at
tempt strike down the strong arm of defence
to the States against the encroachments of Fed
erai power: IF they will but prove true to the
faith, fear nothing from this resolution.
The second resolution declares that resolu-
tions ought to be passed by the Senate of the U.
States condemnatory of that act (he erpun gation)
and resembling the resolutions authorizing it 10
be done" should, indeed. be glad to see Sena-
tors attemprto reconcile these two resolutions,
so repugnant as they seem to me in principle.
The one denounces with bitter severity, O6edi-
ence to public will. The other invites and seems
to require it. l say seems because, TO say the
least Of it, in its meaning and application, it is
unquestionably equivocal. 1t directs itself, not
to the Senators from this State whom we have
a right to instruct. but to the Senate of the Uni
ted States, to all the members of that body, whom
we have no right to instruct, but 10 whom we
may, to be sure, respectfully express an opinion
Its language admit is strong; ought means must;
its true dignifcation is, obliged By d~ty And
so we are TO understand, l suppose, that this
vague and underlined and undetinable denunc
alton, whatever it may be called is stamped
with higher sanctions, and entitled to greater
respect, than the clear, explicit and WnGmbigRous
instructions of a preceding Legislature. Sir, is
this child's play, and do gentlemen mean, by a
wanton and cruel exercise OF power, TO sport with
the feelings of our distinguished Senator'S
Mr. Speaker (said Mr.: E.) if were your
Senator would hurl bacl-no sir, l would not
Il would treat with all possible respect the Lee
gislature ofthe good old North State, but would
return to you. with all the despatch could COM
mand, the commission with which your prede-
cessors had honored me. Whatever might be
my opinion of the political bearing of these res
olutions. in their personal application, my own
feelings would rebel, and in teaching me what
l owed to myself. make me forget Il could not
help it-what might be due to others. l could
not and would not, serve either querulous
master, or one capable of expecting from me a
dishonorable sentence of selfabasement. Sir,
let me not be misunderstood, decide nothing
for our Senator'S make no pledges for them
ions and feelings; either from correspondence
with them, or conversation with others. The
application, L know, is 10 sound heads and hon
est hearts, and my confidence is full and unmix-
ed, that their determination, be 1t what 1t may,
will be regulated by considerations of fsefrespect,
and of public duty, of which no honorable man
could be ashamed
Possibly, sir, you may succeed in dislodging
them from their high places, but you cannot
| Ill ctr
hold they so deserveGly possess upon the affsc-
tions and confidence of their countrymen You
cannot, rely upon it, enlist the indignation OF
the people against them. Their appeal will be
to the people il will not be unheeded; and they
will receive the richest reward Of public servants;
the cheering appreciation of their fidelity and
public conduct. They will hear. often told, the
exclamation. "well done thou good and faithful
servant" The people cruel. rindictire, unjust
no sir, no; and he who obeys their will, and
does theil bidding is certain to win new honors,
and plant himself more firmly in their confidence
and good opinion.
But, sir, pass to the next resolution the 3rd
in the series Its purpose is to arraign the con-
duct OF the past and present Administration in
relation to the currency, and especially OF the
| latter on the subject of the Sub-Treasury. and
by condemning that measure to influence the ac-
tion of our Senators and Representatives IN Con
gress in regard to It, Will not stop 20 answer
the attack in disguise, it commits on the meas
ures and policy of Gen'l Jackson; so siynaily
vindicated by the passage of the expunging res
oluiion. A verdict of approval has been again
and again rendered by the people. and regard
as utterly vain every attempt to reverse decl
sion SO strongly fortified by reason and patriot
ISM The other, acknowledge to be an open
question, and fit subjectfor discussion and ex-
animation, and, if gentlemen choose, for 1nstrwe-
| tions. ..N@r zFr5
The question of the Independent Treasury,
said Mr. E. (sub- Treasury. he said. was mis-
nomer,) is not one merely of finance. 1t mounts
much higher Strip it of all the habiliments aud
discoIoratons which art6ce and the spirit oi
party have thrown around it, and it becomes,
what it has been aptly called elsewhere, great
measure of deIiuerGnce and liberty And take
upon me 10 say. that no argument can be adduced
against it, that is not predicated on the hereucal
assumption, that man is incapable of selfgovern'
ment. ..., - ..~. O.. t.s. -.zt 80
Senators may disguise this matter as they
please, call it experiment, or by what other name
they choose, it resolves itsrlf at last into this
Shall the people have the custody and dlsburse
ment of the public money, through agencies con
slituted by themselves, and every way RESPONSE
/ Il