The native American. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1840, 1839-05-04

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town and district of the interior country, sway
every thing in the former places by their own
votes, and those of their dependants-in the ial-
ter by their insnuations and the influence OIL their
edgers-that they are advancing fast to mono
)oy of our banks and public funds, and thereby
'laclng our public finances under their control
that they have in their alliance the most influential
characters, in and out of Office, where they have
4 shown by all these bearings on the different
branches of government, that they can force 1t to
proceed in whatever direction they dictate, and
bend the interests of this country, entirely to the
will OF another, &c."
Let the voice of the American Mercantile in
terests, and of the whole American community,
pass the verdict on Thomas Jeferson's predic-
lions in 1897, as compared with our experience
in 1899. Were they true or were they false!
great many arguments are made use of by
those who have never reflected on this subject, or
who are opposed to us In opinion TO demonstrate
the justice and propriety Of continuance OF the
naturalization laws. Our limits will not permit
us to go into very extensive argumentative dis
cussions, but we will endeavour to take sum-
mary view of those arguments, which are most
frequently employed, and which are best calcu-
lated to mislead the unwary and the unre1ecting.
First, then, as TO the past existence OF the ma
turallzation laws. 1t is commended that our coun-
try having so long continued the naturalization
laws, by which foreigners, it is said, have been
induced to come hither. She would now be act
| ing in bad faith, were she to repeal them.
| We deny the conclusion in toto, providing
Congress, in repeating the said laws, made pro-
vision for the naturalization of all foreigners who
have legally declared their intention of becoming
citizens and we will even go so far as to say, of
H. J,,,to he
cause we believe that they made any sacrifices to
reach our country, in reference to those privileges,
or that they have had any object in view in com
ing hlther. other than their own private, personal
and pecuniary interests, abstract from any love
our country, or her Institutions; but because we
feel jealous of her spotless honor, and would pre-
fer our own individual inconvenience and suffering
to having her liberality and magnanimity i'm
peached, or her humanity and generosity ques-
toned.
This subject has been treated in a mastery
manner by recent American writer. He says
mo one born in a foreign country, can for et his
love and preference of home, from Foscari who
returned TO Italy, only to perish in dungeon, to
the hod-carrier from the Emerald Isle, who would
never quit it under all his wrongs, real or imag-
nary, II he could live there comfortably; and we
ind this opinion borne out by the numbers who
Annually return home, with the proceeds of their
earnings made in the United States
And if the immigrant could entirely cast off his
love of the country which gave him birth, he is
precisely that cold and heartless individual, who
would never make good citizen. AS to making
distinction in our naturalization laws, in favor
of wealth and intelligence, the thing is mposs-
BILE, and therefore such proposition must fall to
the ground
Laws must in their nature be general, and men
OF wealth and intelligence among our foreign
population are not generally election brawlers,
and care little for the elective franchise for them
selves but for their children if they remain here,
and identity the interest of their posterity with
the permanent welfare and prosperity of the
country.
From first to last, the right of deciding on our
political affairs, is boon which we have right
to give or withhold at our pleasure.
The United States in this respect resembles an
individual who having large uncultivated es-
tate considered it an object at first to give away
lots or sell them at very reduced price, in order
to encourage settlers, aUith uie,c to rendering
The domain more ualuabie to himself and his de-
scendants; but none but mad man or a fool
would continue to give away, until the whole do
main was absorbed, and himself and his children
rendered penniless.''
The next prominent argument with those who
are opposed to repeal Of the naturalization laws,
and the one most frequently employed, is the debt
Of gratitude to those foreigners who aided us in
our struggle for liberty, during the war ofthe Re-
voution. They say that TO close the door Of ma
turalization now, would be an act of ingratitude
to them in the persons of their descendants.
TO this we have but short reply to make, and
that to our conscences, and our judgment, is per-
fectly satisfactory and conclusive.
If we owe debt of gratitude to foreigners for
aiding US in the preservation of our Liberties and
institutions, to whom are we indebted but TO for
eigners, for the desire and attempt to ensave us?
At the time the sages Of the American Revo-
luton projected the wise, happy and indulgent
government under which we live, they did so un-
der circumstances of great and unprecedented pc
ril, and every foreigner who was willing to cast
in his lot with them, had TO jeopardize in common
with our fathers, 'his life, his fortune, and his
sacred honor"
The children of those foreigners who aided our
fathers in securing our liberties, are now native
Americans; but the descendants of those foreign
ers who sought to enslave us, are aliens in dis
tant land, and are now crowding hiher TO avail
themselves of the benign government, against
~ hose institutionS their ancpstoyc fouubt