The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1839-11-30

particularly engage the attention Of The Con-
veniion: we allude TO the re-eligibilhy of the
President. Nothing can be Of more import
ance TO the country. Nothing would do more
10 promote the success Of the candidates than
the distinct understanding that whoever be
nominated, or whoever elected, he shall serve
but
ONE TERM
De Tocqueville, At present member Of tho
French Legislature, and one Of the most en-
lightened and philosophical Of the numerous
foreigners who have travelled in the United
States and observed the operations OF the ma
chinery Of our government, has treated this
subject so clearly and justly, that quotation
from his book will serve TO illustrate our
views better than at present we have time to
do ourself We wish it might not only meet
the eye, but reach the conscience Of each
member Of the Harrisburg Convention.
II may be asked (says De Tocqueve) whether
the legislators OF the United States did right or
wrong in allowing the reelection Of the President.
1t seems at first sight contrary to all reason pre-
vent the head oil The executive power from being
elected second time. The influence which the Ia
lents and the character Of single individual may
exercise upon the fate Of whole people, especially
in critical circumstances or aTduolis times, is well
known: a law preventing the reelection ofthe chief
magistrate would deprive the citizens OF the surest
pledge Of the prosperity and the security Of The com
monwealth; and, BY singular inconsistency man
would be excluded from the government at the very
time when he had shown his ability in conducting
its affairs.
Bul ii these arguments are strong, perhaps still
more powerful reasons may be advanced against
them Intrigue and corruption are the natural de-
fects oil elective government but when the head OF
the State can be reelected, these evils rise to great
height, and compromise The very existence Of The
country. When simple candidate seeks 10 rise by
intrigue his man9uvres must necessarily be limited
10 a narrow sphere; but when the Chief magistrate
enters the lists, he borrows the strength OF the go
vernmeat for his own purposes 10 the former case,
the feeble resources OF an individual are in action
IN the latter the State ITSELF with all its immense in
fuence, is busted in the work OF corruption and ca
bal. The private citizen, who employs the most
immoral practices TO acquire power can only act IN
manner indirectly prejudicial 10 the public Prospe-
rty But il the representative Of the executive de-
scends into the lists, the cares Of government dwin
die into second-rae Importance and the success Of
his election is his first concern. All laws and nego-
Citations are then him nothing more than election
eering schemes; places become the reward of SER
vices rendered. The nation but to its chief and
the influence Of the government, il not injurious 10
the country, Is al least longer beneficial TO the
community Tor which 1t was created.
II is impossible TO consider the ordinary course OF
affairs in the United States without perceiving that
the desire OF being reelected is the chief aim OF the
President; that his whole administration and even
his indifferent measures, tend TO this object and
that as the crisis approaches his personal interest
takes the place Of his interest in the public good.
The principle Of reeligibility renders the corrupt
influence Of elective governments still more extern
sve and pernicious Rtends to degrade the political
morality Of the people, and TO substitute adroitness
for patriotism.
In America il exercises a still more fatal influence
on the sources OF national existence. Every go
veInment seems 10 be afflicted by some evil inherent
in its nature, and the genius OF the legislator Is
shown In GLIDING It's attacks State may survive
the influence OF host Of bad laws and the mischief
they cause Is frequently exaggerated; but law
which encourages the growth OF the canker within
must prove fatal in the end, although its bad conse
quences may not be Immediately perceived.
| The principle OF destruction in absolute monar-
chies lies 10 the excessive and unreasonable extern
! sion OF the prerogative Of the Grown; and a mea-
sure tending 10 remove the constitutional provisions
which counerbalance this influence would be radi-
cally bad even II Its consequences should long ap-
pear To be impercepuble BY parity OF reasoning,
| In countries governed by a democracy, where the
people is perpetually drawing all authority to ITSELF
the laws which increase or accelerate its action are
the direct assaians Of the very principle OF the Go,
| vernment.
The greatest proof of the ability oil the American
Legislators is that they clearly discerned this truth
aid they have had the courage TO acl up " IT, They
conceived that certain authority ABOVE the oody OF
the people was necessary, which should enjoy de-
gree Of independence, without however being en-
| iirely beyond The popular control; an authority
which would be forced TO comply with the permanent
determinations Of the majority, but which would be
able TO resist It's caprices, and to refuse It's most
dangerous demands. To this end they centred the
whole executive power the nation in single arm;
they granted extensive prefogaiives TO the President
and they armed him with the veto 10 resist The en-
croachnents Of the legislature
| But by introducing The principle Of reelection
they partly destroyed their work; and they rendered
the President but little inclined TO exert the great
power they had vested in his hands II ineligible
second time, the President would be far from indie
pendent of the people, Tor his responsibility would
not be lessened but the favor Of the people would
not be necessary TO him as to induce him 10 court
il by humoring its desires. II re-eligibe, (and this
is more especially true at the present day, when
| political morality is relaxed and when great men
rare the President of the United States becomes
an easy tool in the hands Of the majority lie adopts
| its likings and its animoses, he hasens TO antici-
pate its wishes he foresalls It's complaints he yields
TO lis idest cravings, and instead OF guiding II, as
the legislature intended that he should do, he IS ever
| ready 10 follow its bidding Thus, IN order not TO
deprive the State OF The talents Of an individual,
those talents have been rendered almost useless, and
to expedien for extraordinary perils the
country has been exposed to daily dangers.
TROUBLE IN THE CAMP.
We have looked with intense concern at the