The native American., 1839-02-16

the black population is gaming uIon tile white, 1t
ouiy constitutes one-liilh of the whole population
Of the United States. And, taking the aggregates
OF The two races, the European is constantly.
though slowly, gaining upon the African portion.
This fact is demonstratedby the periodical! returns
OF our population. Let rs cease, then, 10 indulge
in gloomy forebodings about the mpenetrable fu-
ture. But, if we may attempt to lift the veil, and
contemplate what lies beyond it, l, too, have ven
turcd On speculative theory, with which / i'll
not now trouble you, hut which has been publish
ed to the world. According to that, in the pro-
gress Of time, some one hundred and fifty or two
hundred years hence, but few vestiges Of tho
black race will remain among our posterity.
Mr.. President, at the period ofthe formation of
oar Constitution. and afterwards Our patriotic an
cestors apprehended danger TO the Union from
two causes. Ole was, the Allegheny Mountains,
dividing the waters which flow into The Atlantic
Ocean from those which found their outlet in the
Gulf of Mexico. They seemed to present nat
ural separation. That danger las vanished be-
fore the noble achievements Of the spirit Of in
tesnal Improvement. and the immortal genius Of
Fulton. And now, nowhere is found more
loyal attachment to Tie Union than among those
very Western people, who. it was apprehended,
would be the first to hurst its ties.
The other cause, domestic slavery, happily
the sole remaining cause which is likely to dis
turb cur harmony, continues to exist. 1t was
this which created the greatest obstacle and the
most anxious solicitude in the deliberations of
the Convention that adopted Tie general Consti,u-
ton. And it is this subject that has ever been
regarded with the deepest anxiety by all who
are sincerely DESTROYS of the permanency Of our
Union. The Father of his Country. in his last
affecting and solemn appeal to his fellow citizens,
deprecated. as most ca!amous event, the geo.
graphical divisions whicl, it might produce. The
Convention wisely left to the several States the
power over the institution Of slavery, as power
not necessary to the plan Of union which ii devil
sed, end as one with which the General Go
vernmcnt could not be invested without planting
the seeds of certain destruction There let it
remain undisturbed by any unhalowed hand.
Sir am not in the habit of speaking lightly Of
The possibility Of dissolving this happy Union
The Senate knows that have deprecated allu-
sons, on ordinary occasions, to that dreful
event. The country will testify that, if there be
any thing in the history Of my public career wor-
thy Of recollection, it is the truth and sincerity
Of my ardent devotion to its lasting preserva-
ton. But we should be false in our allegiance
to it, if we did not discriminate between the
imaginary and real dangers by which it may be as
sailed. Abolition should no longer be regarded
as an imaginary danger. The ahotionsts, let
me suppose, succeed in their present aim of uni
ting the inhabitants Of the free States as one man,
against the inhabitants of the slave States. Union
on the one side will beget union on the other.
And this process of reciprocal consolidation will
be attended with all the violent prejudices, en-
Uttered passions, and implacable animosities
which ever degraded or deformed human nature
virtual dissolution of the Union will have taken
place, whilst the forms of its existence remain.
The most valuable element. of union, mutual
Kindness. the feelings of sympathy, the .frater-
nal bonds, which now happily unite us, will have
been extinguished forever. One section will
stand in menacing and hostile array against the
other. The collision Of opinion will be quickly
followed by the clash Of arms. will not attempt
to describe scenes which now happily lie con-
cealed from our view. Abolitonists themselves
would shrink back in dismay and horror at the
contemplation Of desola,ed fields, contlagrated
cities, murdered inhabitants, and the overthrow
of the fairest fabric of human government that
ever rose to animate the hopes of civilized man.
Nor should these abotionists ha,ter themselves
that if they can succeed in their object of uniting
the people ofthe free States, they will enter the
contest with numerical superiority that must
ensure victory. All history and experience proves
the hazard and uncertainty of war. And we are
admonished by Holy Writ that the race is not to
the swift, nor the battle to the strong But if
they were to conquer, whom would they con-
qucr! A foreign foe-one who had insulted our
flag, invaded our shores, and laid our country
waste! No, sir no, sir. l, would be a conquest
without laurels, without glory-a self, a suicidal
conquest-a conquest Of brothers over brothers,
achieved by one over another portion Of the de-
scendants of common ancestors, who nobly Pied
gng their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred
honor, had fought and bled, side by side, in many
a hard battle OH land and ocean, severed our
country from the British Crown, and established
our rational independence
The inhabitants of the slave States are some
times accused by their Northern brethren with
displaying too much rashness and sensiblty to
the operations and proceedings Of abolitionisls.
But, before they can be rightly judged, there
should be n reversal Of conditions. Let me sup
pose that the people Of the slave States were 10
form societies, substitute presses, make large pc
cuniary contributions, send forth numerous mis-.
sionarics throughout all their own borders, and
enter into Vaccinations burn the beautiful car
i,als, destroy the productive manufactures, and
sink in the ocean the gallant ships of the North
ern States. Would these ncendiary PROCEEDINGS