The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-03-23

! States Even now, the absconding slave is per
; fecty safe in CINCINNATI. We doubt whether al
instance can be adduced of the recovery of a run
away in that place in the last four years. Whel
negroes reach 'the Queen city, they are protec
ted by its intelligence, its pety and its wealth.
They receive the aid of the elite of the Buckeyes
land we have strong faction in Kentucky strug
Cling zealousfy to make her one of the dependen
cies of Cincinnati Let our mutual sons 90 on
The day of mutual retribution is at hand-mucf
nearer than is now imagined. The Republican
which still looks with friendly eye towards the
FSlaveholding states, warns of the danger which
exists, although its new born zeal for Whiggery
prompts it to insist indirectly, on the right of pc
tidoning Congress to abolish slavery. There are
about two hundred and fifty abolition societies ir
Ohio at the present time, and from the circular is.
sued at head quarters, Cincinnati, it appears that
agents are to be sent through every county to dis
tribute books and pamphlets designed to infame
the public mind, and then organize additional So
ceties,-or, rather, form new plans, to aid in the
war which has been commenced on the slavehold-
ing states"
| do not, sir, underwrite for the truth of this
statement as an entire whole; much of it | repel
as an unjust charge on my fellow citizens of Gin
cinnati; but, as it comes from slaveholding state
from the state of the Senator who has so elo-
quently mathematical Abotionists, that it is al
most pity they could not die under such sweet
sounds and as the South Carolina Senator pro-
nounces them dead produce this from slave
holding state for the special benefit and consola-
ton of the two Senators. 1t comes from source
to which | am sure both gentlemen ought to give
credit. But suppose, sir that Abolitionism is dead
lis liberty dead also, and slavery triumphant
Is liberty of Speech of the press, and the right of
petition also dead? True, it has been stranged
here; but gentlemen will find themselves in great
error if they suppose it also srangled in the coun-
try; and the very attempt in Legislative bodies to
sustain local and individual interest," to the des-
ruction of our rights, proves that those right are
not dead, but living principle which slavery cam
not extinguish; and be my lot what it may, |
SHALL to the utmost of my abilities, under all cir
eumsances, and at all times contend for that free
dom which is the common gift of the Creator to
all men, and against the power of these two great
interests-the slave power of the South, and the
banking power of the North--which are now uni
ting to rule this country. The cotton bale and
the bank note have formed an alliance; the credit
system with slave labor These two congenial
spirits have at last met and embraced each other,
both looking to the object-to live upon the
unrequited labor of others-and have now erected
for themselves common platform, as was init
mated during the last session, on which they can
meet and bid defiance, as they hope, to free prn-
cples and free labor.
With these Introductory remarks, permit me,
sir, to say here and let no one pretend to misun-
dersand or misrepresent me- that | charge gen.
tlemen, when they use the word Abotionsts,
they mean petitioners here such as | now present
men who love liberty, and are opposed to slave
ry--that in behalf of these citizens speak and
hwy hat he 11o1 ~ &c
who are opposed to slavery whose cause I advo-
cate. | make no war upon the rights of others.
do no act but what is moral, constitutional, and
legal, against the peculiar institutions of any state;
but acts only in defence of my own rights, of my
felow-citizens, and, above all, of my state, shall
not cease while the current of life shall continue
to flow.
| shall, Mr. President, in the further considera-
ton of this subject, endeavor to prove, first the
right of the people to petition; second, why slave
ry is wrong, and why am opposed to it; third,
the power of slavery in this country, and its dan
gers; next, answer the question, so often asked,
what have the free states to do with slavery p
Then make some remarks by way of answer to
the arguments of the Senator from Kentucky (Mr
Clay.)
Mr. President, the duty am requested to per-
form, is one of the highest which representative
can be called on to discharge. 1t is to make
known to the legislative body the will and the
wishes ofhis constituents and feow-citizens and,
in the present case, feel honored by the conf
dence reposed in me, and proceed to discharge the
duty. The petitioners have not trusted to myI
fallible judgment alone, but have declared, in
written documents, the most solemn expressions
of their will. 1t is true these petitions have not
been sent here by the whole people of the United
States but from portion of them only; yet such
is the justice of their claim, and the sure lounda
ton which it rests, that no portion of the Amer
lean people, until day or two past, have thought
it either safe expedent to present counter petit
tons and even now, when counter petitions
have been presented, they dare not justify slavery
and the selling of men and women in this Dis
rict, but content themselves with Directing to 9TH
ers enjoying the rights they practice, and praying
Congress not to receive or hear petitions from the
people of the States-a new device of slave power
his, never before thought of or practsed in any
| would have been gratifed if the in
ventors of this system, which denies to others
what they practice themselves, had, in their petit
ion, attempted to justify slavery and the slave
rade in the District if they believe the practice
ust, that their names might have gone down to
oosterity. No, sir; very few yet have the moral
courage to record their names to such an avowal
md even some of these petitioners are so squeam-
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