Madison Whig advocate. [volume] (Canton, Miss.) 1839-1841, 1839-09-21

and reles On, FOR they had tried cacl, {
other la looking around for men to fill /
the Presidency. they saw Washington.
Adams, Franklin, Jefferson, Hancock. |
Henry, Pendleton. Lee and they could
not ina CINE that sncA men would abuse
trust 50 exalted. These were their
standards for leaders, and they thong ht |
such would always grow up under those |
institutions which they had inherited and /
| rescued, and those which they were de- |
ylslng. They were in the midst Of a |
wise and honest people. whose more than
Roman virtues had been thoroughly
proved and they did not, could not be- |
ileve that under the blessing of liberty,
the posterity of such people would de- |
generate. They did not foresee that
I before the lapse Of half century three
I millions of people would be sextupled.
and that the whole would be maddened
I by spirit of speculation. They made
the Federal constitution for their own
generation and a posterity like it, and
did not contemplate an almost radical
change of character. Had they fore
seen the present, they would not have
armed presidency with a patronage
that renders ii more formidable than
eyea a crown.
/ But the country has changed. Three
millions of people have grown to ] 8 and
u few scores of Federal officers are aug
mented to ttc0 hundred thousand. every
one of whom receives his appointment
directly or Indirectly from the President
This army of olfice-holders, depending
upon his will, enables the President to
control the hole legislative power, and
render the government practical mon
archy. Let us suppose the House of
Representatives and Senate 50 nearly di-
vlded upon partisan grounds, as to rem
der q majority Of ten in the first and
five in the second upon any question of
public interest. If the President can
change six votes IN one and three in the
other, his own views of the question be-
come the law of the land. Among these
two hundred thousand offices, could he
not find nine that would suit members of
Congress Seats in the cabinet, foreign
, missions, collectorships of the principal
ports, aud;torships and collectorships in
the treasury, are things desirable, even
to members of Congress, and will some
times remove the most obstinate consti-
tutiOnal and other scruples. Who can
fail to see that with such means of in
fluence. the President is master of the
; legislative power But we cannot more
, forciby exhibit the dangers of executive
patronage, than in the language of Mr..
Van Buren,, when a Senator in Congress.
In his report to the Senate in the winter
= of 1896, on the celebrated resolution in
; favor of . retrenchment and REFORM
i. he says,
We must look forward to the time
when the nomination of the President
can carry any man thro' the Senate, his
= recommendation can carry any measure
, through the two Houses of Congress :;
; when the principle of public action will
r be open and avowed, The President icdnts
my rote. and Iicant has patronage +; I 1ciI
7 Uote as he acjsheS, and he nil gre me the
office irish for. What will this be but
the government of one man, and what is
! the government of one man but a Mon
IARCHY -
Such was the language of Mr.. Van
Buren. when Senator in Congress,
speaking in reference TO the Presidency
! Of Mr. John Quincy Adams 1t was ma
I tural for the people to suppose that on
4 reaching an influential station in the
Federal Government, under the presi-
dency of General Jackson, and finally
e reaching the Presidency, the statesman
: who could so clearly see and so forcibly
n describe the dangers Of the Executive
patronage, would make every possible
exertion to restrain it, and redeem the
Legislative power ofthe government from
It's destructive influence. But has that
expectation been answered Did Mr..
Van Buren,, when exercising great in
u fluence under the presidency of Gener-
+ al Jackson, endeavor to prevent the eX-
il ecutive patronage from being used to
I prevent the Independent action of Con
;. gress Let every republican remem-
= Der written promise TO speaker TO the
}, Federal House of Represe natives, to
Il appoint him to a foreign mission. Has
Mr.. Van Buren,, since he reached the
Presidency. exhibited TO Congress the
dangers of executive patronage, or re-
g commended any measure for restraining
n it /? twelve years have elapsed since he
r made this memorable report 70 the
Senate and though for nearly the whole
of this period he has occupied the sta
tons of Secretary of State, Vice Presi-
dent and resident, he has done or re-
commended nothing to restrain the evil
which he once so clearly say and forci=
bly, described And yet upon his own
promises. he has the power of correc-
;. rection. He said that the recommen-
! dation of the president could carry any
!. measure through the two Houses OF Con
!, gress Mr. Van Buren, has been Presi-
). dent for three years, and has not recon-
: mended any measure to restrain execu
tive patronage What is the conclusion
The necessary, irresistible conclusion
: That Mr.. Van Buren, does not wish tC
deprive the presidency of this over
whelmning power. at least during hi:
: own administration
i Tens of thousands of honest men, gooC
; patriots. infexible republicans, support
e Mr. Van Buren, for the next presidency
i believing him to be, like themselves,
Y pure patriot and sincere republican