The native American. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1840, 1839-05-04
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Our attention mas been called TO an afucie III
a paper published in this City, and which, to our
surprise, is written with at least apparent candor
and sincerity; the writer of which processes to
seek information about the objects of the Native
muncation will take the trouble to examine the
Preamble and Constitution of the Association,
with the same cool and dispassonate temper in
which he has written, we think he will need no
interpreter to understand it. STILL as we reo dice
always in every opportunity which is afforded to
spread before the Public the whole tenor and scope
of our objects, we cheerlully respond to the que
ries put by him. We do SO the more readily be-
cause it falls in very well with the design we
have already contemplated Of presenting editori-
allv--a skeleton view of the origin and design of
the Association.
We start with the proposition that the natiue
citizens, Of every land, are the rightfM rulers.
Ages of despotism and modified monarchism
have failed to alter this great truth. A land may
be overrun and conquered-power and dominion
may be concentrated-the mass of the People
may be subjugated, and all Legislative and execu-
tive authority may be exercised by few men, or
one man, still these are but the usurped rights Of
the People. The invader may trlumph--lords
and titled aristocrats may revel in their pomp-
kings and despots may tyrannize-the rights of
the People-the native cifizcns-remain the
same through all time, and may at least be assert
ed by revolution.
Again, we maintain that no foreigner can obtain
the right of citizenship without the assent of the
native citizens, and upon terms prescribed by them.
We admit that the naturalized citizen may have
a voice in this matter. But this is only by the
concession of the native citizen, who may or may
not grant this privilege to him as term of his
admission.
These, then, are the two first, great. tunda-
mental principles on which we rest. All else are
but the results of political expediency. These
are "the doctrines Of the Native american So
ciefy.' Are they disputed? If SO, we are prepared
again and again to vindcate them. They are al
most selfevident truths, one would think; and
yet we have heard both native and naturalized CT
tizens combat them. They are expressly engra-
ven into the Constitution, and form an essential
part of it. Else, why does it give to Congress the
power to pass laws of naturalization?
We assume these, then, as axioms. From
them we deduce various corollaries. If the ma
tive citizens possess the primary legislative and
executive power, it is their duty so to guard that
power that it shall neither be usurped, perverted,
nor abused to the injury or destruction of their
social rights 1t is not only open and avowed
hostility against which they are to guard it, but
they must sedulousy watch and anticipate every
possible attack however insidously it may be
contrived.
We hold that the native citizen alone can give
to his country paramount and undivided atfec-
ton. True-and we readily admit ia deep
and absorbing interest may be created in the
breast of those who live under and enjoy the
protection and freedom Of its laws. But this is
acquired only after years of experience. 1t
should be innate, or, as eminent author has it,
'connate."
Now our Government is yet an experiment.
We have had the experience fifty years only.
In those fifty years we have tested its strength,
its admirable proportions, the distribution of its
powers, and its effects in producing and Nensurlng
the happiness Of the governed. But we have had
only those fifty years to test its durability. In
the progress of its history it has illustrated the
capacity of man for selfgovernment 1t has thus
struck at the root of monarchical power. Already
it has given an impetus to the mass Of inert pow
er which has for ages in Europe been moved by
superiors That mass has begun to exhibit to-
kens of vitality, and the People in Europe have
begun to think for themselves. The monarchical
power must be sustained by one of two means
by the destruction of the fabric of our Govern
ment, or by treading into dust the first germ Of
liberty within its control. The former can be
effected only by corrupting the basis Of the rep.
resentaon in this country; the latter by keeping
in subjection the turbulent of their own people
This may all be visionary. BE it so. Let us
look at the effects of immigration there and here,
and from them infer the causes which lead to its
encouragement. 1t must be powerful motive