Madison Whig advocate. [volume] (Canton, Miss.) 1839-1841, 1839-05-18

recommend to our favor the sub Treasu-

III seems proper, at all events, That,
by an early enactment, similar to that of
other countries, the application of pub
lie money by an officer of Government
to private uses should be made a felony,
and visited by severe and ignominious
punishment"
| will soon show you, sir, that millions
of the public money have bean applied
by officers Of the Government to private
uses, with the knowledge of the Admin
istration.
ssThe Government, it must be admitted.
has been, from its commencement, COM
paratively fortunate in this respect. But
the appointing power cannot always be
we'll advised in its selections, and the
experience Of every country has shown
that public officers are not at all times
proof against temptation"
Is the Government fortunate in this
respect now? Can any one tell US how
much we have lost? We have certainly
been taught of late that Government Off
GERS are not always proof against temp
tation; and we may all verify pray that
part of the Lords prayer which prays
-"Lead US not into temptation!"
ssIf a more direct cooperation on the
part of Congress, in the supervision of
the conduct of the officers intrusted with
the custody and application of the pub
lie money is deemed desirable, it will
give me pleasure to assist in the estab-
lishment of any judicious and constitu-
tional plan by which that object may be
accomplished"
Now, sir, what would the President
consider a judicious and constitutional
plan? We recollect that his illustrious
predecessor considered a committee tC
report to Congress as worse than a Span.
| ish inouisition. What is Mr.. Van Buren's
plan2 We will soon see.
81 submit to your consideration wheth'
err committee of Congress might not
be proftably employed in inspecting, al
such intervals as might be deemed pro-
per. the affairs and the accounts of Off
GERS intrusted with the custody of the
public moneys. The frequent perform
ance of this duty might be made obliga.
tory on the committee in respect to those
officers who have large sums in their
possession, and left discretionary with
| respect to Others"
Sir, all this would seem to be revers-
| ing the rule and line of conduct pursued
| by General Jackson. He would seem
to be coming at last to my doctrine of
inquiry and investigation. But, no, sir,
hear him!
'1They might report to the Executive
such defalcations as were found to exist,
with view to prompt removal from
Office unless the default was satisfactory
Ixr- e. H-c
All! sir, here the mystery is solved.
Here is the clew to all Executive conces-
sion-it is but another step to Executive
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The committee of Con-
gress is to report to the Executive, is it?
A committee of Congress is to travel all
over the United States, as Executive
servants, TO supervise the officers of a
President, who is sworn TO see that the
laws are faithfully executed! AID pray
what have we an Executive for? Whv
have we president, and Secretary, and
Auditors, and Comptrollers. with plenary
powers to do this very service? Could
they not have done this, whenever they
pleased to do their duties, for the last
nine wears? We are to convert our
committees into missionaries-thisH House
is to be a new sort of 'IAmerican Board"
with this difference, that, instead of be-
missionaries of Mr.. President Van Bu-
rem! General Jackson claimed ii as the
duty and prerogatve of the Executive
alone, to see that his subordinates exc
cuted the laws faithfully; but his success
sor asks Congress to perform the Execu
tive duties for him. Does Mr.. Van Ru-
rem mean to say that it has been for
want OF such Congressional aid, hereto
fore, that there has been no such super
vision by the Executives? That there
has been no such supervision, is true
but, that such aid was wanting. or neces-
sarv, is not true. The President has
always had the full power of this super
vision--he might have found some hon
est men of his own party fit for offices,
and have appointed honest commission
ers to supervise those who were not fit.
This, sir. is an insuperable objection.
that the President not only asks US to go
out Of our usual course, but to become
merged in the Executive. What. sir, is
this House in fact, in actual service, to-
become an Executive slave2 Is it the
aim of the President still more to pros
trate the dignity of the legislative branch
of Government Would any other Pre-
sident have dared to propose such a
thing? | would ask the venerable gen.
tleman from Massachusetts whether he
would have dared to ask Congress TO d.
rect its committees, by law, to report to
him? That gentleman's worst foes,
those who vilifed him most, never charg-
ed him with thus insulting the dignity of
Congress. Is this the sort of committee
you are now asking from US? ! would
prefer that defalcations should 60 on
that the public moneys should all be
squandered-that the public character
and morals should 60 with it overheard,
TO having the great lines of demarca-
ton between the coordinate branches of
the Government destroyed--to amassing
all power in the Executive This would
bring US at once, and at leap, 10 the
lowest degree of Observation-Disclosures
and corruption were only |
gradually and SLOWLY leading us--to the |