The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-04-13
For the Voice Of Freedom.
Tho SUPREMACY of the Laws.

t 2. Submission to government and TO law is a
duty to God.
3. Resistance TO the laws except in matters o.
conscience is resistance against God, and is a sin
against him.
A. One design of government is to protect the
innocent in the exercise of their rights.
5, 1t is also the design of civil government to
punish the violators of the laws.
After adverting to the occasion furnished for the
discussion ofthis subject by the dsagreeabe scenes
of violence, in disregard of law and order, with
which our country has been cursed for several years
past the preacher proceeds to show the necessity
and importance Of the supremacy of the laws, OF
f Iofa government of law, and the way in which
this may be secured. He distinguishes three
kinds of govemment-the will of single despot
the will of a mob, and government oflaw. With
great clearness and force of expression he shows
how much worse for community is the second than
the first, and argues the importance Of the third
from the consideration that this alone can give Sc
curity and prosperity to people: that Gods gov
eminent is a government of law: and that God re-
quires us to submit to the laws, even when better
laws could be made, unless they violate the dictates
of conscience.
The plea that there are evils which the laws do
not reach and which mob may correct, he refutes
by saying, in substance, Let laws be made which
will reach them. Let error be opposed by argu-
ment folly by ridicule, offences against taste by
standing aloof from them. The very way to prop
agate obnoxious sentiments is to raise mob against
them, and thus call forth the sympathies of the
community towards their authors. Admit the
principle of nterposing mob to correct evils not
reached by law and no man is safe
The following things the preacher considers
needful to securing and maintaining the suprema-
cy of the laws.
l. The influence and prevalence of the princi-
pies of the christian religion.
| 2. The success of the Temperance reformation
| 3. The sentiments of the vrtuous and upright
part of the community must be right on this sub
Iject.
| A. There must be a magistracy that is unshrink-
ing in the execution of the laws.
5. The right of free discussion must be con-
ceded
On this last topic the oulhor observes: All our
institutions are based on the right of free discus.
sion. 1t is assumed in this country that all sub
ects may be examined. We have no liberty that
does not suppose this. Herein is our warfare
with the tyrants of the old world; herein is our
contest with those thrones of desposm which have
so long tyrannized over man; herein is the rea-
son why monarchs turn pale in their palaces, and
trembe on their seats of power herein is the con-
test Of the Protestant religion with the Papacy
herein is the struggle between freedom and ar
bitrary power We owe our present elevation to
this freedom of discussion more than any thing
else. 1t is because mind has met mind, and thought
conficted with thought, and because there has
been heathful agitation of public opinion-an
agitation, compared with the leaden slumbers of
other nations, like the healthful motion of the wa
tiers of the mighty deep compared with the still
ness of the stagnant poo-t is to this that we owe
oil that re nd vol,,ob1o ;,,o Is
because it has been hitherto maxim in the Re-
public that there was no topic which might not be
subjected to the most free enquiry; no point in
politics. in morals, in science or in religion which
might not be canvassed most freely, by any press,
or by any man, in any primary assembly, or in
any Legislative hall, it is owing to this, that we
are now a nation of freemen. Our counrymen
have had no other idea of liberty. No matter from
what quarter, or by what means any sentiment is
advanced every American has believed that he has
perfect right to examine it, and to embrace or to
reject it as he peases or to express his sentiment
in regard to it, in any proper place. or to any class
of men. 1t is THE right on which all our insti-
tutions depend.
The extraordinary doctrine which has been re-
Gently advanced that there are some points which
must never be subj ected to free discussion the lit
tie sensbility which has been felt in regard to the
claim, and the measures which have been adopted
to defend it, and the sympathy which those meas
ures have met, has done more to alarm the true
friends of liberty in this land, than all that has ev-
er happened from the efforts of foreigners, or all
the dangers that have ever threatened US from
abroad. We need not fear foreign armies. We
have measured strength with them and our swords
have met theirs in deadly strife; and we have set
tied the point that our liberties are safe from any
foreign invasion. We need not dread their fleets,
for we can build a navy like theirs, and can, if
necessary, meet the mistress of the Ocean on the
Mountain wave.
Buthow shall we meetthis subtle enemy? How,
if one half of the nation shall refuse their brethren
the right of the fullest enquiry into all that per-
tans to the national morals, liberty character well
fare? The pulse of freedom beats languid when
this right is denied. 1t sends vigorous tides of life
and health only when it is conceded that every
thing may be investigated freely. No matter to
what subject the point relates
The moment the principle is conceded that there
is one point that may not be examined, that mo-
ment our liberty ceases AS long as it is held
that there is principle in science or in religion
one doctrine of government, or maxim of law,
that may NOT be examined; that there is one tri-
bunaI, be it the nqusition Or the Star Chamber,
that may not be examined; one custom or opinion