The native American., 1839-02-09

s.iupuouS neutrality, but also GemcDstratiCn OF a
uphold their authority over their slaves,
the history offedea legislation admonishes sthat
we OF the North have no right to interfere with
their municipal legislatons II is Tor those vho
own The slave pepulatitn TO decide how and when
they shall get rid Of it. When the South invites
our aid, men and then only will be the time to
gwen. Inc General Government has, al all tunes,
iiem The hrst Congiess, dseain ed a sot Of iuiis-
dicuon over The emancipation and management of
slaves. resolution. disclainuing On tie pa,t Of
Inc General Government, all jurisdiction over the
emancipation and treatment OF slaves, was entered
on the journals OF the first Congress. II vas a re-
sou,on aeclalatoly OF the tue Interpretation of
The Constitution. five lcok at the proc edines of
Congress at that time, We shall find that such was
the repugnance OF many of the Southern members
to the mention Of the subject that they voted against
the decaratory resolution. Afterwards, several So
cieties ofQuakers memorialized Congress for some
legislative action on the subject Of slavery.
The committee to which the memorials of the
Quakers were referred, relied on the declalato,y
resolution to satisfy them that Congress had no
jurisdiction to interfere with slavery at all. The
Quakers it seems, were satisfied and they agreed
that if Congress would pass law TO prohibit the
citizens Of the United States from supplying foreign
nations with slaves, they would pledge themselves,
and the societies they represented, never TO trouble
Congress again on the subject. The law did pass,
and the Quakers for some time adhered to their
pledge. Subsequently, an act was passed, in which
the principle ofnonnerieIence was again touched
in more specific form, the object of which was
Gas stated by the chairman Of the Committee to
which the subject was refened) to draw distinct
line Of demarcation, between the powers Of Con-
gress for prohibiting the introduction Of slaves into
the United States, and those of the individual
States and Territories. Il was then decided by a
hat r,ha IL
within the limits of any State, the power Of Cen
gress over them ceased, and The power Of The
State began the momentthey became within those
limits. beg leave here to advert to fact, Hug
tratye Of the evil consequences of fanaticisr and
misguided philanthropy. ] advert to ii more par
tcuEarly, because have read in late message of
the Executive Of Kentucky, that the emissares of
Abolitionism in Ohio have recently gone into
Kentucky, and melted and assisted the slaves in
that State to escape from their masters.
II is not many years since that the same fanati-
cal desire was prevalent in Ohio, to meliorate the
evils Of slavery by improper and galnterference
within her own borders. Mark the result She
very soon discovered that the phanthropic invita-
ton was rife with mischief 10 herself: and hecom-
ing very suddenly unmindful Of the doctrines ofm-
rights, she passed aaw requiring that all
colored persons within her jurisdiction should give
security for their good behavior Jeyond their
means TO obtain. Thus it is that evil turns, to
plague its inventor.
Fellow Citizens: Relying on your Aattering
confidence, and trusting to the characteristic can
dor of people who have been always ready TO
rebuke the spirit Of disunion, have attempted,
but too feebly, to point out the dangers to be ap-
pretended from the impending question Of imme-
diate Abolition Of Slavery. have spoken with
that freedom which every one should feel who
stands on ground where liberty finds temple in
every house-an altarin every heart. Let us check,
then, with timely vigilance and effort all disorsa-
nizing theories in their germ ere visionary, ana-
teal propagandsts in the robes of humanity
and piety, shall creep upon the unguarded
sentinel of the Constitution; lefore the political
empiric shall have violated the sanitary Gordon of
State sovereignty.