Litchfield enquirer. [volume] (Litchfield, Conn.) 1829-current, 1839-02-28

I British Parliament and thOoe Of tho OongPena
the United States, and the totally different
situations of British West India Islands, and
the slaves in the sovereign and independent
States IN this ConfederAcy, superficial men
have inferred from the undecided British exs
| pertinent the practicability of the abolition
! Of slavery in these States. The powers of
the British Parliament are unlimited, and arc
often described to be omnipotent. The pow
ers of the American Congress, on the contra.
ry, are few, cautiously limited, scrupulously
excluding all that are not granted, and, above
all, carefully and absolutely excluding all
power over the existence or continuance of
slavery i'm the several States. The slaves,
too, upon which British legislation operated,
were not in the bosom of the kingdom, but
in remote and feeble colonies, having no
voice in Parliament. The West India slave
holder was neither represented nor repre-
rcsentative in that Parliament. And whilst
/ most fervently wish complete success to the
British experiment of West India emancipa-
ton, confess have fearful forebodings of
a disastrous termination OF it. Whatever it
may be, think it must be admitted that, if
the British Parliament treated the West India
slaves as freemen, it also treated the West
India freemen as slaves. If, instead of these
slaves being separated by wide ocean from
the parent country, three or four millions of
African negro slaves had been dispersed
over England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland,
and their owners had been members of the
British Pariament-a case which would have
presented some analogy to that of our own
country-does any believe that it would have
been expedient or practicable to have eman-
cipated them, leaving them to remain, with
all their embittered feelings, in the United
Kingdom. boundiess as the powers of the
| British Parliament are? s.H
Other causes have conspired with the British exam.
pie to produce the existing excitement from abolition
say it with profound regret but with intention to
occasion irritation here or elsewhere that there are
persons in both parts of the Union who have sought 10
mingle abolition with politics, and to array one por-
tion of the Union against the other 1t is the misfor-
tune in free countries that, in high party times dis
position too often prevails to seize hold of every thing
which strengthen the side or weaken the 9th.
er. Charges Of fostering abolition designs have been
heedlessly and unjusty made, by one party against
the other. Prior TO the late election of the present
President Of the United States, he was charged with
being an ahoionist, and abolition designs were inn
posed to his election, and to his administration,
neither shared in making nor believing the truth Of
the charge He was scarcely installed in Office he.
fore the sane charge was directed against those who
opposed his election. =
Mr.. President. is not true and rejoice that il is
true that either Of the two great parties in this
country has any designs aim abolition, Ishould
true that the danger Of the stability Of our sys-
tenn would be infinitely greater than any which does,
hope, actually exist, Whilst neither party can be,
purpose, both have profted, and both have been in
jured in particular localities by the accession or alb
straction Of abolition support II the account were
sed has profted much more, and been injured much
less, than that to- which / belong But am far, for
that reason, from being disposed to our adver-
saries Of being aboIitionists.
And, now, Mr.. President, allow me to consider the
several cases in which the authority Congress in
veked by these abolition petitioners upon the subject
in he District Of Columbia The following is the pro-
vision Of tho Constitution ofthe United States in refer
ence 70 that matter: =. ~ =
soever over such District mot exceeding ten miles
squared as may by cesson OF particular States. and
the acceptance Of Congress-, become the'sea. Of Go
vernment of the United States"
This provision preceded in point Of time, tho ac-
tual cessons which were made by the States Of Ma.
ryland and Virginia The object cf the cession was
and the grant in the constitution Of exclusive legisla
ton must be understood, and should be always inter-
Preted. as having relation TO the object Of the cesson
suton that those two States coded to the general
government the ten miles square. constituting the
District Of Columbia. In making the cessiop. they
the purpose Of seat Of Government, for which it was
asked. When it was made, slavery existed in both
those and II The Ssded sgrery ss
ryland nor Virginia could have anticipated that whilst
the institution remained within their respective lin
its, is abolition would he attemptedby Congress with
out their consent. Neither of them would probably
have made an unconditional cession, If they could
have anticipated such result '".- -
From the nature Of the provision in the constitution.
and the avowed object of the acquisition of the terri
tory. two duties arise on the part Of Congress- The
first is, TO render the District available, comfortable,
and convenient as seat Of government Of the whole
District so as best to promote their happiness and
prosperity. These objects are totally distinct in their
nature. and in interpreting and exercising the grant
should be constantly borne in mind. Is il necessary,
m order to render this place comfortable seat Of
the General Government to abolish slavery within
position. The. government has remained here near
forty years without the slightest inconvenience from
TIE presence OF domestic slavery isit necessary TO
ry should be abolished from amongst them? They
not only neither ask desire, hut almost unani.
mo9sly opposed 70 t. 1t exists here in the mldest
In population Of ss4 there were at the las. emu
m sTa Of the population Of the United States but
sas slaves; The number has not probably much in
square, engaged in the quiet pursuits Of husbandry or
IN menal offices in domestic hfe If were necessa-
e hs efficiency Of his place as seq. Of the &c.
Denied the abolition should be confined to the
si!y which prompts i, that is. to the limits Of the city
concerned in the Government Of the United States
have no more to do with The inhabitants Of the Dis
ct than they have with the inhabitants Of the ada
| yond the Disirct. lI9V ASST '..sI1, = =
To abolish slavery within the District Of Column
ba, whilst il remains in Virginia and Maryland stu.
States, would expose them TO great practical ncon-
venIence and annoyance. The District would be-
come place Of refuge and escape for fugitive slaves
from the two States, and place from which spirit of
dscon;en INSTRUMENTATION, and insurrecton might be
fostered and encouraged in the two States Suppose
as was at one time under considerations Pennsylva.
VnIVon
the purpose of seat Of the General Government,
could Congress without violation Of good faith, have
introduced and established slavery within the bosom
OF that Commonwealth, in the ceded territory after
she had abolished il 10 ona ann rs lie usas 11s0