Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1839-02-23

is tine example of British emanci patton of the
slaves in the islands adjacent to our country.
Such Is the similarity IN laws, IN language, IN ~
stitutIons. and in common origin, between Great
Britain and the United States, that no great mea-
sure of national policy can be adopted IN the one
country without producing a considerable degree
of influence IN the other. Coniounding the to-
tally different together, of the OF the
British Parliament and those of the Congress OF
the United States and the totally different stua-
tons Of the British West India islands, and the
slaves in the sovereign aud Independent States ot
this Confederacy, superficial men have inferred .
from the undecided British experiment the prac-
tcabIiity of the abolition OF slavery IN these |
States. The powers of the British Parliament /
are unlimited, and are often described to be ON !
npotent. The powers of the Americaa Congress,
on the contrary, few, cautiously limited,
scrupulously excluding all that not granted,
and, above all, carefully and absolutely excluding
all power over the existence continuance of
slavery in the several States. The slaves, too,
upon which British legislation operated, were not
| in the bosom of the kingdom, but in remote and
Ieehe colonies having no voice IN Parliament.
The Yves. India STAKEHOLDER neither repre-
seated nor representative IN that Parliament.
md whilst most feryen.Iy wish complete
cess to the British experiment of West India e.
Emancipation, confess that have fearful forebo.
dings of DISASTROUS termination OF il. Whatever
it may be, thns it be admitted that, if the
British Parliament treated the West India slaves
as treemen, II also treated the Vest India tree
men slaves IT, instead of these slaves being
separated by wide ocean from the parent coun-
try, three four millions of African negro slaves
had been dispersed over England, Scotland Wales,
and Ireland, and their owners had been members
of the British Parliament-l case which would
: have presented some analogy TO that of our own
country-does any one believe that 1t would have
been exPedicnt practicable II have emancipa-
ted them, leaving them to remain, with all their
, embittered feelings, in the United Kingdom,
, boundless as the powers of the British Parlia-
ment are?
$ example to produce the existing excitement from
abolition. Isay 1t with profound regret, but with
no intention to occasion irritation here else,
: where that there persons in both parts of the
r Union who have sought to mingle abolition with
d politics, and to array one portion OF the Union
e against the other. 1t is the misfortune in free
= countries that In high party times, disposition
@ too often prevails to seize hold of every thing
c which can strengthen the side weaken the
o other. Charges of fostering abolition designs
@ have been heedessly and unjustly made by one
d party against the other. Prior to the late cleo
n ton OF the present President oc the United States
/ he charged with being abolitonist, ana
; abolition designs were imputed to many OF his
a supporters. Much as was opposed to his election
l. and to his Administration, neither shared il
r making nor believing the truth of the charge
st He was scarcely installed in office before th'
Sc same charge directed against those who op
\ posed his election.
10 Mr.. President it is not true, and rejoice tba
il not true, that either of the great parti
rs IN this country has any designs or aim at aboli
is ton. | should deeply lament if il were true.
I'D should consider, if it true, that the DANCE
to the stability of our system would be ninte
t. greater than any which does, hope, actually eS
OF st. Whilst neither party can be. think, just
r accused of any abolition tendency or purpose bot
,y have proited, and both have been injured pal
in ticuar localities, by the accession abstrac,io
ne of abolition support If the account were fairl
ne stated, believe the party to which am oppose
a has prohted much more, had been injured muc
re less. than that TO which belong. But am ia
for that reason, from being disposed to
re- adversaries of being abolitionists.
p And now, Mr.. President, allow to consider III
ut several cases in which the authority of Congre
ur is invoked by these abolition petitioners upon tt
ge subject of domestic slavery. The first relates
cir it it exists in the District of Columbia. Tt
ID following is the provision ofthe Constitution Of II
ist United States in reference to that matter:
les ''To exercise exclusive legislation in all cas-
cir whatsoever such District mot exceeding te
i'll miles square) as may by cessIon OF partlcu
srs states, and the acceptance of Congress, becou
the Seat of Government of the United States"
he This provision preceded, in point OF time, Il
lid actual cessions which made by the states
he Maryland and Virginia. The obec, of the &c
re- sion was TO establish seat of Government of
on United States; and the grant in the Constitute
nd Of exclusive legislation must be understood, al
SITS should be always interpreted, having relate
on to the object of the cession. 1t with Fl
al, knowledge of this clause IN the Constitution tn
IN those states cedcd to the General Governme
the ten miles square, constituting the District
OF Columbia. In making the cession, they suppos
us that it to be applied, and applied solely,
ter the purposes of of Government, for which
Mt was asked When il was made, slavery exist
er- IN both those common ealths, and in the ced
inc territory, it exists in all of them. Meth
tte- Maryland Virginia could have anticipate
I'M that, whilst the institution remained within th
ing respective limits, its abolition would be attem
tn ed by Congress without their consent. Meth
on OF them would probably have made an uncon
icy tonal cession, if they could have anticipated su
Ter result.
re- From the nature of the prayis in the @
no stitu'ion, and the avowed objact of the acqu
e' ton OF the territory, two dates arise on I
lao part of Congress. The first is, to render
re- District available, comfor table, and convene
ioh as seat OF government of the whole Unie
es the other IS, to govern the people within the
% tfict SO as best to promote their happiness a
MN prosperity. These objects are totally distinct
their ma ture. and, In interpreting and exercise