The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-06-08

lima Grimke and many others in our own country
will be held in lasting honor. The petitions Of
women before Legislative bodies their contributions
to the ant-slavery treasury, their self-denial in
enduring the reproach of liberty and countless
other claims, cannot fail of the rewards of vr-
tuous action. The late Annual Meeting for the
first time, saw women presenting themselves to
take an active part in the debates and votes con-
nected with the business meetings of the Ameri-
can Anti-Savery Society. AT the commencement
of the session, it appeared that several women
were in attendance, proposing to exercise the func-
tons of membership, eitherin their own right, or
as delegates from auxParJ3societies. d motion
was made that the ron of the meeting should en-
brace only the names i men but after pro-
tracted debate, the society resolved, by vote Of
$50 yeas, to lao nays that the names Of both men
and women should be entered on the roll. And
afterwards resolution declaring that in this vote
it was not intended that women are entitled to
sit, speak, vote, or hold office, was rejected. A
protest against the position assumed by the Socle-
ty, in these votes, was entered on the records OF
the meeting, signed by about one hundred and
twenty members.
In favor of the admission of women, the Ian
guage OF the Constitution was chiefly relied on.
Article 3, provides that any person who consents
to the principles of this Constitution, who contrib
utes to the funds of this Society, and is not a
STAKEHOLDER, may be a member of this Society, and
shall be entitled TO cote at its meetings." And ar
tice 8 declares, that any Ant-Slavery Society,
founded on the same principles, may become aux
iliary to this society, and be entitled to be repre-
Sented at its meetings. The officers of auxiliary
societies shall be er obfcio members Of this Society,""
This language it was said, did not admit, accord
ing to any of the known rules of expounding writ
ten instruments, of an Interpretation which would
authorize the Society to exclude women, otherwise
qualified, who should claim the privileges of de-
batting and voting in the meeting. 1t was also in
timaed by some, that silent acquiesence in the
claims would not be productive of any very extern
sive evils, was not likely the number of wo-
men claiming these prerogatives, would ever be
large.
On the other hand, it was urged that in the for
nation of the Society, it was not contemplated
that women would become members--tbat the
word person" in the Constit"to was employed
in the same sense in which it is used in the I on
Omitted to vote--that women, though present in
Ne convention which formed the society, dil not
,.e Seats or enrol their names, or sign the decla-
ration, as members that such a claim had never
been made before that for women to take an ac-
tive part in such an assembly was contrary to the
generally-rcceved rules of propriety; that the
claim was surprise if not breach of good faith,
towards those who had Joined the Society without
any expectation that others than men would act in
its meetings for business and that it was step
ping-stone to other designs, and an attempt to en-
list the influence of the Anti-Slavery Society in
favor of the dogma of wonae,S entire equality oih
men as TO rights "a question entirely foreign to
the object of our organization.
With regard to the propriety of the vote passed
at the meeting in favor of the enrolment of wo-
men, the Committee, not being agreed among
themselves, express no opinion. AT the same time,
it is proper to remark, that the vote Of the Society,"
being grounded on the phraseoogy of its constitu-
ton, cannot be justly regarded as committing the
Society, in favor of any controverted principle, re-
speeding the equal rights of women to participate
in the management of public affairs.
POLITICAL DUTY OF ABoLlTIoNIsTs.
The political duty of abolitionists was another
subject that called forth much debate at our late
meeting. The Constitution of this Society dis
tinctly recognizes the rightful power and binding
obligation of the government to interpose its arm
for the delivery Of the slave and his protection
from the violence of the oppressor. 1t also pledg-
es the Society to employ such means as the con-
stitution of our government affords for influencing
Congress. 1t thus bases its plans of operation up
on the lagtulness of political action. And in the
preamble it declares that we owe to the oppressed,
to our fellow citizens who hold slaves, to our whole
country, to posery, and to God, to do all that as
la,gul1y in our power, to bring about the extinc-
ton of slavery" An examination fine standard
publications, from the Declaration of
Sentiments down. will show an entire harmony
of views to have prevailed among abotionists-
But, within few months past sentiment has
been promulgated in our ranks, maintained too,
by some who have been among our earliest and
most efficient friends, denying the rghtlulness of
all human government, and consequently denying
it to be duty to vote for men to be rulers who
will employ the prerogative of government for the
abolition of slavery. The Anti-Savery Society
can afford no countenance to such doctrines; nor,
without inconsistency, can abotionsts in one
breath ask of the government to abolish slavery and
9 put an end to the domestic slave-trade," while,
in the next breath denying its rightful power to
10 any thing, or to be a government at all. In
he very act of petitioning, they do no less than
his; as the subjects of the government, they Pc
iton governmental officers to do governmental
lcts which is both absurd and wrong. The per-
sons referred to, not only refuse, themselves to
exercise their constitutional power as citizens in
avor of the slave Regarding it as an immortality