The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-09-14

nc HuGStlOu Illcl lCtuIllllS Oll lHc StCOuu re
h. olution, Mr. Leavtt moved that this also be il
BY definitely postponed but withdrew the motion
as the request of Mr.. Fitch, who offered the follow
s. ing as substitute for it:
Id Resolved, That abolltionists who uote, ar
We bound, Irrespective Of present political pares)
lie give their suhrages for the friends of ammediat
ct abolition of slavery; and that all abolitoniss VIII
ID have q right to vote, are earnestly entreated
further the noble object through the ballot box
r, Mr. Scott advocated this substitute at consider
d able length, insisting that there could be no com
e promise between doing our duty and not doing it
1t was their business as aboitonists, to lay dowr
n great principles, doctrines and measures. The
s one without the other was body without soul
or soul without body. When they exercised
t only political or only moral power, they only wen
! half way in their duty. They neither winked al
. principle nor trampled on conscience. Mr.. S. ar
gned slrenuously against making conscience a
rule of duty, This principle could justify slavery
and every other practice that man could bring
himself to believe to be right.
: Mr.. Brney hoped that the second resolution
would unite the wishes ofalI sides. He preferred
f it to the substitute and pressed for an immediate
vote.
Mr.. Loring moved to amend the substitute by
striking out the concluding clause.
The Chair decided the amendment not to be
in order and after a brief and desultory discus
sion, the substitute was indefinitely postponed.
The question then recurring on the adoption OF
| the second resolution,
Mr. Scott, of Albany, observed that when the
question had been put on the first resolution, he
had requested to be excused from voting, but III
his conscience had not stood between him and the
| polls when his name was called, he should have
voted, aye. He had no idea of mans being an
abolitionst who if he voted, did not vote as one
nor had he any idea of mans being five siXths
OF an aboltionst any more than being three fltlhs
OF man. A five sixths abolitionist was pro-
slavery man. The same reason which had pre-
vented his voting for the first resolution forbade
his voting for the second nor was he ashamed
to avow it. He was opposed to such a course, be-
cause he could not pursue it in good faith. Abo-
litionists had always held out that it was not their
purpose to make this political question. This
very thing had been thrown in their teeth by their
opponents. They had been told that they would
pursue the same course as the Anti-MaSons. But
Mr. S. had always strenuousy dsavowed any
such purpose. He could not with consistency
consent to it. The moment such a thing was at
tempted the cause was ruined The sun of its
glory was set forever and its epaph might be
lchabod, the glory is departed. He did not mean
70 say that the of abolition itself would be
stopped or put back but its political friends would
dwindle into an insignificant party, and the hon
into other hands. Besides, the great means. |,
was these that had effected every great moral re-
formation in the world from the days of Elijah to
those of Luther In Great Britain these means
had extended the elective franchise The real
battle was not fought at the polls; it was fought
in the Edinburgh Review, and in otherpublications
where the great questions were discussed. An {
other reason why he couldn't vote for the resolu-
ton was that in his view 10 go TO the polls was
sinful. Mr.. S. was going to give his reason why,
when he was cut Off by the prescribed rule rs TO
time; and though he warmly demonstrated the
Convention refused to suspend the rule {
The previous question was now moved second
ed, put and carried, when the main question be-
ing on the adoption of the second resolution, il
was decided in the affirmative; so the second res
olution adopted.
The third resolution was then read.
Mr.. Loring moved its indefinite postponerncnt.
Mr.. Leavitt said that it seemed to him that the
question political duty had come upt the con- c
venion in shape which forbade the indefinite +
of such resolution, A large body of
the devoted friends of universal liberty had come
up here in belief that the time was come when the
abolitioniss were to propose and organize third T
party in the United States. Another large por- i
ton OF the Convention believed that such course
would be very injurious; while third class (ol :
which Mr.. L. was one) stood pledged TO pursue
all proper lawful and constitutional measures c
which the success of the cause should appear to re-
lure. Where was the American citizen worthy c
Of that name, who did not believe that under 8
free government and in free nation and under O
due responsibility, the organization of political
party wherever circumstances appeared 10 call for h
it, was lawful and proper measure? If it was a
hen on the occurrence of those circumstances said
Mr.. L., we are all pledged and bound to go for it, II
and he believed his honored friend from Boston Il
Mr.. Loring) felt as much pledged to it as HIM n
self whenever in his judgment the time should Il
come. At the same time Mr.. l.. felt that it was
measure Of the last resort He saw very clearly n
he numerous embarsassments with which it would i
be attended and he dreaded the necessity of such
resort. He was therefore disposed TO postpone 81
it until such necessity became more apparent. He Il
knew that slavery could be abolished, he believed
it would be- and he trusted they should not be drv- $
en- TO the necessity Of such measure to effect it
but if that necessity should come he was prepared
10 meet it. Whenever it did come, body so in V
elligent as this would see it, and would meet it,
md he doubted not his brother from Boston would h