The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-08-24

emn duty to perform. They must go to the polls
and choose such men to be our rulers as would re-
peal wicked laws.
This was our duty from another consideration
All the power which Legislators WELDED was pow
er which we put into their hands, so that in fact,
we might be said to do up our legislation at the
ballot box. This was far as we could go. If,
therefore, we let pro-slavery men choose the rul-
ers, they would exercise pro-slavery power. 1t
was our duty to put into their hands an abolition
power, so that when they should 90 up to Con-
gross and stand where we could not they might
carry out our principles and fulfil our will. Could
we innocently bury our talent in napkin If
we did, then we were responsible for the laws
which held our fellow beings in slavery. How
must we appear asking men to exercise their pow
err in behalf of abolition, who were chosen by pro-
slavery electors? With what face could we ask
them to be recreant to their own constituents p
There was no consistency in memorializng legis-
lators whom we refused TO choose. Suppose we
could convert them while in Congress into aboli-
tionsts, what real difference would there be be-
tween doing this and doing the same thing before
hand, at the bollot box There was no getting
away from the argument. Abolitioniss to be con-
sstent with themselves, must create class ofrul-
ers like themselves.
DS
abolished without this political action. Suppose
four lilhs Of the nation were abolitonists, and all
staid away from the polls, who would go to the
ballot-boX? The remaining one fifth, and the
rulers being chosen by pto-slavery men, would
hold themselves bound to carry out the will OF
their own constituents. And thus slavery which
was the creature Of law would still live and -four
ish, though four fths of the nation were its dead
ly enemies but if these four-flthS would do their
duty, slave laws would be at once abolished, and
the slave would be elevated into a human being.
How this was ever to be effected but by the polit-
lcal action of his friends, Mr.. G. had never been
able TO understand.
Was it not then their solemn duty, in view of
all these considerations to WELD their political
power. Could the Convention satisfy their con-
science by merey exhorting and entreating their
brethren Would they not declare this course to
be their solemn duty? How could they be inno-
cent, if with the power in their pocket to abolish
slavery, they refused to make use OF it? To his
own mind the case was so clear that nothing could
make it more so.
He would add one word further in consequence
of the remark Of the gentleman who had second
ed the motion. That gentleman wished abolition
lists to carry their principles to the polls, so did
Mr.. c., and when they got there, their duty was
to vote for an abolitionist. What Would men
profess abolition principles and then go forward
and vote for a man who was pledged to veto the
laws which the humanity Of Congress might have
created Surely it could never be. To vote for
man who has not even pulSation of moral feel
ing in his bosom for man who has so little HUI
mainly as to use his brief authority to add to the
oppression of the downtrodden and the destitute.
Let 70 abolitionist be found voting for man who
is the apologist of slavery under any Circumstance
les. If he did, he was partaker of his guilt he
helped to eXort the agonizing cry from every
string tortured slave in the land. If he did he
his aid in wrnging out the last drop Of blood from
oppressed and expiring humanity. Would any
abolitonist take stand like this? Never new
er!' Better let his right arm be paralzed when
he took the ballot in his hand, than cast one vote
for man who would perpetuate the system Of
slavery or palliate its guilt. No. 1t was the duty
Of consistent abolitionist to 60 to the polls, and
there to remember his brethren who are in bonds.
1t was his duty to remember them upon his knees
to remember them in the sanctuary-to remem-
Der them in the coset--to remember them in the
house-to remember them by the way--to plead
their cause in the stages and in steamboats-in
the public meeting and in the private circle. But
could man do this, and then when he came to
the spot where alone he could apply the lever of
political power to aid their cause forget the slave,
forget his principles forget himself, and all fer the
sake of some pro-slavery leader? Never No,
never!
Mr. Bradburn said that the subject which APP
peared so clear to his brother was not at all clear
to his mind. 1t was no more evident to him that
it was the duty Of all abotionists to act polite
ally in favor Of the abolition cause, than it was to
his brother that negro, because of his rereating
forehead and his curly hair, and his black skin,
was created to be a newer Of wood and drawer
of water to the end of time. Mr.. B. for one was
in favor of political action. He had perhaps done
as much in favor of the cause politically as those
who talked so much about it. All the arguments
Of the brother would have been just and conclu-
sive but for one fact which he well knew, but fer.
got to mention. He well knew that there were
many members of the National Abolition Society
who had conscientious scrupIes against going to
he polls, from the opinion which they held that
he government now constituted and admins
ID was built upon the principles of cu-throats, and
sustained by laws which required men to blow
'ut each others brains. Many of these were a
nohg the most prominent advocates of the abo-
ion cause, and had done as much for the over
brow of slavery as any of its enemies Mr. B.
aid he had been greatly surprised to hear his
,rothcr saw that if was the itnnerotive dutv of ev