The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-09-07
N UE7 sER SO.

1t, though not fully satisfied as to the qualifications
t OF all the candidates, he said that his main object
! had been to press upon abotonists in advocating
thelr cause the grand principle of action, which
r had been recently recommended by Mr.. Claw in
: advancing the interests of the Whigs-nameiy, TO
forget all private differences and to concentrate for
principle. This he said was the position he should
take. He had been abused on both sdes-bv one
he had been represented as a sham abolonist, by
the other fanatic and an ultra, who had but
one idea. He was willing they should say any,
thing about him, provided they did not call him
recreant to the cause of humanity. Mr. r. dis.
scented from the resolution under discussion, and
should not vote for it, because he believed it would
practically amount to nothing. He was for hav-
ing all abotionists fix it as sentiment in their
mind, that they would vote for no man who was
not prepared to go for abolition to the death. No
political considerations should prevent him from
taking this course. And he thought it ought TO
be pursued irrespective of all parties. To vote in
favor OF those who came nearest 10 abolition prn-
cipes, but yet were not abolitionsts, would be to
accomplish nothing. Rather than pursue a course
like this, he should prefer forming third party,
but was not as yet prepared for that Let every
abolltlonst abandon his political preferences the
very moment they interfere with these dis
ltlngushing principles et him hold himself pledg-
ed to the abolition cause, and bound to sacrifice all
else to promote it. If he was sure that anv cam
didate was sound on this point he would vote for
him, be his party principles what they might. Let
abotonists steadily pursue this course, and they
will ultimately see both the parties in the country
revolutionized. AS an illustration he referred to
the course adopted by the advocates of a certain
railroad, who made it a sine qua non with every
candidate, before he got their votes that he should
pledge himself to vote for that road and to this
object they made all other considerations yield.
By steady adherence to this principle they would
carry their point. Let abolitionists do the same
and they would carry theirs. Mr.. r. made fur.
Their references to the history of party m 'nagement
in the state of New York especially in relation 10
the anti-masons, from all which he drew the same
general inference, that it was the true abolition
policy to put abolition first and make it an indis-
pensabe requisite in all for whom they Voted
The question must 60 to the ballot box at last,
modify it as they might There at last the bat.
tie must be fought, and take what course thew
would it would ultimately lead to the formation
of third party. Let the course he had laid down
be steadily pursued, and the two parties would
nominate abolitiorists for themselves and then
there would be third party. So long as ADOLF
tioniss talked and preached against slavery, and
then voted for shareholders, they would accom-
plish nothing-but let abolitoniss be true to
themselves and their principles, and they would
soon find that in many parts of the country they
held the balance of power. They formed the bone
and slnew of western New York, but they must
keep away from all party caucuses and must hold
caucuscs of their own. Multtudes of the votes
given at the last election, might as to all practical
good, have just as well been thrown into the dock,
but let abolitionsts stick down their stake and
be true to their own cause, and though they might
get few votes this year, they would soon find that
there would be cringing in certain political camps
The democracy would in general be with the abb
oIitionists. Every Shareholder would eventually
lose the name of a democrat, for slavery was that
sin of sins, and which, if i; prevailed, must eat
out the democracy of the country. AS to CLAY
and Calhoun, and he would put Adams into the
mess, they had not one feeling in common with
the democracy of the United States. A man who
could buy and sell his fellow men, and like cer-
tain Judge, declare that the Constitution had refer
ence only TO white men, never could be a repub-
lcan. The formation of a third party would test
the abolition strength. Itwould be attended with
at least this good result, they would have no sham
aboHoniss. He feared that if they proceeded as
at present, they would be swallowed up, and there
would at last be nothing to resort TO but the for
nation of third party.
Mr. Loring, of Boston, said that this discussion
was wholly unexpected. He agreed that the sla.
very question must ultimately be decided at the
ballot box, but he doubted exceedingly the expe-
dency of forming third party at least at the pre-
sent time. AT all events, if they must have such a
hing he hoped it would not be the hot bed growth
Of a convention, but would be suffered to grow up
Of ITSELF and be the natural result of circumstances
TO form a third party at this time, would be a.
gainst the sound lessons of all experience in the
conducting of great moral enterprises. How was
he glorious emancipation question carried in Eng
and {? The abolitionists there had no political or
yanzation, although there was one of the pro-sla-
cry men. They had carried their cause trium-
'hantly by treating it simply as moral and reli-
yious question. 1t true they had spoken thro'
he ballot boxes, but there the people had been
rought up to abolition instead of abolition going
own to the people. Another example was fur.
shed in the success of the temperance cause in
ur own land. More had been done for it by lie.
islation in Massachusetts than in any other State
# the Union, and yet the friends of temperance
lad never had political organization there. The
Measure was carried moral and religious
ueston-it the moral and religious sense Of
he people which had spoken cut with a comman.
ing energy, What was the difference betweeu
ne two causes Why might not the moral and
eligious sense of the peope in all The fee sto,oo