Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1839-05-09
POLITICAL.
REMARKS


zenS Of ihe District Of Columbia against
the reception oJ Adotition petitions, &c.
Mr.. SPEAKER: | present TO the House
remonstrance, signed Dy some several
hundred cltlzens OF ills District, aguIust
the reception Of peIIllOns from citlzeils Ol
The States, praying Ior tue abulillon Oi sla-
very in the District Of Columbia. The
mcnoriaisls represent that. they regard
Congress as the local Legislature OF this
District, standing ia the same relation 10
the ciliZens oil the District thai State
Legislature uoes 10 The clliZens OF Stale;
and that they cial'n the right to advise or
instruct the Congress, as their local Legs
10 the local interests aud.uunlclpat lusl-
tutiUns uf the District. And iulher-thal
they regard the interference Of persons re-
sidiug without The limits uf Inc District,
by petition or ulhe. wise, as iRtfusiue and
unarurrantabie and claim The paternal
protection oi Congress against such inter
ference with their rights aud Interests. l
concur with the views Oi the memorlallsls,
aud shall proceed 10 vindicate them 10 the
best OF my abilities.
ltelieve, Mr.. Speaker, / am justified III
tue declaration that since have had The
honor ol seat i'll this body, at least one
third of our time has been uunccessa-
rIly wasted, or nischlevously y employ
ed, will not undertake 10 say which,
in debating petitions, resolutions. DC. &c.
touching the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia. In other words, if
am correct in the views which would
beg leave to submit to the consideration OF
the House before lake my seat, We have,
for the last tour sessions Of Congress, con-
sumed a large portion OF our time in dis
cussing subject over which the Federal
Legislature, in their federal capacity, have
no Jurisdiction. If this he SO, is il noI
time that we pause; nay. is it not high
time that we 81 change our course of ac-
tion on this exciting and vexatiouS subject.
as to reject, outright, all petitions and me-
MORALS praying for the abolition of slavery
in the District Of Columbia 1t is well
known to the members of this House thai
all attempts 10 suppress discussion on this
subject have proved utterly abottIve. And
so long rs we continue 10 receive petitions
from citizens Of the States on the subject
of slavery, so long will our time, as here
ioIore, be occupied in agitaring this ques-
lion. Nay il must BE- apparent TO all, now
that aboIilionism has assumed political
character. that this perplexiug snbjec' will
become. from year 10 year, more and more
embarrassing TO ihe Federal Legislature,
unless there shall be found sufficient firm
ness in a majority Of lis members to shut
down the gate at once upon all petitions OF
au abolition character. Aud, sir, permit
me 10 say, tina, an not altogether conf
dent The American people do no, attach an
undue importance to the "righi Of petit
tioD," when understood in broad and po
litica seuse-in that sense, | mean, in
which it has ever been regarded in Eng.
land. When 1 hear gentlemen on this
floor declaim with so much warmth and
energy on what they are pleased to call
the "blessed, sacred and inestimabS right
Of the people to assemble and to petition
for redress Of grievances. am some
times inclined TO believe that their zeal is
not according to knowledge, and that they
have not duly considered the character
and genius of our free institutions.
1t is true, ,and tony mind tits as strange
as it is true, that the Congress Of 1889
deemed proper TO propose All amendment
to the Constitution, recognising "ihe right
Of the people peaceably to assemble aud
petition the Government for redress of
grievances" The statesmen Of that day,
rs we'll as those Of the present, were too
much in the habit of looking to England,
not only for precedents, but for political
principles aud practices. And from that
source did,hey derive their ideas concern
ing the sanctity and importance of the
right of the people to assemble aud petition
their Government. That the right of pc
tition has ever been held dear and sacred
by the oppressed and down trodden sub.
jecIs of Great Britain, is not 10 be marvel
led at. NDthing could be more natural
than that a people, whose political fran
chises had been wrenched from them by
the iron hand Of despotic power, should
esteem it boon to be graciousty permit
ted TO assemble, and make known their
wrongs, and to petition, 10 supplicate for
redress. 1t was the only avenue to the
throne which tyranny had left them; the
only mode to obtain, or rather 10 solicit,
redress, which the sovereign had vouch-
safed 10 them The grievances complain
ed of by British subjects speak partic-
ularly in reference to by-gone limes--were
mostly general in their effects, and pnliti.
cal in their character, aud originated with
the Government. And the only general
or political remedy, If remedy it could be
called, which the subjects were permitted
to apply, was to assemble and petition the
Crown relative thereto. Hence, ever as
sociated with the fright Of petition" is
the idea Of an expression Of the public SEN
timent or of the public will. But with
what propriety this Identical idea has been