The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-06-22
j. HOLCOMB.
Mr.. Adams Letter.


give two paragraphs, embracing Mr. Wright's re-
ply to what we consider the main fallacies of Mr.
Adams on the slavery question Taking it for
granted that readers have given the Letter an
attentive perusal, we now invite a candid consid-
Grafton of the arguments on the other side.
First The NPRAcTIcABTLITy. With all defer
ence, is it not sufficient reply to this argument
to ask what reform would ever be practicable, if
no one shWd advocate it till it had a majority in
its favor? Mr.. Adams has the proud reputation
of an Independent statesman He does not square
his politics by parties or maorities, but by what
he considers sound ethics and right reason.-OE
ten has his honored name been found on minori-
ties exceedingly small, But on the strength of
this argument, why did he not vote with the ma
jority? Why does he contend for the right of petit
ton Mr.. Van Buren, is against it the whole
South is against tits exercise is scarcely less
impracticable than abolition in the District We
blush for such an argument from the pen of John
Quincy Adams, 1t is unworthy of his reputation
and most sadly inconsistent with the best deeds of
his life. The Calhouns and Harpers and Dews
laugh in their sleeves Willingly will they listen
to twelve day speeches, or twelve month speeches.
if the representative will bind himself by the will
not of his own, but of every body's constituents
not to act till he act in a majority Is the
Nesor of the American Congress a mere leoisa--
ting machine? Does he quietly subscribe to the
doctrine that any blockhead possessed of The ca
pabiiities of weathercock in The wind o. pub
lie opinion" might fill his place as well as him-
self? His letters, repete with heart stirring elo-
quence, prove that he does not. They SHOW that
on some high subjects he feels charged with the
important mission Of reforming public opinion"
Powerfully has he contributed to do it. Then
why not strive to remove the mere temporary and
vncible impracticability which opposes the abo-
liton of slavery within the national domain
This brings us, secondly, to
The WILL OF THE PEOPLE OF THE DISTRICT.
Mr.. Adams assumes that the act of abolition in
the District is not " to operate at all upon people
out the District. On this assumption and moth
ing else, his argument rests. We might argue
that ifa majority of the people of this Union only
thought it would operate upon them, that would
be sufficient under the terms of the Constitution
to Justify an act of aboltion-mmediate and un-
compensated But we waive the advantage.
We contend that the act of abolition acM operate
upon all. We aver that slavery in that District
is grievance to the entire people Of the United
States. We hold that it is violation of our own
rights We are willing to grant that in cases
where its constituents, the people of the United
States, are not concerned, Congress is bound to
Justice and the free principles of our republic will
admit, according to the will of majority of the
people (the entire people, of that District. But
the present is net such a case-with the emphasis
OF the last seven thunders, it is at the farthest
possible remove from such a case Human in
genuty may be, and it hereby is, defed to put a
case in which the people out of the District could
have stronger interest in its laws, or a stronger
claim to the use in their favor of that power of ex
elusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over
the District, wherewith Congress is invested byI
the Constitution. Will you talk to US about pub
lie buildings, and streets for the accommodation OF
representatives. and freedom from personal arrests
bv the local authorities Our law makers had
better meet in the loft ola stable, walk to their
lodgings ancle deep in the mud, and run the risk
of having their debts collected to their own and
the public inconvenience-oWr Majesty the Pres
ident, and the representatives of their mai esties
of Europe, had better drive their coaches over
corduroys of the biggest Ohio logs, than that 1--WE
the people of these United States" should bear
on our republican forehead the brand of HYPOC-
RISY. Is reputation nothing If it is something
for one man, is it nothing for ten millions Is |
patriotism a figure of speceh-a non-entity-a
lie? If not it is of some consequence to man
that he should have country which he can love
and honor. For what did we go to war with the
ilrSt power OF the world twenty seven years ago
Was it to rescue six or seven hundred rovers up
on the ocean from the muster roll of British men
of-war Did their fate interest the nation at
large, which poured out its money and its blood
any more than does now the fate of six or seven
thousand in the District, suffering thousand
fold worse bondage? Not at all We declared
war to vindicate our national reput0tion-to de-
monsrate the sanctity of our national agis. Now
every ingenious American mind feels that slave
ry in the national domain nesting, with its pr-
vate prisons and all the Internal appliances of its
trade under the national law, is deep disgrace j
more than all that, that it is token of perdltlon
to all those hopes which. for his posterty and his
kind he had fondly built upon the frame work of
our " free government" The anchor of his pat
riotisn loses its hold, and he drifts away before
the gale of the worlds scorn-worse than country
less. Just in proportion, too, as his confidence in
the honor and justice of his country is weakened
he is damaged in all his energies, All this is lit.
orally and inevitably true of every man who, like
the Ave millions of petitioners, is aohe to the ma
ture and tendencies Of slavery, and to the feelings
Of the civilized world in regard to it, Is not John
Quincy Adams so awake? Then why does he,
with the full poaUer of his connrv's charter in his