The Rodney telegraph. (Rodney, Miss.) 1838-1840, 1839-03-16

WOuIu ScTIOuSty Aslte every COuSIucIutc
man in the country solemnly to pause, and
deliberately 10 reflect, not merely on our ex-
listing posture, but upon that dreadful preci-
pice down which they would hurry us. 1t
is because these ultra-abolitionists have ceas
ed to employ the instruments of reason and
persuasion, have made their cause political,
and have appealed to the ballot box, that |
am induced, upon this occasion, to address
you.
There have been three epochs in the his
tory of our country at which the spirit of
abolition displayed itself. The first was
Immediately after the formation Of the pre-
sent Federal Government. When the.con-
stitution was about going into operation, its
powers we're not we'll understood by the COM
munity at large, and remained to be accu-
rately interpreted and defined. At that Pc |
riod numerous abolition societies were FORM |
ed, comprising not merely the society of
friends, but many other good men. Petit |
tons were presented to Congress, praying |
for the abolition Of slavery. They were
received without serious opposition, referred,
and reported upon by a committee. The
report stated that the General Government
had no power to abolish slavery as it existed
in the several States, and that these States
themselves had exclusive jurisdiction over
the subject. The report was generally ac-1
quiesced in, and satisfaction and tranquility
ensued; the abolition societies thereafter
limited their exertions, in respect to the
black population, to Offices Of humanity
within the scope Of existing laws.
The next period when the subject Of sla-
very, and abolition incidently, was brought
into notice and discussion, was that of the
memorable occasion of the admission Of
the State Of Missouri into the Union. 1t is
| too recent to make it necessary to do more
than merely advert to it, and to say, that it
was finally composed by ono Of those COM
promises characteristic of our institu tons,
and of which the constitution itself is the
most signal instance.
The third is that in which we now find
ourselves. Various causes, Mr.. President,
have contributed 10 produce the existing ex-
element on the subject of abolition. The
principal one, perhaps, is the example Of
British emancipation of the slaves in the is
lands adjacent to our country. Such is the
similarity in laws, in language, IN ins,itu
tons and in common origin, between Great
Britain and the United States, that nc
great measure of national policy can be
adopted in the one country without produ
cling considerable degree of influence in
the other. Confounding the totally differ
ent cases together, of the powers of the Brit
ish Parliament and those of the Congress
of the United States, and the totally differ.
ent situations of the British West India is.
lands, and slaves in the SOW ereign and indie.
pendent States of this confederacy, superb
cial men have inferred from the undecided
British experiment the practicability OF the
abolition of slavery in these States. The
powers of the British Parliament are unlim
tied, are often described 10 be omnipotent.-
The powers Of the American Congress, on
the contrary, are few, cautiously limited
scrupulously excluding all that are not gran
ted, aad, above all, carefully and absolutely
, excluding all power over the existence Oh
, continuance of slavery in the several States
The slaves, too, upon which British legls!a
ton operated, were not in the bosom OF the
, kingdom, but in remote and feeble colonle:
having no voice in Parliament. The Yves
India shareholders was neither represented
, nor representative in that Parliament. Ant
| whilst most fervent!y wish complete sue
cess to the British experiment of West India
!, emancipation, confess that have fearfu
|, forebodings of disastrous termination of it
Whatever it may be, think it must be ad
mitted that, if the British Parliament treated
f the West India slaves as free men. it alst
, treated the West India freemen as slaves
!, If, instead Of these slaves being separated
by a wide ocean from the parent country
| three or four millions of African negroslavc:
had been dispersed over England, Scotland
i. Wales and Ireland, and their owners hac
been members of the British Parliament
case which would have presented some an
alogy 10 that Of our own country-does any
, one believe that it would have been expedi
, ent or practicable to have emancipatet
them, leaving them to remain, with all thel
embittered feelings, in the United Kingdom
boundless as the powers Of the British Par
lament are!
Other causes have conspired with the
, British example to produce the existing ex
element from abolition. say it with pro
found regret, but with no intention to coca
sion irritation here or elsewhere, that there
lare persons in both parts of the Union whit
] have sought to mingle abolition with politics
and to array one portion Of the Union q
|gainst the other. It is the misfortune il
free coantries that, in high party times, .
disposition too often prevails to seize hold d
every thing which can strengthen the one
side or weaken the ether. Charges OF fos'
tering abolition designs have been Needless
" and uniustly made by one party against
Ia - Al - IL rs eha