Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, IA [i.e. Ind.]) 1839-1854, 1839-02-23

ests of the Commonwealth. And still think that
the question OF such emancipation IN the farming
states is one whose solution depends upon the re-
lative numbers Of the two races in any given
state. If had been citizen Of the state OF
Pennsylvania. when Fran!<lit.'s plan adopted
should have voted for il, because by no posi-
biiity could the black race ever acquire the as
cendancv in that state. But n had been then, or
were ROW, citizen of any of the plant
ing States--the Southern or Southwestern STATES
Il should have opposed, aud wond continue 10
oppose, any scheme whatever oi emancipation.
prad,,al or immediate, because of the danger of
an ultimate ascendeucv os The black race, o.; a
civil contest which might terminate III the ex-
tncton III race or the other.
Tho proposition IN Kentucky for gradual G.
Emancipation did not prevail, but IT was sustained
by a large aud respectable minority. That mino-
ri,y had increased. and was increasing, until the
abotionsts commenced their operations Inc
effect has been disspac al! prospects whatev or
for the present, ofany scheme OF gradual or oiher
emancipation. The people Of that state have be-
come shocked and alarmed by these abolition
moyements, and the number who would now ia
yor a system even of gradual emancipation is pro-
baby less than it was IN the years lIoS-,3. Al
the session Of the Legislature held IN 1878, the
question Of calling convention was submitted 10
the consideration Of the people by Il law passed
in conformity with the Constitution OF tho state.
MANY motives existed for the passage Of the law,
and among them that OF emancipation had It's III
Huence. When the question was passed upon by
the people at their last annual cection,only about
onc-four,h Of tho whole voters OF the state sup
ported call of a convention. The apprehension
of the danger of abolition was tho loading consld-
GRAFTON amongst the people for opposing the CALL
Bot for that but for The agitation Of the question
OF abolition in states whose population had no
right in the opinion of the people OF Kentucky,
10 interfere in the matter, the vote Tor conven-
lion wonld have been much larger, # had not been
7 Sol off m ct n
date bold and decided ground against 1T.
Prior to the agitation of this subject OF abolition,
there progressive moderation IN the condi-
ton of the slaves throughout all the slave states
In some of them, schools OF instruction were open
ed by humane and religious persons. These are
all now checked; and a spirit OF INSTRUMENTATION
having shown itself in some localities, traceable,
il is believed, to abolition movements and cXer-
lions. the legislative authority has found it expe
dent To infuse fresh igor into the police, ana laws
which regulate the conduct OF the slaves
And now, Mr. President, if It were possible to
overco ne the insurmountabIe obstacles which lie
in the way of immediate abolition, let us briefly
contemplate some OF the consequences which
would inevitably ensue. One OF these has been
occa sonally alluded to in tho course OF these re-
marks 1t is the struggle which would instanta-
peously urisc be the two races III most OF the
sou,hern and southwestern states. And what
dreadful struggle would 1t not be- Embitterea
by all the recoilecons OF the past, by the uncon-
ouerabo pre- udices which would prevail between
the two races and stimulated by all the hopes and
e., rs ot the future i: would be "a contest in which
the determination of the blacks, or their ascend
ancy over the whites, would be the solo alterna- |
gress OF such contest, vast numbers, probably,
OF the black race would migrate into the free /
states; and what effect would such migration |
have upon the laborng classes in those states.
Now tho distribution of labor in tho United
States is geographical; the FREQ laborcrs occupy
ing one side of tho line, and the slave laborers the
other; each class pursuing It's own avocations al
most altogether unmIxed with the other. But
on the suppostion Of immediate abolition, the
black class, migrating into tho free states, would
enter into competition with the white class, di-
mnishing the wages of their labor, and augment
ing the hardships of their condition.
This is not all. The abotionists strenuously
oppose all separation OF the two races. ! confess
to you, sir, that have seen with regret, grief,
and aston.hment, their resoute opposition to the
project Of colonization. No scheme was pre-
scented to tho acceptance OF man, which, whether
it be entirely practicable or not, is characterized
by more unmixed humanity and benevolence than
that of transporting, with their own consent, the
free paople of color in the United States to the
land of their ancestors. 1t has the powerful re-
commentator thai whatever 1t does is good; and
If it effects nothing II inlcts no one evil or mis-
chief upon any portion OF our society. There Is
no necessary hostility between the objects OF CO.
lonization and abolition. Colonization deals only
with tho free man of color and that with his
free voluntary consent. 1t has nothing to do with
slavery. 1t disturbs no mans property, socks to
impair no power III tho slave states, nor TO ai;ri-
butte any to the General Government. All its ac
ton, and all its ways and means, are voluntary,
depending upon the blessing of Providence, which
hitherto has graciously smiled upon IT. And yet,
beneficent and harmless colonization IS, no Por-
ton Of the people of the United States donounces
it with so much persevcring zeal and such un-
mixed bitterness as do the abotionIsts.
They put themselves in direct opposition to
any separation whatever between the two races.
They would keep them forever pent mp together
within the same limits, perpetuating their animos-
tiles, and constantly endangerng the peace of the
community. They proclaim. indeed that color
is nothing; that the organic and characteristics
differences between the two races ought to be en-
tirely overlooked and disregarded. And clevating
themselves TO a sublime but impracticable philos-
opby they would teach To eradicate all the re-
pugnances OF nature, and TO take to our boz
SONS aud our boards the black man we do the
white, on the same footing of equal social condi-
ton Do they not perceive that IN thus contound-
ing all the distinc tions which God himself has
made, they ar,aign the wisdom and goodness OF
Providence itself? l. has been His divine plea
sure to make the black black and the white
man white. to distinguish them by other rePul-
siye constitutional differences 1t is not necessa-