The Charlotte journal. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1835-1851, 1839-02-28

~ me dictates OF true dignity BY regardn,
re 'a"suase oil The member of the Br,,sE
Mouse Ct Commons as the mal;gn.o, rav
'hgs OF the plunderer Of his own coun,rv
and the lbeller of foreign and kindred
J people. "'"'ieu
Do' Inc means TO which have alreadv
inverted are not the ouly. ones which tho
'nifo class OF ultra abolition.sss are em,lov.
iog to effect their ultimate end. Thev he.
gap 'heir operations by protesting to employ
h.y persuasive means IN appealing to the
humanity, and enliehtening the understand.
"gs' OF the slaveholding portion of the
paHsowsd motive, Il mus, be acknowledn
ca that there was rather presumptuous
display also of an assumed superiority IN in.
telIigence and knowledge. For some tima
they continued 10 make these appeals 10 our
duty and our interest; but impatient with
'he slow influence of their logic upon our
stupid minds, they recently resolved 10
change their system Of action. To the aren.
cy OF their powers Of persuasion, they now
propose to substitute the powers of the ballot
box; and he must be blind 10 what is pass.
ing before us, who does not perceive that
the inevitable tendency of their proceedings
Is, II these should be found insufficient. 10
invoke finally, the more potent powers of
the bayonet.
Mr President, II is at this alarming stape
OF the proceedings Of the ultra abo!,,ionlsts.
that would seriously invite ever, cous,d.
crate man IN the country solemnIy TO pause,
and deliberately TO reflect, not merely on
our existing posture, but upon that dread.
iul precplce down which they would hurry
Us. II is because these ultra abolltionlsts
have ceased to employ The Instruments Of
reason and persuasion, have made their
cause political, and have appealed to tho
ballot box. that ! am induced, upon this &C.
casIon, TO address you.
There have been three epochs in the his.
tory OF our country at which the spirit of
abolition displayed itself. The first was
Immediately after the formation of the pres.
eni Federal Government. When the Con.
stltuton vas abou, going into operation, its
powers were not well understood by the
community al large, and remained to be-
accurately interpreted aid defined. At
that period numerous abolition societies
were formed, comprising not merely the
o"ciety OF Friends but many other good
men. Petitions we're presented to Cone
gress, praying for tie abolition of slavery.
They we're received without serious oppo.
sIIon, referred, aud reported upon by a
commIiiee. The report stated that The
General Government had no power TO abol.
ish slavery as 1t existed ~ the several
States, ard that these States themselves had
exclusive jurisdiction over the subject
he report was generally acquiesced 10,
and satisfaction and tranquility ensut d the
abolition societies hereafter limiting their
eSeftisns, IN respect TO the black population.
to offices Of humanity within the scope of
existing laws.
The next period when the subject Of
slavery, and abollilon incidentally, was
brought INTO notice and discussion, was that
on the memorable occasion Of the ad.
mission, of the State of Missouri into the
Union. The struggle vas long, strenuous,
and fearful. IL IS too recent TO make /,
necessary 10 do more than merely advert to
i, and 10 say, that II was finally composed
BY one OF those compromises characteristic
'i our institutions, and of which the Con.
'tltution itself is the mos, signal instance.
The third Is that 10 which We now find
ourselves. Various causes, Mr. President,
have contributed to produce the existln.
excitement on the subject of aboltion.--
The principal cue, perhaps, is the example
Of British emancipation of the slaves 10 the
islands adjacent TO our country. Such is
he similarity in lnws, IN language, in insti-
ulions, and IN common origin, between
Great Britain and the United States, that
10 great measure of national policy can be-
Idopted IN the one country without produc.
ng a considerable degree Of influence in
he other ConiOundIng the totally different
'ases together, of the powers of the British
armament and those Of the Congress of
he United States, and the totally different
situations of the British West Ind,a is.
ands, aud the slaves in the sovereign and
States of this Coniederacy. su.
'erhclal men have inferred from the undeci.
led British experiment the practlcablIty of
he abolition OF slavery in these States.-
The powers Of the British Parliament, are
and are often described 10 be-
The powers Of the American
congress, on the contrary, are few, cautious.
y limited, scrupulously excluding all that
ire not granted. and, above all, carefully
md absolutely excluding all power over the
Existence or continuance Of slavery in the
eyerat States. The slaves, loo. upon
shlch British legislation operated, were not
n the bosom of the kingdom, but in remote
md feeble colonies having no voice IN Par.
lament. The West India STAKEHOLDER va.
,either rnnresenteh nor rnn..o.r,nl,na N