Litchfield enquirer. [volume] (Litchfield, Conn.) 1829-current, 1839-03-07

iFofihe PoE.ibiIity Ofiissolyisg thiShappy-
Union. The Senale knows that have de-
pTecaled illusions. on ordinary occasiomss 20
that dlreful event. The country will testify
that, IL there be any thing in the history Of
my public career worthy Of Tecoliection, Il il
the truth and sincerity of my ardent devO-
ton to its lasting preservation. But we should
be false in our allegiance TO il, five did not
discriminate between the imaginary and real
dangers by which il may be assailed. AbO-
litiOn should no longer be regarded as an inn
aginary danger. The abolitiOnists, let me
suppose, succeeded IN their present aim of
uniting the inhabitants Of the free States as
one man, against the inhabitants Of the slave
States. Union on the one side will beget
urion ON the other. And this process of re-
ciprocal consolidation will be attended with
all the violent preiudiceS, embitteTed pas
sionS, and implacable animosities which ever
degraded or deformed human nature. A
virtual dissolution Of the Union will have ia
ken place, whilst the forms Of its existence
remain. The most valuable element of un-
ion, mutual kindness, the feelings Of sympa-
thy. the fraternal bonds, which now happily
unite Us, will have been extinguished forever.
One section will stand in menacing and hos
tile array against the other. The collision of
Of arms. l will not attempt to describe scenes
which now happily lie concealed from our
view. ,AbOlitionists themselves would shrink
back in dismay and horror at the contempla.
ton Of desolated fields. condngrated cities,
murdered inhabitants, and the overthrow OF
the fairest fabric of human government that
ever rose to animate the hopes of civilized
man. Nor should these abOlitionists flatter
themselves that if they can succeed in their
object of uniting the people Of the free States,
they will enter the contest with numerical
superiority that must ensure victory. All
history and experience proves the hazard
and uncertainty of war. And we are admon-
ished by Holy Writ that the race is not to
the swift, nor the battle to the strong. But if
they were to conquer, whom would they
conquer I? A foreign foe-one who had in
suited our flag, invaded our shores, and laid
our country waste? No, sir; no. sir. It
would be conquest without laurels, without
glory-a self, suicidal conquest-a con-
quest of brothers over brothers, achieved by
one over another portion of the descendants
of common ancestors, who, nobly pledging
their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred
honor, had fought and bled, side by side, in
many a hard battle on land and ocean, sew
cred our country from the British Crown,
and established our National Independence.
The Inhabitants of the slave States are
sometimes accused by their Northern breth-
rem with displaying too much rashness aud
SenSibiIity to the operations ard proceedings
of abolitionists. But. before they can 30
rightly judged, there should be reversal of
conditions. Let me suppose that the people
of the slave states were 10 form societies, sub
sidize presses, make large pecuniary contri-
buttons send forth numerous missionaries
throughout all their own borders, and enter
into Vaccinations to burn the beautiful CAPT.
tails, destroy the productive manufactures,
and sink the gallant ships of the Northern
States. Would these incendiary proceedings
be regarded as neighborly and friendly, and
consistent with the fraternal sentiment which
should ever be cherished by one portion of
the Union towards another? Would they
excite no emotion! Occasion no manifesto
tions of dissatisfaction, nor lead tn any act Of
retaliatory violence? But the supposed case
falls far short of the actual one in a most es-
sential circumstances. In no contingency
could these capitals manufactures, and ships
rise in rebellion and massacre inhabitants of
the Northern States ina fNt.e -q gFths..
il I ami Mr. President, no friend 10 slavery.
The Searchcr OF all hearts knows that every
pulsation Of mine beats high and strong in
the cause of civil liberty. Wherever, It Is
safe and practicable, ! desire to see every
portion of the human family in the enioy-
mcnt Oft. But prefer the liberty of nv
own country to that OF any other people; and
the liberty Of my own race 10 that of any
other race. The liberty Of the descendants
Of Africa in the United States is incompati
bic with the safety and liberty ofthe Europe
an descendants. There slavery forms nm
exception: an exception resulting from a stern
aid inexorable neccssity--tot the general lib
erty in the u. 8. We did not Originate, nor
are we responsible for this necessity a Their
liberty. il it were possible, could only be es.
tablished by violating the incontestible now.
ers of the States, ard subvcrtingthe Union
And beneath the ruins Of tho Union would
be buried, sooner or later, the liberty of both
races. ~ s$E 'F .F1fh 7a'
But if ono dark spot exists on our political
horizon. is il not obscured by the bright and
effulgent and cheering light that beams ali
around It's! Was ever a people before SO
blessed as we are, II true 10 ourselves? Did
ever any other nation contain within lis bC.
som SO many elements ofprospcrity, Of great
ness, and Of glory ! Our only, Ytml danger
lies ahead, conspicuous elevated, and Vii.
BILE. 1t was clearly discerned al the com.
mencement. and distinctly seen throughout
our whole career. Shall we wantonlv run
upon it, and destroy all the glorious aniicjpa.
tons ofthe high destiny that awnits us
beseech the abolitionists themselves solemn.
lyTto pause in their mad and fltal course.
Amidst the infinite variety of objects Of hu.
manity and beneyoience which invite the
employment Of their energies. let them select
some one moro harmless, that does not THREAT.
en- 70 deIuge our country In blood. call
upon that small portion Of the clergy. which
hNh LENT aseelf I'm fhNcn ,UsfIf n,.S' ..s..-..-