Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1839-02-18

'o"h"hh, ana without compensation, and without
moral preparation. three millions of negro slaves IN
ger )nfisdieions altogether separated from those
ger which they live | have said that immediate
abolition OF slavery IN the District of Columbia and
IN The Territory of Florida. and the exclusion ofnew
states. were only means towards the attainment of n
much more important end Unfortunately they are
not the only means. Another, aud much more la
meniabc one is tina, which this class is cndeayoring
70 employ, OF atrayng one portion against another
portion Of the Union. With that view, in all ihei,
leading prints and publications, the alleged horrors
OF slavery depleted IN the most glowing exagser
ated colors to excite the ina na,ions and stimulate
the rage OF the people IN the free States against the
people in the slave Stacs. The stakeholder is he Id
up and represented rs the most atrocious of human
beings. Advertisements OF fugitive slaves and of
slaves TO be sold carefully collected and
blazoned iortb to inusc spirit OF detcstation aud
haired against entire aud the largest section OF
OF the CniOD. And like n notorious agitator upon
another theatre, they would hunt down and ~ ose,bc
from the pale of civilized society the inhabitants oil
that entire section. Allow me, Mr.. President, 10
say that whist recognise in the justly wounded
feelings of the Minister OF the United States at the
Court OF ST. James much To excuse the notice which
he was provoked to take OF that agitator, IN my hum
BILE opinion, he would better have consulted the dig
nifty Of his station and Of his country in treating Inn
with conicmptuous silence. He would exclude us
from European sociey-he who himself can obtain
contraband admission, aud il received with seorn-
fnl rcpugnancc into il! IL he be no more desireus
OF our society than OF his, e may assured
that state Of eternal non-intercoursc will exist be-
tween us. Yes sir, think the American Minister
would have best pursued the dictates Of true dign,-
~ by regarding the language Of tho member OF The
Brush House OF Commons rs the malignant rawlings
of the plunderer of his country, aud the libelcl
Of foreign and kindred people.
But the means TO which have already adyerted
not the only which this third class of nli,a-
aboonisis are employing to effect their ultimate
end They began their operations by protesting To
employ only persuasive means IN appealing TO the hu-
manny, and enlighlcnng the understandings, oil the
saseholding portion OF the Union IL there wcIe
some kindness in tins avoNed motive, Il must be nc.
knowledged that there was rather pfcsuniptuous
display also Of an assumed superiority gence
and knowledge. For some time they continued 10
make these appeals duty aud interest; but
impatient with the slow influence Of thei, loai upon
our stupid minds, they recently resolved 10 change
their system of action. 70 the agency ol,her pow
CTS of persuasion, they now propose to substitute
the powers Of the ballot box; and he must be blind
10 what is passing before us who does not perceive
that the inevitable tendency Of their proceedings
is If these should be found insufficient, TO invoke H.
nallv the more potent powers Of the bayon.t.
Mr.. President, il is at this alarming stage OF tue
proceedings ofthe ultra aboIitionsts that would Sc
iiously invite every considcratc man. the country
solen,nly TO pause. and deliberately r. fleet, MOI
merely on our existing posture but upon that dread
fu precipice down which they would hurry us. 1t
is because these ultra-abolilionists have ceased 10
employ the instruments Of reason and persuasion,
have made their political aud have appealed
the ballot box, that am induced, upon this casion,
TO address you.
There have been three epochs IN the history OF
our country which the spirit Of abolition display ed
itself. The first was Immediately after the formation
Of the present Federal Government. When the
Constitution about going into operation, its pow
ers were not well understood by the community al
large and remained 10 be accurately interpreted and
Al tb,tp rtoIp nm aha III,
were formed, comprising not merely the Society oil
Friends but many other good meh. Petitions were
presented 10 Congress- praying Tor the abolition Of
slavery. They were received without serious oppo-
siiion, referred, and reported upon by committee
The report stated that the General Government bad
no power to abolish slavery il existed in the
al States aud that these States themselves had
elusive jurisdiction over the subject. The report
was generally acQuiesced in, aud satisfaction aud
tranquility cnsued; the abolition societies thcrcaf-
Ter limiting their exeri'ons, in respect 10 The black
popnlation to Offices Of humanity within the scope
of existing laws.
The next period when the subject OF slavery, and
abolition incidentally, was brought into notice and
discussion, was that on the memorable occasion OF
the admission Of the State OF Missouri into the u
MON. The struggle was long, strenuous and fear-
ful. 1t is recent TO make It necessaryo do more
than merely advert il, aud 10 say that il final
" composed By one of those compromises charac
terisc Of our institutions, and OF which the Const
luton iiseIi - The most sIgnaI instance.
The third is that in which VIC now find ourselves.
Various causes. Mr.. President, have contributed to
| produce the existing excitement the subject Of
aboi ton. The principal one, perhaps, is the cx-
ample of British emancipation Of the slaves in the
islands ad jacent to our country. Such IS the sim
iiarity in laws, in language, in institutions and in
common origin, between Great Britain and the Uni
ted States, that great measure of national policy
be adoped in The one country without produ-
cling considerable degree Of influence in The 9TH
er. C0nfounding the totally different cases together
of the pow ers OF The British Parliament and those Of
the Congress Of the United States. and the totally
! different situations of the British West India islands
and the slaves the sovereign and independent States
of this Coniederacy. supcrlt al men have inferred
from the undecided British experiment the practical
bilty of the abolition Of slavery in these States The
powers of the British Parliament are unlimited, and
are often described TO be oInnipotent. The powers
of the American Congress, on the contrary, few,
! cautiously limited, surupulously excluding all that
are not granted and, above all, carefully and abso
ueIy excluding all power over the existence or con-
nuance of slavery in the several States. The slaves
too, upon which British legislation operated, were
not in the bosom of,he kingdom, but in remote and
feeble colonies having no voice in Parliament. The
West India Stakeholder neither represented nor
! representative in that Parliament. And ! most
feycntly Wish complete 10 The Brush exper
| imcnt of Yves, India emancipation. confess that |
have fearful lorebodmgs Of disastrous termination
orit Whatever II may be, think il must be ad-
mtted that, il the Brush Parliament treated the
West India freemen slaves, il, ins.ead oil
these slaves being separated by wide ocean from
the parent country three four millions of African
negro slaves had been dispersed England, Scot
land, Wales aud Ireland, and their had been