The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-09-07

had entered on the OF politics and their thirC
partv had soon become as corrupt as any other ir
the State. Like them it had been governed by
party leaders, who bargained and traded them a
way to this candidate and to that, till they sank
into gradual contempt. The wings had bought
one-thrd of them, and the the Van Buren, men hat
bought the remaining two-thirds. They had beer
traded about like cattle in the market God for.
bid that the abolitionists, by pursuing the like
course, should share the same fate. It was con
tended by some, that unless a third party were
formed abolltlonlsts could never be brought to vote
their own principles, but Mr.. l.. would not give
buton,for men who would not act at the polls on
right motives. Away with such abolitionsts-
let us learn to weigh men, not to count them
Another objection to the formation of third
party was thatthe subject Of abolition would at
once be shut out from every pit in the country
In making this assertion he did not speak lightly.
He spoke of what had actually happened to the
subject of anti-masonry. So long as that had been
treated as moral and religious question, the note
of warning in its favor reSounded from every pull
pit in Massachusetts, but the moment 1t was car
ried into political organization, every pulpit was
husbed as death, for the plain reason that the min
listers then concluded that the protested friends Of
anti-masonry were merely eectioneerng for a
party, and this work in which ministers Of
the gospel should take no part. Now, Mr.. l.. be-
LEVIED that the abolition cause could not do with
out the pupts. They needed them and would
continue to need them. The minds of the COM
munty were greatly enlightened through this or
gan, and it would be miserable policy to exchange
this mode of advancing their cause for that pursued
by mere politicians. They were at present travel
ling the great high road, which in Massachusetts
had once been travelled by the ant-slavery men
and was still pursued by the temperance men;
and on which the abolitionists Of England had
triumphantly marched to victory. Let not aboli-
tionists in America leave it for the devious path
of political organization. They could at present
advance the cause without separating from their
own party, or afronting their friends. But let
them organize, and at once it would become the
interest of both the other parties to crush, to ab-
sorb, or to buy them up. Mr. l.. believed that
they would be crushed. Many needy adventu-
rer would be right glad to use them as so much
capital. The plan Of third party would be very
acceptable to such men-they would be seen join
ing the abolition ranks, but no such accession
would bring to the party any real strength. Its
real strength lay in principle, and in nothing
else.
Such a course would produce dsafection a.
mong themselves God forbid Mr.. l.. should ev
err see abolition caucuses. If they went to bar
gaining and trading with political parties, and
getting their corruption and debasement mixed up
with the purity and simplicity of the abolition
doctrines, they would disgust their friends and
ruin their cause. They might, very possibly, get
large accessionS of numbers at first, but this Mr..
l.. should regard only as a calamity; it would be
the mere outward interested adherence of trading
politicians. They would soon make aboltonism
every thing and any thing but that uncompromis-
ing thing ii had been hitherto.
Besides, there were men who could not and
would not wholly surrender their party preferences.
They admitted abolition to be the paramount in
terest but they felt that there were other inter-
ests in the community. They were almost all
either Wings or Democrats. And supposing abb
olitionists should now enter into caucus and
nominate political candidates of their own, it would
not be two hours till the strongest jealousies
would be excited on the questions whether those
candidates should be Democrats or Wings, and
very soon new element Of division would be
thrown into their ranks, and the result would be,
that the sacred contest for principle would be de-
based and degraded into mere quarrel about
men. Deeply, deeply, should Mr.. l.. regret to
see the day when men protesting the sacred prin-
cpes of anti-savery, should be met in caucus to
canvass the character of individual candidates.
Soon and certainly would they follow the foot
steps-share the same fate, Of other parties-and
their whole strength be frttered away in fighting
for Mr.. A. or Mr.. B. AT present he reioced that
abolitioniss could Indignantly repel the charge
that they were striving for mere personalobects.
They could now boldly assert that they wanted
nothing for themselves; but let them form par
ty and they never could escape the imputation of
a base and selfish ambition To that suspicion
Mr.. L. would not sui mit nor have them submit,
could they at once secure ten thousand votes to
their cause. The very name of party" had be-
come odious, and was inseparaby associated with
the idea of corruption.
Mr.. L. was sorry to see gentlemen so much dis
couraged at the degree of success thus far attain
ed; it was to be traced altogether to the want of
sound faith in the principles ofant-slavery. 9th
er things were forever preferred to it. Did the
gentlemen expect in moment the leopard to
change his spots? did they hope at once to des-
troy habits generated and nurtured by party man
agement? 1t was vain. Politicians who were
veterans at the ballot-box were not to be trusted
and Mr.. l.. did not want their votes. Some men
seemed in despair, and thought we could never
bring out our strength, but they were mistaken
If the strength was there no fear but the political
parties would find it out--if the abolition cause
could number 10000 men in the Stale of n. Y.
did any thinking man believe that a political mi
norty would let them slumber Never. They