Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1839-04-04

teers, until they had seen service and felt
that discipline which time alone can give
Again, think that this I'd section Of
the bill assumes somewhat different po'
sition from that assumed ny the President
himself in his Messages communicated to
the House. think these Messages are
pacific, and rather look to diplomatic ar
Engagements TO settle the controversy. The
Presidents communications on the whole
subject, are executed with uncommon
judgment, and skill. They exhibit " isdom
and prudence. Is it polite in US to do any
thing that may embarrass the position he
has assumed? lie Looks, and think wise
ly looks, 10 negotiation. The 81 section
of this bill looks to me like clothing him
with power to negotiate at The poiu! ofthe
sword! Could we bear this in foreign
Power towards us? 1t strikes me that lis
tendency may be rather To embarrass than
TO promote peaceful arrangement.
| regret exceedingly that the Commit
tee on Foreign Affairs should have thought
it necessary TO introduce certain portions
ofthis bill, and Iregret. exceedingly, that
/ cannot, in any event, support the second
section, as it is entirely Incompatible with
my principles. Nothing can justify such
Il section, but imminent danger and en-
trcme necessity. II is a great mistake to
suppose that the Executive Of this Con-
tederacyis weak and powcrless for the
purposes Of resistance and defence. In a
lust cause for national defence, where ma
tional rights as well as national honor are
involved, there is not stronger Execu-
tive in Christendom. Other countries re-
ly for defence upon drilled and standing
army. whose profession is war, and who
feed upon blood; but here, in a just and
glorious cause. let the standard of the Re
public be raised, and we gather around 1t,
not because an Executive orders Us to DO
so but because that devotion which springs
from The hearts of freemen prompts us TO
come to the standard of our country. In
n proper war, the Executive will always
find itself strong enough. In the first slrus-
gle we may suffer; but as to permanent
Invasion or conquest, the thing IS impossl-
BILE. You may burn aud devasiate the
land, but you can never conquer The coun-
try until you totally extermna'e those
who have been taught from their infancy,
10 believe that no other institutions eau
preserve to them the inheritance of liberty.
1t is this universal Feeling that makes
your Executive sufficiently strong in all
cases of just and necessary defence. Ii is
according TO the genius of our institutions,
that he should rely upon the citizen-mii-
TIA Of the country III emergencies, for de-
fence and support; and, as much as some
Governments may ridicule them, | prefcf
that bulwark Of national defence, as gen
eral reliance, to any other lhatrhe wisdom
of modern taclicians may create. They
NAV be defeated but they will rally again,
and, what is better, they are safe in time
Of peace.
That discretion which is to Judge of the
necessity OF creating an addition 10 our
present standing army (Which now amounts
10 l2,O00) of 900 men, under all enlist.
ment for FIVE years, as contemplated in the
second section ofthis bill, desire should
he left entirely to Congress, free from all
embarrassment. The tbird section, which
gives the President, power over The equip
ment and arming of The Navy, and the
fourth section, which creates the means,
together with the first section, consider
strong enough. and as clolhins him with
all reasonable and necessary power. Strike
out the secoud section. and have no very
serious objection to the bill: but. then, |
consider il full strong. lfany new aspect
of great difficulty should arise, with refer
ence to Great Britain, let Congress he cal
led together, and, it we are to have war, let
us chouse our time to make it. anil Let us
not be forced into it, rashly and unprepar-
cd. But cannot believe it possible for
war to grow out Of our present difficulty
on this question. The good sense aud in
,erests of the two countries will not suffer
il. AS to the exclusive jurisdiction over
the disputed territory sci up by Great
Britain, that arises from the construction
she always put upon herprior sovereignty.
This claim rests upon the supposil'on that
our independence and sovereignty COM
menced from the treaty of peace in 1893;
and that sshe had exercised, prior 10 the
declaration nofindependence. or that treaty,
sovereignty and jurisdiction over all the
territory, then, subsequently to that period
she would continue TO exercise jurisdiction
upon all doubtful or disputed territory
Until the doubtful points are settled. she
claims jurisdiction by reason Of her prior
sovereignty. This is the basis Of her
whole claim to exclusive jurisdiction, aud
vet this is all mere fiction of Iaw-,he
same as claiming righ, from possession
until better title is proved. If such
position he sound, then, in controversy
between Great Britain and Russia in the
Northwest, as to territory, the struggle
would be to prove which was the oldest
sovereign. Great Britain or Russia. The
truth is, Great Britain treated with us in
17S3 40 an independent and euuaI soyer-