The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-09-07
PELIER, VERMONT, SEPTEMBER 2, 1880.

: gods and what nave we more !" Thu
t mems political power was practically their idol
. and the prevailing sentiment was that their vo
belonged to their party In such state Of things
what good would ever be effected by mere re
fusal to vote for any but an abolitionst? Mr.. S
wanted language to define its supreme indefinite
ness ia laugh. Now the aboltionists were tn,
first body of men in the world who had ever pro
posed to take political power from this degraded
use, and apply it to eradicate the great moral evils
of the land. We had in This country taoo millions
Of laaD makers; i. e. of voters. They had beer
in mass to the polls, and generally vote in sucf
manner as to promote the prevalence of intern
porance advance the interests of slavery and ben
eft few aspiring individuals 1t was proposed
by abotionists to consecrate this power to higher
ends and the question before this convention was
how the force of the abolition men could he
brought to bear directly on the polls for this pur.
pose.
There were two modes which might be pursu-
ed. One was TO pass the resolution now before
the Convention, and then let each man choose out
his own course. The abolition vote was to be
used wholly irrespective of party-their questions
about sub-treasury and national banks were moth
ing in comparison to it, the mere cob-houses of a
dlstempered imaginaton-not to be named in the
same day. We'll; October came, and the aboli-
| IioiitSt' "SlC "oitibS lOl SlCdI III
the country to nominate abolition candidates
they were sitting at home, waiting for the moving
of the waters. The Wing managers came to them
and enquired "what do you abolitionists ask 2"
| Why, we want all the members of Congress-, and
the State Assembly and Senate, every man of
them. "That is pretty considerable demand,
but if we comply with it what will you do for us
Will your men be true to us when they get to AL
bany and Washington 2" Why, what do you
mean? " Will they vote our Senator? We
have got a Senator who, though no aboitionist is
a very good man; will your men vote for him :"
By no means; we can only go for full blooded
abolitionist "Well will they vote for our comp
troller? our Secretary of State =? our Treasurer {?
our Canal Commissioners? Are they abolition
lists? No." Then we can't vote for them. d" Not
IF the power Of the State must otherwise pass in
to opposite hands 3" No DWELL, what will you
do for us in Congress? viii your men vote for
Clay?" No. Will you then vote for our Speak
er for our Clerk? for our Printer 2" Are they
pro-slavery men? Why--yes-rather So"
Then we can't vote for them. What-not if
the politics of the union shall turn upon the vote 2"
No. "Then what motioe have we to nominate
your men? we gain nothing by tive might just
as well nominate an adversary. But won't you
lower your terms? Surprising we give you your
members of Congress and half the members of
the Assembly: will you vote the other half of the
ticket?" No. Abolitionists can only vote for the
abolitionists-we can do nothing for the rest of
your ticket, "Why, you are very hard. This
will make much strife among us. We have
some strongpro-slavery men among us and we must
give them part of the ticket-cant you vote for
single man unless he's an abolitionst 2" No
not one. "Well, then, if you will not divide the
loaf, what motive have we to nominate your men?
;tb
make as much noise about it as you please-you
may throw up abolition rockets all over the State
only vote our pro-slavery candidates in the As
sembly, and you may have the Congressman
Move can do nothing but vote for abolitionists
Here would be an end of our conference with the
Wings. Then would come the Van Buren, men
and they would put just the same questions and
we must give them Just the same answers What
motive would they have any more than the Wings
10 nominate abolition tickets? In such cases such
a negotiation has ended in dividing the ticket
the abolonists have got part of the nomination
and to secure that portion have voted the whole
1t was by such course that we got brother Gull
yer and brother Gibbs here from the county of
Washington. To catch our votes they put up two
abolitonists and two who were not, and to carry
our men we had to vote theirs.
Having thus considered one of the two courses
mat might De pursued 10 Drlng aDoltlon influence
to bear at the polls, he now proceeded to consider
a different mode, and gave it as his opinion that
rather than go home and leave matters as they
would stand after naked adoption of the first res
olution, it would be better to form third party,
and set up an entire set of candidates of their own
Not that his mind was fully reconciled to such
course, but he would prefer it on the whole to lea
wing every man to fish out his duty as he best
might. The objection urged against the resolu-
ton was that the abotonists were scattered sheep
that to pursue such rigid course would be
gaining nothing, and would only render them
general laughing-stock. There were, to be sure,
some firm men who by hard screwing they could
bring up to the pont-but when they got home
they would find their faith very feeble, and their
feelings very cold in comparison to what they had
been while in the warm atmosphere of Conven-
ton. Shooting into the air was discouraging bu-
siness, and they might wait till doomsday before
either party would give them an abolition cand- S
late. The only alternative then came up, which {
was, the formation of third party. To be sure
hey were firm, but their numbers We're small, and I
hey affected the two great parties in the country t
10 more than so many dead men, or so many al c
ems. There were as many abolition candidates t
is there were counties in the State No less than C
ifty set up last wear for Governor Some of their