The Rodney telegraph. (Rodney, Miss.) 1838-1840, 1839-03-16

val Of slaves from one slave State TO anotll- |
or slave State.
The grant in the Constitution, IS ofa pow
er of regulation, and not prohibition. It is
conservative, not destructive. Regulation
e.r II termini implies the continued existence
or prosecution of the thing regulated. Pro-
hibtion implies total dscontinuance or an
nihiiation. The regulation intended was
designed to facilitate ind accommodate not
to obstruct and incommode the commerce to
be regulated. Can it be pretended that,
under this power to regulate the commerce
among the States, Congress has the power
to prohibit the transportation of live stock
which, in countless numbers, are daily pass
ing from the Western and interior States to
the Southern, Southwestern and Atlantic
States.
The moment the incontestible fact is ad-
mitted, that negro slaves are property, the
law of movable property irresis,ibly at
taches itself to them, and secures the right
of carrying them from one to another State,
where they are recognized as property,
without any hindsance whatever from Con-
gress.
But, Mr.. President, will not detain the
Senate longer on the subject of slavery
within the District and in Florida, and the
right of Congress TO prohibit the removal of
slaves from one State to another. These,
as have already intimated, with ultra abo-
litioniss are but so many masked batteries,
concealing the real and ultimate point of at
tack. That point of attack is the institution
of domestic slavery as it exists in these
States. 1t is to libera,e three million of
slaves held in bondage within them. And
now, allow me, sir, to glance at the insur-
mountable obstacles which lie in the way of
the accomplishment of this end and of some
of the consequences which would ensue if
it were possible to attain it.
The first impeachment is the utter and alb
solu.e want of all power on the part of the
General Government to effect the purpose.
The Constitution of the United States Gre
ates limited Government, comprising COM
paratively few powers, and leaving the resi-
duary mass of political power in the posses
sion of the several States. 1t is we'll known
that the subject of slavery interposcd one of
the greatest difficulties in the formation of
the constitution. 1t was happily comprom-
sed and adjusted in spirit of harmony and
patriotism. According to the compromise,
10 power whatever was granted to the Ge-
neral Government in respect to domestic
slavery. but that relates to taXatlL:i and re-
presentation and the power to restore fugi-
tive slaves to their lawful owners. All 9TH
err power in regard to the institution of sla-
very was retained exclusively by the States,
to be exercised by them severaliy according
to their respective views of their own pecu-
liar interest. The Constitution of the u S.
never could have been formed upon the
principal of investing the General Govern
ment with authority to abolish the institution
at its pleasure. It never can be continued
for single dav if the exercise of such a
power be assumed or usurped.
But it may be contended by these ultra
abolitionists that their object is not to stimu
late the action OF the General Government,
but to operate upon the States themselves in
which the institution of domestic slavery ex-
lists. If that be their object, why are those
abolition societies and movements all confin-
ed to the free States? Why are the slave
States wantonly and cruelty assailed? Why
do the abolition presses TEEN with publica-
tons tending to excite hatred and animosity
on the part of the inhabitants of the free
States against those of the slave States
Why is Congress petitioned? The free
States have no more power or right to inter-
fere with institutions in the slave States,
confided to the exclusive jurisdiction of those
States, than they would have to interfere
with institutions existing in any foreign
country. What would be thought of the
formation Of societies in Great Britain, the
issue of numerous infammatory pubiica-
ton, and the sending out oflecturers through
out the kingdom, depouncing and aiming at
the destruction OF any of the institutions of
France? Would they be regarded as pro-
ceedings warranted by good neighborhood?
Or what would be thought of the formation
of sociaties in the slave States, the issue of
violent and inflammatory tracts, and the de-
putation of missionaries, pouring out impas-
stoned denunciations against the institutions
under the exclusive control Of the fee
States? Is their purpose to appeal to our
understanding, and actuate our humanity
And do they expect to accomplish that pur-
pose by holding us up to the scorn and con-
tempt and detestation of the people of the
! free States and the whole civilized world
The slavery which exists amongst us is GU,
affair, not theirs; and they have no more
just concern with it, than they have with
slavery as ii exists throughout the world
Why not leave it to us, as the common Con.
stitution of our country has left it, to be
dealt with, under the guidance Of Provi
dence, as best may or cant
! The next obstacle in the way of abolition
arises out Of the fact of the nresenca in fhf