The native American., 1839-02-09

Prince, Esq., of Salem.
Have we not, then, on this occasion, something
for reflection and admontIon? Shall we not look
backward TO ancestors and forward 10 posterty!
Shall we not consult the oracle TO learn our coun-
trys auspices2 Ought we not TO augur me Signs
CT disunon, and espy their approach at disiances
Far be it from me 10 indulge in any language that
would tend TO darken the bright prospects OF Inc
present hour. Far be the desire from ne to eX-
plore the pregnant vista of the future 10 point out
signs and omens of danger and disaster. lie must
Ibe a careless observer of the sensible horizon
around him, who does not see the gathering cloud,
and hear the muuering thunder. Heaven grant
that the Franklins of the Constitution and Inc
Union, may disarm it Of its lighlnlngs and conduct
/ them nnocuous, harmless to earth Are mere MOI
causes enough of hostility and dissenslon between
these States, growing out OF rival interests tha' We
must seek in the infinite void of distractions Tor
questions to touch nay TO lacerae, the quick SEN
sitive feelings of the Southern portion OF the Con
fedelacy: Are we SO dead to the operation OF
moral causes? Are we such empilcs IN Poilucs-
so infatuated with reckless fanatcism-that we are
ready to Join in crusade against rights and lnstl-
Itutions Guaranteed by the charter of the Constu-
ton, sealed with the ommingled blood OF the pat
riots of the North and South Have we gone
through the war of the Revolution the contentious
and difficulties incident to the old federation
have we gone through The second war Tor lnde-
pendence, side hy side, shoulder to shonlder-have
we mutually compromised conflicting claims Of OPP
pose interests the irritating questions OF protec-
tive policy to espouse now, to split upon, in these
halcyon days Of the republic, paradox that pre-
SCENTS itself in the shining garments OF humanity
and philanthropy, to threaten the permanency OF
the Union? The question OF immediate emancl-
patton of the slaves of the South, is party ques
mr.
Ito alias well to him wi no halls the flag Of the
Union at the base of the Rocky Mountains, as to
him who counts the twentysiX stars in our glorl-
GUS, emblem on the wide seacoast OF Maine.
Fellow Citizens-I am no advocate for slavery
II would that all men were free. | would have
The boon of liberty extended to all who are
fit to receive it. | would have the appel
Iation of slave, now degraded by chance or
malice from the Specification of glory to that OF
servitude, restored to its original application: But
would not disseminate the doctrines OF lmpre-
scriptible tights amonga people who have lei
nothing save serve bondage, for more than tw':
centuries. would not give immediate, uncondi
tional emancipation to the slave, before he wa
capable Of approaching and using Liberty, as con
nected with civil government, with laws, with re
Iieion Nor Go | believe, come emancipatio'r
when it may, that the two races will ever live j.
state Of equal freedom under the same govern
ment, so insurnountable arc the barriers Whc
nature, habit and opinion have established betWce
them. Such was the belief Of the phIlosoph
mind of jefferson. Such without the vain spirit
of prophecy, believe will be found the fact
FIVE look into the history of Virginia. spea
of Virginia particularly, because the Old Dom'n'
ion and Massachusetts, were the Nisus and Fury
alus Of the revolutionary contest-we shall hn''
that slavery existed there when she was Colony.
Her colonial Legislature enacted laws prohibitir ;;
the importation Of more slaves. The mother couL-
| try rejected these enactmerts. She was the fri
to instruct her delegates to declare the Colonies
independent And the prohibition Of the farther
importation of slaves was among the first acts #
her State sovereignty. She is not responsible fl
the institution. She pities the infatuation, ar
arning herself in the panoply of State Rights, 81
spums at the interference of the Abolitionis
Slavery is grated on her society. 1t is the grow
Of centuries. Her institutions, social and potict
in all their combinations and notifications, hav F,
grown up in conformity to the existence of slave
population. 1t has moulded the manners of the
South, and paradoxcal as it may seem, the spl! t
!, of liberty itself has been nourished and strength
ened by it. When | say that the spirit Of liber Y
in the South has been nourished and strengt :
ened by the institution of slavery, advance 0
new theory. The assertion rests on no mean :
thority. The fact is confirmed by history and :
Ipeilence. Inc pnllosoPnlcal Eamund burke, WI
fathomed and penetrated the springs and motiv s
ofhuman conduct and action, who studied deel y
into the effects of institutions on character, n
his speech on moving his resolutions for conciliA-
ton with the colonies, in the British Pariamel t.,
in l775 says, that there is circumstance after /
ing the Southern Colonies which makes the sp it
of liberty still more high and naughty there Il n
in those TO the northward 1t is that in Virgil ia
and the Carolinas, they have vast multitude Of
slaves. Where this is the case, in any part Of e
world, those who are free, are by far the nj st
proud and jealous Of their freedom. Freedom is
to them not only an enjoyment, but kind of re nix
and privilege. Not seeing there that freedom, as
in countries here il is common blessing, and as
broad and general as the air, may be united " III
much ahject toll with all the exterior Of servitu e,
liberty looks among them, like something that is
more noble and liberal These people of the SOU h.
ern Colonies are much more strongly, and witt a
higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to lii r
| ty, than those TO the northward. Such were all
the ancient CommonWeaths; such were 'ur
Gothic ancestors: SUCH TO our days, were he
Poles and such will be the masters Of slaves, no
are not slaves themselves In such a people, he