The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-08-24

f terms of distinction, and not of reproach. We1
there other terms that would as readily answe
the same purpose, he should be willing to us
! them. They might have used the terms in fami
lar use at this moment, but these were transfer
and heeting. While radical and conservativ
) were comprehensive, appropriate, and espresso
} the true phiosophc distinction which had eve
marked these two great divisions in the citizen
of free State.
Mr.. Bradburn, of Mass, would have been graf
fled had the worthy gentleman from Vermont
(Mr MiIler0 obliged the Convention by an argu
lnent in support Of his motion. Mr. B. fully agreed
IN the views he had briefly expressed and hoped
that the resolution would be stripped of its I'M
meaning verbiage. To speak of radical-republi
canism was Pathological at the least. Republican.
ism was totally opposed to slavery and forever
must be; but we had no republicansm in this
country. Our professed republicansm was moi
Irepubcanism, and it was little better than non
sense to call that a republican government where
one-sxth of the whole population We're in chains
very. Away with such mockery and let us
have that which was repubicanism indeed.
Mr.. Stanton said that the resolution had been
drawn by the hand master, and was so exact and
comprehensive in its terms, that it might we'll be
studied as a model. The phrase objected to, was
strong and beautiful antithesis The resolution
treated Of our duties as aboltonists, as well in
the Church as in the State-it then spoke of the
repugnance between slavery and Christianity, and
to every thing calling itself religion; it went, then,
to the political bearings of slavery, and declared it
to be opposed not only to pure repubIicanism in
the abstract, but as practically held, at this time
whether by conservatives or radicals; it took both
those terms as it found them in common use; it
declared it to be duty to cast slavery out of the
Church, because it was hostile to Christianity, and
to the fundamental principles of all religious sects !;
and not less our duty to cast it out of the State
because it was equally opposed to the pure prin-
ciples of freedom ITSELF and to those of both the
radical and conservative parties These parties
were strongly opposed to each other-the Radi-
icas held that conservatism being friendly to mo-
hopoies, was in favor of the rankest of slavery,
while :he Conservatives charged the Radicals with
arriving at the same point by different road
Now the resolution holds that slavery is so mani
testify wrong, that both parties, if they followed
out their own principles, must unite for its abol-
ton. There was more truth than poetry in the
resolution.
Mr. - moved that the resolution be amend |
ed by inserting the words by those called con-
Servatives or radicals" in place of the words " OBJ
ected to-
The discussion was farther continued, in rather
a desultory manner, by Messrs. Torrey, Graves,
Root, Noble Miller and others, when the ques-
ion being put striking out the word radical"
it was negatived. 1t was then put on inserting
{ by those called conservatives and radicals" and
his also was rejected so the words of the reso-
uton were allowed to stand as originally report
ed.
The question then recurring on the adoption OF
he resolution,
The Rev. Mr.. Brown of Western Penn. said
he felt as if the subject ought to be discussed
vhereupon he commenced sncech Of very ear
1est and somewhat vehement character, directed
especially against the course pursued by Chris
ian churches on the subject of slavery. He said
hat he lived where he had an opportunity of see
ng the evils of slavery in the church, and Of feel
ms some Of the oppression to which it gave occa-
sion. The church, in fact, gave her solemn sane
ton to slaveholding. lis various ecclesiastical be-
dies, its Associations, and PreSbyteries, and Sy-
mods, were looked up to by the people religious
authority, and they gave their influence in favor
of the abomination. Some, even of those calling
themselves abolitonists, would 90 to the commu-
MON table with avowed Shareholders. And min
listers making similar profession would ask into
their pulpits men from the South who were pro-
lessedly the owners of slaves, and did not pretend
to repent Of their iniquity. The various benevo
lent societies received such men into their fellow
ship, took with thanks their pecuniary contribu
tons, and put them into the treasury Of the Lord
Great organizations sustained the sin; nay, those
whom he addressed sustained it too. They did
this by voting to send to the Legislature as their
representatives, men who dsavowed all opposition
to slavery. They did so by taking shareholders
into their fellowship and covering over their trans
gres.ions. Papers, calling themselves religious,
shut out the light from their readers. Such pub
locations as the Christian Waterman, the New
ork Observer, and others Of similar character
withheld the light of truth both from the people of
the North and from the Shareholder of the South.
Those naughty men were suffered to put their
feet upon the necks of abolonsts and the whole
influence of the church of the North was with
them. He was himself member of the Baptist
church, and had been twitted with the conduct of
his own denomination on receiving the donations
of shareholders. Southern men were shrewd e.
nough to perceive that this was UNFOLDING slave
ry And when such men as the editor OF the
Southern Waterman expressly declared slavery
to be lawful, the Northern editors refused to reply
or to take the least notice of it, Thus these wick
ed papers, though calling themselves and called
by others, 'ereligiousn" were conducted by hypo-
critical bellers who purposely kept their readers