The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-09-14
7EZL8 VGEylA Oh gEA L D0NIc
From the Emancpator.
DEBATES IN THE ANTI-SLAVERY CON-
VENTEON.
(CONCLUDED.)


if they carried abolition into politics, that the
would frighten away religious people. Now, h
well knew the individual who had just taken hi
seat and to all such directors he would say
Here Is man who was once an inhdel and III
&emperate, but the temperance and the aboIltio
cause have made him Christian, and he is nov
praying, voting abolitonist.
Mr.. Plumb, of Ohio, said that aboonists wer
accused, by pro-sIavery men themselves, with be
ing inconsistent in not carrying out their owl
principles but mixing them up with "but." 4
minister would tell his people that anti-slaverl
doctrine was the doctrine of the Gospel, BUT j
was delicate subject, and must not be touched
except by abolonists. 1t was inconsistent fol
an abolitionst TO vote for men who were not quite
so bad as others. The world would hiss at it. b.
this crouching, and yielding and temporising con
duct, they in Ohio had come to have the thumb
screws turned upon Them and had been placed
under law which nailed them to slavery. In that
State they called the black fugiives Gods poor,
but if one of these poor wretches, who were esca-
ping from their happy homes, should have crust
of bread given him. or drink of water, or nights
lodging in the barn, the man who perpetrates such
agiIlany, was subjected to a fine of five hundred
dollars and to sixty days imprisonment. The
free men Of Ohio looked to this Convention for
hope and for help, in hurting such system to
the ground.
Mr.. Lee said he rose to make speech OF three
hours, if possible, in zen minutes. A speech, not
for Clay, or Granger, or Adams, or Van Buren,
but for God, for the slave and for the principles Of
eternal right. He was in favor of the resolution,
and he was so, because slavery wrong per-
petually, incurabIy and eternaIIy wrong, and UNI
der no circumstances would he vote for it and if
slavery was wrong, whatever upheld and promo
tod lint 10
did uphold and promote it therefore, voting for
such men must be wrong. This was as plain as
logic could make it. He was for the resolution,
because to vote for pFo-slavery man favored the
whole guilt Of slavery. The guilt Of it rested on
the whole Of those who sustained it; and that
whole was made up Of the individuals who COM
posed it: therefore, the responsibility of the whole
belonged to each individual. This also was plain.
Suppose len men should commit murder, would
each of them incur only one-tenth part of the
guilt? would not each be guilty of the whole act
and if hanging were the penalty, would not each
of the ten men be hanged So every voter for
pro-sl very man incurred the whole guilt Of slave
ny. Again: slavery existed by law /; and who
ever made the laws was guilty Of the curses of
slavery. But pro-slavery men created the laws
by voting for them; and therefore, every pro-
slavery man was guilty Of the whole. But the
laws without the act of those who voted for them
therefore those who voted for such men We're at
the bottom Of the whole system, and chargeabIe
with all lis guilt. Further: it could be no better
10 vote for slavery than to do the acts which up
held and continued it. All admitted those other
acts to be wrong, therefore voting was wrong
Why was it any better TO uphold slavery by 70
ting than by talking, writing, preaching, or pray
ing? What had Mr.. Clay done more for the
system than to talk for it? Was it worse to talk
than 10 vote And what was minister who
held his tongue worse than man who was guilty
of positive action Pro-savery voters had acted
could they then complain of their ministers 3
Again they all complained of the votes given for
slavery in Congress. Was it worse to vote in
Congress than at the baobox ? Voting was
wrong, whether in one place or the other. Abo
litionsts made great noise because such and
such man voted for slavery in the Legislature,
while the very compIainers voted for it at the
polls. Mr.. L. had as lieve pray for slavery az
vote for it, Nay, rather, because if he made
bad prayer it went no higher than his head, but
ii he gave bad vote it told Immediately on the
miseries of the slave. All other things done a.
gains slavery would fail to destroy it so long as
men voted for it, but if they voted against it, no
other action could uphold it; therefore to vote for
it was, of all other ways the chief mode of sus-
tanning it, and if other modes were wrong, this Of
voting was the worst Of ALL
He objected TO the substitute proposed, because t
it was utterly indefinite, and left all abolitonists
10 pursue their own way but first, if one man {
might do what was wrong another might; and, {
second, if one might Judge for himself what cir
cumstances made it cease TO be wrong, another $
might. And if one man might decide to vote
shat wrong might be done, another might. Then, |
either no wrong might be done by any, under any
circumstances, or wrong might be done by all,
under all circumstances. Now, Mr. L. took the q
ground that 20 wrong might be done by any man +
under any circumstances and, therefore, no man I
might vote for slavery on any ground, or under /
any pfetext. He was for the one eternal right
The substitute opened door which he could not t
enter. Those who went by that road must leave /
him. He stood upon the truth. The moment a
man departed from that, all landmarks were re-
moved and to use an expression of the President,
he was surrounded by infinite indeGniteness.p
Mr. l.. went for the resolution, because to vote
for slavery was to vote for every crime. MIR. l.. $
was here cut off by the restriction as to time, and
though the Convention voted to suspend the rule
in his behalf he declined to proceed.
Mr. Tappan dwell with earnestness on the DO