The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-03-02

10 suppose II granu discovery IN MIN 10 Huu ou'
that our wishes are not bounded by what we now
ask of Congress. We ask of Congress to do
that which they can do constitutionally we
mean to do, through Congress, what we can DO
best in that way, and what we cannot DO IN thaI
way, wisely, we mean to do in some other way
always within the bounds of the bible, the constr
Itution and the laws. The declaration that we go
for abolition, "peaceably if we can, forca6ly It We
,0ust." is q mere fasehood, for which we defy
Mr. Claw or his elori6ers, North or South, to fur
Insb tbe shadow of proof. We 90 for abolition
{. neoceably," not eff" but BECAUSE 1--WE
loan" And the fact that we have put Hen
~ Clay up 10 a speech, and that this is all the
speech he can make against us, proves that we
have begun and can finish,
With regard to ulterior designs, we think we
see through the plan which led Mr.. Clay to make
so greats figure about his grand discovery. 1t Is
the first move towards compromise, such as the
Great Paci6cator" is famous for, the basis Of
which shall be, frst,--stipulation on the part Of
the abotionsts to cease agitation the subject Of
slavery in the States, provided the Shareholders
will either abolish slavery in the District, or re-
move the seat of government to the soil of free
State on the Ohio river. And as he has always
lived among politicians, with whom present expe-
diency passes instead of principle, he does not
become the subject of bargain and sale in polit-
cal shambles. That many Of the petitioners
limit their wishes to the removal of the seat of
government from the disgracelul scenes by which
it is now surrounded, is very likely And we
are ready to prove, that there are good and suAi-
cicnt reasons for the exercise of the power Of
Congress on this subject independent of its bear
ing upon our 'uterior designs" And therefore,
we claim it as the duty of all citizens to exert
their influence for the abolition of slavery in the
District, even although they are opposed to the
general objects of the abolitonists. But, for our
selves, we freely admit, that our zeal and perse-
verance are greatly stimulated by the firm belief
we CHERISH that slavery in the District of Column
bia is one of the main pillars of slavery itself, and
that its abolition there will be deadly blow at the
whole system. But our warfare is with the sys-
tenn itself, and whether we succeed or fail with
regard to the District, the friends of slavery may
rest assured that our great work is begun to be
finished, and will not be RENTED until the horrd
American Bastile is left with not one stone upon
another.
Mr.. Clay repeats the sophisn, of which the
honor of authorship may yet create contest be-
tween the politicians and divines that we have no
"rghtlul power over the subject of slavery at the
South, because we are diving in distinct commu-
mites" We dare say the Grand Turk would
have been delighted with such an argument to
throw in the face of Mr.. Clay for his meddling
with the Greek business. But such sophstry is
too subtle to originate in Moslem mind and
could only have been devised under that system
of diaectics, which is taught in our mis-caed
Christian schools, where principle bends to expe-
diency, and "carnal wisdom" is substituted for the
simplicity of Christ We have a "rightful power
over the subject of slavery, and oppression, and
SIM wherever they exist; power entrusted to
every good man by the divine command to shave
no fellowship with the unfruitful works of dark
ness, but rather REPROVE THEM" And this
power is exclusively guaranteed to us by the con-
stution of the United States in the sacred Gree
dom of Speech and of the Press" 1t is power
of which the STAKEHOLDER already feels the press
ure, and which the monitor within has told him
he cannot bear long. 1t is power which has al
ready shaken the citadel of slavery and which,
if God designs enough of mercy to our guilty
land to allow its continuance, will ere long lay the
proud fortress even with the ground. The "right-
full power" to think that slavery is wrong, and i'm
mediate emancipation dutyand to speak what
we think, and to print what we speak, and to|
spread it before the minds Of free people, is all
the power we ask. 1t is lever already fixed
and only requires a united heave, to yield us all
we Wuul' w t lLION uuCh luG CudlSG upOu NlT
Clay and the defenders of slavery. They have
no "rightful power" by which they can efectually
repel assaults, and hence they resort to mobs,
and falsehoods, and lynch law, secular or eccle-
siastic, and gag-aw, and the Senatorial meanness
of lying on the table every thing that savors of
liberty. Hence they are straning the constitu-
ton, and sending loby-members to hang around the
legislatures of the free States to wheedle from
them new safeguards for slavery Hence the
deep political plots, in Church and State, to Sc
cure the subserviency Of the "leading influences"
of the North to the interests of slavery. Let
them rely only on their "rightGul power" and we
will furnish "rghtful power" on our side enough
to guaranty the abolition of slavery in every State
of the Union in the space Of three years.
Mr.. Clay blames us for depicting the "horors
Of slavery" in Exaggerated colors" To this
charge, so far as intention IS concerned, we plead
not guilty. And we challenge an investigation.
Let Congress appoint an Investigating Commit
tee' on "the horrors or slavery" with full "pow-
er to send for persons and papers," and to compel
the attendance and guarantee the security of
and was described by Alvan Stewart in
his speech last spring, and we pledge the whole
abolition host to take back every allegation against
the system which we cannot fully prove. Was
the driving of thirty men, bv the capitol in claims