The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-02-09

can be, consistent win the CoHSulutloH, SIldi
neither propose such a measure, nor vote in favor
of it. / speak my present sentiments: do MOI
pledge myself not to change them on full and
free discussion in this House. believe such a
discussion to be the right Of petitioners. do moi
say but, should it take place, might change my
opinion. hold no opinions which may not be
changed by the force of argument after full and
fair discussion. But | do say, that as for the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia
as at present advised, would not vote for it.
say again, would not vote in favor of it, if the
question should come up this day. And l retain
this opinion after the lapse of six years since
presented the first petition on the subject notwith-
standing all the arguments | have seen; and many
able arguments have | seen have read with
great care all that is said on the abolition side of
the question in their periodicals, journals and
pamphlets have read them all have weigh
ed and considered them well and have not yet
seen reason to change my opinion. wish them
clearly to understand this.
| said that my position and opinion did not ap-
pear to be fully understood in either of the por-
tions of the country. | presume they are not at
the South for there | am represented as personal
ly favoring the objects of all the memorials pre-
sent, and as seeking to put myself at the head Of
the great abolition movements. Hence it is, as
presume, that | receive these 'quizzical' letters.
Here is portion Of the country which desires, as
being most interested in the subject to suppress
all discussion i'm regard to it, and'to prevent it
altogether. That is one way to- get rid of it in
the House, out of doors there are other modes-
Among the rest, and among persons not of those
humanized' sentiments which may be presumed
to be entertained by the members of this House,
they think that they can silence discussion by
threats of murder and assassination. | do not
know but there may be some who think it will be
best to murder me. do not apprehend such a
result, because it is much easier to threaten than
to murder, especially in the face of day and in
the public streets Still, passion, when highly
excited, does produce men who will make the at
tempt. History is full of examples of it. And
this subject, as we all know and feel is calculated
to excite the passions more, perhaps, than almost
any other; and is, therefore, as likely to produce
such result as any that was ever mooted among
men. | presume, however, that these letters are
written only with desi ign to intimidate me. 1t
is not intended to carry the threats into actual ex
ecution, but they are made for the purpose of
frightening me, and so making me hold my
tongue. Because the rules of the House are not
sufficient to repress all reference to the subject,
they come in aid of the gags of this House by
threatening instant death. Let none imagine that
they will produce the intended effect. | am not
to cease from the discharge of a solemn public
duty under threats Of any kind, either of the bull
ly or of the assassin ThatI can face a bully
would only put me on level with every other
member of the House. That candefy assassin
alton | wish all DULLES and assassins throughout
the country to understand and that no such
threats will ever deter me from my duty here.
AS to my course itself, it has sometimes been
considered as exceptionable, and many members
have been disguised at the time consumed, and at
oh | how tod l..
with which have been charged. Ihave now be-
fore me one hundred and seventy five new petit
tons to present, which have come into my hands
since the last petition day. No doubt might
send one hundred and sixty of them in bundle
to the Clerks table, and say, "there are parcel
of abolition petitions which have been requested
to present. and | might, nodoubt, thus save some
of the time Of the House; but should discharge,
in such case my duty to. the petitioners? They
are, In general, strangers to me most of them
reside in States other than that which in part
represent /; they all seem much interested about
the subjects of their petitions, and they commit
them to my special care and charge Great num-
bers of them are accompanied by letters express
ing great socitude, and praying to be informed
what the House does with their petitions. Sir,
this is trust-a trust which, a member of
this House and a Representative of a portion of
the People of this country, | receive, not from
my own constituents, not from those whose votes
are to elect me or not, if | should ever be again
candidate. 1t comes from persons who can do me
no favor if they were disposed to do so, save by
giving me their good opinion-persons from
whom have nothing in the world to expect but
persons who feel deep socitude about the sub
ject of their memorials, and tell me that they en-
trust them to my special care because they know
that shall do them justice What can do
How can discharge my duty to these voluntary
constituents, and who, in my estimation, by their
voluntary constituency, do me the greater honor
What, ask am to do? feel it a sacred duty,
from which may not swerve, to present each of
their memorials separately, to name the first petit
toner, the number Of signatures, the place, and
the object of the petition, and then leave it to
the House to act its pleasure in regard to them.
This is all have done or intend to do / say
this in order, in same measure, to relieve myself
from the odium which certainly do not wish to
be under in this House of abusing or needIessly
consuming its time. hold it due to the petition
ers. Every petitioner desires and expects to be
heard and if the House refuses to hear him. he
expects that refusal to be expressed Now, in |
presenting one hundred and sixty, or, as some
times have had to do, one hundred and SEVENTH