Herald of the times. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1830-1846, 1839-02-21

and the true inquiry is, what is the best to be
done with them. In human affairs we are Of
ten constrained, by the force Of circumstan-
ces and the actual state of things, to do what
we would not do il that state Of things did
not exist. The slaves are here, and must
remain here, in some condition.; and, repeat;
how are they best to be governed? What Is
best to be done for their happiness and our
own? In the slave States the alternative Is,
that the white man must govern the biack,or
| the black govern the white. In several OF
| those States, the number Of tho slaves Is
greater than that of the white populallon.-
| An immediate abolition Of slavery in them,
as the ultra abolitoDists propose, would be
i followed by a struggle for immediate nscen-
dancy of the black race over the white race,
or rather it would be followed by instantane-
Gus collision between the two races, which
would break out into a civil war that would
| end in the determination or subjugation Of
the one race or the other. In such an alter
native, who can hesitate? Is it not better
| for both parties that the existing state OF
things should be preserved, instead Of expos
| ing them to the horrible s,rifcs and contests
which would inevitably attend immediate alb
clifton? This is our true ground Of defence
for the continued existence Of slavery in our
| ancestors assumed. II is that which, in my
opinion, forms our justification in the eyes Of
all Christendom.
N A third impcdment to immediate abolition
is to be found in the immense amount OF
capital which is invested in slave property
Il The total number of slaves in the United
States, according to the last enumeration OF
the population, was a little upwards OF two
millions. Assuming their increase at ratio,
which it probably is, Of five per cent per al
mum, their present number would be three
millions. The average value Of slaves at
this time is stated by persons well informed,
to be as high as FIVE hundred dollars EACH
To be certainly within the mark, let us sup
pose that it is only four hundred dollars
| The total value then, by that estimate, of the
slave property, in the United States is twelve
hundred millions Of dollars. This property is
difused throughout all classes and conditions
OF ocie,y. 1t is owned by widows and or
phnns, by the aged and infrm, as well as the
sound and vigorous. 1t is the subject oi
mortgages, deeds of trust. and family settle
ments. Ii has been made the basis OF numer-
ous debts contracted upon its faith, and isthc
sole reliance, in many instances, Of creditors
within and without the slave States, for the
payment Of the debts due to them. And
legislation,to to annihila;e this immense amount
of property To annihilatc it without in
dcmnity and without compensation to its own
ers Does any consIderale man believe it to
be possible to effect such an object without
convulsion, revolution, and bloodshed?
III know that there is a visionary dogma
T which holds that negro slaves cannot be the
; subject Of property. | shall not dwell long
with this speculative abstraction. This as
property which the law declares 10 be proper
ty. Two hundred years Of legislation have
sanctioned and sanctlied negro slaves as
! property. Under all the forms Of government
which have existed upon this continent dur
! ing that long space Of tme-under the Brit
\ ish government the Colonial govern
ment-under all the State Constitutions and
/ Govcrnments-and under the Federal Co
verrment ltself-thcy have been deliberately
and solemnly recognized as the legitimate
subjects of property. To the wild specua-
tions of theorists and innovators stands OPP
! posed to FACT, that in on uninterrupted peri
| cd oftwo hundred years duration, under eve
/ ry form of human legislation, and by oil the
departments of human government, African
negro slaves have been held and respected,
have descended and been transferred, rs
lawful and indisputable property. They
were treated as property in the very British
example which it SO triumphantly appealed
to as worthy of imitation. Altho' the West
India planters had no voice in the united Par
lament Of the British Isles, an irresistible
sense of justice extorted from the Legisa-
ture the grant Of twenty millions of pound
sterling to compensate the colohists for their
loss OF property.
II IL, therefore, the ultra aboltionists are Sc
riousy determined to pursue their scheme Of
immediate abolition, they should at once set
about raising a fund Of twelve hundred mil
lions Of dollars, TO indemnify the owners Of
slave property. And the taxes to raise that
enormous amount can only be justly assessed
! upon themselves or upon the free States, if
| they can persuade them to assent to such an
assessment; Tor it would be a mockery OF all
! Justice and an outrage against all equity 10
levy any portion of the tax upon the sl,ye
States to pay for their own unques,Iooec
property.
II If the considerations to which have a..
ready advcrted are not sufficient 10 oss suude
the abolitiOnsts from further perEe,eruuce
|, in their designs, the interest Of the very
cause which they profess 10 espouse ought
) to check their career. Instead q advancing.
by their efforts, that cause, they have thrown
back for half century the prospect Of any
-P-Clcs VI emancipation OF TIE ilficaD rucc,
TraE-sl or immediate, in any of the States
They have done more they have increased
Lle rg1rs Of legislation against slaves in
nrst. II 10: 81. of the slave States. Forty
wears Igo tie question was agitated in the
ai-I-s II hsaiucAy OF gradual emancipatio
ct the slaves within ITS limits. BY gradual
emancipation, mean that slow but safe and
cautious liberation Of slaves which was first
adopted IN Pennsylvania at the instance Of
DIR. Franklin, in the year 1880, and, according
to which, the generation in being were to re-
main in slavery, but all their offspring born
after specified day were to be tree at the
II age oftwenty eight, and, in the mean time,
were to receive preparatory instruction to
! qualify them for the enjoyment Of freedom.-
II That was the species Of emancipation which,
at the epoch TO which allude, was discussed
in Kentucky. No one was rash enough TO
propose or think Of immediate abolition. No
I one was rash enough to think Of throwing
loose upon the community, ignorant and un-
prepared, the untutored slaves Of the State.
: Many thought, and amongst them, that as
each Of the slave States had a right exclu-
sively to Judge for itself in respect to the in
7 stitution Of domestic slavery, the proportion
Of slaves compared with the white population
D in that Stale nj the tjn,o was so inconsidpra.