Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1839-04-19

within limits, and, by gradual aud slow pro-
cess abolished it, Beyond that, we are not answer.
able But if, rashy, madIy, in violation of cons;I
tulional obi salions undertake TO interfere with what
is not rightuy under control, are answeTGb!e
for The Consequences and the responsibility will be such
man, in full view Of them, when fully developed
WILL in his camer moments Of sober reflection, be Will
Ing 10 lie under.
These are my sentiments | am grateful for the op
portunty afforded me, Of making them known in dis
tnct and authentic shape. Entertaining them, as do
conscientously, deliberately, and with nc0nsdera
BILE OF observation, consideration will induce
NE 10 swerve from them. You WILL therefore, moi
pect TO favor the agitation Of Abolition in The free
States.
am, gentlemen respectfully, your ie'!ow czsn
Messrs. A. M Collins aud
Waterman Roberts: Committee, &c.
DASBuRY March 10, 1929
Gentlcmen-l have received your letter OF the lllh
inst requesting my sentiments certain questions pro
pounded by you in Compliance with the resolution III the
late Middletown Convention, OF which you the
gans ior this purpose The practice Of calling on can
dGaies Tor their opinion upon doubtful divided Gnes
tons and spreading them before the electors 81 ie
Try, is highly useful aud saulury that the people
may know whether they shall be truly represented by
those who are selected to receive their votes.
The first question you propose is care in favor Of
the immediate abolition of slavery in The District of Co
luubIa representative in Congress is bound by ga h
10 support The Constitution question then arises
ought representative to do any which, in his OPT
mon and conscientious belief, would destroy this Con.li
tuition have doubt that resolution in Congress-
sanctioned ty the vote Of that body, for The immediate
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia would
dissolve this Union, and under the Influence this be-
lief, could give which would produce such dis.
asrous Consequences would vote To abolish slavery
in the District ui Colum6la The people OF that District
would petition for it themselves. To abolish slavery
without compensation 10 The owner, would be an unjust
invasion o private rights, which has precedent even
IpI ha nlish L.
P'"sa"n to the owner Isl under nur form of Govrrn-
meut, mptactlcabe. By what mode can Coun S. Use
money to pay Tor slaves Congress has power TO Law
taxes for the common defence and general welfare
But TO appropriate money 10 buy the freedom of slaves
not either Tor the defence of the cuuuv ur
lis general welfare The free aburers of the North will
never submit 10 be taxed except for constitutional pur.
poses How, then, is the immediate abolition Of sls very
In the District OF Columbia, again. the will of the ON n.
to be accomplished ltcannol be Gore without f,rce
violence, and massacre What philanlhropst does moi
shudder al the bloody prospect OF such u scene!
he second question IS, "Are you IN favor Of The i'm.
mediate abolition Of The inter State slave trade" AS
an individual, am IN favor OF III but legislator can
DO nothing which is unconstitutional have mo- doub
that slave labor Is the dearest labor which Southern
farmer can empOy-ihat if he could not sell his slaves
he would have no interest TO raise them. Their labor
Is unprohtable and will bring the and grain pTos
ers IN debt Bot the cotton and sugar States make a
profit from slave labor; and they now furnish n market
Tor the slaves Of the Northern sIa veluldiur States
Nheh tnlS market Is supplied, ana further
WI! be tor the interest OF those State 10 manuIl
slaves, and employ Tree labor If ErInia and K.nurk
would IT they could do al consistently with ,Lc
own safely, sci free all their slaves the increased demand
for their ands would give them raised value cxc.edp
the loss OF their emancipated slaves But the only uup
ton for me 10 ask is, is IL constitutional: II is c,i
by Aboiionlsts that Congress, have the power To- rcr
late commerce among the several States and ia, The
slave trade between the States is commerce. and spbec,
to the regulation Of Congress. But ,hou III CunpIr.s
as % ~ atp H..
al States, II has no power 10 abolish IT,
me next question Is Are you opposed TO the adns
sion TO the Union of any State whose constitution
t"lera'es slavery: by the Constitution, new States
may be, and have been by Congress admitted into the
Union Every State has made for Itself lie orn c,,s,
tuition, without resricon except that II shall no, be re-
Pugnaht 10 the constitution OF The S. Your question
relates TO Florida would admit Florida on the same
terms with her sisters, Missouri Mssissip, Arkansas
&c. No distinction be made in rrrard ia Fi,,id,
She would not come into the Union upon upsen,rein
The Southern States would make common cans. and !,
would b. as mpracticabe TO expunge slavery from her
constitution as 1t would be tocxpuDge from any Stat.
in the Union. Before the formation of the Constitution
slavery existed in The States they entered into I'M,
rdeacy with their domestic institutions of slavery n
ready existing IL is now proposed To break I'D Ties.
institutions against The will and wishes Of ,ips. S,or
What Is II that binds this Union together bu, sense nj
mutual INTEREST," Destroy this, and wha, remains.
You call II great controversy between freedom and
slavery IL IS because That ! am in favor Of ireednm
consuluuohhi freedom, lhal am opposed 10 modern
Abolition IL would break in pieces our cons,p,,,,I
fabric which Divine aid assisted in inakInp and which
many Of US tondiy hope will bs perpetual md mv hand
shalt wiIher and tongue palsy. before Will make ,b.
The instruments OF is destruction. ! know that AhoI;
uonsts many ct them honestly apprehcnd M such d,n
ger They believe that the cry of dssou,ion ia .,,
camor and that dissolution itself is less evil than iL
liberation Of slavery But is avery thereby er,dicasd:
Ii the Union IS dissolved, is slavery desroved, ba
lieve in the future extinction of slavery but as far
can discern the present euts Of Northern Ahol,ion;s
have only the effect to retard the meofarnn Of The
slaves condition and 10 put of The day Of his final em,
cipation. ! am, very respectfully,
Your very osedIent servant
I. T. WHlrTLESEY
To .Nessrs James Quintard and Charles Fairmrn
Extract from the .7asrcr of Mr. SroRrs
10 The particular topics Of inquiry Contained in vonr
lelter, would reply, that view the institution of 81,
very as great evil whether considered morally no,;
caly, or socially; and that yield TO no one in do.
that It may cease to exist. In whatever situation mn.
be called on TO act should ieel bound 10 use nv ina
ence and efforts Tor emancipation, extensively and
al as early period as 1t could be ACCOMPLISHED can
and IN mode which should Promise 10 be
Ptac'cdoe a'u ueneeoi hav'ng reference 10 the hest
interests ond just rights Of all Concerned and beotnp in
mind the Constitution OF Country and the creot M
ecs which governed The people ADOPTING the s,rr.d
Instrument And am ever ready TO promote onv Geo
'hle plan which shall be presented for that ohec,
with the foregoing Considerations Wrb
espec, TO the District Of Columbia, have no doub, that
congress possesses the constitutional power 10 ru.l,,e
IN the subject Of slavery it does or al other subjects
81 legislation within that District. fully n State lie.
sa.ure can exercise such pow,. within its State; and
"d ~ - LOT such body 10 decide when and in what man
ei Tue power shall be exercised Respecting slavery
; IA Tue several States, Congress has, Of course
.aad Az -, power 10 iegslGle, as universally con
"A Amin, 4