The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-09-07
FILE VOIOlA OF BIB IaM D0ZIc
From the Emancipator
DEBATES IN THE ANTI-SLAVERY CON-
VENTION.
(CONTINUED.)

Mr.. Cornish again addressed the Convention
still further insisting on the ground he had before
taken.
Mr.. Birney said he differed very materially ii
opinion from the brother last up. There would
be force in his argument, if only single effor
was TO be made. If there was but one election tc
be decided, then Mr. B. would say, go for the bes
candidate of the two but elections were to recul
year after year. and the advocates of the abolition
cause were now laying down permanent system
of operation adequate for the whole country, un
til slavery is finally abolished. 1t would almost
always ha ppen that of two candidates set up, one
would be rather more favorable to the principles
of abotionsts than the other; but vet when e.
lected, he might not do single Legislative act 10
forward their cause. 1t was plain they might 90
on forever voting for such men, and accomplish
nothing toward the destruction of slavery. As
long as it was found that they would be thus put
off with single grain of abolition in a candidate,
and even that admiXture too small and weak to
show itself in actionhe parties would never set up
genuine abolitionst. The Rev. brother had ask
ed whether they were going to insist upon perfec-
tion before they would vote for a candidate pre-
sented to them: certainly not. But would that
gentleman vote for man to be Professor in a col
lege who would openly avow himself to be for
little lying, a little stealing, certain amount of
drunkenness, though not the very utmost amount
possible He knew he would not. Would he
vote for man as pastor of church who advoca-
ted slavery in the slightest degree He would
not. So neither did abolitionists demand perlec
ton, but they did demand for their cause what
was reasonable, and what all admitted, theoret-
cally, to be right Was it right would any man
soberly contend it was right, for one man to take
the labor of another without compensation to
chain and scourge to death, and shoot and burn I?
to separate husband from wife, and parent from
child Were these things right? Could there be
any dispute about them There could not There
was not; and all Mr. B. asked was that those
who admitted these things to be wrong and wish
ed to bring them to an end, should act according
to their own principles. Though the catalogue
of aboitonists was SMALL yet were it hundred
times as long, if was just and right, they might
properly enough require conformity to it at the
hands of every legislator. If we required any
thing Of questionable propriety Mr.. B. would say
at once abandon it; but until this could be shown,
he would not consent TO abandon one grain of our
demand. He was for the first resolution as it
stood. He felt no difficulty in taking such a
course. Possibly he was not qualified to appre-
ciate the difficulties felt by Others but for himself it
was enough for him to know that a candidate
whether Democrat or Wing, would not, when e.
lected, carry out abolition principles: such man
should not be his representative.
AS to the second Resolution, he would now Of
fer the following a substitute, to be adopted in
its place,
Resolved AS the opinion of this Convention,
that it is the duty of the Abolitionsts who are vo-
tiers, to exercise their franchise to influence Con-
gress and the State Legislatures so that they
shall do what they constitutonally can for the alb
clifton of slavery throughout the land"
Mr. r. said he offered hiS nronoSition in placn |
of the other and with view to bring about what
he considered as indispensable TO the success of
the Abolition cause. His brother Cornish seemed
to think that there was separation between po-
litical and religious action: Mr.. B. looked upon
them one and the same. The brother said, it
must be religious action which would secure sue
cess very true, but we could not get right politi-
cal action till there first right religious feel
ing; when that was attained, you could not res
train men from right political action; men We're
not right, not only because they not only did not
feel religious duty as they ought, but because they
did not carry their religious duty to the polls.
Now Abolitonists constituted peculiar associa-
tion-a distinctive class in the community, stand
ing by itself and separated alike from all political
parties in the State. They had characteristics of
their own and what were these? He contended
that the carrying out their views at the polls, as a
means of affecting the legislation of the country
was one Of these distinguishing characteristics of
abolitionists. There were, he knew, some aboli-
tionsts who differed with him on this point and
thought that they ought not to go to the polls at
all not that it was sin to ballot, but in view of
something else that lies beyond. He said Uhough
many differed from him. that there was differ
ence perfectly irreconcable between these two
classes Of abolitonists. 1t twas with view to lead
to uniformity of action he had offered his amend
ment. 1t had been objected that the convention
were about to violate conscience; not So no force
was employed: every man was free to pursue the
course he most approved. Where then was the
violation of conscience where any threats utter
ed? was it minated that unless men acted at
the polls they must be cast out of the abolition
ranks =? No such thing. What compulsion then
was there ? and how could any man say his con-
science was violated Dissenters from the cstab-
lished church in Great Britain complained of this:
but was it that the Church merely expressed its
opinion of what ought to done ? Far from it its
of duty were backed by power and
enforced by penalties. But here every man was
free to take his own course with none TO modest
or hinder. Mr.. B. could not say what the effect
of this amendment would be: but this he could
cav that If If wore rejected he should not cOnSid-