The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1839-08-24

Oh ieuof Hotn tuet uiniinsuishtu NuiSs
Benjamin Watkins Leigh, Of Virginia. The
position which Mr.. l.. occupies as STATES
man. a scholar, and gentleman, gives pecu-
liar force to all that emanates from his pen
in relation to the general politics Of the coun-
try. This letter will also be found replete
with good advice 10 the opposition. What
DIR. l.. here asserts. viz: that the party
opposed to the Administration seem destined
TO be forever weakened by divisions among
themselves. that proceed from their giving
infinitely greater Importance 70 the few qaes-
tons on which they differ, than TO those on
which they agree" is so VIGOROUSLY true,
that il cannot be gainsayed. fhe dominant
party neper disagree. No matter what may
be the moral obliquity Of their candidates,
they are sustained with union Of feeling,
and concert Of action, worthy Of better
cause. II is by such course of action alone
union and conceri) that the opposition can
hope To defeat the election Of the present in
cumbent We earnestly trust that what Mr..
Leigh says shall mark his individual course,
will be regularly followed by every man homes.
enough to prefer country to party. Want Of
unanimity Of opinion on minor points, is the
only weakness of tho opposition, and the
Administration aware Of the fact, is always
cndeavoring TO foment discussions, by circu-
lating stories calculated TO excite Disagree
menis, and prevent, il possible, concentra-
ton Of public opinion. All we ask is, that
the opposition will pay no attention to any,
save the great point at issue.
Mr.. Leighs opinion Of Mr.. Van Bnrea's Sb-srsasary
Scheme.
The following is an extract from letter written
by Benjamin Watkins Leigh, Esq, 10 a gentleman
in MeckleDburg, dated the 10Th October, 1898, TO
The publication of which Mr.. Leigh, al the request
OF the gentleman TO whom il was addressed, has
Ia transmitting this extract for publication, our
correspondent says:
ain favor Of the Sub treasury myself-at least
of the great principle Of Divorce, ~ frequently,
In arguing that question with my friends previous 70
The reception OF Mr.. Leigh's letter, (when appeal
ing to the authority OF distinguished names) men.
toned him as friend TO the Sub-treasury scheme
also, from my recollection of his speech at Peters
burg. and a letter addressed by him some short
time before to Mr. peasants and other gentlemen OF
Richmond Being convinced by his letter that had
done him injustice in this respect, and that his OPT
Mons on this subject Gas far my information ex-
ended) we're very generally misunderstood, con-
ceived il 10 be but an act of justice 10 himself and
his many friends that his real opinions should De
known"
al can hardly explain my opinions on the .ques
The Snbtreasury system spoke Of In my speech
al Petersburg, was an organization Of treasures
and ireasurers at various points IN the Union, all
connected with the General Treasury al Washing
toa and under the direction OF the treasurer tnere
and OF the Secretary Of the Treasury, while all the
treasnrers general and subordinate, and the Secre-
tary OF the Department. should be held directly re-
sponsible to Con2ress-that Is, accountable, each
and every one when called upon, TO account direct
w TO Congress, and not indirectly through the Ere
sident II was an essential principle of such sys-
tenn that the public treasure should be In the Gus
tody of Congress-, regulated entirely. by law, ana
that the President should have no share, as con-
stiutionaly he entitled to no share In the Gus
tody, any more than 10 the disposition OF II, save
what was entrusted to him by law Now Mr.. Van
Buren's Subitreasury system Is based upon the as
sumption that the custody Of the public treasure be-
longs bv Tie Consultation, to the Executive, because
forsooth, the Executive has the appointment and
removal Of all officers appointed for the custody and
administration OF the treasure, and the Sub-trea-
sury bill seemed only intended TO recognize by iaU
the Presidents constitutional right Of custody OF the
system so as 10 endure the Executive right custody
with the utmost possible degree of Executive in
fuence; and the bill, moreove, pointed out its OBJ
vious consequences 10 that same EXECUTIVE BANK,
which General Jackson was willing to furnish Con-
gress scheme of, If he had been consulted, and
which, il the Sub-treasury bill should ever be-
come law, will, in very few years, ! am con-
fdent, be openly proposed and adopted. shall
never acknowledge either directly or indirectly or
by any manner of indireciion or implication, that
A he proStIepf has b,, Tan s{ilul10u right
whatever to any sort of custody of the public trea
sure, or any duty or power in respect TO IL, save
what may be given to or imposed on him BY lar,
and modified or taken away from him by tan.-
Sooner much sooner, than admit this new, and till
General Jackson's time, unheard of, claim 10 con-
Slitutonal right in the President which The law
cannot deprive him Of, 10 the custody OF all public
money, will vote for an hereditary monarchy; for
the claim, if admitted and acted on, must lead TO
monarchy, and to the worst Of monarchies, by the
worst though by far the easiest Of all conceivable
roads: by the road OF general corruption, worked by
Executive influence on the money concerns of the
| nation, exercised Tor Executive purposes. II IS in
, vain TO talk Of hard money currency, (snce il Is
morally impossible to accomplish the object SO long
as the States have and exercise the power OF crea-
ting banks, and that without the least stint or mo-
deration. II is a moral law which can no more be
controlled than any physical law Of nature, that II
there be two currencies in any country that which
is cheapest and least valuable will soon exclude
that which is dearest and most valuable. So far as
! am informed, Mr. Calhoun and Mr.. Benton are the
only prominent statesmen in the public councils
who g for the hard money currency, and they diff
fer in this, that the former is for hard money cur
rency, only in the money operations Of the Govern
men the latter is for il in all the transactions OF
the community
The great body of the administration party stop
far short of them both-and hence II was that they
casIrated The Sub-treasury bill of MI Calhouns
bard money clause. The party opposed TO the adj
ministration seem destined to be forever weakened
by divisions among themselves, that proceed from
their giving infinitely greater importance 10 the few
questions which they differ, than 10 those on
which they agree. The Ministerial Party have ne
yer any insurmountable dsagreements--lhey unite
in the same general purpose and disregard all other
objects, or differences OF opinion and that general
own hands, and with it the honors and emoluments
Of Office OF this the Sub leasnry system has al.