Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1839-10-29
POWER OF THE PURSE. But while the general
p0wers 10 raise and AnLr0pIaLe money for The pmhc

] 4 Tx II -
o"yrr ;DGLD uhEE BEEN l>IE$DGU THAT
CONGRESS iI5Gi.E VAS 10 ,.G;.Gt'H no
RECEIVE, TO KEEP, TO DlSBURSE The rue
Lie MONEY THESE ARE SUBORDINATE NJ
NlSTERlhL FUNCTIONS, WHICH MUST OF
NECESSITY BIZ PERFORMED BY EXECUTIVE
AGENTS, under The GENERAL provision of the law
In England SIR, where, we have seen. The POWER
OF THE PURSE is EFFECTUALLY vested in Par.
lament II i, nevertheless the ErchPqner AMI the rra
surv (ES"cn'ivr Dsp'trmenrs) which manage the col
LECTION and EXPENDITURE III HE pnLiic rsrsnnc
o $50 ,. win us Sir, tie MINISTERIAL FUNEWoNs
BURSTING rhr PUBLIC MONEY HAVE INVARI-
ABLY DEVOLvED ON THE EXECUTIVE OF
FlCERS OF THE GOVERNMENT.
at Is true, Cir that Congress. the exercise Of It's
legislative powers may, and ough, to (as FAR is
s'st'm Nth Tie p1b'c nters's ~hieh might, IN eern'n
cas- require DlSCRE rlONARY power /" be lodged
with the EHECUrlYE) prescribe place Of deposi,e for
The puWic moneys, when coliecled Jat If such pre-
scr p"n b. made by the legislative hotity, ii devoves
NECESSARILY on the EXECUTIVE DEPART
MENF, charged with the collection and SAFE KEEP
ING Of The PUBLIC MONEYS, TO DETERMINE
ilERE they shall be deposited and kept Such the
case IN The most unmtd previous to the passage
OF an act IN Zoo, which quirsd that certain puces
the bonds taken for the payment Of duties should be de
posted IN the Bans OF The u. S. branches for col
lection Before that time, the Treasury Department
caused The public moneys 10 be deposited WllERESO
EsEK II 'G@Tgh' PrnPrrmin some instances IN The
State Banks, and in others again. The Bank of The
SIaI"a and It's branches. This il did at IT'S PERFECT
| DISCRETION without It's ever being imuoioed that
| IN doing so. 1t eHcroGchtd that 70 Err of the
| PURSE which The Constitution Ind lodged in other
| hands
But there is toal want of logical precision in this
notion ofthe Treasury. The is in annexng an
idea OF thsd toeaity 10 ii; whereas in The TRUE
tuhond and tnanctuf sensp il is place. but
or condition IS The condition If moneys beonGing 10
thc Gorernmtn and being in the custody gai passes
SION 81 the officer chargpd with their SAFE KEEPING.
Whercrer moneys pacsd to Tie credit and subject 10
! he of lie hlIc ibpy
both in icgal and common intendment, in The public
/ Treasury
"ltis obvious then, Mr. President thai Pairck.Henry
spoke Of the pOrcr of the purse in the in which
have already explained it, the great yOesr Of 0I9ti0n
and lis incident, Tint Of apprnpaton-and not The SU b.
ORDINATE ministerial functions Of collecting, rceer.
Ing, KEEPING, drpositing the public moneys under
authority OF law We see also in what sense he spoke
OF the p0rer OF the snOrd that of raising armies and
OF general control The military force Of the country.
II is in this sense have seen, that the King OF
England is said TO hold the po'otr of the s~ord But
| there is NO COLOR, not the SLIGHTEST, for Sdyino
at The President Of Tie L. States hoids the pocer OF The
sicord lie cannot raise armies, equip fleets, declare
wn organize arm. discipline and call forth the militia
All these pO,rcrS. which constitute The porer Of the Srord
ure expressly vested in Congress H. is by The Con.
s'luon, II 10 true. commander in chief Of the army.
Iisn is raised and Of the militia when they called
tOrh BY Congress but this gives him the portr
of the sicord, in the TRUE political sense, than the
function devolved upon EXECUTIVE AGENTS of
collecting and receiving The public taxes after they have
been mp"sed by Congress. gives him The por,r Of the
purse. This oulnnns conjunction Of the SrosR and he
purse then, in the hands Of the President a crsa,iun
of the imag naon, Which, like other raw heads and
bl""dy b"nss Of the day, irighen, only while il
uDapprcached and unexnminrd"
! .No,o tchoid ihe contrast!
EXTRACTS tT0m late publication I'm HIM. t. Rirrs enfi
I Hed "PRIScIpLEs and Policy ofMe Conservatives
THE question of The management and conlrol Of the
public MONIES is question Of public Liberty. TIE i'm.
mense power which may be welded through the control
I III nntI
problem OF The umos, Importance every free Govern
menl, 10 determine where this power is to be lodged
aad how II onghtio be org1nzsd and guarded One Of
the most celebrated writer's the British Constitution
has .ad that the increase OF the power Of the Crown in
that country, since The Revolution Of lGSS arising from
the management OF The Revenue alone has been
than sufficient 10 counierbalance the loss of all the prern
gave OF which II was stripped by that great event
by the Constitution o: the United States HE PIE.
sGeni is already ent. usCd in express terms with the
execution of The a,"s, and command orhc army. Give
him in addition, as nov proposed the cement Of
Ha%S "nStch The oscis Pie sVsstX pS BY
scheme is give 10 the President through his agrls-
officers appointed by, and wholly dependent him,
exclusive and uncontrolled possession Of the pubic
MES "
Before such fragrant evidence fthe crosses, inconsi
rncy and lnslncerEly, all comment must supehu
Gus. What We. what shall think OF that man
who cond tel! us in 1884 that the time when he Du Els
of the Federal Government should be received in SfE
| Gle, would REALIZE REFORM, than wh'ch none
!
I The SAFETY and PROSPERITY Of the country; and
yet tins man is endeavcrng 10 osrracise an
honest Democratic President, because he is for bringing
back the Government 10 hat this wretched iergversa
tor termed in 1884 's restoration what il WAS in.
t-nrd hv The trainers nf the Constitution be M
! PIE, SOLID. HARD MONEY GOVERNMENTS"
/ What ram We, what shall think Of that who
could tell us in 1854 that 'gold and silver the
Constitutional currency, and yet this could tell
in lc3S as The quotations in this number show ha,
Bank paper is as much constitutional currency as god
hall IA,
tell towards The close nf his HARD MONEY speech
I of 1854, that ASSOCIATED WEALTH is the dy
nasty Of Modern States, and yet this is
lragued and cnnspiring with This TREMENDOUS
I POW Err 10 pull dawn this Administrations because,
since the Stale Bark system has ailed) seeks d
vorce The Government from the corruping Influence Of
500 Banks " hnt shall think Of that puGiic man
who could tell US in 1884. that "he Collecting, KEEP
! ING. aud disbursement Of The public money simple
ministerial functions which must, cf NECESSITY. be-
performed by tzccufjrc agtaiS and yet this
has the unparalleled frorcfy 10 tell us, that these
"FImpc functions are suiticIer 10 make the President
| Monarch -! What shall We think Of that man no
coulu ell in lo3i that lin certain The public
interests require that discretionary power should be
lodged with the Executive In the places ,rhere pub
lie moneys are TO be dcp0sfcd, and yet this same
man is ready Gas would appear from his quibbing
Louisa Speech) to cruelty Mr. Van Buren,, because the
latter has happened 10 suggest the expedency of such
power cases. precisely the
doctrine which MIR VIM e. Rives thus postiunly and
undeniaJiy advocated in 1884. What shall we lhnk OF
Who could tell in 1891 that ''pubIc moneys
had frequently been kept by EIccutiee agents. without
ever being imagined that this encroachrd the power
of the purse which The Constitution had lodged in other
hands, md yet this now tells Us, That t
fling fact sufficient 10 overwhelm our liberties and To
destroy the Republic? What shall we think of that
who could tell in 1884 that the President is most
harmless being; ard that his attribute Of being Som
dcr.in Chief does not confer upon him The pumcr
of the scord and this same has attempted I'm
his Policy ofihp Conse rva,ivss and is tempting
to aunbng The people by magniIyng this SINE ou,bne
nf Commander in Chief' which he himself rdicuied in
1891, And in o word, what In think OF that
who can garbIe and persert HISTORY ITSELF, to sub
serve his oca tnds9 Who In,erprels great historical
FACTS ftrcnly dtrent times just his passions