Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, 1839-12-12

nave th0uSht IL proper thus Succlnctly and
la his own language, to state the grounds on
which the Governor of New York has refus-
ed to comply with the demand made upon |
him, in order that the General Assembly may |
clearly see the whole extent of the startling
and dangerous doctrines preached by a high
to whom is entrusted the execu-
ton OF one OF the most salutary and conserva-
tive provisions ofthe Constitution. The con-
struction he has put upon the clause of the |
Constitution, containing this provision, is one
that cannot be acquiesced in or submitted to.
If persisted in, and acted upon by the North
ers States, it must disturb the harmony and
amicable relations heretofore so happily eXis-
ting between the States; and If maintained
by only one single State, it must make that
State refuge for all the felons and criminals
who flee from justice in any of the Southern
States, after committing there crimes the most
destructive to their property, the most dam
gerous to their safety and the most odious to
! their laws. 1.-THE Governor of New York is
| right, he is bound not only to protect those
| who steal our slaves, but those who incite and
| assist them to or persuade them that they are
| illegally held III bondage, and may lawfully
resort to all means necessary to rid themselves
Of its yoke.
Under the sanction Of this new reading of
| the constitution, the incendiay Abolitionists
| may send their missionaries and emissaries
| into the Southern States, secure of protection
and immunity, if they can escape detection
until they reach some State whose laws do
not recognize Slavery.
Such an Interpretation of the constitution
is incompatible with the rights and destruc-
tive of the safety of all the States holding
| Slaves. None of the fanatic doctrines or dis
organizing practices of the Abolitionists are
so well calculated to endanger the security of
our property or to jeopardiZe the tranquility
and hazard the dissolution of the Union. 1t
Is impossible that the Union can continue
long, if the opinion should be generally adop-
ted by the States where there are no Slaves,
that our laws recognizing the existence of
Slavery and of property in Slaves, are not to
be regarded in executing the provision of the
| constitution for the surrender Of fugitives
from justice.
| If any confirmation were wanting of the
proper Interpretation of the constitution on
this subject. it would be abundantly found, in
a reference to the known condition of the
| States OF the Union in regard to the institu-
| ton OF Slavery, at the time of the adoption of
| the constitution.
In more than one-half certainly, and per-
haps In nearly all the states, at that time and
IN the state of New York itself the institu-
ton OF slavery existed. The right of proper
| ty In slaves was known by all to exist, and
there is no question in all the slave holding
states there were statutes, furnishing any in
reference with that recognised right of prop
erty, or with the masters authority and con-
troll over his slaves, full as severely as our
laws now do. In this state, as early as 1853,
our laws made the stealing slave capital
felony. The parties to the constitutional COM
pact entered into the Union with full knowl-
edge of each others domestic institutions in
this respect, and formed this close and init
mate union, and made provision for their mu-
| tual security and protection in reference to
these known existing institutions. When,
| therefore, In the same article and same sec
ZION oil the constitution, 1T was provided, that
| fugltives from justice, and fugitive slaves
should be delivered up, it is little less than
absurd to suppose, that while the slave was
to be delivered up, the criminal who aided him
to abscond, was to be protected from punish
ment; and that although the felon who stole
yard oil broadcloth might be demanded, and
there was no legal right to refuse to surrender
him, the felon who should steal or felonious
ly carry away negro slave was to be profec-
ted by any State III the Union into Which he
might flee.
feel that ] owe you an apology for adj
dressing any thing In the way of argument to
you, for the purpose ofexposing the unsound-
ness and fallacy of the construction assumed
| and acted on by the Governor of New York.
1t is very much to be deplored that when the
excitement OF the public mind in the South.
justly caused by the unwarrantable assaults
upon our institutions and our rights by orpan
lied societies in the States having no slaves.
was beginning to subsde, that the Executive
of so powerful and influential State as New
York should have adopted construction of
the Constitution, which has induced him to
disregard one OF its imperative acquisitions,
upon grounds so we'll calculated to inspire the
infatuated Abolitionists with new hopes and
fresh zeal III their unholy crusade against our
property and our peace, and at the same time
to assure them of immunity and protection
from responsibility for the violation Of our
laws.
But this question has been raised in prac-
teal form between this State and New York
and between Georgia and Maine. And it be-
hooves us to meet it at once and to insist up
on our rights at every hazard. 1t is the duty
OF Congress to remove any ambiguity, ifthere
be any, IN the laws made to carry into effect
| the provisions of the constitution for the SIR
render OF fugitlves; and if there be no defect
or ambiguity In those laws, TO provide for the
prompt and faithful execution of them, bv
coniding the execution to those whose inter
probation of their duty is consistent with our
rights and the behests of the Constitution. If
redress for these wrongs and security apaust
their repetition cannot be procured in either
Of those modes, it will behoove the General
Assembly to consider whether their own lep-
islative power will not furnish means of Sc
curing the State against such fragrant inva-