Madison Whig advocate. [volume] (Canton, Miss.) 1839-1841, 1839-03-09


of slavery are depicted in the most glowing
/ exaggerated coiors, to excite TIE tmagins'ioHs
and stimulate the rage of the people IN the
| free States against the people IN 'hs slass
States The STAKEHOLDER Is held up and re pre-
sented as the most airociOfl- OF human beings
AdYe easements OF fugitive slaves ana oi siss
to be sold are carefully collected ana oiazoneH
forth. To infu-e a spirit OF detestaiioh sha sat
red against entire and tao iaTsfs' sse'io %
4 the Onion. nd Ike notorious a5ssatot vi :
on anofher theatre, they would hunt down ana
prescribe from the pale of civilized society the
! inhabitants OF that entire sectioa. -ito" E'e,
Mr.. President. TO say that whilst 4 recognise
in m, irsfly wounded feelings OF the Minister
! Of the Tinted States at the Court OF 81 James
! much to excuse the notice which he was pro-
voked TO take Of that agitator, IN my humble
opinion. be would better have consulted the
dignity of his statiDn and OF hls country IN
| treating him With c5ntemptuous silence lie
| would exclude us from European sociefy--he
/ who himself can only obtain contrahand ad-
mission. and is received with scorniui TcPug-
nance into ~. Ii be be no more desirous OF
our society than are of his. ne may rest as
sured that a state o. eternal uon-lnserceuTse
/ will exist between Us. Yes SIR, ! think the
/ American Minister would have best pursued
the dictates of true dignity by regarding the
/ language of the member OF the British rouse
/ OF Commons as the malignant rawlings OF the
/ plunderer OF his own country. and the Eeeiier
| of a foreign and kindred people.
But the means to which have already adj
| verted not the only ones which TINS thlrl
| class of Observation-Disclosures are employing 10
effect their ultimate end. They began their
operations by protesting to employ only per-
| suasive means in appealing to the humanity,
and enligh:ening the understandings, OF the
| siavc-holding portion OF the Omon- III there
! were some kindness in this ayowed motive, 1t
must be acknow lodged that there was rather
presumptuous 5lay also of an assumed su-
! pcriority in intelli geIce and knowledge. For
some time they continued to make these APP
peals to our duty and our interest; but lhPa-
tent with the slow influence OF their logic
upon our stupid minds, they recently resolved
| to change their system of action. To the agen-
| cy OF their powers OF persuasIon- they now
propose to substitute the powers OF the ballot
| box; and he must be blind to what Is passing
before us, who does not perceive that the inevI-
table tendency of their proceedings is, If these
| should be found insufficient, to invoke, haaily,
the more potent power OF the 5ayonet
MIR. President, il is tais alarming stage OF
| the proceedings Of ultra-abolItionists that L
would seriously invite every consideTate man
in the country solemnly 10 pause, ana deiibe-
rately to refect, not merely on our existing
posture, but upon that dreadful PTeciPice down
which they would hurry u.s. 1t IS because
these ultTa-a bolitionists have ceased to employ
the instruments of reason and persuasion, have
made their cause political. and have appealed
to the ballot box, that am induced, upon TINS
occasion, to address YOU
There have been three epochs in the history
of our country at which the spirit of abolition
displayed itself. The first was immediately
after the formation of the present Federal
Government. When the Constitution was
about going into operation. Its powers were not
we'll understood By the community at large,
and remained to be accurately interpreted and
defined. At that period numerous abolition
societies were formed, comprising not merely |
the Society of Friends, but many other good
men. Petitions were presented to Congress,
praying for the abolition OF slavery.-1hey |
were received without serious opposition. re-
ferred, and reported upon by committee.
The report stated that the General Government
had no power to abolish slavery as 1t existed IN
the several States, and that these States them
selves had exclusive jurisdiction over the sub
jcct The report was generally acqulesced IN,
aud satisfaction and tranquility ensued; the /
abolition societies therefore limited -. sx.. .
uons' IN .~eprcI to the black population, to
ornces of humanity within The scope of exist
ing laws.
The next period when the subject Of slavery,
and abolition incidently, was brought into no.
tlce and discussion, that of the memorable
occasion of the admission of the State of Mis-
souri, into the Union. Ii is too recent to max
II necessary TO do more than merely advert to
Il, and 10 say, that it was finally composed by
one of those compromises characteristic of our
and of which the Constitution it
self is the most signal instance.
The third is that in which we now find our
selves. Various causes. Mr.. President, have
contributed to produce the existing excitement
on the subject OF abolition. The principal
one, perhaps, is the example of British eman-
ciPation of the slaves in the islands adjacent to
our country.-Srch is the similarity in laws.
IN language, In institutions, and in common
origin, between Great Britain and the United
States, that no great measure of national poll
cy can be adopted in the country without
producing considerable degree of influence
in the other. Confonnding the totally different
cases together, of the powers of the British
Parliament and those of the Congress of the
United States, and the totally different situa-
tons Of the British West India Islands, and
the slaves in the sovereign and independent
States OF this Confederacv. superficial men
have inferred from the undecided British cxpe-
rmeni, the pTactlcability of the abolition of
slavery of these States. The powers of the
British Parliament unlimited, and are often
described to be comprehensive powers of
the American Congress, on the contrary, are
few, cautiously limited, scrupulously cxclud-
ing all that not granted, and, above all,
carefully and absolutely excluding all power
over the existence or continuance of slavery
IN the several States. The slaves, too, upon
which British legislation operated. were not in
the bosom of the kingdom, but in remote and
feeble colonies having voice in Parliament.
The Yves; India stakeholder was neither rep
resented nor representative in that Parliament.
And whilst l most feryently wish complete
success to The British experiment of West
India emancipation, confess that have fear
ful forebodlngs of disastrous termination of
T. Whatever il may be, j think it must be
admitted that, If the British Parliament treated
lie West India slaves freemcn, it also treat
I'd the West India freemen as slaves. If. in
stead OF these slaves being separated BY wide
'cean from the parent country, three four
Millions of a frican negro slaves had be en- dis
,erscd over Eng and, Scotland, Wales, and |
Ireland. and their owners had been members OF
he British Parliament--a case which would
lave presented some analogy that of our
'wn ceuutry-does any one believe that il
would have been cxpedient practicable TO :
ave emancipated them, leaving them to re- !
main. with III their ensbiItered feelings, IN the
United Kingdom. boundIess as the powers of
he British Parliament are.
Other causes have conspiried with the Brit a
81 example TO produce the existing excite
aenf from abolition / say IL with profound $
egret. bat with no intention TO occasion ire c
alton here elsewhere, that there are persons 9
a both parts of the Union who have sought 10 a
nyc abolition with politics, and 10 array one u
orfion Of the Union against the other. II is
ne misfortune in free countries that in high Il
arty times, disposition too often prevails TO I,
tise hold of every thing which can strength
n one side or weaken the other rrior TO the ri
lie election of the present President of the i
@Cat$ l. a