Herald of the times. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1830-1846, 1839-02-21

tive theory, with which will not now trouble
you, but which has been published to the
world. According to that, in the progress Of
time, some one hundred and 6fty or two hun
dred years hence, but few vestiges OF the
black race will remain among our postenty.
II Mr.. President, at the period of the forma-
II ton Of our Constitution, and afterwards, our
patriotic ancestors apprehended danger to
the Union from two causes. One was, the
II Allegheny Mountains, dividing the waters
which flow into the Atlantic Ocean from
II those which found their outlet in the Gulf Of
Mexico. They seemed to present a national
separation. That danger has vanished be-
II fore the noble achievements OF the spirit OF
internal improvement, and the immortal gen.
ius Of Fulton. And now, nowhere Is found
a more loyal attachment to The Union than
among those very Western people, who, 1t
was apprehended, would be the first to burst
II its ties.
Il Tho other cause, domestic slavery, happily
H the sole remaining cause which is likely to
II disturb our harmony, continues to exist. |,
was this which created the greatest obstacle
II and the most anxious solicitude in the de-
II libcrations of the Convention that adopted
II the general Constitution. And It Is this
subject that has ever been regarded with the
deepest anxiety by all who are sincerely de-
sirous of the permahency OF our Union.-
The Father Of his Country, in his last Affect
ing and solemn appeal to his fellow citizens,
deprecated, as a most calamltous event, the
| geographical divisions which 1t might pro-
duce. The ConvcntioR wisely left to the
| several States the power over the institution
Of slavery, us power not necessary to tie
plan of union which it devised, and as one
with which the General Government could
not be invested without planting the seeds
OF certain destruction. There let it remain
undsturbed by any unhalowed hand.
II Sir, | am not in the habit OF speaking
II lightly of the possibility OF dissolvlng this
happy Union. The Senate knows that
have deprecated illusions, on ordinary oc-
casions, to that dreinl event. The country
will testify that, if there be any thing IN the
history of my public career worthy OF recol-
lection, it is the truth and sincerity my
ardent devotion to its lasting preservation
| But we should be false in our allegiance to
| it, if we did not discriminate between the
imaginary and real dangers by which 1t may
be assaied. Abolition should no longer be
regarded as an imaginary danger. The abo'
litonists, let me suppose, succeed IN their
present aim Of uniting the inhabitants OF The
free States us one man, against the lnha6l-
| side will beget union on the other. And this
process Of reciprocal conso idation will be
| attended with all the violent prcjudices, en-
bit,crcd passions, and inplacable animosities
which ever degrnded or deformcd human ma
turc. A virtual dissolution Of the Union will
have taken place, whilst the forms Of its ex.
| istencc remain. The most valuable element
| of union, mutual kindness, the feelings OF
sympathy, the fraternal bonds, which now
| happily unite US, will have been extingulshed
Il forever. One section will stand in mcnacing
and hostile array against the other. Thr
collision of opinion will be quickly followed
| by the clash of arms. [ will not attempt 10
describe scenes which now happily lie con-
| cealed from our view. Abolitionlsts them
selves would shrink back in disnay and hor-
ror ut the contemplation Of desolated helds,
confagrated cities, murdered Inhabitants,
and the overthrow Of the faircst fabric OF hu.
man government that ever rose TO animate
the hopes ofciyilizcd man. Nor should these
abolnionists latter themselves that, If they
can succeed in their object of uniting the
peol !, Of the free States, they will enter the
con ost numerical superiority that must
ensuo victory. All b story and experience
prove the hazard and uncertainty Of war;
And we are admonished by Holy Writ that
the race is not 10 the swift, nor the battle to
the strong. But if they were to conquer.
whom would they conquer? a foreign foe
-onc WHO had nsuted ouI; flag, invaded our
shores, and Ibid our country waste? No, sir;
i no, sir. II would be n conquest without lau-
rels, without glory--a self, suicidal conquest
"a conquest Of brothers over brothers, achle-
we'd by one over another portion OF the des-
cendants Of common ancestors, who, nobly
pledeing their lives, their fortunes, and their
sacred honor had fought and bled, side by
side, in many hard battle on land and
ocean, severed our country from the British
Crown, and established our national indepen-
dence. .s.
II The inhabitants of the slave States ore
sometimes accused by their Northern breth-
rem with displaying too much rashness and
sensbilify to the operations and proceedings
Of aboltionists. But, before they can be
rightly jud sed, there should be reversal of
conditions. Let ME suppose that the people
Of the slave States we're to form societies,
subsidze presses, make large pecunary con.
H ItrbutiOns, send forth numerous missionaries
II throughout all their own borders, and enter
into Vaccinations to burn the beautiful capi-
tails, destroy the productive manufactures,
and sink in the ocean the gallant ships of The
Northern States. Would these incendiary
proceedings be regarded as ncighborly and
friendly, and consistent with the fraternal
sentiments which should ever be cherished
by one portion of the Union towards uno-
ther? Would they excite no cmotion?-
II Occasion no manifestations Of dissatisfaction
nor lead to any acts Of retalatory violence
\ But the supposed case falls far short of the
actual one in most essential circumstance.
In no contingency conld these capitals,
manufactures, and ships rise in rebellion
and massacre inhabitants Of the Northern
II States.
H ] am, Mr.. President, no friend Of slavery.
II The Scorchcr of all Hearts knows that every
pulsalion Of mine beats high and strong in
the cause Of civil liberty. Wherever it is
safe and practicable. desire to sec every
| portion of the human family in the enjoyment
fit. But prefer the liberty of my own
country to that of any other people and the
liberty my own race to that Of any other
race. The liberty Of the desc endants of
Africa in the United States is incompatible
will, the safety and liberty Of the European
descendants. There slavery forms an cx-
ception--an exception resulting from stern
and inexorable nccessiy--to the general
liberty in the United States. We did not
originate, nor are we responsible for, this
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