Vermont telegraph. [volume] (Brandon [Vt.]) 1828-1843, 1839-03-13

Continued from first mage.

abolish slavery as it existed in the several {
States" for it was admitted that 'rhe states J
themselves had exclusive jurisdiction over
the subject" The cause assigned is there
fore not adequate to the effect, for efforts
ceased about the same time,.to abolish il I,
by the legislature OF the states themselves,
although, so far as we know, it was never
doubted until lately, that the abolition of
slavery was within the natural and leeiti-
mate scope of Legislation. Mr.. Jefferson,
in his letter to Gov. Coles, Of Illinois, dat
ed August 25, 1914, has limited at a more
probable cause. After detailing the de.
feat OF his own generous endeavor, in the |
first stage of the revolution, to "extend
the projections of The laos to these people,"
ne says, 81 had always hoped that the
impressions after the fame Of liberty had
been kindled in every breast and had be-
come as it were the vital spirit of every
American, in the generous temperament
Of youth, and GboUe the suggestions of ava-
rice, would have sympathised with OPP
preston wherever found, and proved their
love Of liberty beyond their own share of
It," 1t was the universal influx ola spirit of
gain, filling the nations heart with the
suggestions of avarice," that paral wed the
abolition movement at the first epoch
The general prevalence, also, of chemes
for gradual emancipation, and the tre-
mendous difficulties apparent in carry
ing through such process, where the
proportion of slaves was large, had an in
fuence the same way.
The second epoch, that OF the Missouri
controversy, is fresh in the memory of
many. Mr.. Clay knows very well how
that was quieted, for he may say, quorum
magma pars fui." He is welcome to car
ry to the grave, and to couple with his
name in after ages, the honor he covets,
for the part he bore in that celebrated
compromise" by which slavery acquired
the open ascendency in the councils of the
nation, and darted its malignant virus al
most instantaneousy through the LIES
blood of the nation. The President ofthe
Colonization Society ought not, however,
even for considerations of so obvious DO.
lltIcal expediency, TO have overlooked the
claims of that institution to a full share OF
the glory of having paralyzed the public
conscience and spouged up the publ: SYM
pathy on the subject of slavery s.,
1t is surprising that Mr.. Clay should be
so shallow in his philosophy, as to as
crlbe the third grand movement "princi-
pally' to the abolition of slavery in the
British colonies, for the question Instantly
arises. what brought about the British
Emancipation Act2 You have placed
your globe on an elephant, indeed, bu
what does the elephant stand on2 We
know, indeed, how apt great men are to
remain ignorant off the springs of human
action and of the sources Of social impus
es; but we can hardly believe that Mr.
Clay has never thought far enough to in
quire into the origin octhat impulse which
has swept slavery from the British islands
1t was necessary link in the chain O
events incident to the age in which we
live. II grew naturally out of things tina
exist, and that exist as well in the United
States as in Great Britain. We would
not detract an iota from the well-meritec
honors of those who were foremost. ir
these movements, on either side ofthe At
lantic; but it is evident that their labor,
have been vain without the concurrence O
events; and scarcely less evident, that hac
they not come forward, the same event
would have thrown others into the spo
and reused them TO the work for which
the set time had now come
So far are American abolitionists from
deserving, at the hands of Mr.. CLAY. tn,
contumelous charge of "confoundino the
totally different classes together, Of the
powers of the British Parliament anc
those of the Congress of the United
States" that our whole system of opera
tion is planned with strict reference to III,
difference in the two cases. Our consti
tuIions and formal declarations alway
recognize the difference Our earliest
and all our publications, the writings O
our antlslavery authors, the speeches o
our orators, the deliberations of our con
venlions, customarily contain as luci,
statements and as just determinations OF
TINS point, we venture to affirm, as thos,
made by this great statesman himself O
as can De made by him or any other man
Indeed, we will undertake to find tbou
sands Of anti-slavery little BOYS in on
free schools, to whom the elaborate ex
plantations in the speech before US will
convey nothing new. We all know, ant
assiduously teach, that the powers of tn,
American Congress "are few, cautiousl,
limited" and scrupulously excluding al
that are not granted" and therefore w,
neither ask nor desire any thing more O
Congress than that it shall put forth III,
powers that are granted and employ them
agreeably to their original design, in sucl
way as "to form a more perfect union
establish justice, ensure domestic TRANQUIL
lily, provide for the common defence. pro
mote the general welfare, and secure III,