The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, 1839-03-30
MONTPELIER, VERMONT, MARCH 80, 1889.

venture to deny the conclusion of the Senator's
argument. In all our intercourse with foreign ma
tons, in all our treaties in which the words goods
effects &c. are used, slaves have never been con-
sidered as included In all cases in which slaves
are the sub ect matter of controversy, they are
specially named by the word slaves ;; and, if
remember rightly, it has been decided in Congress
that slaves are not property for which conipen-
sation shall be made when taken for public use
Tor rather slaves cannot be considered as taken for
public use,) or as property by the enemy when
they are in the service of the United States. If l.
am correct, as believe am, in the positions !
have assumed, the gentleman can say nothing, by
this part of his argument, against Abotonists
for asking that slavery shall not exist in Florida.
The gentleman contends that the power to re.
move slaves from one State to another, for sale
is found in that part of the Constitution which
gives Congress the power to regulate commerce
within the States, &c. This argument is non Sc
gutter, unless the honorable Senator can first prove
that slaves are proper articles for commerce. We
say that Congress have power over slaves only as
persons. The United States can protect persons,
but cannot make them property and they have
full power in regulating commerce, and can, in
such regulations, prohibit from its operations eve
ry thing but property property made so by the
laws OF nature, and not by any municipal regula-
tons. The dominion of man over things, as pro-
perty, was settled by his Creator when man was
first placed upon the earth. He was to subdue
the earth, and have dominion over the fish of the
sea, the fowls of the air, and over every living
thing that moveth upon the earth every herb
bearing seed, and the fruit of tree yielding seed,
was given for his use. This is the foundation of
all right in property of every description. 1t is
for the use of man the grant is made, and of
course man cannot be included in the grant. Ev-
cry municipal regulation them of any State, or any
of its peculiar institutions, which makes man pro-
perty, is violation of this great law of nature,
and is founded in usurpation and tyranny, and is
accomplished by force, fraud, or an abuse Of pow
cr 1t is violation of the principles of truth and
justice in subjecting the weaker to the stronger
man. In a christian nation, such property can
form no just ground for commercial regulations
but ought to be strictly prohibited. | therefore
believe 1t is the duty of Congress- by virtue of this
power TO regulate commerce, to prohibit, at once,
slaves being used as articles of trade.
The gentleman says, the Constitution left the
subject of slavery entirely to the States To this
position | assent and, as the States cannot reg
ulate their own commerce, but the same being the
right of Congress, that body cannot make slaves
an article of commerce. because slavery is left en-
tirely to the States in which it exists, and slaves
within those States, according to the gentleman,
are excluded from the power of Congress. Can
Congress, in regulating commerce among the sew
eral States, authorize the transportation of arli-
cles from one State and their sale in another,
which they have not power so to authorize in any
State | cannot believe in such doctrine and ]
low soemnly protest against the power of Con-
5ress to authorize the transportation to, and the
sale in, Ohio of any negro slave whatever, or for
my possible purpose under the SUN. Who is
here in Ohio, or elsewhere that will dare deny
his position ? If Ohio contains such recreant
o her Constitution and policy, | hope he may
1ave the boldness to stand forth and avow it. If
he States in which slavery exists love it as
household god let them keep it there and not call
lpon in the free States offer incense to their
dol. We do not seek to touch it with unhallowed
hands, but with pure hands, appraised in the cause
If truth and suffering humanity.
The gentleman admits that, at the formation Of
,ur government, it was feared that slavery might
divide or distract our country and, as
he BALLOT BOX seems continually to haunt his
imagination, he says there is real danger of dis
solution of the Union, if Abolitionists, as is evil
lent they do, will carry their principles into the
'ALLoT BON If not disunion in fact, at least in a
ceiling, in the country, which is always the pre- {
ursor to the clash of arms. And the gentleman
urther says, we are taught by holy writ that the
ace is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong
The moral of the gentlemans argument is, that n
ruth and righteousness will prevail, though oppo a
ed by power and influence; that Abolitonists,
nough few in number, are greatly to be feared n
ne, as | have said, may chase thousand, and :
wo put ten thousand to flight; and, as their v
Weapons Of warfare are not 'carna but mighty TO v
ne pulling down of strong holds, even slavery it. Il
elf; and as the ballot box is the great moral lever
4 political action, the gentleman would exclude g
Aboiionists entirely from its use and, for opin- Il
ms sake, deny them this high privilege of every d
american citizen. Permit me, sir, to remind the is
enteman of another text of holy writ. The Il
licked flee when no pursueth, but the right h
Gus are bold as a lion. The Senator says that fl
lose who have slaves are sometimes supposed to II
e under too much alarm. Does this prove the La
pplication of the text have just quoted Con h
,ience sometimes makes towards Of us ALL The c(
enator appeals to Abolitionsts and heseeches p
lem to cease their efforts the subject of slave b
Y, if they wish, says he, to exercise their henev
ence What! Abolitionists benevolent He s
opes they will select some object not so terrible e.
H. sir he is willing that they should pay tithes A
mint and rue but the weightier matters of the
w, judgment and mercy, he would have them al
,tirely overlook. ought to thank the Senator Il