The Charlotte journal. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1835-1851, 1838-07-27
FROM THE HlcHMoND WHO.


/
YOU not TO understand any thing that sm
about 10 say, as intended 10 moot anew the
question OF the conslItulioDshty of Bank
OF the United States. | have said, II Is
true, that my own convictions on this point,
and my opinion of the mischievous political
tendencies Of such AN institution, have been
confirmed by time and experience. In the
remarks am about TO make, you will per.
haps discover how this has been brought
about. But 1t is right, | should assure you,
that they are not offered with any thought
of shaking your established faith on that
point. frankly accept your account of
I your change OF opinion, between Isl and
lsl6. Ii IS manly aud candid. You
found the power in the necessities Of war"
/ Be II SO. How far those necessities we're
the result of graiuitous blunders, and wheth.
er Bank could have given efficiency to
the management Of an Armstrong, and the
arms of Hull, Dearborn, a Wilkinson,
or Hampton, is not now 10 be discussed.
We might differ on these points, and am
not IN humor 10 discuss any but those on
which we may probably agree.
Blu, beg you, sir, 10 observe, that among
the various elements, which by their con
tilcung energies, have, during the last five
years, shaken this continent, as with an
earthquake, none has exhibited such por.
tentous force as the money power. That
the wise and able founders of our lnstItu-
lions should have designed 10 leave II TO the
oh nIn IL. hot
thus power should be moulded, and IN what
manner IT should act, is hardly credible
That they did not intend so 10 leave IT, Is Ia
my mind quite certain. They provided for
the case, with characteristic simplicity aud
good sense. They required the establish
ment Of a Treasury, with which the PresI.
dent should have nothing TO do, except III
virtue OF appropriations made by law.
ain al loss TO conceive any more emphat'
&c terms IN which the care Of the public
money could have been committed exclu
sIvely to Congress. The President, (@ho
alone could dispute 1t with them,) is ex.
lpressly forbidden to touch doll without
an authority, which Congress alone could
give. What could be more decisive
| MAY we not then he permitted 10 doubt
whether the first Congress carried out IN
good flih, this provlslon Of the Constitu.
ton, when in the act constituting the Erea-
sury department, they place the head OF
that department under toe control OF the
Executive and when, 10 disregard of that
Interpretation Of the Constitution by which
its authors recommended II To the accep.
lance of the States, they take this most
critical occasion TO enter legislative dis.
claimer of any right on the part of the
Senate, 10 be consulted about the removal
Of that otfice. There aud then was plant.
cd that root of bitterness, With whose poi.
sonous frult we have Of late been drugged I;
and to that point we must direct our etfalts
TO eradicate the mischief. But this cannot
new be done. IL has eutwlned itself with
the very foundations Of our institutions, and
will not now be exiirpated. Were 1t pro.
posed at this day, We might be told (per
haps by MIR. Calhoun, or some other stick.
Ter for nice constructlon,) that Executive
duties belong to the President; that the re-
moval OF officers is an Executive duty that
/ the Senate would have nothing to do with
appointments, had il not been expressly so
ordained that 10 infer their power to re
move, from their power to appoint, would
J be dangerous implication; tina, leglsla.
ton Is the proper business of Congress, and
that such matters are altogether foreign to
tins their peculiar and approximate function.
To these strict and literal readers of the
Constitution, il would be vain to urge, that
legislatures and courts do every where ap
point their own officers. But were the
question now open TO discussion, and had not
they, who were ont TO be the most streuu
Gus opponents Of power, found preiext for
taking serrice (hke Major DaIgetty, indeed,
only for The campaign,) II might not be df.
/ ticut 10 show that Congress has not less
righ, to appeln, officers TO execute IFS iunc.
ton of taking care of the public money,
Than to appoint other officers to perform
lis duty Of keeping the journals of both
houses. 1t might have saved some trouble,
and have spared the Senate the disgrace of
s,Ignatizing itself, if fkis po,eer too had
been handed over 20 the President. But as
1t is, all mus. depend on the fundamental
question, whether the care Of the public
money before appropriation, does in truth
belong to Congress or no.
/ IL il do not, Of what value is the proh'
biion TO take money from the Treasury
without appropriation Sholl We be told
that this is merely mandatory to the Presi.
/ dent mere rule by which he Is 10 govern
himself? OF what USE, then, is that other
clause of the Constitution which forblds an.