Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1838-01-11
VOLUME XXXIV.--.No. 70.


lutIons he had presented, which were 10 test this body,
whether there Wa any common ground on which they
could be united, and brought 10 rally against so danger
Gus a spirit.
As MIR. Z. had said on a former occasion, there wa, in
this subject n magnitude and force, which, if it went on,
would shake Que sys,em through its centre, destroying
oil the enthusiastic attachment to our institutions which
had grown GU; Of the Revolution. The Americaf Peo.
pie, as a body, were greatly in favor of the Union; but
on The one side, there were portions OF the North who
believed that the South, for certain reasons, were an aoo-
minalIon in the sight Of God end man; and on The other
side arose, of course, an antagonist feeling. On this
subject Mr.. c. moved, not only as q Southern man, but
as a devoted partisan and friend Of this U Diou, 10 which
no Senator could feel more attachment. He had never
for u moment permitted his feelings to rise against il; bis
object f."H the beginning had Nv" --.ApatsAE~aacks
upon it, which were calculated to destroy the Union,
and not 10 permit those attempts 10 20 beyond the lust
and proper limits of safely. On this subject we were in
the habit of talking loosely and wrongly. Mir. C. thought
he showed n more devoted attachment TO the Union by
repeling these attacks at the very threshold, which in
course must have swept our institutions from the face
Of the earth.
MIR. &. felt arerse TO make these declarations; bu, his
views had been grossly mIsrepresented on this subject.
One who c"uld See the tendency OF these assaults 10 alien.
ate The affections OF the People should go forward aud
still Them, taking elevated grounds, aud showing that it
was Inconsistent with The preservation Of the Union Of
The country TO 20 on with these attacks. MIR. &. had
presented these resolutions with a view 10 show that
these abolition movements were opposed TO The entire
fabric OF our institutions. These resolutions had been
drawn up with great care, avoiding every thing of a
purity character; and, if they could once Le carried into
effect, there was n prospect that the operations of abo.
!ltionIsls would be stayed, md stayed, as they ought 10
be, by the North itself. MIR &. hud striyen for two
years To produce this effect, to put down abolition by
the union aud harmony Of the North but be had stri.
ven in vain. His next hope was, that those who agreed
with him as the character of our institutions, who
regarded this Republic as n confederacy Of States,
each still in the possession Of lis own propei rights, with
which there ought 10 be no interlereDce-in one word,
those who believed in the great doctrines of State Rights
would rally, and present their united opposition 10
these dangerous movements. 1t there was any defect
in these resolutions which had been brought forward 10
effect this object, Mr.. Calhoun was disposed to make all
possible concessions to render them acceptable. But
there was a single point on which he wished 10 insist
that he might have a direct vote upon The resolutions; it
was due to The occasion and The magnitude OF the SUBJ
ject, that they should not be cvuded or put aside: that all,
and especially the South, might know shat they were
to Expect from This body. IT Mr.. C's views were false,
let them be voted down; If they were defective, let them
be modified; and it they were right, let them be so voted.
There were but two proper courses 10 be taken: first,
that those who believed IN opposition TO the resolutions,
that the South had no projection in the Constitution,
should mantully tell Them SO; The Other was, that those
who believed the resolutions were correct in principle
should say so. The middle course was unworthy Of the
Senate and Of the occasion.
When MIR. G. had concluded his remarks, no other
member rising to address the Senate, the President stated
the question on their adoption. Alter a short pause
MI. Morris rose, and asked that The vote should be
taken separately on eacn resolution. He then remarked
on the little disposition evinced by the Senate TO enter
into the discussion Of the merits Of the resolutions, or
to Offer amendments, unless the Senator who offered
them should lead the way. He, however, had declined
discussing the merits OF the question now before the
Senate, though his resolutions were based on doctrines
relating 10 tho Constitution, and were TO meet and an
swer The resolutions Ut one OF the sovereign States Of
this Union. Be it so. II was not necessary for Mr.. NJ.
IL inquire how tu meet aud how to answer these anita.
gonisl resolutions. Those from Vermont were present.
ed by one OF her Senators, (Mlr. Swift and that Sena-
nj yHs abI. Al nVS and auy where In la TEND hIS nWn
Slate.
What, then, was the great objec, embraced by these
resolutions! 1t was, that free discussion on an Import
ant question, which the Senator himself had deemed
most important, should not only be discoun,enanced,
hut absolutely sne need. II seemed TO Mr.. Nj. that this
hope of the gentleman was vain. Did he expect that
argument would be allowed on one side, and OF the
other be sienced? 1t was q vain hope, that could not
be realized.
MIR. NJ. regretted to hear the Senator speak as he had
done Of sectional interests. MIR. NJ. would know of no
such interests, and would not believe that Southern and
Western rights existed as antagonist principles. Why,
then, talk OF Southern defenccS: Or that there had been
un attack on Southern interests? Such an argument
could not lead TO the peace and harmony of the country.
The Senator in this would find limselfentirely mistaken.
He claimed 10 be u Stute rights man. Mr.. ~. aspired 10
the same high distinction; he, too, was a State rights
man, though he might differ from him as to the manner
Of maintaining State rights. The Senator held that the
States adopted the Constitution in their sovereign capa-
city. They, indeed, (suid Mr.. M formed the Constitu.
llOpJ III u IL Uuu HOl Y d0DpS1 ~ Lux kSOpbC VI t"o
States, It would have been Of no effect. Hence it was
formed for The more perfect union of the People.
But it was not necessary to inquire into this abstrac-
ton, though MIR NJ. would like 10 ask what was meant
by lntermeddIpg with The policy and laws Of other
States. Does The Senator mean that, because | talk
about HE institutions in other States, or because the
press of The country where l. live treats of these institu.
tons, that is inter msddling? No, Sir, l think not. Or
does lie mean that the aclon OF a State power on the
laws and its institutions Of another State is informed.
ding? If go, ugree with him that there is no such
right. But what lie seeks is, 10 put down the freedom of
speech and ct the press and 1t we cannot thus inter.
NEEDLE for evil, then we cannot Tor good. is Ibis The
doctrine Of the American Constitution aud Of the day ?
Such, Mr.. Nj. said, was one Of the features Of these re-
solutions.
But there was another feature which MIR. NJ. would
notice, though he was against many OF their prominent
features. There WINS one of the resolutions which seem-
ed IL inculcate this doctrine; but lest he should be mis-
understood, he would read The resolution.
MI. NJ. here read the resolution, relating, among
|. other things, 10 the extension OF territory.
What, SIR, MIR. Nj. resumed, is this doctrine? Sup
pose, sir, for instance, that Louisiana was the only slave
holding stats in tho Union, and that all the other mem
bers OF the Union believed this State TO be thus sustain.
ing a practice Immoral and sinful, what then is the doc.
trine of the Senator? Why, that Texas and Mexico
must be united 10 Louisiana and The other States, as
slaveiolding territory, in order 10 maintain the balance
between the sla veholding and non sa e%.holding portions
Of the Union. This, sir, is the doctrine as clear as sun
light; the very resolution is based on that ground. Is
that, sir, the doctrine Of State Rights? Is that the equal.
ity OF right which The Senator says ought 10 exist among
all the States: Sir, it is a strange doctrine, and it comes
to a stranger conclusion. ask gentlemen 10 examine
the resolutions, and they will find that each resolution
is liable TO greater and stronger objections than this.
Sir, it is not necessary that | should enter the ques.
ton of abolition itself, or defend those who petition on
this subject. have not op:ned my mouth heretofore
for this purpose; but all | have said was, to keep down
this spirit. / fel. it my duty thus to aid and protect the
South and hold it as the duty Of the People of The
other States in case Of q Southern Instruction, 10
rush and protect them. But, at the same time, l con-
tend tina, we have the right Of discussion. And how,
ask. have we or the North intemeddled? Mr.. Nj. here
alluded 10 a request that had been sent from the South
To- III, Stale of Ohio, that the Legislature would pass
laws to prevent discussion on this subject; and the Co.