Piney Woods planter and Amite union literary reflector. [volume] (Liberty, Miss.) 1838-1838, 1838-09-15

Ii also follows, that the States, Sc
parately and individually, where slave
nv exists, are alone responsible for it,
either for good or evil; and the impress
sion that any other State or its citizens
are responsible, in any way, for its ex-
istence, originates in the gross and
mischievous Federal conception, that
ours is a great national consolidated
Government, where the whole is res
ponsible for the parts, just as the States
are for counties, instead Of Federal
Republic, composed of sovereign and
and independent States, united togeth-
er, for their mutual advantage. tran
guilty, and security.
Soch, and so formidable, are the
barriers against aninterferencc with
this dangerous subject, within the linn
its of the States. Nor will those a.
gainst an interference by the General
Government, in any manner in tins
District, be found less formidable, when
duly considered.
We hold in the first place, that, to
attempt to abolish slavery in this Dis
trict, as an intermediate stop to abolish
ing in the States themselves, by this
Government, or the non-slaveholdlng
States. or their citizens, would be as
clearly and manifestly liable to all the
objections in their full force, to which a
direct attemptto abolish it in the States
themselves would be. 1t is the nsotlUe
and object intended, and not the means
that determine the character Of the
act. There is no code ofmorals which
lustifes the doing of that indirectly
which is forbidden to be done direc-
sly. fit be unlawful to burn our
aeighbor's house it would be equally
unlawful to fire another, or even our
own. with the intention of burning his.
If there be difference, the latter, by
adding craft to guilt, is of deeper
die.
We also hold that, whatever may be the
individual opinions Of public men as to the
character of the domes tic institution ofthe
slaveholding States, they have no right
when acting in public stations under the
Federal Government, by any Of their acts,
tosdiscriminate between their institutions
and those ofthe other States. 1t must be
born in mind that ours is q Fed. Republic,
as has been already stated, formed by soy
ersign and independent States, for their
mutual security and happiness; and that
they instituted this Government, and clo-
thed it with its powers to carry into effect
these important objects. Such being the
character and object Of our system, 1t IS
clear that this Government can have no
right whatever to give preference to the
institutions ofone portion Of the Union O.
yer those Of another, or to use its power to
abolish one or establish the other: and TO
do SO be the pretext what it may, would
be directly subversiye of the object for
which it was established, by destroying
that which it was intended protect. In
stead of preserving peace and tranquility,
it would become an instrument in the
hands Of the strongest portion Of the Uni
on, for assailing the institutions of the
weaker, and engendering thereby the bit
terest feelings Of hostility, which, in the
end, would destroy the Union itself.
Resting on these broad and ncontro-
vertiblc principles, we hold it to be clear,
beyond dispute, that Congress has no
right to abolish slavery in this District,
with view Of abolishing it in the States,
or to exercise any gifts powers with that
intention. Nor do we deem it material,
in coming to this conclusion to inquire
what is the extent Of its power over this
District; be they what they may, they are
all conferred for special purposes, to be
exercised, like all such powers, in subordl-
nation to the known objects to which they
were granted for to pervert them to any
other purpose inconsistent with the object
of tho grant, would be violation Of the
Constitution, not the less dangerous be-
cause not expressly forbidden.
Thus regarding the powers Of the Gov
eminent, it is sufficient to sustain the con-
clusion at.which we.have arrived-that.theI
governmet has no right to abolish or to IN
terfere with Slavery in the States or toI
use Its powers to give preference to the
peculiar institutions of one portion of the
Union over those 'ofanother, this admitted (,
and the, conclusion follows as matter of
course. u 1t is on this broad and deep foun-
dation that we bottom the course which
we think ought to be pursued by the Gov
eminent on this agitating and dangerous
question. Here and here only, can a
stand be made to arrest its progress, give
peaceFand quiet to the country, and per-
manency to the Union. If this be surren-
dered on no other ground can stand be
made; and we cali on all who love their
country, and value peace, harmony, and
union to take their stand on it, regardless