The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1838-12-29

ing which party was in error But on what ground Is
tiha in this transaction the Senator choosesio treat
Mr. Bddle as an untrisHdiy witness1 There seems
so far as we see, no misunderstanding a. present be-
tween him aud the Government. On the contrary,
he volunteers his testimony in favor OF the Govern
ment, by declaring that the arrangements made
!" are honorable 10 The EzeeRiire eDfcers."
II was no less offence in The eyes Of the honor
able Senator, seems, that alluded 10 certain rer
| marks made, on the appearance OF Mr.. Biddles
letter, by two leading journals known to be friendly
10 the bank and supposed 10 be conversant with It's
views and policy He says, they opposition jour
nails and therefore, not 10 be credited in any thing
relating tothe government. Now, Mr.. President,
no person has seen with deeper regret than have
done the tone Of violence, exaggeration, and preJu-
dice which pevades The party presses Of this coun-
| try but must say, In candor, 10 the Senator rom
| New York, thai have seen about as much OF these
qualities on the one side as the other so Tar as The
recent transactions between the Government and The
bank concerned, the journals, TO whose remarks
| alluded might well be considered rs exempt from
their ordinary party bias. They approve the ar
ragement made and are, doubtless, disposed to give
the Government credit for that act at least But Il
was for awholly different purpose, that referred TO
those remarks. II was TO show what, In the estima-
tion Of Mr.. Bddles friends, and on this point, not
the enemies Of the administration, might grow out
Of the ncipieni connexion which had already taken
! place, TO wit the ultimate Reinstatement OF the
Bank ofihe United States as the fiscal agent Of the
Government and the virtual "re.establishment OF
i a National Bank They were indications and
| timely warnings which, thought, ought not TO pass
UNDECIDED by those Of us who were opposed TO such
consummalion and for that reason, called the at
ention Of the Senate and of the country TO the first
! symptoms Of danger they disclosed.
| The honorable Senator, too seems TO think me
guilty Of unfairness towards the President, while
commenting on his extraordinary proposition Jhi, a
/ committee OF Congress should be appointed 10 ex-
anime into The "aifairs and accounts" Of Subtrea-
surers and report such OF them as should be found
defauers 10 the Ereeatire, that did not state for
what purpose the report was TO be made-hat il was
| 6 tssa 49, val N
! these defaulters. The Senator, so far from finding
fault with me tor this omission, ought to thank me
for it, If II had been designed, and not wholly unin-
territorial, as Il was; for the addendnm IN my hum
Bile Judgment, instead of mitigating the Objectionable
character ofthe proposition decidedly increases II.
1t renders more apparent that the object OF the pro-
position is to impicate Congress, (D subordinate
and ministerial capacity loo) in purely Executive
/ function to wit the removal of public officers-the
responsibility of which, under The constitution, rests
exclusively on the President. But would Congress,
in such case have the right according to the Presi-
dents proposition, 10 insist on aid require as me-
cessary consequence, the removal OF the deaullers
/ reported by their committee BY no means. The
defauer is to be removed, says the President, UNI
less the default be satisfactorily accounted for"
But who is to Judge Of the defaulters excuse The
/ President of course, Congress, then, after submit
ting TO the degradation OF appointing committee of
their own body 10 hunt up and report defaulters 10
the Executive, might incurihe farther humiliation of
having the reports CT their committee disregarded
by the Executive, and overruled by the influence
sophisty Of public defaulter!
The Senator had also thought proper to take me
to task for the freedom with which lhave examined
some of The recommendations and opinions of the
| President. "Such remarks he says, Hsoming
/ from an opposition member would not have'surpris-
! ed him; but coming from one STANDING IN THE RE-
LAT1oN DO t0Mc President he could not but regret"
Now sir this is a very significant rebuke, however
| mild in terms The Senator may know better than
do my relations to the President and others. But,
permit me 10 say to him that whatever those relations
| m he her is m w ga yer
vent me from speaking the language of truth on this
floor, and giving expression TO The solemn convc-
| tons of my mind, under the responsibility of the
station hold here. am not here sir, as the friend
Of the President, but the friend of my country
as the free and unlrammeled Representative of
sovereign Sate--to which alone am responsible. !
| have used no language incompatible with proper
respect, personal and Official for the Chief Magis-
trate. | shall use none such. But ii the gentleman
supposes that am be deferred by any threat ofpary
prescription or Executive displeasure, from free
examination here o. measures and opinions which
greatly mistakes well as the unterrifed Com
| monwealih" with whose honor and interests am in
part, charged on this floor. Sir. my duties TO the
| President have been performed elsewhere. As a
true friend, as one OF those who aided in his cleo
ton and sincerely desired the success and honor Of
his administration, honestly gave him my views of
| the policy he has embraced. warned him against
what thought clearly foresaw must be its conse-
| quences. Iofiered him the best counses of which
| fallible judgment capable, but which had the
merit, at least, Of deep and sincere conviction
| They were over-ruled Having discharged my du-
ty to him, come here TO discharge my duty TO the
country as 4 patriot and representative, and with
the blessing OF God, il shall be earlessly and con-
scientiousy discharged, come what may. know
full well the denunciaons that are in store for me,
| and which have long been waiting with impaience
for the signal given this day for their vent by the
| Senator from New York. Let them come. They
| have no terrorS for me.
The Senator from New York also referred to
The position Of armed neutrality which, he says,
| he understood during the recess the posi-
| lion / occupied between contending parties. Sir, l
avow i'll glory in it, II is the true position of dis
interested patriotism. ! go for my country against
any and every party, whose measures and policy
may threaten it with injury But the gentleman
says 1 have departed from the character OF armed
neutrality, and become a beigerent. And does he
suppose that armed neutrality is not to use force
when necessary, in defence Of the rights for which
il is armcdthat it is 10 receive blows, but to return
none Wherefore, then, is it armed? What did
Russia the power which gave us the first example
of an armed neutrality dol Whenever her neutral
flag violated by either of the great belligerents
by England by France did she not defend It by
! force, and give battle TO the vioator2 II would
SEEM that the genllemans idea of an armed neu-
trality is that il should remain with it's arms tOidcd
| and patiently submit TO every assault that is made
upon it, without an effort to repel 1t. No, sir in the
public cause, force must be repealed by force When
see the liberties and morals of my country inUade6
by so fearful monster as the Sub-treasury, | al
tack the enemy, and do all can 10 drive him from
our borders. When, on the other hand, see
National Bank approach, will with equal prompt
| tude, march TO meet il, and give il battle on the
threshold know full WELL sir, the difficulties and
perils of such poslion-the embarrassment of
warding off blows at the same time, from the right
hand, and from the left. But may on This occa-
sion at least, felicatc myself on an unexpected
advantage-that of having to meet the two foes, the
| SRJ-treasury and the National Bank, coming upon
he olar rte nd m he m