The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1838-01-25


bid them bsgone; and thai he urged the Senate @
sustain that view ofthe matter In that know mere
was fainrej bur In his general Object thoush =.
tanned BY different means, he did tuliy success ~
and his friends did erect barrier as hign % ~
could desire--a blrrier insnrmountabe 10 The Peu-
tioners end as efectual TO stop agitation ana aeDae
ia this chamber and the presentation q Pem.no,
L could be, short q penal ,iapllle se he Senate
yielded obedience 10 H. IL any ,hng 2, w ~, ~
portance had since been said. Il had escaped my oo
servation therefore repeat Lnas ,ne :, .ae
driven away without a hearings no answer 10 their
PRAYER has been made; no, not so much as TO say
fhey were in error. What, would ask could the
Senator do beyond this II the Senate yielded ie 70
The Senator from Virginia, [Mr Rives,) said
Yesterday that the States could take Of them
selves II the channel through This Government was
closed up; for he feared nothing from the aboli-
tionists In their own territory. Did not the Senate
close up this channel most edectually Is Il not
choked TO the top, so that nothing can reach The Sc
nate What higher or stronger barrier can be
madei There is but one that can be more efectual,
and that is, to make alaw of Congress- consisting OF
pains and penalties. Make Il felony, punishable By
Imprisonment in the penitentary for any one to Pc
ton for the abolition of slavery in this District IL
there be no right 10 petition and the petitioners are
violaers OF the Constitution, dsiuIbers OF the public
peace, criminal agaiors, threatening the safety OF
the Union then such a law will be both conSiltu-
tona and expedient Let il be brought forward, for
twill test the principles advocated, and put members
to vote upon responsibility beyond mere express
sion Of opinion, Send such offenders against the
public peace and public justice 10 the judicial triou-
nails such is the sense of Congress 10 receive the
reward of their merits This would bear The stamp
OF consistency II the doctrines which tend to such
results are sound, then let them go forth in form
that shall be understood and felt Let those who
demand relief take the remedy fearessy into their
hands and they will soon learn the views OF The
public on this right of petition This would be more
manly than 10 agate the public with threats. IL
TpnC % neon
separate them from their own Government IL would
conSgn offenders TO infamy for pre>umpnously dar-
ing 10 approach these halls TO make humble re-
quest The Senator has not proposed 10 go this
length; and although he was quite right in saying
he was in minority yet il is obvious that he effect
edhis main object Petitions continued 10 come here,
but 10 what end Neither 10 be read, heard, nor
received Not one has since come 10 the possession
of the Senate as to be in order for its acon nor
under existing practice, could one come to its pos
session.
In this state of things why are we appealed to for
new measures, which can do no more than accom-
plish The same thing, if they do as much Why
does the Senator from Carolina, when so solicilous
TO exclude from these halls the pettons-when he
has seadfastly maintained that Congress has no
right TO debate or act on the subject-why does he
voluntarily introduce il here subject too delicate
to agitate: one which, il is said, we ought not TO
discuss, and have no right TO consider Why, then,
is discussion invited Why is examination pro-
voked2 Why is controversy challenged
For myself said Mr.. D., have been disposed TO
respect the ayewed feelings Of Soulhern Senators;
and as they seemed to deprccate discussion as a ca
lamity, have avoided il leaving il in the hands of
the mover and those Interested / had no purpose of
changing my course till that Senator, yesterday,
threw down the glove and challenged discussion, in
terms which almost made il dishonora bic 10 foIbear
This challenge, and this alone, has induced me to
rise for had resolved that the Senator should be
left free to act upon the majority, which goes with
him, with whatever power he might, lille he ad-
hered to abolition, although my own constituents
a m In rP-
solutions not because Of their effect upon the aboli-
onistS, but because they embrace other matters Of
high moment and objectionable character. would
have taken the hazard of disregarding these calls
upon me, but could not be silent under the chal-
4 lenge OF the Senator
The Senator says We can bring no objection
against his resolutions while we vote against them,
inferriDg from our silence that We vote in blind
and senseless manner. deem his inference, from
his premises, wholly unwarranted, for the larger
portion of the votes we give are recorded without
offering the reasons TO the Senate upon which they
rest, But have many objections to these resolu-
TONS more than shall find physical ability TO ex-
press, and The strongest of those objections are 10
their political character
They are not called for are not more efficient than
the measures now in force, and can do no good.
They are, as has been well said Ca part of Them al
least mere distractions or ayowals of abstract doc
trines no way demanded by the occasion They
embrace matters having no connexon with abolition
and call upon us to commit ourselves TO an interpre
tation OF the Constitution when there is emergen-
US 10 give Interpretation to that instrument Ii is an
unnecessary attempt 10 influence the public judg-
men and such works of supererogation are best lei
alone. Any and all these reasons are most ample
Justification for voting against even that which may
seem to be right in the abstract; for would give
countenance to making creed of arowas for poll
ciaus, and TO the publication By the Senate Of alb
stract opinions merely because they may contain APP
parent iruisms. They ought also to be useful, and
put forth for some useful public purpose. The Sc
nate would be oolishly employed TO resolve that two
added TO two make four.
But, sir, the leading reason urged for dSposng of
the whole abolition matter, is, that the agitation of
the topic disturbs the public harmony and endangers
the Union. am quite disposed 10 respect all such
fears and apprehensions when urged with serious
ness, 10 listen to public sentiment and to yield much
10 public judgment; and, sir, am happy TO perceive
that the thought now and then flashes across the
minds OF gentlemen that there are two ends to this
Union, both of which should fall under the protec-
ton and paternal regard of this Government. We
are the representatives of the whole and our afec-
lions and watchfulnesS should be commensurate with
the whole IL is our duty to see that the whole Re-
public is safe. All interests must be regarded all
rights must be protected We must look to public
sentimeIt throughout. No Interest, because ii Is
great and powerful, should be permitted TO absorb all
public attention, or TO disregard OF those of
less importance All must be nourished all respect
ed, the rights of all adjusted and harmonized by
spirit oil compromise and Cancellation as 10 remove
all just Of discomfort: This is the way to pre-
serve the Union And yet, from the course of argu-
ment here, one is sometimes doubtful whether more
than one end Of The Union isthought of, when all
our vigilance, anxiety, and affection is demanded for
that end alone. The resolutions before us propose
no measures Tor the general harmony, bat 10 give
certain interpretations to the Constitution favorable Ia
the slave interest This is 10 avoid the dissolution
ofthe Union. cannot see how the end is to be reach.
ed by the MEANS and therefore am constrained 10
come to the conclusion that matters other than abo-
lition are wrapped up in these resolutions
iS na To ha