The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1838-10-17

balances Is neceSSar ily and essentially the monarch
cal feature in our system and in lis Organization
wieldsa power and patronage which makes il almost
rs irresistible and omnipotent as any monarchy in
Europe. II holds in its hands the Official xstence
OF every officer under the government II presidcs
over every contract with the government, however
Insignificant in amount II commands the army
and the navy and disburses annually the whole
public revenue amounting 10 some thirty or forty
millions Of dollars. These OF themselves are most
fearful and dangerous powers, and in The hands of
an ambitious executive might be welded with most
tremendous and destructive effect against our free
institutions and the liberties Of the country; for what
free institutions could long Withstand the combined
attacks of these mighty engines OF power and cor
ruptionl
II to these dangerous and fearful powers be added
the increase Of public officers, which will necessarily
result from the establishment of the Sub-treasury
scheme and the actual custody and control which II
will impar 10 the executive over the public money
can any patriot, can any republican in heart and in
sentiment, say that the powers Of the executive al
though covered by republican mantle, would not
be essentially m0narehiat--yes, they would be mo-
narchial in every practical sense of the term and il
is treachery TO conceal Il from ourseveso doubt il
is fatal delusion!!!
In the distribution of powers between the three
departments OF the Government by the constitution
the taxing power as well as the custody and appro-
priaion OF the public revenue is committed exclu-
sivey to the legislative department, because il was
power too dangerous and too formidable to the rights
and liberties of the people 10 be committed TO the
executive branch, already armed with such formi-
dable powers, and such immense means Of corrup-
tion The powers TO tax, TO keep and to appropriate
the public money was thought To be more wisely and
more safely committed 10 the representatives of The
people, than TO the executive and affords conclu-
sive argument why they should not surrender il to
tha! department. These among others are The rea-
silion to the Sub-reasury scheme; reasons founded
in that distrust and jealousy of executive power and
patronage, the fear Of which constituted such potent
nItn 49,.
which they think ought rather lobe diminished than
increased That this opposition does not spring
from any selfish or iaciious motive Is concusively
proven by the fact that every substantial argument
IN opposition to the Subtreasury scheme now urged
by the Conservatives, was urged by Gen Jackson,
the friends Of his administration and the very 'oi-
cial organ" which with Jacobinical fury abuses
traduces and denounces this devoted lille band,
when II was presented and supported with solitary
exception, by Wings How Is il that arguments
which, when urged by Gen Jackson and his admi-
nisraion were sound, orthodox and strictly repub-
lican are now so unsound, so hereto and so anti
republican, as to call down so much wrathtul thun-
der from the sefinstalled Jupiers Of the party -
Let the banks be as bad as they may that does not
alter the character of the Subtreasury scheme or,
strip It of its hateful monarchial attributes One,
then, OF the many duties which devolvc upon the
Conservatives, will be to resist the farther increase
of power and patronage OF the executive and aid
IN maintaining that balance of power, and that in
dependence Of action between The several depart
menus OF tne government, contemplated by the
Trainers OF the constitution and which are so neces-
sary to its successful operation This duty we trust
they will boldly and fearlessly perform disregard
ing every consequence to themselves personal or
political, and II they fall in the conflict be consoed
by the reflection that Cato died rather than survive
the Liberties of Rome.
Was General Jackson serious when he so earnest
~ urged upon Congress the adoption of the State
bank deposite system by law2 Were his leading
friends serious in advocating it before the people
was The Official organ serious in pressing il upon
the counry2 Ii they were it little becomes them to
denounce and abuse those who agreeing with them
then, can not now sufficient reasons for chang
ing their opinions. Were they in earnest in their
denuncations of the monarchial character and
dangerous tendency of the Sub-treasury scheme,
when presented in 1885 by Whig7 Ifihey were,
iney merit the indignation and resentment OF every
hlsh minded and honorable man for their bitter de-
nunciaiions Of those who thought then and still think
as they did. If they were not in earnest, they de-
serve the execraon Of every patriot for thus sport
ing win the great interests of the people We be-
lieve that General Jackson and most Of his friends
were serious, for we do not believe that he was
capable OF such base dupicity and unbushing false
hood-hls characteristic frankness and candor for
bid the idea. We shall hereafter show what was the
estimate in which he and his friends heretofore held
the Sub-treasury scheme, for the purpose of shield
ing those friends of his administration, who now
oppose IT. from the false mpuiations which have been
cast upon them by the licensed iictOr at Washington,
and some OF his worthy compeers, in the dirty work
OF SANDER and detraction, in which they are such
distinguished champions