Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1838-10-15
A NATIONAL BANK.

The first of these !. the letter addressed by En-
President Madison the author OF the much talked Of
and scarcely less perverted Virginia Report and
Resolutions Of 1898 '99,-which. like the Sacred
Volume constitutes the text book and furnishes the
creed of so many and such widely opposing parties.
stating. briefly, but with great perspcui,y. the
reasoning by which his own mind WAS brought 10 ad- |
nit the constitutionaliry and necessity of National
Bank which he had at PRIOR period decisively |
opposed. Nor il be affirmed. in relation TO Mr..
Madisons change Of opinion on the Bank Question, |
rs il " as when he denounced the heresy Of Nufca-
ton thar old age and physical nfrmty had impaired
The ,igor of his gigantic intellect for he was then in
the prime OF iife,-in the very maturity Of his men,
tai Power.-when the speculative conceptions Of his
youth had been chas,eued by long experience and
enlarged BY profound reflection. The opinion of
such James Madison. the singlcness of
whose patriotism Is rs unqusssienahle rs the purity
OF his fe,-an opinion formed under the influence
Of circumstances winch satisfied the whole country
ofits candor and honesty.-is worth whole volumes
Of speculative reasoning, such the siversares of
Bank resort to. for the purpose of rendering it obi
Gus and hateful 10 The people. And would es
pecally invite attention to the fact FOR the first time
we believe, brong lit to public vew in the Note
appended to Mr.. Madsens letter that the princi-
pie Of constitutional construction adopted by Mr..
Madison. in his approval of The Bank charter IN 1876
IS expressly recognised and approved by Cen Jack
IN his Veto Message on the MaysvilIe Road Bill
SO that Gen. Jackson inferentiaily sanctioned the
constutionality ola Bank, hy re affirming tho doc
hincs urged by Mr.. Madison in justification Of that
measure-to say nothing Of his more explicit recog
milton Of the constitutional power Of Congress over
the subject in other official papers. 1t may seem
rather absurd, to be sure, to iortify Mr. Madson's
opinions by quoting parallel sentiments from Gen.
Jackson; but unfortunately. and strange as it may
appear there are many pcrsonswh will yield ready
| acqulescence to the authority OF Gen. Jacksons
name who will turn deaf ear to the mos, cogent
and luminous reasoning from the pen OF one flhe
Fathers of the Constitution, and the ablest expound
er and defender of lis true principles
The second article to which refer is an expo
siion OF the course Of South Carolina the Bank
ques,ion--in 821 solcmnly affirming, by decisive
votes of both branches of her Legislature, that
" Congress is consitutionally vested with power TO
incorporate National Bank" which now she rs
sol-mny denies !. How long will it be before the
tickle politicians Of that State, whose eyes seem fixed
not upon great constitutional principles as their
guide, but upon the changing wcahercock, whose
J flucraung course they follow with fidelity which
shamcs the loyalty ofihe slaves ofan F. stern despof
! how long will it be, before, rsnouncing their pre-
sent opinions they will again be found affirming the
coustitutionaiy # National Bank Z! Mr.. Cd
houn shall himself give the lie tells us.
that, if the Sub-Treasury scheme be rejected, or,
| =.
pc," the specie feature, he will himself 90 for a
Bank How can he, ifu be, as he says, unconsti-
tutiona' VIII he pe,jure hmseIfl Did he "lay
the crime OF perjury on his SOUL in 1916, when he
advocated Bank. or in lS3l, when he s'renuonsly
urged the eongaon Off charter for twelve years,
"a period almost longas that for which it was
originally incorporated Oh no: for then, he will
contend that the General Government persisng, IN
receiving the notes of specie paying Ba-ks, 1t makes
Bank notes the currency, and it's bound to regulate
them, which itcan only do through the instrument
tay of Bank; and hence, and therefore, and
consequently, Bank is constitutional In other
words that the Constitution is not what it IS but
what Congress may choose 10 make it And this
mode Of construction is insisted upon oy the self
STYLED leader of the straitest laced sect OF the State
Rights school Why if this be true, the Consti-
tuition is indeed, contemporary of The Enqni-
rer was wont to call it, Of wax" 1t ceases TO
furnish any limitation whatsoever to the powers OF
Congress. which, by its own legislation, becomes
ihenceforth the creator well a, the Interpreter of
i $ own authority. For, if by the enactment OF a
law, it may thus acquire power not conferred
upon it by the constitution, what power may II not
render necr ssary by its own acts Who shall pre-
scribe limits TO its jurisdiction, if this principle be
sanctioned As vain will be the voice Of resistance
to its progressive usurpatious, as was the command
of Csnute to the waves Not Alexander Hamilton,
in the palmies, days OF + tderal ascendancy, ever
broached a doctrine utterly subvel sIve of the
lederatlye pfincpc--so totally destructive of State
RIghts-so consolidating AID centraLi,ing IN lis
substance well as in It's tendency. Admit 1t, and
there is 10 limitation whatever to the powers OF
Congress. 1t may do whatsoever ii peases, the
parchment which defines its powers being totally d.
vest ed of meaning. Yet even this view Of the sub
jec fatal Isto Mr. Calhoun's pretensions to be
regarded as friend of State Rights, a member
Of the old Jctiersonian Republican party, is more
honorable to him than the alternative, which he
must assume, if he abjure this. For. he deny that
his position" is here correctly defined, he must
say that although the Bank be unconstitutional, he
maintain and defend" that instrument, unless he can
force his iavore theory upon the nation! In this
dilemma, we leave him. On Of its horns he