Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1838-01-18
TsserRty-Eigth e0ngress---2d sess.
IN SENATE.
IN SIVH ] Z.
Friday, January 5, S3S-[CoNcLuDED
Mn. C%ALtiOUN'S RESOLUTIONS.

son and Andrew Jackson (as contained in MIR. Smith
amendmenU with wanting the merit of novelty. AL
he bag intended TO say was, that The method resorted 10
TO defeat, Us he thought, the resolutions, WINS not orlgl
nal, 1t having been pursued before in similar circumstan
ces IN New Hampshire; SO that the gentlemen who hac
offered these amendments did not possess the merit Of
originality.
Mr. Benton snid he thought it would be advisable tr
refer the resolutions 10 q select committee. He would
makea motion to this effect, not because he wished to
assume any control over the question, nor because he
wished 10 embarrass The resolutions; but because, from
the number of amendments which were offered and de-
baled, il appeared rs if the subject would never be
brought TO an end in the Senate. If n select committee
should report, he (Mr. b. would then vote upon the
subject when the report came up. II appeared TO him,
however, that The field Of battle for this question was moi
in the tlaVs,holding, but in the non slave. holding States
There I.,is spirit Of nhnltlinn would triumph. Or there il
would be put down. There the field Of battle lay, and
not IN the South. All the artillery Of the abolilionists
was fred of in the North, and their shot, great or small,
could not rsach the South. In that portion Of the Union
The question was extinct.
Mir. B. said he was for leaving the question 10 the
People OF the Northern States; and he entertained no
doubt of he result, for the South had every reason 10 be
satisfied rilh them, and with the temper aud spirit they
had shown on this question. 1t was ungenerous 10 them
to call i, question their firmnrss and patriotism on this
subject; the whole battle might be safely left to them
MIR. b. then read an amusing description Of the various
kinds IF abolition books, tracts, pictures, nlmunacs,
juveuilr poems for little aboitinnsls, NC. &c, which
were advertised for sale Of M. l40, Nassau street, New
York. MIR. Il. having gone through The catalogue, ex.
prcssedu wish not to be placed upon the select com.
miltec, if the Senate should think proper 10 reIer the
subjrctto one.
MIR. Calhoun said thni he hoped the motion would
not succeed. Much progress had already been made IN
the discussion. The first two and lrading resolutions,
which went to the character of our political system, had
already been voted on, and, If he might Judge from IN.
dicaliors on all sidcs. the discussion on the third had
nearly ermlnaied. The three succeeding were in fact
deductions from the others, on which he trusted there
would Iol, after villa; has been said, be much diversity
of opinion.
Shodd the motion pre- vail, he would consider it but a
mode q getting clear OF the resolutions. lie had offer
ed then as the antagonist of the Vermont resolutions,
and 10 ascertain whether, in The opinion OF the Senate,
there vas any constitutional ground adequate To resist
the assaults on our rights and property, on which the
sla~ rclindlng States could stand. The discussion had
clearly shown that there was none other. On The right
of rcjeoing abolition petitions. although IN his OPINION
one Of he clearest That can BIZ imagined, we OF The
South rere, unfortunately for the peace Of the country,
in 4 minority. So, also. on the question Of the cons,i.
tulinna right of abolishing slavery IN tins District and
the Territories, and also on every other particular cues.
tIon which has been attempted 10 be raised on constitu'
tionul gDunds, as a barrier la our rights ana security.
What rInains. then, short Of taking our protection INTO
our owl hnnds, blu. 10 find some barrIerin the general cha
racler md structure Of our political system: and where
can we fluid that but. in the view OF the Constitution,
which considers II as n compact between sovereign ana
independent States, formed tor their mutual prosperity
and sectrily? If we required proof that these resolutions
assumed the only constitutional ground which could give
peace and quiet 10 the country, and security 10 the South
and West, 1t would be found in this debate. He had ciIal-
lenged, again and again, those who took 4 different view
Of our system, to point out where protection could be
found in The Constitution according 10 their conception
of that instrument. None had been, or even attempted
10 be, shown. II wuuiu, tirn, u" ia vain 10 reiet lie
resolutions, 10 discover some new principle IN the Con-
s,itution calculated 10 effect The object for which they
I q -----. IL n oIp
them, 10 modify the language or The details. They were
resolutions, involving little or no details, and he
had uuain and again aynwed his readiness 10 make the
language acceptable 10 all, as far as it could be, without
the princi pies on which they rest; OF which
he had piycn already abundant proof, and was prepared
10 rive additional. But the Senate must remember that
the difficulty heretofore encountered did not originate so
much in any objection 10 the principles OF his resolutions,
ncr to the details. or any peculiar expression, as The de-
sn to engrail additional matter entirely foreign 10 Their
nature or object, and the consequence OF when would
be TO obslruct their passage, or 10 neutrallze their effects
if ,tpy should pass. This difficulty could not be avnId.
ed. md a reference, so lar from diminishing, would but
lenG 10 increase 1t.
TAus thinking, he was constrained 10 conclude that q
~rerdcnce would be fatal TO the resolutions, be the ohJect
Of he mover what il might; and, with this impression,
sho,ld the motion succeed, he would leave them to their
fate md, like The mover, he would decline acting on The
committee should lie be appointed n member.
Ii assuming State rights ground as the basis OF his re-
solutions. and calling n rally at this solemn and danger
ous iuucture of that great, though in a measure dormant
Da,ly, which has ever protested the State rights creed,
he did moi intend 10 imply that gentlemen opposite 10
him. or the party 20 which they belong, were abnI-
lionists or disposed 10 countenance their creed. on
The contrary, he believed That the great mass OF the
narty yus sound, and adverse to the dangerous pro-
icc,s OF the fanatics; but candor compelled him 10 de.
clare Tia, he could not look To them in this hour OF
danger. We had their good wishes, IL Is true. Ihey
were ellen willing 10 vote it lnrxpedlent and danger
aus 10 ,uilatc the subject; but when We tnlcheu Tile
Constitution. and asked them what barrier, according 10
their conception, that instrument contains against their
ipcendnry and mad projects, they are silent. lhelf Po-
Iitical cced not only admits Of none, but, in fact, rouses
into ACTON that dangerous spirit OF tanahcIsm which
threalels TO subvert our institutions. He would repeat
here. wal he had so often said This fell spirit orlgina'
led in lhl blind. ranatical zeal, which made one man be:
liey tina, he was responsible for the sins Of others, and
which, tto centuries ago, tied the victim, mat IL could
not conv1rt. to the stake. After lying long dormant,
il is now resuscitated in another form, with no a5ate-
meut of is blind fury or thirst for blood. The same
resnonsibiliy which the orthodox of former times felt
for the sins6f his hereto %nrighbor, which led him to lie
iapeot and he stake, the aboliiinnis.s now feel Tor The
new speciespf heresy which their imagination has con-
iured up in ,hn Southern and Western States, TO extirPnte
which. he is iendy 10 drench the whole South in blood.
+, is this responsibility for what they deem our sins,
which. has reused this fell spirit into action; and their
conception Of their responsibility originates IN that mis-
taken conception e our system, which regards II, not as
IL really Isl UNION or States Tor the mutual rOO0 ana
security of each, but a g,r.. sonsunua1ea community,
in which the Suites bear the same relation 10 the whole,
as counties do TO States; and, Of course, III which the
Whole is responsible for all the parts. This is no new
Union with him. He long since ioresaw, before this
slrit was reused into action, that this false md danger
os view of The Constitution would, one day or another,
led to the state ~ofthings in which we now find ourselves,
nj so told The Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Web
,er.0 when he advocated his consolidation doctrines, in
be- discussion on The fnrce bill, in 1888, that such would
l. ,ho c,uSnnusncp n G he ynugt rernp mber.
Thus thinking, the gentlemen opposite must excuse
I'm, if he could not, in the hour Of danger, look 10
lem. Flc thanked Them for their good feelings, and he
,cepted their avowal of opposition to abolition with all
pceri,y; but he wanted something more substantial;
smelhins that would not pass away with the present
cumbenls; some constitutional barrier md guaranty;
ID for these he was constrained to look to those who
blessed the opposite political creed. How little re-
hce we can place on those who take the view of the
institution they do, this debate has furnished ample
1 e ILL.,. S...I.- c-.,, Indiana hnn haon nnnnnr Tho