Herald of the times. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1830-1846, 1838-02-22
Concluded from our last. I

/ strange that none of our laws heretofore. has
J even attempted to give to the Treasury of
( the United States '.local habitaiion
Hence it is the object OF the first section Of
the Bill to provide and define such n local
habitation. A local habiiation for the Trcns-
I ury of great commercial country, in tho
nineteenth century. Why, sir, what is the
!, Treasury The existing laws call il "de-
partmenl." They say, there shall be n De-
partment, with various officers, and proper
assignment Of their duties and functions; and
that it shall be the Department Of the Treas
ury. 1t is thus, an organized part OF Govern
ment; an important and Indispensable branch
of the general administration, conducting the
tsca! affairs of the country, and controlling
subordinate agents.
\ But this Bill does away with all legal and
political ideas, and brings this important De-
partment down to a thing of bricks and NOR
tar. 1t cnacts that certain rooms, in the New
Building, with their safes and vaults, shall
constitute the Treasury of the United States
H And this adoption of new and strange notions,
and this abandonment of all old ideas, is all
for the purpose of accomplishing the great
object Of separating the aifnirs ofthe Govern
ment from the affairs of the country. The
nature of the means shows the nature Of the
object; both are novel, strange, untried, and
unheard Of The scheme, Sir, finds no pre-
cedent, either in our own history, or the his
, tory Of any other respectable nation. IL Is
admitted to be new, original experimental;
and yet its adoption is urged upon us as con-
4 idently, rs it had come down from our an
cestors, and had been the cherished policy OF
the country, in past times.
\ am against it, altogether. look not to.
see whether the means be adapted to the end
That end itself is what oppose, and oppose
all the means leading TO it. ! oppose all at
tempts to make separate currency for the
Government, becausc | insist upon 1t, and
shall insist upon it, until see and feel the
pillars of the Constitution falling around me,
and upon my head, that it is the duty of this
Government to provide good currency for
the country, and for the People, as well as
for itself.
Il put it to gentlemen to say, whether cur
rency be not part Of commerce, or an ind's-
| penssbe agent OF commerce; and something
! therefore which this Government is bound TO
| regulate, and to take care of? Gentlemen
will not meet the argument They shun the
! question. We demand that the just power
| of the Constitution shall be administered
! We assert, that Congress has power to regu-
! late commerce, and currency as part Of
cy, n. the present moment, calls loudly for
! the exercise Of this power,-and what do they
|, do they labor to convince us, that the Co
/ ivernment itself can get on very well without
providing a currency for the people, and they
betake themselves, therefore. to the Sub
Il Treasury System, its unassaable walls, its
iron chests, and doubly secured doors. And
! having satisfied themselves, that, in this way
Government may be kept going, they are
| satisfied A sound currency for Government,
or safe currency for Revenue; these are the
only things promised, the only things propos-
p, cd. But these arc not the old promises
! The country,t the country itselt,and the whole
people, were promised better currency, tor
! their own use, better general currency, q
better currency for all the purposes of trade
! and business This was the promise solemn
! " given by the Government in 1883, and so
| often afterwards renewed, through all sue
! icessve years. down to Nav last. We heard
| nothing,sl that time, of n separation between
! Government and People. No, Sir, not n
word Both were to have an improved cur
rencv. Sir did not believe a word of all
this, thought it all mere pretcnce, or empty
boasting. had no faith in these promises,
not Il particle. But the Hon. member from
! New York was confident; confident, then,
, IA
I first scheme, which was plausible, as he is
confident of this, which is strange, alien, and
! repusivc in its whole aspect. He was then
I as sure of being able to furnish currency
/, for the country, as he Is now of furnishing
currency for government. lie told usat that
time. that he believed the system, adopted BY
the late Administration, was fully competent
to its object. He felt no alarm, for the re-
suit he believed all the President had done.
from the removal of the deposits downwards,
| was constitutional and legal, and he was de-
/ tcrmined to place himself by the side of the
/ President, and desired only to stand or fali,In
the estimation OF his constituents, as they
I should determine in the result. And that re-
suit has now come.
: AS have said sir, had no faith at all IN
/ all the promises of the Administration, made
before and at that time. and constantly re-
heated. felt no confidence, whatever, in
The whole project; | deemed it rash, head
strong and presumptuous, To the last degree.
And at the risk of the charge against good
taste. | will read paragraph from some re-
marks of mine, in February, 1894, which snf-
. ficiently show, what my opinion and my ap-
prchensions then were:
+ 81 have already endeavorcd to warn the
country against irreJecmablc paper against
hank paper. when banks do not pay specie
, for their own notes against that miserable
: obominable and fraudulent policy, which at
: tennis to give value To any paper of any
, bank. one single moment longer than sucf
papcr is redeeInable on demand in gold ant
: silver And wish, most solemnly aud ear
nes,ly TO repeat that warning. see DANCE
Y ocLh1f state of things ahead. sEE IMMINENT
> DANGER THAT MORE oRFEwEa or ruh STnT'