The native American., 1838-07-28

discovered that the despotic governments OF the
Old World were i'll hostility to the principles
which they deemed essential TO incorporate INTO
the institutions Of the New. The principle that
the right OF sovereignty was inherent IN the peo-
pic and could be exercised by them, was, TO those
governments political heresy, which they repu-
dated, and even at this day they regret; and, al
though, 10 promote ulterior objects, they may
have Welded to the temporary supremacy of re-
publican principles in conterminous countries, yet,
their hostility to the fundamental doctrines of free
institutions is too deep-rooted to be eradicated.
Foreigners, indeed, may change their domcil, but
their principles in regard to the institutions of CIV
Ill government are identified with those of the
country which gave them birth. Man is as inca
pablo Of disregarding these impulses as he is
wanting in disposition to do so; his pride is graf
flied with the prosperity of his native country,
and the gloom of melancholy which broods upon
his counenance in her adversely, indicates the de-
sire which he would sometimes willingly con-
cea. The principle, that an individual owes an
allegiance to the country of his nativity, is sus-
tanned Ivy most writers on International law; and
that this allegiance is not only pcrpctuai but m
trinsic, and which cannot be divested by any act
of his own is regarded by many fundamcn-
tai principle. Ii is also the doctrine of the COM
mon law, that an individual owes natural and
country in which he was born; and this, too, is
the doctrine of the European Governments, and
that of England especially, which insists that a
subject born in England, and emigrating from
that to foreign country, and taking commits
sion from foreign prince, and engaged in war
against England, is gully of treason, and liable
to be prosecuted to condemnation and punish
ment for that offence. The light to recall the
suhcc of Great Britain from foreign country,
or from foreign service, wherever they may he,
or wherever they may have departed. is not only
claimed but exercised by the British Govern
ment. In October, 1907, the King of England
issued his proclamation reclaiming from foreign
service all seamen and seafaring men, who were
nanra-born subjects, wherever they might be,
upon pain of being proceeded against for hc
omission to obey the call. In 1914, the Senate of
| the United States called upon the President by
resolution, to inform them what had been tic prac-
'lcc OF Great Britain concerning hcrnatvc subjects
naluraIzed in other countries, and taken in arms
against her; and, in answer to that resolution, il
was stated that the British Government arrest as
traitors, and menace with death, persons supposed
to be native British subjects, for having fought
undcr orr standard against the British forces, al
though they had voluntarily entered into orr ar
my, after having cmgratcd to the United States,
and Incorporated themselves into the American
society. And ii has become an historical fact,
that during the late war with England, many ma
'ivc-born subjects of the King of Great Britain,
| who had been naturalzed in America, and were
taken prisoners on the Northwestern frontier,
were transported to England to be tried for tlca-
son against their King.
Without deciding upon the validity of such
claim, would it be advisable, within the short Pc
rod OF jiCe years from the day of their landing
upon our shores, to cast indiscrimnately upon
these emgrants all the political rights and privi-
ieges OF natiye-bOrn cilZens!--with the natural
propensity which mankind universally possess 10
sustain the institutions Of the country which gave
them birth; with the claim of natural allegiance
which that country has upon them; with the liza
bility Of being recalled by their native sovereign,
and in case Of neglect to obey such call, and of
being taken in arms against their native sovereign,
10 be subject to condemnation and the punishment
OF death for treason. These are appalling cir
cnmstances in view Of such practice: and under
such embarrassments of the individual, can it be
desirable to add to the embarrassmcnts Of our
country also, by comforting the most important
political rights which native-bOrn citizen can
enjoy, prematurcly on this vast number! On
their arrival in the United States they must be i'll
qualified to exercise the political rights Of re-
publican citizen; rights which, in their native
country, they could never enjoy appreciate, and
possessing habits which, in ours, disqualify them
from mingling with our citizens, or even appre-
ciating here the free institutions of our country;
many of them no, informed even Of the theory of
our government; and of its political benefits to
mankind, they arc equally ignorant; and though
they may possess capacity, which, with time and
assidulty may enable them to become useful cifi-
Gems, yet it must be evident to ALL that in their
present uncultivated state they would not be safe
depositaries OF our country's honor Many of
them can neither read nor write, and believe that
liberty in republican government consists in the
unconstraned exercise of individual desire, and
that he is the best republican who can bring into
conflict the greatest extent of physical power
Such opinions are to be overcome only by i'm
provements in the knowledge of our institutions,
and tho practical benefit which they universally
confer; and to accomplish these great objects, time
and observation are required, as well as patient
endurance Of the toll and research so essential TO
the acquisition of such knowledge.
Our institutions originated in an expanded view
OF the rights and duties of mankind in social
state, and are only to be preserved by constant Vi
GLANCE on the part of the people, and by conf
ding them 10 the sa(c-keeping of sucb nc nosscss