Lynchburg Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1829-185?, 1838-06-25
POLITICAL.
From The Richmond Hhis
TO HENRY CLAY, ESQ-Lrrrrn III

construction. that | should bee van mar - ,,l
stand any thing HAT am about 10 saw as infrud,,
TO moot anew the question Of the cunsttnlinn,lin
OF a Bank of the United States. have said il l.
true that my own convictions on this point and m,
opinion OF the nlschcvous political tendenc,,s al
such institution. have been confirmed by finn,
and experience. In the remarks | am about ia
make, YOU W III perhaps discover how Tins - L,,,
brought about. But il is ricbt | sbould ,,surc
you, that they are not offered with any thought o,
shaking your established faith ON that point frank
" accept your account of your change of opinior
between ISL and 1916. Il Is manly and candid
=. Iou found the power in the necessities ot ,,,
BE il so. How lar those necessities were tho ,rsuIt
of craluitous blundcrS and whether , H,nL# r,uLI
have given efficiency TO the MANAGEMENT OF an Ann
strong and the arms OF a luIl "A Dearborn = ~ ,lLin
son, ora llampton is not row TO be dlsrussed-
| We minh differ ON these points and | an, M, -, g,
hnmor to discuss any but those nm which vc ,,,,'
probably agree
! But bra Won sir 10 observe that ,u,nc tho .,
ro,,s elements which Inv thc,, ,onf,,,,nr eno,oi,s
have during the last five wears shaken tins cont
nen as with an cafthuuakr none has xhiblird suc
porlenious force rs the money power That the wise
and able founders oil our institutions should hive
slgned tu leave II the chapter Of cents to de
eide in what form this power should be moulded
and in what manner il should aet is hardly credible
! That they did intend so 10 leave IT, IS TO NV
mind quite certain. They provided Tor the case
with characteristic simplicity and good sense. They
required the establishment OF a IIcaStny wuh
which the President should have nothing To do, cx-
ccptin virtue OF appro priatons made bv law am
| At = loss - conceive any more emphatic terms in
which the care OF the public money could have
been committed exclusively To CONGRESS- The
President, (who alone could dispute it with lhem) IS
cxprcssl, loIbiddento touch dollar without an alr-
! thorily, winch Congress alone could give. What
could be decisive!
| Nav not then be permitted to doubt whcthe,
the first Congress carried III good lah this pro-
VISION OF the Constitution when the act constitu-
ting the Treasury department, they place the head OF
! that department under the control Of the EXccu-
tive and when, III disregard Of that Interpretation
OF the Constitution by winch lis authors recon-
mcndedt to the acceptance of the Statcs they take
tins most critIca occasion to enter legislative dis
cIamet OF amy night on the pau ii The Senate 10 be
and then was planted that root OF bitterness, with
whose poisonous fruit we have OF late been drug
gcd aud to that polut must direct our efforts
to eradicate the mischief. Bnt tins cannot now be
done. 1t has cnlwincd itself with the very toun,,-
tons Of our Institutions a will be cAnpaicd
Were proposed n This day mial be told tpelhaps
by Mr.. Calhoun, some other slcklcr tor NICE con
sruclion,) htt Executive duties belong To the Pres
ldcni that the removal of officers an Execu
tive duty; that the Senate would have nothing Ia do
with appointments, had it not been expressly So on
damned; that to infer thcr power to rcmoyc t,on,
then power to appoint, would be i }0noerous jppL
cation, that legislation IS tie proper bushes, of
CONGRESS, and that such matter, arc alIorctlcr fan,
cign t. this their peculiar and appiopiae function
To thcsa street and literal readers ct the Constitu
ton. would be vain to urge, that legislatures and
codrts do every where appoint their own ollctls-
} tul were the question now open to discussion and
had not they who were wont 10 he the most sirrnu
opponents OF power, found prctcxt Tor tab ing
sertlce (ikc Major Dalshcuy, indeed, oniy jor he
Icumpai9H) ii mg lit not be difficult to show that
Congress has less night to appoint officers TO
execute lis function oil taking care OF the public mo
neg, than to appoint other officers perform It's du-
~ Of keeping the journals Of both houses 1t might
have saved somc trouble, and have spared the Sen
the dsg OF sgmatizng itself his poirer to
had been handed over to the President. But as it
is, all must depend the Fundamental question:
whether the care OF the public money! before an
propriatlon, does in truth bcon. to Congress on
no.
| lit do not, Of what value is the prohibition to
take money from the Treasury without applopIia-
ton Shall We be told that this is merely mandate
~ 10 The PrlS3cni; IA mere rule bv winch he is TO
govern hmSciti Of what use then, is that other
Clause of the Constitution which lprbldS apnropria-
tons Tor the support OF an army for Il longer TIM
than two years Against what sort OF danger is this
meant to provide! 1t pre-supposes a President sur
rounded by military force, which lie resolves to
keep on foot in defiance Of Congress, and which he
is to be forced to disband Tor want of supplies. Is
tins mischief to be averled by prescribing TO the
PRESIDENT rule by which he Is to govern htmscD!
Docs II not mdnliesty suppose hun standing out
IN defiance "l all rule Is II not clear that the
trainers OF TIE Constitution are contemplating
where the President IS provided with men and arms
and wants nothing but money, and that thougl
there Is money III the Treasury, II IS so placed that
he cannot get at II What more absurd, Than such
a prov'sion' II the money were actually in his own