The Rhode-Island Republican. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1809-1841, 1838-02-21


Was it, could it be, true, tl,ata greater o
safer trust Was 10 be placed ~ local bankin,
interpretations. than could be placed in tn
constituted authorities of our Government
as organized under the Constitution Wen
the tax- paying citizens of our Republic a
fraid to entrust the safe-keepipg of the ma
,ional treasure TO officers of their own choice
and responsible TO thcin and to the laws o
Congress, and anxious to con6de i,to bank
not created by national authority, owe
which no branch Of the National Govern
meet had any control, and in the manage
ment of which neither the people nor their
Government had any voice He did mo-
believe this was the state of public opinion
lie did not believe that distrust towards
our national authorities had yet gained this
extent. He was not ready to admit tlia
banks, such as our State banks now are
and with the recent experience of the dan
ger of resting the operations Of the public
Treasury upon them, were more The favor
ties ofthe people of this couhtry than then
own well-tried and faithful servants.
1t was not his wish or design, lie would
repeat again, to say any thing unjust or IN
iuriovs to these institutions. Within their
proper spheres they were convenient and
useful but recept events had perfectly satis-
fled his mind that they were not the fit keep
ers Of the treasure or treasury of n nation !;
that this important incident to national in
dependence ought not to be committed to
the charge of institutions whose interests
leaned so strongly towards hazardous
misapplication of such n trust.
Was it, could it have been, contemplated
by the Trainers ofou system Of Government,
that they had provided no fit and trustwor-
thy depository of the national fnnncesl
That banks, interpretations, private incor-
porations, chartered for private uses, own
ed by private individuals, and managed by
persons responsible only to the stockholders,
must be called in to sustain the most deli
cate trust under any Government That
the.wil Of these institutions must be con-
suited ms to the terms upon which they
would consent to accept the trust, and that
all the authorities of the country, Congress
itself included, must cater with them for
terms upon which the money Of "a free peo-
pie could be kept and paid out, aud as to
the character of the currency which either
should be permitted to enjoyt Had prop
ositions to this effect been submitted to the
convention which framed the Constitution,
what would have been their fatel Does any
one believe they would now have been found
in .hat Constitution which is the pride of
fresmen every whersl No: such depen-
dence upon such aid would have found no
countenance there. Can it find counte-
Hanee in the Senate now
Could anv one doubt, then. that the pso-
ple's money should be confded to the peo-
pies servants, to their officers, responsible
to them aud to their laws I and that the
appointment Of such and SO many officer.
as should be found necessary to perform
this trust in manner safe and convenient
TO the Treasury, ard to the people them
selves, was not only ia strict conformity
with the Constitution, and the very nature
of our civil institutions, but IN iInperious
duty upon every Congress He could en-
terrain no doubts upon either point.
There was anothar direct grant of Exec
'utive patronage and power under the bill
the authority to appoint the necessary clerks
to perform the mechanical duties required
when they conld not be performed by the
officers 10 whose keeping the money was to
bo entrusted-and it had been seen that
this might involve the selection and up.
pointment of from six to twelve clerks. lie
would consume no time in commenting up
on this grant of power; the mere statement
Of the fact should suffice.
These two were the only direct grants Of
Executive patronage which the bill propos-
ed to make; but it seemed to be supposed
that the power and influence Of the Execu-
tive was TO be immensely and dangerously
increased over all the officers charged with
The keeping of any portion of the public
money; aud this idea formed one of the
most weigh,y objections against the system,
How, he would ask, is this inference de-
rivedl Not one cent of additional com
pensation is proposed to be given to any
one of the existing executive officers, in
consequence of the additional duties inn
posed upon them by this bill. They were
all now subject to removal from office by
the President, at his pleasure. Whence,
then, vas he TO derive this increased pow
or over them1 Could he command the
money in their landsl No: unless he was
ready to commit direct inlraction Of the
Constitution, aad the officer to subject him
self to protracted imprisonment and infa-
nous punishment. The bill provides that
all money, in the hands of every depositary,
shall be held as there To the credit of the
Treasurer, or, in other words, as in the
Treasury; and the Constitution declares
that no money shall be taken from the
Treasury but in conformity to nppropria-
tons made by law. The bill makes any
unlawful use of the money, Ivy the officer in
whose charge 1t is, punishable by imprlson-
ment for term not less than two years.
To let the President have the money would
be as criminal, under the law, as to lei any
other citizen of the country have II, and
dsteciion would be as certain in the one