Vermont telegraph. [volume] (Brandon [Vt.]) 1828-1843, 1838-07-18


brethren may be to blame, for not exerting I,
such an influence as they might exert, in !
bringing about the abolition of slavery by
law. They are citizens, and under obliga-
lion to do the duty of citizens. They are
Sound to discharge this duty,-not, indeed,
as Baptists,--but as Christian Citizens
Christian principle should regulate all their
movements, not only as church members,
but also as members of the body polite. But
you seem to be apprehensive that "much
suspicion would be reused, should the Bap-
lists, as denomination, in any OF The slave
holding States, petition the Legislature 10 a
boIish slavery" And what if suspicion
1could be aroused 2" Moses, and Paul, and
Luther, aroused suspicion; and it will a.
aoays he aroused, when good men bear
consistent testimony against sin. 1t is not,
however, as denomination, or as BdptiSts,
that think our brethren DUG ht to seek aboli
ton. Let every Baptist use his influence as
a citizen, either by petition, or otherwise, &C
cording to his own judgment. Would this
arouse suspicion? And what then ? Will
this plea answer at the judgment-seat Will
it be received as valid excuse for the neg
lect Of duty? How will it sound, when
uttered in the presence of Him who Is no re-
spec ter of persons, and who has said, If
thou forbear to deliver them that are drawn
unto death, and those that are ready to be
slain,-doth not he that pondereth the heart
consider it ?-and shall not he render TO ev
cry man according to his works ?" "Lord,
suspicion would have been roused,' if we
had obeyed thee, in striving to break every
yoke and to let the oppressed 60 Free
Prudence Christian prudence, dictated
different course" Omy brother, bear with
me, while entreat you to look at this mat
ter again, and to consider how it will appear,
when the slave and his oppressor shall stand
! together before God. Our southern brethren
will not abe held accountable for not con-
trolling the States" but ifthey Intentional
ly connive at orrong on the part of the
States,-if they have fellowship with " the
throne of iniquity, which frameth mischief
by law, "-then they can have no fellow
ship with God, and the account which they
render to him at last, will be most fearful.
You ask again, care your brethren in the
fault for not freeing their own slaV z" and
proceed to state three reasons why, IN your
judgment, they are not. This is coming
directly to the point. If your reasons are
found to be good and valid, there is an end tc
the controversy. Let us then examine them
Your first reas on is. that there are many
"superannuated servants, women and chill
dren," unable to support themselves. ct
free such," you affirm, "would not be just :;
and from the supposed obligation TO retail
them In bondage, you argue the necessity Q
retaining also in bondage sufficient numbe
of "able-boded servants" to support them
To this | answer, that the superannuate'
slaves of whom you speak, have doubtless
for the most part, already earned, at a fai
rate of wages, more than enough for ,hei
subsistence during the poor remains Of life
The wages, thus rightfully their due, thei
y masters keep back by fraud, or rather, b.
! force. Let it be paid. But payment can b,
made to freeman, as we'll as to a STARE
Nor would the restoring of freedom to thes,
WORKOUT and toil-broken vassals, be equiva
lent 10 "turning them out of DOORS" as you
, seem to think. No,-the master owes bot
:, freedom and shelter to those whose prim
has been passed, and whose strength an,
. vigor have been wasted in his unrequite,
service. Let him, then, be just. The E'wo
u men and Children" of whom you speak
N would doubtless, for the most part, be sup
ported by their husbands, parents, or othe
y relatives, if these We're set FREE, and permit
; ted to work for wages, instead of being com
PEELED to work for nothing. If any still re
. manned unprovided for, they should shar
with aohite paupers, the provision made fo
:. the poor by law. The supposed difficulty
y in this particular, amounts to nothing an
your first reason, my brother, proves not t
y be valid. Or, if ii be valid in this case,-
: then, it is equally so, for the enslaving
'0 all the phite paupers, aud all the white &c
'" men & children, unable to earna subsistenc
together with a sufficient number Of "abl
=, bodied" whites to support them! Why no
" Your second reason is, that "verv fe
:, servants in the hands of our brethren a
- 'rilting to be set free" "This," you sa
''is often tried," &c. Now, will not char
- Won with an infentinnnL nis-statnnent