The Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1837-1867, 1838-03-06

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not many days since, that in other places of the
south, believe Mobile, exchange on New York
was at premium of five to ten per cent.
The manufacturers of the North can say how
they have found, and how they now find, the fa-
ctes OF exchange. 1 do NOT mean, exclusively,
or principally, the large manufacturers of cotton
and wollen fabrics but the smaller manufacture
ers, men who while they employ many others.
still bestow their own labor on their own capital;
the shop manufacturers, such manufacturers as
abound in New Jersey, Connecticut, and otber
parts of the North. i would ask the gentlemen
from these States how these neighbors of theirs
find exchanges, and the means Of re,o;,,,nce
between them and : :..oir correspondents and nur,
'..users IN tie South. The carriage makers, the
furniture makers, the matters, the dealers i'm leather
in all Tvs branches tine dealers in domestic hard
ware; should like to hear the results of the ex-
perence of all these PERSONS on the state of the
internal exchanges, as well the general uues-
ton, whether the industry of the country has en-
countered any obstacle, in the present state of
the currency.
Mr. President, the Hon. Member from N. York
stated correctly, that this bill has two leading
objects.
The first is separation of the revenue, and
the funds Of government from all connection
with the concerns of individuals, and of corpo-
rations and especially separation of these funds
from all connection with any Banks.
The second is, gradual change in our system
of currency, TO be carried on till we can accom-
plish the object of an exclusive specie or metallic
circulation, at least in all payments to govern
ment, and all disbursements by government.
Now, Sir, am against both these propositions,
ends well as means.
| am against this separation of government
and people, as unnatural, selfish, and an aban-
donment of the most important political duties
am for having but one currency and that a
good one both for the people and the government
/ am opposed to the doctrines of the Message
Of September and TO every thing which grows
out Of those doctrines. 1 feel as if were on
some other sphere, as if | were not at home, as
if this could not be America, when see schemes
of public policy proposed, having for their obiect
the convenience of government only, and leaving
the people TO SHIFT for themselves, in matter
which naturally belongs, and in every other
country is admitted to belong to the solemn OBJ
legations, and the undoubted power Of govern
ment. Is it America, where the Government,
and men in the Government, are to be better off
than the people? Is it America, where the gov
eminent is to shut its eyes and its ears TO pub
lie complaint, and to take care only OF itself /?
Is it America, Mr. President is it your country,
and my country, in which, at Il time of great
public distress, when all eyes turned TO Con-
gress, and when most men feel that substantial
and practical relief can come only from Con-
gress, that Congress, nevertheless, has nothing on
earth to propose, but butts and bars, safes and
vaults, cells and hiding places, for. the better
curity of the public money, and nothing OH earth,
not benefi cent law, not even kind word, for
themselves? Is it our country, in which the
interest of the government has reached such an
ascendency over the interest of the people, i'm
the estimate of the representatives of the people?
Has this, Sir come to be the state of things, in
the old thirteen, with the new thirteen added 10
them? For one, ] confess, l know not what is
American, in policy, in public interest, or in pub
lie feeling, if those measures be deemed Amer
lean.
The first general aspect, or feature of the Bill,
the character written broadly on its front, is this
abandonment of all concern, for the general cur
rency OF the country This is enough for me.
1t secures my opposition to the Bill in all stages
Sir, this Bill ought TO have had Preamble 1t
ought to have been introduced by recital setting
forth that
Whereas, the currency Of the country had be-
come totally deranged; and whereas it has here
tofore been thought the bounden duty of this
government TO take proper care of that great
branch of the national interest; and whereas
that opinion is erroneous, obsolete and heretical !;
and whereas, according to the true reading OF
the Constitution, the great duty of this govern
mcnt and its exclusive duty so far as currency
is concerned is to take of itself; and whereas
If government can but secure q sound currency
for ITSELF the people may very well be left to such
currency as the States, or the Banks, or their
own good fortune or bad fortune may give them;
therefore be it enacted, &c. &C. &c.
The very first provision of the Bill, is in keep
ing with it's general objects, and general char
acter. 1t abandons all the sentiments of ciyiliz-
ed mankind, Oh the subject of credit and conf
dence and carries us back to the dark ages. The
first that we hear, is of safes, and vaults and cells,
and cloisters. From an intellectual, it goes back
to physical age From commerce, and credis,
il returns to boarding and hiding; from conf
dence and trust it retreats to bolts, and bars, to
locks, with double keys, and to pains and penal
ties for touching hidden treasure. 1t is law
for the times of the feudal system--or law for
the heads and governors of the praticaI states of
Barbary. 1t is II measure fit for times when
there is no security in law, no value in commerce,
no active industry among mankind. Here it is
altogether out of time and place. 1t has no SYM
pathy with the general sentiments of this age,
still less has it any congeniality with our Amer
lean character any relish of our hitherto approved
and successful policy, any agreement or con-
formity with the general feeling of the country.
The gentleman in stating the provisions of the last
section, proceeds say, that il is strange, that none
of lnIxs hnratnGarn has attanirted to give