Southern Argus. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1834-1842, 1838-05-22
NO. Sc.

honorable gentlemen and myself enter
tanned the same opinions; and in regard to-
subsequent transactions connected with
that, and growing out Of It, there was not
so far as know; any difference of senti.
ment between us; We looked upon all
these proceedings but as so many efforts
to give to the Executive an unconstitution.
al control over the moneys. We thought
Nyosaw, everyiHhere, proofs Of adssigl to
extend Executive authority MOI -onlylsin
deroga1ion Of the Just powers Of Con-
gress, but TO the dangerof the public liber-
fy. We acted together, to check these
designs, and to arrest the march Of Execu-
tive prerogative and dominion. In all this,
we were but cooperating with many other
gentlemen here, and with large and In
telligent portion of the whole country.
The unfortunate results of these Execus
tive interferences with the currency had
made an impression on the public mind. A
revolution seemed in progress, and the
people were coming in their strength, as
we began to think, to support US and our
principles.
In this state of things, sir, We met here
at the commencement Of the September
session: but we met not as we had done;
we met not as we parted. The events. Of
May, the policy of the President Ia refer
ence to those events, the doctrines Of the
message of September, the principles and
opinions which the honorable gentleman,
both to my surprise and to my infinite re-
gret, came forward then to support, rem
dered it quite impossible for us to act to-
gether, for single moment longer. To the
Heading doctrines Of that message, and to
1.-THE policy which il Teccommeaded,I ] felt,
land still feel, deep, Conscientious, and ir-
reconciIeable opposition.
/ The honorable. gentleman supported,
hnd still supports both, Here then, we
part. On these questions Of constitu-
| lional power and duty, and on these mo-
hentous questions Of national policy, we
separate. And So broad and ample is the
/ space which divides us, and so deep does
| tie division run, touching even the very
foundations of the Government, that con-
sidering the time of life to which we both
1 have arrived, it is not probable that we are
to meet again. | say this with dnfsigned
and deep regret.
Believe me, sir, would most gladly act
with the honorable gentleman. If he
would come back, nov, to what | consid-
er his former principles and sentiments;
if he would place himself on those con-
stltutional doctrines which he has sustained
through long series Of years; and if
thus standing, he would exert his acknow-
lodged ability to restore the prosperity of
the country, and put an end to the mis-
chiefs of reckless experiments and dan
geFous innoYdtion,-I would not onlv
willingly act with him, would act under
him;-I would follow him, would sun.
port him, l would back him at every stem.
to the utmost Of my power and abilitv.2
Suoh is not TO be our destiny. That des-
tiny is, that we here part: and all I can
Isayfurther is, that he carriesWith him the
same feeling of personal kindness on INV
part, the same hearty goodwill which
have heretofore inspired me.
! There have been three principal occa.
sions, sir, on which the honorable gentle.
man has expressed his opinions upon the
question now under discussion.
They are, his speech of the 18th Sen.
TENDER, his published letter oe the Sd No.
vember. and his leading speech at the pre-
sent session: These productions are ali
marked With his Characteristic ability.
they are ingenious, able, condensed and
striking. They deserve an answer. To
some of the observations IN the speech of
September, made reply on the dav Of
| its delivery; there are other parts of it,
however, which require more deliberate
examination.
Mr.. President; the honorable gentleman
declares in that speech, ssthat he belongs
to the State Rights party; that that party,
from the beginning of the Government.
has been opposed to national bsilK as
unconstitutional, inexpedient, and danger
Gus; that it has ever dreaded the union of
the political and moneyed power and the
central action Of the Government, to which
it 50 strongly tends; that the conueSion Of
the Government with the. banks. whether
it be with combination of State banks. or
with a national Institution, win necessarii-
ly centralize the action Of the system al
the principle pcint Of collection and dis
bursement, and at which the mother hank:
or the head league of State banks. must
be located. From tkat point the Whol5
system, through the connexlon With the
, Government, viii be enabled to contrsi
the exchanges both at home and abroad
and, with It, the commence, FOREIGN and
domestic, including exports and Imports p
Now, sir, this connection between Gov
ernment and the banks, to which he i'm.
lputes such mischeY0us consequences. he
describes to be ethe receiving and paving
/ away their notes as cash; and the use 81
. the public money, from the time Of the col.
lection 70 the disbursement.
SIT, if ] clearly comprehend the honor.
E able gentleman, he means no more. ailel
all, than this: that, while lie public reve
nues are collected, as heretofore. throu1l
Z the hanks, they VIII lie IN TIE banl,s 5e
1 tween the time Of collection and the tim,
{ Of disbursement; that, during that period
+ they viii Be regarded as one part Of IN
Z means Of business and Of discount noses
!. sed BY Tie banks; and that, As q greater por
I tlonof the revenue collected IN large cite
b than il SINAI ones, these larre cities win, q
/ course derive greater benefit tIIsaii lis sIia
/ ones from these deposites Ia tie banks
e IN other words, that. as the inlpol tim nner
g chanlsln Q great city pay more duties Z
Of government than those "a a small one; 8
"a they eniov a. advantage b Dc derive
II from any use which ths banks may max
q Of these monies, Wllle, "a seposlte wit