The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1838-07-14
REMARKS OF MN. rALLMADoE,
or NEW YonK,
AGAINST THE ENLARGEMENT OF
EXECUTIVE POWER.


80 1888, on the proposition of MIR. Wright, 10 re-
peal The twelve first sections OF the Deposiie Act
of 1886
Mr.. President: The proposition OF my honorable
colleague, considering the circumstances under
which il is introduced, and the source from which
Il comes, Is the most extraordinary have ever
known submitted to any Legislative body; and lei me
assure The Senator from Kentucky, MIR Crilienden)
that be is mistaken In saying, that my colleague is
consistent In makingthis motion TO repeal the twelve
first sections Of the Deposie Act because he voted
originally against the bill. II is true, he voted
against that bill In 1886. But, why did he vote
against II 2 Not because he was opposed 10 that
portion which he now proposes 10 repeal, but, be-
cause he was opposed 10 what has been termed The
distribution elaase-hat part which directed the
plus revenues Of the Government 10 be deposited
with the States: this was the ground and the sole
ground upon which he opposed the bill, and finally
voted against il. Had not this distribution clause
been added he would have been the foremost sustain
by all the powers of his mind in argument as well
as BY his vote on its final passage, the very portion
of the act which he would now repeal No, sir, his
opposition TO that bill, was TO thai part of it which,
by his present proposition he consents to leave
pealed, and still TO remain the law ofthe land.
MIR. President, who ever heard so extraordinary
proposition What strange nfauaiion has seized my
honorable colleaguef What hasbecome of that pru-
dence and discretion and sagacity which usually cha
racterize his Legislative action7 Where is that far
reaching and cautious foresight by which, in former
times, he was enabled 10 adapt his measures So as to
avoid disastrous resulis2 What has become OF that
nice balancing Of political calculation by which he
was so distinguished inthe more palmy days OF the
party2 Gone, sir, gone-and gone, | fear, forever
This is not the act of his deliberate judgment His
feelings, under the excitement of the OCCASION may
dictate it, but his reason, when left to its own free
exercise, can never approve IT, fear he has yielded
loo readily his own better Judgment 10 the hasy, and
ndiscreet suggestion of his friends He tells us he
came here this morning with no intention of offer
ing such proposition; but that be has been in
duced 70 do Il BY the advice Of his friends Sir that
advice has not been given on due rehection-it is
the sudden impulse, will not say q passion, but of
teeling-I fear my honorable colleague and his
friendly advisers, have taken much to heart the
disasters Of the campaign which is just drawing TO It's
close. fear the death three successive Sub-Trea-
sury monsters in the other House, and one Of their
tender offspring here, has effected TOO sensiby the
gentlemens nerves, 10 allow them TO bring their de-
lberatc judgments TO The consideration Of the mon
strous proposition now before u.s. Sir | am well
assured that had the gentlemen the benefit Of one
nights calm and dispassonaie reflection, they would
never consent TO commit themselves in this manner
before the country. Because they cannot subject
the treasures OF the Nation to Executive control by
law, theyare determined to give him that control with
out law because they have been able impose their
"disorganizing and revolutionary" measure upon
an unwilling and resisting people, they have defer
mined 10 place the whole money power Of the Go
vernment in the hands Of the Executive without
even any OF those restraints which the Sub Treasury
scheme was supposed TO throw around it, Sir, 1t Is
the desperate act Of desperate men. The Executive
ciple and of duty, until they lost and bewidered
in the intricate maZes Of his wild and visionary
scheming. | cannot but persuade myself that they
are convinced of their errors but that, discarding
the ethics OF the Christian CODE they feel 1t is
late to repent. They have gone too far to retreat
In the race they are running, II is with them, in
John Gilpins race, neck or naught" and in regard
TO this policy, my colleague might say with Mac
beth:
clam in This
Stem, in far that shonld wade M more
Returning were as tedious 60 Ger"
Such an act of political suicide / have never seen
before Such an act of folly, and Of Madness hope
never to sec again.
Mr. President, lie, US look for one moment at my
colleagues peculiar position in reference to the pro-
position he has submitted That portion of the De-
posite Act, which he proposes to repeal, was origin
ally brought forward by himself. It was brought
recommendation of President Jackson, that the Gus
lF e i he nnhlii money should be regulated By law
tive agents. II one Of my colleagues own off
spring, which he then nursed with all parent'Sfond-
ness, and cherished with all parents care. II is
this darling child, which has already passed the
dangerous period of boyhood, and is fast approach
ing mans estate which his once doatng father now
dscards, and turns him of upon the cold charity of
unfeeling world, or else TO perish by the hand of
him who gave him life and being
Sir, my colleague was chairman of select COM
mittee who reported the Deposite Act of 1886. Two
separate bills were originally introduced; one, to
regulate BY law, the custody of the public money, rs
recommended by President Jackson; the other, 10
deposite the surplus revenues Of the Government
with the several states These two billswcre united
in one by the select committee, Of which my colleague
was chairman He was opposed TO that union; for,
although he and General Jackson, and the whole
party were formerly in favor of an absolute distri-
button of the surplus, still be, and General Jackson,
aud Mr.. Van Buren, and others, were now opposed,
not only to distribution of il, but even to depose
with the States. An unsuccessful effort was made
in the Senate to keep these propositions separate and
distinct. was in favor of both Of them but voted
10 separate them, in order that my political friends,
who did moi like the distribution bill might have the
opportunity OF voting for the one and against the
| other. The two propositions however, were kept
together by majority of the Senate, and the bill
| passed with only six dissenting votes my colleague
being one, as the Senator from Missouri expressed
it, of the glorious minority of six" He went
against his own favore measure, because Of its
| connection with one which he did not approve. OF
| this do not complain. But, think the country
will have reason TO complain of his course now, in
| attempting TO repeal that part whose enactment be
deemed so important then, and to leave unrepealed
that portion which SO obnoxious TO him at that
time as to make him vote against the whole bill
He may be able 10 explain The matter, but il is,
confess, inexplicabe to me. II he had made an eff
fort to repeal the distribution clause, it would not have
surprised me; it would have been consistent with
his whole action that bill. But, that he should
attempt to repeal the other portion of it, which was
his own darling project is TO astounding and Is
indicative Of something more than meets the eye"
Sir, what the origin and object Of that part of
the Deposite Act which my colleague proposes 10 re-
peal 1t arose from the necessity which President
Jackson supposed 10 exist in regard to the custody Of
the public money. Afler he removed the deposes
from the Bank Of the United States, he placed them
in the State banks, and continued TO employ the
State banks for the safecustody well as the dis
bursement OF the public money. But, he saw the
strong objection which would present itself to every
mind, if these deposites should continue entirely al
the mercy and under the control Of Executive dis
ed that they should be regulated by law. In the
celebrated paper of September 18Th 1888 read to his