Columbus Democrat. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 18??-18??, 1838-12-15
TO The ELECTORS or THE
UNITY OF .LOWNDES

=
Senator 10 our Stale Legislature. That Ills an
nouncemcHt VIII come unexpectedly to many of INV
personal and political friends. am well aware
therefore avaH myse. 81 tins means 70 explain why
have pursued t3S course, and also. that I might
lay before You as concise manner as the subject
WI! admit 3ilhe lmpor,au, issue now before The reu-
pie. with my views thereon which, owing 10 the
arduous professional duties that have heretofore de-
VOWED upon me, has prevented NV dong IN as pub
lie manner, as one who feels as do. the imuor-
lance OF disseminating far and wide the praeu'gs
| AMI measures Of the Democratic Republican party.
The first great principle Of TIA, party 90 which
have the honor % belong, is, that the vi of The ma
louiy Slal. rule, when the expression OF that will
does not come in coutlc with the Constitution Of
the State or that OF the United States and when
ever this maxim of our party is lost sight o. OF Is
not recognized by majority OF the people of this
Union, we may bid adieu 10 ciri and religious 5er-
". So sacred do |, IN common, trust with the
Democracy of the Nation hold this principle, that
whenever jAe people express themselves through
the ballet box IN favor of any uue % it ihcn,
who openly avovs sentiments as'agoustcai with
ihs politics. creni 9l the representatives. previously
chosen, It IS in my opinion, their boua1en duty 10
resign, or act IN accordance with the will of the ma
Jority.
That the true political sentiments Of Lowndes
county were not eXpressedat the last election have
every reason to believe; from The numerous nstan-
ces have heard ofoId and we'll tried democrats, for
getting for the moment the principles they were sa-
cnfrng IN the indulgence OF private uIQuc or pre-
judice, the recital OF which would be equally painful
to the defeated party as well as to those who were
its cause, and who on more mature reflection,
would, trust act fat differently. But as q servant
OF the people had no right to purs Re the UNDER
currents of the popular viii ; it was enough for me
to know that a majority Of the votes cast were a.
ganSt the democratic candidate, to make me resign,
or consider myself instructed ! have taken the
former course. Again, during the canvass Of Messrs
Butler and Peebes,l stated that il Mr. PEBBLES were
elected would resign my Office. This alone was
enough TO determine my course, for never will sa-
critce my word for any consideration, ana be-
lieve have no real friend that would ask me to DO
so.-IheSe, fellow citizens, are the reasons for my
resignation, they are SuchI hope,as Will be satslc-
tory to every democrat and toallmCn who entertain
honorable sentiments,
Since the formation Of our Government the pt0-
pie have been devided into two parties, the federal
and the republican,, which although assuming differ
ent names from time to time, have never lost sight
of the original principles on which they were form
ed. The federal party believing it necessity to de-
wise other means than public opinion and the sunca-
geo qi the people to secure stable Government
have chdeavu}ed by attuduOusCunstructiOu Of the
| Constitution to obtain their end The Republican
party laid it down their fundamental axiom that
strict construction Of The constitution must u. obser-
we'd, aud that the wal Of the majority, [Nhen not IN
| conflict with the Constitution shoud alone govern:
| thereby reposng implicit and abiding confidence
in the good sense and integrity Of the people
| The question that nov separates the parties by
| the distinct ue that is at present drawn, Is this
shall we, or shall we not have National Bank 10
act rs fiscal agent Of the government, with suii-
| cent capital and power 10 control the State Banks
and also to regulate foreign and domestic cxchau-
ges' The federal party are clamorous in the cal
for such institution, regardless alike Of the means
by which it can be attained as the constitutional bar
rier opposed to it. The democratic party oppose il
on the ground that il is unconstitutional ncXpedi-
ent and dangerous to the Liberties OF the people
and here would remark that the present parties arc
substantially the same with those that existed at tho
outset Of the government more than half century
ago so the question that now separates them is The
one which then for the first time brought the differ
ence into open view. Bank or no Bank was the
first practical question which deyided the councils
Of Jefferson and Hamilton. Bank or no bank Is
the question upon which democracy and federalism
alter lapse Of fifty years are still at issue.
To none Of the doctrines Of the democratic part!
do more cheerfuly subscribe than that obIectinl
to National bank do 50 from thorough con
vction after duly considering it in all its bear:ags
that il is both unconstitutional, nexpedlent ond dan
gerous to the liberties of the people Judging tn
future BY the experience of the past. In the frs
place. would ask what IS the nature OF tie power
granted by the States to the general government il
The constitution 1t is not general grant out o
which particular powers arc excepted. 1t Is a gran
Of particular powers only reservng TO themseye
all that are not expressly delegated. 30 twas I'm
derstood by its friends and loes at its adopuon ani
so il was and ought to be interpreted Is the powe
II. l,sf fTG
to charter banks ] can find nothing IN that char
ter of our Liberties concerning the currency saw
the following -" Congress shall have the power
coin money, regulate the value thereof, and Of for
J eirn com" Can this mean the power 70 charte
banksi Giving few individuals the exclusive pr
vilepe Of issuing three dollars of paper for one q
specie 10 their vaults: Most assuredly not. b
what clause of the constitution or by what right d
they ask United States Bank They ask It fror
one or all Of the following clauses, viz:
: lst The power TO lay and collect taxes, TO pa
the debts and provide Tor tie common defence an
, general welfare, Or
end The power to borrow money on the credt
!. the United States; or,
3d. The power 10 pass all laws necessary and pre-
: per to carry into execution those powers.
: And from these, they claim the right, by the sp'
. cous doctrine of Construction-yes, telow-cltzen
= by the right of construction doctrine winch
. carried out, would render the constitution me-
y dead letter and would inevitably lead TO consohd
ton and monarchy. But if the evidence OF comm(
y sense would not give his doctrine Of construct'o
d which can manufacture the power to charter Il
corporations out Of the foregoing clauses, as qaetu
n | should think that tins fact ought The propositu
Al was made in the general convention, previous to Il
? adoption Of the constitution, 10 grant the power
OF allowing charters Of incorporation, which was Vot
u down almost unanimously; and, this 100, fellow CT
% zens, by the very men who pledged 9 Their iY'
ne their fortunes and their sacred honoTs in defence
II the principles contained in that constitution.
y much regret, from the due regard must
to brevity, that cannot 90 more fully into the
he r. Na,inoal RI. s1f tho more this nojnt is
nc cussed the more clearly does it appear that i =
-. constitutional After mature deIiberau0n on all
* arguments brought to bear on this alIedged pow
yal . tha Constitution have tnLna II 10 be. Ln the