Constantine republican. [volume] (Constantine, Mich.) 1836-1838, 1838-04-04

tam us eVluenccS IN tnclr nanuS some
months, the bank agreeing to pay the inter
est 10 them for the lime, in consideration,
by which it was enabled TO protect itselfby
the use Of the public money SO much lon
ger. These facts 60 TO show the impor-
lance of separating the Government from
all banks, in reference to the safety of the
public moneys, and to the general stability
ofthe banking operations and currency Of
the country.
Sir, the honorable Senators over the way
Disagree as to the purposes which they a.
scribe to the Administration and TO U.s.
Some of them say that we are for a hard
money currency alone. The Senator from
Massachusetts Mr.. DAvIs] declares that
we mean no such thing; that VIC are for
Government paper currency. We are not
bound, sir, to defend ourselves agains: these
contradictory accusations. Let US do what
we may, they are determined TO dsapprove
ofthis or any other similar measure.
"They do not like it, Doctor Fell
The reason why they cannot tell;
But this, Pm sure, know full well,
They do not like it, Doctor Fell"
The bill has been charged with elfecting
nnion of the purse and sword in the same
hands. Mr.. President, the holiness with
which reservations of this kind are made,
in the presence of an enlightened assembly
are truly marvellous. The ministerial GUS
Iody OF the public money has always been
committed TO the Executive Department OF
The Government. AT all times, under all
administrations, whether deposited in banks
Or remaining in the hands of receivers and
collectors, the Executive or the Treasury
Department has had, by law, the general
caresofthe revenue of the nation, when paid
in. The measure before us does not. in
the slightest degree, vary this principle,
which exists now, and existed in the palmy
days Of the Republic, when Thomas Jetier-
son was its Chief Executive Magistrate
Nominally, the public money is always in
the charge of the Executive. But, accor.
ding to the bill before US, as under all previ.
GUS systems. no money can be drawn from
the Treasury, except i'll pursuance Of an
appropriation by law. The allegation is
uniounded, that by this bill the purse and
the sword are united in the same hands.
The Executive cannot touch any money
without an appropriation by Congress-
Sir, have never, in my whole life, seen
measure treated with the want of candor,
the misrepresentation, the hardihood of as.
sertion. which the bill before the Senate has
experienced from some OF its adversaries.
from its first inception to the present mo-
ment. The purse was never more com.
pletcly separated from the sword, never
more effectualIy ia the hands Of Congress,
than it will be under the provisions of this
bill.
Sir, the honorable Senator from Massa-
chusetts Mr.. Webster,] charges the Ad.
ministration with shrinking from RESPONSE.
bity, with retreatng from manly contest
in relation TO the subjects the currency and
the public money. had supposed that if
any measure proposed by an Executive was
marked by manly sense of responsibility,
by q disposition to shrink from no duty, this
was that measure. II has been denounced
by the Opposition as bold and daring in.
novation upon established notions. Is this
a shrinking. evasive, unmauly characters
tic? But if the honorable Senator means
that the Administration shrinks from the
responsibility of proposing the establishment
of a general paper currency, he is correct.
The Administration do shrink from any vi
olaion of the Constitution. Sir, you are
nowhere authorized by that instrument TO
establish national paper currency. Gold
and silver, the precious metals, are the only
money recognized in the Constitution and
in the use of bank paper at all. this Govern
ment has heretofore yielded TO circumstan.
ces, TO a state of things, beyond and without
the Constitution, which they could not en-
trely control. The Senator has been call
cd the great champion of the Constitution.
Sir, he is an able lawyer. But he is the
great vola,or of the constitution, when he
requires this Government to establish ma.
tional paper currency. Failing to adduce
any feasible provision in that instrument to
justify such a measure, the Senator appeals
to that common sense. Of which wish he
had infused little more into his late speech
on this floor, assaling this measure as sys-
tenn of safes, and vaults, and cells, and cav
erns, to show that the power, yet undscov.
cred in the Constitution, ought TO be exer-
CtScus OH, tIuSt Illdt lnlS S'O"' So'i'"N-
rate Republic may long be saved from such
champions of its Constitution as are perpet-
ually seeking in it for some pretext to justi-
fy the exercise of power not granted to
this Government. In the speech of the Sen.
ator, not much that is tangible. bearing upon
the intrinsic merits ofthis bill, is to be found.
Il is general defamation. TIE measure is
assaiIed, not for what it does contain, but
for what it does not contain. The Senator
undertakes to tell us what public sentiment
is, on this subject, in this nation. His pre-
dic,ions may be verified; but if they be, it
will be the first time in his political life that
he has judged or acted according to the gen.
eral sentiment of the nation. At one time,
he found himself in majority of this bo-
dy; but il was in that Inflated coalition,
which here, in this hall, sustained itself so
long in defiance Of public opinion, and
which, now in minority, is, il we may
Judge from recent indications over the
way, rapidly crumbling TO Its final dlssolu-
ton.
II ,lstion 10 that principle in the bill,