The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1838-06-21
From The Richmond Wing.
TO HENRY CLAY, ESQ.
LETTER I.

Sm: II is a common device of those who wish 10
engage the attention OF the public, TO address them
selves IN Jorm 10 some distinguished man, while IN
FACT their lucubrations are meant for others. Such
Is not my case. My errand Is TO you; and although
am by no means unwilling that they who sit upon
the wall" shall hear my words, yet am no railing
Rabshakeh, come to insult you. Did circumstances
justify the freedom, would rather that all have TO
say were laid before you and you alone in the prya
cy OF your closet, where present CONSCIOUSNESS Of
pubic censure or applause might disturb The calm
reflection TO which | would invite For myself,
shall say nothing 10 disturb IT, shall be careful
neither 10 fiatter nor offend.
Circumstances plainly designate you as the next
President Of the United States; and II is hardly less
manifest that you viii owe your elevation in great
measure, 10 that small party of consistent States
Right politicians, who will lend their weights
The wavering balance in your favor. Baled rs they
have been by the alternate rashness and treachery of
their leaders, there is nothing left TO them but to
choose between the masters offered by the two con-
terding factions of the Union Even the opportunity
soto choose, is rare privileges and happy Is IL for
them, that circumstances have schooled them in:o
tenperto use i wisely. Had not the eager ambition
Of Mr.. Calhoun urged him 10 course which has
let bS no placein the confidence or respect of the
great 1890 the party, their votes might have been
neuranses y bsins-cas 10y, him. IN that event,
none could have anticipate tho roeut The doubt
full conflict between the advocates OF LEGISLATIVE
and Executive SUPREMAcY-the OMNIPoTENcE of
CONGRESS, and the OMNIPorENcE OF the PREslDENT.
But under the sway OF this ungoverned passion, Of
the existence of which he may be no more conscious
than the demoniac of the fend that possesses him,
he is carried whithersoever II will and sometimes
il casteth him into the fire, and sometimes into the
water" There let him lie. We have no call to
rescue him from the fate he has chosen or to share
itwith him. Our business is with our couNraY's
SAFETY, and WITH you.
Bot anxious as to secure your favorable aten-
ton TO what have to Offer will attempt TO deceive
you. You will see by the signature have chosen, that
Al. r. .l..s
Of States Right men. 1t may, perhaps, enable you to
identify Of the most Incorporating oppo-
Of your general policy You may therefore be
surprised TO learn, that not at this day prepared to
enter on new course Of action and to give my own
personal vote IN favor Of the great leader OF the national
party. II is at this moment comfort to me which
fondly cherish, that am in wise responsible for any
part Of the msrue which has afflicted my country for
the last quarter Of century II has not been by
fault that while the powers OF the Federal Government
in the hands OF men ayowing the most ardent zeal
for the rights Of the States and contending for the
Interpretation Of the Constitution their course OF policy
such almost to exiingush the like sentiments in
the minds Of their devoted followers Il has not been by
my fault that the Administration Of that Government
has been uniformly federal whatever the professions Of
those who administered 1t. feel no seli-reproach,
when read the declaration Of Chancellor Kent, that
from 1912 10 1925, the progress Of opinion was in ia
of PRETTY LIBERAL and enlarged construction OF
the Constitution Of the United States" while he adds
that question which the public mind has given judg-
against the power Of the Federal Government at
the former period would doubtless, be decided in its
favor the latter take blame to myself for these
things is by fault Of mine that while the ship OF
State has stood with all sails right for the harbor Of
construction, she has been all the time drifting be-
fore under current into the wide ocean OF federalism
voted for Of those by whom these things were
done not because did not hold the principles profess
ed by them, but because had faith in their profess
sons. Il WIS not by my fault that Andrew Jackson
made sts ie.pos. throne and trampled
in bitter the rights and interests which he had
pledged himself to my friends 10 maintain and protect
have honest pride in remembering that by refusing
TO in this, fell under the dspeasure OF my best
friends, political and personal. But had no faith in
his pledges had lived you have sir, among those
who knew him well and could have no faith in the
public virtue Of a man whose private life was stained
with every crime. Looking back upon the past find
in the recollection of these things consolation which
hope have frmness enough carry with me to the
grave.
beg you not infer from my allusion to this person.
that mean to offend YOU by placing you in the same
category with him Your openness and sincerity are
not questioned, and the manliness with which you take
your stand the avowed principles Of your party, al
fords me comfortable assurance that we know the
worst But will add, that from your candor and mag
nanimty, expect something more. persuade my
self that the experience Of the last five years has not
been lost upon you and that it may lead you calmly
to reconsider opinions formed without the aid Of that
experience, and under exciting influences from which
trust that you now happily exempt His to the
consideration of the lights thrown upon the character OF
our country and its institutions, by the events OF that
disastrous period that Propose to invite you In doing
this il shall be my endeavor to snbdue my own mind TO
that candid and forbearing temper to which address
myself in you and which desire to establish in the
minds OF my political friends have seen too much oil
public life and public men, to hold any man very strictly
to the letter Of opinions maintained and principles
Il II. hat aG IN
srifes and when his young ambition is eagerly srug-
Cling to gain vantage ground, from whence to
spread its untried wings. leave to such men as Mr..
Calhoun the boast of that consistency which fails
10 find authority for all the windngs of his evervayng
course, in some crude suggestion, carefully hunted up
from that youminous record Of his past sayngs-o that
gentleman this ground Of scfgratulson peculiarly be-
longs Having made the entire circuit of the political
compass having alternately opposed and advocated
every cardinal measure Of permanent character there j.
now no quarter of the heavens TO which he direct his
course without finding ia the history of his past life,
some precedent to sustain his claims to consistency
He therefore safely pledges himself (having first done
public penance in the Senate for his past offences be
henceforth consistent His right to decide with which
of his former selves, he will be consistent, cannot be
denied; but the world may be permitted to doubt
whether he does not mistake his model when declaring
himself to be- bcnceforth and forever the devoted adj
vocate Of State Rights he lends himself 10 the purposes
of the authors Of the Proclamation and Force Bill and
sus,ans against every appellant the cause Of the anot
ed head Of the North American Republic one and indi-
risibic. We may surely be aowedto wonder, how 1t
is that with the formula Of States Right doctrines ever
on his Inns he is seen to war against The bare Gas
borne by State corporaton) Of the Bank oil the Y.
Sates of which, under its federal charter he was the
champion; to engage in federal crusade against a
strictly State Institution and give his vote for adding
another and fearful chapter to the penal code oil the
United States.
But here again. Mr.. Calhoun may rest his claim TO
consistency the ground that this is not the FIRST tune
that contradictions have met and been reconccd in his
person 1t is his privilege TO be consistent IN incons's-
ency He has il all to himself for he has so abused II