Constantine republican. [volume] (Constantine, Mich.) 1836-1838, 1838-04-04
SPEECH OF MR.. NORVELL,
Or MICHIGAN,

! 10 impose additional duties, as deposi-
taries, upon certain public officers. to ap.
point Receivers General ofpublic money
and to regulate the safc.keeping, trans
fer, and disbursement, of the public mo.
neys of the United States"
Mr.. NORVELL rose, and addressed the
Senate: concur. Mr.. President, said he.
with the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Mer.
rick) in the opinion, that, at this crisis in
our public affairs, the country expects eve.
ry man 10 do his duty. | intend to per.
form mine, to the best of my very humble
ability. The Senator laments that appeals
have been made to party feelings on this
| side of the Senate; 10 parties which have
long been extinct. Sir, the Senator from
Maryland, on this point, is Mistaken
Whatever changes Of name they may as.
sumo however variable individuals NAV
prove in their politics, the old parties in
this country have not only not become ex-
tinct, but never can be extinguished. Their
principles remain the same. Ii is the Arts.
'ocracy perpetually warning with the De
mocracy, which originated the two parties
into which the people of the United States
have always been divided, and which will
continue TO distinguish their history to the
end of time. l regret, sir, that the name
of Democracy has lately lost its charms its
magic influence, over my friend from Ma.
rland. The fact is sad presage o. his
fu ure political career. The Senator saws,
that the American people are crying to us
for bread, and we give them vinegar; we
plunge them into wo.
Sir, have heard no such cries. Clamors,
indeed, have reached us from Wall street,
and kindred scenes of speculation and PAN
ic. A few petitions from two or three o.
Their cities have been presented TO US. But
the great body of the American people, the
agricultural, useful, and productive mass of
the nation, have sent no protests to this bo-
dy against measure eminently fitted to
protect their interests, and to purify the cur
rency of the country.
The Senator inquiries whether we know
who our masters are ? tell him, sir, that
have no master. In one sense, we are
the public servants. We are placed in sta
tons in which we are required to serve our
country. But we are the equals, the friends,
not the slaves, ofou constituents. learned,
in my early years, from the great fountains
of British liberty, and the lesson has been
confirmed in the school Of American De.
mocracy, that
Man knows no master save creative Heaven,
And that which common good ordains."
Sir, |. too. lament that upon the great mea-
sure before the Senate, too muchparty spir.
il has been INDUCED in. But whence has
it proceeded Where did it originate p
1t began, sir, on the other side of the Senate.
A remorseless party warfare upon this mea-
sure, and on the administration, commenced
on that side at the extra session and,
cheered by what they suppose to be ia
vorable indication of public sentiment, they
have renewed and prosecuted it with fresh
vigor at the present session. The remarks
of the honorable Senator himself, after de.
precatng its influence in his speech ofyes.
terday, afford fit illustration of the party
spirit in which, contrary to his own profes
sions, this grave subject has been treated
on that side of the Senate.
Mr.. President, the bill before the Senate
contains two propositions. The first is, tina
the Government will discontinue the use o
banks as its fiscal agents and repositories
The second is, that it will gradually dscon
tinue the reception Of any thing but golt
and silver in the payment of the public rev
enues. The details Of the bill, although o
minor importance, properly designate thu
public officers who shall receive, keep, ant
pay out the public moneys, on Treasur.
drafts, made in pursuance of law. The,
provide minuts and effectual guards ant
penalties to protect the safety of the fund
of the nation in the hands Of these officers
These. sir, are the clear and simple pro
visions of the bill. They are shrouded ii
no mystery. They admit Of no equivoco
construction. The darkness in which the.
have been enveloped, has been thrown o
YER them by the diversified and contradic
tory commentaries of Senators over tn
way.
The discontinuance Of banks as publi
repositories, is but recurrence to the ear
ly Constitutional administration of the Fl
nancial affairs of this Government. Th
: Federal Constitution recognises the exls
tence Of no bank, either State or National
1t contemplates the agency of no bank i
, the management Of our financial affairs =
Il does authorize the appointment of off
GERS for the collection, safekeeping, and dis
bursement of the public revenue.
, Banks were an after.thought with the fir
,, Secretary of the Treasury of the Unite
States. He proposed National Bank, b'
not as fiscal agent and depository of tn
public moneys. The merchants, the me
of wealth, the spectators, joined him
support of National Bank. The mci
0 sure was opposed by the Secretary of STATE
: the great Apostle Of Republican liberty, an
I by the representatives Of the agriculture
and production interests Of the nation. :
These were borne down by the anlagonl'
v teal interests. The bank was established
8 Yet, sir, collectors, receivers, COMMISSION
ers Of loans, and other receiving anu oh
: bursting officers were created; and the
. had, to great extent, the custody OF N
f public moneys during the existence OF u
o old National Bank. We heard noihin
then of he danger Of trusting the publ
4 officers with the receipt and disbursement
of the national revenue. We heard mott
n ing ofthe superior virtue and safety OF banl
: as fiscal agents and repositories OF the Pu
y lie money.
II is certain, then, that in dispensing wi
y the use of banks, as our fiscal agents,
o adopt no untried experiment. we slmp