The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1838-09-01
Mr.. cALHouN,s LETTER.

We give the letter Of Mr.. Calhoun declining 10
attend the barbecue at Columbia, together with the
remarks Of the telescope.
FoRT HUI, July l4lh, 1888
GENTLEMEN: ! have received your note Of the l4lh
inst, inviting partake Of barbecue dinner, TO
be given al Columbia ON the 18th inst, as welcome
home 10 Senator Preston, by his fellow citizens OF
Richmond district, and also to afford the other
members OF Congress an opportunity TO meet and
address the people"
II had no other reason for not accepting your in
vation the great distance, and my recent return
home nfer long absence in the aborious discharge
of my public duties, would be- ! hope, sufficient
apology but there are others, which are insupeIa-
Bile, for declining H. which, acting with the candor
and frankness thai trust shall ever mark my con-
duct on all occasions, cannot withhold.
II Is impossible can mistake that the welcome
home TO my colleague is intended as a testimony OF
appreciation Of his course generally during The late
session. but more especially in reference TO the great
and leading question of the day, which now so deep
" agitaes the country and engrossed large por-
ton OF the time and attention OF Congress- at lis
late sitting. Thus understanding il, can have no OBJ
lection TO Ii but for 10 participate in the welcome
and the accompanying festivities, would be 10 con-
denim my own course. II was our misfortune to dif
fer on the deeply important question in reference TO
which II is intended to do honor to his course. The
difference was, on my part, with great reluctance.
| could not but apprebend, that difference on such
a subject involving such important interests, and to
be followed by such mighty train Of consequences
for good or evil would ultimately divide and dis
tract the State to which could be more averse
than myself Every motive that could influence me,
personal patriotic was The opposite side. In
dividually, had clearly nothing TO gain by division
or distraction. My position in The State in the est-
nation OF my fellow Citizens could not be materially
beuered and almost certain 10 be injured by any
change But had far higher motives than mere
/ personal considerations, TO avoid every act which
Thave long regarded the South as the balance
wheel Of beautiful, but compexed system Of go
vernment, and consider its union not only me-
cessary to its prosperity and safety but ndisPensa-
Bile to the proper working Of the whole machine. Il
is an opinion deliberately formed after much re-
feclon and no little experience. We are the weak
| er and exposed section and must Of course, have
the deepest interest In combining the General Govern
men to its proper sphere on which depends its safe
| " and duration, so essential TO the safety and
prosperity Of all To effect this, union among our
selves is indispensable, while, as the weaker portion
of the Confederacy, ii cannot endanger either the
rights The safety of the stronger But union among
ourselves home in own Stale if not necessary,
is important to the union, of the whole South Cir
cnnstances TO which need not refer, have given the
State prominence and influence far beyond its ex-
tent, and population, or wealth.
| Entertaining these views, was ready 10 make any
sacrifice short Of principle and duty, to avoid division
and discord at home, but il was impossible for me,
without sacrificing them 10 take any other course in
! the present juncture than that which did.
Hong since foresaw its approach, and made up
my mind, as to the part would act should il arrive
4 in my time. -Four years ago, on the removal of the
deposites, openly ayowed in debate the principles
| and sentiments on which acted at the late and ex-
ira session, and Of consequence, could take other
course, without palpably contradcling my recorded
| opinions, and this without any change OF principle
or sentiment. So far otherwise time and reflection
have but served to confirm the opinions | then
entertained and expressed | do believe that the
only real alternative lef is whether the Government
shall 60 back 10 its original policy, established by the
Act of 1885, and collect its in the legal and
constitutional currency of the country and keep it
| BY its own responsible officers charter another
bank or in other words between the constitutional
treasury and another National Bank, with sufficient
capital and power to control the exchanges, the
rency, the commerce, and The business Of the Union.
All other measures, the pet bank system, special de-
posts, and all, are but temporary expedents--half-
way houses and SO understood and avowed BY the
great body opposed to the separation Of Government
1 from the banks. Between the tVo,-,hs Cons.i'u-
tional Treasury and National Bank-I could not
hesitate. do most solemnly believe, that a bank
with power and influence sufficient 10 effect the OBJ
lect proposed, would be the most dangerous Of all
4 measures-would be fatal 10 our free institutions,
and destructive OF the commerce. interest," and safety
AZ the staple States It's powers would make II de-
apotic and enable Il control the action OF Congress-
and to take from the people In reality, the power Of
escting The President who would virtually be elect
ed BY the bank and be but instrument in its hands
| Ii would, in a word, make a master--not a master
having common interest in the whole, and motive
TO project and cherish all the parts, bat local and
sectional master, whose power would be welded to
aggrandize and build up one portion by expressing
the other.
Thus thinking no alternative was leh, but TO pur-
sue the course did even at the hazard OF differing
| from my colleague and many OF my old friends loi
whom have the highest regard and the Rihues.
feelings In taking it, could not but foresee ina,
il would bring me into conflict with the greatest and
most powerful interest of the community, and that
should be subject TO the most untounded msrepre-
| senta,iops and the fercest attacks But, at such
! crisis and with my views Of the consequences, |
would have been unworthy OF representing constiu-
ents so intelligent and PATRIOTIC and who had soge
nerously stood by me on so many trying occasions,
!, If had permitted any personal or selfish considera-
| ton TO have the least influence.
! Having thus differed on question, according TO
| my conception of such vast magnitude and impor
lance, cannot accept your invitation TO parake ir
the fesivity intended to honor the course OF my col
league, without condemnng or dishonoring my own,
! and am therefore compelled TO decline it.
| Nor can consistently with due regard to pro-
prety attend the estvity in order "to address the
have both fully expressed our opinions on this and
most of the other important subjects, which claimed
the attention of Congress at ITS late session, in
appropriate places in the Senate. What we have
said have been published and is in the hands Of
constituents If additional light is wanted, as far
| am concerned, shall cheerfully respond, when
called on for that purpose by any portion Of my con-
stituehts; but in the present case where from what
has been stated, II is obvious that different opinions
are entertained by your invited guest and myself
a question which cannot bu, be prominently noticed
at your festival my presence could not be very
agreeable either to him or myself
In stating the reasons of my course and the mo-
tives which govern me- il is far from my intention
to cast censure that of my colleague. Neither
is.the rightful judge of the other, where We I'M
fortunately differ in the discharge OF our official du-
ties We hold the same high trust from the same
constituency, TO whom alone we are responsible for
the fidelity and wisdom with which we may dis
charge our duty. My object is simply to assign the
reasons why cannot accept your invitation, and
hntrc in .ha rIa