The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1837-10-07


reception safe keeping and disbursement Of the
venues of the Government, what is generally term
ed the SuB-TREAsURY system This measure has
been brought forward in pursuance Of the recon-
mendation Of the President OF the United States in
his recent Message 10 Congress do not faiter my
self that | can add much 10 the arguments which
have been so ably and 50 eloquenily urged, by my
friend from Virginia, CHR. Riyes) agains this mea
sure. But coming from state where its practical
operation for good for evil, must be sensibly
fell deem 1t my duty TO give frankly to the Senate
the views which entertain in relation to il.
Sir, have bestowed upon this subject all that re-
ec,ion which Is due 10 IT, from the high source from
which II emanatcs. Every consideration both per-
sonal and POLITICAL would incline me TO its support,
If my judgment could be satisfied that its adoption
would promote the great interests Of the country
Natives OF the same state and of the same county,
the President and myself have been, from my first
entrance into political life down TO the present time,
ON terms OF intimacy, In his political career, he
has on all occasions received my cordial support. II
has been my fortune To be placed in situations, al
certain trying periods of his history which have en-
abed me 10 render him some service" II is with
no ordinary sensation, therefore, that find myself
constrained by higher considerations than those of
political attachment personal friendship, to differ
from him ON the question now before us-considera
tons Of public duty which involve the public veal
But, have the satisfaction to know that he neither
expects desires me 10 support this or any other
measure merely because il bears the stamp of an
Executive Recommendation. In submitting this
Sub Treasury System, the President has only
obeyed an injunction OF the constitution, which
he is sworn TO support, and which declares that
He shall, from time to time, give TO the Con
gress information Of the state OF the Union, and
recommend to their consideration such measures
as he shall judge necessary and e1pedient. =
This is one Of those measures--the President has
discharged his duty in recommending IL to our con-
sderation, and | trust we shall discharge ours by
giving to it that calm investigation and free discus
sion, which 50 well calculated 10 produce cor
rect results, in regard to measures that involve the
raat.n md Wits inta rasts of no pIa
The President himself anticipated much diversity
of sentiment this subject. He anticipated also
that Congress might, in its wisdom, adopt some
other sysem--and he gave the assurance of his CO
operation in any other plan which might be " ulti-
mately established" He says, ...
"Wih these views, leave to Congress the mea-
sureS necessary 10 regulate in the present emergen-
Cyl the safe Excepting and transfer Of the public
news In the performance of constitutional duty,
have stated to them without reserve the result of my
reflections The subject is Of great impor-
lance, and one ON which scarcely expect TO
be as united in sentiment as we are in interest Ii
deserves full and free discussion, and cannot fail
to be benefited by dispassionata comparison of
opinions, We'll aware myself Of the duty of reel
procal concession among the coordinate branches
Of the Government, can promise reasonable spi
r of cooperation, so far as il can be INDUCED in
without the surrender of constitutional objections
which believe to be well-founded. Any system
that may be adopted, should be subjected to the full
est legal provision to leave nothing to the Ex-
ecutve but what is necessary to the discharge OF the
duties imposed on him; and, whatever plan may be
ultimately established, my own part shall be so dis
charged asto give to il fair trial and the best pros
pect of success"
trust then, that the friends of the administration
will view this question one of expediency, and
not suffer any difference of opinion between them
selves to become difference of principle upon
which they to divide Ii it be not so viewed
who will take the responsibility, and who win vouch
for the consequences of contrary course? II is
subject on which men may honestly differ; and II Is
for that reason, amongst others that such difference
should be expressed with perfect frankneSs and with
the utmost freedom My mind has long been made
up against 1t and the reasoning of the Message
whilst il has not convinced me To the contrary, has
only served 10 confirm my previous opinions am
therefore, bound TO say, from sense of the most inn
perative duty, that in my Judgment, this measure is
lraught with more mischief than any scheme which
has heretofore been preached in reference to the f.
nances of the Government and the currency OF the
country. In saying this | certainly intend none
other than the most profound respect for the disn-
guished individual who has, in an official FORM
brought ii to our notice
Neither is this scheme new to the democracy of
the country-It has once been passed upon by them
through their Representatives in Congress, and
ceived their unqualified condemnation. 1t was
brought forward in the House in the session Of
1919, by a member of the opposition. After an
animated debate, it most signally defeated. 1t
was put down by every administration vote save
one, Ii is, however, due to the opposition TO say
that il was received with so little favor BY as
who willing TO record their names for il on the
Journal. The defeat of this measure, at that time
was matter which every friend of the administra-
ton, from President Jackson, down, had very much
at heart. We all took deep interest in tive all
looked upon il calculated to undermine free
nstitutionsas subversive of the very principles of
the party to which we belonged; as accumulang
power and patronage in the hands Of the Executive
TO which we had always been opposed uniting in
his hands the purse and the sword about which so
much had been said on then recent occasion, and
which we had repealed in a manner and with spirit
which became those who were honestly DESTROYS Of
preserving the powers of the Government as they
originally intended to be distributed by the Con
stitution. Nay, sir we went farthcr-We denounced
it, as proposition disorganising and revolutiona
~, Subversve of the fundamental principles of our
Government, and of its entire practice from 1850 |
down to the present day" We denounced il as
scheme, which would "bring the public treasure
much nearer the actual custody and control of the
President than il is now and expose it to be plum
dcrcd by hundred hands where one cannot now |
reach it, The party was never more unanimous |
any occasion than this-ther adherence of the |
scheme was UNIVERSAL so powerful were the argu- |
mens against it, both in and out of Congress, by the
Republican Representatives, and by the Republican
press that it received no favor in any quarter
Even the opposition, Notwithstanding they were
against the State Banks repositories of the public
money could not b. brought to the support of this
measure although ii was introduced and urged by |
ono of their own number. So miSchievouS in its
tendency, unSound in principle did they deem it, |
thatthey united with the friends Of the administration
TO defeat it, But, what do we now behold Whilst |
they as party, are still against the measure We |
as the friends of the administration are called upon
TO support the same proposition aor, which we as
friends of the administration put down HeR-put |
down did say 7 which denounced as "disOT- |
ganizng and revolutionary" and as exposing the
public treasure 10 be "plundercd by an hundred |
hands where one cannot now reach it." The obec-
tons to then were inherent in the sysen--and be-
ing So no state of things has since occurred or can
hereafter occur, which can remove those objections.
Still, VIC are now asked to change our ground and
10 adopt a proposition as a matter of expcdiency, |
which rocr;vpd ol1r decided decentralization nj thai