Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1837-05-12

power VI unllinteu anu CauSeleSS removal, |
another doctrine has been put forth, more
vague, it is true, but altogether unconsttu-
tional. and tending to like dangerous results.
In some loose, indefinite, and unknown
sense the President has been called the rep
reseatatiUe of the aohole American people
He has called himself so repeatedly and
been so denominated by his friends thou
sand times. Acts FOL, which no specific au.
thority has been found, either in the consti-
tuition or the laws, have been justified on the
ground that the President is the representa-
tive Of the whole American people Ger
tainly this is not constitutional language
Certainly, the constitution no where calls
the President the universal representative oil
the people The constitutional representa-
tives of the people are in the House of Rep
resentatiyes. exercising powers OF legisla-
ton. The President is an executive officer
appointed in particular manner, and cloth
ed with prescribed and limited powers 1t
may be thought to be of no great conse-
quence, that the President should call him.
self, or that others should call him, the sole
representative of all the people, although he
has no such appellatlon or character in the
constitution. But in these matters, words
are things If he is the peoples repFesen.
tative, and as such may exercise power,
without any other grant, what is the limit to
that power2 And what may an unlimited
representative of the people do2
When the constitution expressly creates
representatives, as members Of congress, it
regulates defines and limits their authority.
But il the executive chief magistrate,
merely because he is the executive chief ma
| IN fhar
character, and call himself the representa-
tive OF whole people. what is to limit or
restrain this representative power in his
hands
| fear, gentlemen, that ifthese pretentions
should be continued, and justified, we might
have many instances OF summary political
logic, such as once heard in the house of
Representatives. A gentleman, not now liv-
ing. wished very much to vote for the es-
tablishment Of bank of the United States
: But he had always stoutly denied the con
, stitutional power of congress 10 create such
a bank. The country, however, was in a
: state OF great financial distress, from which
such an institution, it was hoped, might help
to extricate il; and this consideration led the
, worthy member to review his opinions with
care and elaboration. Happily, on such
!, careful and deliberate review, he altered his
former Judgment He came satisfactorily to
I the conclusion that congress might incorpor'
+ ate bank The argument which brought
: his mind to this result was Short and so plain
e and obvious that he wondered how he could
q so long have overlooked it. The power he
S said, 10 create bank, was either given tt
n congress, OF it was not given. Very well
r I, of
e exercise il; if it was not given, the peopl,
If still retained it, and in that case congress, a:
THE representatives of the people, might
o upon an emergency make free to use it.
S Arguments, and conclusions in substance
k like these, gentlemen, viii not be wanting
T. if men of great popularity, commanding
!, characters, sustained by powerful parties
E, and full Of good intentions t0aeards The pub
t. lie, may be permitted to call themselves tn
Il universal representatives OF the people.
s But gentlemen, it is the currency the cur
q rency OF the country.-it is this great sab
ofl iect. so interesting, so vital TO all classes
IS the community, which has been destined t
" feel the most violent assaults of executlv
10 power. The consequences are around u
lie and upon us Not unforeseen, not unfort
lie told, have they come, bringing distress 70
s. the present and fear and alarm for the fl
d. ture. If it be denied, that the present cond
IS ton ofGhines has arisen from the President
Of interference with the revenue, the first al
he swer is, that when he did interfere, just sue
e. consequences were predicted. 1t was the
It. said, and repeated, and pressed upon the pul
ut lie attention, that that interference must NJ
OF cessarily produce arrangement, embarras
n. ments, loss of confidence, and commerce.
Id distress pray you, gentlemen, to recur
nv the debates Of 1882, 1888 and 1884, an
n. then TO decide whose opinione have prove
or to be correct. When the treasury exper
be ment was first announced, who suppoIte'
re- and who opposed it2 Who warned Il
= country against ito Who were they WI
lis endeavored TO stay the violence Of party,
nd arrest the hand of executive authority, an
in to convince the people that this experime
was delusiye; that its object was merely
On increase executive power, and that It's efet
u, sooner or later, must be injurious and rui
". Gus.
he Gentlemen it is fair to bring the opinion
er- of political men to the test Of experiences
1t 1t is Just to Judge of them by their measure
err and their opposition TO measures and as 4
lid myself, and those political friends WI
M whom have acted, on this subject of Il
we currency am ready to abide the test
IN But before the subject of the currenc
he and its present most embarrassing state
3 a discussed, invite your attention, genlleme