The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, 1837-12-05
Col. BaEsr's ON THE PoroAac, !,

6agged is not satisfactory The truth il, fear am
too quick on the trgger-a fault sometimes attributed
TO me in politics as well as partridge shooting
And so some Of my old political friends are up against
my speech, hahl Don't you think 1t wenld have been
better for them have answered my arguments before
they flew into passion with the author AS JACK
Downing says, that is my notion" ! care nothing
for the Office for IT'S sake and that they may have VIII
ngy, If they wish it but really instead Of quarrelng
ruth me- regret extremely they have not seen the ne
cessy Of unltg in the only course that can sasc the
party from destruction II was saying OF Harrington,
that you might put dozen puppies into sack aud
shake it, and when they began to suffer PAIN they would
instantly tearing each Other but would ne
think Of biting the hand that shook the sack Our
party is the party Of the people. and with even to-
lerabe regard to democratic principles we must always
be in the majority. But have for years been ofced
into wrong position; Congress has had 'tile more
do with the finances Of the country for several years
past than the Doors Of Russia or the slaves OF
This think has, at least VIII cease, as soon as m
Van Buren, gets through the unfinished business
his predecessor and fairly upon his own seat but
we have taken steps to convince the people OF this
and from the exPresdent's letter and Mr. Van bnrcns
promises and recent Recommendations. they nave no
to believe, that they viii not be iornenteo ana
tortured by experiments just muchas before, we
do wish to be annihlaed as party, let US take
hold Of the hand that has tortured and fear, ruined
us, and further weaken forces by exhausling
our strength on each other
The great have found out that their dlsresses
have been caused by Executive mlsrulc IN the nances
and they cannot be convinced to the contrary FOR
many years they quit thinking for themselves Oh the
subject, but when it became necessary to qa edfihg
also, their nattention reused to the necessity OF
reasoning on their own interests and when they DO
this free from party influence very plain case II
do not the people, then on this SUBJECT what IS
to become Of us! Ohio is gone New Jersey Is gone
Rhode Island is gone Maine is gone. Indiana is gone
Pennsylvania is almost gone and Georgia, North Caro-
lima and Arkansas thought to be in danger, and TO cap
the climax, shall not be surprised, If we lose New
York. The city know is gone. And what have we
gained, Mr.. Calhoun has taken fancy to us, to DO
sure but if give him control, he will ruin us; and
il we do not, he'll leave in less than IL months We
know his opinion, given last year, Of the "cohe-
sye power that binds US together Mr. G. is great
man, and in private life most exemplary one; but he
is eccentric and changeabe that guide, there IS
confidence to be placed in him. Look back at his
opinions on National Bank, and hear him at the last
session-hs former opinions Of the protective system,
nmited ich complete system Of internal Improvement
as necessary % secure the permanent prosperity 81 e
country, and hear him lately talk about State Rights!
Then there is Mr.. Pckens; il is said he has come
over to us. And what sort Of is il ! He
votes for the divorce, and makes speech for 1t, in
which there is denunciaton and bitterness enough 10
kill ten administrations. He abuses pick pockets
we have to take it as spaniels and recommend Mr.
Pckens' able speech to the perusal Of the public !"
don't want such allies hose had rather be in the
minority and fight under" | would say to Master
Pickens, that if he wishes Join the democracy its
present weakness, let him do it, like generous man,
equal terms, and not come to our relief like an
Ocracock wrccker, to abuse and insu. shipwrecked
crew, and claim all their goods, for salvage Mr. has
taken into his head that he is and must be very con-
sistent, because with little squad Of ultra opposition
he voted for the separation in 1884 But was not
notorious that the only object then to embarrass
the administration in the Experiment." which was
then great favorite No,o he seems to glory in his
position, because it enables him TO abuse the admins
tration with .impunity. Why, I'd soon depend on
Belzebub to defend me against Saan Pickens to
defend me against the Wings. However, Pickens is a
gentleman and of talents And he appeals adoi,ly
does he not las does Mr.. Calhoun, to the sectional
feelings of the South, TO sustain that which he fears
their reason would not approve. But have no time
10 criticise this speech You will see it, pre-
sumo for should not be at all surprised, il, with all its
bitterness, Of democratic papers TO pub
lish it, and ask attention 10 it, will only add that i'll
had leisure hour, reach Of few statistics, think
/ could make sad work with parts Of it. | will
only say here that the idea held out to the South that
the specie restriction will benefit commerce, a
sheer deluson So long united, and free
trade exists-so long agricultural and the
north commercalin short so long as the present ele-
ments of production exist in each section and each sec
ton ION free trade prncples) ao,red The advantages
Of The other al the cheapest rate just so long will the
specie restriction operate against Say, is right
when he says, "the divorce will tend to make New
York the London Of America, do not think the
inequality of the system would be great as some
others think but whatever operation it would have in
that way would be against l.....
The fallacy held out lately to feed the sectional feel
ing Of the South, this subject, consists misakng
the effect for the 1t Is not the depose ys.em,
or the u. S. Bank that "centrases' commerce at the
north but it is the commerce Of the north that cen
fraiises the deposites there. Why did not the trade
cenralize in philadelphia instead Of New York Just
because trade, capital follows business and business
Goes not necessarily follow capital But we are de-
graded by "touchng the north to pay tribute" WE'LL
suppose imported directly the whole value of
eIuht mil IN Charle or Saws
What should we do with this heavy Importation! We
should consume few millions do now, and carry
the balance to the north, and touch there exchange
for northern productions and such other foreign
chandise to be found there, aud imported from
those countries mol consuming southern productions.
But it is considered wonderful strange and very
natural that should not import directly for whole
consumption at least Why it is the planest thing in
the world-uness the cherished advantages Of free
trade is all delusion. These things regulated by
the interest of consumers and that interest ascerained
by calculation Why do we obtain from London the
products of every quarterof the globe Simply, be-
London trades with every quarter Of the globe,
and full assortment be found there, cheaper than
by looking for it in thousand different markets That's
ell and the to London the great mys
terry to the trade Of New York. Why does New
York import for ne-tenths of the consumption of the
United States! Simply, because it is the natural and
with all its advantages, The cheapest depot for the
sumption Of nine-tenths of the people OF tho United
States and from Its local position furnish an out
ward cargo to nearly every port in the commercial
world, whose products the people Of any portion OF the
United States These advantages will always
give the advantage of extensive assortment and,
so far, advantage any Southern port.
have been led to these remarks upon the latest ia
shions in finance from seeing notice Of Convention
to Augusta about this time the object Of which
seems closely allied to these Southern notions. am
favor Of the object Of this Convention but hope it
will not be turned into political machine, which may
defeat oil the good that would otherwise grow out Of It,
Above all, hope It's action may he based on solid and