Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1837-07-31

traordinary privilege, Stroud remarks with no less
truth than severity, that, "no argument can be adj
vanced to give 1t plausibiyp b" u hasn he saws
"alre0dy been tho cause Of ncalculabe dcrlnont To-
tho nation" And how, l ask, could it be Otherwise;
since the interests Of the sldvehodirg states and
those OF the free states, directly 10 each
other--and, al tho samo time, tho former have so
great power put into their hands? 1t has secured
the admission Of Missouri and Arkansas into the
Union as slave staies--and, will, in all probability,
at period not far Distant produce the like effect in
the territory Of Florida
TO illustrate the absurdity and injustice Of this
monsirous anomoly, by which the slave holder
votes for three hfibs Of what he calls his "cnle,' L
viii adduce an example. Suppose two men, a aud
IS "A. o stakeholder aud II. II non-slavclfOidor, arc
worth $4,000 each. a. has S25OoO Of bis in
I slaves. Allowing them to average $3.50 each no
would own 100 slaves-which would be cqunl
IN the representative population to go free persons
| then supposing his particular family TO consist Of
six persons, he will stand 66-477O0 or Lips part of
n represontatve-whle % let him do what he will
! with his money and supposlng his family to consist
OF ten PERSONS will stand on the representative pop
ulaton only ten, equal to l04T7O0 or l-417O Of a
representative. A monsIrous inequality And
yet such ~ nature, though perhaps not IN degree is
| the relation Of the saveholdmg and the non-slave.
holding portions Of the United States. Such is The
unjust advantage which the South has obtained over
the North; and it operates, not only against the
people Of the free states but also against the color
| ed people in the District Of Columbia, and in the
| territories over which Congress has the right of
| legislation.
The whole number Of representatives sent to
| Congress by all the slave-states is nnety-nine;
whereas, if they permitted to represent only
their free population, they would send but seventy
hve-hence, the number they send for the slaves il
| twenty four. To this, if We add four the number
they send for their free colored population, who
believe not permitted to exercise the privilege of
| suArage,--we shall find that the number Of Repre-
sentatycs in Congress--which the colored popula-
ton Of the south are made to elect according TO the
| will of the whites there, is twenty eight. Such is
the anomalous advantage resulting from the system
Of slavery, which tho constitution confers on the
saye-holding states.
Another Important consideration in relation 10
the slavery, is the dangers to which are exposed
from its moral and political influence That our
own personal liberties and the stability of tho I'm
ion are in imnent danger, any one may see that
| will but open his eyes, and look around upou ths
| signs Of tho tim,s. Already have We mad. com
I siderable advance towards the termination Of A.
merican libcrtyand the establishment Of desuotisr,
its stead.---If any doubt of this let them for
| moment, look at the mohs which for a year Or two
past, have scourged and dsgraced our counry--at
the violation Of the United States mal,--which has
been committed by some of the officers of that de-
partment with IMMUNITY and at the repeated at
empts of Southern tyrans to cncroach upon the
liberties Of the North--their demands for tho de-
livery OF northern citizens TO be by them tried, con-
demncd, and put TO death, for deeds Of philanhro-
py and abors Of love-the rewards they have offer-
ed for the clandcstne abduction Of those Northern
citizens-and their calls upon the free states, and
upon The General Government for the enactment
ofunconstitutiunal laws, abrdgmg the freedom Of
speech and of the press,-and lastly at the suicidal
Indifference with which these threatning dangers
have been regarded by great portion Of the people
Of the North--and then let them say, if it is not
even so. Surely they could no longer remain either
insenslbe or Indifferent, with regard 10 those i'm
pending dangers indicated by the threatening as
pect Of the times.
We have now taken a general view of slavery,
and observed some of its effects. Aud we have
found that it is the source Of incalcuable evils
VIII ch affect not only the ensaved, bat tho slave
holding community and also the people of the non
slavehodmg states that in short the whole of the
people of these United States are subjected to
greater or less difficulties, growing OF the sys..
TEN Of oppression under consideration
Then let US engage in the good work Of bringing
about change that all classes may be relieved,
that the oppressed may BIO freed from oppression
that the 0ppressors may be freed from continual
dangers and tormentng iear,--and that we of the
North may be freed from those difficulties which
now result to us from this Ubiquitous system Then,
but till them realize TO their fall extent
the blessings that might be enjoyed under our Re-
publican Government. But the first stop in the
work IS, to nd ourselves much may be from
participation III the crime of supporting that sys-
TEN. Firstly, then, let us inquire whether We OF
{ the North, actually doing any thing which con
tributes to its support. Tor my own part, do no;
hesitate to say that We are more or less, in differ
eBt ways.
Firstly, we stand lodged in case Of an ins,lrrec
ton of the slaves, TO send ont militia to assist
in queling themihat Isl to aid the southern tvfants
in reminding the manacles of slavery on the victims
of their avarce. For the Constitution Of the Unit
ed States, art. A. sec expressly declares that the
United States shall protect each of the States
S on application Of the legislature or of the execu-
tive, (when the legislature cannot DO conyened) a.
gainst domestic violence
Again, support slavery, By DELIVERING NJ fii-
gtlye slaves that escape from their tyannica mas.
ters unto us. Yes, in violation of those principle.
laid down in tho declaration of our Independence
4 as the foundation principles of our Government
lnvioation Of every principle of right and justice
whenever a slave has fled from the lash Of his mas
q ter 10 states where slayety does not exist--an,
| sought shelter under the protection Of Just IN.
equal laws, no has uniformly been delivered up Of
t claim Of the master from whom he had fed. And
,, strange as II is--lt seems by the practice Of tn,
# judges Of our courts, and the officers OF the free
\ states that they have generally construed that art
: Gle of our Federal Constitution, which provides 70
the recovery of persons held 10 service Or labor
II escaping from one state 10 another, Iupon which
y shall presently have occasion speak, SO as t,
consider themselves under legal obligation 10 he'll
g the oppTessor recover his victim, aud reload hin
a | with chains
e less encourage and support slavery by their moral
n political and religious influence.
n notwithstanding the nnmher of those who
9 avow themselves apologlsts ol that niquitou,
SYSTEM is very small, yet there are many, yer,
q many, even at the North, who, though they
= would not wish 10 be considered the friends 0
h slavery, are, at least, the enemies of ea.ancipa
5 ton; while still greater number have dunk
c down prejudice against the colored people, III
e their sympathy for the slave has cooled int,
r perfect indifference; SO that the public SENT
II ment at the North, speaking in general terms
n has become grossly corrupt and hcnce IT.
1t moral influence must be prOporonably bad. -
IT IL requires no argument 10 show that this dis
e, ordered moral influence Of the North, serves L