Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1837-03-28

| flght WnlCh is before ana pboNe all cOnstltu-
tional guarantees. 1t has its foundation in he
dependencies inseparable from the social state
II The constitution does not expressly guaranty
it TO slaves, neither, let it be remembered, does
it take it from them. And shall attempt, by
my vote. 10 do what the trainers of The consti-
tuition did not think proper TO do, in the for
nation of that Instrument
Ii it was intended by the resolution TO assert
merely that slav"s have not the benefit OF the
constitutional guaranty Of the right Of petition,
why was not the declaration uhde in language
ineligible and unambiguous7 Such language
was avoided. The right Of petition, and not
The constitutional guaranty, stands forward as
the prominent subject Of the resolution. Tie
right is one thing--its guaranty another. The
right is incident 10 all governments, instantly
attaching TO the relation of governor & govern
ed, the moment that relation comes TO exist
But it may, or it may not, be guaranteed. If
it is that guaranty is a mere supcfyoning in.
cident 10 The right. And il is in this light that
regard the aiusion TO it in the resolution
The denial by that resolution, Of the right Of
petition, is not essentially affected by adding,
that the right is one which has been secured 10
the People Of the U. S. by the constitution
1t 10, aCer all, The right Of petition, in its great,
original, essential qualities and incidents,
winch is really denied.
Stripped Of its non committal disguise, then,
the resolution stands out neither more nor less
than broad denial of all right in slaves to Pc
ttion. will give no vote which can be even
tortured into such denial.
Having said thus much, owe it TO myself
TO add that whatever may be the right oil the
slave TO petition, am clear that no counte-
nance should be given TO any attempts TO ex-
ercse it. Such attempts can do the slave no
good. From the nature Of the case, his deliy-
erance must arise from some other quarter
In the whole history OF the abolition of the
the slave trade and slavery by Great Britain,
am not aware that the right OF slaves to petit
ton has ever been claimed or brought IN ques-
ton. And, if all the slaves in the land could
be made TO hear me, l would say to them,
"Entortain not, for moment, the thought
of petilionng the Government for liberty, much
less Of making any effort TO obtain ii by force,
unless you wish 10 put far off all hope Of the
doliveranco OF your race from bondage. Gull
tlvate, rather, quiet spirit. IL patient."-
"Resist not evil" BE obedent TO your own
masters; not answering again; not purloin
ing; but showing all good fidelity, not only
to the good and gentle, but also 10 the lrO-
ward"
But why, am asked, do you assert the
right Of the slave TO petition, if his exercise of
the right ought not 10 be countenanccd2 |
answer, because the qGssilon has been forced
upon me, and | must meet it, | would De the
last to bring forward a resolution asserting the
right for which | contend. But when | am
called on, as in The present case, to say yes or
no TO proposition which expressly denies that
right, ! must and will say NO, and give my
reasons Tor thus saying.
l will not give vote which shall, even by
the remotesI implication, assert that my color
al =, L.,
erty; that he "has no more right 10 petition
than a dog or horse" and that he possesses,
in fact, mo legal or constitutional rights
whatever"
have said that the deliverance Of the slaves
must arise from some other quarter than them
selves. Let me not he misunderstood. The
idea of an attempt by Congress TO abolish sla-
very in the States OF this Union has never, that
| am aware, been entertained by any. No
other delyerance is contemplated Than that of
voluntary emancipation by individuals, or abo-
lilion by force Of Icgislaon, acting within The
sphere of its admitted jurisdiction. If the alb
olitIOnsis have ever been understood at the
South as entertaining views different from
these, they have been greatly miSrepresented.
They entertain, however, the opinion that
Congress possesses the power TO abolish sla-
very IN the District OF Columbia, and that the
/
pecive states; and they seek, in the exercise
OF that freedom of speech and of tho press
which is guruntied 10 them by the constitution,
TO produce public sentiment which shall, by
its fair and legitimate influence, effect the leg
lslaiinn they 20 much DESIRE
They believe that call men are created
equal !" that "ihey are endowed by their Gre
alor with the inalienable rights of life, liberty,
and the pursuit Of happiness )" and that, 10 the
( Creator alone, belongs the high prero gatve of
holding property in man. Planting themselves
on the broad basis of these truths, they assert
that the assumption and exercise Of that right
| by man, is among the highest wrongs which
he can nilict upon his feow-man. Their own
! deep conviction Of this truth they seek 10 com
municale to the minds Of olhers-notlo slaves,
with whom they hold no intercourse, & whom,
If they did, they would only admonsh TO pa
ionce and submisson-bu 10 their masters,
20 those communities in whose Legislatures
resides the power TO put an end, within their
limits, TO the wrongs Of slavery, and furnish
relief from its complicated evils. They look
at slapery with some conception Of what is
comprehendod in THAT WORD and are ANA
zcd that philanthropy itself should have So long
slept over The existence Of such an evil that,
while other nations, less free in their institu-
lions than our own, have abolished it, we,
who boast Of our attachment 10 the principles
of civil liberty, and our high regard for the in
I al enable rights Of man, should still cherish II
| in our very bosom.
In their strong conceptions Of the charac-
ter and consequences Of this evil, abolilionsts
have sometimes INDUCED in the ndiscriminate
use Of hash and severe personal epilhels, TO
which have felt n deep repngnancc. With
me, however, it has been a subject rather Of re-
! urpt Than nj apvprp ceusurp for. If StrOnu