The Rhode-Island Republican. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1809-1841, 1837-01-04

Ii has thus been made known to the
world that the uniform policy and practice
of the United States is, to avoid all inter-
ference in disputes which merely relate to
the internal government of other nations,
and eventually to recognize the authority
of the prevailing party, without reference
TO our particular interests and views, or to
the merits ofthe original controversy. Pub
lie opinion here is so firmly established and
well understood in favor of this policy, that
no serious disagreement has ever arisen
among ourselves in relation to it, although
brought under review in a variety Of forms,
and at periods when the minds of the peo-
pie were greatly excited by the agitation
of topics purely domestic in their character
Nor has my deliberate inquiry ever been
instituted in Congress, or in any Of our
legislative bodies, as to whom belonged the
power of originally recognising a new State !;
a power, the exercise of which is equivalent
under some circumstances, to declaration
of war; power nowhere expressly dele
gated, and only granted in the constitution
as it is necessarily involved in some Of the
great powers gwen to Congress, in that
given TO the President and Senate to form
irenties with foreign powers, and to appoint
ambassadors and other public ministers
and in that conferred upon the President to
receive ministers from foreign nations.
In the preamble to the resolution of the
House of Representatives, it is distinctly
intimated, that the expediency yofreeognising
the independence Of Texas should be left to
the decision of Congress, in this view, on
the ground of expediency, | am disposed
10 concur; and do not, therefore, consider
il necessary to express any opinion rs to
the strict constitutional right of The Eyecu-
tive, either apart from or in conjunction
with the Senate, over the subject. 1t is to
I've presumed that on no future occasion
will dispute arise, as none has heretofore
occurred; between the Executive aud Leg
isature, in the exercise Of the power of re-
cognition. 1t will always be considered con-
sistent with the spirit ofthe constitution and
most safe that it should he exercised, when
probably leading to war, with previous
understanding with that body by whom war
can alone he declared, and by whom all
the provisions for sustaining its perils, must
be furnished. Its submission to Congress,
which represents in one ofits branches the
States ofthis Union, and in the other the
people of the United States, where there
may be reasonable ground to apprehend so
grave consequence, would certainly aE
ford the fullest satisfaction to our own coun-
try, and perfect guaranty to all other ma
iions, of the justice and prudence of the
measures which might be adopted.
In making these suggestions, it is not my
purpose to relieve myself from the response
bllity of expressing my own opinions of
the course the interests of our country
prescribe, and Its honor permits US to fol-
low.
1t is scarcely to be imagined that n quotion
Of this character could be presented, in re-
lation to which it would be more difficult
for the United States to avoid exciting the
jealousy of other powers, and maintain their
established character for fair and impartial
dealing but on this as one very trying oc-
casion, safety is to bo found in rigid adj
herence to principle.
In the contest between Spain and the re-
volted colonies, we stood aloof, and waited, !,
not only until the ability of the new States
to protect themselves was fully established. 4.
but until the danger of their being again
subjugated, had entirely passed away.
Then, and not till then, were they recog-
nized. Such was our course in regard to
Mexico herself The same policy was OBJ
served in all the disputes growing out of the
separation into distinct Government ofthcse
Spanish American States, who began to
carried on the contest with the parent coun-
try, united under one form of government.
We acknowledged the separate independ-
L., .,f III. Il
of Ecuador, only after their independent
existence wns no longer n subject ef dispute
or was actually acquiesccd in by those with
whom they had been previously united. II
is true that, with regard to Texas, the civil
authority of Mexico has been expelled, its
invading nrmy defeated, the Chief of the
Republic himself captured, and all presen,
power to control the newly organized Gov
ernmcnt of Texas, annihilated within its
confines. But on the other hand, there is
in appearance ut least, an immense dis
parity Of physical force on the side Of Mex
leo. The Mexican Republic, under anotl,-
er Executive, is rallying its forces under a
ncw leader, and menacing fresh invasion
10 recover its lost dominion. Upon the is
sue of This threatened Invasion, the indepen-
deuce of Texas may be co lsidered as sus-
pended; and were there nothing peculiar
in the relative situation of the U. States and
Texas our acknowledgment of its indepen-
dence at such a crisis scarcely he regarded
as consistent with that prudent reserve, with
which we have heretofore held ourselves
bound to treat all similar questions. But
there are circumstances in the relations of
the two countries which requires us to act
on this occasion with even more than our
wonted caution, Texas was once claimed
as part of our property; and there are
those among our citizens who, always re-
luctan, to abandon that claim, cannot but
regard with solicitude the prospect of the