The Hillsborough recorder. [volume] (Hillsborough, N.C.) 1820-1879, 1837-05-26

the laws. have been justified on The
ground that the President j. the repre-
sentative Of the whole American probe.
Certainly This Is not constitutional lsR-
guage. Certainly ihe Constitution no.
where calls the President the universal
representative Of the people. The con-
slitnli0nal representatives. ol the people
are in the House Of Representatives exer-
cising powers Of legislation. The Presi-
dent 10 an executive affcer. appointed in
a particular manner. aud clothed with
preserved and limited powers. II may
be thought 10 be Of no great Consequence
that Ire President should call himself, or
that others should call him. the sole re-
preventative NJ the people. although he
has no such sppellaiion or character in
the Constitution. BuI in these matters
words are things. II he is the peoples
representative. and ss such may exercise
power without any olher grant, what is
the limit to that power! And what may
not an unlimited representative Of the
peole dor
When the Constitution expr ssly ere.
ates representatives a. members Of Con-
gress, u requisites, defines, and limits
! their authority.
But il the Executive Chief Magistrate,
merely because he 10 tie Execuliyt Chief
Magistrate. NAV assume 10 himself sn0th-
er character, and calls himself the repre-
sentative II the whole people. what j. to
limit or restrain this representative power
~ his hands.
Ifear. gentlemen, that IL these preten-
sions should be continued and justified,
we might have many instances Of sum
mary political logic such as once heard
in the House Uf Representatives. gen.
ileman, now not living, wished very
much to vote for the establishment Of
Bank; but he had always stOuly denied
the constitutional power Of Congress 10
create such bank. The country. how
ever. was in state Of great financial dis
lress, from which such an institution, IL
was hoped, might help 10 extricate il,
and this consideration led the worthy
member to review his opinions With care
and deliberation. Happily, on snch care.
fnl and deliberate review, he altered his
former judgment. He came, satisfsctori-
| ~, to the conclusion tina, Congress might
Incorporate bank. The argument which
brought his Aind TO this result was short,
and so plain and obvious that he wonder
ed how he could so long have overlook.
ed il. The-power. he said. 10 create o
bank was either given 70 Congress or it
was not given. Very well. II il was
given. Congress, Of course. could exar-
else il: if IL was not gwen, the people
still retained il, and in thai case, Com
gress. as the representative nf the people,
might. upon an emergency. make free 10
use il.
Arguments and conclusions in sub
stance like these. gentlemen, i'll not he
wanting. il men Of great popularity. ooui-
handing characters. sustained BY power.
iul parties, and fill Of good Intentions
topdrds the public, NAV be permitted 10
call themselves the universal representa-
lives Of the people.
But gentlemen, il is the currency, the
currency Of the country--il Is this great
subject. so interesting. so vital, 10 all class
es of the community. which has been des-
tined to feel the most violent assaults Of
Executive power. The consequences
are around US. and upon Us. No, unfore-
seen. not unforetold, have they come,
bringing distress for the present, and fear
and alarm for the future. II II be denied
that the present condition Of things has
arisen from the Presidents interference
with the revenue, the first answer is. that
when he did interfere, jus, such conse-
. quences were predicted. II was then
said, and repeated, and pressed upon the
public attention, that that interference
. must necessarily produce arrangement,
embarrassment. loss Of confidence, and
commercial distress. pray you, gen,le-
men, to recur TO the debates Of 1892,
: 1893, and 1894. aud then TO decide
whose opinions have proved 10 be correct.
, ! When The Treasury Experiment was FIRST
. announced. who supported, aud who OPP
, posed ii! Who warned the counuy
/ against it! Who we're they who endea-
r vored to stay the violence IT party. tn ar
, rest the hand OF executive authority. and
, to convince the people that this expert
I ment was delusive; that lis object was
merely In increase Executive power, aud
{ that its effect sooner or later, must be in
/ furious and ruinous.
Gentlemen, it is fair to bring the OPT
8 Mons Of political men to the test of ex-
/, perience. II is just to judge Of them BY
e their measures. and their opposition to
! measures; and for myself and those pc.
s litical friends with whom | have acted
on this subject of the currency. am rsa'
n DIV to abide the test. "'aa "+ 50 @s
le But before the subjec, Of the currency
A