The Charlotte journal. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1835-1851, 1836-04-22

TO refuse TO receive the petitions, but in exercI3.
ing IT, when ourselves only are assailed We
ought always to act most literally in receiving;
but where the safety, the lives and the property Of
our masters are concerned, we have no right to
exercise the same liberality.
With great Difference for the opinions of others,
| think the force OF their whole argument rests on
plain mistake. They argue as ii we never be-
came acquainted with the contents of petition,
or could consider and decide upon its merits until
after il is received. This is most clearly not cor
rect What we have been doing for the last few
weeks is full proof of it. These petitions have
been publicly read their merits and tendency, and
our powers TO abolish slavery have been long un-
der discussion; has any man denied our right 10
do so Not one; the only doubt suggested is,
whether It was prudent to adopt this course.
BY the 9th Rule, when petition is presented,
the member must briefly state its contents, and
what the petitioners wish should be done. He
then asks that the petition mag be receiped, and
specifies what he wishes to be done with it after
1t is received Ii no member objects, for the pur-
pose OF saving time, it is received and disposed Lf
without formally propounding the question of re-
ceptlon; but If any member objects, he may call
tor the reading, and then urge his reasons why it
should not be received. This Rule establishes no
new doctrine; it is founded in good sense, is per-
tectly consistent with the right Of petition, and Is
laid down as the correct practice by Mr. Jefferson
in his Manual at page 40. What is the right of
the petitioner? 1t consists in bis having free
permission to make known to Congress what he
esteems grievance, and TO ask them to provide
remedy. When this petition is presented, the
duty of Congress commences. That consists in
the members making themselves acquainted with
the contents Of the petition, and granting its pray
err If it be Just and consistent with the public in
terests or In refusing TO receive the petition, or
making some other disposition of 1t, which, in
their Judgment, is more conducive TO the good
Of the community. When we refuse to receive 4
petition, we no more destroy or impair the right
of petition, than we do when we receive the pet.
ton and lay it upon the table, or REJECT the prayer
OF II, or refer It to committee, who reports that
it is unreasonable, and ought not to be granted Ia
each of these cases, the complaint OF the petition.
er, has been heard, considered and decided on. In
neither instance has he obtained redress for what
he supposed grievance, but each leaves him
equally at liberty to renew his petition at any
subsequent period.
-Four modes have been suggested by which to
dispose of this and all others the same subject.
The first we have been considering, and is 10 re.
/ fuse to receive IT,
1 The second is to receive them, lay them on the
! table, and there let them lie.
! The third is TO receive them, and then instant
/ y reject the prayer OF the petitioners.
/ The fourth is to receive them, refer them to
committee, and let that committee make report
upon them.
| prefer the first, because, when we refuse to
receive the petitions, they are returned TO those
who sent them, and it will most strongly discount
tenance all hope that Congress ever can, or ever
ought, to pass any law upon the subject to which
they refer, In each of the other three, we retain
the petitions, place them on our files, in the Gus.
tody Of our officer, and at any subsequent session
! they are here, and it will be competent for any
member to move their reference to a committee;
whereas if returned to the petitioners if they ever
again make their appearance, it must be BY their
being resent and represented. | think that plan
is the most advisable, and will be most likely to
calm the disturbance in the slave States, which
will most strongly manifest to all, in every quarter,
that Congress will not interfere with slavery as it
exists in the States and in this District.
! lfthese petitions are received, then think tho
disposition of them proposed by the Senator from
Pennsylvania the next best--that is, Immediately
to reject their prayer. This would be far prefer
able to laying them silently on the table, without
expressing any opinion whatever.
There is another aspect in which this question
may be viewed, that has had great inhuecne on
my own mind. Congress sits here as the Legisa.
ure ofthe whole union and also as the onfy Leris-
isture for the District Of Columbia. These petit
tions do not ask US to make general law, opcrat-
ing throughout the ,Chole Union, but law. the ope.
rations OF which are to be spent entirely upon
property within the ten miles square. Now, if wo
were in form, well as in substance, local Lee
gslature when acting on this question, which gen.
tlemen say is to affect slavery in the District and
nowhereese would We be bound to receive petitions
from France or Germany. Would gentlemen, if
sitting as members of the Legislature of Alabama,
feel bound to receive petitions from citizens of
Name or Pennsylvania TO emancipate slaves with
IN their own State Assuredly not. If that be
so, is 1t not most reasonable, when we are called
upon to pass act confined exclusively TO this
District, that we would conduct towards the peo-
pie here as II IN this matter they were our constitu
ents f? VIII 1t not be time enough TO rereire ne
tit0nS on this subject when they are presented on
behalf of those upon wbose property alone it is said
the law would operate
Honorable Senators have told us there are tw,
classes of abotionists, and that public opiniop
will soon put down the misehievous class. which
Is small IN numbers. Gentlemen, | donbt not
think they say. All we know is, that our neace
has beenvery much disturbed by them, whether few
or many. Their newspapers, their pamphlets, and
pletorla! representations have been plenty. They
have come to us through the mai, and by other
means, in great abundance; and, five are to live
together as one people, they must stop. 1t is
vain to reason with people about the liberty of
speech and of the press, when their lives are put
at hazard. When the domestic circle is invaded.
when man is afraid to eat bis provisions, lest his
cook has been prevailed on to mix poison with his
food, or dare not 90 TO Sleep lest the servants will
cut the threats of himself, his wife, and children
before he wakes, he viii not endure ii ; and. when
he can lay hands upon those who prompt to such
deeds of mischief he will not wait for the ordipa