Herald of the times. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1830-1846, 1836-02-18

when we view this article in connexion with
the passage which we have translated from
the answer Of the peers to the kings speech,
aud also with the pacific tone Of the French
press in general. Indeed the opinion is now
stronger than ever, that the king and his min
isters have from the first been most anxious
to fulfil the treaty-to pay the money and
have done with the matter, and they have
stretched their ingenuity to the utmost to find
the desired explanations in the message.
From the Journal DIES DeJats.
Il Whoever is conversant with the character
Of President Jackson, will experience an a.
greeable surprise in reading the late message.
II As regards France, the general tone of that
document is moderate. Indeed, judging Of
the whole. we therein discern an unequivocal
feeling of high consideration, at which we are
not to be surprised, for France has been ac-
customed to this sentiment, and will not east
ly get rid of the habit. However singular
may be the contrast between the complexion
of the late message aud that of December,
1884. one thing seems certain, that even the
President is ut the present moment entertain
ing the hope and the desire that the difference
which has arisen between two great nations
may be brought to an honorable conclusion,
both for the one and the other. Ifhe has ex-
! hibited this year some symptoms of irritablli-
ty with respect to France, il was only against
the American opposition in general, and es-
pecialy against the Senate for having last
year refused an extraordinary grant of 1900,
600 dollars for the Notifications.
The French Government having accepted
the amendment Of General Valaze, was fore
ed to wait for explanations. Mr. Livingston
hastened to offer certain number, but Oh his
own responsibility. We subsequently find
the President declaring that the course adopt
ed by the American Minister "had received
his sanction and his entire appreciation" He
adds, that "this appreciation would have been
at any time communicated to the French Go
vernment had it been officially demanded"
He protests against the interpretations given
to his previous message; and he declares that
ian attempt TO extort from the French nation
any thing inconsistent with its feelings of JUS
tice would have been futile and ridiculous"
We are not, however, to suppose that this
document does not contain some obscure pas
sages and ambiguous expressions. For in
stance, we do not understand the purport Of
the following words:-"rhe treaty once put
into execution by France, there will remain
but few causes of misunderstanding between
the two countries, nothing but what must
yield to pacific and enlightened policy, &c."
But it is well known that the above contains
difficulty from which American documents,
notwithstanding their extreme proixity, are
never exempt.
With regard to the exceptions which Cen
eral Jackson has thought proper to make in
favor of the feeling Of national self-respect Of
the United States, we can by no means feel
offended; for we could never think it wrong
in the President to employ the same precau-
tons with respect to the vanity Of his coun-
trymeD, as he has so often put into practice
in our own case. The world is no longer
constituted as at the period Of Louis XIV,
who thought he had the right of enchanting
slaves around the foot of his statue. Were
we anxious to pass for advocates of peace at
any price, we should avow that the dignity of
great people consisted in not forcing others
to sacrifice theirs.
1t would be silly to appear offended be-
cause General Jackson thought fit to tickle
the national pride of the Americans with few
high-sounding expressions, or few military
"reminiscences, or a pompous detail Of their
warlike resources. Representative govern
ments have all certain number of wants to
which they must be resigned, as well abroad
AS at home. General Jackson is obliged to
mocracy which raised him to the presidency,
in the same way as the ministers of the king
of the French are under the necessity Of sac
rificing their individual feelings to the parlia-
mentary majority by whom they were made
ministers. The patriotic declarations of pre-
sident Jackson, if he had ventured on any,
would have been nothing more nor less than
the natural consequence of the adoption of
the amendment of General Valaze by the
ministry, although it had previously declared
by the mouth of the minister Of finance, that
the message Of 1884, not having received the
sanction of Congress, was only the echo of
the private opinions ofthe president, for which
opinions neither the government nor the peo-
pie of the United States ought to be made
responsible.
In the message are announced various de-
mands for considerable sums, for the purpose
Of increasing the navy and for completing the
unfinished Notifications along the coast
Considering that we had taken the initiative
with respect to augmenting the navy, and as
our coast Notifications have been for some
time in good state, we have no reason to
find fault with the display of foresight on the
part OF the American government, and we
could have no ground for viewing it as
symptom of an approaching rupture. 1t is
important to remark that these grants are to
be raised not by means Of new taxes, hut
solely by the surplus revenue now existing
in the American treasury, and which amounts
to nearly l00,O00,O00 francs.
1t is true that General Jackson absolutely
refuses to make, under u certain form, the
reparation demanded by the French govern
ment, alleging it to be his conviction, that
such reparation would be inconsistent with
the American constitution, and with the in
dependence and government Of the people of
America. But it has not appeared that the
French government had even pointed out the
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