Cheraw gazette. [volume] (Cheraw, S.C.) 1835-1838, 1836-05-10

OF caucus nominations ofa President of the
United States was violation ofthe spirit of
the Constitution, as it tended TO defeat the
contingent right Of the small States to have
an equal vote in the election Of that high Off.
Ger, as often as the election might devolve
upon the House of Representatives. They
also objected to such nominations because
they were effected by intrigue and corrupt
influences and upon the further ground,
that 1t tended to defeat the free and indepen-
dent vo &C Of the people. All the objec.
tons to nomination by congressional
caucus apply with still greater force to a
nomination by a convention Of pretended
delegates from the people, such as we have
lately seen at Baltimore. In the first can.
vass Of Gen. Jackson this was, in a very
large section Of the Union, decidedly the
most popular and available argument against
the candidate who had the advantage Of
nomination by the republican party. But
no'o, Sir, no man is admttedto be Jackson
man, or a supporter of his administration.
who refuses to admit the practice of caucus
nominations to be orthodox, and to sub
scribe to the obligation of acquiesence and
absolute obedience. 1t is worthy of notice,
that the very individual (Mr. Grundy) who,
in the State which have the honor to rep.
resent in part, was the most active and pow.
erful opponent of the practice Of caucus
nominations in 1924, is now the leader of
the party in that State which supports the
candidate ofthe Baltimore Convention.
- In Gen. Jackson's second canvass for
the office which he now holds, commencing
in 1885, the FIRST most exciting. and one of
the most important positions or principles
assumed by his friends, was, that the right
of the people to elect the President should be
rescued from the hands of political mana
gers in and out Of fCongress, and indicated
and secured to them by new constitutional
guarantees. The recent election of the
gentleman from Massachusetts sits be.
fore me (Mr. Adams had given rise to this
feeling and determination of:the Jackson
party. Hence the proposition to amend the
constitution so as forever to- prevent the
recurrence ola similar event, was taken up
and proclaimed as capital object to he
accomplished by the election of Gen. Jack.
son. So serious and obligatory was this
engagement OF his original supporters re-
garded by Gen. Jackson, tliat he has felt
himself bound in common decency and can.
dor, to bringthe subject of an amendment
ofthe constitution to the notice of Congress
at the beginning of every session of his ad.
ministration. But what has been the result ?
The party which now has the assurance to
claim to bethe only and exclusive suppor-
ters ofthat distinguished man, have wllfully
evaded the subject, as will show before l
close my remarks. They appear to have
come to an understanding among themselves
to regard all that the President is in the habit
of repeating at each session upon this sub
ject as an empty form. 1t has never been
| made party question since Gen. Jackson's
first election. :. The fear Of an election by
the House was too potent an argument in
favor of caucus nominations TO be dispensed
with by a sagacious party.
Another, and most important principle
assumed by the Jackson party in the can.
vass between 1925 and 1929, was, that it
was essential to the purity ofthe Govern
ment, and to the independence of the elec.
tive franchise; that the, practice Of elechng
any Of the great official incumbents7to the
Presidency should be broken down. twas
observed that, in the early period of the
Government, it had come to be considered,
that the Vice President should, almost as q
matter Of course and Of right, succeed to
the Presidency. The first Mr.. Adams,
twho was Vice President during General
Washington's administration, was the next
President. Mr.. Vice President Jefferson
ousted Mr.. Adams; and, no doubt, but for
the suicidal course Of Nj. Vice President
Burr, he would have succeeded Mr. Jeaef-
tson' as President. But in Mr.. Burr the re-
eular succession Of the Vice President to
| the Presidency was broken and afterwards
the Secretary of State acquired something
ike prescriptiye right to succeed to the
presidency. We must all remember the
sentiment of a distinguished gentleman from
Kentucky (Mr. Clay,) expressed in justlfl.
cation OF his vote as a member OF this
House, in favor ofthe gentleman from Mas.
sachusetts (Mr. Adams) upon the subject;
he avowed the opinion that the election OF
the Secretary of State tothe Presidency was
a safe precedent. How obnoxiousthis doc.
.rine soon became, and how much the au-
thor Of it suffered in the estimation of the
honest and stern yeomanry Of the country
who supported General Jackson is well
known. 1t is said that if the precedent ea
electins any of the'great officers Of the 60.
vernment to the presidency should be follow.
ed for any great length oftime, we might as
well establish hereditary succession al
once. The argument was ably and power:
| Guny enforced that such practice would ne.
cessarilv lead to great abuses of the patron.