State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1831-1836, 1836-05-31
LETTER OF GEN. HARRISON.
NoRTH BEND, April 25, 1886.

Your letter OF the LIST utimo did not reach
Cincinnati until towards the close of the
month, and at the time of my absence.
Upon my arrival, it was delivered to me,
but amidst 50 many pressing engagements
as to preclude the possibility Of an imme-
diate reply. The resolutions adopted by
the meeting of the Antimasonc Members
of the Legislature of Vermont, on the 10Th
of October last, and readoptcd by the Con-
vention which assembled at Montpelier in
February, were also received.
have carefully perused these resolutions,
and have no hesiluncy in avowing my en-
tire accordance with the sentiments which
they contain. think il proper also to say
that, in Mr. Shades sixth letter to Mr. Hal
lett, and in the State journal published at
Montpelier OIL the 9Th of March last, my
opinions upon masonry las expressed in
several letters to my friends of the Antima-
sonic party of Pennsylvania in the course
of the last summer) are correctly stated.
Recurring to the resolutions-I think
there is none of them more appropriate
than that in which is quoted the Just re.
Duke Of the "Fathcr of his Country" to
that most mischievous aud destructive
principle, which would sanction ustlrpa-
tons of power by the fInctionuries of n
Republic, under the stale prctence Of re-
dressing existing evils and it is among the
most striking of the existing evidences of
our departure from the true faith strenuous
( ly maintained by our ancestors, that unau-
/ thorsed assumptions Of power are so ex-
tensiyely regarded, either with Indifference,
or appreciation. 1t seems, indeed. hardly
necessary that they should claim the merit
of securing any manifest public benefit
The daring and hardihood Of achievement
seem sufficient 10 entitle them TO confidence
aud admiration as ifthe essential quality
in the character of the Chief Magistrate Of
Il Republic was the courage to assume re-
sponsiblity, and the operations of the
Executive Government were but a success
sion of coup de main, directed against the
real or imaginary evils which it may be
thought necessary to crush. Whatever
may be the preteXis for these movements,
or however great their temporary advanta-
gcs, they are i'll direct opposition to the
fundamental principles of our Government;
aud, if pGIsiS ed in, must effect its entire
subversion.
/ In arbitrary governments it is matter
of little moment by whom, or IN what
manner, desirable end may be accom-
plished. But in Republics the attainment
ONO object, however important, will justify
departure from legal prescriptions, and
more particularly the substitution Of one
agent for another. The principal safeguard
Of liberty in our systems Of government is
to be found in the distribution of their
powers; and it was the great object of their
trainers to preserve that distribution by Il
classification of the agents who were to
compose the Governments, and by the
establishment of well defined boundaries
to the powers of the several departments.
In theory, as well as in its practical opera
tons, our General Government presented,
for many years after it came from the
hands of its trainers, the appearance Of a
stately, well trimmed vessel; its proper
tons in perfect symmetry aud its ballast
well adjusted How prosperously it has
sailed along the tide of time, and how
strong have been the hopes that it was to
continue, for ages, thus prosperOusly to
pursue its course, the pride of its happy
owners, and the wonder aud example ofan
udmlring world, need not now to be told.
But how different the spectacle she now
presents. Her ballast, loosened and shifted
and accumulated in a single point, has de-
stroyed her equilibrium, and threatens her
destruction. Such is our Government, at
this moment. If it is "A practical Republic,
what, it may be asked, constitutes Il Mon
archy? A distinguished historian of the
last century says-"Tle Obvious definition
"of monarchy seems to he that OF a state
sin which a single person, by whatever
shame he may he distinguished, is entrust-
"ed with the execution of the Laws, the
management of the Revenue, and the
command of the Army. But unless pub
lie liberty is protected by intrepid and
"viglant guardians, the authority of so
formidable Magistrate will soon degen-
"eratc into despotism."* Which of the
three powers here laid down as constituting
Monarchy, in the opinion OF Mr.. Glbbon, is
not to be found among those now exercised
by the President of the United States !?
The first and third are obviously his, by
the grant of the Constitution. The second
is practically his, by the possession aud
controul which he now exercises in regard
TO the entire revenue of the country. The
power of using it at his pleasure, coupled
with the administration of the Laws, and
the command of the Army, constitutes a
mass of power evidently not contemplated
in the Constitution, and highly dangerous
to the liberties of the country. The wise
and patriotic men who framed the COnsti-
tuition never intended that the character of
the Government should depend upon the
imcinatons of its Chief Magistrate that
it should be Republican or Monarchical at
his pleasure. If Mr. Gibbons definition is
correct, and if it We're not the intention of
the trainers of the Constitution 10 create
Monarchy in disguise, after comforting on
the Presidency the first and third Of the
powers enumerated by that author, it must
have been their intention to preserve the
Republican character of the Government
by placing the second (the management of
the reyenue) entirely in other hands. But
the eXpedient would be useless, if the Pres
idcnt in Xiriun of a nrernrnliNe snnnnsed