Vermont telegraph. [volume] (Brandon [Vt.]) 1828-1843, 1836-06-30

tiers; that claim of indemnify was conse-
quently instituted in behalf of the owners of
the slaves, and was successfully maintained.
AL that series of transactions was an inter-
terence by Congress with the institution of
slavery In the States in one way-in the
way OF protection and support. 1t was by
the institution Of slavery alone that the res
tltuton of slaves enticed by proclamatons
into the British service could be claimed as
property. But for the institution Of slave
ry, the British commanders could neither
have allured them to their standard, nor re-
stored them otherwise than as liberated
prisoners of war. But for the institution of
slavery, there could have been no stipula-
ton that they should not be carried away
as property, nor any claim of indemnify for
the violation of that engagement.
But the war power Of Congress over the
institution Of slavery in the States is yet far
more extensive. Suppose the case of a ser
vile war, complicated, as to some extent it
is even now with an Indian war; suppose
Congress were called to raise armies, to
supply money from the whole Union to
suppress servile insurection: would they
have no authority to interfere with the in
stitution of slavery? The issue of a ser
vile war may be disastrous. BY war the
slave may emancipate himself; it may be-
come necessary for the master to recognize
his emancipation by treaty of peace; can
it for an instant be pretended that Congress-
in such a contingency, would have no au-
thCritY to interfere with the institution Of
; slavery, IN any uay, in the States? Why,
; it would be equivalent to saying that Con-
gress have no constitutional authority to
make peace.
| suppose a more protein tous case, certain
ly within the bounds of possibllty-l would
to God could say not within the bounds of
probability. You have been, if you are not
now, at the very point Of war with Mexl-
Goa war, am sorry to say, so far as pub
lie rumor may be credited, stimulated by
provOcations on our part from the very com
mencement of this Administration down to
the recent authority given TO General Gaines
to invade the Mexican territory. 1t is said
that one of the earliest acts Of this Admins
tration was proposal, made at time when
there was already much ill-humor in Mexi-
/ CO against the United States, that she
/ should cede to the United States a very
5 large portion Of her territorY-large enough
! to constitute nine States equal in extent to
J Kentucky. 1t must be confessed that de-
, vice better calculated to produce jealousy,
= suspicion, ill-Wlll, and hatred, could not
that this overture, offensive in itself, was
made precisely at the time when a swarm
, Of colonists from these United States were
covering the Mexican border with d-job-
, bling, and with slaves, introduced in defiance
of the Mexican laws, by which slavery had
been abolished throughout that Republic
The war now rag ing in Texas is a Mexican
civil war, and a war for the establishment
; of slavery where it was abolished. 1t is
not a servile war, but war between slave
t ny and emancipation, and every possible eff
fort has been made to drive us into the war,
on the side of slavery.
=: 1t is, indeed, circumstance eminently
y, fortunate for US that this monster, Santa
t Anna, has been defeated and taken, tho |
$ cannot participate in that exquisite Joy
; with which we have been told that every
= 4 one having Anglo-Saxon blood in his
e veins, must have been delighted on hear.
. ing that this ruffian has been shot, in colo
f blood, when prisoner of war, by the An.
4 glo-Saxon leader of the victorious Texiar
: army Sir, hope there is no member O.
}, this House, Of other than Anglo-Saxon
e origin, who will deem it uncourteous thai
t |, being myself in part Anglo-Saxon, mus
: of course hold that for the best blood thai
o ever circulated in human veins. Oh! yes
sir! far be it from me to depreciate the glo
S ries of the Anglo-SaXon race; although
there have been times when they bowed
: their necks and submitted to the law O
h conquest, beneath the ascendency Of the
! Norman race. But, sir, it has struck nj
as no inconsiderabIe evidence Of the spiri
~ which is stirring US into this war of ag
d erosion of conquest, and of slave making
v, that all the fires of ancient hereditary ma
at tional hatred are to be kindled, to familiar
~ ize US with the terocious spirit of rejolcln
S at the massacre of prisoners in cold blooc
r. IT. Sir, is there not yet hatred enough betwee
y the races which compose your Souther
so population and the population of Mexico
" their next neighbor, but you uust 60 bac
,ir eight hundred or thousand years, and t
an another hemisphere, for the fountains {
en- bitterness between you and them? VIII;
Us is the temper of feeling between the con
~ u ponent parts of your own Southern popv
ho lation, between your Anglo-Saxon, No
Of man. French, and Moorish-Spanish inhal
On itants ofLouisiana, Mississippi, Arkansa
he and Missouri? between them all and II
as Indian savage, the original poSsessor
IN the land from which you are scourgir
II him already hack to the foot of the RocR
lo' Mountains? What between them all ar
III; the native American Negro, Of Afric5
- origin, whom they are holding in cru
11nn}} bondage? Are these elements of harm
he ny, concord and patriotism between II
it'll component parts Of a nation starting uDr
in crusade of conquest! And what are Il
ITS. feelings of all this motley compound
the your Southern population towards t.
the compound equally heterogeneous of t
10 Mexican population? Do not you,
.as Anglo Saxon, slave-holding exterminat