State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1831-1836, 1836-05-31

relish the reply quite so well. Some I'M
easiness began to he felt before the gentle
man from Virginia (Mr Wise) concluded
his remarks; and many of the party began
to think that any indulgence in such dis
cussions was wrong, and to wonder how
they had fallen into the error of voting to
consider the resolution. The resolution
Of the gentleman from Virginia (MrMasOn)
was in good time to repair the error into
which the party had fallen. 1t is deserving
of remark that on the evening of the same
day on which the resolution was offered,
the messenger arrived in this city, bringing
with him an offer of the mediation ofGreat
Britain in settling the difference between
this country and France; and have suffi-
cient evidence to satisfy me, that before
that time, information through some chan
mel or other had reached this Government
, that England would interpoSe her good
offices to prevent war.
| Mr. Mason explained, aud denied that
he had received any information whatever
of the intention of the English Government
to offer her mediation. lie also said that
the resolution had been under considcra-
ton in the Committee Of Foreign Relations
several days before lie offered it, and deni-
ed that he had any other motive in offering
the resolution than the one he announced
at the time.
Mr. Bell resumed: must say that did
suppose the gentleman from Virginia pos
sesscd some information in relation to the
French question which was not in the
knowledge of the House. | now dismiss
my suspicious, and acquit him; but his
ignorance of what must have been known
to the Government only shows that the de-
gree of confidence tD which his station in
this House entities him is not given to him
| by those at the head of affairs. Still, sir,
1 the circumstance that the hour Of one
O'Clock each dav was the hour the resolu-
I ton fixed for taking up the appropriate n
| biIls the certainty that, by this course, the
debate on the resolution Of the gentleman
! from Massachusetts (Nlr Adums) would be
cut off; and the farther circumstance that
other bills besides those, for the support of
the army and the navy and for Notifications
were embraced in that resolution, are suf-
ficient TO justify the opinion that it was
designed by some of those who took part
III getting it brought forward and adopted
to have the effect that have ascribed to it..
Besides | must say to the gentleman from
! Virginia, that | cannot so readily forgive
him for his neglect, after he had seen that
the appropriation bills still slept upon the
table, and that the only effect of his resolu-
ton was TO give the ma Orty of the House
an undue control over its business, to come
forward and move to rescind it. When all
prospect of war with France had ceased,
it was his duty TO have taken this course.
| cannot forget, either, that, instead of urg-
ing the execution of the order he had OBJ
tanned, giving preference to the approprl-
alton bills, he upon several occasions gave
his vote to take up the subjects of minor
Importance. SIR, the effect of that resolu-
ton was to give an undue power to the
majority in this House over the subjects of
debate. 1t operated o restrain the freedom
of discussion; and have n right, under
the circumstances, to consider that it was
so intended by the majority. pronounce
the course of proceeding with that resolu-
ton as unprecedented, parliamentary,
and oppressive to the minority.
If the spirit of the resolution of the Goth
Of January, shall be carried out by the
party in power it would result in the re-
enactment of the sedition law OF 1898. 1t
is founded precisely upon the same policy
and we have only to 90 a step or two fur
tier, and the object of the sedition law will
be effected, so far as regards the freedom
of debate in this House. The object OF
the sedition law of 1893 was to suppress
discussion, and to prevent attacks upon the
party in power. Such was the object OF
this resolution.
There is more than one circumstance in
the state of the times, Mr. Chairman, which
is calculated to remind us of the era of 1898
and, that | may not be thought TO have
referred TO that period without very suffi-
cient reason, | beg leave briefly to notice
the similarity between the two periods o.
| 1898 and 1886 The alien and seditior
laws, the proposition of the party then in
power to establish a standing army, and IL
create and maintain a great naval arma
, ment, were regarded by the republican par
r ty in 1898 as hostile to the genius and splrl
/ Of our free institutions, and tending decd
eddy to the Introduction of arbitrary power
The party now in power are in favor o
: both these measures. The sedition law
was based upon the idea of the same inlal
= libility Of the President and the party thel
I in majority in Congress, which is nov
| assumed for the present executive and tn
p party now in power. There was said TO b.
: a French party in this country in l79S
g aud most strange to relate, it has been pro
I claimed upon this door, in the course O
, this debate, that there is a French part
! now in this country. TO show how tn
D war panic, and the proposition for stand
t ing army and great navy, was spoken o
f and resisted in 1893, and to illustrate tn
4 striking coincidence of the two periods,
u will read an extract from one of the on
i thousand remonstrances laid before Con
2, gross in l79S-'99. The one from whic
10 This extract is taken was adopted and for
n warded by public meeting of the ster
= republican yeoman of the great State c
r Pennsylvania:
II "Your memorialsIs would further be
d leave to demonstrate against several of tn
= measures, which either have been adopted
Il or which NAV he still in cnninunnlnIinn /