State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1831-1836, 1836-02-29
For the State Journal.
WAR WITH FRANCE.

magnitude ana intense interest, as is tllat OF
war with France, without the suspicion
of being influenced by party considerations
or party bias. 1t is constantly said, and
believe truly, that all parties have but one
feeling, and express but one opinion, on
s1knroject of our relations with France
namely that France has ill-treated and for
feited her word towards us; and that she
really deserves at our hands some practical
expression of our just indignation. And so
much does the general tone of public ex-
preston, without regard TO party dislinc-
tons, led,tNow ardswar, that it would not
be strange if our government, in summing
up the feelings of the people at large, in
relation to the question before lis, should
honestly come to the conclusion that the
. balance was on the side Of war. Let not
those who have up to this moment encour-
. aged the supposition that war with France
would not be dispcasing to them, consider
themselves at liberty hereafter to revie the
present rulers for bringing upon their
country the calamities Of war. They have
utterly precludcd themselves from any
right to find fault after the irrevokable de-
cree has gone forth.
Now is the time for the expression of
opinions in relation 10 the attitude to be
assumed towards France, which cannot be
reasonably sigmaized as mero party cbuli-
tons, because, rs has been already said,
the question has not yet become party
question.
The causes of our protractcd negotiations
with France up to the time of the recent
treaty of compromise, has nothing to do
now with the question of Peace or War.
France on her part has given us her bond,
gay for five millions of dollars; and we on
our part have given her certain commercial
privileges; being in full, on both sides of
all canns and demands ofevery description
whatsoever. So far the settlement is final.
The whole affair thus resolves itself into
mere matter of dollars and cents. Our sole
claim against France now, is her bond, or if
sot, prefer it, her note of hand. This note
Of hand, while she admits its validity, she
under a frivolous prctext refuses to pay,
except under certain conditions which we
decline complying with. Well, what is to
be done? Shall we go &c war with France
for five millions of dollars Indeed it is
for much less than five millions of dollars
that we propose to 90 to war. France de-
mics not the debt she says not that she
will never pay it, but taking offence, with
out sufficient cause, it is granted, she has
anncXe. n condition to the payment of her
debt which amounts TO an indefinite post
ponment No allowance must be made for
the characteristic sCnsitiveness of French
men no time granted for the high excite
ment, for which they fancy they have sutfi-
Gent cause, to subsde, and for calm reason
10 resume her sway; no time allowed for
returning sense of Justice; but, as 1t were,
without day of grace, the thunderboIt Of
war must be levelled at generous and chlv-
nlrous France France our first and most
efficient - friend in the hour of
our greatest need France who sympo-
thized so deeply in the war we waged for
liberty, as to involve herself in disasters and
horrors unparalleled in the civilized world,
and who has from our birth as nation,
with the exception of occasional Interrupt
tions, owing to the internal distracted state
or the edicts of her despotc rulers, been,
what she now is, one of the most valuable
commercial alys. But it is said our honor
demands that we should go to war with
France. Honor indeed! Does the honor
of the great and powerful Republic of
North America centre in her purse? Why,
the most determined duellist would scorn
TO shoot a man because he would not pay
him what he owed him. The man who
should challenge another 10 mortal combat,
or who should commit depredatlons upon
his property, for filthy lucre's sake, would
be expelled the society of all honorable
men, as well as all men of honor.
The point of honor is alone assailable by
3nsulting language, or the actual contact OF
the hand or fingers with the face or nose,
and when thus attacked nothing short OF
the blood of the offender or offended can
repair the injury. This is the ultra doctrine
of the dueIlest and will a consderate, a
moral, not TO say, religious people, such as
l trust are my fellow conutrymen, surpass
even the professed duellist in blind and
mad devotion to n mistaken point Of honor,
by requiring not blood tor blood, nor blood
for insult or personal injury, but like very
Shylocks demanding blood for gold!
again repeat that cannot perceive that our
present differences with France involves a
point of honor but suppose it be conceded
that they do, surely no reasonable man can
upon serious reflection, insist that it is of Il
nature to require an immediate resort ia
hostile measures. If the stand which
France has taken in relation to the debt she
owes us, amounts to that species of injury
which affects our national honor, it mus
be admitted, at any rate that the injury is
wholly negative. 1t is not like continued
nggressons, which call for immediate and
decisive action to prevent repetition o
INJURY, as well rs 10 lniIict punishment LOT
or show proper resentment ofpast inlu
ries. Even under circumstances Of posi-
tive and oft repeated injury and insult, it il
not uncommon, neither is it considered dis
honorable for nation TO show long for
clearance, and to rest content for years I'M
der the hope of obtaining satisfaction eithe
through diplomatic agency, a change O
feeling in the aggressive Government, or (
.changein the Government ITSELF
The chuses Of our last war with England
.prnsent a cnsa in noini. where the ininr,