Cheraw gazette. [volume] (Cheraw, S.C.) 1835-1838, 1836-05-31

! great INJUSTICE, to the surrounding States in
| particular, and to all the slave States in
general, and in a degree propor,ioned to
| their proximity to the District, and to the in.
fluence upon the institution ef slavery in
the Union, of such action on. the part of
Congress. They have also shown, that the
abolition of slavery here, so far from tend
ing to "cnsure domestic tranquility" would
have direct tendencyt to produce domestic
discord and violence, and servlle war, IN all
the savcholding States. AS these con-
sequences, then, would follow such acton
in reference to the States, your committee
need not say, that, instead Of providing for
"thc common defence by it," Congress
would be called upon "to provide for the
common defence" in consequence Of 1t, and
to an extent which cannot now be foreseen.
Seeing, then, that the American Confedcracy
was formed for the great objects Of pro-
viding for the common defence and general
welfare" it follows, necessarily, that Con-
gress is not only restrained from the com.
mission Of rny act by which these objects
may be frustrated, but that it is bound to
sustain and promote them. The same
provision Of the constitution which requires
it to call out the militia TO "suppress in.
surrcctions," unquestionably imposes the
corresponding obligation upon it, to commit
no act by which IN ,nsurrcctionary spirit
may be excited. The same provision which
enjoins it on the Federal Government, to
guaranty to each State republican form
of Government, and to aid and protect each
State against domestic violencc,"* evidently
implies the corrclative obligation to take no
step, Of which the direct and inevitable
tendency would be to overthrow the State
Governments, and to involve them in wide
spread scenes of misery and desolation.
In one word, if it be the duty Of Congress,
MS it most clearly is, 10 support and preserve
the constitution and the Union, then it is
manifest, that it is bound to avoid the adop.
ton of any legislation which may lead to
their destruction. Your committee con-
slider these positions too obvious to require
argument or illustration: They consider it
equally manifest, that any attempt to abo.
lish slavery in the District, would necessarily
tend 10 the deplorabe consequences to which
they have advcrted. Congress, therefore,
is bound, by every principle of duty which
forbids it to interfere with slavery in any of
the States, to abstain from any similar in.
reference in the District Of Columbia.
Your committee have already adverted to
the evils that would necessarily result to
the surrounding States, and to the slave
States generally, from any interference by
Congress with the institution of slavery in
the District Of Columbia. The nature and
magnitude.of those evils, however, require,
that they should be exhibited more fully and
distinctly. The questionis, whether slavery
ought to be abolished in the District of
Columbia? Now suppose the affirmative
of this proposition were sustained by Con-
gress, what would be but indirect legisla-
tion, or rather interference, as regards the
rights and property of the southern States.
And can any one imagine that such state
Of things woull be patiently borne? But
this is not all: nay, it is not half the evil
that would follow. Could slavery be abo-
lishcd in the District without leading directly
and inevitably to insubordination apd revolt
throughout the South? And can any one
desire to produce such results Is there a
man who has forgotten the history Of St.
Domingo, or the insurgent attempts a:
Charleston, or the tragical scenes at South.
ampton! or the recent and lamentable oc-
curenccs in the States of Louisiana and
Mississippi? or is there an individual who
would wish them repeated, and extended
throughout the entire region Of the South ?
Why, then, will infatuated individuals persist
in pressing a scheme, which is not only
impracticable, as regards the States, but
fraught with evil to the very objects it is
proposed to benefit? True philanthropy
would avoid this subject seeing the dis
traction it creates, and the dreadful con-
sequences it involves. Itwould leave it to
those whom it most concerns, and who alone
are competent to act upon it. Itwould trust
to time and the gradual operation Of causes
which may arise of themselves. but which
can neither be produced, nor FASTENED by
foreign interference, or the power Of this
Government. Why then, your committee
earnestly repeat, why urge measure which
is clearly impracticabe in itself, which none
but the slaveholding States have right to
act on, and which has increased, and will
always increase, tbehardships and restraints
Of those for whose imaginary benefit they
are wagng this cruel and anatical crusade?
We have said hat tthe scheme Of general
emancipation is impracticable. The slight.
est reflection must satisfy every candid
mind of the truth of this assertion.
Admitting that the Federal Government
had right 10 act upon ibis matter, which It
clearlv has not. II certainly never could