Vermont telegraph. [volume] (Brandon [Vt.]) 1828-1843, 1836-06-30
BRANDON, THURSDAY, JUNE 80, 1886.

who has chosen to exercise it. | will ap
peal onl y 10 what happened no longer ago
than the sitting Of Yesterday and Of this
morning, when, at the hour of one, the
Speaker adjourned the House, not in the
usual form of ten o'clock tomorrow morn
ing, but to ten o'clock OF Wednesday morn
ing, that is, of this day. Is it not within Ihe
recollection of every one who hears me, that
two gentlemen, both distinguished members
OF the House, from the State of Maryland,
from the hour Of seven to that of ten, or lit
tie short of that time, last evening, enter
tanned and instructed the Committee of the
Whole HAnse with a controversial. DISGUST
ton upon the Constitution of the Safe of
Maryland, and upon the very important
question whether the voice of the Legisla-
ture of that State was or was not an expo
nent of the popular will? Is it not remem-
bered that this disquisition was held in the
form OF dialogue SO animated, that the re-
tort courteous, the quip modest, the counter
check quarelsome, and almost the lie cir
cumstantial, passed between those gentle
men, without interruption from the chair
man, and without call to order, till at last an
honorable member from Tennessee propos-
ed that the difference between the two mem
bers should be settled by arbitration? And
what was the question before the committee,
sir, upon which this spirited and eloquent
conference was held? Was it upon an ap-
preparation of seven hundred thousand dol
lars for arming the Notifications of the Unit
ed States2 or upon an amendment to that
proposal, by reduction of the salaries Of
all your principal executive officers and of
the compensation of members of Congress?
Sir, it was upon one Of these two PROPOSE
tons, so exceeding ly relevant to each other,
that the colloquy between the two gentle
men from Marylan upon the Constitution,
Legislature, and People Of that highly re-
spectacle State, was held, for hours, with
out interruption or call to order. And now,
sir, am to be disconnected and silenced, or
admonished by the Chair that | am ap-
preaching to irrelevant matter, which may
warrant him to arrest me in my argument,
because say that the reason for which |
shall vote for the resolution now before the
committee, levying a heavy contribution
upon the property of my constituents, is iden-
tlcally the same with the reason for which
| voted against the resolution reported by
the slavery committee, that Congress has
no authority to interfere, IN any acay, with
slavery in any Of the States Of this Union?
SO, was not allowed to give my reasons
for that vote, and majority Of nv consutu-
ents, perhaps proportionably as large as
that Of this House, IN favor of that resolu-
ton, may, and probably will, disapprove Of
my vote against it, unless my reasons for SC
voting should be explained to them. ask
ed but five minutes Of the House to give
those reasons, and was refused. ] shall
therefore, take the liberty to give them now,
as they are strictly applicable to the meas
| l,2ca L.
only justification for voting In favor Of this
resolution.
return then, to my first position, that
there are two classes of powers vested by
the Constitution of the United States in
their Congress and Executive Government
the powers to be exercised in time Of peace
and the powers incidental 1car THAI
the powers ofpeace are limited by provisions
within the body of the Constitution itself
but that the powers of war are limited anc
regulated only by the laws and usages O.
nations. There are, indeed, powers O.
peace conferred upon Congress which also
come within the scope and jurisdiction O.
the laws of nations, such as the negotiation
of treaties of amity and commerce, the in
terChange OF public ministers and consuls
and all the personal and social intercourse
between the individual inhabitants of thu
United States and foreign nations, and thu
r Indian tribes, which require the lnterpOsl
ton Of any law. But the powers OF war arr
all regulated by the laws of nations, and are
2 subjects to no other limitation. It's by thi
power that am justified in voting the mon
5 eY of my constituents for the Immediate re
: lief of their fellow-citIzens suffering will
z extreme necessity even for subsistence, b.
c the direct consequence Of an Indian war
f Upon the same principle, your consuls i
f foreign ports are authorized to provide tC
= the subsistence of seamen in distress, an
. even for their passage to their own country
t And it was upon that same principle thu
e I voted against the resolution reported
e the slavery committee, chat Congress po
e sesses no constitutional authority to int
t, fere, in ann pay, with the institution
l. slavery in anv of the States of this ConfeC
e eracy,h to which resolution most of thos
l. with whom usually concur, and even m
S. own colleagues in this House, gave the
V assent do not admit that there IS, eve
n among the peace powers of Congress, sue
D. authority; but in arGr there are many wa!
)e bv which Congress not only have the a
q, thoritv, but are bound to interfere with Il
in institution of slavery in the States. TT
g existing law prohibiting the importation
,e slaves into the United States from forele
- countries, is itself an interference with Il
W institution of slavery in the States. 1t W
be so considered by the founders of the co
er stilution of the United States, in which
ir, was stipulated that Congress should 4
ny interfere, IN that 1edy, with the institute
'e prior to the year 1903.
"a During the late war with Great Brita
on the military and naval commanders of tn
ne nation issued proclamations inviting
Isl slaves to repair to their standards, WI
promises of freedom and Of settlement
Ter some Of the British colonial establishment
by This, surely, was an interference with
M institution of slavery in the States. BY
TO- treaty of peace, Great Britain stipulated
-as evacuate all the forts and places IN the w
at I'D STATES without carving away any SlaV