State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1831-1836, 1836-02-02

tentloll 10 TINS SUBJECT, nor can tney give IL
too soon."
But there is another objection some
times urged against legislating on the sub
Ject of slavery, which must not be over
looked in this discussion. Every attempt
TO disturb the existing relation of master
and slave, it is said, tends to disturb the
balance of the Constitution, inasmuch as
1t was among the compromises which en-
tered into the formation of that instrument,
that three fifths of the slaves should be re-
presented in this body.
Now sir, in the first place, let it be obser-
we'd that we are not asked to legisate on
the abolition of slavery in Virginia or
South Carolina, but in the District of Co
lumbia; and that our legislation disturbs
the balance of the Constitution only by
the influence of its example upon the slave
holding States.
In the second place, contend that a just
exercise of all the powers granted in the
Constitution can never disturb its true, bal
ance, but is itself the preservation of that
balance.
If the Constitution authorizes Congress
to abolish slavery in the District of Column
bia, and the tendency of the exercise of
that power should be to abolish Slavery
in the Slave States, and thus reduce their
representation in this body, it is constitu-
tional result, Of which no State has a right
to complain. AS well might we complain
OF the abolition Of slavery in the West
India Islands by Great Britain, because its
tendency is to produce the same result in
the United States. Neither Congress in
the one case, nor Great Britain in the 9TH
or iS th,
sequences of righttul exercise of power
i mean, responsibility to the Constitu-
ton i'll the one case, and the Law of Ma
tons i'll the other.
But, sir, the balance of the Constitution
is already disturbed, in the other direction.
When the Constitution was adopted, the
Mississippi OIL the West, and Florida OH
the south, formed the limits of the Confed-
Grated Republic. For any thing contcm-
plated in the Constitution, these boundaries
formed impossible limits, beyond which
slave population could not bring into Con-
gress representation upon that basis. The
purchases of Louisiana and Florida have
added two additional slave States, and will,
probably, ere long, add two more. And
do gentlemen reflect how much this has
disturbed the balance of the Constitution?
But this is not ALL The balance, in
point of fact, has been disturbed, and must
be more SO, by the great relative increase
Of the slave population of The South, and
the dimunition, almost the extinction, of it
at the North. And although this is not, of
course, an unconstitutional increase, yet it
is obvious that the enormous and alarming
relative increase of the slave population,
compared with that of the whites, was not
within the contemplation of the men who
formed the Constitution.
Thus, in the four Atlantic States south
of the Potomac, the increase of the whites
from 1890 to 1880 was "a per cent; while
that of the slaves was, duriLg the same
period, 1876 per cent. In South Carolina
the disproportion was still greater; the in
crease of the whites, during the same period
having been "a per cent, While that of the
slaves was 1914 per cent.
TO what results, Mr. Speaker, are the
principles which produce such dispro.
portonate increase of population, to lead
us? What will, in he progress of fifty
years, become Of the balance Of the Con-
stitution? These are questions which deep,
| ~ concern the free States.
But there is another question which
comes home 10 the slave States with tre-
mendous and appalling interest. What
will he their condition half century hence
in reference to this subject? That period
will roll away; and the principles which
govern the advance of the slave population
will continue to operate! And yet gentle
men say, hands OFF, let us alone. 1--WE
will leave it 10 our children, and our grand
children, and our great-grand-chldren &c
take care of themselves, and to brave the
Storm
But, sir, will pursue this train ofthought
no farther. leave it, and with it, the sub
ject which the House has so kindly indulg
ed me in discussing.
Deeply convinced, sir, that the petition.
ers have a right 10 ask us to abolish slavery
and the slave trade within this District, and
that we have not only the right, but that il
is our bounden duty forthwith to COM
mence the one, and TO begin and finish the
other, must ask, when the proper time
shall come, that the petitions shall be refer
red TO select committee, TO the end that
they may have the speedy and decisive &C,
ton of this body. 1t seems to me to be
due to the great importance of the subject
that they should be thus disposed of. Sir
we must not bury these petitions. And let
me say TO gentlemen, that such a policy
will certainly defeat itself You cannot
smother investigation of this subject. Sir
the spirit of free inquiry is the master spir-
it of the age. 1t bows to the authority OF
truth and reason and Revelations; but il
bows TO nothing else. 1t must have free
course, and it will have it; giving life and
soul and energy TO the march of liberal
principles, and destined to shake every in
sttuton on earth which does not recognise
the 'inaienable rights of man, and bnw TO
the supremacy of just and equal laws.
And, sir, it shall move onward, and onward,
| aud onward until avery kindred and