The Arkansas advocate., 1836-01-08

has HS, and the principles on which the use Of them is to be cannot tee soon be considered a::d ,led Already does the spirit of monopoly begin to exhibits natural propensties, ln attempts to exact from the public, for services which 1t supposes can mt be obtained on other terms. the most extrava- rant compensation. If these claims be persisted in. the question may arise, whether combination of citizens, acting under charters of incorporation iron. the States, ca hy direct ret;sal, , mand of an exhorbtant price, exclude the United States from the use of the established channels of
 communication between the different sections of the country; and whether the United States cannot without transcendlng their constitutional powers secure to the Post Office Department the use of those roads, by an act of Congress, which shall nroyide within itself some equitable mode for ad- ;lustine the amount of compensation To obviate if nossibe, the necessity ot considering this aues- ion 1t IS suggested whether 1t be not e1pedien to fix bv law, the amounts which shall be offered to railroad companies for the conveyance of the mails graduated according to the average weight to be sscertained and declared by the Postmaster Gene ral. Its probable that liberal proposition of that sort would be accepted
 In connection with these provisions in relation to the post-ofice department, must also invite your attention to the painful excitement produced in the south, by attempts to circulate through the mails infiammatory appeals addressed 10 the passions ofhe slaves prints, and in various sorts of pubca- lions. calculated 10 stimulate them to instruction, and to produce all the horrors of seryile war.
 There is doubtless respectable portion of our countrymen who can be so far misled, as to feel any other sentiment than that of indignant regret at conduct so destructive of the harmony and peace of the country and so repugpant to the principles ot our national compact, and to the dictates of humanl- ty and religion. Our happiness and prosperity es- sentially depend upon peace within our borders; and peace depends upon the maintenance, Tn good faith, of those compromises of the constitution upon ,thirh the Union IS founded.
 It is fortunate fer tine country that the good sense the generous feeling, and the deep-rooted attachment of the people of the non-slavehoidlng States 10 the Union, and to their felowcitizens ot the same blood in the south, have gwen so strong and impressive tone to the sentiments entertained against the proceedings of the misguided persons who have engaged Ill these unconstitutional and w;ck ed attempts and especially against the emissa- ries from foreign parts who have dared to interfere in this matter to authorize the hope that those attempts willno longer be persisted III. Butlf these expressions of the public will, shall not be sufficient to effect so desirable result, not doubt can be entertained that the non- -saVehodHg States, so far from eoantenancing the slightest interference with the constitutional rights of the south, will be prompt to exercise their authority Ill suppresslng so far as in them lies, whatever is calculated to produce this evil. z=.s
 Inleaving the care of other branches Of this ser- esng subject to the State authorities to whom they properly belong, t IS nevertheless proper for Con gress take such measares will prevent the post office department, which ties 1ed to foster amcable intercourse and correspondence between all the members of the confederaey, from being used as an instrument of an opposite character.- Tie general government, to which the great trust is eonfided, of preserving inviolate the relations created among the States, by the constitution, is especially bound avoid in it's acon any thing that may disturb them. would, therefore, call the special attention of Congress 10 the subject, and respectfully suggest the propriety of passing such law will prohibit, under severe penalties, the circulation in the southern States, through the ma
 of ineendiary publications intended to instgate the slaves to instruction.
 felt 1t to be my duty, in the first message which l communicated to Congress, to urge upon its at- ,ensen the propriety of amending that part ol the Constitution which provides for the election of the President and the Vice President of the United States. The leading object which had in view was the adoption oi some new provisions which would secure 10 the people the performance of this high duty without any intermediate agency. In my annual communications since, have enforced the same views, from sincere conviction that the best interests oi the country would be promoted by their adoption. If the subject were an ordinary one, should have regarded the failure of Congress to act upon It as all indication ot thelr Judgment that the disadvantages which belong to the present system were not So great as those which would result from any aainabe substitute that had been submitted to their consideration Recollecting, however, that propositions to introduce new fea- ture in fundamental laws cannot be too patient ly examined, and ought not to be received with fa- yor until the great body of the people thoroughly impressed with their necessity and value, a rem edy for real evils, feel that, in renewing the commendatonI I have heretofore made on this sub- Ject, am not ranscending the bounds Of just de- ference to the of Congress, to the dispo- son of the people. However much we may differ Tn the choice o the measures which should guide the administration of the government there can be but little doubt in the minds of those who really friendly to the republican features of system, that of it's important securities consists in the separation of tic Legislative and Executive powers, at the same time that each IS held respon- sble to the great source of authority which IS ac- knowledged to be supreme in the will of the people constutonaIly expressed. My reflection and ex- perience satisfy me, that the framers of the Const-
 tuition, although they were anxious to mark this fea- ture settled and fixed principle in the structure of the government, did not adopt all the precautions that were necessary 10 secure its practical observ- aTce; and that cannot be said to have carried in to complete effect their intentions until the evils which arise from this organic defect are remeded.
 Considering the great extent of our Confedera- cy the rapid increase of its populations and the di- versIty ot their interests and pursuits, It cannot be disguised that the contingency by which one branch of the Legislature Is to form itself into electoral College, cannot become one of ordinary occurrence, without producing incalculable mischief What was intended as the medicine of the Constitution In extreme cases, cannot be frequently used with out changing it's character, and sooner later pro- ducing lncurable disorder.
 Every election by the House of Representatives IS calculated to lessen the force of that security which IS derived from the distinct and separate character of the Legislative and Executive finc-