Herald of the times. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1830-1846, 1836-02-11

the usual course of Congress on such SUBJ
iects; and why should it be departed irom?-
Are we ready to say that the power of fixing
the places for new fortlications, and the sum
allotted TO each; Tie power OF ordering new
ships TO be brt, and fixing the number OF
such new ships; the power OF laying out
money to raise men for the army; in short,
every power, great and small, respecting the
military and naval service, shall be vested III
the President, without specification OF object
or purpose, or the entire exclusion of the ex-
ercise of all Judgment on the part OF Con
gress? For one, an not prepared. The
honorable member from Ohio, near me, has
said that if thc enemy had been on our shores
lie would not have agreed to this vote. Bat
| say, if the proposition were now before us,
and the guns of the enemy were battering
against the walls of the Capitol, | would not
agree to it.
The people of this country have an inter
est, n property, an inheritance in this INsTRU-
MENT, against the value of which forty capl-
tolls do not weigh the twentieth part OF one
poor scruple. There can never be any ne
cessity for such proceedings but teigned
and false necessity, a mere idle and hollow
pretence Of necessity; least of all, can 1t be
said that any such necessity actually existed
OH the Sd Of March. There was no enemy
on our shores; there were no guns pointed
against the Capitol; We were ln 10 war, nor
was there reasonable probability that we
should have war, unless we made it ourselves.
But whatever was the state of our foreign
relations, is il not preposterons to say, that II
was necessary for Congress to adopt tins
measure. and yet not necessary for the Presl-
dent to recommend it? Why should we thus
run in advance of all our own duties, and
IL l.. Al, ,,I, al In1
his Just responsibility? Why should there be
nothing but grant, and trust, and confidence,
on our side, and nothing but discretion and
power, on his?
Sir, If there be any philosophy in history;
if human blood still runs in human veins, II
man still conforms to the identity of his ma
ture, the institutions which secure constltu-
tionul liberty can never stand long against
this excessive personal confidence, against
this devotion to men--in utter disregard
both of principle and experience, which
seems to me to be strongly Characteristic Of
our times. This vote came to us, sir, from
the popular branch of the Legislature; and
that such vote should come from such
branch of the Legislature, was amongst The /
circumstances which excited in me the great
est surprise and the deepest concern. Ger
tainly, sir, certainly | was not, on that ac-
count, the more inclined to concur ii was
no argument with me that others seemed to
be rushing, with such needless, headlong |
trust, such inpetuosty of confidence, INTO the 1
arms Of Executive power. | held back the
stronger and would hold back the longer. !
see, or think see, in it either true vision
of the future, revealed by the history of the
past, or, if it be an illusion, it is an illusion
which appears to me in all the brightness and
sunlight of broad noon, that it is in this career
Of personal confidence, along this beaten
track of mdn-,Oorship, marked, every furlong
by the fragments of other free Governments,
that our own system is making progress to
its close. A personal popularity, honorabIy
earned, at first by military achievements, and
sustained now by party, by patronage, and by
enthusiasm which looks for no i'll, because 1t
means no i'll ITSELF seems to render men will
ling to CRAFTY power, even before its demands
are made, and to surlei. Executive discretion,
even in anticipation Of its own appetite. Sir,
it, on the 3D. of March last, it had been the
purpose Of both Houses Of Congress to create
military dictator, what formula had been
better suited to their purpose than this vote
of the House? 1t is true, we might have
given more money, if we had had it to give.
We might have emptied the Treasury; but
as to the form Of the gift, we could not have
bettered it. Rome has 10 better models
When we give our money for any military
purpose tUhoterer, what remains to be done!-
II we leave it with one man to decide, not
only whether the military means of the coun-
try shall be used at all, but how they shall be
used, and to what extent they shall be en-
ployed, what remains either for Congress or
the People but to sit still, and see how this
dictatorial power will be exercised! TN the
Sd of March, sir, had not forgotten-it was
impossible that should have torgottcn-the
recommendation in the message, at the open
ing of that session, that power should be vcs-
ted in the President to issue letters Of marque
and reprsal against France, at his discretion,
in the recess of Congress. Happily this
power was not granted, t"i suppose it had
been, what would then have been the true
condition Of this Government? Why sir, this
condition is very shortly described. The
whole war power would have been in the
hands of the President; for no man can doubt
a moment that reprisals would bring on n-
mediate war; and the Treasury, to the amount
of this vote, in addition to all ordinary appro-
priations, would have been at his absolute
disposal also. And all this in time of peace.
| beseech all true lovers of constitutional lib
erty, to contemplate this state Of things, and
tell me whether such be true republican ad-
ministration of this Government. Whether
particular consequences had ensued or not, is
such an accumulation of power in the hands
of the Executive according TO the spirit Of our
system? Is it either wise or safe? Has it
any warrant in the practice of former times?
Or are gentlemen ready to establish the prac-
ticc, as an example for the benefit Of those
who are 10 come after us?
But sir, the power to make reprisals, and
this money from the Treasury, had both been
1zEartal L. thn rrcat snn To hnlinvn