Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, 1836-12-15

y IdppSdTdnCe Ol lnlS eVlI, III we 40 not guar
d against the equally great one of promotiu
4 the unnecessary accumulation of public re'
: enue. No political maxim is better estal
: lished than that which tells us that an in
: provident expenditure OF money is the parer
G of profigacy and that no people can mop
to perepuate their liberties who long acqui
5 csce in policy which taxes them for object
not necessary to the legitimate and real wan
of their Government. E'latterine as is tn,
condition of our country at the present peri
cd, because Of its unexampled advance in al
the steps Of social and political improvement
it cannot be disguised that there is lurking
danger already apparent in the neglect o.
this warning truth, and that the time has ar
rived when the representatives of the people
should be employed in dcvising some more
appropriate remedy than now exists, to avert
it.
Under our present revenue system, there
is every probability that there will continue
to be surplus beyond the wants of the Go
vernment: and it has become our duty to
decide whether such Il result be consistent
with the true objects of our Government.
Should a surplus be permitted to accumu-
late beyond the appropriations, it must be
retained in the Treasury as 1t now is. or dis.
To retain it in the Treasury unemployed
IN any way, is impracticable. 1t is besides,
against the genius of our free institutions to
lock up in vaults the treasure of the nation
10 take from the people the right of bearing
arms, and put their weapons of defence in
the hands of u standing army. would be
scarcely more dangerous 10 their liberties
than TO permit the Government 10 accumulate
immense amounts of treasure beyond the
supplies necessary to its legitimate wants
Such u treasure would doubtless be employ |
ed at some time, as it has been in other coun- |
tries when opportunity tempted ambition
To collect it merely for distribution to the |
States, would seem to be highly impolitic, i'll
not as dangerous as the proposition to retain |
it in the Treasury. The shortest reflection
must satisfy every one that to require the
people to pay taxes to the Government mere
ly that they may be paid back again, is sport
ing with the substantial interests of the coun-
try, aud no system which produces such re
suit can be expected to receive the public coun-
tcnance. Nothing could be gained by it even
if each individual W no conributeda portion Of
the tax could receive back promptly the same
portion But it is apparent that no system
Of the kind can ever be enforced, which will |
not absorb a considerable portion of the mo-
v,
sions to the agents employed in the process,
and in the various losses and deprecations |
which arise from other causes; and the prac-
teal effect of such an attempt must ever be
to burden the people with taxes, not for pur-
poses beneficial to them, but to swell the pro-
fits of deposite banks, and support band of
useless public officers.
A distribution to the people is imprartica-
bic and unjust in other respects. 1t would be
taking one mans property and giving it to
another. Such would be the unavoidable
result of a rule of equality land none other
is spoken Of or would be likely to be adopt
ed) inasmuch as there is no mode by which
the amount of the individual contributions of
our citizens to the public revenue can be as
certained. We know that they contribute
unequaLiy, and rule therefore that would
distribute to them equally, would be liable to
all the objections which apply to the princi-
pies of an equal division of property To
make the General Government the instru-
ment Of carrying this odious principle into
effect, would be at once 10 destroy the means |
Of its usefulness, and change the character
designed for it by the trainers of the consti-
tuition.
But the more extended and injurious con-
sequences likely to resutfrom policy which
would COlIeet q surplus revenue Tor the pIlr- !
pose Of distributing it, may be forcibly illus
trated by an examination of the effects alrea-
dy produced by the present deposite act. This
act, although certainly designed to secure the
safe-keeping of the public revenue, is not en-
tirely free in its tendencies from many of the |
objections which apply to this principle of
distribution. The Government had, without
necessity received from the people a large |
surplus, which. instead of being employed !
as heretofore, and returned to them by means !
OF the public expenditure, was deposited with |
sundry banks. The banks proceeded to |
make loans upon this surplus, and thus con-
verted it into banking capital and in this |
manner it has tended to multiply bank char
tiers, and has had great agency in producing
a spirit of wild speculation The possession
and use OF property out of which this sur
plus was created, belong TO the people; BUT
the Government has transferred its posses
sion to incorporated banks, whose interests
and effort it is to make large profits out of
its use. This process need only be stated to
show its injustice and bad policy.
And the same observations apply to the in
fucnce which is produced by the steps ne
cessary to collect, as well as to distribute such
a revenue About three-fifths of all the du-
ties on imports are paid in the city Of New
York, but it is obvious that the means to pay
those duties are drawn from every quarter
OF the Union Every citizen in every State.
who purchases and consumes an article which
] 4 81 T., II