Herald of the times. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1830-1846, 1836-01-28

In my opinion the honor of France did not
require il, and the only vindication that can
be offered for the French ministry in accept
ing it is the necessity of the case; that il was
indispensable to its passage. But surely, in
tho midst Of the difficulties which il has
caused, we ought not to forget tnat the acts
Of our own executive were the cause OF its
insertion.
This (said Mr. C) brings us to the present
stage of this unhappy controversy. | shall
not offer an opinion on the message and doc
nments which have just been read, till have
had time TO read them at leisure, and more
fully comprehend their character and bearing
The senator from Pennsylvania has probably
! had the advantage of me in knowing their
contents. Here Mr. BUCHANAN signified his
dissent ! will not (said Mr. C) make the re-
marks that intended, but am not satisfied
with much that have heard in the reading
of the message and the documents. am, in
particular, very far from being satisfied with
the reasons assigned by the secretary ofstate
why he did not accept the copy of the letter
fIom the Duke de Broglie to the French
charge d'affaircs here, which the latter offered
to put in his possession. Iregret exceeding
! " that we have not that document. II might
have shed much light on the present state Of
this unhappy controversy. Much mystery
hangs over the subject
There is another point (sad Mr.. C.) which
requires explanation. There is certainly
some hope that the message at the opening
Of the session may be favorably received in
France. The President has in it expressly
adopted the explanation offered by Mr.. Liv-
ngston, which affords some hope, at least,
that il may prove to be satisfactory to the
French government. Why, then, send this
message at this time? Why recommend pre-
parations and non-intercourse till we have
heard how the message has been received in
France? Suppose its reception should be fa-
vorable, in the absence Of a representative of
our government at the French court, nothing
could be done till the message which we have
just received shall have passed the Atlantic
and reached Paris. How unfortunate would
be the consequence! What new entangle-
ments and difficulties would be caused in the
relations of the two countries! Why all this?
Who can explain? Will any friend Of the
what is intended?
l might ask (sad Mr. C) for like explnnn-
ton, why our charge was recalled from Paris
at the time he was. Why not wait till the
annual message was received? Whom have
we there to represent us on its reception, to
explain any difficulty which might remain to
be explained? All these things may have
satisfactory explanation. ] cannot, however,
perceive it. There may be some deep mys-
terry in the whole affair, which those only
who are initiated can understand.
fear (said Mr. C) that with the message
which we have this day received, the last
hope Of preserving the peace Of the country
has vanished. This compels me to look for
ward. The first thing that strikes me, in cas-
ting my eyes to the future, is the utter impos-
sibiity that war, should there unfortunately
be- one, can have an honorable termination.-
We shall 60 into war to exact the payment
pf five millions of dollars. The first cannon
on our part would be q receipt in
full for the whole amount. To expect to oh.
tain payment by treaty Of peace would be ,
worse than idle. If our honor would be in
volved in such a termination of the contest,
the honor Of France would be equally nvol-
we'd in the opposite. The struggle then
would be, who should hold ont longest in this
Improbable, and, were it not for the serious
ness of the occasion, ridiculous contest. To
determine this point, we must inquire which
can inflict on the other the greater injury, and
to which the war must he most expensive
To both a ready answer may be given. The .
capacity Of France to infllct injury on us is
ten times greater than ours to infict injuries
on her; while the cost of the war, in proper
ton TO her means, would be in nearly the .
same proportion less than ours to our means.
She has relatively small commerce to be
destroyed, while we have the largest in the
world, in proportion to our capital and popu-
lation. She may threaten and harrass our
coast, while her own is safe from assault.
Looking over the whole ground, do not
(said Mr. C) hesitate to pronounce that war
with France will he among the greatest ca.
lamites, greater than war with England
herself The power of the latter to annoy Us
may be greater than that of the former; but
so is ours, in turn, greater to annoy England
than France. There is another view connec-
ted with this point deserving the most serious
particularly by the commercial
and navigating portion OF the Union. Moth.
ing can De more destructive to our commerce
and navigation, than for England to be neu-
trail while we are bellgerent, in contest
with such a country as France. The whole
of our commercial marine, with our entire
shipping, woudpass almost instantly into the
hands Of England. With the exception of
our public armed vessels, there would be
scarcely flag Of ours ahoat on the ocean,
We grew rich by being neutral while Eng
land was beligerent. 1t was that which so
suddenly built the mighty fabric Of our pros
perity and greatness. Reverse the position
let England be neutral while we are belli-
gerent, and the sources of our wealth and
would be speedily exhausted. L
In a just and necessary war, (said Mr.. C.)
all these consequences ought to be fearlessly
met. Though friend to peace, when pro-
per occasion occurs, ] would be among the
last to dread the consequences Of war. I
think the wealth and blood of country are
well poured out in maintaining just, homo
rable, and necessary war; but in such war