Cheraw gazette. [volume] (Cheraw, S.C.) 1835-1838, 1836-05-31

NcIEHlCut "OulQ use lllC Slaves, vi ttil IL
would not. If it would use them, then
they would not be cmancipated; and it
would be an idle mockery to talk Of the
freedom of those who would only cease to
be private, to become public, saves. If
it would not use them, then how could it
be said that they were taken for the pub
lie use, consistently with the provision just
rccited! But even if they could be taken
without reference to public use they could
not be taken without just compensation.
1t is exceedingly questionable, however,
whether Congress could legally apply the
public revenue to such an object, even
with the consent of the owners of the
slaves. AS to emancipation without their
consent, and without just compensation,
your committee will not stop to consider
it. 1t could not bear examination. Hon
or, humanity, policy, all forbid it. 1t is
manifest, then, from all the considerations
herein stated, (and there are others equal
ly forcible that might be urged) that Con-
grcss could not abolish slavery in the Dis
,rict of Columbia, without violation of
the public faith.
Your committee will only add one or
two reflections upon this interesting point.
What is tho meaning of the declaration
adopted by tho House, in relation to the
District Of Columbia! Is it not, that Con-
gross cannot and will not do an act which
it has solemnly proclaimed to involve vi
olation on the public faithl Docs it not
afford every security to the South which it
is in the power Of the Federal Govern
mcnt to a1ordl Is it not tantamount, in
its binding obligation upon the Gorsrn-
mcnt, to positive declaration, that the a
bolition of slavery in the District cf Co.
lumbia would be unconstitutional Nay, is
it not even more efcdcious in point of tach
Constitutional provisions arc matters ofcon-
struction. The opinion Of one House, up
on an abstract controverted point, may be
ovcrrulcd and reversed by another. But
when Congress has solemnly declared that
q particular act 'couM be riolation ofthe
public faith, is it TO be supposed that it
would ever violate pledge thus given to
the country? Can any aboltionist expect
it! Need any citizen ola slave State fear it!
What is public faith but the honor of the
Government? Why are treaties regarded
as sacred and inviolable? Why, but be-
cause they involve the pledge, and depend
upon the sanctity ofthe national faith? Why
arc all compacts or promises made by Go.
vcrnmcnts held to be .irrerocably binding?
Why, but because they cannot break them
without committing perfidy, and destroying
all confidence in their justice and integrity?
Surely then, your committee may say with
the utmost confidence, (and the sentiment
will be ratified by every American hcart)
that the declaration now promulged in rcla-
ton to this subject, will not be departed from
by any succeeding Legislature, except under
circumstances (should any such ever arise
in the progress Of our country in which a
departure from it would not be regarded by
the slavcholding States themselves, as
wanton or arbitrary infraction ofthc public
faith!
Your committee arc further instructed to
report, that, in the opinion Of this House,
Congress ought not to interfere in any way
with slavery in the District of Columbia
2dly. Because it would be unwise and
impolitict
1t will be palpablc TO the minds Of all, that
if the committee have succeeded in esta-
bIishng, as they think they have, that any
such interference on the part of, Congress
would be a violation Of the public faith, it
would be work Of supercrogation to at
tempt to show, that such an act would be
unwisc and impolitic: as there may be some,
however, who may not agree with them in
their arguments or conclusions upon that
point, they feel bound, under the instruc.
ton of the House, te offer 4 few suggestions
under this head.
The Federal Government was the crea-
ton of the States of the Confcderacy, and
the great objects ofts creation and organi-
zation "were to form more perfect union,
establish justice, insure domestic tranquilIl-
ty, and provide for the common defence and
general welfare"
Apply these principles, then, to an inter-
ference by Congress with slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia. Such action, to be po-
litic, must be in accordance with some one |
of those great objects; and it will be the du-
ty Of the committee, in as concise man.
ncr as possible, to show that it would not be
in accordance with either of them.
First, then, as to the District itself.
1t has already been shown, that any in.
reference, unsolicited by the inhabitants of
the District, cannot Establish JUSTICE or
promote the cause ofjustice within it, but
directly the reverse. No greater degree of
slavery exist here now, than did exist when
the constitution was adopted, and then the