Martinsburg gazette. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1833-1855, 1835-09-17

Now. what first led to better ACQUAINTANCE
; what but magnanimous sympathy OF
me south IN feelings excited in the north
~ the expressions Of the parent country P
Wnen our soil was invaded, this part Of
tne country was the seat of war. we were
resuy ana eager enough to invite them "a
come 10 our aid, and TO make with us com
mon cause. ! need not say how promptly
mey accepted the invitation, nor how cor
oiaiiy lhey assisted our fathers in the cab
met and how nobly in the field. hu, mas,
on 10 the epoch OF the first confederation.
ny TINS lime The delegates in congress from
the different colonies had become familiar
WIN each other, and with the respective
circumstances, Of the people Of the differ.
ent sections Of the Union: The subject Of
slavery. and the claims OF Their proprietors
over their slaves. must have been beforr
them, and considered with great delibera-
ton. We find provision in those article.
Tor apportioning the troops 10 be raised
Tor the public service, among The free Witt.
ihhaoltants oil the several states. accordng
TO their numbers. In this article. the claim
Oh the south tUeonsider their slaves as II.
phefs, y acq1esced IN. and confirmed by
,ne north here was no surprise, no nisun-
oers'ahuing, no concealment of facts or Of
claims. Upon The faith Of this confedera-
uon they continued to act with Us, and bv
means OF i we trlumphed together in war.
anu obtained the blessings Of independence
aud peace. Now, sir. il we objected to
leave in their hands the care Of their own
slaves, they should have been advised Of
u. u 4 were intended TO reserve 10 the
north The arrogation Of right to inter-
iere with them at future day, the con.
federation was fraud. Ii this be an az
yer thought, II comes too iate.--S Sup
pose an article had been proposed 10
the congress that formed the instrument Of
confederation, purporung that the northern
states should be at liberty to form anti
slavery associations, and deluge the south
with hom'l'cs upon slavery, how would il
have been receivedp The gentleman be-
lore me has apostrophised the image Of
washington. will follow his example.
and point to the portrait of his associate.
Hancock, which is pendant by his side
Let US imagine an interview between them
~ the company Of friends, just after one
had signed the commission Tor the othrr--
ana IN Illuminating upon the lights and shn-
dows Of futurity, Hancock should have
said" congratulate my country upon
tho choice she has made, and | (oreser
that the laureis you gained in the field Of
braddocks defeat viii be iwined with
those which will he earned by you in tho
war OF independence yet, such are the
preJndices IN my part Of the Union against
slavery, that although your name and SER
vices may screen you from opprobrium
curing your life, your countrymen, when
me willow weeps over your tomb, will DO
branded by mine as msnstealers, and muir
derers, and the stain OF il consequently an.
nexed TO your memory" Would not such
prophecy been imputed TO brain dis.
turbed By public cares, and it's accoms lsh-
ment regarded as mere chmera?
| Having passed through the revolutions
ry war, LEI ne come down TO the framing
! OF the Federal Constitution. At this time
the spirit OF the age had made great adj
vances; the abhorrence Of the slave trade
growing daily more extensive, was regar.
ded as the hnal harbinger of IFS prohibition
The abominable traffic was not then in
less dlsIepute than il is al this moment -
Slavery, too. as condition, and especial
~ as a condition of q portion OF the Uni
on, was deplored at that time as SINCERELY
| and universally as il is now by the other
portion. That this topic in all its bear
ngs was presented and examined when
| the Federal constitution was being formed
| is known to al! acquainted with the history
| OF those times. and may be conclusiyely
| inferred from the doc ument Itself So far
| were tie northern states from assuming
any pfetenslon TO regulate the interior
economy OF the southern, that they we're
compelled TO exempt them for ten years
from the general operation Of the laws re-
galating commerce, and allow the impor-
tation of slaves during that period. This
constitutes most important feature in
the federal compact Ii would alone be
decisive on the subject. The right 10 i'm
port, implies inevitably The right to hold
those who may be imported, and the right
TO hold includes that Of government and
protection, and excludes that Of all direct
interference by others And no princi-
pie oil morals permits men or states TO at
tempt by indirect and ohlique modes, to
elude the restraints OF plan and unequi-
vocal obligation. Another clause 10 the
constitution is a contract on The part of
the non slaveholdiDg states 10 seize and
restore runaway slaves; but why restore
when you have taught the slave that he
has right 10 freedom Lastly, it was
agreed by the clause apporiioDing repre-
sentatives, that the master should exercise
all the political rights Of the slave, and
that he should be nothing. Such, Fellow
citizens, is the bargain which we, the peo-
Pile Of the United States, have made with
each other. In what age Of the world.
and among what people aud States was a
compact ever made more solemn and sa
credp 1t is plain and peispicuous. II
was made with our eyes open, with full
knowledge Of all the circumstances of The
case, OF all the inducements to make il, Of
all the objections that could be made
against IT. Every one Of the people is
bound TO adhere TO IT, Every man who
holds Office has sworn to support it, and ia