Litchfield enquirer., 1835-04-23


 of indiscFimiOate support of Executive ineas- ures, of pliant subssrA iency aod gross aduIa- ton. All thrOog and rush together iO the al- tar of man worship; and there they offer sac. rihces, and pOnr our libations. till the thick fumes Of their incense turn their own heads, snd turn, also, the head Of him who is the Ob- ject of their idDlatry.
 The existence of narties in popular GOv- erOmeOts IS not tU he avoided; and if they are turned On CODstitutiOnaI questions. OT in regard tO great Hleasurrs of public policy, and do not run tO excessive length, it may be ad- mitted that. on the w hole. they do no great harm, ButJhe patronage of office, the pow CT of bfstOwing place and emOluments, cree l ate parties. not upon any principle, or any measure, bsi npen the single ground of per- s"naI interest. Under the direct influence of l this n1"tive. tAty firm round a leader, and they go fer t' the sPDiIs of victory" And if I the party chipftain becomes the naiional chief tain, he IS still hut too apt to consider all wh" have opposed him as enemies to be punished, ! and alt who have supported him as friends to be rewarded. Blind devotion to party. and 1 to the head Of party. thits take place of the sentiments Of generous patriOtism, and high and exalted sense of public duty,
 Let it nut he said, sir, that the danger from Executive patronage cannot he great. since the persons wh0 hold office, or can hold office, constitute so small a portion of the whole people. .r
 tn the first place, i: is to be remembered that patronage acts. not. only on those who 1 actually possess office, but on those also who expect it. ot hope for it: and in the next place, office holders. by their very situation, their public station. their eOnnexion with the btssi- ness of individuals, their activity, their ability to help or to hurt. aecordiog to their pleas ure; their acquajntaBce with. public affairs, and their zeal and devotion. exercise a degree of influence, out of all proportion to their numbers.
 Sir, we cannot disregard our own expert ence. We cannot shut our eyes to what is around us aud upon us. No candid man can deny that a great, very great change has taken place within few years. in the prac- tice of the Government, which has preduced corresponding change in our political cond tiOn. No one can deny that office, of every kind. is now sought with extraordinary avid ity, and that the condition, well understood to he attached tO every officer. high Or lOw, is indiscriminate suppHrt of Executive meas nres, and implicit obedience to Executive will. For these reasons, sir. am for arresting the further progress of this Executive patronage, if we can arrest it. ! am for staying the fur ther eontagion of this plague.
 | The bill proposes two measures. One is { to alter the duration of certain offices, now limited absolutely to four years; SO that the limitation shall be qualified or conditional. If the officer is in default, if his accounts are not settled. if he retains or iaisapplies fbe public 1 money, information is to be given thereof, and thereup0n his5commissi0n is to cease.- But if his accounts are all regulnrly settled, if No ARn. faithfully, then he is to remain in office, un- less, for sotne other cause, the President sees 6t to remove him. This is the provision of the bill: It applivs0ouiy 3tO certain enumera. .ed officers, who may he, called accounting officers that is to say, officers who receive and dfsbarse the public money. Formerly all these officers held their places at the pleas ure Of the President. .Ifh he saw no just cause for removing them. they continued in their stations; no fixed periOd being assigned for the expiration of their. commissions. But the act of 1920 limited the commissions of these officers te four years. At the end of four years they went out, without any removal. however well they may have conducted. or however useful to the public their further continuance in office might he. They might be nominated again. or might not; but their commissions expired.
 4NVWs ttCCIy uutBsG tUat COUStUSTAUIe benefit has arisen from this law. agree that it has, in some instances, secured promptitude, diligence and :s sense of responsibility. These were the benefits waich those who passed the law expected from it aud these benefits have in some measure, been realize5s > But think that this change. in the tenure ol cticc, to- gether with some good, has brought ai0Sg 3 far more than equivalent amount 0f evil. By the operation of this law, the President can deprive a man of office without taking the responsibility ofremoSing hiu. The law it. self vacates the office. and gives the means of Fewarding a friead without the exercise Ofthe power Of removal at alt. Here is increased power. wih dimiaishcd responsibility. Here IS n still greater dependence. for the means Of living. on Executive favor, and of course a new dOminion acqOired over opinion and over conduct. The power of removal is, or at least formerly was. a suspected and odious power. Public opinion would not always tolerate It; and still less frequently did 1t ap- prove tt. Something of character, something Of Inc respect of the intelligent and patriotic part of the community was lost by every in- stance of its Ghrecessary' exercise. This was some restraint. But the law of i89O took it all away. It vacated offices periodically. by its own operation. and thus added to the pow CT Of removal. while 1t left still existing in. fnll force, . new aud extraordinary facility forthe exleOsiOu of patronage, influence and favoritism. ....
 would ask Avery memher of the Senate if he does not perceive. daily. effects which may be fairly traced io this cause ! Dues he not see union Ofpurpnse. devotion l0 pow. l CT. cO.0psraii0n in action. among all who hold office naliAN ,kus, in