Rhode-Island constitutionalist. [volume] (Providence [R.I.]) 1834-1834, 1834-04-07

ist in the best organized system Of Government and
which are, at this moment visible and palpabe in
our own. we bring to our undertaking any of
the ancient sturdy spirit of Rhode Island patriotism,
we shall deserve, and, in the end, obtain proper
tionate success.
Nor is the business, felow-citizens, in which we
are engaged, mere narrow party affair, got up to
promote the sordid views ofpersona aggrandizement
The aspect of our assembly, composed, as it is, of
men OF all the political divisions in the State, at
iords sufficient evidence to the contrary. We have
:. individually sacrificed no opinions on National af-
iairs; we intend to sacrifice none we have asked
no one to make this sacrifice; we do not intend SO
to ask, nor desire to see it made by any who may
act with us. Leaving the field of National politics
to every mans previous preferences and attachments
we find, in the present political necessities of our
own State, common ground for friendly and har-
f''n %Sniogs ,s action W. her1 brethren ea;. and
and pendees r %%u %e on Of st a" obscs which
is large enough, nd wide enough to comprehend
within its limits of every political complexion,
apd all men who havea heart the public honor
and welfare.
There has been too much strife in this State about
Men, and for the benefit of Men; too much Man
| Worship. Party after party has come into pow
er; and many of us have lent our aid in efecting
these party triumphs. But we have had the morti-
icaton of perceivng that very little has been done
tor the Improvement of our political conditions from
the fear of endangering this that mans office or
| expectation of Office, from the fear of offending,
or from desire to conciliate this that prominent
politcian,-from anxiety to stand well with this
or that interest in the community. The fact and
the causes of it have been so apparent, that the
mere statement is a sufficient proof Of them. And it
has been for long time a certain conviction, in the
mind of every accurate observer of political affairs
that nothing but union OF men ofdlfierent parties
could ever promise any very decisive change for the
better in the condition OF our institutions In the spr
1t of concession and compromise upon matters of To-
cal politics, we have made this union, under the
standard of a CONSTITUTIONAL PARTY.
Few who are seriously in favor of the cause we
support will question the expediency, and ndispen-
slble necessity OF party organization to insure its
success. There must be head and front to our
undertaking. great political benefit to all par
ties and classes of men must be brought about by
political means. The idea that they who are oppo-
sed to Reformation, or who feel little interest in
1t, will take any measures for its accomplishment,
while its friends remain in apathy, or conine them
selves to complaints, resolutions and memorials, in
stead OF presenting themselves in the attitude of po-
ical preparation, is too delusive to be encouraged
for a moment and is repced by all past ex perence-
A party on wide and liberal grounds, such as we
hope has now been formed among us, becomes a
centre for the accumulation OF new forces, it al-
fords rallying point for the doubtful and hesita.
ting; it collects public opinion, and brings il to
bear, in the strongest and surest manner, upon the
ends to be attained.
That the present is favorable time, and the
right time for the formation of such a party, we
cannot entertain donht. The all absorbing ques-
tion OF Presidential election has been disposed of
for the present, by the reelection of the present in
cumbent. There is not, at this moment, such
doubtful balance of parties in the State as to give
to any attempt at Reform the appearance of being
measure designed solely for the purpose of secur-
ing apreponderancc to either side. There is also,
five do not greatly mistake the signs of the times,
an increasing disposition in all parts of the State,
and among all classes of our citizens, in favor of
the desired result, founded on belief of its neces-
slty and justice In order then to obtain this re-
sult which has been heretofore unatanable by 9TH
er parties from the nature of their position, and
from other causes, we ask you, fellow citizens to
approve our design, and to aid in its execution
II you are already convinced that it is mertorious
or If we shall be able to offer you any arguments
adapted to produce conviction. When you are so
convinced, the surrender by you of local feelings
to the general good, will, we doubt not be cheer
fully and decisiycly made.
Should you ask us for "A more particular express
ion OF our motives of action, shall make, in re-
ply, no loud professions of good intentions. Such
professions, from the too frequent contradiction of
them in practice, have fallen under just s,lspicion
and are received with very hesitating confidence
ny TIE puDllc. Judge lis Dy our tOOTRS. By them
we wish to be tried and are ready to stand or
fall IL we deyiate from the straight and onward
course which we have marked out, for the further
ance of secondary sinister ends, we fail and Just
ly fail in cause, of which we shall thus prove our
selves to be the unworthy advocates. But should we
proceed with singencss of purpose, with firm and
steady regard to the great object before us,-ad-
dressing ourselves with good temper and modcra-
tion to the and justice of the people,-and if
not without reproach, yet above the fear of it, |
when unjust, shall not only deserve, but receive
the support ofour fellow ctizens, and witness the
issue of our abors to the honor and advantage of |
the State.
1t would be consuming your time unnecessarily,
to enlarge upon the practical evils growing out of
the exercise of irresponsible power in general; and |
which attendant upon all irregular and flucu-
atng legislation. To attempt to convince you, by |
formal argument, of the truth of this great axiom
in political science, would argue disrespect for
your understanding and information of which we
sl.all not be guilty.
1t is equally apparent, general principle,
that discretionary regulation of the Elective Right,
and of the Judicial System, can never be properly
and safely vested in the Legislature. In the Ian
guagc of the learned and eminent Chancellor Kent,
/" The power of making laws is the supreme power
in State; and the department in which it resides
will naturally have such preponderance in the
political system, and act Nth such mighty force
upon the public mind, that the line of separation
between that and the other branches of the govern
mcnt ought to be marked very distinctly, and with
the careful precision" list vol. Commentaries,
IL ,atI IL, that from |