Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1834-03-14

ofosIy, ana treasury influence. lie avowed il his
belief that men could only be governed by their fears
or by their interests; and this latter principle he
attempted 10 govern the American people. The trea-
Sury department. was organized in such way us to
promote tho paas and purposes My Hamilton Tho
Journals of congress- and The debates on that occasion
place the fact beyond dispute.
The friends OF Mr. Hamilton insisted on making thet
department independent OF the executive, and the
same kiipi oil spec0uS argument which now hear
was used at that time. 1t was argued, shat the con-
stution gives the president the command of the mil.
tary. you give him complete power, tho man with
the strong box, hc will have tho liberties of America
under his thumb. Ii is easy the evil which may
result lfhe wants TO establish an arbitrary authority
and finds the secretary of finance inclined second
ms endeavorS he has nothing to do than
h and get one appointed, OF principles more congenia
with his own'
These the arguments used by the friends of Mr.
Hamilton But the republicans their designs and
opposed Them "in the constitution said they, "hc heads
OF departments are considered the assistants of
the president IN the performance of his executive duties
lie has The supcrmtcndcnce, the control, and the in
specton of their conduct. tits evidently the intention
of the constitution that the first magistrate should be
responsible for the executive department so far there
fore, do not make the officers who are to aid him
in the duties of that department responsible to him. he
is not responsible to his country" Hamon's party,
however, which the strongest far succeeded as
to give the treasury the appearance of independent
department, by causing the title to be amended as to
read an act to establish the treasury department."
Notwithstanding this title, which was given To il for
special object the republicans always maintained the
doctrine that 1t executive department. subject to
the superintendent and control of the president Our
whole history affords abundant evidence, and us we do
not wish to travel ground which has been previous
y occupied by Others, will refer only one record
as containing evidence of the highest order this sub
ject In the 4th vol. of Jeierson's Correspondence
page 46i, you will find the following passage. Theca
bnet it seems, which consisted OF Thomas Jefferson,
Alexander Hamilton, Henry Knox, and Edmund RAN
dolph, had assembled to consider various subjects
among others, the relation that existed between con-
Then IL.
MET again at the presidents the same subject We
had all considered and of one mind that neither
the committee nor house had right call the head
OF adepartmen, who and whose papers under the
president alone, but that the committee should instruct
their chairman to the house address the pres
dent Note: Hamilton agreed with us in all these
points except as to the power of the house call ON the
heads of departments. He Observed that as to his de-
parmen the act constituting it, had made it subject to
congress in some points but he thought hmselfnot so
far subject to be obliged to produce all the papers
they might call for. They might demand secrets of a
very miscellaneous nature. Here thought he began to
fear they would go to examining how far their own
members and other persons in the government had
been dabbng in stocks, banks &c and that he would
probably choose in this deny their power: and
III short, he endeavored to place himself subject to the
house when the executive should propose what he did
not like, and subject to the executive when the house
should propose any thing disagrceable"
There can be no doubt that Hamilton's design was
TO place the treasury i'll such an attitude command
the whole action of government The bill creating the
treasury department makes the duty of the secretary
" To digest and prepare plans for the improvement and
management of revenue and for the support of public
credit" Under this sweeping clause the secretary ac-
tualy exercised Legislative duties He originated reve-
nue. bills accompanied with arguments which Were read
on the floor of congress in their support.
We ask your serious attention TO the following his
torca eNtracts--they taken from sources of un-
doubted authority. We have no doubt YOU will disco
yer IN them the germ of those moral and political dis
eases, which 1t the misfortune of the present admins
traton to have to encounter in their full growth and ma
turity We have no doubt you will discover the origin
OF the deSeneracy and corruption of the present age
The first extract with which shall present Won is
taken from Findey's History of the Whiskey Insur-
rection in Pennsylvania. Fndley was himself n con-
spcuous member OF congress 81 in common with other
citizens was attentive to the operations of the federal
government nits outset; and was surprised toobserve
much of the legislative business referred TO the heads
of newly erected departments, and especially the orr
gtnattng rerene systems being referred 10 the head of m,
executive department. This influential power being sne
officially vested in the house of representatives and of
an untransterabe nature the transferring of it to an
executive officer seemed the extraordinary NV
opposition to 1t arose solely from opinion that it was
unconstitutional and improper. laid foundation for
an in and out of door influence to combine throuob
secretary as centre of Connection which might bias
The deliberations OF the house. had no apprehension
however, that the secretary of the treasury would take
umbrage at the house resuming the exercise of its own
powers, until was informed, that he ,oas hghy offended
al The first opposition that made 10 areerece frepeue
business 10 him 10 originate and threatened that if this
was refused, he would resign his Office On this occa-
sion not only the secretary himself was alarmed but
those that attached themselves to his interest out of
doors were much agtated few days after the vote,
heard respectable revenue officer public compa-
ny, say, that set of damned fellows in congress had
attempted to take the originating of revenue measures
out of the hands of the secretary and that if they sue
ceeded, all confidence would be lost and that certif
Gates had fallen considerably in consequence of the
attempt This agitation changed my fears into real
suspicious, that undue combination of interest had
been produced by this undue connection of legislative
and executive business
"Whena committee fways and means was appointed
in an advanced stage of the session. which sat in the
winter and spring of 1884, majority of the committee
were so attached to their usual mode of proposing reve
nue. measures that subcommittee, chosen out of the
committee of ways and MEANS Immediately referred the
business to the secretary In the second session of the
first congress the secretary of the treasury of his own
mo OIL an onJ laid "a, oc,-