Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, 1834-03-26

corntrv-and then let them ask themselves, Whe-
ther anv people on earth will, or can, reasona-
hlv he expected to abide with patience, the sale
of their property, of their very dwelling, under
the hammer Of the autloneer, when, tor want OF
a sound currency, it must be sacrificed, in order
IN nav debts due to the Bank Of the U. States
in which their direct interest as stockholders is
comparatively trivial? Whether it be not un-
wise and cruel to put the patriotism of any peo~
nile TO such test, events rapidly approaching
NAV serve to show. The love of the Union is
founded on just sense of its advantages to all
the loyalty of free people to Government is,
as it ought to be, founded on perceptlon OF It's
blessings, and must cease when 1t becomes a
curse might look to other parts OF the Union,
which present the danger under different as
pect-but will not pursue the subject, which,
indeed was loath to touch. If the alternative
shall be presented whether the charter OF the
bank shall not be renewed because it is uncon-
stitutional, or the Union, and with it OF course,
the whole Constitution, shall be put in jeopardy
the people will weigh the subject with anxious
care and deliberaton.
| fit please God to spare me life, and the pos
session of my faculties, the people OF Virginia
shall understand all the alternatives likely to be
presented to them. They must decide. When
the question shall be, whether vital and per-
manent change shall be wrought on the funda-
mental principles Of our nstitutons-whether,
in effect, any thing shall be done or omitted, the
doing or omission Of which shall lead to revolu-
tion-the determination shall not rest on my sole
responsibility-it shall rest on that Of the sover-
eign State to which belong. AS citizen,
may advise, dissuade, oppose; but, in the end,
shall not be able to discover myself from her,
! follow her destnes; stand by her in all events.
| But, sir, the question concerning the renewal
of the charter of the Bank of the United States
| is or rather it would have been, il the bank had
been permitted quietly to expire without any
violation of faith or Of law, SO comparatively in
| different to me, that it has been with some diff
Guilty that have, on this occasion, brought my
mind to the consideration of it. should have
been willing to see the institution 60 down.
content to see the nation struggling under any
degree OF inconvenience, enduring any endura-
| BILE state Of want, making any sacrifice of pro-
| perty; but cannot consent to the least sacrl-
| flee Of civil liberty. We see the President open
| ly assuming the power to dispose Of the public
treasure, at his pleasure, and his independent
| power; lending it through tine fundamentally of
his Secretary of the Treasury, by half millions at
q time, without any appropriation by law, to IA
| vored State banks, avowedly for the purpose of
enabling them to pay their own debts out of it,
and to trade on the surplus for their own profit;
and if he may lend it to body corporate, why
| not to a natural person? There is no conceivable
distinction in principle. We see him at the
same time, through the fundamentally of his
Postmaster General, borrowing money at six
per cent. interest without pretenec of any au-
thorty of law, and in contempt Of an express
provision of the Constitution vestng such power
in Congress. We see him taking away the pub
lie deposites from the Bank of the United States,
on allegations of misconduct no wise affecting
its fiscal agency, which he must know to be mat
ters of judicial cognIzance since he declares that
he would have ordered a Scire fdcids against
the bank, but for the short time its charter had
to run. Our most essential liberties are seized
into his hands; the principal features that dis
tinguish our republican system, are obliterated
by the exertlon OF an assumed and hitherto I'M
heard Of prerogative; and the President pro-
claims to the world that neither the opinions
of the people nor the voice Of the Legislature
shall alter his course of measures. The Consti-
tuition is falling in ruins around us. Shall we
sit here celebrating whether the charter Of the
bank shall be renewed or not? Of what avail
are our deliberations? | would by no means be
wantingi in courtesy towards the gentleman from
Massachusetts,, but, for my part, shall hardly
be willing even to consider the question of the
renewal of the bank charter, till the just autho-
rity OF the Legislature, and the vital principles
ofliberty shall be indicated and secured against
all assaults.
Our forefathers of the revolution resisted a
principle, which, if admitted, might lead to OPP
pression-they did not wait till actual oppres-
sion was felt-the stamp act and the duties on
tea were not enforced. They revoted against
the assertion Of power by the British Parlia-
ment to bind the colonies in all cases whatever
Here, the most palpably unconstitutional prero-
gatives are not only claimed by the President,
but exercised and persisted in, and if he shall
succeed in establishing them, the precedent will
be decisive and fatal. The influence of such a
precedent may be estimated by the use which
has been made of the examples set by Mr.
Crawford, while the administration ofthe Trea-
sury Department was in his hands. That gen
teman was not appointed to succeed another
officer, displaced for refusing, in the exercise
of discretion conhded to him. to withdraw the
public deposites from the Bank of the United
States at the Presidents bidding; so that, at
most, the only question, which his conduct pre-
sented, was question upon the construction of
the charter of the bank, as to the reasons for
which the Secretary might withdraw the depo-
sites. Neither didhe withdraw any money from
the bank, which had been deposited there-he |
only omitted to transfer to it moneys which had
been previously deposited in some of the State |
banks; consisting ofbalances of which the Bank
of the U. S. was unwilling to receive, as he was
to make, the transfer-and the transaction was
nfr