Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, 1834-03-10
TO the People of the United States.
LETTER V.

ronut.f;on obviously sanctioned by the PreS-
dent of the United States. And II had made
no other defence than the letter. which address
<ed TO him on the 10th of July, am satisfied 1T
Ivould have protected me from the false and
malignant aspersons of his official paper.
In submitting that letter to you, have defen-
ded myself against the Presidents assaults, and
at the same time removed the doubt, which APP
reared to have been entertained by some OF the
members of the senate of the United States,
whether the President had been duly warned as
IN the consequence of his proceedings. So that
of all nv objects in addressing you, so far as
the public are concerned, but one remains to be
executed; that of explaining the circumstances
connected with the mission of an agent to make
INQUIRIES as to the substitution of state banks
for the Bank ofthe United States, for conducting
the fiscal operations of the government. In
giving this explanation | shall remove another
doubt, expressed in the senate of the United
States whether an effort had been made to as
certain the consequences OF the removal OF the
deposites upon the relations of the United States
Bank and the state banks towards each other
shall show that, important as such an inquiry
was. the President would not consent that it
should be made.
But before proceed to these explanations,
you may desire to know the incidents which fol-
lowed the delivery of my letter OF the 10th OF Ju-
ly; desire on your part which may be the
more readily gratifed, as a narrative OF those
incidents will naturally lead to the subject OF
the mission, which have just referred to.
delivered to the President, on the 18th Of Ju-
ly, my letter of the 10th, of that month. If he
had been disposed to respect the trankneSs on
my part which he had not only invited but re-
uuired, no sort Of dissatisfaction would have
been felt by him, when he read my letter. On
the contrary, as it was his boosted rule OF con-
duct always to do what he thought right him
self he should have commended me for follow
inc his own example. And if he meant to re-
spect the promise, which he gave me not to in
terfere with the independent exercise OF the dis
erection committed to the Secretary of the trea-
sury over the deposites, he would have consid-
cred our correspondence closed by the letter
before him.
But rumor, particularly agile at Washington,
soon removed suspense on my part; and its re-
port was confirmed by a cold and almost queru-
lolls note from the President himself, which, in
effect announced that he would not respect my
sincerity or his own promise. He inquired
what fiscal agent proposed in lieu of the Bank
of the United States, since | objected to that
bank and the state banks also and desired
an interview on the subject on the 18th Of Jul
y.
Accordingly, on that day / waited on the
President; but as it is not needful TO my defence
to mention the particulars OF our conversation
I will barely say, that as to fiscal agency, l re-
ferred to my letter of the 10th of July. In that
letter had represented, that the adoption of
fiscal agency was d Legislative duty, and that the
whole subject of the currency must be consider
ed by Congress, in providing for the safety and
Transmission of the public funds. Consequently,
as the mere agent of Congress, would not VEN
ture beyond my own sphere, however inclined
/ might be respectfully to make suggestions
thereafter. The President finally said, he would
send me an answer to my letter of the 10th OF
July, and he accordingly did so on the 18th of
that month. This reply was explanatory and
perhaps may add exculpatory also. As soon
as received it, | wrote a commentary, dated
the 10th of July, and would have delivered it
but for the considerations which / shall now
mention.
When the President was at Boston, he neceS-
sary addressed me by letter; but, when he
returned, although his letter to me claimed a
written reply, perceived no necessity for the
continuance of formal correspondence On
the contrary, it seemed to me to be incorrect,
that two agents of the same people, who met
every day for the common good, should act as
if they were the representatives OF antagonist
powers. On other subjects, the President and
heads of departments had no such formal in
tercourse; and considered il my duty not to en-
courage it, although by withholding this letter
did violence to my personal feelings.
Besides, it was perfectly obvious, that it was
not with the President was measuring the wea-
pons of argument but that was thrust at from
behind the tapestry, without any power on my
part to return the blow, except upon the Presi-
dent, who really seemed to be unconscious that
it had been struck. BY this mean that in wr-
ting the President was made to insnuate what
was at variance with his own declarations; so
that was compelled to believe either that he
was unconscious of what was written for him,
or else that he was deceitful to me. | adopted
the former of these alternatives as the most
charitable conclusion. especially as | became
more and more satisfied that the President was
not guided, as to the deposite question at least,
bv his constitutional advisers, but impelled by
nersons who had sinister views.
Accordingly, l concluded to promote person
al intercourse only, and even fiattered myself
that if communication by letters could be termi-
mated. the President would adhere to his assu-
rance not to sc interfere with the independent
exercise of the discretion committed to the Sc
cretary ofthe treasury by law over the subject
of the deposites Under the influence OF these
feelings, and to avoid suspense, waited upon
the President twice on the 10th, and again on
the goth of July. At these interviews he said ne
wanted an inquiry only; and, on my saying
that his letter of June 26h indicated actual re-
moval by the 18th of September, he remarked
that the banks might not agree to the only plan
he thought safe, that of mutual guarantee; that