South Branch intelligencer. [volume] (Romney, Va. [W. Va.]) 1830-1896, 1834-11-29

I =
!, rations attributed 10 him in the news
papers, which he might disclaim, and
doubtless with truth, whenever he pleas.
ed. Mr.. L. had not the least doubt,
that he too might have thought, and
done, whatever fancy or caprice might
have suggested, in reference to this
bank question, without the least re.
proach from the class Of politicians he
was talking Of, if he had been content
10 pay the price of their federation, BY
sending in his adhesion to the Presi-
dent, and vowing allegiance to him.
They were for eleclIng any man as
Senator who would support the Presi.
dent in his measures, past and future,
though no one could possibly forel.now
what The future nigh, be Such was
the Jacksoniie notion of the duty of "a
Senator! IfMr. l.. were Jackson
man, he would not take the Office upon
| such terms-he might 60 there we'll
disposed to support him--but he would
not agree that collar should be put a.
round his neck, with his masters name
graved on it.
Mr.. L. said, that those who COM
| planned Of his want of candor and sin.
gleness ofpurpose in regard to the bank
question, were either uniformed of
bis sentiments, or uninformed of the
true state Of public opinion and Of
parties out Of Virginia, in reference to
the subject, and, in the wilfulness Of
party delusion, incapable Of being in
formed-or they were themselves IN
candid. The people Of Virginia sen,
their representatives to Congress, with
| orders to begin their game by showing
their hands-spreading their cards up
on the table and to that M. l.. had
no objection but then, there was d
set Of men, who Gas il their whole in
terest was staked on the game, but not
on our side) would go still further,
and interdict them from endeavoring
to find out what cards were in the
hands of other players, and from tell
ing ii they should find out and who
were ready to deneunce him who should
publish what he should discover OF be-
believe, as cheat. MIR. L. knew,
when he wentto the Senate, that the
policy which the prudence Of self love
would have dictated for him, was a
sort of "non committalp Ia careful
copcealment Of bis views OF the pres.
emit safe Of things, and his apprehen-
sions of the future but he knew then,
and knew now, that that was not the
course Of duty. And he ,0oald tell
whatever he knew, or believed, or fear.
ed, which it concerned his constituents
to consider-saving always his fidelity
to confidence reposed in him. He
would warn his parent Of dangers set
in his path, though that parent in the
excess of seIf-confdence should turn a
deaf ear to the warning, or even disin-
herit him for giving it-he would tell
Virginia what she had to expect, ex.
plain to her the choice of evils which
he thought lay before her, and invoke
her timely and deliberate consideration
Of them; if he were sure that she would
be offended by his zeal and freedom,
and, in her anger, discard him from
her service forever. He would tell
the people Of Virginia, that, surprising
the Bank guilty Of every vice that had
been charged upon it, and allowing il
to be dangerous, corrupt, and cor
rupting, as well as unconstitutional, in.
stitution-it was yet more dangerous,
and it was wholly unnecessary, to con.
cede or sanction an arbitrary power ia
the Executive to put it down. The
Bank must have gone down Of Itself
and that in very short time ; the as
sumptions Of power by the Executive,
if approved and allowed, would be es.
tablished, and stand an example to all
| times. The Bank was indeed a mon.
ster, if it we're necessary for its destruc.
ton TO admit and maintain another
monster, which was as capable Of de.
siroying the Constitution as the Bank
-monarchial prerogative. He would
still tell the people Of Virginia, that, in
bis opinion, founded ON long and anx.
ious reflection, nothing wood be ul,i.
nately left to them but choice Of e.
wills. He would tell them, that the OBJ
lection to national bank on constitu.
tional grounds, was, and had always
been, confined to Virginia, and a few,
very few, other States ofthe Union:
that, therefore, whenever any Admins
tration should think it expedient, or
whenever, at any moment, the opinion
Of its policy, much more fits necessi-
ty, should become general throughout
the Union at large, as it happened in