Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, 1834-04-22

sderation which the English people gave to the |
conduct of the House of Commons in regard to
the Middlesex election, is the constituonality OF
the Senate's conduct in adopting the resolution
which condemned the President for violation
of the laws and of the Constitution of hiS coun-
try. It s<conduct that deserved TO be tried,
and as far as it depended upon him, should be
tried up0n the facts of the case GI0ne-upOn the
facts which our own journal contains-upon the
resolutions as offered and adopted here-upon
the authentic speeches which the supporters OF
these resolutions have published to the world,
and which show the sense in which they under
stood the proceeding which they carried on
The proceeding he, Mr.. B., held to be an i'm
parchment without the forms of an impeach-
ment 81 without the form of a trial--a sentence OF
condemnation for high crime and misdemean-
or, against the Chief Magistrate of the Repub-
lie, without evidence, without hearing, without
defence, without the observance of single form
prescribed for the trial of impeachments; and
this by the very tribunal which is bound to try
the formal impeachment for the same matter If
duly demanded by the grand inquest OF the ma
ton in their Hall of Representatives. Tins was
the question which the country would have to
try. and, in the trial of which, furious passion,
reckless denunciaton bold or even audaclous
assertion will stand for nothing. The record!
the record! will be the evidence which the coun-
try will demand The facts! the facts! will be
the speeches! delivered on this floor, will be the
test of the spirit and intention with which these
proceedings were pursued and consummated.
Mr. SoUTHARD sad:-Mr. President not only
does this paper inaccurately represent our reso-
luton; it descends to a criticism on the conduct
of individual Senators in voting 1T. ltrecltes
at large, and in words, the proceedings and IN
structons of three of the States, and those OF
one of them relating TO other matters unconhect-
\ bo inf
if four of the Senators had obeyed the instruc-
tons given to them, the vote OF Misrepresentation
would have been but %. |, sir, am one of the
New Jersey Senators to whom he refers, and
must be permitted to say, that regard his at
tack as gross and mpertinent interference be-
tween me and my constituencies an unautho-
rzed intrusion into the relations between us.
What has the President of the United States to
do with the obedience of a Senator to the in
structions which he may receive from the peo-
pie Who constituted him judge of the one, or
guardian of the other? | mistake the temper of
the people of New Jersey, if they do not give
prompt rebuke to such insolence. He might as
WELL sir, have charged me with violating my
opinions and pledges, and quoted half para
graph to prove it-and thus have initiated the
organs which so often use his name, and autho-
rity. The occasion justifes, if it does not re-
quire me to say, that the quotation from my re-
marks, on the subject of instructions, which has
been published, exhibits, in those who make it,
wilful purpose to deceive the public.
Sir it is difficult to give credit to the declara-
ton that the instructions of three States were
Incorporated into this Executive paper, solely as
matter of history, and to develope the principles
and interests involved in the proceedings OF the
Senate Why as matter of history, should they
be placed there2 How do they develope the
principles and interests involved in the conduct
of the Executive, or in the resolution which dsap-
A. nol,
more apparent. Mr. President | expressed an
apprehension, that the excitement, which this
paper has created would endanger the delibera-
ton which it demands. | feel that 1t is So
hope that some member, who has not taken part
in the discussion, will move to lay the motion
for its rejection the table, TO give time for re-
Election. 1t seems to me fraught with moment
Gus consequences. We are engaged in discuss
ing subject of Legislative poaoer and duty; in
deciding on measures proper to be taken upon
question which has agitated the whole nation;
in seeking relief from distress which is univer-
sal and appalling. We have to furnish an APP
propriate legislative remedy. Petitions have
been poured in upon us from the people In every
quarter, pointing out their views of this remedy,
and urging its adoption. We have. as the first
step, expressed our opinion Of the cause of the
public distress; and while the subject is still be-
fore us, while the petitions are daily reaching
us, while bill is actually upon our table, ready
to be called up for consideration, we receive
this paper from the Executive, which denounces
our conduct, and presumes that we purpose no
legislative action. 1t is not indeed, perempto-
ry command in words, not to proceed. But it
is direct breach Of our privileges as Legisla-
tive Assembly; an interference which, in other
countries less free, would be resisted with firm
ness and effect 1t is an imitation of men whom
the Chief Magistrate of free country ought
not to initiate and which, if unchecked may
lead. at no distant day, to disastrous consequen
ces to our Institutions Charles insuted the
Parliament by charges of sedition and turbu
lence; Cromwell Of corruption; the Corsican,
with disregard of constitutional restraints How
far does Andrew Jackson fall behind them? or
fail to join their merits into one? If this body
shall quietly yield to such breaches of privilege,
permit its action to be arrested, halt in its duty,
or be unsupported by the people, it only remains
for the band of armed soldiery to enter our hall,
and expel us from our seats.
Mr. KING, ofAlabama, Saddle had not been
one of those who was disposed to justify every
act of the Senate, or of the other House, and
was not in the habit of believing that men were
not liable to err. He happened to be one of
those who did not entirely approve the course