Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, 1834-05-21

nate component part OF the congress OF the
United States, at its last adjournment lett the
Trea sury of the United Statesin the safe custo-
DIV of the persons and places assigned by law
to keep it. Upon re-assembing, it found the
treasure removed; some of its guardians dis
n,aced. ali remaining, brought under the imme-
date control of the Presidents sole will; and
the President having free and unrestricted &C
cess to the public money. The Senate believes
that the purse Of the nation is, by the Consttu-
ton and laws, entrusted to the exclusive legis-
latiye care of Congress. 1t has dared TO aVow
and express this opinion, in resolution adopted
on the 28th March last That resolution was
preceeded by debate Of three months dura-
ton, in the progress Of which, the able ana zeal
Gus supporters Of the Executive, in the Senate,
were attentively heard. Every argument which
their ample resources, or those of the members
of the Executive, could supply, was listened to
with respect and duly weighed. After full de-
liberation. the Senate expressed its conviction
that the Executive had violated the Constitution
and the laws 1t cautiously refralned, IN the
resolution, from all examination into the motives
or intention of the Executive; it ascrlbed no
bad ones to him; it restricted itself to a simple
declaration of its solemn belief~that the Constl-
| tuition and laws had been violated. This is the
| extent of the offence of the Senate. This is
what it has done to excite the Executive lndlg-
nation, and to bring upon it the infection of the
denunciatory Protest
The President comes down upon the Senate,
and demands that it record upon its journals
this Protest. He recommends no measure, no e-
gislation whatever. He proposes no Executive
| proceeding on the part Of the Senate The Senate
has abstained from putting on its own record
any vindication of the resolution Of which the
President complains. 1t has not asked Of him
| 10 place it, where he says he has put his Protest,
IN the archives Of the Executive. He desires,
therefore, to be done for him, on the Journal of
the Senate, what has not been done for ITSELF
| The Senate keeps no recording Office for pro-
tests deeds, wills, or other instruments. The
Constitution enjoins, that leach House shall
keep Journal of its proceedings" In con-
| formity with this requirement. the Senate does
keep journal of its proceedings, not the pro-
ceedings of the Executive, or any other depart
ment Of the Government, except so far as they
relate directly to the business of the Senate
The President sometimes processes to favor a
strict construction of the Constitution, at least,
in regard to the powers of all the departments
of the Government, other than that Of which he
is the chief AS to that he is the greatest lattu-
dinaran that has ever filled the office of Pres-
dent. Upon any fair construction of the Con-
stitution, how can the Senate be called upon to
place upon its Journal any proceeding but its
own? 1t is true, that the ordinary messages of
the President are usually inserted at large in the
Journal. Strictly speaking, it perhaps ought
never to have been done; but they have been
heretofore registered because they relate to the
| general business Of the Senate, either in its
| Legislative or executive character, and have
been the basis of subsequent proceeding. The
Protest stands upon totally distinct ground.
| But, would ask, in what tone, temper, and
spirit does the President come to the Senate?
AS great State culprt, who has been arrai gn-
ed at the bar of justice or sentenced as guilty?
Does he manifest any of those compunctiOus
visitings Of conscience which guilty violation
of the Constitution and Laws of the land ought
| to feel? Does he address himself to a High
Court with the respect, to say nothing of humili-
| ty. which person accused or convicted, would
naturally feel? No, no. He comes as if the Sc
nate were guilty; and as if he were in the judg
ment seat, and the Senate stood accused be-
| fore him. He arraigns the Senate. Puts it up
on trial. Condemns it. He comes as if he felt
himself elevated far above the Senate and be-
| yond all reach of the law, surrounded by unap-
proachable impunity. He who processes to be
| an innocent and injured man. gravely accuses
the Senate, and modestly asks it to put upon its
own record his sentence of condemnation!
When before did the arralgned or convicted
party demand of the Court which was to try, or
had condemned him. to enter upon their records
a severe denunciation of their own conduct?
The President presents himself before the Sc
nate not in the garb of suffering innocence, but
in imperial and royal costume, as dictator to
reblke a refractory Senate; to commands to
record his solemn Protest; to chastise it for DISC
bedienCe.
"The hearts of Princes kiss obedience
So much they lore 1t; but to stubborn spirits
They SWELL and grow as terrible as storms"
We shall better comprehend the nature of the
request which the President has made of the
Senate, by referring to his own opinions ex-
pressed in the Protest He says that the resou-
ton is recorded sentence, "but without pre-
cedent, just cause, or competent authority."-
He &C is perfectly convinced that the discussion
and passage of the above mentioned resolution
were not only unauthorized by the Constitution
but in many respects repugnant to its provisions
and subversive Of the rights secured by it to 9TH
er coordinate Departments" We have no
right, it seems then, even to discuss much less
express any opinion, on the Presidents proceed
ings encroaching upon our constitutional pow
ers. And what right had the President to look
at all into our discussions? What becomes of
the constitutional provision which, speaking Of
Congress, declares, " For any speech or debate
in either House they shall not be questioned in
any other place."
The President thinks "The resolution of the