Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, 1834-04-25
MR.. WEBSTER's SPEECH
On the Presidents Protest.

ing been received and read and Mr. foINDEx-
FER having moved to include the said Message,
in the motion which he had made upon the orig-
ma, Message. viz: thatit be not received
Mr.. WEBSTER rose. He said ne had arriv-
ed in the City, and resumed MS seat since tne
debate began, and he rose to say that he
thouoht the Transmission of this Protest to be
one Of the most important and ominous occur
rences of these extraordinary times. 1t is, said
MFR. W., communication OF so anomalous
character in the first place. that it perplexed
the discrimination of the Senate to know what
nreliminary disposition to make OF it. Some
are for receiving it, others are against recelv-
inc il. although it has been read and its
contents commented on. 1t seems to hang
at nresent. in a pendulous condition, beween
reception and rejection. 1t has no resting
place 1t is like the coffin of Mahomet, Sus-
oended between Heaven and earth, as unnt
to 90 higher, and find finding no proper abiding
place below Butt am unwilling that the dis
cussion of this great and grave topic should be
embarrassed by questions of form. am oblg-
ed to the member from Mississippi for the strong
grasp which he laid on the principles OF
this Paper, at its first appearance, but as TO
the form of proceeding with 1t, confess
should have preferred to have passed over the
question of reception, and gone at once to the
substantial character of the Protest Itself. Ii Is
too interesting, and will prove so-too exciting,
and will prove So TO so from the Senate, TIL II
shall have received such discussion and such re-
ply as il is entitled to-
1t is said that the paper Is lndecorous, and
iustly offensive to the selfrespect OF the Senate;
but there is much more in it than indecorum or
want of respect to the Senate; and think we
shall best consult the character of this body, and
better fulfil the expectation OF the country, by
going at once to the dangerous assertions ofpow-
er which the paper sets up, and fully exposing
those claims of power to the People. The Pre-
sident denies that this House, or indeed either
House of Congress has any right TO express
any opinion upon his conduct except by way
of impeachment. This is indeed, new and
startling. That in q popular Representative
Government, the Representatives OF the People
may not express their opinions upon measures
of the Executive power, is doctrine believe,
now. for the very first time put forth. Who has
ever heard of it before? Though this right is
denied to either House, the Presidents reasons
are urged mainly against the right of the Sc
nate and the chief reason Is that the Senate
are Judges in cases of impeachment, and that
therefore until impeachment come, 1t should be
silent. But this objection, it is obvious: would
stop the mouth of the Senate, with respect TO
every other officer of the Government as well
as the President, because all officers are equally
impeachable, and the Senate must try all I'M
peachments.
know not, sir, who drew this Protest but
whoever he was, instead of looking for sound
constitutional principles in the history OF free
Governments in the practice of Legislatures in
the United States, or elsewhere, he has content
ed himself with an ancient trusm from the black
letter law books, that the House OF Lords can
not institute an impeachment, or frame articles,
and then try it themselves. But do not the
Lords, as well as the Commons express their
opinions by votes and resolutions, of the con-
duct of Ministers of the Crown? Yet they have
the power, and the sole power, OF trying i'm
peachments The Senate has an undoubted
right in my opinion, to express its opinions on
the public conduct of Executive officers. The
contingency that it may be called on to try an
impeachment, is no bar to the exercise of this
right. Doubtless there may be cases in which
the propriety of its exercise might be much in
fuenced by the consideration that the Senate
held the power of judging on Impeachment
But this is matter OF discretion. In every case,
the Senate must proceed upon its own sense OF
propriety and justice. There may be, some
times good reason TO refrain from expressing
opinions. and sometimes there may be the high
est propriety in expressing such opinions in the
strongest manner. The right of doing so is
clear and is not to be disputed. The posses
sion of judicial power does not abridge the le-
gslative power of the Senate. 1t does not take
away any ofits rights as representative body.
Sir, the President of the United States has
been misled. He is uniformed, or misinform-
ed. as to the real state of opinion in the country.
fear there are those who share his confidence,
and who present to his view only one side Of
things. The state of the country is alarming
Members of the Senate, who have not been out
of this city for five months are not aware of the
depth and strength of the public feeling.
should like to know what advisers have recon-.
mended to the President to send up this protest
Its circulation through the country will add fuel
to feelings already sufficiently enkindled. The
President has around him the Heads of Depart
ments. Can any body tell us whether any of
those heads, and if any, which of them, advised
TO send this paper to-the Senate2 Or which of
them if any, sat by, neither asserting or dissent
inc. afraid to speak their minds, or unwilling to
hazard their places2
Sir. il is not without some color of reason that
the President, in this paper, speaks of the Heads
of Departments as has Secretaries One half of
them have never been confirmed by the Senate
cah;nots beinc one half of the whole, We're ap-
nointed last year, in the recess of Congress, and
now, when we are near the end OF the nth
month of the session, their appointments have
M 49,, sont RI the Senate for confirmation