Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, 1834-02-19

holds the institutions of our country in the hol-
low of his hand? That, should he choose to lay
it. in wrath, upon the Navy OF the United States,
he would submerge it beneath the Waves, leav-
ing scarce a trace of its existence, save the re-
Election of It's former glory? That, even the
Judiciary would be palsied in his grasp?
Who does not remember when, some two
wears since, it was supposed that a judgment of
the Supreme Court in relation to the Cheero-
KEGS, would conflict with his will, that the whole
partisan press, and all the partisan corps, were
rallying to a deadly assault upon that august
tribunal and its venerable head? How is 1t, at
this moment? Is not this whole nation becom-
ing agonized in every fibre, at the tones OF MS
single voice? He has spoken-and the curfen-
cy, the life blood of the country, is curdllng III
the veins of this whole republic. His breath Is
spreading blasting and mildew over this falr ana
happy land, shrouding its bright and peanlng
surface i'm darkness, gloom, and dlsmay.
Let us revert for a moment to the past. Has
not the present Chief Magistrate made large
encroachments upon the authority OF the otner
coordinate branches, and unwarrantaply IN
creased and extended his own? How has ne
used that tremendous instrument-the veto po-
wer-which was transplanted into our Consul
tuition from the prerogatives OF the British hlng,
but which the spirit of English liberty would
not tolerate i'm modern times, and the Monarch,
who should dare to exert it there, as freely as
does our republican President here, would, as
we are well assured, hazard more than his
throne2
The gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. RIvEs)
in searching for precedents, to justify It's eXer-
else by the present Chief Magistrate, was driven
back more than one hundred and forty years
for the last example in British history, to the
reign of William the Sd, who, he told us, was
brought in by the wings, and exerted his prero-
gative for popular rights. The gentleman has
not been as feliticious as usual in historical. re-
collections. True it is, in the revolution OF 1868,
William was brought in by the friends OF hber-
ty. But how did he use the power thus gener-
ously conferred-the historian answers in these
emphatic words:
"Success, which ever enlarges the noble
mind, shrunk Williams to all the littleness of
vulgar character. When raised to imperial
dignity by the efforts of the wings, for the gene
rous purpose ofenlarging and securing liberty,
he abandoned his benefactorS, and entered into
dishonest intrigues with the tories in order to
increase the influence and extend the power of
the crol1n."
The gentleman spoke of a faction in the
Lords; he did not explain himself; but if his re-
mark had any significance, permit me to remind
him, upon the authority of the same historian,
the faction which existed in the Lords was a
torq faction, with which William united HIM
self to enlarge the prerogatives of the crown.
When the veto power was about to be lncor-
pOTdlSu lutO Oul OOilStltuliOlj IL CiSOuh.SiOu
strong opposition: 1t was distasteful to the Ame-
rican public. What was the argument urged
to assuage their fears? We have it here in this
book, the Federalist, in a number written by Al
exander Hamilton, while the Constitution was
before the people for their adoption.
He told them that " A King of Great Britain,
with all his train Of sovereign attributes, and
with all the influence he draws from a thousand
sources, would, at this day, hesitate to put a ne
gative upon the joint resolution OF the houses OF
Parliament" And again" If a magistrate so
powerful and so well fortified as a British Mo-
march, would have scruples about the exercise
of the power under consideration, how much
greater caution may be re%asonably expected IN
a President of the U. States, clothed for the
short period of four years with the Executive
authority Of a government wholly and purely
republicans
1t was an a-fortiori argument from the long
disuse of this prerogative of the British crown.
He said further, that the primary objectin Civ
ing to the President the possibility of using this
n negative, was self preservation, to enable him to
resist encroachments upon the Executive, and
preserve the lust constitutional distribution Of
power.
The fears of the people were thus allayed, and
upon these arguments the veto was glven.-
How has it been used? During the first twenty
years it was exercised, | believe, but once or
twice: it had subsequently some unnotlced
grown In tDG ndnQS Vi MI MdulSou1 UulI Wy lHC
present Chief Magistrate, in less than five years,
it has been exercised more freely, and on more
important occasions than during the whole for
ty years ofall his predecessors. Memory atonce
presents some ofthem; the Maysville road bill;
the Washington turnpike bill; the Lighthouse
bill; the Louisville and Portland canal bill; the
bank bill; the harbor bill; the land bill; and
even the bill allowing interest to certain States
upon moneys paid by them for the United States
during the last war. A measure of justice,
which, with the appreciation of the President,
had been previously extended to South Carroll
ma, but which he chose to negative upon his own
views ofmere expediency, without pretence of
constitutional objection; claiming and exercls-
ing the right to control and reject the measures
of Congress upon any occasion, and for any
cause, as his views of policy might dictate! and
this is republicanism!! Sir, the federal doctrine
of that ultra-federalist, Alexander Hamilton, as
to this Executive p%rerogative, is, in comparison
with the practice of this selfstyed democratic
administration, as milk and water to aquafortis.
That which was intended to be the "eXtreme
medicine' of the Constitution, "has come to be
his daily bread"
But, suppose Congress, Notwithstanding the
notencv Of Executive Influence. should pass the