Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, 1834-04-22
DEBATE ON THE PROTEST.

Mr.. POINDEXTER SdlQ:-NO SuCn paper Was
ever presented to either House OF Congress;
none such is to be found on the journals of car
proceedings, as the one sent to us this morning,
under the guise of official authority, from the
foundation of the Government down to the pre-
sent moment. Sir, will not dignity this paper
by considering it in the light of an Executive
Message; it is no such thing. regard it sim
ply as a paper with the signature of Andrew
Jackson; and, should the Senate refuse to re-
ceive it, it will not be the first paper with the
same signature which has been refused a hear
ing in this body, on the ground of the abusive
and vituperative language it contained. 1t will
be recoected that protest, similar in its cha
racter, couched in terms grossly disrespectful to
a the Senate, was presented, somewhere about
she year 1919, from the same individual, and
such was its exceptionable character, that his
own friends became ashamed of it. 1t was OBJ
iected to, rejected, and sent back for modifica-
tion so as to render it respectful to the body TO
which it was presented. The offensive passages
were stricken out, and, thus modified, it was
presented and received at the next session OF
Congress. This effort to denounce and over
awe the deliberations of the Senate may proper
ly be regarded as Gaping the clinaa.r of that
systematic plan of operations which for several
years past has been in progress, designed to
bring this body into disrepute among the people,
and thereby remove the only existing barrier to
the arbitrary encrOaChmentS and usurpatlonS
of Executive power Destroy public conf
dence in the Senate, which now stands, thank
God. unmOved, between the Chief Magistrate
and the People, and Tyranny, in its worst
forms, would very soon overshadow the land,
and rule with an iron hand the destinles OF the
American People The Senate, by its peculiar
organizations is well calculated to preserve and
perpetuate the great fundamental principles of
public liberty to the latest posterity. Removed
from popular impulses, which sometimes arise
in the commissions incident to freedom ofopinion,
and of discussions of great political questions,
= it may look with calmneSs on the misguided
multitude, misled by some popular demagogue,
and thereby save the State from the deleterious
consequences of errors which are the inevita-
BILE result of passion or precipitation. 1t is an
integral part of the Executive power, and while
if remains firm in its devotion to the Constitu-
ton and the Laws uncorrupted by the tempta-
tations of Office and emolument no Chief Ma
gistrate, whatever may be his reckless ambition,
can successfully move beyond the bounds of
his legitimate powers, and ride over the liber
ties of the people. Hence the untiring and anX-
ious solicitude so often manifested to bring this
body, thus constituted, into disgace among the
people If there existed at this moment no such
conservative body as the Senate, power would
march onward to the climax of despotism. The
Republic might indeed exist, nominally, but, in
practice, we should be bound to the car of some
= Imperial Dictator.
Mr.. SpRAeUE said:--The President assumes
that the declaration of the Senate is a criminal
procedure against him. and then enters in
into an argument TO prove that it is unauthor-
led. He might as well assume that it was pi-
racy, and, after calling it by false name, rea-
son upon it from his own assumptions. Sir, the
expressions ofopinion on the part ofthe Senate,
that the President had assumed powers not
granted by the Constitution, is said to be judi
zcial sentence without notice Of trial, and with
out the previous formalties required by the Con-
tofOre denounced an act OF the Senate as uncon-
stitutional. Was that in him judicial sem
8 tence? In an Executive message of March, 1888,
but a little more than year since, he declares
that resolution ofthe Senate is unconstitution-
al, and, therefore, he would make no more NOM
nations to certain Offices. Mr.. S. then read
the message Here, sir, is a declaration that
the Senate has acted unconstitutionally; and
yet, although the President may declare that
we have violated the Constitution in restraining
r his power, the Senate may not presume to eX-
press its opinions with regard to the Presidents
seizing upon the money of the People, without
being charged with having pronounced judi
cial sentence without trial. Take this very doc
ument this protest itself; is it not filled, satura-
ted, with declarations that the Senate has viola
ted the Constitution? Is it not almost wholly
denunciatory2 And at the instant in the docu-
ment in which he is uttering these accusations
and denunciations against this body, he is ma
king II matter of grievouS complaint that the
Senate has expressed an opinion that he has
transcribed the limits of the Constitution
There was resolution introduced in the Sen
ate some years since, similar in its principle and
effect TO this which is so much complained Of
and yet am not aware that the President or
any Of his friends, have ever denounced il as an
assumption of unconstitutional power.
Mr. FRElINaHUYsEN said:-Mr President, while
Iretain any respect for myself or just regard
for the sacred trusts committed to our care, |
cannot consent to receive this document. 1t is
a most extraordinary proceeding, and will form
an era in American history. Here, sir, while
the country is grooming under the consequences
of rash Executive experiment-while banks
are breaking all around US, the busy hum of
cheerful industry silenced, and labor in alb
solute want of employment-al the bitter fruits
of Executive interference with public credit
when the cries for relief come up in daily sup
plication-when the people had right TO ex-
meet some alienation of their distresses, from
This administration what do we hear2 lee
ture of an hour and half read to the Senate OF
the United States, for daring to question the au-
s1,.;t,, under which this blow at our prosperity