Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1834-05-02
Twemty-third COngress.--IstS ess,
SPEECH OF MR.. ZIG OF VIRGINIA.
On The Presidents PrnIfsf. in The Sennfe .nf LIE "

SPEECH OF MR.. LEIGH OF vIRGINIA,
On the Presidents Protest, in the Senate Of HE u
States, .4pTii Is, 1884.
Mr.. Leigh said, that whatever surprise the paper sent
hither by the President, aud read yesterday, mig ht have
produced out OF doors, he presumed there twas no member
OF the Senate to whom ii came unexpected. Every man
here must have been aware, Tor some lime past, of the &C.
tual commencement OF hostilities by that poieniate against
this body, and prepared, OF course, for the public decIsra.
ton OF war that was soon 10 follow. The language of ibis
manifesto had been described by the friends oil the Admins.
tration, as temperate aud inodeTaje; and il vas temperate
enough, in the sense in which that epithet might be an.
piled 10 all denunciati0ns OF war by civilized powers, i'm
modern tlmes-as temperate as is compatible with the
nature and purpose OF such denunciations. There was
nothing in the mere language oil this extraordinary paper,
that was offensive 10 himE il was the act itself Hkat reused
his Indignation. He ieIt that sentiment very strongly
never, on any occasion, more strongly; and, ii he were
TO indulge the expression of his feelings, he should not,
like the gentleman from Maine, (Mr. Sprague,) speatpnore
in griei than IN anger; much less would his language'be IN
unison with that cheerful mood in which the gentleman
from Alabama, (Mr. King) had spoken on the subject
for he felt as il we were even now treading among The
ruins OF the Constitution. He should, however, endeavor
TO suppress all enotions Of passion. His purpose was to
examine this act of the President, the motive tina, oh.
viously dictated il, its manifest design and Object, and he
mischief which ii but too certainly poriended.
What then, said he, is the truo character of the act? II
is apparent in every line OF This paper; neither, in truth,
Is there any dispute about it-ior the gentleman from
Missouri, who had certainly been previously appriEed OF
its contents, since he came prepared with extracts from
The FederGist, TO sustain some of the position, assumed
by the President-extIacts, of which, without The esprit oil
diviOation, he could no. have seen the application 10 the
purpose, unless he had a previous accurate knowledge
WIG Iobu. isNu itilS us, ~ IIIr Is n PENN
appeal to the American People by The President against
the Senate; an appeal, he must allow, such as has never
before been attempted or thought OF. And | add, and
shall prove, that this a quarrel causelessly sought by the
President with The Senate. TO he submitted 10 the decision
OF the People, in which he hopes for victory, aud, il he
succeeds, is pre- pared TO avail iimseii OF all the advau-
tages OF victory TO the uItermost.
The Presidem; proposes a tial of the weight OF his per-
sonal popularity and of the Executive influence, against
the constitutional powers aud rights OF the Senate, and The
privilege OF this branch OF ,he Legislature 10 exercise its
own judgment concerning It's own rights aud duties. He
undertakes TO prescribe 10 us the limits OF our legislative
functions. Ii he fail in ibis trial OF his strength, fle only
consequence will be, some Dorifcaddn Of his pride, md a
grievous Disappointment OF the qualification OF those aerce
aud burning resennnen's, which hut too plainly influence
all his actions: the Constitution will reRsin unalNred and
unimpaired. But IL the people shall sustain him in This
appeal, the constitution of the Senate will be directly AZ.
tackled. He has indicated his own personal motives; and
the political objects he is seeking TO accomplish in respect
to the Senate, IN his very paper, and that in language too
plain TO be misunderstood by any man who will not shut
his mind to every thing but plain, unequivocs avowaI.-
He says" III the censures Of The Senate be submitted 10
by the President, the confidence OF the people in his sbi
lily and virtue, and the character and usefulness Of his adj
ministration, will soon be at an end, and the real power Of
the Government. will fall into The hands Of a body, hold
ing their Offices for IUug terms, not elected by HE peo.
PIKE, and not to Them directly responsible. IT, on the
other hand, the illegal censures OF the Senate should
be resisted by the President, collisions and angry conlro.
versies might ensue, discreditable in their progress, and
In the end compelling The people 10 adopt The conclusion,
either that their Chief Magistrate was unworthy Of their
respect, or that the Senate was clargeabIe with cslumny
and injustice. Either OF these results would public
confidence 10 the perfection Of the system, and lead 10 Sc.
rious alterations OF its frame. work, or to The practical absn.
donment Of some Of il provisions And In another psrt.
he says, "But il the Senate have a right 10 interfere viii,
the Executive powers, they have also the right 10 make
that interference effective; and, II The assertion Of the power
implied in the resolution be silently acguiesced in, we
may reasonably apprehcnd that IL will be followed, al some
future dag, by an attempt ~ actual enforcement. The
Sena'e may rcfuse, except on tue condition HIat he will
surrender his opinions TO theirs. and obey their will. TO
perform their own constitutional functions; TO pass the ne.
cessary laws 10 sanction appropriations proposed hy The
House OF Representatives., aud TO confirm proper noni.
nations by the President" Who does not see, in these
expressions, tie manifestation OF hose personal potvea
which have imPellcd The President TO hosulties against
the Senator That 'the confidence of The pcopic In
his ability aud virtue, and The character and useful
ness OF his administration" is the object that consti
tutes the personal motive Of his coudgct? Who does
PristiOns proposed By the House OF Representatives, and
be regarded by him, and 10 be held up 10 the peopie. az
can attempt on cur paf, eat actual on~f ofcemenP' Of our
tight "to interfere with the Executive powersip Who
does not also see, iu those illusions TO the constitution ri
this body, "holdng their Offices lorione terms, not elected
by the people, aud not TO them directly responsible. - H,e
corrective which the President is aiming at? No one
can suppose, that 'the serious alterations Of the frame
work, or the practical abandonment Of some Of the proyi.
sions," OF the Constitution, which he expects will gro.
out OF these collisions between the Executive and the
Senate, will be OF a nature TO reduce the patronage, power,
sDd influence Of the former.
The House Of representatives, Qt must IN 1ecepcy be
presumed) viii make no appropriations which 1t does not
think wise and just; nor the President any nominations
which he does not think proper; but the Senate, In lie