Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1833-03-22
Virginia Legislature.

FEDERAL RELATIONSHContinued
SPEECH OF FRANCIS L. RrvEs. IF Prince George, de-
hUered IN The Senate Of Pirginid, in Committee of
the Whoie, on the state Of The Relations bei,Deen the
United States and South Carolina, on ThLusdav,
Jan. "a, lSS3-(C Concluded -
To meet the question of peGced6ie Secession fairly:
j deny that ii is deducible either from The Federal Con
sttution, or the report OF 90 on the Virginia Resolutions of
'9S. ! shall rely mainly on this report, because nv rea-
son approves il, and because il has beer long looked on as
the most able exposition ever given OF the Federal Con-
simtion.
and also the acts Of ratification OF the State Conventions,
TO see from whence originated the claim set up, to with.
draw from the Union under any conceivable state OF
things, and all efforts have proved unavailing. Sir, il is
not in the Constitution; no, ii is not to be found any where,
except among mans natural rights;-it is the right OF
revolution, disguise il as YOU may. lift could be found
IN the compact, il would be a peaceable remedy, and TO
modest a State for seeding, would be a violation of the
law OF nations. But such a thing was not contemplated:
whilst the people thought that amendmentst to he compact
might become necessary, and did provide for that case, it
did not occur 10 them TO provide for absolving any of the
parties from the performance of their engagements. The
Union was entered into deliberately; the parties went in,
one at a time, and felt themselves bound, one to another,
as fast as they entered. This must have been their belief
at the time, or why the hesitancy of some of them?-
Would they have stood off as they did, rejecting on the
consequences, if they had believed themselves bound on
ly during their own pleasure? Such could not have been
their understanding of the matter. They thought that if
ence bound, they would be toTced to obey the authorities
OF the government, till the dissolution of the government,
and that the dissolution could only take place with the
consent OF the parties TO the compact: that, and that only,
caused them to hesitate.
But, suppose that / am mistaken about the right of Sc
cession, and let i'll be Cor the sake of argumen6 looked on
as a constitutional right: would it not follow necessarily,
that the State seeding would have an equitable right to
n portion oil the navy, the docks, the fortihcaions, and
even the Capitol of the United States? They were erect.
ed out OF the common fund, and she ought, therefore, TO
have a decree, directing a sale of all this property that
was held in common, with a view to division. If one is
constitutional, the other Is equitable. But gentlemen on
that side OF the question would not, ! presume, even con-
tend for the equity Of the case-and wby2 Because Of its
novelty.
Mr. Chairman fine tlirl resolution. If zoe which I poyy
beg leave TO return TO, or that part Of il which says, 90 the
States are in duty bound to intcrpose, for arresting the pro-
gress Of the evil, and Tor maintaining within their respec-
tive limits, the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining
20 Them" could not mean secession, or any thing from
which secession could be deduced: For, according to
that doctrine, a Stale must leave The Union to " arrest an
evil"-she must destroy the Union TO exercise her sove-
Teignty. DisuniOn did not enter into their minds; so tar
from ii, in the second resolution, The (" General Assembly
most sOlemnly declares = warm attachment to the union OF
the States, TO maintain which, il pledges all lts powers"
] have told the Senate that ! think qualification an dJsur-
dfy, that was not contemplated either by the Virginia, or
Kentucky Resolutions: IL, however, | could be driven Ia
the admission, that secession, or notification one, was con-
tended for, / would say it was nulliGcalion;-for that
would be " drrcsting an evil IN the Union; the other
would be "~arresting an evil' ot Of the Union. One
State might be Instrumental in 1" auestng an evil" by
raising the consitutionalry Of an act, and The parties "a
he compact might HtnI3y an GcL Secession, however
instead oil "duesIng," would give strength to those, whC
wished 10 continue the evil" Tor, ss oppo,ing member,
are diminished, IN the same proportion do approving mem.
bcrs gain strength.
Mr.. Chairman, I have told you what do not inCe,
from lie resolutions Of '9S, and ii will be right now, iW
me to tell you what I think they do mean. Virginia
was in that year very much disturbed about Congress
having passed tie Alica and Sediion acts, which she be-
Heved TO be UNCONSTITUTIONAL; and suppOsing, they woul,
be sustained by tc Judicial tribunals OF tie country
Thought " wonii nave "a good effect 10 assert that insted'
Oftic judiciary, tie parties 10 the compact were "iudgeI
in the last resort whether the Constitution was violated
meaning, no doubt, that If individuals, or a State though
an act OF Congress UNCONSTITUTIONAL, after demonstrating
and protesting against Is Continuance, without effect, an
IT. relief from H. operation could net be had from the Judi
ctsrg that Nn AVafvg could WVe final INDIGNANT Nnat
that the people Of one State are entitled 10 one vote: am
the people Of each State having one, would make twenty
four Judges. The opinion Of each being taken, and m
votes for and agaiust the law being counted, the iudg
ment, the Gnai judgment, is rendered. n thirteen o
against the cousutuuOuaity Of the law, Congress mu
repeal 10, or che government must be digsJlyed-for,
could not exist under such q = sic Of things, although IN
thirteen States tiIs p Gliding, might contain only one-thii
% the whole population Of the Uutsd States. I say tI
because itseems to be founded in reason. All, or ncsfl
Ill Of the Institutions formed under our governments. Stat