Litchfield enquirer., 1833-02-21

liner from the impressions which nv mind |
has receiSed upon this point. Owing, hove
,ver. to q variety Of concurrent causes, the
Tariff as It now exists, Is in imminent danger. |
and il the system can be preserved beyond !
The next session. It must be by some means |
not now within the reach Of human sagacily. |
The fall of that policy, sir, would be produc- |
tive Of consequences caIamitous indeed.-i
When look to the variety of interests which
are involved. TO the number of individuaIs in
the amount Of capital invested, the
value Of the buildings erected, and the whole
arrangement of the business for the prosecu-
ton Of the various branches Of the manuiac-
turing art which have sprung up under the
fostering care Of this Government, L cannot
contemplate any. evil equal to the sudden
overthrow of all those interests. History can
produce no parallel 10 the extent Of the mis-
chief which would be produced by such dis
aster. 10 my opinion, sir, the sudden repeal
of the Tariff policy would bring ruin and de-
struction on the whole People Of this coun.
try. There is no evil, in my opinion. equal
10 the consequences which would result from
such catastrophe.
~ am anxious to find OH: some principle
Of mutual accommodation to satisfy, as far as
practicable, both parties-tO increase the sta
bility Of our legislation; and at some distant
day-but not too distant, when we take into
view the magnitude of the interests which
are in, olved-tO bring down the rate Of duties
to that revenue standard for which 6urOppO-
nents have SO long commended. The basis on
which I wish to found this modification, is
one Of time and the several parts of the bill
to which am about to call the attention of
the Senate, are founded on this basis. pro-
pose 10 give to our manufactured articles ad-
equate protection for length of time, which,
compared with the length of human life, is
very long, but which is short, 10 proportion
to the legitimate discretion Of every wise and
parental system of government-securing the
stability Of legislation, and allowing time for
gradual reduction, on one side; and on the
other, proposing to reduce the rate of duties
to that revenue standard for which the oppO-
nents of the system have SO long commended.
Is By the bill Of the last session, the duties
90 French silks were fixed at 5 per cent !; and
that on Chinese silks at 10 per cent ad yao-
rem. By the. bill now proposed. the duty on
French silks was proposed to be repealed,
leaving the other untouched. He would frank-
ly state why be made this distinction. 1t had
been subject Of anxious desire with him to
see our commerce with France increased
France. though not SO large customer in the
great staples Of cur country as Great Britain,
was g,eat growing customer. He had been
much struck with a fact going to prove this,
which accidentally came TO his knowledge the
other day; which was, that within the short
period of fourteen years the amount Of con-
sumption in France Of the great southern sta
pie Of cotton had been tIipled. Agaio. il was
understood that the French silks Of the lower
grades OF quality could not sustain a colnpe.
tition with The Chinese without some discriIn-
.>Pt II, l.
that the duty imposed upon this article at the
last session had bten very much complained
of on the part Of France and, considering all
the circumstances connected with the rela-
lions between the two gov ernments, il appear
I'd to him desirable to make this dscrinina-
tien in favor Of the French product.
After reading the different sections,
Mr.. Clay said, he would now take view
Of some of the objections which would be
made to the bill. 1t might be said that the
act was prospective. that it bound our success
s0rs and that we had no power thus to bind
them. It was true that the act was prospec-
tive, and so was almost every act which we
ever passed, but we could repeal it the next
day. It was the established usage to give all
lcts prospective operation. In every tariff
aw, there were some provisions which 60 IN
20 operation Immediately. and others at flu
ure time. Each Congress legislated accord
ng to their own views ofpropriety, their acts
lid not bind their successors, but created
pecies Of public faith which would not rash
y be broken But, IL this bill should go in
o operation, as he hoped even against hope.
hat it might, he had not doubt that it would
,e adhered 10 by all parties. There was but
me contingency which would render change
necessary, and this was the intervention Of
var. which was provided for in the bill. The
hands Of Congress were left united in this |
event, and they would be at liberty TO resort
% any mode of taxation which they might |
propose. But, il we suppose peace to contin-
ie, there would be no motive for disturbing the |
arrangement. but on the contrary, every mo- |
i've to carry it into effect. In the next place,
{ will be objected to the bill. by the friends
4 the protective policy, Of whom he held |
himself to be one, for his mind was immnta- I
by 6xed in favor Of that policy, that il aban-
Toned the power Of protection. Bot. he Com
ended, IN the first place, that suspension Of
ne exercise Of the power was not an aban-
ionment oft; for the power was in the Con-
titnsion according to our theory-was put !
here by It's trainers, and could only be dis
odgrd ny the people. After the year la42,
he bill provided that the power should be ex-
'rcised 10 certain mode. There were four
modes BY which the industry Of the country
could be protected.
First, the absolute prohibition Of rival for
ign articles. That was totally uninterrupted
~ the b,il but It was competent to the Wis