Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1833-03-26
Twenty-second Congress.--Sess. =.
IN SENATE, Feb 10.

On the 2lst OF January, 1888. Mr. Wilkins, Chairman
OF the Judiciary Committee, introduced the bill further TO
provide for the collection OF duties.
On the 22d day of the same month. Mr.. Calhoun sub
niitted his resolutions.
On Saturday, the 18th OF February, Mr.. Calhoun spoke
In opposition TO the bill.
r. Webster followed him.
The gentleman from South Carolina, said MIR. Webster,
mas admonished us 10 be mindful OF the opinions OF those
who shall come after us. We must take ouI chance, sir,
-as TO the ligh' in which posterity will regard us. | do not
decline its judgment, nor Withhold myself from its scruti-
ny Feeling that | am performing my publ c duty with
singleness OF heart, aud to the best OF my ability, / fear
iessly trust myself to the country, now and hereafter, and
leave both my motives and my character TO its decision
The gentleman has terminated his speech in a tone of
threat and defiance towards this bill, even should il be-
come a law OF the land, altogether unusual In the halls OF
congress. Butl shall not suffer myself TO be excited in
TO warmth, by his denunciaton of The measure which |
support. Among the feelings which at this moment fill
my breast, not the least is that of regret at the position in
which the gentleman has placed himself. Sir, he does
himself no justice. The cause which lie has espoused
hhis no basis in the cons,itution-no succour from public
sympalhy-no cheering from a patriotic community. He
has no fooihold on which TO stand, while he might display
the powers OF his acknowledged talents. Every thing be.
meath his feet is hollow and treacherous. lie is like a
strong man struggling in a morass; every effort to extri-
cate himself, only sinks him deeper and deeper. And /
lear the resemblance may be carried still further; 1 fear
that no friend can safely come TO his relief, that no one
can approach near enough to hold out a helping hand.
without danger OF going down himself, also, into the bot
tomless depths OF this Serbonian bog.
The honorable gentleman has declared that on the de-
clslon OF the question now in debate, may depend the
cause OF liberty itself. | am of the same opinion; but
men, SIR, The liberty which | think is staked on the con-
test, Is not political liberty, in any general and underlined
American liberty. ~
Sir, | love liberty no less ardently than the gentleman.
in whatever form she may have appeared in the progress
OF human history. AS exhibited in the master States of
antiquity, as breaking out again from amidst the darkness
oil ue middle ages, and beaming on the formation of new
communities, in modern Europe, she has, always and eve
ry where, charms for me. Yet, sir, il is our own liberty.
guarded 3y constitutions and secured by union; it is that
liberty which is our paternal inheritance, it is our estab-
lshed, dear-bought, peculiar American liberty to which |
am chiefly devoted, and the cause of which | now mean,
to the utmost OF my power, 10 maintain and defend.
MIR. President, if | consider the constitutional question
now before us as doubtful as ii is important, and il [ sup.
pose that this decision, either in the Senate or by the coun-
Uy' was Nkely TO be, In any degree, influenced by the
manner in which | might now discuss it, this would be
TO me a moment OF deep solicitude. Such a moment has
once existed There has been a time, when, rising in
lhls place, on The same question, | felt, | must confess,
That something Tor good or evil TO the constitution of the
country might depend on an effort of mine. But circum-
stances are changed. Since that day, sir, the public opi-
Mon has become awakened TO this great question il has
grasped IT., 1t has reasoned upon il, as becomes an intelli-
gent and patriotic community, and has settled it, or now
seems IN the progress OF settling il, by an authority which
none can dIsobey-the authority of The people themselves
L shall not, Mr.. President, follow the gentleman, step
by step, through the course OF his speech. Much of what
ne mas SAID he has deemed necessary TO the just explana-
uen and defence OF his own political character and con.
duct. On this, shall offer no comment. Much, too, has
consisted oil philosophical remark upon the general nature
oil poIitical liberty, and the history of free institutions: and
of other topics, so general in their nature, as to possess, in
ject Of this debate.
But the gentleman's speech, made some days ago, up-
on introducing his resolutions, those resolutions, them
selves, and parts of the speech now just concluded, NAV
PTooao'y De Justly regarded as containing the whole South
Carolina doctrine. That doctrine it is NV purpose nov to
examine, and TO compare it with the constitution of the
united states. l shall not consent, sir, to make any new
constitution, or TO establish another form of Government
VIII not undertake TO say what a constitution for these
United States ought TO be. That question the peonIe have
decided for themselves, and | shall take the instrument a.
they have established it, and shall endeavor to maintain
II III It's PIa'h sense ana meaning, against opinions and
notions which, IN my judgment, threaten its subversion.
Inc resolutions introduced by the gentleman were ap.
Parenuy drawn up with care, and brought forward upon
deliberations | shall not be in danger, therefore, of misun.
Outstanding him, or those who agree with him procaet
at once TO these resolutions, and considr them as am anthem.
tic statement OF those opinions, upon the great constilu.
Hoha, question, by winch the recent proceedings in Soutl
Carolina are attempted to be justified.
These resolutions are three in number.
Inc third seems intended to enumerate, and to deny,
the several opinions expressed in the Presidents procla.
nation, respecting the nature and powers of this Govern.
ment. OF this third resolution, 1 propose, at present. "a
take no particular notice.
The two FIRST resolutions of The honorable meuber ,mr,r
these propositions, viz:
!. That The political system, under which we live. and
under which Congress is now sembi is a compact, tc
which the people of the several States, as separate and so.
vereign communities, are The parties.
z. Ihat these sovereign parties have a right TO iudoe
each Tor ltseli' Of any alleged violation of the constitution
by Congress; and, IN case OF such violation, TO choose, eacl
for ITSELF IFS own mode and measure Of redress.
II is true, sir, that the honorable member calls this
"c0nSttfuttOndP compact; but still he anirms il TO bs
compact betIoeet sovereign States. What precise mean.
ing, then, does he attach TO the term constitutional Who,
applied 10 c0npdcts between sovereign States, the tern
constitutional athXes to that word compact no definite idea
Were we 10 hear of a constitutional league or treaty be.
tween England and France, or a constitutional conven.
ton between Austria and Russia, we should not understand
what could be intended by such a league, such a treaty
ora such a convention. In these come xions, the word i
VOID OF all meaning; and yet, sir, it is easy, quite easy. &c
see why the honorable gentleman has used il in these re.
solutions. He cannot open the book, and look upon mi,
written frame OF Government, without seeing that il i,
called a constitution. This may well be appalling TO him
! Z lta NuHaI, I.Ds,.a - $500.
derivatives, notification and secession, with instant con.
iutation. Because, il he admits our instrument of Govern.
ment TO be a constitution, then, for that very reason. il i.
not a compact between sovereigDs; a constitution of Go.
vernment, aud a compact between sovereign Powers. he.
ing things essentially unlike in their very natures. and in.
capable oil ever being the same. Yet the word cOnsifu.
i0n Is on the very front of The instrument lie cannot
overlook it. He seeks, therefore, 10 compromise the mai.
ter, and to sink all the substantial sense of The word. while
he retains a resemblance Of its sound. lie introduces
a new word oil his own, viz. cOmD0ct, as IMPORTING
The principal idea, and designed TO play the princips
part, and degrades constitution into an insignificant idle
ePiihet, attached 10 compact. The whole then stand.
as a "coHshfufto1dL compact" And in this way he
hopes to pass of a plausible gloss. as satisfying the
wordso OF the instrument; but lie will find himself dis.
appointed. Sir, ] must say 10 the honorable gentleman
that, IN our American political grammar, CONSTITUTIONS
8 a noun substantive; IL imports a distinct and clear
idea, OF itself; and It's not 10 lose its importance and die.
MY, II ~ not ODE turned into a poor, ambiguous, sense
less, unneaning adjective, for the purpose Of accommo.
dating any new set OF political notions. Sir, we reject
his new rules Of syntax altogether. We will moi give no
our lorms Of political speech 10 the grammaians Of the
school OF notification. BY the constitution. we mean NOT
a unconstitutional compact" but, simply and directly,
the constitution, the fundamental law; and il there be
one word 10 The language, which the people Of tie Uni