Litchfield enquirer., 1833-02-21

TINS priueiple 10 prevail II ought 10 prevail
and the day, IN his opinion, would come
when il wodId be adopted as the permanent
policy Of the country. Shall we IegisIate Cor
our own wants or that Of a foreign cOuntry ?
To protect our own interests 10 opposition TO
foreign Iegislation was the basis Of this sys-
tenn. The fourth mode in which protection
could be afforded to domestic industry was TO
admit free Of duty every article which aided
the operations of the manufacturers. These
were the four modes for protecting our indus
try !; and to those who say that the bill aban-
d"ns the power Of protection, he would reply
that it did not touch that pnwer; and that the
fourth mode. so far from being abandoned. is
extended and upheld by the bill. The most
that can be objected to the bin by those with
whom he had cO-operated to support the pro-
tective system. was that, in consideration OF
nine and half years Of peace, certainty, and
stability, the manufacturers relinquished some
advantages which they now enjoyed. What
was the principle which had always been con-
tended for in this and in the other House J..
That. after the accumulation of capital and
skill, the manufacturers would stand alone.
unaided by the Governm emit, in competition
with the imported articles from any quarter.
Now give us time cease all fluctuations, for
nine years, and the manufacturers, in every
branch, will sustain themselves against for
eign competition. If we can see our way
clearly for nine years to come. we can safely
leave TO posteiity to provide for the rest.
If we excite in our nelghbor, reasonable
expectation which induces him to take a par
tcuar course of business, we are in honor
bound TO redeem the pledge thus facility Civ
en-. Can any man doubt that Il large portion
Of our citizens believed that the system would
be permanent The whole country expect
ed it. The security against any change of the
system proposed by the bill. was in the char
acter of the bill, as a compromise between
two conflicting parties. fthe bill should be
taken by common consent. as we hope itwiIl
be-the history of the revenue will be guar
anty Of its perrnancnce. The circumstances
Under which it was passed will he known
and recorded-and no one will disturb sys-
tenn which was adopted with view to give
peace and tranquility to the country.
The descending gradations by which he
must be gradual. He never would consent
to any precipiate operation to bring distress
and ruin on the community.
But suppose that he was wrong in all these
views, for there were no guarantees. in one
sense of the term, of human infalliblty. Sup
pose different state Of things in the South
that this Senate, from causes which he should
not now dwell upon, but which were obvious
to every rejecting man in this cOuntry-cau-
SEES which had operated for Yeas past. and
which continued to operate. Suppose Tor a
moment, that there should be majority in
the Senate in favor of the Southern views,
and that they should repeal the whole system
at once, what guarantee would we have that
the repeating Of the law would not destroy
those great interests which it is so important
To preserve? What guarantee would you
have that the thunders Of those powerful man
ufactnrers would not be directed against your
capitol, because of this abandonment Of their
interests, and because you had given Them no
protection against foreign legislation =! Sir.
said Mr.. Clay. IL you carry your measures of
repeal without the consent, at least. of pOr-
ton of those who are Interested in the prsser-
walton of manufactures. you have mo- security,
no guarantee, no certainty that any protection
will be continued. But If the measure should
be carried by the common consent Of both
parties, we shall have all security; history
will faithfully record the transaction; narrate
under what circumstances the bill was pa ssed !;
that it was a pacifying measure that it was as
oil poured from the vessel Of the Union to re.
store peace and harmony to the county,
When all this was known, what Congress,
what Legislature would mar the guarantee I?
What man who is entitled TO deserve the char
acter of an American statesman would stand
up in Misplace in either House Of Congress and
disturb this treaty Of peace and amity! IA.
Sir, said Mr.. C. will not say that It may
not be disturbed. Allthat say is, that here
is all the reasonable security that can be de-
sired By those on the other side Of the ques-
ton, and much more than those on the other
would have by any unfortunate concurrence
Of circumstances. Such n repeal of3he w hole
system should be brought about as would be
acquiesced in by all parties in. itis
All parties might find in this meas7,
ure some reasons for objection. And what,
human measure was there which was free
from objectionable qualities? II had been res
marked, and justly remarked. by the great
Father Of our country himself. that il that
great work which is the charter Of eur liber-
Ties, and under which We have SD long -four
ished, had been submitted article by article, To
all the different States composing this Union,
that the whole would have been rejected;
and vet, when the whole was presented to-
gether. It was accepted as whole. He, (N1r.
C.) would admit that his friends did not get
all they could wish; and the gentlemen on
the other side did not t,blain all they might
desire but both would gain all that in his
humble opinion was proper to be given in the
present condition Of this country. 1t might
be true that there would be loss and gain in
this measure. But how was this loss aud
gain distributed Among our countrymen.