Litchfield enquirer. [volume] (Litchfield, Conn.) 1829-current, 1833-03-14
DEBATE ON THE TARIFF.

the bill. He was disposed TO consider 1t with
narCacf rasnect. It had the appreciation ADD
elnuort of a Senator whose opinions on tins
subject he had long received as authority,
and whom, with honest zeal, he hao lao"reo
TO place in a position where his talents would
be most useful to the country. That he was
actuated, in his present course, by the most
magnanimous principles, he did not doubt
The measure was seconded by an honoraOle
Senator from South Carolina, with whom ne
had served in the other House. whose ab'Il-
ties he had been accustomed to respect, and
for whom he had the best wishes. Before he
had proceeded to state his objections to the I
bill. he made some remarks upon his own
course in regard to the protective system, !
since the year 1916. He explained at length
his own position and that Of New England in
regard to the protective policy, showing that
it was a system forced upon her by the laws
of 1915, Of 1890, and Of 1924. The law Of
1894 was considered as establishing the sys-
TEN as part Of the permanent policy ut the
country. Not that there was 10 that law, as
ia this, any expressed pledge of public faith
for its continuance, hut that the great central
States, New-Y York, Pennsylvania. Ohio and
Kentucky, appeared to have adopted it as
policy essential to their prosperity and indie
peudence. He went on to state, as his first
objection to the bill, the pledge which it gave
for its continuance, and commended that we
had no right to make such pledge. He gave
no concurrence to the pledge. He protested
against any measure, calculated as this is, to
restrain the legislation of Congress. He adj
verted to the spectacle which we should pre-
sent to the other nations of the world, while
under such restraint. America bound in ad-
anlant not to countcrvail any foreign legis-
lation against her interests, would be the sport
Of other nations. All our power to counter
vail foreign legislation is delegated by the
States to Congress. and Congress is bound
not to impose any duties above 90 per cent.
Here we stand. an object Of universal attack
and universal >ridicule. Suppose you applied
similar restrictions 10 navigation in tie course
of one year we should not have a ship in
foreign port: we should be excluded from
every port, because we should have no pow
or to counteract the restrictions of other ma
tons. The power Of retaliation has the eff.
feet Of retaliation. So a commercial treaty
would not be made, if there existed limita-
ton of power. Now, if we were in coIoni-
al condition, we could not be more restricted.
We surrender the only power of protection
which is worth prcserving-that Of making
discrimination. The Senator from Kentucky
says there are other parts of the Constitution
under which manufactures can be protected
the power Of prohibition. Discrimination
rests upon the very ground that prohibition is
Inadequate as protection, except in very !
few cases. The gentleman asks what we can
do even when discrimination fails TO protect? |
TO this we would answer, that it has beena
found sufficient as a protection, and in most
cases would continue to be. He thought this
was a sort of derise. rather than law-it was
the last Will and Testament of Congress,
rather than law. In the very language Of
conveyances. it says, If the money is wanted,
you may say so-ifit he not wanted, you must
do so. The succeeding Congress are left
merely as the Executors Of our win. He
was very much inclined to think that the Will
would be broken. Not because the devisors
have not disposing minds and memory, for
he never saw people in his life who appeared
better to understand what they were about.
They are providing for their posterty in GER
tain sections Of the country with great caution
and prudence. Nor would he say that the
Will ought to be broken because it was made
under undue influence; but he could not help
thinking that fear had some effect in it. If
there had been no Ordinance 10 South Car
Olina, this devise would not have been
made.
Having finished his remarks upon the gene
raj principles the bill. he passed TO its de-
tails. Some Of shem, he said, were imprac-
ticabse. Congress could perhaps pass laws in
this case. to enforce the object of the bill, but
not to impair its intent. In relation to Cot !
ton, he pointed out some difficulties that
would arise in the construction of the bill
There was 40 law providing any way,of as
certaining the value Of iron, or Of any arti
cies paying a specific duty. Many practical
difficulties would arise, and some parts Of the
provisions would be found impracticabie.
The operation Of the bill as measure Of
finance. was very doubtful and Objectionable.
Many were Of opinion that it would increase
revenue, and no one bad expressed the opin-
ion taat it would reduce revenue. great
many articles now highly protected, such
as ready made clothing. boots and shoes,
manufactures Of tin, iron and brass, which
were now imported to but small extent,
would, as soon as the duty comes down
to twenty per cent. afford 2 very large
revenue. At the same time. MI the man
nal labor Of the country would be paralyztd
It was not only the " rich, greedy and reck-
less Corporations" whose interests were as.
sailed. but the poor and industrious handi-
craftsmen in every part Of the country. The
importation Of foreign spirits, which the bill
encouraged. would be productive of large
revenue. lie then went on to show that the
bill would PROSTATE entirely the Cotton. Prin-
ting business. Not a yard If cotton could
agar he tarinfed under this hill In suuro,.