Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1833-01-24
THE RIGHT OF A STATE TO SECEDE'

THE RIGHT OF A STATE TO SECESD Ii''."
1eD'PoTa mufanti", ct nos mutamr in iHis-Respice
fnem."
The present high state Of political excitement calls orc
oy upon every patriot and philanthropist exert his
whole Influence in calming the public mind and give his
views upon the great question presented for The de-
cSion oil the American people The subject bespeaks its
own importance; compreending as does i'm It's direct
consequence the positive existence of our renubIc b
safety OF The State Governments, and the liberty and hap
Plness oil the people Not only the fate of our republic
depending upon It's issue, but the destiny the republican
nodel OF government is probably staked upon the event;
or unless the American people in eaecting the
preserv alton OF the Uniop, perhaps the experiment has
beentnGHy made And after unsuccessful effort we
VIII be forced 10 admit the taunng remark of despots
mat societies OF men really incapable Of establishing
goou government nom reflection and choice and that
ey are forever destined TO depend for their political con-
suhons, upon accident force. IT, then at this crisis
we should make the wrong selection, would be cons
dered not only unfortunate TO ourselves the general
misfortune OF mankind In deliberating tberefore non
THIS question, we should enquire into the foundation of Our
government, and discover, II possible the powers meant
70 DC surrendered TO Congress, and what portion sOye
relgny was retained by the States To effect this from
Tue lace Oh the Constitution, without to other
sources oil information, would be utterly impractcable
since so many powers are claimed by Implication We
must then so back the old articles of the Con Moderation
and examine, whether at that time State could claim
ne ght peaceabiy to secede. IT'S needless refer to
more distant period oour governments for fore the
tahoh oil independence, there union among the
states except TO resist the aggresons az union
between the States anterior to that period would have
amounted to revolution. From tie Declaration Of indie
pendence, to the ratification Of the Articles Of Confedera
ton IN 70, period of somewhat more than two wears
there was combination between lie States for mutual
proIecuon and safety. We may then date political
existence as commencing from the adoption ratification
OF the Articles OF Confederation by the delegates Of the
several States assembled in Congress Philadelphia in 7s
30 long az the Articles Of Confederation remained in
oce amongst us, there Is for doubt or discussion
i0 the Introductory clause says that the object for which
lney mad combined was perpetual Union, and the 18Th
arucle expressly declares that Every State shall abide
by the determinations Of the United States in Congress
assembled on all questions which, by this confederation
are submitted 10 them. And the Articles of this Con-
federation shall be invioaby observed by every state
ana the Union shall be perpetual" In the ratification
OF mis- ny the delegates in the last clause the declaration
IS IePeated' that ''te Union shah be perpetual" How
u1en; could the states reserve the right Of secession i'm
Phemy when they had expressly declared by their repre-
senauves IN Congress- that The Union shall be DER.
Pe'ua 1T IAN absurdy 10 imply right to dissolve the
Union, when there has been express direct
70 the contrary. In candour them we must admit that
under the conoderaion the right Of Slate 70 secede ne.
yer did exist The primary object Of entering into ths
league was 10 ensure perpetual Union between the con-
suuent pafis; relying upon the efficacy OF written con
aon WIZ powers clearly defined, and upon the good
a and political integrity Of their rulers TO preserve the
State Governments and Confederation respecvelv ,ifhin
The limits Of their constitutional jurisdiction