Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1833-04-05
COMMUNECATHONS
TO THE CITIZENS o T0X X1 1RE ET9'

Felop Freemeni-The Elections, that are lust COM
mencing throughout our State, are of the highest impor
lance, not only to this State, but to the whole Union
virginia, who has voluntarily thrown herself as a mediator
into the storm-in the immediate centre OF opposite ex.
tremes OF the political elements-has assumed upon her
sell great responsibility. All are looking up To her for pre-
servation, from total political destruction, and for peace,
safety and repose. Surely she will not then, by her APP
preaching elections, throw fresh .fre-brGnds into the CON
test-and disturb the political armisice which she has OBJ
tanned. Will she elect men who will blow up anew the
nearly extinguished embcrs Of discord (! Win she ieopar-
dlze every thing that is essential to our independence, TO
the government of our choice, TO hberty--to every thing
dear TO man! Surely-surely she will not.-But let US
look more closely into this important subject. tits painful
often 10 descend TO particulars, especially where real names
must unavoidably be introduced. Yet, on the present ocI
cases oil TINS description will be brought into notices? the
hrst In The next concise sentence, and the last in the wind
ing up OF this address.
In one of the Congressional Districts, il is said that the
distinguished John Randolph.oi Roanoke is candidate -
With all the admiration 1 have ever had for his splendid
talents, and the support would have given him on all
former occasions, yet, with his present infrmities, both in
body and doctrines, | should consider his election, il not
an unfortunate one, at least unneeded at This particular
tine-a time when we ought 10 allay, instead of exciting
the prevalent stries OF the country.
Were Washington himself, whose name and whose cha
racter l almost adore, again OH earth and were he to
come forward and offer 10 nulhly the government and dis
solve the Union, (he noblest works OF his own immortal
hands,) or claim the right of Secession as constitutional
on peaceful measure, | would disclaim such heresies: |
would not only vote against, but do every thing i'm NV
power TO prevent his election.
To ascertain the correctness or fallacy of these doctrines
II VIII be necessary 10 consult the Constitution itself, and
make a concise analysis of the principles of which il is
composed. And then let us examine the correctness of
the causes, or rather the excuses, for thus assailing the sa-
cred ark OF our political salvation.
The Constitution of the United States is based on two
great and leading fundamental principles-CoNFEDERA-
TON ana NsoLIDATIoNt-th FIRST, a social compact
among The States for many special purposes and securi-
tles-the second, the immediate authorities OF the people
themselves throughout the United States for great, gene
raj purposes. These principles are complicated and
blended throughout the whole system, and admit of so many
different metaphysical constructions in their various appli-
| CatlOn and N raiO fha nraa fpn ,..s.s s, "a 100
MY occurs in determining and keeping them within their
right boundaries. Power always has a tendency TO
increase itself, and the opposite as strong a disposition To
diminish and keep 1t down. To avoid letting in too much
OF the consolidation principle, too much OF the ~confedera-
tive is as too often attempted to be made TO counterfeit.
An auehuVe examination ana impartial view OF all the
dU9eSse %t'"iusry ~G-UIe sUsiam itself can aiona marL th~
The Senate, both in its composition and the exercise of
its powers, is completely federative; unless its final ac-
ton on all national affairs aud foreign relations, partake in
some degree OF the opposite principle. This, it is well
known, was a concession of the large to the small States,
to induce the latter TO join in the consolidation OF the
Union" as emphatically expressed in the letter OF the
Convention. This was certainly a strong admission on the
part OF the small States, tOhO nOtc claim so much, that
there was a large portion of the national or consultative
character in that General Government.
The construction and exercise of the Executive func-
lions are bottomed on both principles, but certainly mark
ed most strongly with the tcderative features. The cleo
ton of President and Vice President, in the first instance,
is most clearly so. The election OF Electors is by the PEo-
PIE, governed by the boundaries OF the States, by dis
iricts, by general ticket, or even by the secondary mode
OF the Legislatures of the States. But when drawn to-
SSN'Ni hOhh W. WV Z lC otdlCss dUh udiduCtu III
the scales and principles OF the true and only legitimate
prePonderance OF representative government-the MAORI
ty OF the whole OF the PEOPLE of the Union-it surely
partakes strongly OF the national and consultative princi-
pie. But, in case OF the incidental vote by the Represent
tatives, il returns TO the unmiXed feature of ~confedera-
uon, IN which the little States OF Delaware, New JeT-
sey, Rhode Island, aud South Carolina Gf her great
champions choose!) have as much weight and influence as
the great States of New York, PENNSYLVANIA, Virginia, or
Ohio. Here then the small States reap one Of the great
benefits conceded TO them by the large, by which they
have all bound themselves to one another in the general
compact, from which neither can recedc, or TO use a more
tayorite term9 "secede," but by constitutional or revolu-
!ionary means. In the exercise of Presidential powers,
both OF these. leading features again appear. In all gener-
al concerns and foreign relations, these powers, to certain
extent, are national and consultative; but, being under
the fnal control of the Senate, they partake again strongly
of, and are materially checked, and kept from abuse by,
the iederative principle. In one important instance, these
Presidential powers are almost GJSOiuie-I mean the veto
power, and the right to exercise conscientious Scr0pieS
therein on all constitutional quesiions-it requiring tcO-
thirds OF both branches of Congress TO overbalance those
In another instance, the President himself is tChOVg absO-
lufe-that is, the pardoning power: But, that being the
right to dispense mercy, and not 10 infict punishment it is
presumablc, it was not thought necessary to fix any fede-
rative checks or restraints on that; though cases might be
cited, in which great injuries and abuses might arise from
even that absolute and unlimited pOLCer.
In the Representative branch, more he immediate crca-
ture of the PEOPLE, both of these leading features again
appear, Although that branch is elected Immediately by
the PEOPLE, by State boundaries, and even by still more
limited Districts; and that for the obvious purpose OF bring
ing with them, all the local and various interests and
wishes Of every section OF this wide-spreading and varic-
gated empire, yet, when they come TO exercise all their
powers and perform all their representative duties, faith
fully and consitutionaly, they must necessarily and una
voidalhy behold and feel themselves in all great and inn
8 MIR. Randolph IS said to have addressed tho citizens Of Cumber.
land on the 25tt, and told them +" that he could not DO considered a
candidate for COngrcss-iur, he was preparing for a sea yOyarC.V
l do not wish 10 be misunderstood. mean che consolidation
fOr URioa, in the sense IN which It. is employed ia the letter that
was addfcssod by The fcdera CoHCcHtioH To the President Of Congress.
and shows tho purposes for which It was dcsigncd-and, as it serves
TO cut UP certain mystical doctrines FROM the South Carolina school
5Ges G sosgGg%y,S wish Iii. letter to be laid before the people
GIN CONVENTION,
SEPrENBEH ~, 1857.
United states in Congress assembled, that constitution which has ap
poared to US The most advisable.
The friends Of our country have long seen and desired, that the pow
or OF making war, peace and treaties, that oil toyy log money and regu
hting commerce, and the correspondent executive and judicial nu
thofuies, should be fully aud efectuiIly vested IN tho Gcaera 90
UerHHHeqt n me Union; hut the impropriety Of deicgating such extern.
ste trust TO one body Of men Is evident; hence results the neoossit,
ola different organization.
lis obviously impucticablo in tho Federal Government Of these
provide for the interest and safety ofas individuals entering into so
cety must giDcW p a shire 0hbcrfv 10 prcscrUo ne resi-. The magni
ktude OF the sacrifice must depend US well on situation aud cucum-
stance. me- ~ the object Il he obtained. u az nl times difficult ID
6NrTcRdrrod, and those which may be reserved: and on Tho present
occasion this difficulty was increased by n difference among the scve-
raj states, ne 70 their situation, CXtcnt, habits and particular interests
IN al our dcltbemuonse en- this subject, we kept stoadiy IN our vicw
that which, appcafs TO us the greatest interest Of every true Amefi
caui the consolidation n 0v Union, in which IS involved our prospect
ity, felicity, safety, perhaps our national eVistonco. This important
state in tho convention 70 hc loss rigid on points Of inferior marui
tude, than might have been othofwiso expected; md 1bus tho copstI
iuttou which so now present, ~ The result ofa spirit Of anity, and %
that mutual Difference and concession, which the peculiarly Of our 20
lttcal situation rendered indispensable.
That VI will meet the fil 1md cutre appreciation Of ovcty slate, Is
not, perhaps, TO be expected; bot each will doubtless consider. tlt
had Ter interests been alone consulted, tho Consequence might hay,
been particularly dnacfccabic or Injurious ~ others: thdt ts HabI,
70 as toy exceptions as could reasonably bnvo been expected, N'