Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1833-02-14

itself into n government :" without limitation of pow
ers," would Hampden still insist upon the perpetu
ty of the Union? Suppose the many were TO at
tempt grind the few 4" To- dust and ashes"-one
section crushing another; "a few States becoming
the maddencd victims of the rest; every amicabe
expedient exhausted; every constitutional means APP
peaed to IN vain; and no foreign enemy towering
over us, whom seeding State might aid and abet;
would Hampden still contend against the right of
secession? Would he still bind the living and the
dead together, like the unfortunate captives of Me-
zentius?
lie contends indeed the ground of erpediency
that such right ought to exist He dwells parti-
cularly upon the strong of Louisiana. We adj
init its force once-and we admit that cases might
be multiplied, where it may become an awful ques-
ton for single State to fly from the Unon-or, for
the co-pares TO decide what they to do. But
expediency may be controverted by expediency-
and case may he met by case. We are saved the
necessity of sringng possible cases of another de-
cripton together. The late letter of Governor Troup
does it To our hand--as follows
"But 1.-THE Federal Government is not
ososog what o0s Gs y be- Cnss will
keep large sections country which
by single false movement would be excited to the
prescription, by which Of society may has.
dsin State religion universal
cOnstuiionaly all laws, States
commanding us Marsho to hang up by the anppos and c.
null and BY which rights
10 another decide that
titled to the RICH, of {, control the criminal
and appeal are these rremsease' they
States States are sovereign and nav p'o
o and u' does this consist with that unity
Ceny not Bu! then becomes those make that clim
wild Tho sae. iofSoG 'i the so
venmen Of the United States Tho States
to exists and breahos Though
@ OF tho states are to nncndo alter it, mno
Who that looks over these cases, but must admit
that there are expressions and encroachments,
lasclx a aI-a.t
~ of each State to secede from the Unon-be the
hazard of consequences what it may. But we wish
to be distinctly understood. While we hold that
the compact is made by the States; that "where re-
sort can he had 10 tribunal superior to the autho
rity of the parties, the parties themselves must be
the rghtu Judges IN The last resort whether the bar
gain made has been pursued violated' -whilst
we hold, that each State must Judge for herself
whether she will will not secede, yet do we also
hold, that this right ought only TO be exercised in
cases of the very last resort-Not in the midst of n
foreign war, have i'm the case of the Hart
Tort Convention-but in cases where the State has
TO choose between the dissolution of our Union
with four companions,) or, submission to u Govern
ment without limitation of powers"-in cases of
continued and enormous violations ofthe compact"
after every amicabe cXpedicnt has been exhausted,
and all the constituted appeals described in Madi
sons Report had been made i'm vain The State
that would madly rush into Dsunion, without duly
consulting with her sister States and appealing TO
all the remedies of the Constitution, as South Caro-
the value ofthe Union and to the respect which she
owes to her sister States Such measures, we re-
peat ought TO be reserved for cases of extreme OPP
preston: or OF an evident failure ofa the good pur-
poses of the Constituton-and when such ca
ses do occur; when the Federal Compact is
grossly violated, and when the powers grant
ed shall be hagrantly perverted to their injury
or oppression, these powers may be resumed 6y !
them, without mourning the guilt of traitors The |
State from that moment loses her case-and she
may be treated foreign State. What cor
relative rights the rest of the States may exercise
towards her-with the consequences attendant upon
such exercise, are too well described by Mr. Taze-
well I'm the 18th No. of his Virginian, repubshed in
our last, TO require any repetition at this time.
In turning over the pages of those, who have
written upon tue Constitution, we have been able TO
light only upon two authors, who have touched this
complicated and almost awful qucstion.-These are
Judge Fucker, in his note ID to the LIST vol, LIST part
OF his Backsone-and Mr.. Rawle in his views of
the Constution.-The first writer saws:
Their obligation, therefore, to preserve the present
constitution, is greater their former obligations
were TO adhere TO the articles of the considerations each
State possessing the right OF Withdrawing itself from
the coniederacy without the of the rest as any
number OF them do, or did, possess Prudence in
deed,"-(and Judge Tucker might have adled-Pat-
rotism, the obligations ofihe compact and The rights of
the other States )wl dictate that governments estai.
iished by compact should not be changed Tor light or tran
sient causes; but should long abuses and usurp
tons, pursuing invariably object cvince design
in any one Of the conederaes usnrp dominion over
the res If those who entrusted TO administer tho
government, which the cenederates have for their mut
al convenience established should manifest DESIGN IN in
wade their sovereignty, and extend their own power be
yonI The terms OF compact TO the detrment the States
respectively, and 10 reduce them a
and hnay to establish themselves in Of
superiority, 1t then becomes not only the right but the du-
y Of the States respectively throw oft such government
and to provide guards for their future securiy# To
dehy uils' would be 10 deny TO sovereign, ndepe ndent
States the power which, colonies terri
tories, they have mutually agreed they had right TO
ercise aud did actually exercise when thew shook o6
the government Of England first aud adopted The
constitution OF the United States in the second instance
MIR. Rawle, after broadly and unqualifiedly assert
ing the right of Secession, couples with the follow
ing warnings:
"The consequences Of absolute secession cannot he
mistaken, and they would be serious and affecting
seeding Stale, whatever might be its relative nagntude
would speedily AMI distinctly feel the loss of the aid and
c0untenance OF the Union. The Union loine ptopor.
ton oil The national revenue, would he entitled mand
from II proportion OF the national debt Ii would be
hlIed 10 treat the inhabitants and the commerce of the
paraied Stale as apPerdinng 10 a foreign country In
public treaties already made whether commercial or no
ihca it could claim participation while foreign now
ers would unwingy calculate, and slowly transfer TO IT,
any portion OF The respect and confidence borne towards
the w. States Evils more alarming NAV be readily ner
ceived The destruction of the common bond oiIj he
unavoidaby attended with more serious conseouenccs
than The mere disunon OF the parts
"Separdton would produce iealousies and discord
which, IN Time, would ripen into mutual hoslities and
whle our country would be weakened by internal war
foreign enemies would be encouraged TO invade with The
iaering prospect Of subdung in detail those whom col
lectyey, they would dread to encounter
Such in ancient times the fate of Greece brok
into numerous republics Rome, which pursued contra,
ry policy, and absorbed all her terrifo,l acnustos IN