Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1833-03-19


in this answer, we have an cknowledgme of the ,rutAof
uhose great principles for which the State has so firmly
and nobly contended.
Having made these remarks, the great question is now
presented: has Congress the right 10 pass this bnR which
he would next proceed 10 consider. The decision OF this
question involves the inquiry into the provisions of the
bill. what are they? 1t puts at the disposal of the Pre-
Sideht' The army aud navy, and the entire militia of the
couniry.-lt enables him, at his pleasure, 10 subject every
man Ia me united states, not exempt from militia duty,
to marital iaw-to call him from his ordinary occupation,
TO The held, aud under the penalty of fine and imprison-
ment inflicted by a court martial, to imbrue his hand
III ms brothers blood. There is no limitation on the
power oil The sword, AMI that over the purse is equal
~ without restraint; for, among the extraordinary fea-
lures Of the bill, it contains no appropriation, which under
eNlstnS circumstances, is tantamountt to an unlimited APP
preparation. The President may, under its authority. in
cur any expenditure and pledge the national faith IN
meet II. lie may create a new national debt, at the very
moment OF the termination Of the iormer-a debt of mil
lions TO be paid out of the proceeds OF tie labor of that Sec
uon OF the country whose dearest Constitutional rights
tins bill prostrates! Thus exhibiting the extraordinary
spectacle, that the very section of the country which is
urging this measure, and carrying the sword Of devasta-
uoh against us, are at the same time mourning a new debt,
10 DC paid by those whose rights are violated; while those
who violate them are to receive the benefit. in the shane
OF bounties and expenditures.
And for what purpose is the unlimited control of tho
purse and OF the sword thus placed at the disposition OF the
Executive! To make war against one OF the free and
sovereign members of this considerations; which the bill
proposes to deal with, not as a State, but as a collection of
banditi and outlaws. Thus exhibiting the impious snecZ-
tacle of this Government, the creature OF the States,
making war against the power 10 which it owes its ex-
isteuce.
80" N'NN VIZ DO''H'i'H'ob, pldlilly VI phipaDly,
in many OF lis provisions, by authorizing the Presidential
his pleasure, to place the different ports Of this Union on
AN unequal footing, contrary 10 that provision of the Con-
sutuiioh which declares that no preference should be CIV
en- to one port over another. 1t also violates the Cons,itu-
I"h oy authorizing INN, at his discretion, 10 impose cash
nuues on one port, While credit is allowed in others; by
enabling the President TO regulate commerce, a power
vested IN Congress alone; aud by drawing within the
jurisdiction oil the United States courts, powers never in
tended TO be conferred on them. As great as these obiec-
tons were, they became insignificant in the provisions of
a bill which, by a single blow,-by treating The States
n : a mere laMleSS mass OF NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS. all
the barriers of the Constitution. He would poss
over the minor consideration, and proceed directly 10 the
great point. This bill proceeds on the ground that the en-
tire sovereignty of this country belongs to the American
people, as forming one great community; and regards the
states as mere, factions OF counties, and not as an integral
part OF the Union; having no more right 10 resist the en-
~croachments OF the Government than a county has
TO resist the authority OF a State; and treating such re-
Sislahee as the lawIess acts OF so many individuals, with
out possessing sovereignty or political rights. 1t has been
said, that the bill declares war against South Carolina.
No. 1t DEGREES a massacre of her citizens! War has
something ennOhling about il, and with all its horrors.
brings into action the highest qualities, intellectual and
moral. Ii was, perhaps, in the order of Providence. mar
1t should be permitted for that verv purpose. But This
bill declares no war, except, indeed, il be that which sa-
wages wage-a war, not against the community, but the
cluzenso oil whom that community is composed. But he re-
garded it as worse than savage warfare-as an attempt to
take away life under the color flaw, without the trial bv
jury or any other safeguard which the constitution has
thrown around tie life of the citizen! 1t authorizes Tie
President or even his deputies, when they may suppose
The law to be violated, without the Intervention OF a court
orJury, TO Kill without mercy or discrimination!
twas said by the Senator from Tennessee. Mr. Grupdy
to be a measure OF peace! Yes, such peace as the wolf
gives 10 the lamb; the kite to The dove! Such neace "a
Russia gives TO Poland; or death TO its victim! A peace, bv
eXtinguishing the political existence of the State, by aw.
ing her into an abandonment of lie exercise of every
power which constitutes her a sovereign community. II
Is 10 South Carolina a question 81 Representation and 4
proclaim it, that, should this bill pass, and an attempt TO
made TO enforce it, il will be resisted, at every hazard
even matot death Itself. Death is not the greatest Gala.
NIFTY; there are others still more terrible to the free and
brave; and among them may be placed the loss of Hber,v
and honoF. There arc thousands OF her brave sons, who.
il need be, are prepared cheerlul!y TO lay down their lives
In defence OF the State, and the q eat principles of consi-
tu;ional liberty for which she is cOnte ndipg. God forbid
that this should become necessary. never can he, nm
less this Government is resolved 10 bring the question IN
extremity, when her gallant sons will stand p1enarcJ ~
perform the last duty; TO die nobIy.
| go, (said Mr.. Calloun1 on the ground that This
Constitution was made by the States; that ii is a fed
eral union OF the States, in which The several States
sun retain i'eir sovereignty. II these views be COR
rect, he had not characterized the bill too STRONGLY
which presents The question, whether they be or be not.
lie would not enter into the discussion Of that question
now. lie would rest it,, for the present, ON what he had
said on the Introduction OF the resolutions now on the Ia
pie, under the hope that another opportunity would be aE-
forded for more ample discussion. lie would. for the pre 90
sent, conine his remarks to the objections which had been
raised to the views which he had presented when he i'm
uoduced them. The authority of Luther Martin had
been adhuced by the Senator from Delaware, TO prove hat
me ciuzehs cl a state, acting under the authority of a
State, were liable to be punished as traitors by This Gov
crnment As emiuenta as Mr.. Martin was, as a LAWYER, and
as high as bis authority might be considered, on a legal
point, he could not accept it in determining the point at
issue. The attitude which he occupied, iftaken into view.
would lessen, if not destroy, the weight of his authorize
~ e hau Dech violently opposed, IN Convention, to the
Constitution, and the very letter from which the Senator
has quoted, was intended TO dissuade MARYLAND from its
adoption. With this view, il was 10 be expected That
every consideration calculated 10 effect that object should
be urged; ilar real objections should be exaggerated. and
that those having no foundation, except mere plausible
deductions, should be presented. IL is to this shirt that
he attributed the opinion Of Mr.. Martin, in reference 10
the point under consideration. But if his authority il
good on one point, " must he admitted TO be equally SO ON
another. II his opinion be sufficient 10 prove that a citi.
zen Of the State may be punished as a traitor when act.
ing under allegiance 10 the State; it is also sufficient 10
show, that no authority was intended TO be given i'm the
Constitution FOR The protection Oi manufactures by the
General Government, and that The provision in the Con-
shtuion, permitting a State 10 lay an impost duty. with
the consent OF Congress, was intended 10 reserve ta
right OF protection 10 the States themselves. and that each
State should protect its own industry. Assuming his opi-
ni9n to be OF equal authority on both points, how embsr-
rassing would be the attitude iu which it would place the
Senator from Delaware, and those with whom he is act
ing,-thdt Of using tho sword and The bayOnet TO enforce
the execution Of an unconstitutional act Of Congress. He
must express his surprise tbat the slightest authority i'm
favor OF p0lccT should be received as the most conclusive
evidence, while tIat whirh is az least equally strong in
favor OF light and Nbcrty, iswholly overlooked or reic cled.
Notwithstaudiug aI ilat has been said, he must saw,
that neither The Senator from Delaware, mir CIayton.1
nor any other who had spoken or the same side. had d.
recly and fairly met the great questions At issue Is this
q Federal union? a union Of States, as distinct from that Of
lu%dividual-' l. the sovereignty in the several States, or
10 The American people 30 tc aggregate? The very lam
guage which we are compelled 10 use, when speaking of
our political Institutions, affords proof conclusive as to IFS
real character The terms union, federal, united, all inn