The Massachusetts spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1831-1858, 1832-10-17
From the National Intelligene.r.
TO THE PEOPLE OF TEE
UNITED STATES.

the prospect OF a salutary change in the public
councils. Various considerations, operating at the
Time, led to post ponement OF the execution OF tina
design. Among those considerations, one impor
tant one was, that popular elections we're ALREADY
at hand in several parts Of the Union and the
manifestation of opinion which they would natural
" exhibit, m ght become, it was thought, matera
Ingredient IN any opinion to be formed respecting
future political events. Those elections have now
| taken place !; their results are known, and we are
most happy in being able to say, hat they are
! omens decidedly suspicious. II is deemed proper,
therefore, at this Time 10 resume the original pur-
! pose, and, through this channel Of communication,
to address few words to the friends eff the Coun-
try, and its Constitution No attempt will here be
made to argue, at length. the necessity of change
IN the administration Of the Government, or to DIS
cuss, in detalj the various questions which are be-
! lore the country. The actual result of the meas
ures OF General Jacksons administration for three
years, that result is shown in the existing stale
/ ct public affairs, is the best Commentary on these
measures; although even that result, bad as it is
Is not so bad as what it presages fer the future
lnere Is no rejecting man that can fail to be struck
with the change that has taken place within these
| three years. When Mr.. Adams went out of office,
the Union OF the States was not supposed to be in
immediate danger from any quarter. No State
had then threatened open an6 direct separation
no state had set at naUght the decisions OF the Su
preme Court, and the laws of Congress no power
had been claimed, by any President of refusing at
pleasure to execute the laws, of arresting at
Will their operation no prescription or persecu
ton, for opinions sake, had yet spread over the
land Offices of Government were yet regarded
public trusts, not as mere party rewards; no public
avowal had been made, by men in power, that the
attainment and possession Of that p0,Cer was their
protested leading object; that public men owed
duties, not much TO their country to their
party; that public elections were but contests, ex-
cited and stimulated solely by private interest
and that. in these contests, the spolS of the enc
my belonged TO the victors." 1t had not, at that
time, become habit with the Executive, to refuse
assent to important acts Of Congress, often with
out giving the slightest reason and, certainly,
when the power Of the negative had been exercis-
ed, and reasons had been gwen for it, those
had always been such grave and sober-minded
Statesmen might advance. No push for power had
been made, by any President, such as to threaten
humiliation to all the other branches of Govern
ment; and it is not unfit for this occasion to add
that Executive power had. then, never in America
obtruded itself upon social private life. The U.
States still wore their accustomed aspect they
looked like what they had always been-the coun-
try which have all been taught to loye-a
country Of real liberty, having Government of
laws, with so low as to be beneath their pro-
lection, and none SO high to be above their con-
troll. There was no usurpaton exercised, or
threatened no despotc power claimed. What
Congress enacted, and the tribunals adjudged, the
Executive was ready, not to arrest but to exc
cute.
Who can deny that, in all the foregoing partcu-
lars, fearful change has taken place Who can
compare our condition in 1929, with our condition
at present, and honestly say, that our Government
has not essentially altered its character
1t is notorious, that resistance to the laws of
Congress, thing equivalent to immediate separa-
ton, is now distinctly threatened, by one of the
States Of the Union and that, by another, law
has been passed, directly repugnant to an act of Con
gress, and free citizens immurred in 4 dungeon
under that law, where they still remain, although
the Supreme Court has sOlemnly decided that such
law violates both the act Of Congress and the
Constitution Of the United States and is therefore
void! It'll equally true that not the slightest dis
appreciation OF these proceedings has been mani
tested by the President of the United States He
has never invited the attention of Congress to
these occurences-he has not called on the coun
try to frown this project for separation and the
contempt for the Constitution and L avs. On the
contrary, their authors are among those who elect
ed him to office they are still OF his party and
most of Them his personal and political friesnd
In the case of Georgia, it is well known, that moth
ing has been done by her, but with the Presidents
appreciation. He has openly refused to execute
the intercourse act of 49, and has not opened his
mouth, nor raised his finger, to release the Mis-
sonaIIes from their inhuman and outrageous i'm
prisonment. With Georgia he holds that all our
Indian treaties, near forty in number, and some of
them as old as the the Government are no treaties
at all; with Georgia, he holds that the law passed
in MIR. Jetferson's tine and, at this moment, an
existing plain, and positive statute ought not TO be
eIecuted: and with Georgia, he maintains that the
decisions OF the Supreme Court instead of being
executed, should be condemned and despissd
With respect to the South Carolina doctrine of
notification, the Presidents opinions probably
from his dislike towards certain individuals, are
not SO openly in accordance with the opposers of
the Constitution of the United States, as in the
case of Georgia. but he does nothing at all to dis
countenance that doctrine, or TO maintain the Un-
ion against its influence. He dlskes MIR. Cal
houn, the chief of nulfers, but he either dares
not or does not choose to break with the teachers
oil that faith, generally. On the contrary, many
politicians OF that school are prominent leaders of
public measures, under his Administration The
Chairman Of the Committee of WAYS and Means
IN the House OF Representatives is an able and &C.
tive Champion of the South Carolina Doctrine,
Yet in his hands is placed the official lead in that
body, in all matters of finance and revenue and
he holds that station By the appointment Of the
Speaker, a well kn0tcn and dep0ted friend of the
President both personal and political Another
gentleman of the same sentiments, is at the head of
the Judiciary Committee OF the same House so that
if open resistance should break out, and it should
become necessary 10 maintain the laws of the
Union, and support the Constitution by force as
well as by argument, we see in ichGt hands ,could
be the lead in prouiding the iDays and means and
TO lchdt hands, also, tcould be entrusted the especial
dnfy Of guarding the Constitution and the latcs
against violation. 1t is true, these gentlemen,
and others of their particular party, feel sufficient
ly slight respect for the President. He very well
knows this But still they hold these important
places, with his presumed concurrence; and it is
Of little Importance to the country, whether all
this be the result OF lear of party arrangement or
of a secret liking Of the doctrine of notification
The undenable truth is, that these doctrines find
no check, no rebuke, decent dscountenance
even from the President of the United States.
Indeed, how should they How should any
project of disorganzation, or dissolution Of Gov
ernment meet reprimand from him. who. him.
self, claims right Of dispensing with the obliga-
ton Of statutes, and setting at naught the decis-
ions Of the Constitutional tribunals The union
of the States is in serious danger. The present
Administration is not true to that Union. Il
loves, or it fears, its enemies. 1t campers with the
spirit Of Reorganization, if it do not rather, itself
approve and cherish 1t. AT the very moment
when the most essential powers of the Govern
ment of the United States, as Government are
surrendered, cried down, and secuted, even BY the
President, and his party, his oton professions to
power are most extravagant and incredible They
are such as are absolutely incompatible with all
constitutional liberty, constitutional restraint,
1t may be thought, that these sentiments re.
specting the President and his administration are
I stated strongly. They so. 1t is intended the,
should be. They are sincerely and religiously be
! lieved by those who express them, and who tninl
they hnve no higher duty to perform, than to Ia,
them fully and sincerely before the People, TIL,
President has negatvsd the Bank Bill. This vii
occasion severe distress to some parts of the coun
try, and produces every where, arrangement an
embarrassment Yet the act OF refusal is infinite
. ly less rcprehensble, aud less alarming, than tn
grounds on which he undertakes to Justify it, Ill
he has refused assent to certain acts Of Congress "
has approved other acts precisely the same in prir
ciplej and he claims the prerogative Of executin
much as he chooses of the one or the other, an
o ofretusns to execute the rest. From tho 6rss, b
L.Aa .eAl Ill I..... II. -.