Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1832-03-30
from Tho nature OF tbinrs, II was mpos.

ca capacity to attend to their municipal concerns;
and it, therefore, became necessary for thcm to
send Delegates TO the General Assembly, to do and
enact those things which they would do and enact,
IT they were personally present. These tho
elements or the foundation of Il representative and
republican government: aud, according To- these
principles If the people of this Commonwealth, or
! majority of them triH that any measure should
| be devised having for It's object the interest, the
peace and the happiness of themselves and their pos
tcritv, shall we ha told tina: il cannot bo Effected
shall he told that it must not be attempted,
because few men "t great wealth oppose ITS adop
tom Is the Legislature bound by the Will ot the
people, or by the will OF the 'ceathy! III may, pro-
badly be urged in objection to this, that the people
had instructed their representatives,; but this
/ will avail nothing, rs the right OF the Legislature
To act at all, is boldly denied!
The different sections "t this Commonwealth
form on" great Comtcdcrocy; and neither under the
/ Constitution, nor the laws at the State, can one
/ portion claim privileges or exemptions apart from
7 the rest. All our cti2cuS, arc citizens OF the
. Commonwealth of NIrg'nm: We arc all represented
Qhough, perhaps. not equality III our councils; and
wo all claim our riEh' TO the exercise OF those pri-
vicgcs, winch We, IN common WIN the people,
under all free governments, are entitled. Amongst
! these rights and privileges, the foremost is, thSt
while we holu the rcns OF government i'll our own
/ handS, wr can speak our sentiments through our
representatives. IL IS tins which places the hum
bio't tenant OF Inc SOIL, consiltutIonally, on an
/ equality with the proudcst lording of the land
Under its enrolling influences, the poor but honest
man, may feel the lame oi national honsr klndle
IN his bosom, while, with the generous flow of
~ feeling. no cSclaIms--
MY country owns no titled Lord,
II bear or crush me down"
iA'Sn arc views wnich all our citizens should
tnef'Hn' was 'or inns mat our ioreiathers t"'I-
T"--ah" II was 10 perp"'uatc IT. that the Bill OF
Ngn'S ana mo CONSTITUTION were formed: and yet,
!" 'ho discussion OF thus SUBJECT we are told, that
none but those who hold savos can have voice
-" "o I"eSt'oh-'HAt the minority arc not bound by
nd h1t mt ante
worth OF this property can be touched.
But 1t slavery be an evil in our land, and
"koane' says, "whO doubts it"l on whom, let me
ask, does the weight OF the evil fall most heavily
on the fec, who hold large numbers of Them
(and there arc thcv with some noble exceptions,
who oppose all schemes for abolition,) or on the
many, who own but few, and the still greater
number, who hold none OF this property? In the
present aspect OF tlis subject, this is question
W'ich deserves our most serious consideration. A
little calm reflection will be sufficient To convince
any dispassionate man, that the mann and not the
teIc, bear the burthcn of the evil Where, then,
we to look for our PRINCIPLES of action in re-
lation to this great and important measured Are
TO 20 to the man of great wealth. whose feel.
ings and interest arc in all probabilitv at variance
with own, and ask him. how IRE are TO proceed
i'll order to further his Interest," Arc wo in coun
try and under a government like ours, to obey his
instructions, in matters of general interest be-
he happens to possess propcrty of n certain
description of character; and thus establish an oil.
lint a nd
if the doctrines of gentlemen who onnoscd Abol;
ton. in tho House of DELEGATES of Ann,r,tox ),
of "Roane" &c are TO be adoptrd the effect will bc
| that while in ,rOyIs we clorv in the Rcnuhlic,n
form of our Institutions VIC shall virtually, br nm
| der the misrulc of an asDirinr Ar;stocr,c,, Arc
the people of VIRGINIA prcparcd for tbis1 arc tho,,
prepared to fDrsa lie the nrircnns Of tboir cilors
and surrender their greatest privepes their char
iercd rightS7 Then arr uot Thew viii rocur {,
fundamental PRINCIPLES and there they viii 500 tho
! o. ,rbi rb : bn, n
to those principlcs which nrocloin 70 an tbc Moor
as well as the wealthy that they arc free TO nnrsnc
those things which tend TO their interest and han
pincss TO preserve their lives and to protcct ms i,
the righteous enjoyment of them, unawcd bv the
trowns of the great uninnuenced by the tcrrors of
the wealthy
With these oroobI;,o, and oloo,; ;.z :
the true sense and spirit of our form of Govern
mcnt-it is ONLY NECESSARY that ",,e Inc ,oonI ,rU
the performances of ann Grcat nd noble entcrnrizc
ami il ,ciU be dome. Ana who will DENY that the
interest of the great body of the people, would be
promoted by the abolition of slavery Do wo not
see that the slaves are dcpriving the white labour
er OF employment, and greatly reducing the price
of labour! and that if these things were properly
considered, the benefits which would result to the
community, would render this even; as desirable to
the people, as it would be Just to the slaves them
selves and true to the of suffering humanity?
Nearly all who have written or spoken upon The
subject, acknowledge slavery to be an evil. One
gentleman l'Roane,D asserts what every body
knows to be true, namely ''that the sin of the in
PRODUCTION of slavery lies not at our door because
/ 1t was introduced by the commercial cupidity of
that nation from which spraug;" and it is obvi-
Gus that he would argue hence, that whatever may
he the situation III which the introduction Of sla-
very mas placed us, because 1T was not of own
creation, we are no wise responsible for the sin, u
ana that therefore, we need make effort to ar
| rest It's progress! Would this gentleman such
arguments as this, If the agaricc, cupidity, or
any other unluSthabic act, were to introduce the