Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1832-08-03
CHIC constitutional J2lttg.
SPEECH OF MIR. CLAY, OF KENTUCKY
IN rGE SENATE,
On the Presidents Vein Of tie Bans Bal,

Mr.. CLAY eaid hu had some observations To
submit on thus question, which he wo"iu no, Tres
pass on tho Senate in offering, but th"t IL hau soue
cammanl of leisure in consequences o. the 'ohicr-
cnce which had been agreed upon III respect TO The
Tariff.
4 bill to re.chartcr the Bank had recently passed
Congress- after much deliberations In tins body,
we know that there are members enough, who en-
terrain no constitutional scrupes, to make, with
the vote by which the bill was passed, majority
of thirds. In the House of Representative al
So it is believed there is like majority i'll favor of
the bill Notwithstanding this state Of things the
President has rejected the bill, and transmitted to
the Senate an elaborate message, communicating at
largo his oblectiCs.S. The Constitution requires
that should consider the BILL * that the ques.
ton of its passage tho Presidents objections not.
outstanding, shall be taken by ayes and NOES
Respect to HIM, as we'll as the rniunctions of the
Constitution, require that we should deliberately
examine his reasons, and RECONSIDER the question.
The Veto is an extraordinary power, which,
though tolerated by the Constitution, not OK.
pected by the Convention, TO be used in ordinary
cases. III was designed for instances of precptate
legislation, in inguarded moments. Thus restrict
3D. and had been thus restricted by ali former Pre-
sdents it might not be miscellaneous. During Mr.
Madison's Administration o! eight years. there had
occurred but two or three cases of its Du-
ring the last Administration, do not rccoect that
1t was once. In period little upwards of three
years, the present Chief Magistrate has employed
tho Veto four times. We now hear quite frequent
Iy, III the progress of measures through Congress,
the statement that the President will veto them, ur-
gcd as an objection to their passage.
The Veto is hardly recoucicabc with the genius
OF Representative Government. 1t is totally ire
conceubc with ii, if il is to be frequently employ
cd in respect to the cXpcdcncy fmousurcs as VOL
az their consttutionality. 1t is feature of our
Government borrowed from the prcrogatvc Of the
British King. And it is remarkable that in Eng
land 1t has grown obsolete not having been used
for upwards of a century. AT the commencement
of the French Revolution, in discussing the princi-
pies OF their Constitution, in the National Convcn-
tlon tho Veto held conspicuous figure. The gay,
laughing population of Paris bestowed on the King
the appellaton of Monsieur Veto, and, on the
Queen, that of Madame Veto. The Convention
finally dccrccd that il a measure rejected by the
k'ng, should obtain the sanction oftwo concurring
Legislatures, 1t should be law, Notwithstanding
the Veto. In the Constitution of Kentucky, and
perhaps IN some other of the State Constitutions,
1t Is provided, that it, after the rejection of bill by
the Governor, 1t shall be passed by majority Of all
The members elected to both Houses, it shall be-
come law, Notwithstanding the Governors object
IONS. As II coordinate branch of the Government,
the Chief Magistrate has great weight. If, after Il
respectful consideration of his objections urged
against bill, majority of all the members elected
to the Legislature shall still pass it, notwithsand-
ing his official influence and the force of his
sons, ought it not to become lawl Ought the
opinion of one man to override that of Legislative
body twice deliberately expressed
IL cannot be imagined that the Convention con-
teinplated the application of the Veto to question
winch has been so long, so oitcn and so thorough.
ny ScfutiHlLcu, DIS lNaL Oh tlc BANK oil the United
States, ny every department of the Government
III aln"st every stage of its existence, and by tho
People, and by the State Legislatures. OF all the
rontrovertcd questions, which have sprung up
under our Government, not one has been so fully
investigated that of its power to establish Bank
OF the United States. More than seventeen wears
ago, in January 1915, Mr. Madison then said in a
message to the Senate of the United States:-
'Waiving the question of the constitutional author
''lty OF the Legislature TO establish incorporated
"Bank, as being picciUded, in my Judgment, by
"repcdtcd rcc0g nitioHs under rarcG circumstances
'0l me rdttdHy ot such an iRStitHii0n, IN acts OF
"the eSiStditre EEccmtiuc, and Judiclat branches
''Gf the Government, accompanied by indications, in
"dlBereRt modes, Of concurrence Of the general
"DH of The NGti0H." Mr.. Madison, himself op-
posed To the first Bank of the United States Weld
ed his own convictions to those of the nation, and
all the departments Of the Government thus often
expressed. Subsequent TO this true, but strong
statement of the case, the present Bank of the u
States was established, and numerous other acts
OF all the Departments of the Government mani.
testing their settled of the power, have been
added to those which existed prior to the date of
Mr. Madison $ message.
No question has been more generally discussed
WITHIN the last two years, by the People at large
and in State Legislatures, than that of the Bank
And this consideration of it has been prompt by
the President himself. In his first Message to Con-
gress, lin December, 1920 he brought the subject
to the view of that body and The nation, and cx-
pressy declared, that it could not for the interests
OF all concerned, be 'too soon" settled. In each
of his subsequent annual Messages, in 1880 and
1881, he again invited the attention of CONGRESS-
to the subject. Thus, after interval of two
years. and after the Intervention of tho election of
n new Congress, the President deliberately renews
his recommendation to consider the question of the
renewal OF the Charter OF the Bank of the United
States. And yet his friends now declare the agta-
ton OF the question TO be premature, 1t was not
premature in 1929 to present the question but il
is premature i'll 1882 to consider and decide ii,
After the President had directed public attention
1 nj only toni, oc,
lar conversation, but discussed in the Press and
employed as a theme i'll popular elections. l was
myself interrogatcd, occasions than one
to make public expression of my sentiments;
and a friend of mine, in Kentucky, a candidate
tor the State Legislature, told me near two years
ago, that he was surprized, in obscure part Of
his country, hc Hills of Benson,) where there was
but little occasion for Banks, to find himself
questioned on the stump to the rcchartor
of the Bank of the United States. 1t seems as if
sort of general order had gone out, from head
quarters, to the parzaus Of the Administration
every where, to agitatc and make the most Of tho
question. They have done so: and their condition
now reminds mo ofthc fable invented by Dr. Frank
I'm of the Eagle and the Cat to demonstrate that
4ESop had not exhausted invention. in the construc
ton of his memorable fables. Tho Eag gle, YOU
know, Mr.. President, bounced from his lofty
flight in the air, upon Cat, taking it 10 be Pig
Having borne off his prize, nc quickly felt most
painfully the paws the CAT thurst deeply into his
sides and body. Willis; flying, he held a parcv
with the supposed pig and proposed to let 90 his
hold, 1T the other would let him alone. No saws
pnss, you brought from yondcr earth below
and will hold fast TO you until you carry me back
"a condition 10 which the Eagle readil; asscntcd
The friends of the President, who have been for
near three years agitating this question nov turn
round upon their opponents who have supposed the
President quite serious and in earnest, in present
ing 1t for public consideration, and charge them
with Prematurcly agitatng it. And that for cleo