Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 182?-183?, 1832-03-16

such case, fall equally upon every portion
OF The country, though not upon the different
| interests OF the State. 1t has been said that
II the profits of manufacturers were raised
by such a system, above the average of the
profits ofthe whole community, that the la
Dor and capital absorbed in other pursuits
would flow into the new employment and
That the whole would ultimately be equaliz-
ed. Admit that in process of time, this
might he the result yet ii could not take
pace al once, because men cannot transfer at
pleasure their labor and capital from their
accustomed pursuits TO others But ifthe
prohts should be thus ultimately equalized
IN particular community yet if The favor
ed pursuit was only rendered profitable by
| the protection extended 10 il; il is clear that
the scheme would result in an aggregate
loss 10 the whole community equal 10 tho
iull amount OF the bounty. | have assumed
The case OF an Improbable pursuit being rem
dered profitable by the protecting system
for TO any other case the system is wholly in
applicable. If the domestic manufacturer
can make his goods as cheaply and supply
the domestic market on as favorable terms
as they could be obtained from abroad, then
1t is clear that no protection whatever would
be necessary. Ii may be that in the very in
fancy OF a manufacture, on lis first introduce
lion into our country, small protection for
short time might hasten its advancement,
but at most, the Withholding of such protec-
ton, could have no other effect than 10 de-
lay its introduction for few years, for the
existence of any country, of unemployed
capital, and individual segacity and enter
prise, sufficient TO direct it prudently, would
soon lead 10 the introduction of every branch
OF manufacturers for which such country was
really prepared. But this stage Of infancy
once passed, it is preposterous 10 talk of the
necessity OF protecting any article that can
really Re made as cheaply at home as it can
be obtained from abroad, and to assert that
TO reduce such protection to 20 or 30 per
cent, would be ruinous to any manufacture.
is to admit at once, that such article cannot
be profitably made at home, and consequent
ly that II can only be sustained at the expense
of the other interests in the community
Now, Sir, let us suppose another case, and
it is unhappily the very case which now ex-
an extensive country, of which one portion
is exclusively agricultural, and incapable of
changing its pursuits, and that the other
portion embraces within its limits, all the
manufacturing capacities of the whole coun-
try. The bounty would then be exclusive
ly enjoyed by one section, and the other
would share only in the burthens of the sys~
tenn. To make the inequality still greater,
il is only necessary TO suppose that theagri-
cultural section is not only incapable of man
ufacturing at home, but is prevented by in
superable obstacles, from emigrating or re-
moving their property 10 the manufacturing
region;-that their industry can only be
prohtably employed by exchanging their
agricultural productions, for the very foreign
articles which enter into competition with
domestic manufacturers, and which are heav-
lily taxed for the protection of the latter, -
that the effect of such tax is not only TO in
terrupt the intercourse and impair the profits
oftheir industry, but that the agricultural
section is thereby exposed TO the imminent
hazard of having the market for their pro-
auctions entirely cut off and finally, TO cap
the climax Of The injustice and oppression,
that the taxes levied on the foreign articles.
are expendeded almost exclusively in the fa-
vored region, and you then have, Mr.. Press
ident, the whole case of the south spread O.
pen before you. Their pursuits altogether
agricultural-they cannot change them
they cannot transfer their labor and capital
TO the favored region-they cannot find a
market for their productions, except by ex4
changing them for the very foreign manu-
features which are taxed almost TO prohibi-
ton, and the taxes thus raised are expended
in other sections. Is there a man in this as
5embly who can lay his hand upon his heart.
and say it is just and equal system 1t
may be said, however, that all this is merely
the result of our peculiar condition, and the
nature Of our pursuits 1t is not so, sir
All we ask, is TO be let alone. Leave us 10
the free enjoyment of the bounties OF heaven.
and the advantages Of our situation, and we
ask no more. But where is the justice and
equality of system of legislation which is
to make profitable the industry of others by
the destruction of our own2 And by what
right is it that we are to be made victims to
the prosperity of others? | will here bor-
row an illustration. TO make this matter plain.
The southern States supply themselves with
woollens, cotton, and iron, by raising cotton.
rice, and tobacco. Now, suppose we should
exchange a bale Of cotton for bale of coarse
woollens for the use of our slaves, contain
ing, we will say, hundred pieces. This
bale ofcloth is ours. Ii is the fruit Of our
own labor, of American capital, and homo
industry. We may be said 10 have manu-
factured it, not with the spindle and the loom,
but with the plough and the hoe. Now, Sir,
we will suppose that northern manufaC-
turer has, by the application of an equal a.
mount OF labor and capital, produced SINH
lar bale Of wolens, Of precisely the same
quality and value. In what respect is the
manufacturer entitled 10 be regarded with
more favor than the planter? Does the freight
which we may have paid 10 the ship owner,
and The employment given TO Davigation,
entitle us 10 less favor in the eyesof the gov
A a. IL A. ~ he ,,s. L..