Virginia free press. (Charlestown, Va. [W. Va.]) 1832-1916, 1832-12-27

e'o>' WtenOcu anu calcu-
lated To- prevent rs from obtaining the cheap
manufactures Of foreign countries for our sta
pies, aad H. compel us To receive for them the
dear manufacture, OF our domestic establish
ments. or pay the penalty Of the protec; ting
duties Tor daring 10 exercise ono of the most
sacred Of our natural rights. What right
then. human or divine, have the manufactur-
ing States-ior we regard the Federal CO.
Ncrnmcnt n mere instrument in their hand,
to prohibit South Carolina, directly or in
directly. from going To her natural markets,
and exchanging the rich productions Of her
soil, without restriction or incumbrance, for
such foreign articles rs will most conduco 10
the wealth and prosperity Of her citizens, II
viii not surely be prctcnded-for truth and
dccency equally forbid the nIlcgation-that in
exchanging our productions for the cheaper
manufactures Of Europe, we violate any
right Of the domestic manufacturers. howe
yer gratifying II might be TO them if We
would purchase their inferior productions at
higher prices.
Upon what principle, then, can the State
OF South Carolina be called upon to submit
Ia system, which excludes her from her ma
turai markets, and the manifold benefits OF
that enrching commerce which n kind and
bene ficent Providence has pro, ided to connect
her with the family Of nations, by the bonds
of mutual INTEREST," But one answer can be
given To the question. u is in vain that VIC
attempt 10 disguise the fact, Notifying rs il
must be, that tho principle by which South
Carolina Is thus excluded, is in strict proprc-
~ Of language, and To all rational intcnts and
purposes, principle of colonial dependence
and vassaiagc, in all respects, identical with
that which restrained our forcfaihers from
trading with any manufacturing nation of
EtIrpnG nj than r.
Carolina now bears tho same relation TO the
manufacturing states of this confedcracy, that
the Anglo American colonies bore To the mo-
thor country, with the single exception that
our burthens arc incomparably more opprcs-
save than those of our ancestors. Our time,
our pride, and the occasion, equally forbid
us to trace out the degrading analogy. We
leave that To the historian who shall record
the judgment which an impartial posterity
will pronounce upon the cyentful transac-
tions OF this day.
IL Is in vain that we attempt TO console our
selves by the empty and unreal mockcry Of
our representation in Congress. As to all
those great aud vital interests of the state,
which are affected by the protecting system
IL would be better that she had no representa-
ton III that body. II serves no other purpose
but To conceal the chains which fct,r our IL
berries under the vain and empty forms Of a
representative Government. In the enactment
OF the protecting system, the majority Of Con-
gress Is in strict propriety OF speech IAN IRE
sponsiblc despotism. very brief analysis
VIII render this clear 10 every understanding.
What, then, We ask, is involved in the idea OF
political responsibility, in the imposition of
public burthcns' u clearly implies that those
who impose the burthens, should be respon,
siblc TO those who bear them. Every repre-
sentative in Congress should be responsible,
not only TO his own immediate constituents
but through them and their common partici-
patron in the burdens imposed, to the consti-
tucnts Of every other representative. u, in
the enactment of a protecting tariff, the ma
Joriiy ia Congress imposed upon their own
constituents the same burtheus which they
impose upon the people Of South Carolina,
that majority would act under all the re-
straints Of political responsibility, aud VIC
should have the best security which human
wisdom has yet devised against oppressive
I legislation.
But the fact is precisely the reverse Of this
The majority m Congress, in imposing pro-
tccting duties, which arc utterly destructive
Of the interests OF South Carolina, not on
impose no burtheus, but actually confer en-.
rIcbiDg bounties upon their constituents, pro
poriioned 10 the burtbens they impose upor
Ne. Under these circumstances, the prinei.
pie of representative responsibility, IL per.
verted into n principle of absolute despotism
II Is this very tie, binding the majority oil
Congress 90 execute tho will Of their consti.
;uenis, which makes them our inexorable
oppressors. They dare not open their heart.
- the sentiments of human Justice, or 10 the
feelings of human sympathy. They arc ~.
rants by thc very necessity of their position
J hn "a ell al h.tr 4.
their individual capacities.
The grave question. then, which We have
had 10 determine, as the sovereign power OF
I the State, upon the awful responsibility un-
der whIch We have acted, -, whether we
will voluntarily surrender the glorious inhc-
ritancc, purchased and cOnsecrated BY tho
tolls, tho suforings and the blood Of an illus
tri0us ancestry, or transmit that inheritance
10 our Posterty, uuiarnished and undiminish-
cd We would not hesitate ia deciding this
iquesiiOn. We have, therefore, deliberately
aud Unaltcrably resolved. that We will no lon
I ger submit 81 q system % oppression, which
reduces us a. the degrading condition a tri.
butary vassals aud whieh would reduce on
T posterity, IN few generations, % q state ol
poverty aud wret-hedncss, that would stand
ga mt iapC h0iy contrast with tie besutifui and
delightlui region. IN which the Providence 81
God has cast or ccsiinies. Having formed
this resolution. with q fail view 81 ali hs bear.
iuss, and Oi All ils pr0tabi and possible -
sues, q A. due Go the gravity of tie subject
and tbc soiemniiy of ths occasion, that W
should speak 10 our eOnfcderatod brcthrtu
IN ibe plaiB laupiag- 81 frshknsss and truth
Though We plant ourselves upon tho cOnstI
tuition, and tie imniuiable principles 81 jus
tce ard intend a. operate exclusively through
The civil tribunals and civil functiOnaries o
tie state, yet. We rM throw 81 this opprrs
sion. ~ tDsry hssud We believe our rene