Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1832-08-17

physical comforts Of life il the matter ended rbcrc II would
hsuly DC worth Consideration But, when the people OF
any community fluid that each succeeding generation is In
worse condition than that which preceded M when
arc NOT only compelled curaii their enioymen hut
ma'an perpetual struggle TO preserve toir rank aud
esse III society aud to educate their children Tor the great
purposes oil life, however strenuousy they may
against the current OF affairs they must finally give up
wn broken fortunes and broken spirits and society mus,
snk into moral paralysis under the influence of eca-
tive quackery from which all the medicines ia the world
can never relieve H.
IL was profoundly remarked by Montesoricu that, i,
The English people ever became slaves they would be
me most base and degraded slaves upon earth il must
DC so IN the very nature OF tiugS In proportion 10 the
moral elevation from which people falls must be the
depth oil The degradation in;o which they sink And
e now eloquenty does history proclaim is great truth
IN me Pnlosophy OF national cliarac,eH What is there
IN all antiquity 10 compare with moral and n,ellectu-
acnevements, as well the military glory of Greece
nhu honles And where u the civilized people, i'm mo-
dern times so incident spiess and degraded the Ia
Hans AMI modern Greeks; II is proverbial remark of
travellers that these latter are the very slaves
low minded, cunning. and hievi,h willie their semi bar
Darous masters, the Turks, MANLY brave and rene-
rous All the communities of the world and an the ron
dons OF society slaves, have their approximate yr
tues when placed in that natural condition Tor which Pro
violence designed them. But when The vicissdes Of hu
man institutions, or the Injustice of human legislation
causes hgh-mnded end intellectual people to fall sud-
denly from their natural sphere, they necessarily ex
hbit the most melancholy of all the ruins which hear
testimony OF the injustice and wickedness of our race
will now add, sir, my deep and deliberate conviction
IN me iacc OF all the miserable and hypocrisy with
which the world ahounds this subject that any course
OF measures which shall hasten the abolition of slavery bv
destroying the value of slave labor, will bring upon the
Southern States the greatest political calapi,v win hh
ey can be afflicted; for sincerely believe that when
The people OF those States shall be cospelled by such
means emancpatc their slaves they will be but few
degrees above the condition of slaves themselves Yes
sur mark what say; when the people of the South
10 be masters, by the tamperng ference of this eo
vcrnment direct Indirect, they will assueAlv be slaves
the clear and distinct perception of the irresistible
tendency oil this protecting system to precpate MS upon
hs great moral and political catastrophe that has annat
CD me TO raise my warning voice, that my fellow
may ioresee and orcsoenC, avoid the DESTINY th, voi
otherwise befil them.
have thus sir, cndeavored TO explain the rsr,ic,I
operauon oil THIS system, scheme of oppressive tax
alton tending to exhaust the resources and through these
the moral tone AMI spirit of the Southern States.
propose now 10 examine its bearing on the nd nrn
opes OF constitutional liberty and particularly the nrnc
pie oil representative responsibility, without which liberty
In popular government.
will submit very few remarks on the question Of the
constitutional power of Congress impose duties on i'm
ports Tor the purpose OF protecting manufactures. MANY
oil those who hear aware, that nc yer have been
one oil those who put any faith in the security which IL
herty can derive from giving the constitution e,rict ana
literal construction My rule has always been 10 INQUIRE
what's the true meaning and intention OF the consi
non, regarding It's spirit and objects than its mere
e.er IL Is upon 'his principle that hold that the ex
lshng tariff, though strictly within the letter of the
constitution Is gross and papabe violation of is true
spirit, ana 81 me great and primary end for which il was
uoPten' Morning can he more obvious, in my opinion,
man that tho power TO levy and collect import and
ese duties was conferred upon Congress for no other
purpose IMAM TO raise revenue Men may differ in opinion
az 10 c uses and purposes 10 which this revenue NAV be
properly applied; but hardly conceive possible
mar any one suppose that under This cuss j,pno
cnues can he cons;uionay levied for anv Other nurnose
than TO produce revenue. frankly admit however that
tne power to regulate commerce with foreign nations
conferred by another clause may be cons uonalIv car
red into effect by "mport duties" carried even 10 The
point OF prohibition, provided they I've imposed in good
iAth Tor the purpose Of CIRCULATING foreign commerce
ana tor causes which give this government uridicton
over that subject. This power evidently 10
.,e Federal Government principally for the purpose of
potecHnS ana dGehdfng our tOreign commerce o1psf
oil dggressions committed it 6V foreign ,o,rc,. o
sanctioned 6y their authority. The casu, rdeyis with
out which this power be nghtfllv exercisad in
my opinion 10 restrict suspcnd or destroy any branch
oil foreign commerce, is violation hy some f,yejo, mar,
er OF the rights of the United States or of their i,ig
az secured either by treaty the law OF nations This is
strictly an international power having reference to inter
national rights and interests If any of these rights are
violated ny foreign power, as 10 branch OF com
merce all other branches Of csmerce may be suspend
en or restricted Tor the purpose OF viDlicang the violated
OF o, 'lucing me foreign power 10 restore it. It
was upon thls principle only, that Tie embargo and nom
Intercourse laws be held have been constitutional
IL foreign nation should adopt bt;egna regulation
Which impars The commercial interests ono part of the
Union, and one branch Of commerce.
any commercial right, do think this will authorize
Congress to impose restrictions on another branch If
commerce, and injurious TO another part of the Union
whatever may he the purpose Of such restrictions B,t
most asSuredy Congress may constutionay interfere
IN such case it can only be for the bona de purpose
md IN the reasonable expectation ofinducnp the foreign
power TO rescnd the injurious regulation RI some of our
productions excluded from foreign countries BIZ donc
TIC regulations which they have right make and which
constitute their established policy in regard to other ma
tons as wen as the United States this gives Congress no
night whatever to impose restrictions other branches of
commerce.
If England FOR example excludes our grain y her corn
laws, this gives Congress right TO impose restrc
tons upon commerce 10 other staples than If our rrao
were excluded from England by the fertility of her soil
the improvements in her agriculture any similar cause
IT'S indeed the most idle and empty of all preexts 10
aege That the English laws the foundation of our
protecting systen that il il purpose or desire of e
authors OF that system to induce England 10 repea these
laws have no where heard them extravagantiy eulo
gzed Tor their wisdom in the United States; and certain il
u.s. mat AOthing short Of the repeal of our protecting
Wouh give so great shock 10 manufacturing estab.
lshments as the repeal Of the English corn laws Ills
easy to perceive that r the food OF the English
were reduced to onehalf its present price, II would be
much more difficult for manufacturers TO maintain The
competition with those of England, than it ia now While
the repeal OF the laws, therefore, would inure the
domestic manufacturers il would be very little ienn a. IN
the farmers Of the North. The prices current show,
That grain IL generally higher in the ports of the United
states than II IS IN those OF the continent of Europe Even
II the ports OF England, therefore, were thrown omen 10
receive foreign grain under mere reecnue dutv orr lar,
mers could not hold competition with those of Poland and
other corn countries lite very certain that British mann
iactures could not be imported any extent under ava
ZEN OF revenue duties, IN exchange for the grain Of our
Northern States. WI
Thus much, sir for the constitutional power Of Con
on h SUBJECT and the pFeteYs upon which the sss,mp
ton OF that power has hcen ATTEMPTED 10 he nsG6ed =
The ovowed and undsgused object Of the projecting svs
TEN to destroy permanently great branch Of our
commerce, vital 10 the property Of States Of this
uhOn Tor the unjust and unconstitutional prpose of huid
ing mp, Oh the ruins Of ha commerce. the pro.perity of
certain manufactures for tie exclusive benefit Of other
States
But the great aud radical objection 10 nle proie citing
system - not that II unequal 10 its operation even