Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1832-01-21

VIII CO .iinue to think "sluvCs property" If the
! should, l bey gentlemen, from the abundance a
! their "philanthropv," Ia aScribe their obstnacy
not 10 ''in'ercSt," but defective education.
| Whilst the above class of ncSo Eght politicians
have pushed their theory with all the ardour o
new born zeal, another sect has arisen. not qrit
so ultra in their professions, but equally danpcrou
! IN their principles and more covert IN their dc
signs. This sir, IS the ''postna' par'y-thc gentle
men who converse so learncdly and hypcrcritica
| ly about property in ''eSsc," and property in "pos
Sc" property in PRESENT., and prosperity i'm future
Sir, TO these ingenious and discriminating poli,i
| clans, the people of Brunswick have but little &c
say.
1t has always (pcrhaps erroncously) been cons
dercd by that steady and old fashioned pcople
that the owner Of land had u reasonable right to
MS annual profits: the owner of orchards To thcir
ANIMAL fruits the owner of brood mares, To thor
product and the owner of female slaves, to their
increase. We have not tho fine spun intelligence
nor legal acumcu, to discover the technical ,iistnc
TORS drawn Ivy gentlemen. The legal maxim
OF "l'GrtUs SeGuitur rsnfyem" is coCval with the
existence OF The rights Of property itself. aud is
founded in wisdom and Justice. ]. is the JUS
'ice and nviolabitv OF this maxie, tlIa: the mas
ter torcCoes the service of the female slave; has
her nursed and attended during the period of her
gcstotIon, and raises the helpless and infant of.
spring The value Of the pro?eri' justin. be ex.
pcnsc and DO not hesitate saw, t:t.l g. its iu.
crease consists much OF our wealth Nav =
we have been told in the progress of this debate,
anu that too IN rather reproach.u spirit we have
been admous!Ied that our lands, from a wrc,chcd
cultivation, have been cXhauS'cd-tlat our slaves
have become valuc,rss and unrroGtabic--thnt our
agriculture Will not support us: aud tim. bank
ruptcy is our tate And how Sir, is IL proposed TO
alleviate our distress? 1T is bv wrestling from us
by the strong arm Of power, without our consent,
and without compensation, tie only means VIC pos.
scss under heaven, according to the showing of
gentlemen Themselves, by which we can DISCHARGE
our private obligations, and meet the cXactionS of
two hungry aud consuming governments. Nr
Speaker, the great poet of nature has Justly said,
'f"u 90 take my lie, whe" you take the where
10y i've"
And submit it to these d;sntcrcstcd advocates Of
the equal rights OF man. whether irnemcn conscious
oil their rights, and with ability TO defend them will
not rs sacrifice the first rs tamcv surrender
the latter. am aware, Sir, Of the awkward and
ridiculous position / seem TO occupy, in gravcIv
debating questions like hcsc.--Sir, they are in
truth not debatabc. When the distant reader s!,!
discover, that the Virginia Legislature in the year
1852 Is engaged III solemn debate the questions,
whether "prIvatc property car be taken for public
use without compcnsation," whether s'.lavcs are
property" and whether 1.-THE increase o. slaves is
pr"Pc!ty;" he will be lost in Amusement, and will
be ready to eXc!aim of US, culI these be the sons
of their fathcrS!"
But sir another and still stranger light has bro.
ken in upon The gentleman from Rockbritrc !
(Alr. Moorc,) dsGainIng to examine this subject |
HHder the Constitution and laws, has assembled TO
the very fountain of our poiitic; power, ond rests
himself upon hill OF rights. "All men, by
nature, are equally free and independent" The |
gentleman thinks that here he has found a power
sufficiently comprehensive and rcsistlcss burst
asunder the chains of slavery, and set tho CAPTIVE
free. Mr.. Speaker, have been educated 10 regard |
the Trainers Of Bill of Rights and Constitution
with the most iial vcncratiun and respect.
have been taught to esteem them not only arise |
men, but inst men. But if this position Of the
gentleman from Rockbridgc be true, then do |, in
the face of this General Assembly, and in the
hearing OF their postcrty, charge these political .
architects with the grosscst folly, ihc vGrost
knavery on earth. Will you believe il, sir, when
| tell you that these great men OF the revolution
o'rned shares? Yes, actually owned slaves, and
worked them too--cvcu ".ad .n ihe possession of
them, and bcqueathcd them to their children. III
then, the gcntlcman's construction of their lam
guage be true, they either charwcab!e with
the folly OF not understanding what they them
selves had written, or with the knavcry Of having
violated through their lives. principles and rights
which they had solomuly recommended TO the a
dopiion of others. But the gcntcnan's consruc-
ton of the Bill Of Rights is not Just. The section
to which he has referred is only declaration OF
the nnturd! rights OF nan--not declaration ofthc |
powers OF this Government, and of the social obi |
cations or rights of society. 1.-THE gcntemans con-
strGction should obtain, the bands which bind so. |
cicty together would at once diSsolvc-the rela. |
tions of husband and " ifc parent and child, mas.
ter and apprentice, master and servant, governor
and governed, would end, aud even cur present |
deliberations would hc most strange and unnatu-
raj ~
The Bill of RIGHTS viii not sustain gentlemen in
their defence of this E@h-haEdcd measure. 1t is
rs unavailIng TO them, as either the Constitution
Dr their mOGcTH definition of pruDpyIV There is /
but one plausible groumd on which it can be rcslcd;
and 10 that, sir, the gentleman from Buckingham,
Nh B"liingO with more discretion, and not less
valor, than his associates, has fed. is Inc groWad
u necessity, sir-Sey- rcSerrGiion-PUb Iic &Gje,.-
This is high ground, and should not bu lightly con
sidarcd or incautously approached. Show me,
sir, that the salvation existence of this society |
depends on the adoption Of This substitute and, ,
with submission, [ will cry "sialus popuIi suprema
est Lex" Show that tlic horrors of instruction
are gathering round us, and that this is only !
refuge, and promptly will ] cXcuim Inter arma |
silent icgGs" Pardon me, however if, on sub /
lcct of this high import, reject the evidences of.
ilfcd here. l cannot consent that the tenure by !
which my constituents hold their property, shall be
decided by the gloomy pictures which the son'bro
pencil of diSordcred fancy may present 10 view,
or the incorporate ebutlonS CT imp1SsIon"i ora !
tors may conlurc up. No, Sir--the passing stran- |
GER ignorant of our history who had heard the de-
bate OF yesterday, would suppose that the hand of ru-
IN and dsmay upon rs; that the spirit OF dcsola-
ton was abroad; that the yell instruction echoed
through our land, and that Songs Of mourning filled
our borders. beg such stranger, "to start rot
It's but iancy's sketch" beg him TO heiIcvc |
that before ihis most unwiso and uniortunalc dis |
cuaSlou, all was tranquil and composed; ard that !
tins body itself, prcso ntcd aspect Of Happiness
so abiding, as to CXPcl ali anxiety apprehension.
On the one hand, The bright and uudazzcd gaza |
of aspiring and youthful ambitiou-on the other. /
the calm serenity of con"Htcd and peaceful old !
age. Many Of us nave left far behind us unpro. /
toctcd and undccndad, the dearest objects Of orr /
aiicciIons--thc wives Of Our hosoma and the chill |
drcn they have borne us; aud if all that VIC have
hear i'll this debate he truc--if the awful and inn
pending danger which gentlemen depict, do, in .
very truth threaten the objects of our Gaze and
love, how unnunly is it, that We sit here i'm iGl, /
debate when should fly to their rescue and
prnt pCf Sir ala -f- r., -
Virginia and the character Of our people: the dan
rcTs IhcY imaminc. do moi cyi.t. Dc 1,r,,nr.,1