Southern planter., 1832-02-25

vigor ofihe body polite, and brought on sdeciepi-
nude and premature dissolution.
I had intended, Mr.. President, 20 have seid somc
thing Of the constituiionpl question, lat J have
already taken up so much Of your time, that
shah not now enter into it, ! must be permitted.
however, TO remark that the gcnllemanis mistaken
in supposinq that ihis objection 10 The protecting
system is Of feceni origin. Up to 1924, the ques-
ton had not been much considered, simply because
Iiho protection which manufactures had derived WAS
merely incidental 20 duties imposed for revenue.
The aci Of 1890 was surely of that character; and
even The act OF 8i6 provided for diminuiion, and
not an increase Of duties. But when IN 1894, the
true character Of this system was developed, the
constitutional objection was plainly and strongly
insisted upon. Here ~ the language, sir, that ],
myself held on that occasion, on thu floor
viii gentlemen point ont 10 me, IL they cnB,
the pOirer which this government possesses 10
adopt system for the avowed purpose Of eucour-
aging particular bnnchosof industry. i is my So
Der and deliberate opinion, that the Congress OF
the United States have 20 more power 10 pass laws
for the purpose Of directly or indirectly inducing
any portion Of the people 10 engage 10 manuiac-
lures, than they have 70 abolish trial by Jury, or es-
tablish the inqusiiion" o. i-4 81
Since that period, the Legislature Of every
Southern State have denounced this system as a
violation Of thoir constitutional rights II but
the last year, that South Carolina recorded on the
journals Of the Ssnate her solemn protest against il
" as utterly unconstitutional, grossly unequal and
oppressive, and such an abuse Of power as is in
Incompatible with the principles Of a free govern
meni and the great ends Of civil society / do
moi know, sir, where the constitutional objections
70 this SYSTEM arc better summed mp, than IN the
very address Of the Free Trade Convention Of
Philadelphia, to which the gentleman has referred
Tor another purpose. The gentleman s certainly
mistaken, when he relies on that exposition as an
authority in bis favor. Sir, as I understand the
Argument, Il is only admitted that incidental pro-
teciion may be afforded by duties imposed merely
for revenue but that the right is expressly denied
/ Of" imposing any additional duty for the purpose
ofaiording that protection" dismiss this branch
Of the subject with the remark, that whether we be
right Or wrong in our views on this subject, the
opinion is conscieniiously entertained throughout
the whole south, that the protecting system in-
wolves gross violation Of the solemn compact
which is the bond of our Union.
! come now, sir, TO the question Of the policy
which ought to be adopted at this important era
IN the history Of our government. We have ar
rlyed Al a most interesting crisis in our national
aiiairs--one to which the people have been look
lngup with intense anxiety for several years past
They have contemplated the extinction oTtb pub
lie debt as the great day Of Jubilee, when they
were 70 be relieved from the oppression which
they have so long patiently enduredf Tn, people
OF the souib, sir, like the children of Israel Of old
have passed through the wilderness, and are now
IN sight OF the promised land. They stand on
the top Of Mount Pisgab, and look with delight
at the goodly prospect before them--aDd il is for
you this day to dstemine whether they shall per
ish IN the wilderness, or be permitted 10 possess
and enjoy their rich inheritance. Sir, have shown
shown that the whole system of duties is oppros
sive and nnequal-that The gery action of the gov.
eminent Is so-yet do mol wish, gentlemen, to
suppose that wo are disposed to push our claims to
an unreasonable extent No, we will not ask
That northern manufactures should be taxed, be-
canse duties, TO whatever extent imposed, opor.
ate as tax upon our industry. We are willing
10 agree that the revenue necessary for the ordinary
Purposes Of the government shall be levied by du-
tics upon imports. The facility with which indi-
rect taxes may be collected alfords an argument
70 ihel Favor to which we arc willing TO yield,
though we well know that they must operate most
injunouly ly ON our interests. But, in yielding this
much, we have surely a right TO expect that no
more money shall be levied in this way than shall
be absolutely necessary. We think VIC lave a
right TO insist, that, on the extinction of the public
debt, the twelve millions Of dollars heretofore an
nualy appropriated 10 that object should no longer
be levied and further that no more money shall bs
raised than may be necessary to meet the ordinary
expenditures of the government Any other basis Of
reduction than this must be founded on the idea
Of contemplated increase Of the public expendi-
iuros. And why should they be increasedf We
have rather right 70 expect that they should be
diminished The principal objects of expendi-
ture, for many years past, have been connected
with preparations for war; but, with the progress
Of our works Of defence, aud the increase Of our
population, tho necessity for this expenditure will
IN great measure, cease. Indeed il docs appear
TO me that i will be hardly necessary hereafter to
seek other security against invasion than will be
found in the strong arms and stout hearts Of our
iollow-cizens. Blfi the gentleman insists that
our revenue shall not be reduced below eighteen
millions Of dollars, while we all know that twelve
millions have heretofore furnished an abundant
supply for every purpose, including a million a
year for internal Improvements. The gentle
man admits that We ought not 10 provide for a
surplus, and says, with great force and TRUTH that
division oft among the States would be a de-
parture from all sound principles Of government
For, said the gentleman, "to give il back 10 The
States or the individuals from whom il was drawn.
in the same proportion, would be q palpable al.
surdy; while, 10 distribute in different PROPORTIONS
would be an act Of gross Injustice . / snhm;,