Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1832-02-04

| and political cXpcdcncy, about which had hone,
bat little diversity ofopinon womld be found I,
exist. They are such ito at the foundation OF
all civilized society, and on which all free govern.
mcnts must rest. Any action on this subject
without due regard TO those polar principles, would
not only fail of its intended effects, but would
be subvorsve of the rights of tho ctizcn-and ruin
Gus in its consequences. Among these, l have al
ways regarded the following as aXioms which
| should never be disrcgarded, ard from which,
| Tor one, will never consent TO depart:
LIST. That no emancipation of slaves should ever
be tolerated, unaccomplincd by THAR Immediate
| removal from among
2nd. That no system should he introduced
which is calculated To interfere with, or wc1ken
The security ofplivate property, or affect its "a
iue.-And
Sd. That not single slave, or any other proper.
y he possesses, should be taken from its owner,
,c""o"t his consent, or ample compensation
| for it's value.
| Unless some plan en- DO struck out, in our
united councils entirely consistent with these cs-
sential principles dreadful would be- the alter
native, will sit down in silent despair, and fold
my arms with the desperate resolution, of letting
'he EVIL roll on TO its horrid contamination. 1t
may not attain it in my tune, but may in that OF
my children: and the advice would i.ar, with
those whom it has been my fortune to bring into the
world, and TO all who are held dear to me, if no.
thing can be done, would be like that given 10 tho
Jews of DID, before the sacking of their celebrated
city: ''iee to.the mountains for your lives" or
like that to the few favored inhabitants of Sodom
and GoRlorrah, when about to be consumed by
ire from hcavcn-"stay not IN all :he plain" But
such, sir, Is not at present my dcspondng view
tho subject. | have come TO such pa iniiil con
cnsion Much may be done, if not to remove
Tins evil, at least TO abatc its cXtcnt-to limit It's
ciiccts-and 10 take from it its dangerous and mos,
fearful tendencies. do believe that n ray of lirh
has dawncd-howcvcr ina'i licicnt TO illuminate
the pathways eff such expect to accomplish the
iusi measure of their wishes at oucc-whch if
steadily pursued WILL like the pillar OF fire which
was followed by the wise men of cid, lead us to
safety, and rescue from the destruction with
which we arc threatened. do believe that n,ca
siTes OF incalcuablc benefit may be adopted, en-
tirciy consistent with those great principles which
nave assumed; and as have never approved the
course OF those who condemn the plans Of every
body else, without Offering a"y OF their own,
snail certainly submit 10 you, before conclude,
my own views in minute detail
AS the resolutions before you, Mr.. Speaker now
stand the first question presented in tho order o
discussion, is, that which arises from an cxalnina-
ton OF the plan proposed by tho gentleman from
| Aibemare, (Mr Rando!ph,) Cor the manumission
or rather confscation to the State, OF all the pos,
naft of our slaves, after n given period, and the
reference OF that project 10 the qualified voters oi
the state. Sir, cannot hesitate to pronounce the
W. ole of this plan, momsrous in its lcntures and
in lis principles, tending to Il disruption cf all the
ties which bind society together 1t infringe.
those rights OF property, which from our birth
we have been Taught TO consider inviolabc L.
abacs from one hundred millions of dollars worth
of property, half its value, and substantially CON
vcrts all that fee simple into a life estate.
| Let us examine it for a moment.
| would ask, Mr. 81 eaker, if such measure
as this can receive the sanction ef the Legislatures
what will have become of all our Constitutions
| and most respected laws. What, sir, arc Consti-
| tutions, and Charters, and Bills of Rights ever
made for? Are they not devised to protect the
| rights of the few against the aggrcssions of
| the many? They are necessary TO secure to
mtnorHie$ their privileges and their property
| to stay the lawlcss hand of public violence. Na
Jorities need no protecionthcy can protect them
selves. And if among these rights, there be any
one held more sacred than the rest, next to the
right of personal security, is that Of private pro-
petty. This indeed is in some degree, the foun-
dation and security of all other rights under 90
vcrnmont Tor no others can exist without it.
The House need not be alarmcd-I do not in
tend to engage in elaborate, dry discussion Of
| the grave Constitutional impcdmcnts which OPP
pose the adoption Of this startling proposition. Il
is true, that the Constitutions of both oar Federal
and State Governments have erected barriers
for the protection of private property, which must
be Frustrated. before such measure as this could
be carried out into effect. Bat what are charters
or constitutions-or bills OF! rights on a quoa-
| ton like thisl | would not give rush for them
| charters and comp0cts can he broken or cvadcd.
| The charter by which hold our slaves, is an
tcccdcnt TO eithcr-it is founded on the imnIutabe
principles OF justice, which existed before tho for
nation of political socicties-it has received the
appreciation of man and the sanction OF his great
Creator, and is written on hearts. Under our
Constitutions and laws, it has acquir cd exactly
the same guarantee, whether fortunately or not,
as any other property, and it can now lie regarded
in no other light legally morally. Mr.. Speaker,
moral justice and political justice are always the
same. And tho Government, in all its delegated
authority, can take from not of the hum
blcst Of its citizens, the smallest particle of
his private property, in a case in which
IN individual could not morally or legal
ly exercise the same Tight.-ThcTc is to
this rule but single exception, and
| that is founded in absolute necessity Nccessii0s
non haJei ieges, is hard rule, bat an inevitable
one. When the public fcty and prosperity oh.
vious!y require the deprivation of private proper
| ty, the sacrifice must be submitted 10. In such
a case, the state possesses acknowledged RIGHT
to appropriate the private property Of the citizen
| to the general good. But upon wha! condition.
| Tho answer, Sir, is to be found not only in our
Federal Constitutions, but in tho various Bills OF
Rights, and Constitutions Of all the States i'm our
| Union-on making 'JuSt ompcRSaiion."-So that
whether the public necessities require the surrcr.
der of our property rot, it comes to tho same
| conclusion. 1t cannot be taken against CON
sent, but on paying to us its value.
Bat, Sir, arc told that this lannon's plan is not
intended to tear from its holders any property
they possess. No, sir, it is only to relieve them Of
the future increase of their slaves, after the dcs@
| natcd period. My friend from Campbell, (AIr.
Rvcs,) seems entitled to the credit Of originating
the idea of drawing this distinction In his dis
cussion OF this subject, yesterday several ideas
| Tell from him which demanded animadvcrsion.--
That gentleman is amia1iC in his dspuSiti ois.
and gentle and conciliatory in his department
and feelings, that it is impossible to doubt that
every idea no advances, COMFORTS with his dcbc.
rate conviction of what is Just and proper. Yot
must regard the ideas themselves, dangerous
and revolutionary. His argument went substan.
TALLY TO shcw, that however unqucstunabc, to the
owners, the right Of property in their present
slaves the product-thc future increase Of those
slavos-was not their property; but subject in
which they had other interest, than that held
Ivy the rest Of the community. There is certainty
some pausbility in the idea, that we cannot claim
| prODCrtv i'm that which n cccc.--uCt