Phenix gazette. [volume] (Alexandria [D.C.]) 1825-1833, 1832-01-26

Sir, that |, myself, held on that OCCASION OH tis
floor.
evil gentlemen point out to me, if they can
the o,0eru hich this government possesses ID ADOPT
a system for the avowed purpose OF encouraging
particular branches Of industry. lit my SOBER
and deliberate opinien. that the Congress OF the
United States have no more power 10 pass laws
for the purpose OF directly or indirectly inducing
any portion of the people to engage in manutac-
lures, than they have to abolish trial ny jury or
establish the inquisition.
Since that period, the legislatures OF every
Southern State have denounced this system as
violation of their constitutional rights. 1t was
but the last year, that South Carolina recorded
on the journals of the Senate, her solemn protest
against it "as utterly unconstitutional, grossly
unequal and oppressive, and such an abuse OF
power as is Incompatible with the principles OF
free government and the great ends OF civil So
ciety." do not know, Sir, where the const'tu-
tional objections to this system are better sum
med up. than m the very address of the Free
Trade Convention of Philadelphia. to which the
gentleman has referred for another purpose The
gentleman is certainly mistaken, when he relies
on that exposition as an authority in his favor
Sir, as understand the argument. 1t is only adj
mitted that incidental protection may be afforded
by duties imposed merely for revenue, but that
the right is expressly denied Of "imposng any
additional duty for the purpose of affording that
protection dismiss this branch Of the subject.
with the remark, that whether we be right or wrong
in our views on this question, the opinion is con.
scientiousIy and almost universally entertained
throughout the whole south. that the protecting
system involves a gross violation Of the solemn
compact which is the bond of our Union.
come now, Sir, 70 the question of the policy
which ought to be adopted at this important era
in the history of our government. We have ar
rived ut most interesting crisis in our Ma lional
afairs-one to which the people have been
looking up with intense anxiety for several
years past. They have contemplated the extinc
ton of the public debt as the great day of jubI-
lee, when they were to be relieved from the OPP
pressions which they have so long patiently en-
dureds The people Of the south. Sir, like the
children Of Israel Of old, have passed through the
wilderness, and are now in sight Of the promised
land. They stand on the top Of Mount Pisgah,
and look with delight, at the goojy prospect be-
fore them-and it is for you this day to determine.
whether they shall perish in the wilderness, or be
permitted to possess aud enjoy their rich inheri-
lance Sir. have shown that the whole system
Of duties is oppressive aud unequal-that the We
ry action Of the government is so-yet do not
wish, gentlemen, to suppose that We are dispus.
ed to push our claims to an unreasonable extent.
No, we will not ask that northern manufactures
shall Dr. taxed. because duties, to whatever ex.
tent imposed. operate as tax upon our industry.
We are willing to agree that the revenue neces.
sary for the ordinary purposes Of the government
shall be levied by duties upon imports. The ia
City with which indirect taxes may be collected
affords an argument in their favor to which we
are willing to YIELD though we we'll know that
they must operate most injuriousy On our inte-
rests. But in yielding this much, we have sure.
iy a right to expect that no more money shall be
lie, led in this way than shall he absolutely neces-
sary We think we have right to insist, that,
on tire extinction of the public debt, the twelve mil
lions Of dollars heretofore annually appropriated
to that object, should no longer be leved and fur
ther. that no more money shall be raised than
may De necessary to meet the ordinary expendi-
lures of the government. Any other basis of re-
duc,ion than tins must be founded on the idea Of
a contemplated increase Of the public expcndi.
lures. And Why should they be increased? We
have rather RICH, to expect that they should be
diminished. The principal objects of expeBdi-
ture. tor many years past. have been connected
with preparations for war; but, with the progress
of our works of defence. and the increase of our
the necessity for this expenditure WILL
IN great measure. cease. Indeed it does appear
to me that it will be hardly necessary. hereafter,
to seek other security against Invasion than will
be found in the strong arms and stout hearts of
our felow.ciizens. But the gentleman insists
that our revenue shall not be reduced below Is
millions of dollars, while we all know that twelve
millions have heretofore furnished an abundant
support for every purpose, including million
year for internal improvements. The gentleman
admits that we ought not to provide for surplus,
and says. with great force and truth, that Jivi.
sion Of it among the States would be departure
from all sound principles Of government. For,
said the gentleman. "tog give II back to the States
or the individuals from whom It was drawn, in
the same proportion, would be a palpable absur.
dity ;wheto distribute it in different proportions,
would be an act Of gross injustice" l submit
whether this argument isnot equally applicable 10
internal Improvement. But, waving this point.
l would ask. if We are Ia have no surplus, why
raise eighteen millions of dolars-six millions
more than the ordinary expenditures of the gov.
ernmenta To provide, SAYS the gentleman, for
But, Sir. is it not morally GER
tain, that your receipts must exceed your esti-
reduction Of duties will increase i'm
portatons-and. fix what standard you will. my