Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1832-07-03


which pays them.
Allow me, sir, to exemplify these principles,
by applying them to case that will come di-
rectly homo to .'our business and our bosoms."
Let Us take cotton manufactures, a leading ar
tcle among tho objects of the protecting system,
and suppose the question now submitted Tor our
decision TO DO exclusively con6usd to- the adj
justment Of the duty on that article. IL is pro-
posed To establish duty OF l23 per cent. and
tho gentleman from Massachusetts Insists, that
for the heneft Of himself and bis constituents,
tho duty shall DO fixed Mt forty per cent: aud,
in This demand, he is unanimously sustained by
the rest Of the delegation from that State. Now,
1 put the question to the common sense aud
randor of this committee, whether, in imposing
this tax, the representatives from Massachusetts
act as responsible representatives Do they
"give and grant" the money Of their own
s,ituents for the support Of Government! On
the contrary, do they not 'take and carry away"
the money ofmy constituents to nonrish and SUI
tain tho prosperity of theirs? The avcwed OBJ
iect of imposing SO high duty OH tho prOduc-
tions of South Carolina, il to give just much
bounty to the manufacturing interest of Massa-
chusetts. Every cent of the duty imposed is
transfer Of just much into the pockets Of those
" hose representatives enact the law. Aud this
is what we vainly call constitutional liberty, sc
| cured by the treat guarantee Of representative
responsibility No, sir: l will tell you how to
make this responsibility which is now the great
est Of all farces. substantial aud effective. Let
il be laid down az a fundamental canon Of tax
alton, that the very same rate OF duty which ~
impo ed upon imported cotton manufactures
produced by the industry of the southern States.
shall DO also imposed upon domestic manufac
lures produced by the industry of the northern
S ates: then, and not till then, will tho repre-
sent arrives from Massach usetts act under res
ponsihifity To the tax paying people Of the Uni
ted States. in regulating this duty upon impor-
tod cotton manufactures. In such case, they
would not dare to impose an oppressive duty
upon my constituents, because the same act
would impose ono equally oppressive upon their
own: thoy would thus, through their response
hiiity to their own constituents, become virtual.
| w responsible tn the whole people of the United
States. And. I will here take occasion to re-
mark, that whenever, in the practical operation
Of our complex system, the representative ma
jority enact laws or impose bur'hens without
this virtual responsibility to all parts Of the
Union, it becomes. to all intents AMI purposes,
and unqualified ard unmitiga'ed despotism.
| Under the existing scheme Of revenue and
protection, the people Of the southern States
derive no more security for their rights and lib
critics. from the responsibility Of the members
here TO their immediate constituents, than the
most oppressed of the Roman provinces derived
from the responsibility Of the pro-pr etors, ques-
tors and other ministers Of exaction TO the i'm
peral Cesar, who sent them out Ito do his er-
rands." What did the responsibility of these
ministers require. and what security did il afford
to the provinces! 1t required that they should
satisfy the waits Of imperial avarice. and afford
ell them abundant security that they should
never suffer for the want of the blessings Of OPP
pressive taxation. And pray, sir, what docs
the responsibility Of those who represent the
nanufact uring interest require. and what secu-
rity docs it afford to those States upon whose
productive industry the burthen of the pro-
| = IL 81.
these representatives, under penalties which
few have the nerve to encounter, should raise
| the taxes to the highest practical point. under
all circumstances. and il affords the southern
States The most ample security against the de
moraizng influence of too much prosperity.
The inevitable result of the whole operation is
20 impoverish and ensIave one portion Of the
confederncy by legislative plumber: and to enrich
and corrupt the other by the spos.
| / confidently believe that the contribution ex-
acted from tho planting States of this Union
by the action or fr'is ai.s~i-i 49,. ;--~.; a,.;-
| BILE despotsn Of coniederaied Interests, il in nc
degree lees oppressive and disastrous Than ,hs
emotions Levied, by the most Unsuitable of the
Roman emperors, from the conquered and de.
pendant provinces Of the empire. Indeed, Sir
do not believe that the late Emperor of France,
at any period Of bis career Of conquest, ever Ie-
We'd military contributions from the subjugaietl
nations, to crafty his boundless ambition, more
intolerabIe and oppressive than this rrespop ST.
ble majority have levied from The productive i'm.
dustry Of the planting States, to CRAFTY the nsa.
table avarice of this manufacturing confedera
CIV. Ii is true that these contributions have mo-
been levied at the point of the bayonet though
even that has been threatened hut the effect o
legislative plumber though less terrible in tho ar
ray fits agents, is not less exhausting and do.
leterious in its operation OIL the resources of a
country, than that Of military rapine. But the
standing answer TO all these complaints on the
| part of the southern States, has universal Iy
been, that the will Of the majority is omnipoten,
even 20 the extent of consecrating Injustice and
oppression precisely as if we had 90 constitutions
al charter, and If the very object that charter
were not to impose restraints upon the majority
which, i'm this country constitutes The Govern.
ment This principle 10 laid down in the most
braod and unqualified terms by the distinguished
gentleman from Kentucky, to whom have al
ready referred in speech delivered IN another
part Of the Capitol. He affirms that. though
the majority ought to govern eguitabIy and con-
| sIitutonaly, yet they must govern with no effec-
tive Limitation but their own will, and subiect
to no appeal hut the sword! fthis be true. sir
the constitution is a fraud upon the peopis. and
we have, TO all practical inteDts and purpos.s.
"a Government without limitation Of powers. -
vi what possible value can il be TO impose con-
stituhonai restrictions on government, if the
bare face OF It's assuming power be con-
elusive Of the right TO exercise il? Does
not this plainly and avowdedly suhsti-
tute tho will of The majority for the constitu
ton itself, and confouDd all distinction be,weep
rightful power and downright usurpa,ionf In
amounts to nothing less than that the ma,ori,v
have q constitutional right to do what thew
please, without any practical responsibility 10
the power that created them. This is the very
definition of despot;stn, and will add Thar il Is
4, ,l.<,,o and l..