Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1832-03-28

Government had contcudcd for tho principle of
once subject, and always subiect"-that
INC Americans and their ancestors having boon
SUBJECTS OF the British Crown, could not throw
oii their allegiance To il.
l" rcPiy to tins assumption, ancestors bold
~ asserted, that all men were by nature, cuu,IIy
HTc ana independent: and that they have certain
inherent rights, of which, when they enter into
H'cte oil society, they cannot, by any compact,
ucPrl'e or dIvcSt their poStcrity And among
these unallcnabc rights they enumerated those of
mo hocrty and the uninterrupted pursuit of hap
PihcSS' The very language used by our ancestors
I"'NS 'hat thcy considered the principles which
my asserted, as applicable to people OF colour as
won Us 'hoSc who were white. II they had meant
W "sscr' the doctrine of the natural equality of
men, as applicable only To- mon in IA state of ma
~ '"cy would have said expressly. II they
,'" considered IT as only applicable to white men
'hcy would have said that all trhitc men are BIZ
nature equally free and independent, and not as
,,oy olu do, that all are so. The only posi-
oo way III which IT could be shcwn that this prn-
'Pc was not applicable To negroes, would be 10y
proving that negroes were not men. An attempt
100 absurd to be made by any man.
II was due TO the memory of our ancestors to
say, that they had retained their slaves in sub
Io'tioi' not from choice, but from necessity. They
hau themselves assigned the reason why slavery
was permitted among them, anterior to the Rcvo-
iutioh which was, that the King of England had
rciuSeoto permit them TO pass any law to prevent
negroes from being brought into the Country. 1t
was evident that they could not have commenced
tlo great work of cmancipang their slaves at
INC moment they were engaging in Il hazardous
ana doubtful struggle against the gigantic power
oil Great Britain. They could not at such time,
dispense with the labor of their slaves, who con-
stituted almost the whole laboring class in the
community. The work of emancipation must
OF necessity have been difficult and expensive
one and consequently could not have been under
taken at such time. IL was equally out of their
power TO have commenced it during the war: and
the heavy debt contracted during the war; and
! M Di tI1n al.
vernmcnt, made it mpracticablc to enter success.
July upon so great an undertaking, as that of re-
moving the eolorcd population, almost from that
time to the present The statements made by MIR
Jefferson, in his correspondence with several dis
tngulshcd foreigners, would fully sustain him in
what f,o had said upon that subject, i'll vindication
| OF the conduct of ancestors.
The members from the West, who had cnraucd
In the debate then pending, had been described as
coming to the assistance OF the member from Han
over and going much greater lengths than that gen
tcman was willing to go. He wished TO correct that
idea so Tar as he Mr.. NJ concerned; he came
to the assistance of no man, he came to the as
sistance of the Commonwealth, whose safety was
endangered as he believed by the continued exist
cncc OF slavery i'll it, lie had come determined to
pursue the dictates of his own Judgment as to the
proper mode of removing the evil, and was still
determined to pursue that course, in despite of all
opposition. He was rcioiccd to find others concur
ring with him i'll opinion on that important sub
jcct, but could wait for man to lead him i'm the
path of duty. He would have pursued the course
he had done, if he stood alone.
He had heard something said about pledges riv
Ell and sentiments expressed in the Convention, in
relation to our slave populations he cared for no
pledges given or sentiments expressed in that bo-
dy, by any other person than himself. He meant
to abide by what he had sud them and there he had
denied the right of any Foreign Government or
power to interfere between and our slaves; he
still entertained the opinion. He had also
asserted IN the Convention, that the NEGROES had MS
perfect right To freedom the whites; lie was
still prepared to assert and maintain the same
| principle
| 1t had been said that no practicable plan of n
polishing slavery i'll Virginia had been Devised
This was Il mistake; several plans had already been
presented, which were both plausible and practical.
bic. here was another and very simple one
which he would he prepared to present to the con.
sderation OF the House at proper time. Mr.
NJ. here read the following resolutions:
he$otred, That 1T is cXpedcnt to apply to the
General Government, TO appropriate annually a
part OF the Revenue of the United States, to the
use OF such States as may he disposed to remove
the whole or any part of their coorcd population
to be applied 10 the purchase of slaves within each
State, AT lar price, and TO dCiraynT the expense
OF colonizing such slaves, and other coorcd per
sons beyond the limits of the United States.
Here was plan which could not fail of success
II the General Government should accord to the
proposition, as he confidently believed it would L.
| The revenue of the United States, would in
short time amount to at least ten millions wear
more than enough to dcfray all the expenses and
meet all The demands against the Governments if
the taxes remained as they were at present. This
sum would be sufficient at the average value of
slaves viz. 5000 cach to pay for 30 900 slaves
and at that rate to pay for every slave in the Unit
| ed States, and remove them in a very few wears
As to the power of Congress to appropriate the
revenue 10 that object, he regarded it as unques-
tlonablc; the very purpose for which the General
Coy eminent was created was TO afford the people
Il full protection against all enemies, whether TO-
| reign or domestic; and the obligation was as i'm.
N thn nTnnf Tho,
| pie was one which had been acted upon by the
! General Government from its creation with the
assent OF all the States in the Union, in regard to
another species of population which existed in ma
ny OF the States, and still exists in some of them
lie deiied any man tn point out any part Of the
Constitution of the United States which rave TO
Congress any more right TO remove the Indians
or to appropriate money for that object than they
/ had tor aPproprlatng the revenue for the removal
of The negroes. To remove the Indians might be
a more profitable job, but the right to appropriate
money was the same in both cases.
As TO the right of the western people to interfere
with the slave property ofthc east, he would mere
! ly remark, that when this very property was in
danger during the last war, the western people did
not wait to nvcstiga the right their eastern bre
thren to call on them to protect it; they marched
without moments delay whenever their services
were requrrcd-thcy will not now dcgn to debate
the question to their right to protect thcmscl YES
and the Commonwealth against the dangers which
are TO be aPprchended from the continuance of sla
very in the State. They had an rnli,uifcd and nm
questionable right to do any and every act which
might conduce to the safety, prosperity and glory
of the Commonwealth, and that right they were
! determined NOR TO exercise.
1t had been said that the Eastern people were tlc
! persons interested in the question of slavery. and
consequently, the only persons who had right to
decide upon 1T. lie would not aCccdc TO the last
part of the proposition, but he would say, that he
had great confidence in the Eastern people, and
hp .Xsfl FL f1,.,,,