Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1832-02-28

4
have 1t before us here, sir; II Will so abroad %
he r&tou aud to the world, with the sanction or
S"usu;C oi The Senate stamped upon II. FRIEND
-tlr cannot brighten, nor envy deepen rs shades
Eri"i" Us, aud before the American people, up
mi oUn merits il uauSt stand or fall. Nor
docs The II II. Senator touch the GueS'on under
'lScu>;iur when he tells Us that an arrangement
U'ctcd pursuant to jl,csc instructions Is adv"n
iago"US to the United Statcs-that II adds 1t
our commerce., and puts money III lhc Po'keNs
Of our people | ncl,her admit nor deny his IA
SGmptIors as TO that fact, for 1t Is not now pro-
per time for the discussion OF that s%uojecf. -
another Gav, on a ii, occasion, and with open
doors. shall. rus,. ,lEs natter be- Investigated,
ard then. pc.EapS, Tie = 80 den Visions VIII van
ISh in % air. pu' is not the ARRh>GfMtNT to
which | now oh,cc'. BAT Tie n,SNrH IN which
It was sued Tor. 1T l. ~, |! gent!rt"cn p'"nSe,
n sricuicd bnor, u golden ct obtained from
Great BRITAIN by snncrior talents aud t"vor OF
tins subtle &rcrcary-ihat GOLD * bought tn"
dear, wk'cl IS purchased at the expense q! our
narionl, hunor-whlrh IS auyd ;or-hecGCd for
Of u BRITISH Ii"i,t.r-kn"it tor-praNod for
hC'n-c a BRITISH or any other earthly throne.
But, sir, said 'I. l.. this tone Of submission, Of
Supplica'ion and apology, Is not TO my mind the
most Objectionable characteristic oil this paper.
We have, il is trus, since the first formation of
our Government, boon divided INTO parties n, home,
Our people have differed in tho choice ottheir ru-
lors. SO chimes or principlc-"omet'mcs merely
as to mon; but heretofore whether III peace or war.
abroad we have presented an undivided front, and
never before has there hccn Il solitary
instance in our country when our dis
scntionS have been sent abroad by the ac-
credited agents Of sur Government, aud urged az
arguments tor the consideration of Il foreign Pow
or. But, hy this dcpatch, sir, our family quarrcls,
o "r private suimosHics, which in common dcccncy
ought to die within our doors, are presented in,
bold relief, and made tho subject of earnest repre-
scntarion to the British Grown. For what homes,
,,~,a. A.. tl,-t tr,,rl A,,,r h.n-
pose that the British Monarch cares who is at
the head OF our Government, unless he expects to
profit by the asccrdancy of some individual or
party? If II wero ''thc country, the whole coua.
try, and nothing but our country" which the Sc
crc,ary sought to benefit by this official set, why
did he urge 20 England, (tor il mattorcd not to
thom) the cpinions OF the dominant party of thu.
country? Sir, the American ltcpublic-tie IA
TOMS lost sight of in this despatch, and the Mi.
mister is instructed to present himself at the Bri-
fish Court as the clni>sury afthosc who had come
into power, As lao assumes, because fhrV supported
Brush CLAIMS against american prctensions. |
once more ask the attention of the Senate TO a
p1raCr'ph Of this dispatch.
"ihc opportunities which YOU have derived
from 4 participation in our uhlic councils, as well
as other sources of information, will cnabio you
TO speak with confidence (as far as you may deem
it proper and useful so 10 do of the respective
parts taken by those 10 whom the administration
of this Government is now committed. in relation
10 the course heretofore pursued upon the subject
of the colonial trade. Their views upon that point
have been submitted to tho people of tho United
States; and the counScls by which your conduct is
now directed are the result of the Judgment OK
pressed by the only earthly tribunal TO which tho
late administration was ancnablc for its acts. 1t
should he sufficient that the claims set up by them,
and which caused the interruption of the trade in
question, have been explicitly abandoned by those
who first asserted them, and arc not revived by
their successors. If Great Britain deems it ad-
verse TO her interests to allow us 10 participate in
the trade with her colonies, and finds nothing in the
extension OF 1t to others to induce her 10 apply
the same rule to us, she will, we hope, be sensible
OF The ~proprIcty OF placing her refusal on those
grounds. To set up the acts of the late adminis-
tration as the cause of forfeiture of privileges
which would otherwise be extended to the people
OF the United States, would, under existing cir
cumstanCcs, be unjust in itself, and could not fail
10 excite their deepest scnsibility. The tone of
feeling which Il course so unwise and untenable is
calculated TO produce, would doubtless he greatly
aggravated by the consciousness that Great Bril-
tain has, by Order in Council, opened her colonial
ports TO Russia and France, Notwithstanding Il SINH
lar omission on their part TO accept the terms offered
by the act of July, 1898. You cannot press this
view of the subject too earnestly upon tho consi-
deration of the British Ministry. 1t has bearings
and relations that reach beyond the immediate
question under discussion"
~ VIII add nothing as to the improperly of
suffering any feelings that find their origin in tho
past PretenSiOns of this Government to have an adj
'''SN ''iiuCHCc upon TIC present COnGuct OF Great
Britain"
Can any one read this miserable paragraph, mys-
tined and involved as it is, and doubt for a mo-
mcnt, as to lis interpretation "You will be able
TO speak with confidence (as far as you may think
1t proper and useful so to do) of the course pursu-
ed by those now in power in relation to the colo
nal trade" What is this but saving in other
words, to the American Envoy-Tcll the British
Minister that we who are now in power support
ed British claims, and opposed American pre-.
truSipuS- rs tn thc colonial trnJc. nnr oD;nio,e
upon that subject were submittc to tho Amcri.-
can people, and, because VIC entertained views
favorable To British claims, and hostile to Anne
rican pretcnsIons, the people placed us in power,
and Frustrated our opPOncnts7 This is the plain
reading of that part of the despatch, when strip
ped Of It's cirCumlocution. Is this true, sir?
And, ii 1t were truc, is it, / ask, the kind Of
message with which an American Minister is to
he sent to Il foreign court-thus TO humble and
dcbasc himself, ard degrade if not libel his
sountrymen-cspccialIy to the naughty Court of
Great Britain?
But this is not all. Warmed with his subject,
ana new hight breaking in upon him as he pro-
cccds, the Secretary closes this PARAGRAPH in his
despatch with this special Injunction: "You can.
not press this view of the subject too earnestly
upon tie consideration of the British Ministry.
1T has bearings and relations that reach beyond
the immediate question under discussion"
"1 on cannot press this view of the subject too
earnestly" What view? Why that those who
favored American prctcnsions are put down-aud
IRE, who support British claims, are lords of the
ascendant. Bat why press this earnestly upon
the consideration of the British Ministry? BE.
cause, adds the despatch, it has bearings and re.
lations which reach beyond the immediate qucs.
ton under discussion. And what were these
bearings and rcltions7 On what did this view
of the subject bcar-to what did it relate, beyond
the simple question Of the colonial trade, if in
decd i; could have borne on that Sir. the
motive lurking in the heart of the writer of this
despatch il here disclosed. lie stands the self.
declared representative OF a priy-holding out, as