Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1832-03-26

wherever tho numerical asccndancy of the slave
snail inspire him with confidence in his force
we arc called upon, then, sir, by every motive
winch can impcl authorize us to uct--by con.
sucrations individual and Observation-Disclosures
OF safety TO our families, and of prosperity To the
C"ihnionwcalth--to provide against the growing
dangers OF our slave population--to provide for a
limitation on its incrcase-to provide for the inter
| cePtion OF its innumcrablc evils before they be
| visited, on the slave or his owRcr, both, in
| irGcp0 rablc calamity
Let u.s. Mr.. Speaker, examine for q moment our
relations with the Federal Government and see
whether they are not such to afford an auxiliary
argument for the policy which have been cnica
! roring, on other grounds, to establish. This
irIcnd-(Mr. Randolph) from Albcmare / bcr
leave TO oNpand it u little. Twill not enlarge upon
The fact that tho existence of slavery creates +,
political interest III this Union which is of all
others, the most positive; an interest which in re-
iation to those who do not possess it. is adver
sary and exclusives; one which marks the manners
Oh our country 10y a correspondent distinction and
issowmg broadcast amongst U.S. both in our official
ana private intercourse, tho seeds of unkintncss &
suspicion. On this interest cogra phcal rites hay,
BEEN iormcd--on its maintenance or restriction
the bttcrcst struggles have been waucd in another
Body (CongrcSs) and it contains an ingredient
| OF political power in our Federal Councils it will
always be the subject OF strugglc-always defend
| cd by the most vigilant and assaulted by the
most subtle countcraction. Slave holding and
nonslavc- holding must necessarily constitute the
characteristic feature of our Country--must ne.
| ccssariy form the broad and ndivisiblc interest
upon which parties will combine and will and does
! comprehend iii the jcalousics which surround IT,
the s'no,hcrcd and powerful but, l trust not the
irresistible causes of future acknowledgements To
/ All %. its other evils, then slavery s,pcratds the
sill further ono of being cause of National dis
scnSion-otbeing fixed and rcpulsivc element be-
tween the different members of our Rcpubc--itsolf
! inpcliing with strong tendency and aggravatinp
ali smaller tendencies to political distrust, acna.
t,oh ana hostility Let us look, for moment at
the consequences which would result from the
| possible ACKNOWLEDGMENT of the Union-not on the
elevated ground i'll which these consequences
might be considered affecting the oppressed of
other Countries, who, directed by the LIGHT of our
example, have committed themselves TO a last and
devoted struggle for their rightsbnt solely rs they
affect the of slavery and the public security
which that case involves Suppose the fedcratiyc
to he hrokcn-supposo that the Union which in
despite OF It's errors has been beneficial bond of
political annty, should have passed away and the
States which compose it be thrown into the ntti
tudc of separate and independent Governments
Suppose this to be the case and it is evident that
their new relations to each other must be main
tanned under circumstances the most inausnicious
TO their peace. Whatever be the motives which
cause ncIghbouring nations to hate each other
the motives of rivalry and countcraction, those
which make them hostile in interest, hos
tile III tceling-prone to insult and agrees
these motives be, they would be argr,y,
ted here by the indispensable bitterness of a
family quarrc-by the vindictivoncss of a rupturcd
brotherhood. eS SIR these motives thus speci,Il,
lnilancd would urge on to their objects and
She" themselves i'll instant activity at the very
hrst moment of our Federal dissolution. Let this
dreaded event but occur-lct this Union which, a.
ooVc every other political blessing is wort nv not on
ly of tho loyalty of principles but the LOYALTY of
eur affections too, let it be given up, and the
peace which 1t secures and the bountiful prosper-
~ which our citizens have reaped under it be hand
cd over to separate and ds-untcd States for their
W hat I ask is to
be the consequence? Arc to remain as per-
iectly secure and prosperous at prescnt-as per-
icctiy tree from danger from each other now? No
SIR, that Is impossible When part we part
i'll anger: shall live in anger or in jealousy
with each other; hatred and revenge and suspi-
clon and mutual scorn at mutual differences of
habits and institutions will rankle in inter.
i course, Will interrupt our peace, will ctcrnally
kcepus in the act attitude of border hostility
The past picture of England, Scotland and Ire
land will be renewed in America and the fell spi-
rit OF tcud and foray and border will be domcs
ticatcd here. The boundary lines which now i'm
pcrccptibly blend with each other in token of our
family Kindness will speedily exhibit the evidences
OF a family rupturc-of departed confidence
and like the frontier lines OF foreign nations will
be marked by the array of military equipment and
| military defiance. Our and petty princpali
ties will put on the whole panoply of En- pres-
VIII furnish forth their armies and navics and
cordons OF posts and all the etcctcra of n precau
tonary and jealous defence.
In tins state OF things what is 10 be our situa
tion-how are we likely to be placed? Sir, do
you not see under the event supposed, that it
would be situation of peril? Do you not Sec ut
a glance, how cnfeebled Virginia and the whole
South would become by that alien and insurrec
tionary population which they nurture in their
bosom! do you not see that any emergency which
would concentrate their disposabe force on the
objects OF external defence, would Law opcn the
whole interior to devastaton-would expose every
iamlly to the most unuttcrablc of catastrophcsl
nay, sir, do you not see, as last and browning
result, that the very form and principle of orr
Government might be lost-that no patriotism and
no devotion might be able to sustain il under the
double shock OF seryile and of foreign war, and
'hat we-ycs sir, we, to whom the humbcd and
oppressed OF the world look with hone and re-
Jolcing OF heart as being the most favored of mem
might SINK into the darkness and despotism, whose
1 very horrors had long been illustrated in contrast
with our happier example1 If gentlemen do not
see nor feel the evil of slavery whilst this Federal
Union lasts, they will and feel it whom it is
gone; they VIII see and suffer it then in a mapni.
tude OF dcsUlatng power to which the spestiIence
That waiketh at noon day. would be blcssinp-to
winch the malaria that is now threatening extinc-
ton to the "cernal city," the proud one of the
fontIits and the CmsaTs is called, would be as
refreshing and as bamy the first breath of
| Spring to the chamber of disease
Let it not be said, sir, that the political contin
gcncy supposed the ACKNOWLEDGMENT of these
states, Is visionary thong ht-an improbable pre-
sumption, and of course, that it one for all tho
1dhcod and possible results of which, no legisla-
two discretion requires us to provide 1t is but
too unhaPplly the contrary. " neither wo look to
matters OF fact or to the results of reasoning the
event adverted to is any thing but visionary. No
man who looks to the posture or prospects of our
federal relations and understands the grounds on
winch they rest, but well knows that this very
event at this very hour, is lowering over the
! otherwise sunny face of our national fortunes
| NO man, who all. but NH pprrrivc t,c