Southern planter., 1832-12-29

be q clear constitutional objection 10 their collec-
ton in every other port, and no revenue.c could be
collected any where: lor all imposls must be equal
u IS no answer 10 repeat that an unconstitutional
law IS no aw, so bong as The question Of its legal
ily is 70 be decided by the State itself; for every
law opeming iniuriously upon any local interest
will be perhaps thought, and certainly represented,
as unconsiiiuiiunal, and as has been shown, there
is 40 appeal.
if ibis doctrine had been eslablshed at an car
ler day. ire Union would have been dissolved in
its infancy The excise Law in Pennsylvania, the
embarpo and non-.uiercourse law in the Eastern
States, the caraee iaS in Nirgnia, were all deem
ed unconstitutional, and were more unequal in
their operation than any Of The laws now complain
ed of; but, fortunately, none Of those slaes dis
covered that they had the right now claimed by
South Carolina. The war into which We were
inced, to support the dignity Of the nation eDd
the rights Of our citizens, might have ended in
defeat and disgrace, instead Of victory aud honor,
! II The States, who supposed il a ruinous and. un
constitutional measure, had thought they possessed
the right Of HuHying The act by which II was de-
clared, aud denying supplies for its prosecution -
| Hardly aud nnoquay as those measures bore upon
several members Of the Union. to the legislature Of
none did this efficient and peaceabo remedy as II
is called, suggest ITSELF The discovery Of this
important ieatnre IN our constitution was reserved
TO the present day. To the statesmen Of South
Carolina belongs the invention, and upon the cti- |
zens Of that Slate will unfortunately fall the evils of
reducing Il to practice
II the doclrine Of a state veto, upon the laws of
the Union, carries with il internal evidence Of its
Imprac,cable absurdity, our constitutional history
will also afford abundant proof that il would have
been repudiated with indignation, had il been pro
posed 10 form feature IN our government.
10 our colonial state, although dependant on
another power, we very early considered ourselves
as connected BY common interest with each other
Leagues were formed for common defence, and
before the declaration Of independence, we were
known In our aggregate character as Me united
colonies Of America That decisive and impor
Iant step was taken jointly. We declared our.
selvesa nation by joint not BY several acts; and
when the terms Of our confederation were reduced
10 inrm, was that Of a solemn league of several
'iates, by VIII ch they agreed that they would, col
ecuvely, fum onei nation, for the purpose ofl
some certain domestic concerns, and {
u freign relations. In the instrument forming I
bat UnInn, IS found AN article which declares that
every State shall abide by the determination of $
congress on all qu silons which, by that conede-
ltIon, should be submitted 10 them d
Under the confederation, then, no state could il
'gally annull decision Of the Congress, or re- Il
ise to submit TO ITS execution; but no provision
as made to enforce these decisions. Congress n
ade requisItions, bur they were not COMPLIED b
ilh. The Government could not operate on ,ndi- II
duals. They had no judiciary, no means oflp
'llecting revenue. IL
But the defects Of the confederation need mn, I,
detailed. Under ITS operation, we could scarce q
be called nation. We had neither prosperitv G
home nor consideration abroad This state Of u
lngs could not be endured, aud our present consn d
ton We oFmed; but formed IN vain if this fatal G
cinne prevails. II was formed for important oh Il
;ts that are annOunced in the preamble made in i
name and by the authority Of the people of the Q
ned States, whose delegates framed and whose c
inventions approved it. The most important or G
ese objects, that which IS placed first IN rank ON n
lich all The Others rest, ls "tO form more Dey 81
ct Union" Now, is Il possible that, even if G
ere were no express provision giving supremacy n
the constitution and laws of the United Staies h
er those OF the States, II can be conceived thai
instrument made Tor the purpose of "forgioo = e
ore perfect Unionn than that of the conCeder' ii
IN, could be constructed by the assembled n
isdom of our country as to substitute for h,r o
,nsideration a form of government dependcn, G
Y its existence on the local interest, the par,v n
,rii Of a STATE, or of prevailing faction IN o
Iatef Every man OF plain unsophisticated nm. v
who hears the question, will o;ve s.
lch an answer as will preserve the Union p
Ietaphysical sublety, in pursuit of an impac,i. r.
,ble theory, ceud alone have devised ono ,b,, a
calculated to destroy it, a
| consider, then, the power TO a,null iow a
the United States assumed by one State b. c
,mpati5lC riM he eristence of the Union v
expressly By me letter of me Com s.
tuition, unauthorized by its spirit incoasisiep, Il
ih ercry principle on whicb il ,cas fo1pdcd "
nd destruciire Of he great object FOR wIich Il
as formed Ii
After this general view Of the leading princinle y
e must examine the particular application of II Il
hich IS made in the ordinance. "
The preamble rests its justification on these p
rounds; y assumes as fact, that the obnoxious C
ws although they purporl to be laws for raising L
venue, were in reality intended for the protec.
on of manufactures, which purpose il asserts 10 n
g unconstitutional; that the operation Of these q
Tvs 10 unequal; that the amount raised l,v them Il
greaiet than is required by the wants Of the ai
iovernmeni; and finally, that the proceeds sre "
D be applied TO objects Unauthorized BY the Con. il
ll'ulion. These are the only causes allened 10 al
isliiy an open opposition 10 The laws of Tie conn. al
~, and threat Of seeding from the Union. if u