Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1832-10-26

Mr.. President, lot remind the meeting of the
great extent OF this public property.
Only twenty millions of acres have been as yet,
sold, from the commencement OF the Government
One hundred and twenty millions, about that
quantity, IL now cleared from tho Indian title all
surveyed into townships, ranges, and sections, aud
now in the market for sale. think, sir, the whole
surface of Massachusetts cmbrases about six nil.
| lions of acres; that the United States have II
body of land, now surveyed, aud in market equal
I TO twenty States, each ut the size OF Massachu.
s-tts. But this is but very small portion of the
whole domain; much the greater part being yet I'M
surveyed, and much, too, subject to the Indian Ii.
! tie. The income to the revenue from tho sales of
land is estimated at three millions of dollars year
! The meeting will then see, Sir, how important
subject this is and how highly it becomes the
country guard this vast property against perver-
sion, and bad management
| Mr.. President, among tho Bills which failed at
the last session, for want of the Presidents appro
VAL was onc in which this State had u great pecu-
MARY interest. 1t the bill for the pa yment of
interest to those States the funds advanced by them
during the war, the principal of which had been
paid, assumed by the Government of the United
States. Some sessions ago, Bill was introduced
into the Senate, by my worthy colleague, and pass
ed INTO law, for paying large part of the prin-
cipal sum advanced by Massachusetts, for militia
expenses, for defence OF the country; this
ualiy paid The residue of the claim s.in the pro-
per course of examination, and such parts of it
ought TO be allowed will doubtless be paid hereaf.
ter, Netos out of the way, be always understood.
be paid to the States, these advances, in cases
where 1t had not been already paid 1t passed both
Houses. rec"l'ect no opposition to i in the Sc
nate, nor do remember to have heard any consi-
derablc objection in the House of Representatives.
The argument for it lay in its own obvious Justice;
justice too apparent, as it seems to me, TO be de-
nieu by any
L left Congress, Sir day or two before its od.
Journment and meeting some friends, in this viii
lagc, on my way home, exchanged con yratu-
lations on this additional act OF justice, thus
dered to Massachusetts, well other States
But had hardly reached birmingham, before
learned that our congratulations were premature
The Presidents signature had been refused and
the bill was not Il law! The only reason which
had ever hoard for this refusal is, that Congress
had not been in the practice of allowing interest
on claims. This not true, as a universal rule;
but II 1t were, might not Congress he trusted with
the maintenance OF IFS own rules?-M ght it not
make exceptions TO them for good cause? No
doubt, i'll regard TO old and long neglected claims
1t has boon customary not to allow interest; but
the Massachusetts, claim not of this charac
| ter, nor the claims of other States. None
of them had remained unpaid for want of pre-.
sentiment. The Executive and Legislature of
tins Commonwealth had never omitted to press her
demand for Justice, and her Delegates in Congress
have endeavoured TO discharge their duty by sup
porting that demand. 1t has been already decided
IN repeated instances, as well in regard to States
as to individuals, that when money has been actu-
ally borrowed, for objects for which the General
Government ought to provide, interest paid such
| borrowed money, shall be refunded 10y the United
States. Now, Sir, would it not be distinction
without difference, to allow interest in such n case
and yet refuse it IN another, in which the State had
no. borrowed the money, and paid interest for it,
but had raised it by taxation, or, as | believe was
the case with Massachusetts, by the sale of valuable
stocks, bearing INTEREST," Is it not appa rent that in
her case, clearly as in that of IA borrowing State
she has actually lost the interest? Can any man
MAINTAIN, that between these two cases there is
ny sound distinction, in law, in equity, or in mo.
1 tn fIkaI l,.S 10
! Massachusetts and Maine ola very large sum of
money justly due to them. IL is fifteen or
| sixteen years since the money was advanced, and it
was advanced for most necessary and praiseworthy
public purposes. ! he interest or the sum already
refunded, and on that which reasonably be
expected u be hereafter refunded, is less than
five hundred thousand dollars. But for the Presi-
dents refusal, in this unusual mode, give his APP
probation to a bill which had passed Congress al
most unanimously, these two States would already
have been III receipt of very considerable portion
of this money, and made sure oflhe residue in due
season.
Mr. President I do not desire to raise mere pe
cuniary crest to undue Importance, in polite
al matters l admit, these arc principles and OBJ
Jects OF paramount obligation and importance. |
would not oppose the President, merely because he
has refused TO The State what thought her emit
| tied to, in matter of moneNe provided he had
made known his reasons, and they appeared to be
such as might fairly influence intelligent and
| honest mind. But where a State has SO direct and
SO heavy an interest," where The Justice of the case
is so plain, that men agree in it who agree in hard
ly any thing else; whore her claim has passed Con.
gress, without considerable opposition in eh her
House, refusal to approve the bill without giving
the slightest reason,-and he taking advantage of
the rising Congress to give it silent 90 by is an
act that may well awaken the attention of the
People in the States concerned. 1t is an act, call
ing Tor close examination. 1t is an act which calls
| loudly for Justification by its author And now
Sir Will close what have to say on this particu
iar SUBJECT by She. ing. that the ODD of March,
i0os, the President did actually approve and sign
| BILL in favour of South Carolina by which it was
enacted that her claim for interest upon money ac
tualy expended by her for military stores during
the late war, should be settled and paid; the mo
ney so expended having been drawn by the State
from iund upon which she was receiving interest
Now this, Sir, precisely the case of Massachu
setls.
MT. President, now approach inquiry of
far more deep and affecting interest. Are the prin-
cIpics and measures 9th administration danger
Gus to the Constitutions and to the Union of the
States7 Sir, 1 believe them to be SO, and | shall
state the grounds Of that belief.
In the first place, any administration is danger
Gus to the Constitution, and to tho Union of the
states, which denies the essential powers Of the
Constitution, and thus strips it of the capacity to
do the good intended by it,.
The principles embraced by the administrati ion,
and expressed in the VETo Message, are evidently
hostile to the whole system of projection, by duties
oil Hnpost, OH constitutional grounds. Here, them
rs one great power struck at out of the Con
siitution; and one great end Of its adoption defeat
cd And while this power is thus struck of
the Constitution, 1T is clear that IT exists whore
else; since the Constitution expressly takes it away
from all the States.
The Veto Message denies tho constitutional
power OF creating or continuing such an nstItu-
Ton as our whole experience has approved, for
maintaining a sound, uniform, national currency
md 81 Ia c.Co III,