The Massachusetts spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1831-1858, 1832-09-19
From The .N,dtion,h Infeligencer.

Storm, the earliest glance Of The sum- 10 iuAs ms
latitude and ascertain hoir far me etfheftS naoe
drirfn him from has true course LEI US am'IGte
this prudence and before nee fo1t fdrthei refer
TO the point from iehicA IRE dtpafsd, that ne
may be at least able to co7gertias theTe ire
'lolc dren
The Second Session OF the Twenty -frst Con-
gress afforded no striking incidents. Ii was
the policy of - the party, with provdent re-
gard to lis own interest, to avoid decisive &C.
lion upon any leading public questions, by
which they might, without gaining friends pro-
p0rtionablv, ALLEVIATE some portion Of the pnpu-
larity attached to the name of Gen. jackson,
already not a little shaken by the batch of Vctos
at the close of the session preceding. This
purpose of the prevailing party was greatly
furthered bv the occurrence. at that session, of
the trial of Judge Peck upon an impeachment
before the Senate, which occupied the atten-
lion OF both Houses for so many DAYS. that il
was with difficulty the ordinary appropriation
bills were got through. Of course, we had no
Vetos at this session. There was no call for
them, There was no temptation Of the Presi-
dent 10 the exercise of this arbitrary, and. as
now distorted. most dangerous power. Yes,
dangerous What power can be more danger
Gus in the hands of any individual than that Of
saying, there shall be no law but my will
Such in effect is the Veto of the President, as
nO,o ezerciSed. A measure which he interdicts
may, il is true, become 4 law ii it shall be re.
passed-in the Senate and House of Represen-
iaiives by twoihirds OF the votes of each
House. In this Government, however, the
Executive influence must be contemplate in.
deed if, what between personal attachment and
party association, the hope of reward and the
fear of punishment, the Administration cannot
count upon the loyalty of one.t third Of one or
the other House in any conflict between the
President and Congress. We never expect TO
see bill passed by Congress in opposition to the
Veto. They who do make such calculations
who fatler themselves, for example, that bill
may pass Congress TO recharter the Bank not.
wiIhstanding The Presidents objections-have
better opinion Of human nature than we en-
teriain The most absolute despot on earth
does not hold more absolute power, as IL is
mon, Dlstdcd, in utter defiance Of tho public
will, and with entre recklessness of consequent
.ces, than the power Of the President 10 mega
tive all bills which are presented for his sigma.
ture. II may be- said that there is a remedy
for this abuse of power; that, whom the Presi-
dent carries it witt TOO high hand, he may be
lmpeached. We have no more belief in i'm.
parchment than we have in the iniallibility cf
human nature. In our deliberate opinion
there is matter in the late Veto Message 10
justify an impeachment Of the President of
the United States; and if it be MT found
there, we are quite sure that it is 10 be found
in the .aie re.appointment of Samuel Gwin.
twice rejected, to the Office from which he was
elected by the Senate. But we are far from
desiring TO see an impeachment proposed and
Ii we hac no other reason, we should object TO
a motion for that purpose, because we are sure
It would ultimately fail, and thus agitate the
Country without advantage. 1t is to the awak-
ening reason of The People that we mnsi
look for relief from the abuses of power which
we have witnessed, and those further evils
WHICH are presaged by the last Veto Message.
1t is the people who must arouse and shake of
the incubus which broods over the body polite,
stiles its breath, and cramps its vital energies
II thIe was no legislation, however. and of
course no exercise o. the Veto, during the SEES.
.',sn o! which we speak there was enough of
veto doctrine, and other food for speculation in
the Message Of The Executive at the opening
Of the session, 10 demand at least l passing
glance.
The long sophomore augmentation in that
Message in defence of the Veto upon Internal
Improvements, &c, viii be well remembered
by orr readers, but We will no, say anv thing
here about its ps7,ics!ar atsurdit.es and ex.
travagances, because the Message Of the last
session has eclpsed them ALL
Next. to its labored denunciation Of Internal
Improvement, one of the most conspicuous fca-
lures of this Messy was the following
Among the objects of great national con.
Germ. cannot omit to press again upon your
attention that part of the Constitution which
regulates the election OF President and Vice
President. The necessity for its amendment
is made so clear 10 my mind by the observation
of its eriS, and by the many able discussions
which they have elected on the floor Of Con.
gress and elsewhere, that should be wanting
l,,4r 7 al i Al
sion of mg deep scLicitads reon the subjeci In
connection with an amendment Of the Consti.
tuition. removing all intermediate agency in
the choice of the president, recommend some
restrictions rpm the re tHgi6itity Of that eff
Ger, and upon the tenor of offices generally
The reason still exists: and ! renesc the rec
ommendalion, with an increased confidence
that its adoption will strengthen those checks
~ which the Constitution designed 10 secure
the independence of each department of The
Government, and promote the heathful and
equitable administration of all the trusts which
it has created, The agent most Hhely TO can.
tracene this design ofhe Constitution, is the
Chief magistrate In order, particularly, that
mis- appointment may, as far as possible be pac.
cd beyond the reach Of any improper influences
in order that he may approach the solemn re.
sponsblities of the highest Office in the gift OF
free people, uncommittcd to any other course
than the strict line of constitutional duty, ard
that the securities for this independence 4nay
be rendered as strong as the nature of power
and the weakness of its possessor will admit
/ cannot too earnestly invite your attention 10
the propriety of promoting such an amendment
OF the Constitution, as will render him ineligi
BILE after one term Of SeT1ice." Thus solemn.
~ did the President affirm that no President OF
tne United States ought 10 serve more than
one term of service, hist il is now known, he
had determined 10 be himself candidate for
reelection We have here a memorable ex-
ample Of the want Of consistency between pro-
fession and practice which we have shown to
have characterized he previous course of this
Administration. In his public capacity, indeed,
the President seems to have busted himself 10
constructing plausible and even beautiful theo-
res, as children build houses with cards, that
they may have the pleasure Of denoshing
them when they have done. His solicitude"
that no President should serve more than one
term was so "deep" that ne should be wanting
in his duty if he withheld repeated express
SION OF IT and, whilst he was pressing again
this opinion upon Congress, he was aching di.
Teetly in the teeth Of it. A new journal was
even then in contemplation, and was soon after
established, at the seat OF Government, for the
express purpose OF advocating his reelection
the same Journal whose Extras the pet officers
OF Government have been of late 50 busi!y on
gagged under their official franks, in extending
the circulation Of Whilst the Presidents con-
huenco that be ought not TO serve u second
.elih was according 70 the Message on tie in
crease 1t had, in fact, epaporattd altogether
=, was not many weeks afterwards that Mr.. |
IncDunie was denounced as an enemy by this
sanIe Omelal journal, for having. as Chairman
pi 'hc Noinmltlee Of the House of Representa-.
ives, 10 whom The above part of the Mesa 90
was referred made a Report exactly conform
l,g :" t ~, fIesidehi'syery earnest recommend.
ot,o" nese Facts, which no one will under.