Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1832-06-08
Richmond, Va, Friday. .gume $
THE BANK BJIT

majority of or 10 votes IL is supposed that it will
also pass the III. of Il.
What then? We look 10 our sheet-anchor We
confIde IN the Presidents love for the Constitution
hS public spirit, the moral courage which marks his
character. lie will not deceive us. lie will veto
the Bill
We understand, the bill was debated during the
past week with great ability, but principally on the
side of the opposition. Its advocates RELYING on
their relentless majority, have resortcd i'm most in
stances 10 dumb legislation Mr.. Benton told them
ON FRIDAY, that they realized the Able Scgcs' idea
of dumb legislators most admirably His taunis
and rcproachcs which were as bold as they were
severe, had no effect upon their tacturnitv On
Saturday, however, the Senate Chamber exhibited
Il more animated scene. Mr.. Tazewell moved TO
reduce the term of the charter from ID TO ten
years, alleging that 10 years was long enough to en-
trust this momied corporation with the dangerous
power OF regulating the currency of the country and
too long deprive the States of this Union of their
sovereign power of taxation. In reply it was urged
ny Mr. Dallas, that short time of ten wears would
afford an induceineut to the Bank to minge in the
political contests of the country with view 10 the
extension of their charter, and would keep the pub
lie mind in continual agitation. Mr.. Tazewei las
Mr. Clay afterwards sadly caught at this suggestion
and insisted that rs it was admitted the Bank might
have political influence on the People and on Con
gress itself, 1t was the strongest in the world
Tor Keeping contrOul over them; aud that although
he mad proposed ten years as the term of its cXis
tencc, he would then vote for one year if any rem
eman would propose it. In reply to the suggestion of
Mr. Dallas, that the powers of the Bank for emil were
limited and restrained sufficiently by other sections
OF the blll he said that these mere paper qua
rantceS and asked emphaticallv when mere raper
guarantees had ever proved sufficient securities
against the abuses of power He said that the high
est ana most solemn paper guarantee, the Consitu-
ton OF the IT, States itself, had been frequently vo-
lated, and its provisions disregarded bY n naiority
This caledup MIR. Clay, who caught at this declara-
ton, as tconscious, perhaps that it applied particu-
arly to his party, and it was necessary TO defend
them against 1t by one of those bold movements
for which he 10 chiefly remarkable After stating
that the Senator from Virginia had caught at the
admission of Mr.. d., but had mistaken or perverted
his meaning-atter denying that the Bank had ever
taken part in the political controversies of tho coun-
try, and affirming that there was not the slightest
evidence of the facts he adverted to the assertion
that the Constitution Of the L. States had been vio-
lated, and said that this grave charge, and
ought not to have been lightly made by a Senator
OF the u S.-that because the Senator of Virginia
might entertain certain opinions on the subject of
the Tarltl-in relation to Internal Improvements
and in respect to this Bank, it was no reason for
charging the majority, who differed from him, with
violating the Constitution, that the majority might
be right, and the gentleman might be wrong; and
that 1t did not become him TO make such unfounded
charges against the validity of paper guarantees up
on such grounds.
Now let the reader mark the triumphant retort of
the Senator from Virginia!-We state the sub
stance; we do not answer for the precise words
of the Speakers. After explaining the course
the Debate had taken and Vindcatiug himself
from the charge of introducing extraneous mat
ter, or making particular illusions to the sub
JectS enumerated, he euquiTed If any Senator
was prepared to say, there had been no yio-
latlon of the Constitution since it went into
operation. Did the gentleman mean 10 say that
the Sedition Law was no violation of that in
srumenH lie thought he could refer TO several 1
other instances which the gentleman from Kentucky
would hardly conuovcrt. If lie was not greatly mis-
taKen' he had the authority of that very gentleman,
Afforded not many years snce for saying that the
granting OF such charter the one he was then
advocating, was plain and palpable violation of the
Constitution OF the u. $, and that the genllemans
course on the present occasion was the strongest
proof he could offer to the Senate of the utter
worthlessness of mere paper guarantees. In this
strain he went on, greatly we should think TO the
annoyance of the 'Champion of the American
System," who never word spakc more Mr.
Webster thought 1t time TO make Il demonstration i'm
favour OF his friend and did so in Il more animated
STYLE it is said than he lis accustomed TO indulge
but after little while, his diversion was rather i'm Ca
vour OF the Bank than of Mr.. Clay, combining him
sell to the proposition before the Senate of shorten
ing the term. He argued il as he always does SEN
slbly and ably. General Smith followed. ilo was
surpriZcd that the committee had fixed on so short
a term. For his part he for at least twenty
years He conteHded it lcas a specie-p paying bani,
(Mr. Tazewell and MIR. Iiayne, which last gentle
man, by-the-bye, had made very animated and inn
presslve speech during the previous part of the de-
bate, had shewn that one of the provisions intro
duccd deprived 1t OF this attribute and he Tidiculed
the idea OF ITS being, or ofts capacity to be, con-
verted into political machine. Just as the Dues
ton was about to be taken, Mr. Benton addressed
the Senate. In the first place hc read an cxtract
from General Smiths speech on n former OCCASION
to shew, that AT that time the General thought il
most tremendous political engine and particijorlv
adverse to his (thc Genemlsl election as well MS oc
tive in its opposition him The extra CT created
1t Is sald considerable meTriment in the Chamber
for, 1t was conclusive. Mr.. b. proceeded in an
fearless strain of inyective He asserted
that the Bank had ncriered with the politics of the
country 1t was at that time political engine i'm |
the hands OF the majority: That it had been brought
forward four years before the expiration of its char
ter, to have all effect the Presidential election
that was intended to crush the President unless
he could crush IT. That the contest was for life and
death WIN that party, whom he respected much
more mighty under their former honest name of Pc
derdtt$s, than under their tangled, nsidous an
peaii0n OF NdtiOnat RepuJLicdus-th if they could
only succeed IN crushing the President, they would
remove their only obstacle to unlimited power
But that their expectations van for that An
drew Jackson would strangle the Bank and would
rise ike Brutus from the fate of Cesar, greeted by
the applauses of Cato and of Rome"
And we have no doubt it will be so. We have
rs little doubt too that If the ultimate features of the
Harbour or, OF the Internal improvement, Bills
should clash with the principles of the Veto Mes
sage, they too viii share similar fate. With these
bills, thus rejected, and tie Tariff question settled
on liberal ciples-the public debt paid of-nll
expences retrenched, economy intro
duced into all our disbursements and simplicity in
10 all the of the pOvprufpcut-