Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1832-10-26

Ter; and they frankly declared that their into mt
and purpose was to ,nsist reduction and to pur-
sue renction unrcmi,iiugly, Till all duties on i.
ports we're brought down To one general and equal
pes ce"fdg", and that regulated by the mere wants
Oh the revenue; that il different rates OF duty
should remain different articles, still! that the
whoic should be laid icc revenue, and Ter revenue
ohiy; and that they would To the utmost OF their
power, push tho of policy, till Protection,
ny duties, as special object OF National policy
should be abandoned altogether in the National
councils. IL is a dcluSiUn, therefore, Sir, to i'm.
agine that the present Tariff stands, safely, ON
conceded ground. Ii covers not an inch, that has
not been fought for, and must not again be- fought
for. 1t stands while its friends protect il, and
not an hour longer
In the next place, in tho conpcnd Of Executive
opinions contained i'll the Veto Message, the whole
principle of the protecting policy rs plainly and
pointedly denounced.
Having gone through is argument against the
Bank Charter, it now exists, and it has exist
ed for near forty years, and having added to the
we'll doubted logic ot that argument the still
doubtful aid OF large array Ut opproGriuus cpthcs,
tho &c, in unveiled allusion to the protecting
policy OF the country, holds this lunguagc.-
"MoSt of the difficulties our Government now
encounters, aud most of the dangers which impcud
over Uuou, have sprung from abandon
mcnt of the legitimate objects Of government, by
National Legislation, and the adoption of such
prime piles embodied III this act. Many OF
our rich men have not been content with equal pre-.
lection and equal benefits but have bcsought to
mako them richer by act OF Congress.
"By attempting to crafty these desires we have
in the results Of our legslation arraycd section
against section, interest against interest, and
man against man, IN fearful couimotion
which threatens to shake tho foundations of our
Union. 1t is time to pause in career, to re-
view our principles, and If possible, to revive that
devoted patriotism and spl,it of compromise which
distinguished the sagcs Of the revolution, and the
fathers OF our Union. If We cannot at once, iii
justice ID the interests vested undor mprovidcnt le
gisiotion, make our government what 1T ought 10
be, can at lrrst, take stand against all new
grants of monopolics and exclusive privileges,
agsinSt any prostitution of our COVE: nmcnt to the
advancement of Il few at the expense Of the many,
and i'll favor of compromise and gradual reform III
our code of laws and system OF political econo
my"
tional Legislature has abandoned the legitimate
objects OF Government III has adopted such prin
cplcs embodied in the Bank Charter, and
these principles elsewhere called Objectionable
odiOus and unconstitutional. And all this has
been, because rich mcn have besought the govern
nent to render them richer by acts of Congress.
II is time to pause in 1t is time re-
Uiesc these pTinciples. And, If cannot at once,
MAKE OUR GOVERNMENT WHAT IT OUGHT Be-
can, at least take stand against grants of
power and privilege.
The plain meaning of all this, is, that our pro-
tecing laws are tour ded in abandonment of the
legitimate objects of government; that this is the
great of our difficulties; that 1t is time to
stop our career 10 review the principles of
laws, and, as soon as we can, MAKE OUR GOVERN
MENr WHAT IT OUGHT
No one can question, MIR. President, that these
paragraphs from the last official publication of the
President, show, that in has opinion, the Tariff as
system designed for protection, is not only impo-
Hic, b"t unconstitutional aisO. They are quite IN
| capable OF any other versinn, interposiion
| They defy all explanation, and all CLOSES.
Sir, however we may differ from the prn cpcs
or the policy of the administration, it would ne
verheless' satisfy our pride oil country, five could
ascrlbc 10 1T the character of consistency. 1t
would be grateful if c5d contem pla tc the Pre-
| sident of the United STATES as an identical idea
But even this secondary pleasure is denied to us.
| In looking to the published records of executive
opinions, sentiments favorable to projections and
sentiments against protection either come confi-
scdly Def fore Us, at the moment, or else fol-
low each other III rapid succession like the shadows
| of Il phautasmaIoriu.
Having read AN extract from the veto message
containing the statement oil present opinions, aloH
! me to read another extract from the annual mes
! sage oi 1880. Ii will he perceived, that in thai
| message, both the clear consttutionaity of tho
| Tariff laws and their indispensable policy are
maintained in the fullest ana strongest manner
The argument, the constitutional point, is stated
with more than common ability; and the policy OF
the laws is affirmed, in terms importing the deep
| est and most seated conviction. We hear in this
message, nothing OF Independent legislation; no.
thing of the abandonment of the legitimate OBJ
Jects of government; nothing of the necessity of
pauSing IN oar career, and reviewing our prnci-
Government, I'LL ii shal be mode ,rhat il ought ID
Debut let the message speak for itself.
1.-The power 10 impose duties imports origin.
ally belonged to the several States. The right 10
ADJUST those duties with view to the encourage.
ment of domestic branches of industry is so com.
pictely incidental to that power that it is difficult
10 suppose the existence of the one without the
other. The States have delegated their whole au-
thorIty over imports TO the General Government
without limitation restriction, saving the very
l,ip III.
ION laws. This authority having thus entirely pass
ed from the States, the right exercise it for tho
purpose OF protection does not exist in them; and
consequently, it it be not possessed by the Cen
era! Government it must be extinct. Our poll
teal system would thus present the anomaly of
people stripped OF the right TO foster their own in
dusfry and to counterfeit the most selfish and de-
struct'vc policy which might be adopted by foreign
nations. Tins surely cannot be the case: this in
d'spensHble power, thus surrendered by the States
must be within the scope of the authority on the
subject expressly delegated to Congress.
"ln tins conclusion, confirmed as we'll by
the opinions OF Presidents Washington Jefferson
Madison, and Monroe who have each repeatedly
recommended the exercise of this right under tho
Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Con-
gross, the continued acqnlescemcc of tho States,
and the general understanding CT the people"
Mr.. President, needs to point out incon-
sIstencies plain and striking like these. The mes.
sage of 1880 is we'll written paper; it proceeded
probably from the Cabinet proper Whence the
veto message OF 1881 proceeded, L know not; per-
haps from tho Cabinet improper.
Bat, SIR there is an important record Of an ear
hcr date than 1892 If, the President AYERS,
we have been guilty Of improvidont legislation,
what act OF Congress is tho most striking instance
OF That northumberland IL lis the act or
1921. The principle Of protection, repeatedly 70.
cognised before that time, was, by that act, car.
ricd 10 and great extent; so new and so
Great, that The act considered as the foun.
datlou Of tic SYSTEM That law il was which con
icrred on tho distinguished citizem, whose nnn1i.