Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 182?-183?, 1832-06-08

led the treatment be suffered, and had created
the impression that he deserved it,
10 an intimation made by Mr.. Daniorth,
that public functionaries ought to be protect
ed, coupled with The enquiry whether the
President had no other protection than an
Andrew Jackson, he replied that the law
sufficiently protected them all ; that the
president had no other protection than as
Andrew Jackson, and that was enough: that
to men, conducting themselves properly, this
precious book (alluding 10 a book of Consti-
tutions, on which he laid his handy gave am
pie security /; and that it gave Congress no
right TO punish for assaults and batteries
committed in the streets that the acts Of
Congress, in relation 20 contempts Of Courts,
showed the opinion entertained by ii, that
the offence could only be committed, in the
presence ct the body offended-and vet the
House Of Representatives in the late case,
had refused to be bound by its own principles
as embodied in this law
The only additional ideas advanced by the
President, on this subject, in the interview
at which we were present, we proceed now
to give.
lie said that he, as one Of the soldiers OF
the revolution, would assert that they did
not shed their blood in contendng against
tho British tyranny, 10 transfer to the Ameri-
can Congress the most underlined and dsspot-
ic power ever claimed by either House OF
the English Parliament that of trying and
Furnishing for constructive contempts COM
mitted beyond the pail of its deliberations :;
that ours was government of written con-
stutions and laws-that no line in the con-
stitution, or letter of any law, authorized eli
ther branch of Congress TO assume iurisdic-
ton over offences belonging TO courts and
juries !; that the Sedition law itself. as il had
the sanction ofall the departments ofgorern-
ment, had the sem blance ofright to Counte-
nance it, but that the authority recently as
sumed TO punish for offences analogous 10
those provided for in that law, had not even
the color of a legislative act 10 sanction il,
and was exercised in derogation of the gent
US Of our Government that if tolerated in
Ils small beginning, it would make great
entertainments IN the end =; that no people
could submit TO it for length of time, with
out being prepared for the shackles which it
would certainly impose that he was sure
Tree American citizens could not consent to
principles which the subjects OF the French
monarchy had successfully resisted, although
enforced by the influence fthe Prime Min
Ister-that they knew too we'll that the word
prsrogatiUe could not be found within the
lids of the Constitution.
The earnest manner in which the Presi-
DENT expresses his opinions upon deeply in
terestlng topics, especially upon political
questions involving the Liberties and rights
OF his fellow Citizens, gives pretext TO note
takers of his freside remarks, TO impute
violence and i'll temper 10 his converation
There never was a more unjust imputation
There is indeed peculiar holiness Of
thought, and energy Of expression, in the
Presidents conversation when DISCUSSING
subjects OF animating interest-but no man
can mistake the generous enthusiasm which
lmparts emphasis to his tones, and an elo-
quent vehemence 10 his language, for passion
or Ill temper. On the contrary, the mind
OF every listener catches the natural warmth
OF his feelings, and it is only when some cold
calculating political spy retires among his
friends and gives garblsd expressions TO
party maliSnity to work upon, that they are
enabled to torture his conversations 10 mean
something violent and improper. In the
repetition of what has been uttered, the easy
courtesy with which he passes from subjects
which rouse the enthusiasm OF his character
to those Of light and cheerful cast, is lost
insulated expressions are given, and diScoIor-
ed by added circumstances-and Jesuitical
differences are then employed to draw alarm
ing threats from the expression Of opinions
supporting the legal rights of the citizens,
against usurped authority.
These men commit a new outrage, by in
vading the familiar and private conversations
in which the President unbosoms himself 10
those whom he supposes to be his friends,
for the purpose of dragging him into the
strife which they originate in the House
We have direct information, assuring US
that MesSrs. Mercer and Doddridge solicited
betrayal of what fell from the President
in the unguarded hours of social intercourse
as the basis OF the Congressional proceeding
we have noticed We ask, what right has
Congress to institute an inquisition into the
private thoughts OF the Chief Magistrate?
They have none. The movers in this affair
knew they had none nor did they intend
enquiry. They sought in it only subter-
fuge, TO give the name OF a Congressional
proceeding TO the false and foul inuendoes,
which they have embodied in the shape of
resolutions. The persons, therefore, to whom
we have referred, must stard responsible for
this attempt, and will be forever branded
by public reprobation, unless they adduce
some evidence 10 sustain the black insinua-
tons with which they attempted to charge
the journals Of the House.
COMMENT