The Massachusetts spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1831-1858, 1832-02-15
DEBATE IN THE SENATE,
On The nomination Of Martin Yam Buren,.
REMARKS OF MR. WEBSTER,


Mr.. Webster said, in reply to some remarks
OF MIR. Forsyth, that il was, in his Judgment, |
great mistake, to say, chat what was now cai.ed
the American " pretcRsien," originated with |
Mr.. Adams, either us President, or Secretary |
ct State. : By the way, il is singular enough |
that The american side Of this question is called
IN the instructions before us, Prstcnsson, too |
long persisted in; but the British side OF 1t is
called right, too long, and too generously re-
sisted by US. This courteous mode OF speaking
of the claims of a foreign Government, and this
reproachful mode Of speaking of the claims of
our own, is certainly somewhat novel in 6iplo-
macy. Bat, whether it ee called, respectfully,
a claim. or responsibility, PTeteas16R, 1t did
not originate with Mr.. Adams. II had much
earlier origin. This "pretensiOn," now aban-
doned, with so much scorn, or this claim, said,
reproachfully, TO have been first set mp by the
late Administration, originated with George
Washington. lie put his own hand to IT, He
insisted on it; and he would not treat with
England, on the subject OF the colonial trade,
without considering it.
In his instructions to Mr.. Morris. under his
own hand, in October, 1883, President Wash
ington ssys-"Let itbe strongly impressed on
your mind, that the privilege of carrying our
productions, in our vessels, to their Islands,
and bringing in return the productions Of those
islands 10 our own ports and markets, is regar-
ded here as of the highest importance; and
you will be careful not to countenance any idea
of our dispensing with it in a treaty. Ascer-
tain, II possible, their views on this subject
For It 7eolid not be ezpedienf to commence ne
EQUATIONS soithOut previously Aaeiag good rea-
sons to expect satisfactory tersaination of
them"
Observe. sir, that President Washington in
these instructions. is not speaking of the empty
and futile right of sending our own vessels,
sotthont carsOes, 10 the British West Indies !;
but he is speaking of the substantial right of
carrying our own products TO the islands, for
sale All consumption there Aud whether
these products were shut out by positive act
Of Parliament, or by tariff of duties, absolute
ly and necessarily prohbitery, could make no
difference. The object was to provide, by trea-
ty, fit could be done, that our products should
find their way cffectnally and proftaby, into
the markets Of the British West Indies This
was General Washngton's object. This was
the '' PretsnstoR' which he set up.
IL is well known, sir, that no satisfactory ar
rangement was made, in General Washington's
time, respecting our trade with the British
West Indies But the breaking out OF the
French Revolution, and the wars which it &C.
easioned, were causes which, of themselves,
opened the ports of the West Indies During
the long continuance of those wars, our yes
seis, with ccrgoes of our own products, found
their way into the British West India Islands,
under practical relaxation of the British CO.
lonial system While this condition of things
lasted, we did very well Without particular
treaty. But when European wars, and our
war, all ceased, then Great Britain returned
to her former system then the Islands became
shut against us 2; and then it became necessary
to treat on the subject. And, sir, we proposed
to treat; our ministers were, successfully, in
structed to treat, from that time forward, And,
sir, undertake TO say, that neither Mr.. Madi-
son, who was then President, nor his successor,
Mr.. Monroe, gave any authority or permission
10 any American Minister to abandon this pre-.
tension, and give it up, or even to waive it, or
postpone it, and make treaty without provid-
ing for it. No such thing. On the contrary,
1T will appear, think, if we look through pa
pers which have been sent TO The. Senate, that
under Mr.. Madisons Administration our Min
ister in England was fully instructed on this
subject, and expected to press it. And as 10
MIR. Monroe, i have means of being informed,
in manner not liable 10 mistake, that he was,
on this subject, always iInmoveable He would
not negotiate without treating on this branch
of the trade: nor did ever understand, that,
in regard 10 this matter, there was any differ
ence Of opinion whatever, among the gentle
men who composed Mr. Monroe's Cabinet
Mr.. Adams, as Secretary of State, wrote the
dispatches and the Instructions but the poll
-cy was the policy of the whole Administration
as far as / ever understood. Certain it is, il
was the settled and determined policy of MI
Monroe himself Indeed, sir, so far is it from
being true, that this pretenSion originated with
Mr.. Adams, that II was in his Administration
shat, for the first time, permission was given,
under very peculiar circumstances, and with
restrictions, to negotiate treaty, waving this
e t. l.
alluded to, and fully explained, by the honora-
BILE member from Kentucky.
So, then, sir, this pretension, asserted in The
instructions to have been first set up by the
late Administration, is shown 10 have had Pres
ident Washington for its author, and to have
received the countenance of every President
who had occasion TO act on the subject from
1879 down to the time of the present Admins
tration.
But this is not all. Congress itself has sane.
toned this same "rpretsnsion." The act Of
the LIST of March, 1929 makes it an express
condition, upon which, and upon Which alone,
our ports shall be opened to British vessels and
cargoes from the West Indies, on the same du.
ties as our vessels and eargoes; that eur pro.
ducts should be admitted into those ISLANDS.
a0ithout paying any other or higher duties than
shall he Paid on similar productions coming
from elsewhere. All this will be seen BY refer.
ence to the third section of that act. Now re-
member, sir, that this act of Congress, passed
in March, 1923, two years before the com.
mencement Of Mr.. Adams's Administration
The act originated in the Senate. The honor
able Senator from Maryland, who has spoken
on this subject to-day, Mr.. Smith) was then
member of the Senate, and took part in the
discussion of tins very bill I; and he supported
it and voted for it. 1t passed both houses with.
mt al inn in aftla -.
how is it p-s1i5le, after referring to this law Of
1923, to find any apology for the assertion con-
tanned in these instructions, that this claim is a
pretension first set up by Mr.. Adams's Admin.
istration!s. How is it possible that this law
could have been overlooked, or not remember
ed : In short, sir, with any tolerable aequaint-
aace with the history Of the egotia.ions of the |
United States, or then legislation, how are we
10 account for it, that such an assertion as these
instructions contain, should have found it's wav
into them?
But the honorable member from Georgia asks.
why we lay all this TO the charge of the Secre.
tary, and not TO the charge Of the President
The answer is, the Presidents conduct is mt
before Us. We are not, and cannot become mis-
accusers, even if we thought there were any
thing in his conduct which gave cause for &C.
cusatien. But the Secretary is before US Not
brought before us by any act of ours, he is
placed before US by the Presidents nomination
On that nomination we cannot decline to act
We must either confirm or reject it. As TO
the notion that the Secretary Of State was
but the instrument of the President, and 90 not
responsible fur these instructions, reject, a.
once, all suck dciSnce, excuse, or apology; or
whateve' else il nay be called. If there be
any thing in a public dispatch derogatory to
ihe honor Of the country, % ! think .here is in