The Rhode-Island Republican. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1809-1841, 1832-12-18

another msy be chosen. The people, then.
and not tho States, are represented in the
executive branch.
In the House Of Representatives there is
difference, that the people Of one state do
not as in the case of President and Vice
President. all vote for the same officers.--
The people Of oil the States do not vote for
oil the members. each state electing only its
own representatives. But this creates no
material distinction. When chosen. they are
all representatives. of the United States, not
representatives Of the particular state from
which they come. They are paid by the u.
nited States, not by the state nor are they
accountable to it for any act done in the per
formance Of their Legislative functions and
| however they may in practice, as It is their
duty to do, consult and prefer the interests
OF their particular constituents when they
come in conflict with any other partial or 10.
cal interest, vet it is their fret and highest
duty, as REPRESENTATIVES of the United States
10 promote the general good.
The constitution Of the United States then
forms goyernme ri, mot a league and wheth
Or il be formed by compact between the
States, or,in any other manner, its character
is the same. Il is government in which all
the people are represented, which operates
directly on the people individually, not upon
the States--they retained all the power they
did not grant. But each state having ex-
pressly parted with so many powers as 10
constitute jointly with the other states 4 sin
gle nation, cannot from that period possess
sny right to sscsds, because ssch secession
does not break a league, but destroys tho u
nifty Of a nation, and any injury to that unity
is not only a breach which would result from
the contravention Of a compact, but it is an
offence against the whole Union. To say
that any state may at pleasure secede from
the Union, is to say that the United States
are not Nation because 1t would be
solecism TO contend that any part ola Nation
might dissolve it's connexion with the other
parts, to their injury or ruin, without commit
ting any offence. Secession, like any ethor
revolutionary act, may b. morally justified
BY the extremity Of oppression but to call
Il Constitutional right, ia confounding the
me sning Of terms, and can only be done
through gross error, or to deceive those who
are willing to assert Alright, but would pause
before they made q revolution or incur the
penalties consequent on failure.
Because the Union was formed by COM
pact, it is said the parties to that compact
may, when they feel themselves aggrieved,
depart from it but it is precisely because It
10 compact that they cannot. A compsct
is an agreement or binding obligation. Ii
may by it's terms have sanction or penalty
for its breach, or it may not. II it contain
no sanction, it may be broken with no other
consequence than moral guilt il it have a
sa notion, then the breach incurs the desig-
mated or implied penalty. league between
independent nations, generally has no sane
ton other than moral one or il it should
~ nfa n fu ia
perior, it cannot be enforced. A Govern
ment, on the contrary, always has a sanction.
express or implied and. in our case, it is
both necessarily implied and expressly given.
An attempt by force Of arms TO destroy a
Government, 10 an offence, by whatever
means the constitutional compact may have
been formed and such Government has the
right. by the law Of selfdefeace, 10 pass acts
for Furnishing the offender, unless that right
is modified, restrained, OF resumed, by the
constitutional act. In our system, although
| il is modified in the case Of treasoa, yet au-
thori,y is expressly given to paas all laws
necessary to carry its powers into effect and
under this grant provision has been made
for furnishing acts which obstruct the due
administration Of the laws.
It would seem superAuous to add any
thing to show the nature ofthat unien which
connects US but as erroneous opinions on
this subject are the foundation Of doctrines
the most destructive to our peace, l must
give some further developement 70 my views
oa this subject. No one, felow-citizens, has
. higher reverence for the reserved rights Of
the State, than the magistrate who now ad-
dresses you. No one would make greater
personal sacrifices or official exertons, to
defend them from violation but equal care
must be taken to prevent on their part an
improper interference with, or resumption Of
the rights they have vested IN the nation
The line has not been so distinctly drawn as
to avoid doubts in some cases Of the exercise
Of power. Men Of the best intent ions and
soundest views may differ in their construc
tion ofsome parts Of the Constitution but
there are others on which dispassionate re
6cctiou can leave no doubt. or this nature
appears to be the assumed right Of secession.
II rests. as we have seen, on the alleged un-
divided sovereignty Of the States, and on
their having formed in this sovereign cspac.
ity compact which 10 called the Consiitu
ton, from which, because they made it, they
have the right to secede. Both Of these Pc
si,ions ore erroneous, and some ofthe argu-
ments 10 prove them SO have been snticipa-
tied.
The States severally have not retained
their entire sovereignty. II has been shown
that in becoming parts ofa nation, not mem.
bers ofs league, they surrendered many Of
:heir essential parts of sovereignty. The
right 70 make treaties-declare war-levy
tsxes--exercise exclusive Judicial and legis
lativc powers-were oil Of them functions of
sovereign power. The States, then. for all
these important purposes, were no longer
sovereign. The allegiance Of their citizens
was transferred in the first instance to the
Government of the United Statss--thsy be-
came American citizens, and owed obedience
to the Constitution ofthe United States, end
to laws made in conformity with the powers
IL vested in Canpreaa This laaf nosifion ha q