The Massachusetts spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1831-1858, 1831-11-23

mas the fullest power to levy and collect its
ana consequently cannot be presumed to yield
10 consent to the State enactment upon considera-
tons OF that nature. That consent therefore is in.
ehueo 10 be gwen, lift be asked from convic-
~" Vi tne DehehcIal effect expected to be produced
IN Inc State that eves the duty-or in other words
- Is auc as protection to State labor. With
. Auch power on the part of Congress to permit a
protective system to be enacted in the States sew
ef@'y' IL would seem to be a solecism 10 suppose
"aS tne eAcfelse OF similar power was int nded
20 DC oenled to the national legislature itself, to
"on i: nds oeen emphatically entrusted the whole
! commerce. -
In Diminishing this review of the principles and
paotec vi our government in their relation to an
important constitutional right, we take the occa-
I'm 70 say tnat we contemplate the character of
tne present opposition to what we have endeayor-
ed to exhibit as the legitimate powers Of Congress.
.esle' ana II we could persuade ourselves
mat IL was destined to command the assent of any
large Poruon OF our population, we would saw that
u NOT without alarm This opposition
appears moi 10 the discretion Of Congress il seeks
no nod'icatlon, nor qualification, but demands an
enr'e ana absolute surrender of the principle 1t
.ei 'ne american people to decide whether this
sure noeF can be made. For ourselves, we do not
th;s W uecl1te That In our opinion to give up
,niS power would be to give up the constitution.
congress he stripped of this prerogative and the
against It's exercise be still imposed up-
On tne states, II is quite plain to our apprehension
na sne doom OF cur happy and prosperous cOnsti
.I .ion concealed We consider this question,
.nereiore, as vital; and we look to the perpetual
tion OF the power which we have labored 10 defend
quo IT'S JUST exercise, to be indispensable to the
preservation of that governmcnt which has confer
sings.
You are next invited to examine III. subject in its
connection with the principles of an enlightened
political economy. The system which we main
tam rests upon tho following principles:
All the means of human enjoyme MT, and all the
denominations Of wealth. are the product of human
nalioha happiness and national wealth are,
nsieiore promoted in proportion to the active in
oustry OF the community; and that industry is in
proportion to the Inducements to labor arising from
.ne amount and certainty of Its remuneration The
hmeoiate instrument for calling labor into action
is capital Capital is nece ssayy TO furnish Tho la
uoler WIN me means of applying his labor to ad-
vantage, whether in the simple tools of agriculture
ana some az the mechanic arts or in the cornpli-
ea'eo and expensive machinery, applied to certain
branches OF manufacture, the modern improve
tive power of man. r.
settled axiom, that the industry of a nation
sln proportion to the capital devoted to its main
tsnahce. 1t is, therefore, thought to be wise
10 multiply the inducements to apply capital
10 the employment of labor at home rather than 10
the purchase abroad and traffic in commoai,ies or
foreign production, by which, the capital of the
country is made to set in motion foreign labor
ms Is founded on the principle, universally ad.
iiueo; lhat there is, In every nation, power or
caPaol!y OF labor beyond that actually put forth
and that its effective industry is proport,oned 40
tne stimulus applied in the shape of capital. This
constitutes the American System. Ii invites the
application of American capital to stimulate Amer
ican industry. 1t imposes a restriction, in the form
OF an lmpost duty, on certain products of foreign
iaoof out so far as relates to American capital OF
american LABOR, it simply offers security and in
aucement to the ono, and gives energy and yiso
TO The other. The purpose of the protective sys
lem belng thus directed to he utmost expansion
VI lne INDUSTRY OF the nation into every channel o
ooniesuc competition, it would seem to be mani
testify erroneous to call such system restrictive
inasnuch as the avenues of labor in the ipterna
organization OF any community are much more nu
nerous ana extensive, than those which belong Il
ioregn trade whilst, the other hand there ar,
no restrictions SO severe upon the occupation O
our citizens, and none that so irresstibly impe
iaoor into small number of channels as those tina
are created by the capital and industry of older ma
lions when concentrated and brought into compe
'i'ioh WIN tne capital and industry of young PEG
PIE IN their hrst attempts to possess themselves O
the arts that create and accumulate wealth 4
nation that is devoted to agriculture only. and i
dependent upon foreign labor for its manufactures
presents the spectacle ola people whose Industry
eonhned TO the single occupation of cultivatng III,
SOIL ana transporting its products abroad, and il
always subject to be disturbed by the policy o
those on whom it depends for the purchase of it,
products: but the same nation, when encouraged
In the attempt to supply itself with manufactured
tabrcs releases its labor from the restraints of its
previous straitened condition and is seen RAPIDLY
dvsrsiyng its pursuits until they finally cover the
whole space that WIS originally divided between
, itself and the people that supplied it with man.
. ufactures.
1t 10 true, that different system of political
economy is maintained by certain school of thee.
Jetical writers. 1t is commended by them that re-
strction upon the importation of foreign commodi-
ties, under any circumstances, is mistaken econ
Omy that foreign manufacturers should be allow
ed RELY to bring in their wares although they will
receive from US nothing in exchange, but the pre-
cious met1ls. This is the System which has bee n
lately called enlightened We on the contrary be-
l:sye it to be founded on mistaken views; and that
practical application of it would paraze the in
dustry of the country. The fundamental principle
in this system, is one which we deem totally erro-
nsous. 1t considers the profits Of capital as con-
stituting the only source OF national wealth. 1t
assumes the fact that the wages of labor are barely
sufficient to support the laborer, but leave him
nothing for accumulation. Now, whether this
may or may not be true, in the fully peopled coun-
tries of Europe, it is papable to the slightest OBJ
servation, that in reference to labor in the United
States 1t is absolutely and totally false. Such is
the abundance OF the means of subsistence in this
favored country, that the laborer is able to accu
mulate capital out of his surplus earnings. We
every where see capital accommodating in. connec
ry supposes the mere instrument of capital, the
mere handmade to furnish the profits of the capi
tast 1t is, on the contrary an intelligent, active
principle. the partner and sharer in the ncrea 81
of wealth produced by the united action of both
, We have no class in America corresponding witt
the operatives,-the human machines of Europe
We, therefore, totally deny the correctness Of tn
position, that the question relates exclusively t
. the application of capital" We deny, that "th
power of government is limited to its transfer from
, one employment to another" BY increasing tn
stimulus to labor, resulting from the application O
capital, to home production, additional capital cal
"be generated by act of legislation" 1t is said
that this system "oppresses the many for the bene
fit of the fow." We, on tina contrary believe, tina
whilst it benefits all, ita highest recomme ndato
i is found in its beneficial action upon the many
J the laboring classes, the working men. Ifthere
any one principle in political economy, which i
perfectly well established, it is that the profits
a capital employed in any one branch Of industr,
cannot, for any length Of time, exceed the averag
? rate in other employments; it being the constar
: tendency of free composition TO equalize profit
is, therefore, an argument altogether fallacior
TO suppose, that this system favors capital devote
to one branch Of business more than that devote
10 another; or benefits any class of individual
4 to the prejudice or exclusion Of others
f 1t is also said, that Z" it is equally untrue tn
such system gives greater employment to labor
: We dissent from this doctrine, and are fottif.
e by the opinion OF the author Of .'The Wealth
n Nations" whose Language we think it useful
y quote: "The capital Of the manufacturer" "a
e this writer, puts Immediately into motion
f much greater quantity OF productive labor, a
e adds much greater value to the land and labor
han u Al