Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1831-08-01
From the Boston Journal.
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, GRAFTON

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS GRAFTON.
We have been favored with early look at the
printed sheets of this piece, and we havo derived
from their perusal high degree of gratfication-
Mr. Adams has given some very clear, liberal, man
ly, and often very striking views of the principles
and practice of government. We think his
Grafton will be deemed honorable to him. and VIC
are certain will rebound to the advantage of our
country While running over the passage we shall
presently quote, could not help remembering an
| anecdote of Kentucky Electioneering during Mr..
AS administration: Old %z*s*s was canyassinp a
Congressional District. He visited every msn
especially every woman, and kissed every little
child. Ah" he would say these are the brave lit
tie republican boys, that Jonny O. Adams wants to
make slaves, so that he may be king, and wear a
crown The passage is ths:-
'lt an historian orator should affirm that
one OF the most spirited and intelligent nations upon
earth had inflicted upon itself, for term little
snort OF century, all the horrors and desolatons
of civil war, to ascertain and settle which a
White Rose Red Rose, breathes the sweetest
tragrance-the assertion might not be literally but
1t would be more than tigurativey true. The cues
ton between the houses of York and Lancaster
was, whether upon the death of King of England
chlldless, the right to his crown devolyed upon the
son of brother, previously deceased but who had
been next TO himself by birth, or to his own surv
wing younger brother. This is question which
could not possibly arise under any government
other than hereditary monarchy, and in which the
people who were the victims of controversy had
aps'ractea from the respective personal qualities of
Iho pIctciGcIs 10 the crown, more interest than
In tie dssentlons III the kingdom of Lilliput Oh the
| question whether egg should be broken at the
big or at the little end. But the civil wars of the
BRUSH nation III the seventeenth century were of
very different character. The question then WINS
not who had the right to the throne but what were
the rights 9f the throne; not, upon whose head the
polished perturbation and golden care of the crown
should descend, but what the lawful extent of
power IN HIM who wore it; what the extent of OBJ
legation upon the people to yield obedience to him
what their right and duty to defend themselves
against his encroachmcnts; and what their lust and
lawful remedy against the abuses of his authority:
IL was the question between right and might be-
tween liberty and power question the most solemn
| and momentous of any that can be agitated among
| nen;-a question upon the issue of which war be-
| comes the most imPerious of human obligations,
aud the field of battle the sublimest theatre of
| heroic martyrdonl and patriotic achievement
Having noticed the killing of one Stuart and the
expulsion of another for the cause of their .br.ak
ing tie original contract 6eftOren the king and neo-
pie Mr. Adams proceeds TO notice our own orig,nal
relation to England We extract a small mart Of the
| passage;
! Tho charters of the thirteen North American
Colonies also original contracts between the
KING and the people to whom they had been grant
| cd 1t was right exercised by most of the Euro
pean monarchs in those ages, and also bv tho re-
publican government of tho Netherlands Bylonr
usage and common consent it had become an ac.
knowledgcd attribute of colonizing power; and in
Great Britain was royal prsrogative in which the
Parliament had no agency. The existence of The
Colonies, therefore, from the beginning ind
pendent ofthe authority of Parliament Their con
tract was with the king. In the reign of George
Ill, when, by succession of wars commonced
after the final downfall! of the House of Stuart tbo
british nation had become heavily burthened with
debt, and consequently with taxation an Epol;sL
Chancellor of the Exchequer conceived tho in
gcnlous idea OF recommending himself to the pco-
pie ofhis own island, by casting off portion NJ
thelr burdens upon the people of the Colonies
as the Knight of In Mancha was disnosed 70 80
Il i've
back OF his SQUIRE and it had been well asceTia;n
cd since the days of John Hampdcn and shame
noy, that the royal authority, however competent
to the grant of charters, did not extend IN d. a.
birary levy ofnoney by taxation the miniater ~,
dcrtook to perform by act Of parliament, that which
ne did not dare to attempt by the mere authority of
he king,
Mr.. Adams then questions, and questions. vo,v
well, Backstones definition of .Sorereicuf,. which
no says was the cause Of the North American Re-
volntion,'-'under which,, he also SAYS the pillars
Of our Union are lettering while he speaks and
which, If once permitted to prevail will leave II.
monumental ruin,
- TO point moral, or adorn a talop,
10 the general adoption Of Blackstone's errono-
Gus idea Of sovereignty, Mr.. Adams traces with
apparent correctness, most of the poltoaI cv;Is al.
which we have had e. still have to contend Rl.oL
stone says there is in all forms of Government
supreme, irresistible, absolute s. uncontrolled ,o,v
cr in which the jura summit iperii or the rigit, of
socereieafy reside and that in all governmenfs H.
absolute and dcsPotic power must reside so,yc
where" We can make but short extract from Am
interesting and novel exhibition Of the political e
feet which Mr.. n supposes this definition TO have
produced on the forms and operations of Govern
ments in this country.
Inc separate states Of the I'm on, using a term
winch appears 10 have been udiciously avoided in
the Declaration Of independence, declared them.
selves, not only free and independent but sureyejog
Statcs--ond then their lawyers adopting the doc.
trine OF Blackstone, the oracle Of English law in
ieTTcd that sovereign must necessarily he uncop
trollable, unlimited. despoGc power ASSUMING
IKE the eminent commentator, that in all govern
incnS this power must exist soznetohere and that
II is inherent in the.very definition of sovereignty:
WIN about az much plausibiiity as he deposits il
in the British Parliament tbey made M besitst;o |
70 entrust At to the governments Of the separate
States.
1T were an abuse of your time and patience, fell
ioW citizens TO recall to your mcmSry all the TsRa