Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1831-03-26

are but alone.
TO- rohavs foreign rs for 'artner'.-This, Mr. Pres
dent, wi be strange story 10 be told IN the lWest
The downright AMI upright people OF that unsophisf
Gated region, believe that word, what they sgn
fy, and that "he Bank Of the United States" 10 tho
Bank Il tn. United States. How eat then must be
their a.toni-hm to learn that this belief 10 false
conception, aud tina, this Banks whole nsms TO the
contrary .wihstaoding-s just as much the Bank Of
foreigners il is OF the Fedora veromeut Here
would like TO have the proof list OF the nam-s and
nations, to establish this almost lncred BILE fact. But
have except TO tbs pubic documents, AID
from OF these learn as much az will answer 'h-
pre-ent pinch. 1t is the report { the Committee Of
Way. and Means, in the House OF representatives. for
the last session OF .ngre That rep r! sdus that
foreigners millions oil the stock OF this bankf
and every body knows that the Federal Government
owns seven millions also.
Thus il is proved that foreign epy Interests
cd 10 this Bank the United States itself Ia tho e.
vent OF renewal Of the charter they will be much
more deeply interested than at presen To- prospect
of rise in the stock $50, and the unsettled state Of
things in Europe, will induce them 20 make great in
ve'tments Ii is to no purpose 10 ray that the foreign
stockholders nuot be voters or directors. The
TO that suggestion is this The tores have
the money; they pay dowa tn, cash. aud want no s7
commodaiions; they are lenders no, borrowers aid in
ID Institution such sto. khoders have
the greatest influence. The name Of this Bank 10 a
deception npon the public IL is not the Bank OF the
Federal Government, as Its nams W uld Import nor Of
the Sites which compose this Unon bu, chiefly Of pr
vate inividua foreigners well a naves deniz ms
an neutra' lied subjects They ,weniy eight
million, of the sto k; the federal government but
millions; and hese seven trecs ly baanc d by the
ock OF the aliene The led raj mt and the
liens equal owning fifth each; and there would
be much truth in calling il tbs Engiish Bank the
Bank Of the Upi,ed States. Now, mark a few Of the
privilege, which this charter gives these foreigners
To be Lar dhoders, in define OF the State laws which
orbd, Aliens hold and To be land ords BY inco, po-
r,tion, and hold American citizens FIR tenants To
hol lands in mortniain. To b. pawn rokers and
chants by interpretations To pay the revenue OF the
United states in their own notes; in short to do
hing which have endeavored to point on, in h. long
and hdeous list Of exclusive privileges granted to this
Bank. IL have shown IL to be dang r,u, FOR the U.
States TO be i'm partnership with its citZens, how
much stronger is MOI thu argument against partner
chip with foreSnerss What pro.pet TO- loans when
at war with foreign power, and the subjects Of that
power srgs owners OF thu Bank here from which alone
or from banks liable 10 be destroyed by Il. alone
obtain money TO 'ry the war What stats Of
things it, in the division OF political parties, one Of
these parties and the foreigners, coalescng, should
have the exclusive control of all the money in the u
non and, in addition to the money, should have bodies
Of debtors. snants, and bank Off GERS stationed 10 all the
States, with supreme aud irresponsible sys,em OF
ceTlfrdlism TO direct the whole! Dangers from such
conun .nees too great and obvious TO he insisted
upon. They strike the common sense Of all mankind;
and were powerful considerations with the old whig
republicans for the nonrenewal Of the charter OF I79I
Mr.. Jefferson and the wing republicans staked their
political existence the Of that ch AFTER
They succeeded and by succeeding prevented the
country from being laid at the mercy Of Brii.h and ut
ra-roya'ists for funds to carry the last II Is
said the United States lost forty milcn. by u,ng de-
preciated currency during the last That, prob,
bly, lie mistake of one half. But, be il so! For
what are forty millions compared TO tbs loss of the
ITSELF compared to the ruin aud nfamy Of having tho
government arrested for want OF money! Stopped and
paralyzed by the reception Of such the young-
er Pitt received from the Bank of England, n 1875.
IL Exemp ion from due course OF law for violations
OF its chatter. This 10 privilege which affect, the
administration OF justice, and stand, without examples.
In the annals of republican legislation In the case Of
all 9th del nqusDs whether persons
the laws take thir course against those who offend
them 1t 10 the right of evefy citizen the laws
in motion against every offender aud is the cons-
set m 10 yyOfk 0uoh
like machine, regardless Of powers and pr:ncipales,
and cutting down the guilty which may stand in Its
way. Not so in the Of this Bank. Ia its behalf
there barriers erected between the citzsn and his
cPpressor,-between the wrong and the remedy--be.
tween the law and the offender. Instead OF right
to sue out a Scire Fdcids Quo Wdrranto the
Injured citizen, with humble petition in his hand,
must repr TO the President Of the United States or 10
Congress, and crave their leave to do IfIeave Is
denied-and denied it will be whenever the Bank has
peculiar friend in the President, majority Of
such friends in Congress, Che convenient preext be-
ing always at hand that the general ,oeare requires
the Bank TO be sustained -he proceed further.
The machinery OF the law cannot be set in motion,
and the great offender laughs from behnd his barrier
at the impotent of is helpless victim Thus
the Bank, for tho pIsnest violation Of its charter and
the greatest expressions OF the citizen. may escape the
pursuit ofjustice. Thus the administration of justice,
subject to be strapged in lite birth, for the shelter
and protection Of this Bank. But this s not all Ano
Their, and most alarming mischief, results from the
same extraordinary privilege. Ii gives the Bank
direct interest in the Presidential and Con gre uional
elections Ii gives IL need for friends In Congress and
in the Presidential chair. lite fate, its very existence
may often depend upon the friendship OF the President
and Congress; and IN such esses, 10 not In human
nature TO avoid using the immense cans 10 the hands
of the b nix TO Influence the elections of these officers
Take the existing fact,-the 10 which I alluded
at the commencement OF this spsech There s a case
made ou', ripe with judicial evidence, and big with
the fate of the Bank. Ii 10 OF usuFy at the rate
OF As per cent, in violation of the charter wbish on
w admits an interest Of g. The facts we're admitted
In the court below, by the Banks demurrer; the law
was decided, In the court above, by the Supreme
Judges The admission concludes the facu; the decis
ion concludes the law. The forfeiture OF the sbarter
il esabshed The forfeiture IL incurred; the application
Of the forfeilurs alone swantng to pnt end the
institution. An impartial President, or Congress,
might let the laws take their course; those Of ds-
r mt temper might nerposs hsir peto What a crisis
for the Bank II bebolds the sword OF DamocIes
spend d its head What interest 10 keeping
those away who might suffer the hair to be cuti
IL. To have all these unjust privileges secured 10
the corporators monopoly, by pledge Of the pub.
lie faith, charter othsr Bank.Ths IL the most
hideous feature ia the whole mass Of dsi ormity.
Iese banks beneficial institutions, why not seye-
al one least and each indepeod snt Of the other 10
zach great section of the Uaionl II NAL giant wby
create ON The restriction 'tituies the monopoly,
and renders invdious what WAS sufficiently hate
full IL itself IL indeed, double monopoly, -Iegis.
lstve, as well as banking the Congress Of 1915
moDopoized the power TO grant these monopoifes IL
has tied up the hands Of lie suceessor and n this can
he done subject and for twenty years, why not
upon all subscts, and for all time!' Here Is the
form Of words wbi'h operate this dou'ls eBzross.
M OF rights '"No other bank shall be estab.