Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1831-10-13
DO, ey axs ,so eoL.sli.as.os.A poMer % !nier.

fcrc. That portion Of our fellow citizens of whom
wc spC0S do not therefore hesitate 10 affirm, that
if the right TO enact tho tariff law OF 1898 bo re-
lrrrcd TO the authority 10 lay and collect duties,
&c, 1t is polpah.c abuse OF the taxing power,
which wae conferred for tho purpose ofrovcuuc;-
10 ihc authority TO regulate commerce, it is OBJ
| vious rorverSion OF that power, since it may be
extended 10 an utter aruihilation Of the objects
which : was intended to protect. Waving, how
| aver. this discussion, concur in the opinion
that IL tho oCgrjoyad party is deprived of the pro
lection which tho judicial department might other
wire afford, il would strengthen his appeal to tho
| American people 10 unite with him in correcting
| tho OWL by peocCublc and constitutional means.
| But there is view of this subject which may
claim the of all those who are prcBar-
ed 10 admit that the tariff is unequal in its opera
| ton, oppressive and unjust. The constitution of
the U. States had its origin in Il spirit of compro-
| misc. Its object is the security of those rights
which committed to its protoc;ion-ts princi.
pie that of equal participation in the benefits and
! III Tho burtiicns OF tho government. ~ system of
| taxation which Ia unequal in ITS operation, which
Expresses the many for the benefit of the few is
therefore unjust, not merely with reference to tho
| great and imn'uiatlc principles OF right which are
applicable to human conduct, but is moreover in
droct collision with that constitutional equality Of
right, which this instrument was thus con fcsSedly
nitondcd to secure. a distinguished iurist of Mas
eichusetts, one who is advantaCcousIy know, ms
suoh to the people of the Union, has said of the
| systoIn OF which complain that it is calculated
ITO destroy many oftiIc great objects for which the
constitution of the u States was originally Crn,ped
ana adopted" Who viii affirm that suci, a system
can consist with the spirit Of the constitutional
It's enactncnts may be Sc yelled to olnde the iu-
dcia power, and may therefore he obligatory upon
The other departments of tho yovernIucnt-but as
between constituent and uycnt between the ,eoule
and their rulers, the charter will in such ca So have
been violated, and 1t will booug to them to correct
'hc own. Why should VIC fear 10 cnunciate this
prncipieI Is 1T because of the danger OF those in
'erosts which have grown up under tho system?-
just consideration of the subject viii lead 10
directly opposite result. If il be conceded that tho
al n nd, Ir,itT tboSa
who profit by it deceive themselves with the ex-
pcctatIon of its permuncncyl Is it prudent to
close their eyes to the consequences, to which,
sooner or later this conviction must inevitably
lead2 Distnguishod this system is, by every
Characteristic which my define tyranny tho most
odiouS, why should we, who its victims, not
stand uPcn our chartered rghs7
As mon and hTetircn, NC appeal 10 Won then to
unite your efforts with in the correction of this
abuse system which is unequal in its opera
ticns, and therefore unirst-yv!ch is oppressive
because IL hurthcns the many for the benefit of tho
q t3w-grossiy, fatally unwisc and iinpolitc, since
1T Ia suhveTsive Of the harmony CT the Union
which is in violation of the principea of free 60
| Fcrnment and utterly ut variance with the spirit
OF justice and MANUAL concession in which She con-
stitution was conceived and adopted; such system
II rerSovorcd in, must ALLEVIATE affections from
cnch Cthcr Cngcndcr dscontcnts and aniniositiee g.
lead inevitably, and with force which no hutaan
power resist, to the awful fall caInmi.ics
"e enlrert those who differ from u.s. seriously to
ponder this view OF the subject. We cntreat them
from tho discharge of our duties ourselves and our
common country by the menace of consequences
and nc are equally incapable of using its Language
| 10 others. IL ia and brothers-in the sni-
rit Of affection which is 81 Ill warm and ,,nGi,n
nishod, that would call their attention TO those
inevitable results, which neither they nor NC will
have tilc power 10 avert.
| Exa1sIine the subject for Il moment in its conrcv
ION with The principles of enlightened political
economy, md see if tho considerations which are
urged TO sus2in this system faIlacious and
'lspg
alstihG OF hints and suggestions, rather than of an
e"t"nded argument Of minute doa lis; but orr OBJ
ject will 10 attained if these may serve to awaken
| fPlTi: 81 d!spassioratc inquiry.
| fNa arc the advocates of free trade The orqu
i!lcHt winch sllstans it, rests upon Il proDosition
which may not be denied. 1t is tho unGuostionable
fight OF every individual to apply his labor and Ca
! Plial IN the mode which he may conceive best cal
cullied 10 promote his interest + is the in
tcrcst OF tho public that lie should so apply it. He
understands better than it he understood BY the
Government, what will Cunuoo to his own benefit
and Sincc the majority OF individuals WILL if pro.
Pery protected, be disposed TO follow their interests
i such an application of their industry and capaI
must produce in the result the greatest amount of
public good. Let it be remembered, that the gues
ilon relates exclusively 10 the application of cant
tai 1t cannot be generated by an act of legisIator
! no power of the Government is limited TO its
TRANSFER from one employment to another II fakcs
! from come less favored interest what II h.sto,-. ~
tho ono, which 1t Processes to protect. Ills equal
/ = untrue that suCh system gives greater ornrlov
'',N". t"l""oF. us operation confined 10 the sim
PIC change OF its application. Laws which protect
oy bounty any peculiar species OF labor cannot he
sata 10 encourage american industry-that is diroc
/ 'ed 10 various objects. These laws favor only
single class; and since the bounty ia not supnIir he
The Government, but taken from the pocket Of thc
individual, the protection which is given TO on.
sPeclcz 81 labor IS given at the expense OF eve
| ~ DINER That course Of legislation which Ieaves
! AWeTiEun eap!ial and labor TO tho unfcttered dis
cFetIon OF those who possess tho one end appv the
! other, can alone be denominated tie .sAngrcan
| System" '''
| n" interference Of government with the RIGHT
ct the individual 10 apply his labor and capito in
such mode as nc may think most conducive to his
own interest thus necessarily oporstes TO diminish
/ the aggregate amount Of production In othsr
words, tho amount Of the necessaries and convent
chces "i ''o which arc enjoyed By the community
Is necessarily diminished. If all nations then
were wiling TO adopt tho system of free trade for
winch we contend, which is nccordant to the sDir
~ OF Christianity, and calculated 10 unite nations
IN harmony and peace, 1t cannot be doubted tI,l
The interest Of each would he promoted Tho mi
question wfich can he raised this part Of the
subject is, whether the adoption of a restrctiyo
policy by ono nations makes Il the infcro.,
oil others TO reciProcatc those restrictions TIc
answer seems 10 DO sufficiently obvious and soiis
factory The proposition which asserts Tho s,,na
TOT advantages OF free trade among all nations
Tc''s upon mo following principle. The universal
freedom &! action which il allows tends most tio
Fough{sto develop the moral and physical encr-
ges OF cacn nation, and 10 apply them to those Oh
Jects 10 winch they arc best adapted. The promo
sitoh must be equally true in relation to each ma
ton, whatever may he tho policy adopted by Others
= &c l!l'l"h when rctoTs 10 restrictive policy