Alabama state intelligencer., 1831-05-04

 under his protection, have any view to make use hereafter Of that engine to perpeuGte hs own power and to enable him 10 dOnineer over our constitutions if that could be supposed, it would only shew, that men can entertain very different train ol Ideas when endeavoring to Overset rival, from what oc- to them when intending to support and fix them selves. My object to secure the country aganst all risk either from the Banh as opposed to gouern-
 ment, or as the engine of ambitious men.
 And this is my object also, wish to secure the
 Union from all chance of harm from this Bank. 1
 wish to provide against its friendship, as well as Its
 enmity-against all danger from its hug, as well as
 from its blow. I wish to provide against all risk,
 and every hazard for if this risk and hazard were
 too great to be encountered by KING, LORDS, and
 COMMONS in Great Britain, they must certainly he
 too great to be encountered by the people of the u
 States, who are but cOmmons alone.
 10. To have foreigners for partners.-This, MT
 President. will be strange story to be told Tn the
 West The downright and upright people of thai
 unsophisticated region, believe that words mean
 what they signify, and that 'hhe Bank ot Me Onaed
 StatoS'' is the Bank of the United States How great
 then must be their asonshment to learn that thls be-
 lief is false conception, and that this bank--itS
 whole name to the contrary notwitlstandng-lsJu Jusl
 as much the Bank of foreigners as 1t IS ofthe Federal
 Government. Here would like to have the proof
 "a list of the names and nations, to establish this
 almost incredible fact But have noaccess except to the public documents. and from one of these l
 learn as much IS will answer the present pinch. II
 is the report of the Committee of Ways and Means,
 in the House of Representatives, for tAe last session
 of Congress. That report admits that foreigners
 own seven millions of the stock of thi' bank and
 every body knows that the Federal Government
 owns seven millions also.
 Thus it is proved that foreigners are as deeply n- terested in this Bank the United States itself In the event of a renewal of the charter they will be much more deeply Interested than at present for
 toca in A,ae fn nnHf tho at. tied state of things in Europe, will induce them to make great nvestm.nts. It is to no purpose to say that the foreign stockholders cannot be voters or di rectors The answF to that suggestion IS thls The foreigners have the honey they pay down the cash, and want no accomIodations they are lenders, not 6Orro,cers; and ip 9 great moned institution such stockholders must hive the greatest influence The name of this Bank is deception upon the public It is not the Bank Of the Federal Government, as it's name would import nor of the States which com pose this Union; butthieily of private individuals, foreigners we'll as hatives, denzens and natural ized subjects. They own twenty eight millions of stock the federal government but seven millions and these seven are ltecisely balanced by the stock of the aliens. The fadera government and the a. liens are eqnal, owing one. fifth each and there l would be as much truth in calling 1t the English Bank as the Bank oilhe United States. Now, mark a few of the privileges which this charter gives to these foreigners. To b andholders, ndefance ofthe State laws Wncn loT1luS dHeHS lu uUlu ldHu lo be landlords, by incorporation, and to hold American citizens for tenants: To hold lands in mortmain: To be pawn-brokers andmerchants by incorporation: To pay the revenue ofle United States in their own notes in short to do svery thing which have en- deavored point out In the long and hdrous list of exclusive privileges, ganted 10 this Bank. II have shown it to be danger,us for the United States to be in partnership with Is own citizens how much stronger is not the argument against partnership with foreignersl Whit prospect for loans when at war with foreign p,wer, and the subjects Of that power large owners of1the Bank here from which alone or from banks lSble to be destroyed by it, we can alone obtain mone to carry on the war? What a state of things if, inthe division of political par les one of these pare and the foreigners, coalesc ing should have the exclusive control of all the mo- ney in the Union; and in addition to the money, should have bodies fdehtors, tenants, and bank of
 cers stationed in all the States with supreme and system fceuraism to direct the whole! Dangers from such contingencies too great and obvious to be insisted upon They strike the com mon sense ofaIl mankind and were powerful com alterations with the old whig republicans for the non-renewal of the charter of 179l. Mir Jefferson and the whg republicans talked their political exis ence the non-renewal of that charter. They sue ceeded, and by succeeding prevented the country from being laid at the mercy of the British and ultra -oyaliss for funds to carry on the last war. It is said the United States lost forty millions by using depreciated currency during the last war. That, probably, is mistake of one half But, be it so for what forty millions compared to the losso war itself, compared to the ruin and lnfamy of hay ing the government arrested for want of money? | Stopped and paralyzed by the reception of such note the younger Pitt received from the Bank of England in 1795.
 H. Exemption from due course of law for viola
 lions ofits charter This is privilege which affects the administration of justice, aud stands without ex- ample in the annals of republican legislation. In he of all other delinquens, whether persons corporations, the laws take their against those who offend them It is the right of every citizen to set the laws in motion againt every offender; and it IS the constitution of the law when set in motion to work through, like machine, regardless of powers and municipalities and cutting down the guilty which may stand in its way. Not so in the case of this Bank. In its behalf there barriers erected be- tween the citizen and his oppressor,-between the wrong and the medy-between the law and the of fender. Instead of right to sue out SCirG Facias pr Quo WarraaiO, the injured citizen with hum | ole petition in his hand, mast repair to the President If the United States, to Congress and crave their leave to do so If leave is denied-and denied it | he President, or a majority of such friends ill Con- yress (the convenient pretext being always at hand hat tho general areare requires the Bank to be aimed, ,)-he can proceed no further The machine | Y of the law cannot be set in motion, and the great offender laughs from behind his barrier at the impo ent resentment Of it's helpless victim. Thus the Bank for the pla st violation of its charter aud the greatest expressions of the citizen, may escape the pursuit justice. Thus the administration or jus
 ce is subject to be strangIed in its birth for the shelter and protection of this Bank. But this IS not all. Another, and most alarming mischief results from the extraordinary privilege. It gives tie Bank direct interest in the Presidential and Con gressonal elections. It gives it need for friends in Congress and in the Presidential chair Its fate, its very existence, may often depend upon the friend ship of the President and Congress; aud in such cases, it is not in human nature to avoid using the immense means in the hands ofthe Bank to influence