Alabama state intelligencer., 1831-08-20
From shs Perrtletan Messenger. IR. CALHOIJN'S SENTIMENTS


 use your columns, the medium to make knowl my sentiments on the deeply important question, o the relation, which the States and General Govern ment bear to each other, and which is, at this time subject of so much agitation
 It IS of the peculiaritles of the station occupy that while it necessarily connects its incumbent witt the politics of the day, it affords him Opportunit, officially to express his sentiments, except acciden tally on an equal division of the body over which h, presides. He is thus exposed, as have often expe rienced, to have his opinions erroneously and vari ously represented. In ordinary oases I conceive the correct to be to remain silent leaving tt time and circumstances the correction of misrepre sentaons; but there are occasions so vita.ly mpor
 ant, that regard both to duty and character would seem to forbid such course; and such, conceive to be the present. The frequent ausions to my sen tmeEts, will not permit to doubt, that such asC
 is the public conception and that it claims the righ to know, in relation to the question referred to, the opinions of those, who hold important official sta tions; while on my part, desiring to receive neither unmerited praise, blame, feel, trust, the soi citude, which every honest and independent man ought, that my sentiments should be truly known whether they be such may be calculated to recon mend them to public favor, or not. Entertaining these impressions, have concluded, that it is my duty to make known my sentiments; and I have adopted the mode, which on reflection seemed to be the most simple and best calculated 10 effect the ob ject in view.
 The question of the relation, whchrthe States and General Government bear to each other is not ons of recent origin. From the commencement of oul system it has divided public sentiment. Even in tht Convention, while the Constitution was struggling into existence there were two parties, as to wha
 this relation should be, whose different sentiments constituted ho small impeachment in forming that Tn strument. After the General Government went in to operation, experience proved that the question had not terminated with the labors of the Conven tion. Tine great struggle, that preceded the poitica revolution of 1901, which brought MT Jefferson int power, turned essentially on it; and the doctrine and arguments on both sides were embodied ant ably sustained; the one, in the Virginia and Ken lucky resolutions, and the report to the Virginia Le gisature and on the other in the replies of the Le gisature of Massachusetts and some of the Othe States. These resolutions and this report, with the decision of the Supreme Court of Pennsy lvania a bout the same time, (particuary in the case of Cob bett, delivered by Chief Justice M MKean and concur red in by the whole bench,) contain, what believe to be, the true doctrine this important subject. refer to them in order to avoid the necessity of pre- senting my views, with the reasons in support O them. in detail
 As my object is simply to state my opinions, might pause with this reference to documents, tha fully and ably state all of the points immediately connected with this deeply important subject; but a' there many, who may not have the opportunity or leisure to refer to them, and, as it possible, how clear they may be, that different persons may place different interpretations on their meaning, will in order that my sentiments may be fully known and to avoid all ambiguity, proceed to state summa rily the doctrines, which conceive they embrace.
 Their great and leading principle is that the Ge neral Government emanated from the people of tn, several States forming distinct political commun- ties and acting in their separate and sovereign caps city, and not from all of the people forming one az gragate political community that the Constitution of the United States is in fact compact, to which each State is party, in the character already de- scrbed and that the several States parties, have
 right to judge of its nfractions, and in case of deliberate,' palpable and dangerous exercise of a power not delegated they have the right, in the lasi resort to the language ofthe Virginia resolutions ito incrp0se for arresting fhe progress c er and for maintaining ,citin Meir reSpccfpe limits, the Morities, rights and liberties appertaining 10 hem This right of nterpostion thus soemnly asserted by the State of Virginia, be it called what it may, stat, right, nnllifcatnn ar hy other name. nnn ceive to be the fundamental principle of our system resting on facts historically certain our Revolu ton itself and deductions simple and demonstra tive as that of any political moral truth whatever and firmly believe that on its recognition depends the stability and safety of our political institutions
 am not ignorant, that those opposed to the doc Urine have always, now and formerly, regarded it in very differentlight, as anarchica and revolutionary Could believe such in fact to be its tendency, to me it would be no recommendation. yield to none, trust in deep and sincere attachment to our polt cal institutions, and the Union of these States. never breatbed an opposite sentiment; but on the contrary, have ever considered them the great n- struments of preserving liberty. and promoting the happiness of ourselves and our posterity; and next to these, have ever held them most dear.- Nearly half my life has passed in the service off the Union, and whatever public reputation have acqnir. ed, is indissoubly identified with it. To be too na. tional has, indeed, been considered by many, even ofmy friends. to be me greatest political fault With these strong feelings of attachment, have examined with the utmost care the bearing of the doctrine in question: and so far from anarchica, or revolutionary solemny believe it to be, the only solid foundation of our system, and of the Union itsef and that the opposite doctrine, which denies to the States the right of protecting their reserved powers, and which would vest in the General Government, Git matters not through what Department,) the right of deter mining exclusively and finally the powers delegated to it, is incompatible with the sovereignty of tho States, and of the Constitution tself considered al the basis of Federal Union. As strong this Ian guage is, it is moi stronger. than that used by the il
 ustrious Jefferson who said, to give to the Genera Government the final and exclusive right to judge of it's powers is to make its discretion and not ht Consultation the measures o its po,eers" and that a all cases of compact betoeen parties haring TO tommd judge cach pdrfy has equal right 10 judge tor i Se ds ,ceu of the operation, as ot the mode and med sure of redress" Language cannot be more explicit nor can higher authority be adduced.
 That different opinions entertained on this suH ject, consider but as an additional evidence of tf great diversity of the human intellect Had not l. ble, experienced and patriotic individuals for whom have the highest respect, taken different views, would havo thought the right ocar to admit ol doubt; but am taught by this, as well as by mary similar instances to treat with deerence opinions differing from my own. The error may possible le with me; but, if so, can only say, that after tie most mature and conscientious examination 1 have not been able to- detect it. But with all proper defe. ence, must think, that theirs is the error who deny what seems to be an essential attribute of the con,