Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1831-08-18

nv reduction will, ip fct, operate as bounty to
every other branch, except the ono reduced; and
thus tho effect of general reduction will be to
cheaper, universally, the price of productions by
chcaponing living, wages and materials TO
give, if not equal profit, after the reduction profits
by no means reduced proportionally to the duties;
an effect, which it regards the foreign market,
is of tho utmost Importance. Ut must DO apparent
on reflection that the means adopted to secure the
homo market for our manufactures, are precisely
the opposite of those necessary to obtain the TO-
reign. In the former, the increased expense pre-
| duction in consequence OF system OF protection
may be more than compensated by the increased
price at home of the article protected; but, in tho
latter this advantage lost, and there is 9TH
CIR corresponding compensation the increased cost
| of production must be dead loss in the foreign
market. Bat whether these advantages and many
others, that might BIO mentioned, will ultimately
compensate to the full extent, not, tho loss to
the manufacturers the reduction of the duties,
certain it is, that we have approached point, ut
which great change cannot be much longer de-
layed; and that tho more promptly 1t may be met,
the less excitement there will be, and the greater
leisure and calnncss for cautious and skjtu opc-
ration in making the transition; and which 1T be-
comes those immediately interested duly to
consider. Nor ought they to overlook, in consi-
doring the question, tho different characters of the
| claims of the two sides. The ono asks from the
Government advantage, but simply to be let u
lone the undsturbcd possession of their natural
advantages, and to secure which, tar as was con-
sstent with tho other objects of the Constitution,
of their leading motives III entering into the
Union: while the other side claims, for tho advance
mont of their prosperity, tho positive interference
| OF the government. In such cases, every prin-
ciplc of fairness and Justice such interference ought
to 90 he restrained within limits strictly compatible
with the natural advantages of the other. He who,
looking To all of tho causes in operations the near
approach of the final payment of the public debt
the growing dissatisfaction and resistance to the
system, III so large section of the country, the
deeper principles on which opposition to it is gra
dcaly turning, must be, indeed, infatuated not to
see great change is unavoidable; and that the
at;e,npt to elude much longer delay it, must fl.
nally, but increase the shock, and disastrous con-
sequences which may follow.
In forming tho opinion, have expressed, I have
not been actuated by an unknd feeling iowa rds
our manufacturing interest. / now am, and ever
have been, decidedly friendly to them, though
cannot concur in all of the measures which have
been adopted to advance them. believe conside-
| rations higher, than any question of mere pecuni
airy interest, forbds their But subordinate 10
these higher views of policy, regard tho advance
ment OF mechanical and chemical improvements
in the arts with feelings little short of enthusiasm
not only, as the prolific source of national and
Individual wealth, but, as the great means of en-
largng the domain of man the material world
and, thereby, of laying the solid foundation of a
highly improved condition of society, morally and
politically. L fear not, that shall extend oul
power too far the great agents of nature; but
on the contrary, | consider such enlargement OF
our power, as tending, more certain and powerful
| ly, to better the condition of race than any
ono of the many powerful causes, operating to
that result With these impressions, not only
rejoice at tho general progress Of tho arts in the
world, but in their advancement in coun-
try; and, as far protection can be incidentally
afforded, in the fair and honest exercise of our
constitutional powers, think now, have alwa Us
done, that sound policy, connected with tho secu-
rity, independence and peace of the country, re-
quire, them to be protected, but, that we cannot
go single step beyond, without jeopardizing our
peace, our harmony and our liberty considerations
of infinitely more Importance to us than any "a
sure of mere policy, possibly be.
In thus placing my opinions before the public, I
have not been actuated by the expectation of chan
gng the public sentiment. Such motive, on n
question long agitated and so beset with feel
ings of prejudice and interest would argue, on my
part, an insufferable vanity, and profound igno-
rance of the human heart. To avoid, far as
possible, the inputaton of either | have confined
my statement the many and important points
on which l have been compelled to touch to
simple declaration of my opinion, without advan
cling any other reasons to sustain them, than what
appeared TO me, to be Indispensable to the full un
derstanding of my views and, if they should, OIL
any point, be thought to be not clearly and explicit
ly developed, it will, trust, be attributed to m
solicitude to avoid the mputations to which hav
alluded; and not from any desire to disguise m
sentiments; nor the want of arguments and illus
trations to maintain positions, which so abound il
both, that it would require a volume to do then
any thing like Justice. only hope, that truth
which feel assured, are essentially connected wit
all that we ought to hold most dear, may not b
weakened in the public estimation by the imperfec
manner, in which have been by the object in view
| compelled to present them.
With every caution my part, dare not hope
in taking the step have, to escape the imputatio
of improper motives; though 1 havo without re
serve, freely expressed my opinions, not rcgardin
whether they might, might not, be popular.
have no reason to believe, that they are SUCH a
will conciiatc public favour; but the opposite
which greatly regret; as have ever placed hig
estimate on the good opinion my fellow citizens
But be that as it may, shall, at least, be sustainc
by feelings of conscious rccttude Ihave forme
my opinions after the most careful and deliberat
exa -lination, with all of the aids, which, my reason
and experience could furnish; 1 have expresse
them honestly and fearlcssly, regardless of thei
effects personally; which, however interesting t.
me individually, of too little importance, to b.
taken into the estimate, where the liberty and hap
Piness of our country vitality involved.
JOHN G.. CALHOUN.
FoRr HILL, July 26th, 1881.
From the Nc,o York Journal Of Commerce.
| EOMIN ALTON nE JOJN ClTIICTrNr