Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1831-08-22

of selecting discreet advisers, in consequence of
which his administration has been equally want
ing in talents, dignity and sincority-These con-
sttute the sum of the charges brought against him
by his opponents, and which the more Jealous part
OF his adheren,s find il necessary either to excuse
roundly deny. We VIII bcstow on each oil them
separate notice.
lst He has disrcgorded, rhen IN office, those
,ari,as and principles rchich he prefcsscd schen
Candidate
Thus, during Mr.. Adams administration, and
when Cen Jackson was declared his opponent, he |
formally denounced the practice of President APP
pointing to Office those, who had been members of
Congress at the time of his election, or who could
have been instrumental in promoting that election:
and he deemed this evil of SO dangerous charac
ter, tina; he wished 1t to be provided Tor by
special amendment to the Constitution. Yet, in
the teeth of this rule of policy, he has exceeded all
his predecessors in the number of his appointments
of this character. Let compare him, in this
particular, with Mr. Adams, whose was m-
/ mediatcly in his eye, and whom he particularly
meant 10 condemn. OF the FIVE members of his
| Cabinet, Mr.. Southland and Mr.. Writ were members
of the former administration, and were beloved to
have preferred one of Mr. Adams's competitors to
himself. Mr.. Rush had been our Minister to Eng
land, so that only two of the five, Mr.. Clay and
MIR. Barbour, had boon members of the preceding
| Congress. But in the of Gen. Jackson's Cab
met, every member of it had been member of
Congress-, while the canvass going on-Mr.
Van Buren,, Mr.. Ingham, Mr.. Eaton, Mr.. Branch
and MIR. Berrien-and every one in Congress,
at She time of his appointment, except Mr.. Van
of New York, with full knowledge that he was
to be forthwith made Secretary of State. Nor did
lie coninc himself in the violation of his own rule
to the appointment of his cabinet, but extended 1t
also to the most important foreign missions. Mr..
| McLanc was sent to England; Mr.. Rives to Franco;
| Mr.. Moore TO Colombia and Mr.. Randolph to Pc
tcrsburg and as if to prove, both 10 the world and
the last named gentleman himself, that his appoint
ment was meant as reward for his services and
thus within tho very mischief that Gen. jackson
had affected to deprecate he had formal permission
to leave the Court to which he sent, whenever
and for as long time as his health should seem to
him to require Not satisfied with these hapront
deviations from his avowed principles he has
in the appointment of second cabinet, pursued
n similar course. Mr.. Livingston MIR. McInne
Alr Woodbury., all members of Congress
when Gen. jackson elected, and if the other
two members of-thc cabinet have not come within
the same description, If is because Judge White and
Judge Barbour would not accept the Offices proffer
cd to them Is it that course of measures which
he once believed so dangerous and reprehensible he
now finds to be safe and harmless? or is this mode
| of influencing members of Congress- which he once
dreaded when it was pursued by rival, now con-
sistenty viewed with favor when il is exercised bv
himself-and does he thus wish to point out to them
the only road to promotion? Let the common
sense of mankind decide.
We have equally striking example of the dis
crepancy between Gen. Jackson's professions and
practice, in his being candidate for second term
While ho was candidate for the Presidency he
considered the re-eligbility of the Chief Magistrate
as OF dangerous consequence to the Republic, and
that our security against this danger as well the
preceding, should not be left to the virtuous for
bearance of the President, but should be expressly
provided for by the Constitution. Yet he had moi
been elected two years before his scruples and OBJ
Jectons are made to yield to what he is told is the
wish OF the people, and is doubt that of the par.
asitical host which surrounds him. He has indeed
received the solicitations of several of the States
to be again Candidate, but what of that? Did he
not know that when an individual had been suffi.
GENTLY popular to be elected President, there was
always chance that the eelings of the people, for
the time, would prevail against general principles
of policy and that their affections might urge them
to course which their sober Judgment condemned?
All constitutional guards suppose this possible or
they would be the most palpublo absurdites. 1t is
the presumption of this fact which requires three
| tourths of the States to change the Constitution
winch often torbds laws to be passed by less than
| TWO thirds oil the ordinary legislature, and which
torods the passage OF others by any majority what
ever When Gen. jackson expressed his conviction
that the President should be re-eligibe was it
with secret salvo that it to have no applIca-
ton to him, and though it was a good argument
against continuing Mr.. Adams in Office it was
none against the reelection of himself2 And
winnie ne protested to wish that the President should
DC rendered ineligible second time, by rule that
could not be changed by less than three fourths of
she States was it meant that the same rule should
yield to the selfish entreaties of Office holders and
ohce seekers, or reckless partizans and even TO an
phca'ions from State Legislatures, which in mat
tcrs OF compliment and courtesy connected with
party feeling, it is easy to effect? These lepis
iatures 1t is to be remembered, so far from amount
ing TO three fourths of the Union do OF constitute
majority but suppose they did, their mem bers we
must presume, did not consider the inelipibity of
the PRESIDENT for second term as vital principle:
but Cen jackson had solemny published TO the
! world that such was his opinion, and no man of
hrh integrity squares his conduct by any other no.
! tons of right than his own.
! Inc journals IN tho pay the interest of the
soveIhient nave endeavored to Justify this repug-
nance between Gen. Jacksons professions and
PratIce, By the examples of Gen. Washington and
hr Jefferson. AS to the first the attempt. is pre-
posterous 1t is not pretended that he ever express
sea the opinion that it was dangerous or mpolitic
Tor resident to be reelected even for life but m
| sought to quit the Presidential Chair because he
sought repose. The office could add nothing to his
nonor or fame after the far higher glory of having
oeen the chief instrument in securing independence
! 10 ms country; and it might take away from his
PoPuiarlty-from that universal esteem and favor
OF ms countrymen, which he had shewn TO be his
nlghest reward. He was, moreover, disguised and
indignant at the attacks ofthe newspapers to him
SO new and he naturally wished for state of ouiet
oeI'el suited to increasing years. and for pursuits
more eonscnlal to his taste and previous habits
These were the motives which induced hin, TO seel
retirement. They all that were ever ASSIGN
! ed by him, and he had modestly urged obiecti6ns
oil similar import to his first acceptance of tho
Office. '''' VI 'ii'
MI. Jefferson had indeed gone further and having
iornahy expressed the opinion that q President
ought not 10 be re-eigible after single term may
seem at first to afford strong precedent for Gen
JACKSON But what was that precise opinion and
When was itexpressed7 His opinion as expressed
at the formation of the Constitution was that the
PRESIDENT should be elected in the first instance for