Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1830-10-12
YOHITIQAMsa
From this Columbia Times aud Gazette. /
Proceedings Of the TpentieM September.
JUDGE CHEVES' LETTER.
CHARLEsroS 18th Son,

CHARLESTON, 18th Sept. 1880
Genuemen II have had the honor TO receive YOU,
leuer oil the 10th ultimo, by which invited TO par.
tcipate in ga public Meeting aud Dinner at Columbia
on the 10th instant You are also pleased 10 add that
me meeting Is called with view 10 the discussion and
more thorough understanding OF the important polite al
topics which engage the attention of the people of the
State. " VIC
regret that circumstances connected with NV do.
mesuc concerns, VIII prevent me from enjoying the
pleasure ami honor which your invitation puts i'm IN y
power But presuming that il will be in accordance
VIVA inc Objects OF the meeting 10 receive the views OF
those VINO nave been invited TO attend it, s. unable TO
do so, and lest ii maybe supposed unwilling TO give
publicity TO mine, will subjon them in as few words
as the nature OF the subject will permit,
Tn the topics that now much agitate the pubc
mlnd, have never had but opinion, affecting
as well the injury as the remedy. The injury thnk
Tar exceeds the common estimate That considers il
an unjust unequal and oppressive Tax, Terminating in
Itself The magnitude of the evil, in this view would
ordinarily be supposed cause enough for resistance in
the most extreme modes, when in this il is obyous
the common remedy under Instituons-that of The
Ballot Box-docs not and cannot apply; and when N
mention 1t, is TO mock the sufferer But the evil sweIls
"hen we consider its motives tendencies abuses and
probable duration, TO size and shape altogether alarm
ing. In these views we behold among other evil re-
SUITS power in which have practical particpa-
ton, and over which we have controu TO tax us en-
pioyed not simply in imposing tho burhen OF the dav
unjust and enormous in itself, but in establishing at the
same tme, principles, which in tn FIR effect and tcnden
cy suoVer fist the great pecunary interests of the
south, and, next, all the protective power with which
The scheme oil our Government had clothed them For
WINE ese burtlens are imposed, 10 the great injury
and perhaps, TO the final subverson of hose objects of
our industry on which they bear and not for the ordi
nary and legitimate purpose of revenue but TO build I'm
new ana aricia interests, supposed 10 be beneficial to
o,her and distant portions OF the Union; while | saw
hey are Imposed for such unjust and nsuferable pur.
poses, cy are al The same time appropriated to inter
est other States, 10y the division OF the spoil in the per-
Inanency OF the policy and thus deprive of all hone
which might have grown out of the balanced interests
oil the community, through The disineres sickness and
impariiaty of the latter portions of the Union In this
". he GyaI ;,I.
power and probably forever
believe this statement to he faithfully true except
as shall he wanting in strength and ii it be not great
~ overcharged does 1t not exhibit involving mos,
deeply njuriously the interests the honor the prac.
neal independence OF the Stale? In the manner
1t affects all the Southern States.
On the only occasion, which have expressed an
OPINION IN public on this subject | declared nv belief
that the Southern States suffered all the vii LEGISLATION
anu ignominy OF colonial condition, without any of its
advantages The condemnation and vitupera ion which
have been cast this opinion, have no; changed it,
SUI entertain the opinion and still think that the evil
ought not to be borne, but ought 10 be resisted At tho
proper ume and under the prop circumstances at any
and every hazard. II ought to be peaceabe if posi-
be and every means calculated TO make the issue peace
able, ought TO be patiently and iudciously eoploved
before we think OF force: But If force be indispensable
to effective resistance do not hesitate TO saw we
ought to suffer and employ it, rather than submit Sub
nit! Why, the question is, whether we will bear op.
preston not And is this question submitted TO free
people! Oppression in the and most dangerous of
all suppression in the imposition of the great Pc
v.
popular or monarchiral always begins is attack. Let
Government have the unlimited and unesrained power
to impose pecuniary burthens, and that Government be
not iGovernmen AMI what is left of Liberty and In
dependence And will IT be any mitigation Of the cali,
ty or weight of the evil that YOU suffer under the forms
without the power of sell Government?-When | saw
TINS oppression ought TO he resisted any and every
hazard, walk consecraed ground-tbat of our Re-
vouon-and, sustained by the general examples of
history The motives of that Revolution however lust
and satisfactory, pary compared with the evils OF
these imp0sOns whether consider them in her direct
effects, or in their future tendencies nor is there parc
In the volume oil history that contains foul blot as
the record of the final submission Of Independent States
uncontrolled by power, 10 such unequal and unjust
legislation.
But, as remarked on the public occasion on which
hrst expressed the opinion that the evils Of which the
South complains ought to be resisted 90 on this saw
deprccae all action by State. have no confidence
In aHy resistance, peaceabIe orcbe which shall not
embrace majority OF the suffering States. believe
am sure, IL will be abortive resistance On the con-
trary, 10 will, by united determinations redress, OF
Southern wrongs and the security of Southern rights
will be efiectuay 10 accomplish both. Any measure
by one.of the suffering States, alone, will be measure
OF ieebleness, suhiect to many hazards. Any union
among the States, will be n measure OF strenpfh
almost OF certain
The case must be one growing ont OF long suffering
and deep tribulaion where single State forming one
oil closely united family, q mean not merely poIiti.
cal connection, but one OF sentiment ard ceiling and
interest and juxiaro-iiion, such the Southern States
ernineDy orm) can act alone with spirit and success
when IT shaii no have The sustaining appreciation OF the
sis,erbood and still IL the cloud Of their dissp
probation shall cast its shadows on the effort.
The full power Of public sentiment may he consider
ed sort Of modern discovery, il II he not in egnla
ed shape, entirely creature of modern institutions, II
s at least one OF infinite Influence, by which the ron
duct Of every free State is absolutely governed That
public sentiment, however il not the feeling merely
OF part OF The community, but OF the whole Of that sg-
gregate people however numerous and though gepa.
rated into Independent Sa'es who have common Ic
tity. This common identity expands or IL contracted
by the subject which IL affects. There is a comm or
identity and common public sentiment (he weaker 4,
be sure when 90 exparded) embracing oil civil zee
people. In our external relations, there l. common
public sentiment embracing the whole Union Bnt /,
external relations. the States are divided into Wss
tern, Eastern, Middle and Southern sections The
South has thus separate identity ard common pub
lie sentiment among fhemselves C stronger from a.
nearness and intimacy Of their relaons) in refercnc,
to their internal peculiar affairs. There may be case
where ihs common peculiar identity may be con
hned to single Statefor example, that Of Geofri OF
the Indian question. Where this common identity an
consequent common public sentiment affect any sub
Ject u scarcely possible for any one member of IN
conra,erny OF feeling and character to act alone IN
on ~ because, according 10 maxim Of the power
public sentiment, the conduct Of the whole macs mus
he in conformity with the sentiment II The whole mas.
svain 70 cay that each 10 sovereign and II other
do not duly feel common injury or dread Gamma
danger, II becomes the duty # an indiviust st,,e
1t cannot combine with the others 70 act alore
The loGic may be perfectly clear, (ahich ly ~
bye 90 no, concede, c1cep, as applied 10 81 rsui