Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1830-03-09
TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH ., 1880.

! TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH ., 1880.
a Chapter Upon things 1,ase.-The author of the
following has probably been at good deal of pains
IN its composition, and it would be pity to balk his
fancy OF having it published. 1t has some not very
bad bits, and may amuse the reader. fatigucd with
the didactic It repeats some charges against our
Selves which we are not sorry to have an opportu-
NIFTY of repelling; charges which though we had
heard of before, we hardly supposed any man belize
ved, and which if we neglected noticing, it might
be imagined we were afraid to meet. And it gives
some information to Mr.. Leigh, which will doubtless
be acceptable to gentleman of his patriotism and
| philanthropy.
Fhc surmises of Rusticus neighbors as to the
motives which have swaycd to advocate the new
Constitution, are oil Ingenious, all wrong, and
two of them uncharitable. We proceed to answer
the five questions asked of US, in order.
Is it true, that by accepting tho new Constitu.
ton, We as individuals, yield the principle of the
political equality of persons Another question,
which must be answered afirnatively, settles the
point. Is there not more political equality of per-
sons Under the Constitution than the old ?
Under the old Constitution, Que man in Warwick,
was politically equal to fourteen in Shenandoah and
one IN w il'iamsburg to ten i'll Richmond. Will it
be pretended, that any such inequality will prevail
under the Constitution? true and perfect
political equality among the freemen of the State,
is not, We admit, established by the new Constitu-
tion but considerable advances are made towards
it. Who then proves himself most friend to polit-
ical equality, Ruscus who by keeping us under the
yoke of lie old Constitution would continue the
equality of one nan in Warwick to fourteen in
Shenandoah, or we, who By throwing off that yoke
remove this ridiculous inequality? Let US conclude
| by putting question bn,-is not the old Consti-
tuition more unequal in the premises than the new
and if we by supporting the Constitution, yield
the principle of political equality what does he do
by supporting the old2
In answer to his second question--if he can show
US hoD he manifests has attachment to political
equality, by adherng to the old Constitution, more
than ire do, who prefer the neDer if he adduce
one single plausible argument to prove that by re-
jecting the new Constitution, he is fastening the
time when perfect equality will be established by
second Conventional he do either of these
things-we will throw down our arms at least if we
DO Join his side. This is the point which Rusti-
Gus and all who think with him, sudously avoid
discussing. They will give no reason for rejecting
the Constitution but that it falls short of their
hopes. They argue if it followed of course, that
by rejecting it, they were forthwith to get another
| Convention and all that they wished Yet they
must and do know that this is not true-that they
cannot get another Convention-and that if they did
the same identical causes. would produce the same
i effects. They would go home second time, dis
contented. The only hope which they nationally
have Of another Convention IS from the adoption o.
that Constitution which they repudiate.
D Having thus answered tho first interrogato
!, ries propoundcd to us, we have at the same time
answered the three which follow them. BY sho w
ing valid, and get anspered reasons of prefer
ence, for the new Constitution, we account for oul
support of it upon principle and repel the persona
and grovelhng motives, which Rustcus through the
mouth of his ideal eighbor, Lumpkin, imputes tc
us. We should be well pleased, if Rusticus was as
f entirely satisfied upon this matter in his conscience
> as we are-or if he could prove that bis motives
opposition were not entirely scctiOnal-that he doe
not take an entirely trans-Alleghany view Of the
, question and because his county and those in its
neighborhood, lose or three Or four members o
Assembly, reckon nothing the many benefit.
d which the new Constitution will confer upon ever,
g part of the State.
1t 10 invariably true, that by Withholding the las
favor, you give more offence than you obtain thanks
: by conerring the ninety and nine. The presen
instance IS a new example Of the trut, of this dis
crcditablo trait in human nature. Without think
ing ourselves entitled to any peculiar credit or hon
our for it, we affirm that we were more instrument
al IN the call of the late Convention at The time
c1s cnted-than any citizen Of this Commonwealth
two excepted one of whom is no more-we meal
the late Robert Dodth1t In March, 1924 ate
the question of Convention had slept from the tim
the soPoriiic of new senatorial arrangement wa
administered in loi6-we rovrvod it in this city =
we called meeting, and fell upon that expedien
OF taking tho vote Of the Henrco frecholders which
was followed generally through the low country
and which by showing in that quarter If the STATE
large vote in its favor, electrified he whole Com.
monweaIth, animated It's friends, depressed its foes