Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1830-02-18

half per cent. referred to by Gen. Hamilton, ineIu
ded the duties on cotons, wooens. and almost all the
Important manufactures referred TO in his revous re-
port OF 1871; aud on which articles have since the
war. levied such enormous mposts. Can other States
be- SUI prsed, then, TO see Virginia, NSrh Caroliu.
south Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama, entering their
solemn protests upon the journals Of the S.nat, a.
galnst such violations Of the pirit Of our n,,iona rom
pact! Our late measures almost persuade us that
Womb nave beeh more Tor the harmony and Interest,"
OF oui Unisn hal h. State. followed The prcpbs ic
co""s'is oil F'rginia and North Carolina. and adopted
the amendment they proposed. "thst no navig alton
| law or law regulating commerce.. should be passed
w'houtthe consent Of two-ihris &C the members pre-
sent In both House," IL is. particularly ~ the pre-
sent time, wo thy TO he recol ,cied. that egh, States
out Of twelve, "a are told by OF the members
OF tia Convention, continued To vote Tor hi
Ter three months. The s'at smon OF that day knew
the delicate ground which the old Confederation
had rested. They knew a. Judge Eli-worth expires.
sea il, that, elm the hour Of common danger we uni
ted equals and that then associated a, fee and
independent States They recolectrd that the refi.
cal OF inee State To levy impost OF Eve per cent
though urgently required for the common defence and
neral welfare ot the States, had defeated an impor.
tan' measure Of finance under the old ContsI.rai,n-
Delaware, New York, CONNECTICUT and Rhode L.
lan| had each in turn. defeated federal mca.ures by
refusing TO comply with federal acquisitions; aud al
most every Safe in the Union had violated the old
Articles oil Confederation Our siors to use the
strong language Of Patrick Henry were more ,ppre-
hensive Than We appear 10 be- Of binding the State.
n the ropes and chains Of con.odaion." The fear.
m.
should adnonish MS 10 abstain from any attempt to en-
force prohbitory laws in conedsrscy when uncaII.
ed Tor by considerations OF national honor. We are
rapidly extinguishng public debit and approacbinp
crisis which will revive the recolls con of all former
collisions on constitutional grounds In ave YEAR, the
expenses OF the Federal Government will not much
exceed orr necessities in 1892 which then included
the interest on he public debt We do not wish In
anticipate that crisisbut l. requires no extraordinary
sagaci'y 20 fcresee that ths result OF that
inc character and late OF our General Government will
depend Our constitution il destined to encounter tho
most formidable combination of interests, which il ha,
ever had tn contend with since its adoption The cues
non VIII soon be- what was in 1857 or not the
safe governments shall he mere Provincial lnsii,u-
tons under the control of an absolute General Cow
ernnenE But, whatever may be the fate of our vene
rated constitution hereafter lei u.s. while il vet exists
endeavor TO frame our laws according to the harmou
Qua and federal rule of equality. If the Ioctrnc nj
protection must permanently prevail, the rmles of po
uca economy must yield to the higher con.iJerat ons
OF pohucai necessity. The States producing raw ma
erais' reason az we may afot il, will insist being
placed on an equality with the manuia States
we can rg'slae permanently other principle of
protection But such policy would u.s. as il is now
dong,'o The most un profitable results Were we 10 per-
t IN enor cling the rule OF equal citing duties al Tn
present enormous rates. should speedily realize the
folly OF attempting TO apply this plan of government 10
confederation oil States covering Iaiitudes which
yield or can produce all the productions of the world
Ivy 'Pilng restriction on restriction cutting off our
int course with all counties and enclosing ourselves
within the circle OF our own Confederacy, we shall
place this Union in condition worse than colonial -
we shall then be able thoroughly to compre end the
wide difference between a trpe ndence on the ham.
market OF one country and the commerce of the
world.
Even if the mercantile system were admitted 70 b..
sound II could with no pOpriety he introduced into any
cnnntry but one under national form Of government
II were even practicable to enforce il, amount of
revenue from imposs would be sufficient 10 cover the
additional expenditure incidental such system. and
we should he compiled other countries have been
to resort to AN Internal excise From our experience
oil lis ELECTS since the war, III evidently calcu 10
TO enlarge resources, or 10 increase our nati,na
power 1t xii be the duty Of your committee TO Law
before the House such evidence as must convince ali
oil whatever party or section that cannot per.evere
III our present course without absolutely hazardng the
property, power, and safety Of our country.
The policy OF this country must he regulated in some
measure by the CONNIE rca laws of gteat maritime
rival. Our commerce with Great Britain and her do.
tendencies is tar more mportant us than that with
any other country and the trade with the State. IL
in commercial point Of view the mort valuable branch
oil the foreign commerce OF Great Britain There are
no Two countries so deeply interested in securing and
preserving the most friendly and liberal reciprocitv
The interest OF both, however, has been hitherto and
we fear may he hereafter sacrificed 10 those poIi,ic.I
Dealousies, which too apt in nence the counees
oil countries naturally rivals for naval a,cendancy We
should however, in our foreign policy avoid such in
tluences, and cultivate with an indiscriminano and
Just equality, the most friendly intercourse with all
nations But, in inviting this reciprocal commerce |
without anticipating the probability of future conflict.
win any Power, II Is among our highest obligations
Vghahty 10 supernend our of national defence
and, win wise foresight 10 prepare for any emerson.
cy IL VIII be discovered examination that while
we have been for fifteen years wasting our energies
and resources in crude and speculative experimants
other nations have kept vgant on the growth Of
their commercial marine The Ministers OF Great Bri
tam, France, and Russia, know the discovery and
independence OF new world, on what theatre the re- |
atlve power and dminon OF nations must he hereafter
adjusted IL VIII be fortunate for u1 if we do not
when TOO late, to appreciate thu importance of this
knowledge. We have certainly not conformed our mn
lcy since The war; either to own or 10 the presen
condition oil the world We have neither countervaed
the pecy oil our great maritime rival increased our
resources, or added 10 commtrcia marine II will
be source OF extreme and national regret 70 find that
we have pursued fatal 10 the future ascendan
cy oil our country. The committee were fully aware
that our measures would ultimately be destructive 10
our navigation; but they had not supposed il possible
that any system could in The short term of fife IN wears
ehecualiy rePres' the growing wealth and power of
country so rch IN resources, so young and full of ma
tive enterprise. But when the present and past condi
tiol OF our Navigation con,fased when we conn,rs
the increase OF British and American tonnaye hefor
ana since the war, and show the rapid growth Of the
commerce OF the British North American pos.e.sions
we shall learn 10 comprehend the advantages Of svs
TEN OF free trade and shall perhaps feel no small
degree OF alarm, lest our fatal restrictions should have
already driven us too far in rear of all our rivals n,
national power and naval ascend ncy
From 1889 to 1907, We enoyed an almost uri,,sr.
ruPteh commerce, under rates of imp~s, % moderate
that they were scarcely felt or perceptbe From ba
time TIL 1919, we were driven, through political ne |
ces'ty, into train OF measures which disturbed our
intercourse with foreign na'i5ns From 1915 10 the
present time, our commerce. though unintefrupted
ha' been depressed by immolpra'e impost. on con-
sumption, and restrictions oa our foreign trade The
nal 81 erf NJ, a