Phenix gazette. [volume] (Alexandria [D.C.]) 1825-1833, 1830-07-14

they have long been acted upon, 10 oe a''eroIu
with wastefl and ranous expenditure OF inc
nubic treasure for private purposes anu " oe a.
variance with the spirit OF the federai eo,np"''.
shall not now enter into discussion VI "e'
subjects. but confne myself TO oriei eAah,'i'a-
ton of the consequences which nave itowe" 'o"
them. An excitement growing out VI 'l'e"'' IL
pervaded all parts of our State, ana mas l:"u I
so profound an impression on the puo',o 'i''u'
a. pimnst 70 absorb every other political consid- |
elton Our citizens, suffering under an Act /
which A great ma iouty Of them believe 10 pe
unconstitutional. have naturally been leu 10 oe-
bberate upon the steps which ought to DC 'akeh'
under circumstances So critical and momeh'ous'
OF the eypedients proposed, that winch seems
most generally to be relied upon' .s' through
rho ,nedium of the Legislature, or OF coh'eh-
tipn chosen by the people, TO nuliiiy !he oouoA-
ous law or in other words, to declare IL 10 De UNI
constitutional and to absolye our citizens from
obedience to il. unless contrary decision shou'o
he rronounced bv three fOurths OF the Legisia-
t,,ros If the several States, or By conventions OF
tho naonle. in the same number OF the States
Those who recommend this course are saneuihe
in their expectations of its efficacy. lhey as,
sert that sovereign State, under Its reserved
RIGHTS. can ccnSfitu'ionGLiy. resort to II, ana
tSat nv no other means can the Union be presefV-
/ ed. If BY any process at reas0rln@' OF "n,on
am capable: if by any lights which cn1io oe
rive Fl ON nteiects Tar superior to mne' cou,u
accord in these views and differences, should
reioicc 70 do so; for no one condemns more than
myself the PRINCIPLES Of the existing Tariff, or
more dpnrecates its baefu effects. Neverihe-
less. after anxious and painful meditation direct
"a Inv every motive which ousht to influence a
lover Of his country, and of his Counry's reputa-
ton and prosperity, | cannot perceive any SUD
stantial distinction between the abrogation OF
| law Of Congress. BY State, and The separation
| of that State, from the Union. When an act vi
Congress has been passed. in its customary forms,
until repealed by the body enac,lng 1t, or decid-
ed to be invalid by the Federal Judiciary, 1t be-
comes the law Of the land. The President OF
the United States is compelled, by his oath of Of
flee. 10 enforce It, unless. perhaps; he should be
satisfied of lis unconstiutionahty, winch IS not
the opinion OF President jackson as to the lariif
of 1923. Should then the President or the man
date of the Federal Court direct it 10 be carried
into execution, it could not be resisted by us.
excepting upon the ground, that our State had
Withdrawn from the federation, or by the cXer-
else Of force. The first alternative would be.
ipso factoa severance of this State fom the Union
The second v oud be an appeal to arms the Ill
TINA ratio repuolica.
Let me not be mscouceived. am not the
advocate of passive obedience and non-resstance
In the Ordinary administration Of affairs, the as.
sertion Of the right of the majority TO bind the
people. is a mere truism: but Il majority, as well
as a minority may be a faction; and where the
legislature is accused of usurpation. or cOrrup-
ton. or opnression to contend that the will of a
prevailing majority should alone be evidence OF
the LEGALITY of the proceedings. would render
hopeless all possibility Of relief. crisis might
arise, when the bonds of the union ought to be
broken. The right of the State to sscefe from
I the Union, ungualifediy. concede: but so
long as she belongs to II, 1t she be not bound by
its laws, the mOnstrous anomalies would exist OF
a government whose acts were not obligatory up
ON its citizens; out of state constituting of
1.-THE members of the Union, whilst denying the
authority Gifts laws.
am not unaware of the conviction Of MANY.
that the consequences anticipated by me, would
not follow from notification OF the tariH-act, III
the mode which has been mentioned-that, on
the contrary. the repeal Of the law would be in
sured bv so vigorous resolution. To those who
are under this conviction. would submit. that it
is founded upnn the supposed weakness of their
opponents-a position as false and dangerous in
politics as it is in war. and utterly unworthy of
the hirh-minded freemcn of South Carolina
Unless a majority OF the people Of the United
States we're persuaded, that their Interests were
advanced by the mis.caled american SYSTEM
it wonld never have been imposed upon us by
successive Congresses, from 1916 to 1850. Is
it probable, that this majority, stimulated BY
the lust of avaIice, and sustained BY the arm of
power, would yield TO the legislation, or to the
menaces of a single State:
| 1t might be asked of me. whether | would re-
commend silence & inactivity amidst the wrongs
with which we arc afflicted. My answer is-No.
What can, constitutionalIy, be done by the leg
slature, ought to be done by it. Through Con-
gress. and the Press, and communications with
| those States whose cause is common with olrs.
every possible exertion should be made, to dis
pei the deluson, under which the people labour,
as to tie true character of an unconstitutional
law, which letters our industry. cripples our
commerce. and taxes the many for the benefit
of the few. Al are injured by it, excepting the
manufacturers: and although they, when com
bined, can carry the majority with them. vet re-
cent events strongly indicate. that by attacking
the Tariff in detail, we may bring it'back to