Lancaster gazette. [volume] (Lancaster, Mass.) 1828-1830, 1830-03-23

titlon. Other nations would produce for
themselves, and carry for themselves, and
manufacture for themselves, to the full ex-
tent Of their abilities. The crops of our
plains would no longer sustain European
armies nor our ships longer supply those
whom war had rendered unable to supply
themselves. 1t was obvious that, under
these circumstances, the country would be-
gin to survey itself, and to estimate its own
capacity of Improvement, and this improve
ment, how was it to be accomplished, and
who was to accomplish it? We were ten
or twelve millions of people, spread over
! almost half world. We were twenty-four
states, some stretching along the same sea-
board, some along the same line of inland
frontier, and others on opposite banks of the
same vast rivers. Two considerations at
4 once presented themselves, in looking at
Y this state OF things, with great force. One
|wsss, that that great branch of improvement,
which consisted in furnishing new facilities
OF intercourse, necessarily ran into different
States, in every leading instance, aud would
benefit the citizens of all such States. No
one State, therefore, in such cases, would
assume the whole expense, nor was the CO.
operation Of several States to be expected.
Take the instance of the Delaware Break
water. 1t will cost several millions of money.
Would Pennsylvania alone have ever con-
structed it? Certainly never, while this
Union lasts, because it is not for her sole
benefit. Would Pennsylvania, New-Jersey,
and Delaware, have united to accomplish it,
at their joint expense2 Certainly not, for
the same reason. 1t could not be done, there
fore, but by the General Government. The
same may be said of the large inland un-
|dertakings, except that, in them, Govern
ment, instead of bearing the whole expense,
co-operates with others who bear part.
The other consideration is,, that the United
States have the means. They enjoy the
revenues derived from commerce, and the
States have no abundant and easy sources
of publick income. The custom-houses fill
the general treasury, while the States have
scanty resources, except by heavy direct
taxes. Under this view of things, I thought
it necessary to settle, at least for myself
some definite notions, with respect to the
powers of Government in regard to internal
affairs. 1t may not SAVIOR too much self-com-
mendation to remark that, with this object
| considered the constitution, its judicial
construction,its contemporaneous exposition
and the whole history of the Legislation oil
Congress under it; and arrived at the con-
clusion that Government had power to &C
complish sundry objects, or aid in their &C.
accomplishment, which are now commonly
spoken of as Internal Improvements. Thal
conclusion, sir, may have been right, or il
may have been wrong. l am not about to
argue the grounds of it at large. say on.
fiy that it was adopted, nnd u1trd on, oven sc
early as in 1916. Yes, Mr.. President
made up my opinion, and determined
on my intended course of political conduct
on these subjects, in the 18th Congress, in
1916. And now, Mr. President, have fur.
Their to say, that made up these opinions
and entered on this course of political con.
duct, Ieucro Duce. Yes, sir, pursued, ir
all this, a South Carolina track. On the
doctrines of Internal Improvement, South.
Carolina, as she was then represented in the
other House, set forth, in 1876, under fresh
and leading breeze; and was among the
followers. But { my leader sees new lights
and turns sharp corner, unless see new
lights also, keep straight on, in the same
path. Irepeat, that leading gentlemen from
th-Carolna were first and foremost in
behalf of the doctrines of Internal Improve
meuts, when those doctrines first came tc
be considered and acted upon in Congress.
The debate on the Bank question, on the
Tariff of 1916, and on the Direct Tax, will
show who was who, and what was what, al
that time. The Tariff of 1916, one of the
plain cases of oppression and usurpation
from which, if the Government does not re-
cede, individual States may justly secede
from the Government, is, sir, in truth, a
South Carolina Tariff. supported by South
Carolina votes. But for those votes, it could
not have passed in the form in which it did
pass whereas if it had depended on Massa-
chusetts votes, it would have been lost
Does not the honorable gentleman well
| know all this? There are certainly those
who do, full well, know it ALL do not say
this to reproach South Carolina: only
state the fact, and think it will appear tc
be true, that among the earliest and boldest
advocates of the Tariff, as a measure oil
protection, and on the express ground Of
protection, were leading gentlemen of South.
Carolina in Congress. did not then, and
cannot now, understand their language in
any other sense. While this Tariff of 1916
was under discussion in the House of Rep.
resentatives an honorable gentleman from
Georgia, now of this House (Mr. Forsyth
moved to reduce the proposed duty on cot.
ton. He failed by four votes, South Carroll.
ma giving three votes (enough to have turn
ed the scale) against his motion. The act
sir, thcn passed, and received on its passage
the support of majority of the Represen-
tatives of South Carolina, present and vot.
ing. This act is the first in the order OF
those now denounced plain usurpations
We see it daily in the list by the side Of
those of 1924 and 1928, as case of mani
fest oppression, justifying disunion. put
| it home to the honorable member from s.
Carolina, that his own State was not only
| art and part in this measure, but the causo
| causans. Without her aid, this seminal
principle of mischief, this root of Upas, could
not have been planted. Ihave already said,
and it is true, that this act proceeded on the
ground of protection. Itinterfered directly
with existing interests of great value and
amount. 1t cut up the Calcutta cotton trade
by the roots. But it passed, nevertheless,
n nj ,assed nm tho princinle IF, nrotectin0