The Massachusetts spy, and Worcester County advertiser. [volume] ([Worcester, Mass.]) 1825-1831, 1830-03-10

now any one cor'd misunderstood me. What
said was, not that wished to put off the pay
meht of the debt, but, on the contrary, that |
nad always voted for every measure for its re-
duction, as uniformly as the gentleman himself
lie seems to claim the exclusive merit of dis
position to reduce the public charge do not
allow 1t to him. As debt, was, / am, for
paying 1t; because it is charge on our fnanc-
es' and on the industry of the country. But,
observed, that thought [ perceived morbid
ierVor on that subject: an excessive anxiety to
pay on the debt; not SO much because it is a
debt simply, as because, while it lasts, it fur
nlshes one objection to disunion. 1t is tie of
common interest while it lasts / did not inn
pute such motive to the honorable member him
self; but that there is such feeling in exist
ence, have not particle of doubt The most
salG vas, that if one effect of the debt was to
strengthen our union, that effect, itself, was not
regretted by me, however much others might
regret it. The gentleman has not seen how to
reply to this, otherwise than by supposing me
to have advanced the doctrine, that a national
debt is national blessing. Others, | must
hope, will find less difficulty in understanding
me. l distinctly and pointedly cautioned the
honorable member not to understand me as ex-
pressing an opinion favorable to the continu-
ance of the debt | repeated this caution, and
repeated it more than once-but it was thrown
away.
On yet another point, was still more unac-
countably misunderstood. The gentleman had
harangued against consolidation" told him,
IN reply, that there was one kind of consoida-
ton, to which was attached, and that was, the
consolidation Of our uniOn; and that this was
precisely that consolidation to which | feared
others were not attached That such CONSOLE
dalton was the very end of the constitution
the leading object, as they had informed us
themselves, which its trainers had kept in view
turned to their communication, and read their
very words-"the consolidation of the union
and expressed my devotion to this sort of con-
solidation. ! said, in terms, that wished not
IN the slightest degree, to augment the powers
OF this government; that my object was to pre-
serve, not to enlarge and that by consolidat-
ing the union, understood no more than the
strengthening of the union, and perpetuating
1t. Having been thus explicit; having thus
read from the printed book, the precise words
which adopted, as expressing in my own sem
timents, it passes comprehension, how any man
could understand me as contending for an ex-
tension of the powers of the government, or for
consolidation, in that odious sense, in which it
means an accumulation in the federal govern
ment, of the powers properly belonging to the
states
| repeat, sir, that, in adopting the sentiment
of the trainers of the constitution, ] read their
language audibly, and word for word and
pointed out the distinction, just as fully as
have now done, between the consolidation of
the union and that other obnoxious consolida-
ton, which dsclaimed. And yet the honora-
bic member misunderstood mo. The gentle
man had said that he wished for no fixed rev.
enue-not shilling If, by word, he could
convert the Capitol into gold, he would not do
it. Why all this fear of revenue? Why, sir,
because, as the gentleman told US, it tends to
consolidation. Now, this can mean neither
more or less than that common revenue is
common interest, and that all common interests
tend to hold the union of the states together |
confess like that tendency if the gentleman
dislikes 1t, he is right in deprecating shillings
fixed revenue. So much, sir, for consolidation.
As well as | recollect the course of his re-
marks, the honorable gentleman next REQUIRED
to the subject of the tariff. He did not doubt
the word must be of unpleasant sound to me,
and proceeded, with an effort neither new nor
attended with new success, to involve me and
my votes in inconsistency and contradiction |
am happy the honorable gentleman has furnish
ed me an opportunity of a timely remark or two
on that subject. was glad he approached it,
for 1t is question enter upon without fear
from any body. The strenuous toll of the gen.
tleman has been to raise an inconsistency be-
tween my dissent to the tariff in 1924 and my
vote in 1928. 1t is labor lost He pays unde-
served compliment to my speech in 1924 but
this isto raise me high, that my fall as he would
have il, in 1923, may be the more signal. Sir,
there was no fall at all. Between the ground
stood on in 1921, and that | took in 1928, there
was not only no precipice, but no declivity. 1t
was change of position, 10 meet new circum-
stances, but on the same level. A plain tale ex-
plains the whole matter. In 1916, had acqui-
esced in the tariff, then supported by South
Carolina. To some parts of it, especially, | felt
and expressed great repUgnance. | held the
same opinions in 1921, at the meeting in Fan
euil Hall, towhich the gentleman has alluded.
/ said then, and say now, that, as an original
question, the authority of Congress to exercise
the revenue power, with direct reference to the
protection Of manufactures, is questionable
authority, far more questionable, in my judy
ment, than the power of Internal improvements
| must confess, sir, that, in one respect, some
impression has been made on my opinions late
ly. Mr.. Madisons publication has put the pow
er in very strong light. He has placed it, /
must acknowledge, upon grounds of construc-
ton and argument, which seem impregnable
But, even If the power were doubtful, on the
face of the Constitution itself, it had been as
sumed and asserted in the first revenue law ever
passed under that same Constitution; and, on
this ground, as matter settled by cotempora-
l1eous practice, had RETAINED from expressing
the opinion that the tariff laws transcribed
constitutional limits, as the gentleman supposes
What did say at Faneuil Hall, as far as now
remember, was, that this was originally matter
of doubtful construction. The gentleman him
self, suppose, thinks there is no doubt about
it, ana that the laws are plainly against the
Constilu ton. Mr.. Madisons letters, already
referred to, contain, in my Judgment, by far the
most able exposition extant Of this part of the
He has satisfied me, so far as
the practice Of the Government had left it an
open question.
Remainder merit 'oeekl
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