Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1830-05-14

We Same party, both Of them Since deceased. II does
not enter into my purpose to determine between them.
1 had n high respect for both, and an intimacy with one,
which was never interrupted by our difference In poll
dsal tenets; in truth, I had, during the whole course of
those violent times, the good fortune to preserve the
most friendly intercourse with most Of my principal po-
litical opponents. 1 thought their political principles
dangerous; and they thought my ideas Of Government
inefficient, but We did justice to the purity Of each O.
thers motives, and preserved social harmony amid par
ty discord. II Is far, therefore, l repeat, from my in
tention, to renew heats which are HOW allayed by a re-
ference to the olden times of party; but 1 referred to
them because they were necessary to my defence. Be-
cause, having left the Atlantic States soon after the tri-
umph OF the Republican party in 1900, / thought, on my
return TO public life. after a retirement Of more than
twenty years. thought l discovered some Of the great
dogmas Of Federalism prevailing in our public councilss
and thinking them always dangerous, l fot II a duty TO
take this occasion to guard against their revival. Enc
gagged during my absence in professional pursuits, and
wholly absorbed by Them, l had not marked the changes
OF political parties or events. 1 knew not even the APP
pellation by which they were distinguished; but in what.
ever shape the old dangerous federal doctrine Of ASSUME
ing all power under the claim OF providing for the gen.
eral welfare, may have appeared; under whatever coors
its partisans may enrol themselves, quoc,nque nomins
gdudenf, Federalists, Federal Republican, or National
Federalists, l now do, and ever will hold il a paramount
duty to discover and oppose their doctrines. 1 know
that many who belonged to the Federal party, never
did entertain this dangerous opinion; believe that ma
ny who did entertain, have abjured il; | most sincerely
hope they all have; and thinking this a favorable occa-
sion to produce a disclaimer of them, 1 have seized 1t to
submit the ~propriety Of doing so. Should this doctrine
be formally abandoned here, one great source Of sus-
picion and i'll feeling will be destroyedS and even after
that is d done, sufficient causes of dissention will remain
to satisfy the most jealous lover of party.
These, Mr.. President, were some OF my reasons for
"'eaking Of the history Of party under Our Government.
I had another. 1t was TO mark the difference between
the necessary, and, II may so express II, the legitimate
parties existing in all free Governments, founded On diff
fercnces of opinion in fundamental principles, or an at
%tachment to, or dislike of, particular measures and par
ticular men; between these and that spirit OF dissension
into which they are apt to- degenerate: to throw the
weight OF my experience, and the little my opinions
may have, in the scale, and lft up a warning voice a
gainst the indulgence of the passions which lead
TO them, the illusions that irritate, the personal refec-
tons that embitter debate, and the alterations that de-
base it. The spirit of which l speak originates in the
most trifling as well as tho most important circum.
stances. The liberties of a nation, or the color of
a cockade, are sufficient to excite it. 1t creates imagi-
nary, and magnifies real causes of complaint; arrogates
to itself every virtue-denies every merit to IT'S oppo-
nents; secretly entertains the worst designs-publicIy
imputes them to its adversaries: poisons domestic hap
piness with its dissentions; assails the character of tho
living with calumny, and, invading the very secrets Of
the grave with its vigorous ISLANDERS, destroys the rcpu-
tation of the dead, h~arangues in the market place, dis
putes at the social board, distracts public councils with
unprincipled propositions and %intrigues; cmbitters their
discussions with invective and recrimination, and de-
grades them by personalities and vulgar abuse; seats it.
self on the bench, clothes itself in the robes of justice,
soils the purity of the ermine, and poisons the adminis-
traton oil justice in its source, mounts the pulpit, and,
in the name of a God of mercy and peace, breaches dis
cord and vengeance, invokes the worst scourges of Hea-
ven, war, pestilence, and famine, as preferable alterna-
tives to party defeat: blind, viadictive, cruel, remorse-
less, unprincipled, and at last frantic, II communicates
IT'S madness 10 friends as well as f0eS, respects nothing,
fears nothing, rushes on the sword, braves the dangers
OF the ocean, and would not be turned from its mad ca
reer by the majesty OF Heaven itself, armed with its
tremendous thunders.
The tristes ire of the poet
Dctorro, ends, nee mare nauffasun.
Jupiter ipse ruens tumuka.
And to which, with an elegance Of expression and
profundity of thought rarely united, he ascribes the ru-
in of republics
1T aNis urbibus ultima
Funditus, imprimeretque nuris
Hostile aratrum ezercitus insolsns.
Yes, sir, the poet tells us true. These few fines COD
tain a most important lesson. Not long before he wrote
them, there existed a confederacy Of Independent States,
united, as ours are, by the same religion, language, man
ners, and laws. Fair cities, adorned with noble edifces,
decorated by the miracles of the initiative arts, govern
ed by wise magistrates, and defended by intrepid war
riors-where sages gave lessons of morality and wis.,
dom-peured forth their numerous inhabitants at stated
seasons to assist at solemn games, where poets sung,
and historians read their instructive pages to admiring
crowds; where the young commended fer the prize OF a.
giity or strength, and the old recounted their former
exploits; where the vyisdom, and vaior, and talent, and
beauty, Of each State, were the boast and pride of the
whole. What followed Civil dissenton breathed its
poisonous influence over them, and they met to con-
tend, not for the peaceful prizes OF dexterity Of genius,
but in the deadly strife of civil war. Where are their
magnificent temples, their theatres, their statues of gods
and heroes? They have vanished: they have been
swept by the bosom Of destruction! The ploughshare of
devastation has been driven over their walls, and their
mighty ruins remain as monumental warnings to free
otutto VI hS ~h5 VI tothbH INV VII VI Oily
rage.
From these evils, may Heaven, in its mercy, preserve
our beloved country: but, that this prayer may be heard,
we must begin by correcting in ourselves every APP
proach Of the passions which lead to them. Is there no
danger! Have no symptoms appeared to justify a fear
that too great an excitement has bsen already produced
by no sufficient cause? ! am no censor Of the conduct
Of others: il Is sufficient for me TO watch over my own.
The wisdom of gentlemen must be their guide in the
sentiments they entertain, and their discretion in the
language in which they utter them. No doubt they
think the occasion calls for the warmth they have shown;
but of this the people must Judge; and, that they may
judge with impartiality, let the facts which have drawn
forth the inyecives we have heard, be fairly submitted
to them.
We have heard much Of the supposed lines of diyis.
ion in this body. "'This side Of the House, and "lhe
other side" "majority" and "minority," Opposition
and administration" are as Familiarity mentioned as IL
they were universally understood. Now, sir, I profess
my Ignorance. In what cause have the Senators of the
u, States arranged themselves into different bodies, and
arTayed themselves under adverse banners? III the dan
gcrous doctrine of underlined and undefnable powers in
the General Government be assumed as the watchword;
IL the dormant had thought the xtinct-principles
of prosecuting federalism are to be revived, let il be de-
clared; and !, for one, will not hesitate on which side Of
the party line / shall be found. As yet, sir, 1 see no
constitutional question Of a permanent nature 70 divide
us. We undoubtedly think differently Of particular
measures, and have our preferences for particular men;
these, surely, cannot arrange us into any bat Temporal
ry divisions, lasting no longer than while the election OF
the man is pending, or the debate on the measure con-
tinues. The election has been long decided. DO gen.
tlemen understand that, because they preferred ancf~f
candidate, they are to form an opposition to all -Sssu.es
the President r recommends, OF TO all appei-"nens Ne mas
nader DO they imagine that tho, "no supported MIN
in his election are, in this iyuse, 70 loim a separa'e
party for the indiscriw;-~sc appreciation OF all be may
f.' r.aetr oWn inteniioDs ocnfIeUen arc