Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1830-02-11

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TO the fullest extent tho constitutional right Of every
citizeo TO petition the Legislature on any matter In
his country to be involved, should, as one Of your
Representatives. proceed at once present your Me-
mortal il could be satisfied that you tcomid desire me
TO do 81 under the crcum tance - in which fnd nv.
selt placei When committee OF your Board visited
Washington during the last winter, charged with
similar petition. distinctly informed those gentlemen
ing uniformly opposed all appropriations Of that charac.
ter) yet could not refuse them the opportunity of
bringing their case fairly AMI fully before Congress
innating at the same time my intention to IN IKE
known TO the Senate, in due ison my ON
thai subject. The Memorial pre- scented with this
understanding and ic putting it into the hands Of the
Chairman oil the Committee Roads and Canals, in
formed him that il the act Of private COMPANY
with which the S;ate Of South Carolina had nothing
to do and indie ded the which il my iuten-
tien eventually TO pursue. Notwh standing all these
precautions, however, not long aferw ards discover
ell that the mere presentation Of that Memorial was
held up by the advocates Of the " American System"
a. an evidence OF the abandonment the part of the
State Of South Carolina, Of the principles for which she
contendng, in relation TO the pow FRS of the Fed
era Government, and as the Report in the Memorial
never came up for consideration, was deprived Of
the opportunity OF vindcaing my own course as we'll
as that OF the State. Admonshed by thi, experience
should certainly feel myself constrained in again pre-
senng the same Memorial, to make a JuH erpldna-
ften o the reasons, which, in the opinion Of the Le
gs'ature OF South Carolina, and in my own humble
Judgment, ought to prevent the u States from apply
ing any part OF the general funds, either by subcrip
ion Tor stock, otherwise, towards and Can ais
That such explanation would be injurious to your
prospects, can hardly admit ola question. and as do
not fee myself at liberty TO bring your Memorial to
the view OF the Senate, uniccompanied by such ex-
plantations, ii is due to you, well as TO myself 10
make you acquain,e with my views, in order to ena
Bile you to decide whether you would not prefer some
other channel through which to present your claims
There is remark in your letter which, ap. calls
Tor further explanation on my part: You state that
the Board oil Directors, in pressing their appcat
beg distinctly TO say that they do not can to of. md
my o,on principles for they believe that this il.
OF character altogether different from of those
recognized in Congress by the o.: Internal I'm.
provenents." If could concur in this view of the
subject, all my scrupIe- would be wed; but al
though of the fact, that the late Pre- ,iden,
Monroe AMI other gentlemen entitled to high rsspec
have contended that the limitations the powers Of
the Federal Governm mt d. not extend to the dppro
priation Of moncywhich Congr SIS Git il con:ende are
at liberty omake towards any object not expressly
forbidden in the Constitution, yet it has always ap
p"ared to tha this ction is radically errone
ous and must practically lead the creation of what
MIR. Jefferson has appropriately called " Govern
Inent without limitation Of powers" If the Federal
Government which possesses ths ullim ted po,Der of
tdrdon' can apply its revenues at pleasure, it seems
10 my mind too clear TO admit of doubt that il must
soon become Omnipoten'. know of no object which
cannot in these modern times be accomplished with
money. Powers may be es ablished Banks created
Roads and Canals construc' ed-E iucaton, Relig ion
and Morality promoted-and every branch Of human
iabour regulated and encouraged. Indeed, there is
not ena OF those great interests OF Society (Which ac
cornng to the true spirit OF our Constu it belong
exclu'ively TO the Safe Governments to reguate)
that may not be controlled by the application of money
on the part OF the Federal Government NV view Of
the powers and appropriate duties Of the Federal Gov
eminent are wholly different | believe that the pow
er given to Congress " TO lay and collect taxes duties
purpose of enabling than :" pay the debts and
provide for the common defence and general welfare"
mt according to their o,Dn arbitrary discretion, but
by the application of the money 90 raised to the spec
c objects designated in the Constitution, belon ging
to the Federal Gevernment-sucb " the Army, the
Navy, &C." To suppose that Congress may apply
money to any object which they suppose will promote
" the general welfare" without regard to the consid-
Grafton, whether that object properly belongs to
the Federal Government, not, would be to make
this " Government without limitation OF powers"-
According to my understanding of the Constitution
Congress is authorized to provide for the common
defence and general welfare" only by " supporting
Armies maintaining Navies," {" establishing Pos
Offices" sc. Sc. SC. For these purposes and these
only, in my judgment, can money be raised applied
by the Federal Government. Any other con uction
seems to to lead inevitably an unlimited control
over the whole Industry and wealth of the country
All my experience has convince I'd me- under such
system, there wond be nothing left us, could call
our own You will perceive therefore, at on ce sir that
according to my view of this natter, Congress has
no more power to apply tn pney raised by taxation
to subscription to the Sock of Rail Road and Ca
nal Company, than they would have TO build the Rail
Road, or make the Canal Ii is true tlat numerous
appropriations Of this character have been made some
oil which You have spece'i and l have the sha
dow OF doubt, that your claim is at least strong
most OF them The S ate of South Carolina however
u now engaged in grea struggle (and is supposed
with the full concurrence Of large majority Of her
ci'izens) against this abuse Of potoer; and l. il wor
my OF your consideration, how far any of her citizens
ought 10 weaken her hands, by claiming the benefit Of
me very abuse against which contending-
MS struggle, must be permitted here TO say is in
my opinion one OF vast importance The truth il not
TO be denied or concealed, that the practical operation
OF the doctrine. That Congress may apply the pubic
money TO any purpose whatever, has been to impose
taxes on some portions of the country, for the benefit
OF others; and do conscientiously believe that
when that system shall be firmly established in all its
branches il will lay South Carolina under contribution
to the sister States t. amount which NAV swallow
up The entire profits OF our industry The TLrif, In
teTndt improvements, the Militia Pension Bills and
the propo'ed distribution Of the surplus Repenue are
The great branches of the system. The corner
OF the ehce - the right, practically asserted by Con
gress, OF laying and collecting "taxes dulles impost-
and excises. for purposes other than that of raising
me necessary reDeHue for carrying the ordinary op
eraIionS OF the Government II has already been re-
peatedly decided BY their practice, that Congre,.
may " lay and collect taxes" for the protection of
Manufactures, for making Roads and Canals &C. &c (:
and they will probably long decide, that may
also be Levied Tor the purpose Of making dis
rlbuon oil 1t among the States, in any proportions
hey may think proper TO prescribe Under such a
system will II not become the interest OF the ma
lJoTlfy fhe receiving StdteS,) 10 make the amount 10
De levied Tor these purposes, the minority 1.-THE
paying States) az large az possible? Can any fail
TO perceive IN strong Undue that will b. held
out 10 The other States, to participate in hs plumber OF
trt6utein due proportion to the creation Of the fund
TO be distributed and the division could be effected on
the same principle OF equality, the " American Sys-
tenn would fall tI,ere uo,Id