Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1830-04-30

assume that lofty attitude. for which God aud nature
designed her; and would t. each aud every of the
other States, " 70 ye and do likewise"
Sir. when gentlemen talk TO sbou, the bene6cence
al this Government, in this behalf | tell them that
their charity il at the expn'- Of Others tell them.
cannot understand that bcnt fccncc, which, by
= ration draws all the moisture from portion Of com
mon country, q say moisture without figure. becaus.
the taxes derived from the of the brow and
then pours all its huctfyng showers upon another
thus converting the one into wa-e OF barren de.ola
ton, and mparng 10 the other extraordinary fertility
II they would take their rule of bene6eonoc from the
highest oil all au,hoes they would learn that the rain
is made TO fall equally upon the just and tho Unjust
They might surely far emulate this gre at example,
TO let their showers TALL upon those portions Of the
country, the evaporation Of whose moisture produced
them.
Sir, another objection to this system is, that II ut
terly destroys the whole principle Of representative re-
sponsibty. The whole efficacy OF that principle 10
relation 10 the disbursement OF public money,
In this that to render account of stew
ardship to those whose money expend. Is that the
in this system OF internal Improvement No. cir;
il isone Of its most unhappy nay, fatal attributes
the majority of the members here, by whose fiat the
revenue i. drawn from the minority Of tine community
owe no responsibility to that minority; but to the majori
ty whom they represent OF what avail then, is il to
make complaint OF expressions! Will that complaint be
regarded, though be uttered in tone Of the deepest
indignation? No, sir; because the members who may
practice the oppre ssion their accountability the
very people who benefited by the oppression, and
who constitute the majority The prospect of relief,
thus benefited, will discard from their service their
benectors for the single reason, that the are their
beneFactos. They who live upon such hope, must. in
deco in the language Of the adage, die Of despair
Let il not be ssJ, sir, that the same election would
lie against the action Of State Legislation: even if il did
would say that because the People Of the States must
submit TO possible injustice, small scale il cannot
be right that, therefore, this Government will force
them to submit TO upon much larger scale But the
argument Is wholly allacious There is this striking
and characteristic difference between the cases The
General Government where il makes donations fer this
purpose te the States, or, as in the bill now be-
fore US, constructs the road ITSELF draws the
from fund belopg ng to all the States and applies il 10
the benefit OF more, without pretending to
offer 10 the others any equivalent whit the con-
trary, in hecase OF singe State, whilst the minority
who contribute to an Improvement Of which they re-
ceive no bene6 though they cannot call the members
representing the majority, 20 account yet find their
equivalent in this. That, whenever The States do,
(what they do not often undertake. construct road or
canal upon public account, they impose tolls, which
equal TO an ordinary profit upon the pc ended aud
thus there returned into the Treasury, through tn.
dividends what is equal TO the nteres, of the capital
The minority are ihus Unidentified; and though, occa.
sionay, mpovident schemes may be engaged in hitch
fail produce this result, yet this is the principle
which they act.
Another objection TO this system is that il has di.
rect and almost irresistible tendency perpeuae upon
us revenue, having reference to the ordinary de-
mands upon the Government, but one which will al
ways afford alarge excess for the execution Of these
projects
What State, or States, which expected to derive aid
rom the Federal Treasury, towards the improve ment
OF their er TORY, would ever be und'ready TO reduce
the axes! Would the inevitable effect be- that thew
would thereby defeat the very means by which, and b
which only, their obiectH could be effected! And
would we not, herefore, expect, that hungry
mar would destroy the only food by which his hunger
could be satisfied, that these States would contribute
by their votes, to dry UP those fountains, from which
they expected copious streams TO flow for their parc
lar use' Shall we, then, by perseverance in thi.
course, hold ont constant motive. which shall operate
directly against any reduction Of the taxation Of our
people! There are already motives enough of thi.
kind. hope and trust, that shall do nothing which
will either add TO their number, increase cir force
Mr. Chairman, strong as arc the objections which
have already urged there Others yet stronger ars
Ing from the probable. had almost said inevitable 20.
ltca effects, which this system is calculated to pro.
duce.
From the that the present Constitution ~ "a
formed, the public mind divided between two oppo
ste opinions as to the practical operation and tendency
oil our complicated scheme OF government. The great
object had BEEN so TO distribute power between the
State and Federal authorities, that each should be able
by ih own intrinsic energy, to maintain ITSELF unim pair
ed, within its own sphere and thus preserve the equi
brum Of the political balance The one party feared
that Notwithstanding the strength infused into the ne
Government which was partly federal. and partly ma
iional, yet, that the States which composed IT, would
In the progress Of time, become ver-mach for IT,
and by encrochments upon its riehtfu power produce
hrst weakness, then anarchy, and finally, dsunion
They reasoned from history, which, as thew supposed
proved the weakness Of all former conederacies in
ry shape; and from what they considered the
which the States would possess in contest with the
Federal head. The other party took the opposite
ground Theyargued, that in the distribution Of now
ers, all that were great and Formidable includinr |
amongst Others the great powers the purse and
the sword had been given to the Federal Governments:
and that, therefore, the danger was not OF encroaeb
men on the part Of the States upon the head but of
usuPation, the part of the head of the resduary
powers reserved to the States. Let US now Sir con-
suit the oracle OF experience, and how its .ponse
settles this great question. Let not the Committee be
alarmed with an apprehe nsion, that am going 10 yo
late my promise, and dscuss the question: as 10 the con
siiuonal power over this subject. No. Sir have no
such purpose. My purpose is, 10 show how even the
great men OF other days in error, to the adyao
ages which they supposed the States have in srup
gle with this Government; and how powerfully this |
prve them Of cir power OF selsupport and ,tiIl no,.
deci'ively TO turn the scale against them.
Let US examine some OF the prominent adv nta0e,
which were supposed to be the aide Of the State.
on which they might safely rely for in In.
event of any collision.
One of these was that more individuals would h, m,
fioyed under the authority Of tho several States than
under that Of the United States
Sir, whoever will examine the number Of officer, in
the Army and Navy, the cadets the nid.hipto.n the
hosts Of registers and receivers and in
relation TO the public lands; the diplomatic corn. with
oil ts appendages all the executive officers, including
the President and Vice President The Heads Of Depart
nens, Heads OF Bureaux, with their hundred. of clerks
the whole tribe Of officers eng aged in the cole ctioo
the revenuf; the Judges, Attorney Marshall and o
thss constituting the Judicial corp.; the numerous
mail contractors upon some 80 90 900 miles of nos,
read the eight thousand postmasters, besides ohers
not reducibe to any particular class, and many Of
whom are to be ssppoinied every four years will lind
mat there is not county, city, town, village or even
han as 10 H. ~.