Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1830-02-18

State in the Union! Tn. political condition OF mankind
will have been little changed Tor the better if we
ccde to wealth, not only its just and proper influence,
but controlling aud oppressive ascenancy in leg isla
ton. The people Of this country now. and have
long been, paying addition to the price of the sugar
they precisely equal TO the amount OF the du
~, which is 100 per cent. on thu cost eli cuivs
ton in the nrighboring Islands. The Canadians, though
coonlfed enjoy the higher privilege OF con'u,ng STU
gar at oue-third the amount OF orr tex. llEs duty
ought least to he reduced TO just medium between
the interest of The planter aud OF ih- consumer eve
ry State. Our duties all such heavy commodities
ought 10 be moderated All questions o. protection. in
relation to articles OF expensive transportation and
certain production ought, of neces,i y, TO be waised
for the country he relieved from these taxes
however cnsive may he the scope OF internal com.
petios and production. They never ceas. till dis
lance are aunihiiaed and laIi'nd.s blended; Il
egisla,e the factory the mine and the PLAN ion the
lake aud the in'o one limited circle; til Maine
become the ncghbOr of Missouri a LouisiAia CT Mi
chigan
The protecting system, "a we have lately enforced
it, il utterly incompatible with confeder form
of government. This objection will become more aud
more percephle az we approach the period ict he
dcmpiion OF the public debt. When ten CT twelve
million, OF will he sufficient for III. annual
expenses Of our Federal Government, il will be nri-
her prudent patriotic 10 treat with indifference the
circumstances of minority Of Safes. against the in
equality and injustice of our modern systeri OF taxa
ton. Whenever we abandon the federal rule OF lie
gisation, and permanently assun" national and unm
tied powers the property and employmon's of the
people Of these S,aeswhen attempt to ndcr. by
legislative CONTROL The capita md industry of one ate
subervent the uded cupdi'y of the capitalists OF
anoher-we shall discover one OF the Inherent rfrm.
tiles Of every Federal Government. We 10 not mean
a dissolution OF the Union. Our Confederacy happily
Err foundation TO be shaken by every a.
buse violation of the Constitute 1t il DESTINED 10
withstand many shocks before our national compact
shall he finally broken and dissolved. Bat we shall
learn how utterly mprac icable il il to execute the
revenue lava OF a CoDederacy, when the people Of
whole section under the discipline and dire ction o,
their State Governments array themselves ainst
DEGREES. We shall see our Federal Government wea-
kened and disgraced and Congress driven the
sy OF repeating desToiic laws, which the Executive
had not the power or the means 10 enforce. We have
had evidence enough of this already. Although our
embargo was produced by foreign aggression, and
tanned by considerations OF national honor it oeo.
rouslv violated. Had it continued for another twelve
months it would have become dead letter. Gu late
have heen adopted by bare msores, and al
though uncallrd for by any foreign outrage, de-
signed gradually TO produce similar result-a non in
tercouuc with other nations
The force of private interest will aunu every re-.
stc'iou which is not sustained by national sliri,
reused by foreign aggres ions. When this support
wanting and peru lie the msclves, right or wrong
that they are oppressed they will hid def to cur
laws and officers. The action of the Federal &c.
vsrnment the concerns OF the States should be- a.
mild in peace il ough, 10 he energetic in war. r. il
wsnders from its ri innate and just duty, and attempts
TO cut of the foreign commerce. Of some States and
TO compel them TO uale with e,hers IL. DEGREES
will become a mockery, and he power and energy OF
u ion will sink in The esiima ton of foreign nations
It's difficult to question the constitutional right OF Con
eress TO exercise is broad discretion in imposing taxes
and rec uating commerce The circle Of such mowers
from the nature Of all Government must necessarily
be enlarged contracted with the nuc uating poll
cal fortunes Of States Nevertheless act which e
nguishes carno be considered innate use
OF the power to- impos. taxes mpost,; and the sure
designed 10 prohibit trade is assuredly not an no.
nest exercise OF the power regulate commerce. Our
late laws may he strictly Unconstitutional hut the
are unsuetiona ly wanon abuse al the fedora pow,
ers over commerce AVID taxa ion. They are not wbat
were understood 10 be laws lation,
OF trade This is no new question. The contest abou,
the extent OF our ia enc ourage manufactures
as old a. the Constitution itself. TIE question as,um-
ed positive rp when General H4milton, in his celr-
braed report Of 1891, advocated the feder power 10
encourage learning, agriculture, manufactures and
erce, under the authority levy impns,. for Inc
general welfare" The doctrine was immedia'elv
opposed unconsi utiona and a. suhversive Of the
State Governments There as ne mystery then in
the term "general welfare, introduced. originally by
Doctor franklin in his Articles Of moderation sub
mited in l775, and intended 10 convex any now
pr whatsoever. In the debate the fishery BILL in I
iI92 Mr. Mad'on, one OF the trainers IF the Consi.
tuition, protested against this dan doctrine He
denied that ours designed to be can indeS
ne government, deriving its powers from the general
Terms prehxed 10 the specified powers" He emma
IcaIy demanded " Of the gentlemen themseive.
whether 1t ever supposed suspected that the old
congress could give away tie moneys OF the States n
70 enconiage agriculture or for any other pur-
pose they Pleased: la the debate in answer to
IN argument on the rover to regulate trade Mr. Ma
lison replied that "severl arguments have been ad.
panced 10 shew that because the regulation of trade
ndirect and eventual encop agement 10 given to man
laciures, therefore Congress have power 10 give mo.
ley IN direct boun'ies, or 10 grant in anu other tOdy
hdf ,o'Md anstcer the purpose But surely, |,
>'r mere u great and obvious difference WI rb il
,annot be necessary TO enlarge upon; n diy on i'm.
'orfed implements Of husbandry rould, in its opern.
on' De an indirect tar exported produce; but will
my one say, mat, by virtue OF power TO Law du-
ies on imports, Congress nigh go directly TO the pro
'uce or implements Of agriculture, or 10 he articles
'HPor'e" " is irue, duties exports are expressly
hut If there were no article forbiddino
mem potoeT directly to tar exports could ntuer be
Porer to tar imports. although such n
'oioer might directly, and incidentally affect er-
Our Constitution, them sood ia clearer light, and
IN surer fopnda on the msts of construction had not
Iet gathered around il. Mr.. hadison's view was I'M
loubtedly correct There is great and obvious d. r.
'nce " between power 10 make regulations of trade
'bch give incidental tagement TO manufac.
uFes' ana rover 10 " give dire Ct bounps" 20 en-
'outage me M or to grant in any other unv
hdt U0Wd dns'rer The same purpose" in other words
i'hougn we nave The power TO regulate trade and |
nus incidentally 10 encourage manufactures, we have
10 power under Tho constitution 10 pass such acts as
bose OF ISIS 1924 and 1925 the direct object Of which
vas 10 deprive oGr Treasury Of is revenue for no Other
'nrpo'e man TO encourage our manufactures But
VIZ MadI'oH at still earlier period foresavy the dan.
ferrous consequences which might result from the I'M.
m''eu exercise ~ the powers commerce and TAX
'uon' In May, l7S0, when the first tariff wac about
becoming law, with wise and vieiIant csu,ion he
moved 10 limit lis operation 10 the Ist June 1906 In
that motion, he said
" That IT was incompatible with the Spirit Of the |
constitutions and tie principles Of fepuhllcsnism to