Lancaster gazette. [volume] (Lancaster, Mass.) 1828-1830, 1830-03-16

unu Ill uufaryluS STounu lot the eACiuSioii
of Northern men from confidence and from
lead in the affairs of the Republick, then,
and not till then, the cry was raised. and
the feeling industriously excited, that the
influence of Northern men in the publick
councils would endanger the relation Of
master and slave. For myself, l claim no
other merit, than that this gross and enor-
nous injustice towards the whole North, has
not wrought upon me to change my opin-
ions or my political conduct. / hope am
above violating my principles, even under
the smart of injury and false imputations.
Unjust suspicious and undeserved reproach,
whatever pain | may experience from them,
will not induce me, trust, nevertheless to
overstep the limits of constitutional duty, or
to encroach on the rights of others. The
domestick slavery of the South leave
where found tin the hands of their own
Government. 1t is their affair, not mine.
Nor do complain of the peculiar effect
which the magnitude of that population has
had in the distribution of powers under this
Federal Government. We know, sir, that
the representation of the States in the other
House is not equal. We know that great
advantage, in that respect, is enjoyed by the
slave-holding States; and we know too, that
the intended equivalent for that advantage,
that is to say, the imposition of direct taxes
in the same ratio has become merely nomi-
nal the habit of the Government being al
most invariably to collect its revenues from
other sources and in other modes. Never
theless, / Go not complain: nor would l
countenance any movement to alter this ar
rangement of representation. 1t is the
original bargain, the compact-let it stand
let the advantage Of it be fully enjoyed.
The Union itself is too full of benefit to be
hazarded in propositions for changing its
original basis. go for the Constitution as
it is, and for the Union as it is. But am
resolved not to submit, in silence, to accusa-
tions, either against myself individually, or
against the North, wholly unfounded and
unjust; accusations which impute to us a
disposition to evade the constitutional COM
pact and to extend the power of the Gov
eminent over the internal laws and domes-
tick condition of the States. All such ac-
cusations, wherever and whenever made, all
insinuations of the existence of any such
purposes, know, and feel to be groundless
and injurious. And we must conGde in
Southern gentlemen themselves; we must
trust to those whose integrity of heart and
magnanimity of feeling will lead to desire
to maintain and disseminate truth, and who
possess the means of its diffusion with the
Southern publick we must leave it to them
to disabuse that pulick of its preiudices.
But, in the mean time, for my own part,
shall continue to act Justly, whether those
towards whom justice is exercised, receive
il with candour or with contumely.
Having had occasion to recur to the ordi-
nance of 1787, in order to defend myself
against the differences which the honorable
member has chosen to draw from my former
observations on that subject, am not willing
now entirely to take leave of it without an
other remark. 1t need hardly be said, that
that paper expresses just sentiments on the
great subject of civil and religious liberty.
Such sentiments were common, and abound
in all our state papers of that day. But this
ordinance did that which was not so common,
and which is not, even now, universal tina.
is, it set forth and declared as a high and
binding duty of Government itselfto encour-
age schools and advance the means of edu-
cation on the plain reason, that religion,
morality, and knowledge, are necessary to
good government and to the happiness OF
mankind. One observation further. The
important provision incorporated into the
Constitution Of the United States, and seve-
raj of those of the States, and recently, as
we have seen, adopted into the reformed
Constitution of Virginia, restraining legis-
lative power in questions of private right,
and from impairing the obligation Of con-
tracts, is first introduced and established, as
far as am informed, as matter of express
written constitutional law, in this ordinance
of 1887. And must add, also, in regard
to the author of the ordinance, who has
not had the happiness to attract the gen.
tleman's notice heretofore, nor to avoid
his sarcasm now, that he was Chairman of
that Select Committee of the old Congress,
whose report first expressed the strong sense
of that body, that the old Confederation was
not adequate to the exigencies of the coun-
try, and recommending TO the States to send
Delegates to the Convention which formed
the present Constitution.
An attempt has been made to transfer,
from the North to the South, the honour of
this exclusion of slavery from the Northwes-
tern Territory. The journal, without argu-
ment or comment, refutes such attempt.
The cession by Virginia was made, March,
l7s4. On the 10Th of April following, a
committee, consisting of Messrs. Jefferson,
Chase, and Howell, reported plan for a
temporary government of the territory, in
which was this article: shat, after the
year 1900, there shall be neither . slavery,
nor involuntary servitude in any of the said
States, otherwise than in punishment of
crimes, whereof the party shall have been
convicted" MR. SPEIsHT, Of North Caro-
lima, moved to strike out this paragraph.
The question was put according to the form
then practised shall these words stand,
as part of the plan," &c. ew-Hampshire,
Massachusetts,, Rhode-Island, Connecticut,
New York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania
seven States, voted in the affirmative.
Maryland, Virginia and South Carolina, in
the negative. North Carolina was divided.
As the consent ofnine States was necessary,
the words could not stand, and were struck
out accordingly, Mr.. Jefferson voted for