Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-04-10

rect agency OF tho People is excluded in almost alb
Executive, and Judicial elections. The electors,
desiguated are generally intermediate agents, aud
are lew in number compared to the whole body.
Yet, in these elections, il has seldom entered the
brain Of the most romantic politician, that the nat
ural rights oil man are violated All offices are
created for the convenience and welfare of the
ciety, and the members have an equal natural
right, Qf the right be naturally to elect every in
cumbent Some designation, some Limitation is
unavoidable. The restriction Of the elective trust
to the male part ofthe community Is generally.
but not universally adopted. That the voter shall
be free man. shall have arrived to an age when
by agreement Of society he is considered to possess
m aturity and discretion, and Is emancipated from
hiial obedience, is generally required That the
individual, designated to discharge this duty, shall
have evidence Of permanent interest and common
attachment, has scarcely been denied. And that
the duty Of electing may be discharged according
to the spirit and intention, il can hardly be doubt
ed that the eiector should possess an independent
will and Judgment. II has. been warmly contend
ed however, on this floor, that every man, who is
| twenty-one years of age, and bears arms for the
| defence Of his country, ought TO be permitted to
vote I'm elections.-The proposition that those
who bear arms, shall vote on that account, is OBJ
jectonable because it squints at the introduction
Of military principle into our elections. The
possession and enjoyment of a civil right is to be
made dependent on military tenure; upon the mere
liability to perform duty in case of war.
War may not come; and the individual may not
| be required to render the service; and yet the
possibility that both contingencies may occur be-
fore he arrives to the age Of forty five, is to
stute the reason for general and indefinite grant
\ OF the privilege. The term Of service which may
be required, and the extent of the right to be con-
| ferred, do not correspond. The military rule pro-
! posed to be introduced excludes many (ail be-
| tween eighteen and twenty-one who are capa-
BILE. and liable to bear arms; and is designed to
embrace all citizens over twenty-one, even those
exempted by law from militia duty; AMI therefore
| the rule is inconsistent with ITSELF The plain
proposition OF the advocates of extended suffrage
is an admission to the polls Of every citizen, with
hardly an exception, who is free white man.
The idea Of military service is brought to its aid,
not because Il has any natural connection, but be-
cause it may tend to unite popular feeling in its
favour. With universal suffrage, ask if our c.
| lections would be well-guardcd against corrupt
practices; If independence in the voters would be
well secured' The temptation is held out to rich
and extensive land-holders to multiply their te-
nants that they may encrease their political
weight. We have seen nothing Of such a prac-
tice in Virginia, because all inducement to il is
| wanting. But when we consider the inherent
love Of power which is placed in the breast of man.
and the natural liability to corruption; when we
| consider the many advantages which ostentatious
and liberal wealth can exercise over dependence
| and poverty, we can no longer doubt the results
OF general extension Of suffrage. The time
may come when the great land holder shall resem.
bic feuda iord-when the corrupted tenant.
shall follow to the polls, the plant minions of SUI
perior's will. All, who have no home, are neces
sary in greater or less degree dependant on
others. The situation of those who have not an
independent interest in the soil may be rendered
1 one of complete dependence, when the ambition s,
lust OF wealth af4 tempted to make it for politica
| purposes. The extension of suffrage ay thus in
| process OF time contribute to encrease the undue
political power OF riches, and may serve to perps
t,iae the inequality it was designed to prevent
A landed qualification in the voter is the best evil
| dence OF permanent interest and common attach
ment 1t best serves to render him dependent
and will most probably secure order and freedom
in elections. The non-freeholder is not, in Vir
gna, as the gentleman from Orange (Mr. Dade :,
represents him, degraded and enslaved. No mar
is less respected, simply because he does not vote
IN our elections. The genius and nature Of ou
political institutions afford inducement to prac
| tce the arts of corruption and de basement. Tt
become qualified TO vote, is a matter of easy acqu
sition. Ii the non-freehoders, said MIR. d., like
the Roman Plebeians, were excluded by the cir
| cumstance OF birth, l would heartily unite with
them in righteous opposition to Patrician aristoc
racy. If they resembled the DISTINGUISHED ant
prescribed inhabitants Italy during the existence
OF its petty republics, would hold them justified,
| even at the price of civil comnotion and blood.
shed, in breaking down the aristocratic orders with
their chartered privileges. Ii our own govern
l'ment had so regulated the qualification of voting
as to place its attainment only in the reach of a
| few, would concur in denouncing il as oGiou,
and unjust. The policy Of our laws has removed
membranes on the sale and transfer of land
4 The rights Of primogeniture, and the doctrine o
entails, have been abolished. An interest in tho
common soil can be readily acquired, and the RICH
OF voting on that account is favorable to the gene
raj design Of multiplying the number and pro-
noting the equality of those who may possess this
| Interest.
| Mr.. Speaker, said Mr.. D., we have been repeat.
eddy reminded Of the brave and dsintereste con
duct Of our western brethren in fighting the bat
| Ties OF the east. We are informed that they have
shed their blood and sacrificed their lives in ouI
defence. Can these gallant deeds, however, con.
sfitute the ground upon which 10 rest claim fol
additional political power' We, too, have had he.
roes, who both by land and sea, have achieved no.
| nor for themselves, and conferred renown upon
their country. But who has imagined that their
services were to be blazoned forth in support of a
sectional claim 70 greater power! Such an arg,i.
| meDt impeaches and dshonors the motives of the
meritorious soldier; it defames the memory of the
| dead. How could the west have more success
fully defended themselves from common enemy,
from piiiage and conilagration, than by promptly
uniting with the east in repeng the first inva.
/ sions If the west had folded their arms until the
east had vainly poured out their last libations o
blood and treasure, the Allegheny mountain.
| would have furnished but feeble barrier against
the approach Of confident and victorious army
Sir, let us not indulge in party-strife this sub
i ject. We have common stake in the glory O
| Virginia's greatness; we owe q common gratitude
to the patriotism which has defended us. The
same noble impulse, common and disinterested de-
voion to country, has guided the conduct of on,
warriors, whether they have marched to the sea
board TO repel the advance Of Europe's mercenary
band or have penetrated the western forests e
| check the nroads OF a more willy and savage foe
| All have our common thanks aud our common an
p'ause. Each Of US, with feelings of mournfli
n Joy, reclining on the tomb Of our generous deien
ders, can excIaim,
l Hoto sleep The brave, ,cho sink to rest,