Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1829-02-06


hose Of France of really superior quality because
England does not fcnr any increase of resources in
Portugal, she does in France. She has no OBJ /
ccon to u sort of mutual dependence between her
self and Portugal, because if shc docs not prescribe
the terms of with dctutoral power her sway Isl SD
decidedly preponderating. that their intercourse can
never be of uncasiness to her. But between
England and France each IL appcehCDSVe of DANCER:
not Statistic! with profit in their intercourse each
pauscs to count the effect the other, of any
commerce | exchanges between thcm jealous on the
hand of Dependence their respective markets,
and apprehensvc OIL the other, of increasing the
sources of rival, ready every moment become AN
enemy. This View Of the subject, will think
clisvc!y sbcw the falacy of Judging Of the CONNER
cial principles and police Of any nu,ion with single
regard to the consideration of profit and must If any
thing eau, convince us that need never expect
sec n general freedom of commercial intercourse
between nutions, though it were shown that such
freedom is most profitable i'll economical view
of the thing, which has not been clearly cS-
tab!iS!ed that know Of rs to eptlc tho advocates
ofircc trade to claim it postulatc The fact is
that the idea of the advantages OF AN universal free
dom OF trade, is fe"t more plausible than solid.
There is captivating liberaty i'll it, appearance
Of general philanthropy which makes close in with
the proposition, before have fully examined into
its real character. Mr.. Jefferson who advocates with
Irresistible force the policy of meeting restriction with
restriction says in his report in tho in
rroductory part of this topic, ''coud every country be
employed i'll producing that which nature bes fitted it
to produce al; each be free to exchange with 9th
ers mutual SURPRISES for mutual wants, the grcatest
mass possible would then be produced of thoce things
which contribute to human life and humun happiness
the number of nunknd would be increased, and their
condition brttercd" In the first place let us asll
how MIR. Jefferson arrived ut these conclusions Not
from facts certainly because the state of things which
he takes Tor his premises has existed Is there
not some probability that Mr. J. whose mind was en-
crossed by the love of free nn liberal PRINCIPLES IN
every brunch of politics, has been hurried by this
predonlnatng spirit to conclusion, not clearly de.
duciblc from his premises Does the experience Of
nations sustain his conclusions? Are those notions
most prosperous, WHO uct Extensively OH the prin
cplcs OF free trade, On the contrary is not the re-
verse o! the proposition made much probable by
the experience Of the creates: and wcaest nations
otinodcrn times. Are not the wealth aud population
OF China who siiackles alt foreign as great
or greater an those of any other people? Dut grant
that VIC cannot arrve ut certainty to the general
result of UNIVERSAL freedom of commerce.; that we
Gun only arrive at its probable result by estimate
or the effects OF contrary policy: before it can be
necessary to pursue this enquiry any further il must
be shcWn to be probable possible that an universal
or even general freedom of commerce can by any
OF by process be effected. Is not the supposi-
ton merely UtoPian, does not such an event require
combination and Continuation Of circumstances
which knowledge of mankind and of political socie-
ties, renders in tho last degree improbable? Can any
one SUPPOSE that the pot cal rulers Of any countr
will abandon restricted principle of commerce. out
OF spirit OF bencvoence and universal philanthropy?
Will q. Britain from the love of goodness abau-
ION policy By which she IDS condensed within the
power equal to that of half of Europe? WIN tie a,-
omantine and ever during bars which secluic China
from the rest Of the world snap es;ndcr ut the magic
touch of philanthropy? III fine, to whom will YOU
present this new principle of national economy with
chance of success? II may be said it has been prof
;crci, and partially accepted BY whom, By one or
more % Che powers OF a ':,!ondnm earned neutral-
ty." Yes acccdcd to by one or two powers ooaded
INTO /: Oy the oppression OF the powerful and
rcjoctcdur disregarded by the of the word and
-uch VIII be the fate OF this proposition to the end of
time Suppose that by some miraculous influence
all conlmcrcai nations could be brought to adopt a
general freedom ofcoumerce, and that by some inIu-
ncc not less miraculous, the exchanges of commerce
should operate tremendously and beneficially uyon
tue productive powers and national interest of all
the parties to this benevolent compact, that the
industry and resources OF each would be fully ex-
banded, surplus of supply, and Of course no def
cheney Of demand, how long could this state OF things
continue thus happily, thus lnraculoIsly adjusted:
As long We may suppose, (ior the supposi,ou is gra
tultous) as there was general state OF peace
This golden ngc Of commerce will admit of no wars
10 interruptions Break but one bond, and every
tic must be dissolved. The continuity So nicely 40
wonderfully produced must be complete; if one link
OF the chain be brokGn every one must be suncred
the whole system must break into pieces and all this
iarrony be turned back into original confusion.-
But why argue any longer upon farciiul theory of
commerce., the principles of which never have been
and venture 10 Affirm will be reduced to
practice. Natio::s carry foreign trade for their
own pcc,iIlr good: when they believe this peculiar
S""' |"ots 'it iietuo oi commerce, so tar and
No farther will they accord their sanction to the
principle. But to return To MIR. Smith To do ius-
tice 10 this writer, it is fair to acknowledges that
m1ny of his principles true il the abstract which
arc ia!su ID tic coEcrete. The of them is that
Ill the present condition Of num- and on the unclan
gedbie principles Of political societies. they will ne
yer answer i'll practice. Suppose tie could have sa-
tisfed France and England that free ~ unrestricted
trade between them would have added greatly to
the wealth and resources of each-could he have
stopped the enquiry al this point, would not they
have gone 20 calculate ns we'll as they could the
relative proportion Of power and profit accruing to
each, and could he (hIr 81 Iiavc prevented them
benefits, rather than that of the absolute indepen
dent eiierts OF their intercourse. But suppose fur
ther that he could have satisfied them that the ro
portion was exactly equal, could he have prevented