Litchfield enquirer., 1829-02-26

pGsiect which shey did then form of Sesering 1he Union and esiablishiug Northern ConiedeFaly would in their application of te abstract principle the eM. islng staIe of tngshave been jnsti6able. In their views, therefore, impute to them nothing which it could be necessary for them to disavowi and ace cordngly, these principles were distinctly and ex- plicty avowed, eight years afterwards, by my exc ccIIent friend Mr. Quincy, in his speech upon the adanission of Louisiana, as a State, into the Un- iOn. Whether he had auy knowledge of the prac- tical project of 1903 and 4, know mol; but the argument of his speech, in which he referred to my recorded opinions upon the constitutional power, was eloquent exposition of the nsttyng causes Ofthat prjeci, as had heard them deailed at the time.-l That prUjec repeat, had gone to the length oG6xing upon military leader for it's exerutioD and although the circumstances of the times never admitted of iIs execution, even Of it's full devel0penent, had yet no doubt, in 1908 and l8O9 and have n0 doubt at this time, tht is the key all the great movements Ofthcse leaders of the federal parry m New-Emgland, from that time forward, all S Ua catastrophe in the Haf1iOrd Convention.
 Gentlemen, observe among the signers of your letter, the Mmcs of two members Ct that Convention, together with that of the Ot its President You will understand affirming. that either fvou rvy to this plan of military execution, Tn 1894. That may be known to yourselves and not to me. A
 letter of your first signer recently published, has dis closed ile fact, that he, although the Putayc, not the real father Of she Hartford Convention. As he, wIO has hitherto enjoyed, unrivalled, the hon0Ts. is now disposed tO bestow upon others tine shame of its paternity, may notthe os,eneibe aHd the real charac-
 
 that the main and ultimate object of that assembly, though heaming iMsplendor from its acts, was yet in dip eclipse to the visoa of its must distinguished members? '?
 However this may be, 1t was this project of 1903 and 1, which, from the time when first took my seat in the Senate ofthe United States, alienated from the councils of those leaders of the federal par ty. was never initiated in them. | approved and supported the acquisition of Louisana; and from
 first moment that the project of separation made known to me, opposed to it determined and infex- ib!e resistance.
 It is well known to some of you, Gentlemen, that the cessen of Louisiana was not the first occasion up- on which my duty to my country prescribed to me course of conduct different from that which would have been dictated by the leaders and tho spirit ef party. More than one of you was present at a meeting of members of the Massachusetts Legislature the 27h of May, 1892, the day after first took my seat member of that legislature A proposal thea made by me, to admit to the Council of the Common- wealth, proportional representation of the minority forgotten. Ii the first act of my legislative life, and it marked the principle by which my whole pnb-
 lie career has been governed, from that day to this. My proposal was unsuccessful, and perhaps it for- bestowed upon me as party follower. My con- duct in the Senate of the United States, with re. gard to the Louisiana cessioR not more accepta- be to the leaders of the federal party and some of you may perhaps remember that It not suffered to pass without notice or censure in the public federal journals ofthe time.
 With regard to the project of separate Northern Confederacy, formed in the winter ol 1903 and A in consequence Of the Louisiana cession 1t is not to that you must apply for copies of the correspondence in which it contained. To that and every other project of disunion, have been constantly oppose. My principles do not admit the right even of the peo pie, still less of the legislature of any State in the UnIon, 10 secede at pleasure from the, Union. No provision is made for the exercise of this right, either by the federal or any of the state constitutions The act Of exercising it, presupposes departure from the principle of compact and resort 10 that of force.
 H in the exercise of their respective functions, the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities of the otierare brought into direct collision with each otlel
 the relations between the parties, no longer ose of constitutional righly bas of independent t0rce- Each party cnnstrues che common compact for ilsef The constructions are irec0ncilable together. There is no umpire between them, and the appeal is to the sword, the ultimate arbiier ofrght between indepen dent states, but not between the members of bey polite. Therefore hold it as principle without ex cepiion, that whenever the constituted authOrites of State, authorize resistance to any act of Con- gress, or pronounce tt tunconsutionas they do there- by declare themselves and their State qOGd hoo out Of the pale of the Union. That there Is no suppOsa b'n case in which the people of State might place themselves in this atlitude by the primitive right of insurrection against oppression, will not arm but lures or their judges; and # tere be such rg6it Is the right of individual to commit suicidethe right of an phabant ofa popnons city to set fire to his own who think that each State sovereign jadge ly of it's rights, hut of the extent of powers con ferred upon the general government by tho peoPa of the whole Union; and that each Smie, givngs own construction to the constitutional powers Congress, may array ,s separate sovereignty against every act Of that body transcend.ng this estimate ofther powers- to say of men holding these principles, that, for the ten years from 1894 to 1914, they were intending dissolution of the UIion, and the formation of new Confederacy,is charging them with nothing more than with acting up to their principles.
 To the purposes ofpar,y leaders intending to ac- compsl the dissoIu.ion ot the Union and new con. federacy, Poatulases necessary. First act acts Of Congress which mny be resisted, aco,s stitutioRGland secondly, state of excitement among the people ofonc more states of the Union sufii- cienty nfamed, to produce acts of the state legisa lures, conflicting with the acts of congress. ResOlu tons ot the legislatures denying the powers of Con gress, the first steps in ths march to sunon; bat they avail nothing, without subsequent and corres- ponding action. The annexation of LOuisana to the Union was believed to be unconstitutional, but it pro- duced no excitement to resistance among the people. It's beneficial consequences to the whole Union soon felt. and took away a possibility ofholding itup as the Iabarum of political religion ofdisunion. The projected separation met with other disasters and eumlcred till the attack of the Leopard the Ches aeake followed hy the 0sxlesa n Council 0f l1th Noy. 1907, led to the embargo of 22d December of that the brink owar with Great Britain and there is ve- " good reason to believe that the second was intend cd measure familiar to the policy ot that govern ment to sweep our commerce from the ocean, carry. ing into British ports every vessel of ours navigating upon the sens. and holding them their cargoeS, and of Mr. Rose, and bring to the terms of the British cabinet. This was precisely the period, at which tho governor of Nova Scotia giving his pondeni in Massachusetts, the friendly warning from the British government of the revolulionzing and conquering plan of Frapce ofwh;ch appraised MT Jeff tb,n hWAA