Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-06-16

esngcmcnt of things, security against oppression
should be the grcatest where II is most likely to
be often prac,ised, il is, nevertheless remarkable
that the progress of enlightened civilization Ina.
ibeen much more advanced on the land than on the
= ocean. And. accordingly, personal rights and es-
pccisliy those OF property, have both safety and
protection on the former, which they DO not enjoy
on the latter element. Scarcely any circum-
istauec would now tend more 10 cxalt the charac-
ter OF America than that Of un;ting its cndeavors
TO bring up the arrears Of civilization. as applied
to tho ocean. 20 the same forward pon, which i,
I has attained the land. and thus rendering men
and their property secure agains, all human in
Justice and violence, leave them exposed only TO
the action Of those storms aud disasters su ciently
1 perilous, which are comprehended in the dispen-
cations of Providence.
! IL is under the inIlusnce Of these, and similar
considerations, that you will bring forward, at the
contemplated Congress, the proposition to abolish
war against private property and non co nbatan,s
upoa the ocean. Private property of an enemy is
protected when on land, from seizure & con6sca-
ton. Those who do not bear there are not dis
liusbed in their vocations. Why should not the
same humane exemptions be extended 10 the sca'
| II merchandise in warehouse on shore remains
Iunmotested, amidst the ravages of modern war,
can any good reason be assigned for allowing the
same merchandise, when transferred TO a ship
(which is peaceabiy navigating the ocean. to be an
object Of legitimate capture and condemnation! II
artizans and husbandmen permitted, without
hindrance, to pursue their respective caings, why
snouu not inc not iesSusctut mariners be allowed
peaceabiy TO distribute the productions Of their in
dustry in exchanges for the common benefit OF
1 mankind! This has been an object which the u.
States have had much at heart, since they as
sumed their place among the nations. More than
! forty years ago, DR.. Franklin, one of their mos,
enlightened and successful ministers, thus ex-
pressed himself "Itis time, il is high time, Cor
! the sake OF humanity, that stop were put 10 this
\ enornity. The u. States of America, though bet
ter situated than any European nation, to make
profit by privateering, are, far in them lies,
endeavorng to abolish the practice, by offering, in
all their treaties with other powers, article
gaging solemnly, that, in case of future war,
no prisateer shall be commissioned on either
side,. and that unarmed merchant ships, on
| both sides, shall pursue their voyages uunolest-
! ed. This will be a happy improve ment of the
law OF nations. The humane and the just cannot
| but wish general success to the propositon.'-
what the sagacious forecast Of that ustrious man
enabled him to anticipate at that early day of our
national existence, has been fully confirmed to our
| subsequent progress We are better situated than
any other nation, and, in the event of war, we
now have ample means to enable US to make pro-
ut by privateer;ng. But, faithful 10 principles,
we now offer, in mature and stronger condition,
The same stpulations which were offered by
Rankin and other American nego.iators; but
/ wllieh might then have been attributed TO in
fancy and weakness.
II, By the common consent OF nations, private
property the ocean was no longer liable 10 cap
,ure, lawful prize OF war; the principle that free
ships should make free goods would lose It's inn
portance by being merged in the more liberal and
extensive rule. But, Judging from the slow pro-
gress oil civilization in its operation the practices
al war, and the tie nacify with which power ever
clngs TO advantages which il conceives itself to
possess, il would be too much to indulge any very
sangune hope of a speedy universal concur
renee i'll a total exemption OF all private property
admit the limited, who would withhold their assent
from the more comprehensive, principle. You
will, therefore, also propose the adoption of the
rule, that free ships shall make free goods, and its
converse, that inimical ships shall make inimica
goods. The one seems necessarily 10 follow from
the other, and in their practical application there
IL simplicity and certainty in both, which strong
iy recommend them 10 general adoption. Both
operate in favour Of neutrality, and thus present
new dissuasive to nations from rashiy engaging
in war. 1t will occur, Of course, to you, to insert
provision restricting the operation ofthese prin-
cipies 10 those nations which shall agree TO observe
them.
You will propose adetini.ion of blockade The
experience of the United States, and that Of some
OF The new American nations, short as has been
the term Of their existence, alike indicate the u
tiiity OF plain and ineligible description of the
facts which constitute a legitimate blockade. The
want Of such definition has been the principal
cause Of any difficulties which have arisen be-
tween them and the United States. The belli-
ntinterest il TO extend, the neutral 10 contract
as much as possible, the range OF a blockade. The
belligerent interest is, TO insist upon the snalles.
possible that OF the neutral the largest practicable
amount of force 10 give validity to the bloc kade.
In this conflict Of opposite pretensons as the bei-
gerent has arms in his hands, ready TO support his,
the neutral generally suffers The best security
against abuses on either side is clear definition
which, by presenting circumstances notorious
in their nature and character admits of no contro
versy among those who have a proper sense Of
justice, and entertain mutual regard for their
respective rights. You will find in the treaty
with Colombia, and that with the Central Repub-
lie, recently concluded and ratified here, (copies
ofboth Of which herewith) definition Of block
ade which may be proposed and safely followed.
In the same treaties are also contained articles
supplying list of contraband, and several other
articles having reference toa state Of war, in
which the contracting parties may. be belligerent
or neutral, as the case may be, all of which you
are authorized to propose. 10 connexon with
this interesting subject, you are furnished, among
the accompanying documents, with letter from
| my predecessor, under date the 2Sth day OF July,
1923, addressed to MIR. Rush, Minister Of the T.
nited States at London, with the draft Of articles
for a treaty which he authorized 10 propose
TO Great Britain. They may facilitate your la
bours. The articles, having been prepared with
much consideration, may serve as models for any
that may be a2reed on at the Congress, upon cor
responding topics. II is hardly necessary to add
that this recent experiment with Great Britain,
like all others which preceded IL, proved abortve
Among the most important objects which are
likly 10 engage the attention Of the Congress, il
that Of endeavoring to fix some general principles
of intercourse. applicable TO all the powers OF A.
merics, for the mutual regulation of their COM
merce and navigation. The United States, from
the origin OF the present war, have, on all proper
occasions, uniformly proclaimed that they enter
tanned no desire to procure for themselves, from
any OF the new powers, peculiar commercial add
vsntages. They continue to adhere to this disin-
terested doctrine. You will state in your confer
ences that, as they have not sought, in treating
with the American States separately, neither will