Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-03-20

me, u.s. that the power OF protecting Manufac-
lures, is claimed under different clauses Of the ]
Constitution, according to the fancy and ingenuity
OF those who contend for it.-At one time, by one
gentleman, we are referred TO the Sth section Of
| the LIST Article; at another time, by another gen
ueman, to the section relating to Commerce. In
deed, cir, so hard the advocates of this power
in this House, pressed to sustain their cause that
we even referred, the other day, to the Pre-
4 antie TO the Constitution. Yes. sir, say gentle
men, the very Preamble Of your Constitution,
speaks OF &c the general welfare" and is a con.
struction OF the powers conferred in the Constiu-
ton. That was most unfortunate reference of
| the gentleman from Fairfax, and beg him to
turn his attention, for moment, TO that Preamble.
! II declares, that the object Of adopting Ccnstiu-
ton, was To form more perfect union. cstab-
'iSh justice, ensure domestic tranquility, aud Sc
{; cure the blessings Of liberty" as well as /" To
provide for the general welfare" And yet, the
gentleman claims authority, under this very Pre-
amblc and Constitution, TO adopt a policy, that
will destroy instead Of perfecting union, defeat
instead OF establishing justice, promote domestic
ieuds and animosi,ics instead of ensuing domes-
nc tranquility, and take away, rather than secure
the blessings OF liberty.
1 II the power do exist again faarlessiy ask
gentlemen to put their finger upon it. Sir, alt is
1 not in the bond" ~.
Having made these few remarks upon the irsts
branch OF the enquiry, shall proceed to the Sec
ond point Of discussion-the expediency of these
Laws. There is the more need of attending to
this branch OF the subject, the Committee have
omitted any argument upon it in their report, al
tho u have no doubt, the able Chairman is we'll
prepared to sustain the resolution upon this point
We have had occasion, Mr.. Speaker, during the
present Session. to talk good deal about the eIe-
ments OF Society, and TO revert 10 the history of
| nian' In the earliest ages. Such an enquiry, I
hnk, VIII be found to bear with fully much force
upon the question before us, as il did upon one
that has lately been settled by the Legslature-
Government, or the social compact, is the imme.
date effect OF state of society, and TO under
m thn 81.
think il is necessary to look back, for moment
at the object and uses Of Society. The first great
benefit OF this state Of things, is division of labor
whereby one man betakes himself entirely to one
branch OF labor, and another to another. Without
such division, few indeed would be the comforts
and none the luxuries enjoyed by any ons indiyid-
ual. This principle, however, enables each mem.
DER OF the Community, to enjoy the fruits Of the
laoar oil many others, by exchanging Tor them the
surplus portion OF his productions. For the
purpose OF carrying this Trade the of
,establishnga currency of some kind arises; hence
tue origin and use Of money, which is the repre-
sentative oil iabor-or, IL must be recoected, tina,
tits labor, or the price Of it. with which we buy
what we want. Money, therefore. is only useful
as medium OF exchange, and does not constitute
real wealth.
! The world being divided into different Societies
| Of Nations, and producing different commodities.
we see at once the necessity Of commerce.
l. vi the advantages Of commerce, much might
oe saiu; but. as imagine no one will question it's
uuhty, Will not attempt to prove tiff COM
merce. then, is to be Carried on, at ALL among Ma
aops, they, like individuals. must hare kind of
| great division Of labor. Each Nation, consulting
lits own peculiar soil, climate and situation. must
engage. principally, in one particular branch of
industry, and which we see has been the case-
Epgiand, from the density of her population
cheapness OF labor, and various other causes. has
become manufacturer; France, from the fertility
OF her soil, and temperature of her climate cult.
Yates the vine; the West Indies, sugar and coffee;
the East Indies, teas. silks, &c., and the U. s.,
corn. wheat, cotton. tobacco. &c.-If in this great
division Of labor, the u. S. have found il most to
their interest to cultivate the earth, and become
mostly an agricultural people, and can procure the
manufactures Of other Nations. cheaper than they
can he made at home, why, ask should thew he
prohibited from SO doing! Every man wishes to
sell as dear, and bny as cheap possible; and we
shall DO most likely TO do so, when, by the free
dom OF trade, all nations invited to deal with
us. Depend upon it, sir free trade is the soul of
commerce, and that these unnatural restrictions
are but the expedients OF Manufacturing Monopo.
lists, to promote their own interest, and not the
good OF the Community. Every man is the best
Judge OF the manner OF using his own capital and
labor, and no Legislature ought to interfere The
result Of bountes and all other commercial restric
tons, is to force trade into unnatural channel
| and one much less advantageous, than that into
| which it would run of its own accord
| Attempt, Mr. Speaker, to change the course of
the noble river that washes the base of lhs city, e.
nature would laugh at your attempt 10 improve
upon her works Do you wish TO encourage in.
I dustrY and ecouomy!-The best way is to mira
mel them, by granting free use and enjoyment
| of their fruiis-Are free nations more prosperous
| than ensiaved ones:--so will free labor and cap
! ital be,
| But, sir, the great argument Of gentlemen in
favor OF this policy, is. that it win render the u
States independent ofother nations in time Of war
This is a plausible, but false argument 1t sup.
poses the propriety OF abolishing all commerce;
Tor II nations are to become independent Of each
other, in time OF war, they must do so, by means
used in time Of peace, ard Of course must also be
! independent in time ofpeace. This indep endence,
therefore, oil nations, carries gentlemen farther
than they wish to 60, and puts stop to all TO-.
reign intercourse, unless are so foolish as to
suppose that other nations will take our products
| when We refuse theirs in. exchange. But, sup
pose even this absurdity that we could sell our
surplus products alone for money, wla. use would
it be TO us'we should be giving our labor for that
which would be Of no real value.
II, therefore, by our prohibiting duties, we ex
! clude British Manufactures from our ports, we |
cnt of the market Of that nation for our cotton
tobacco, &c. and force her to seek some wiser and
more polite nation, than ours, TO deal with But,
look TO the late war, say gentlemen; let US pro. |
vide Tor future contingencies. Now, admit. tina, |
! war should suddenly break ont with England, |
or any other nation; who would suffer most-she, !
who would be deprived OF the necessaries the |
very staff OF life, ourselves, who would ONLY
be denied few luxures, Besides. il is not like
ly that we shall go 10 war with all the world a,
once, and trade would go with all but the bel.
lgerent nation. I was once, Mr.. Speaker, great
Tariff-man, or rather TarfF5oy really Thought.
when first began to reflect upon these things
that this theory of making all we want at home,
without being indebted to other nations for sun
ply, was mos. beautiful and sound doctrine. I
thought, that If were President of the T. States,
and had the power, this nation should have DO.
thing 10 do with foreigners, especially English |