Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1829-12-10

I
Senate, and of the mojority to the House of Dele
gates 1t would be left to the House of Delegates
to submit propositions. and the Senate to reicc
them This would be the practical opera ion of tn
| proposition OF the gentleman from Frederick. II j
should chance by folly or injustice that any Iav
should be proposed by the ma ory preiudcial to- Tin
interests of the minority, then the law propose,
would not be enacted-it would be rejected bv TIN
controlling power vested in The Senate; this was th
true view of This u sure check
But the gentleman from Chesterfield has said that
II we agree to this proposition, it will only give thu
power sooner or later to the majority, destroy th
cheek, bJ calling a new Convention. The same Oh
lection would apply to any proposition, that had hee,
su6m edo The propositions of the gentleman from
AlbeTarle and to the gentleman from Northampton
1t mig be said to each of Them that they wou
give additional means to constantly increasinp mn
lority, to call anew Convention. From this consill
HE propositions of the her gentlemen were
no more fair, than that proposed by the rentlenar
from Frederick. We know from experiences. tina
the people cannot act, but through their unents il
the General Assembly. You give to the maior;i,
the House of Delegates. The people demand !
Conventlon and their agents concurrng with them
pass Dill Tor tina, purpose. The Senate then car
reject the bill passed. Has not the Senate then
more power than the whole Legislative Assembly. 4
our PROPOSITION is adopted? But gentlemen saw il
ID mere nominal power. Is it true, that it is q
mere nominal power? Is it all edactual inierrup-
ton to the wishes Of the majority as eypressef
through their Delegates
He was deliberately of opinion, that from the yer,
constitution of the Senate, the fears of the gentle
men on THE head could never be realised We have
Senate elected for four years. When a propo
sition Is before them, one-fourih of the Senate
which has received its election, continues fol-
three years; ona-fourth for two years, one-tourtI
who are not again brought back to the people;
and again an,ther fourth is subject dismissal at
he Spring elections. The apprehension of temper,
tumhit does not affect them, it does the popula
branch OF the Legislature, when they give their vote
put tw short months before the election. His cype.
| rlP nj Ia LII
had always maintained its firmness. But the Senate
ought not to have power to resist the deliberate
WISHES OF ITS constituents, when properly expressed.
IL should only have the power to arrest improvdent
nJudlcous legislation There is wide distinction
between popular tumut and the calm deliberations
OF the people When the Senate represents the in.
forests OF the east, how it be confronted by the
popular VIII OF the wesE The representatives of the
people, essentially of this side of the State-what
popular Glamour could compel them TO swerve? VIII
the thunder from the mountains reach their ears CON
lie ring here III security, and while surrounded by
their constituents? Whether viii they yield to tic
tram ntane wishes or ci,montane interests.
The slave owning interests they alone represent
and to them alone thr- responsible. Will the,
yield, he would ak; they vialde Suppose @ Tar;
OIL IL passed requiring the immediate contributions
the East, ana Intended for therxcusve advanta qe
The w est. 1t goes to the Senate-the representa-
tves OF the East, the peculiar guardians Of your pro
perry VIII they venture to 60 home and say that the
could not the wishes OF their west er1 brebren
and will they apologize that in the ma gnanmy ofthei
souls they surrendered your rights to the interests
| the West 1t vas said that the House of Delegates
having the pwer to originate all money bills coul
! stop the wheels of government. He would answe
that no body OF men, annually elected dare do sucl
u thing II said that the Senate would be intiu
enced and controlled by the House OF Delegates -
For his part he never feared the like. He had seei
the experiment made. lie recollected that the Sen
ate had at one time, rejected money BILL almost u
UNANIMOUSLY, although it passedthe House ofDelegate
| oy an overwhelming majority. But said tina
the Senate was the arstocratc branch of the
ment and was by this change rendered odIous to thu
people Phe charge of aristocracy on a man of in
| tegnty would but make him the more erect-rnade q
gainst man of tmid nerves, what would be its eff
fect they would fear the frown5 OF their neghbors
when they would return home-that it would b, trea
son to trust them-and they would be obliged either
to subject themselves to the contempt of their associ
ates, or retire from society.
Was there not sufficient security in the consider
alton, that the Senate appointed from local int
rests? If we are to found government on thu
fears of the people, we would never found auy repre-
1 sentative government-we would have to go back q
pure detnocracy-or to monarchy or despotism. Th
possibility OF an abuse of trust was no argument a
galnst the propriety of placing trust in others.
| tie had thought it proper to submit these views Of
a government founded on the plan proposed by til
gentleman from Frederick. The objection as to dis
sensIons between the two houses had its weight wit
nm but not all the weight which claimed for il
| lie depended, exceedingly, on the discretion wit
winch the power of government you'd be exercise
6y the majority, and controlled by the minority-an
he also depended on the character of Virginia. II
would confidently submit to the people with thes
checks. lie had some experience in the matter. TIL
Senate of Virginia had beenfo long time constitut
cd differently from the House of Delegates as TO tn
distribution of power, and YET no violent dissenson
DO Incurable evils had taken place.
Mr.. j. concluded by expressing his hopes that tn
Committee would choose such Constitution as woul
be carried in the House by large majority, and a
would be acceptable to the people of this State.
Mr.. MARSHALL said that the Convent IL wa eoua
~ divided on The question before il. Several proat
had been proposed on the basis of white populaiio
Alone the combined basis of white population and fe
deral numbers, and the basis of taxation and popuIa
ton On these questions the discussion had bee
carried OIL to unusual length and till all the apgu
ments were exhausted The chief difficulty was, nc
whether the one other of these exclusively shout
be adopted q compromise, but whether we sha
combine the two principles that if practically Uni
ted We may found on them government which W
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