Lancaster gazette. [volume] (Lancaster, Mass.) 1828-1830, 1829-03-03

OF what was due to himself as well as to u.s. that he would
fully disclose all the evidence which he protested to consider
SO sas'acory and felt assured that in that event we
should be able fully explain refute it, or to show that ii
dd not affect any distinguished members of the federal party
And IL on the other hand he should refuse to disclose thai
evidence, we trusted that the pubck would presume what
we nhesatmgy believe that because tie had no en-
dence that coud bear be submitted to an impartial and IN
tetsgent community Mr.. Adams has adopted the latter
course; and the that he has assigned for should
appear to be unsatisfactory elow-czen doubt not,
will join us in drawing the above inference We therefore
proceed to an examination Of those reasons.
Mr. Adams first objects to making joint application
TO him; acknowledging the right of each alone inquire
whether he included in this vague and sweeping denunca-
ton. 1t easy to see why any one should lose this &C
knowedged right by uniting with others in the exercise Of
nor Why this change of form should authorize Mr. Adj
ans to disregard claim But there objections to
the which he has condescended point out as the
only in which he could be approached this occasion
Any individual who should have applied to him in that mode
might have been charged with arrogance and each of
them in he might have taunngy REPLIED that the ap-
pcant in danger of suffering Of the leaders
IN Massachusetts, and had occasion to pate himself
from charge conveyed in the used by Mr. Adams.
The other objection is still decisive After allowing
this Remuneration all the weight that be supposed de-
rive from the personal official character of the accuser,
trust there few citizens of Massachusetts who would be
content to their political reputation to his estimation of
and condescend to solicit his certificate acqu them OF the
suspicion of reasonable practices.
MIR. Adams next objects, that make application as
the representatives Of great and powerful party, which,
the time referred to, commanded, he says devoted
oriy in the Legislature of the Commonwealth; and he denies
our right represent that party We have already stated
the objections joint application by all, who might be in
cluded in this denuncaton and separate inquiry by each
individual and of the which thought usti
fed the which have pursued. We certainly did
arrogate ourselves the title of leaders, and Mr. Adj
may enjoy undistubed, all the advantage which that
circumstance give him in this controversy But we free
y avowed such close political connexon with all who could
probably have been included under that appeaon
der responsible for all their political measures that were
known and we therefore, have been either their
dupes, the associates their guilt In either case
interested, and apprehend, entitled to make this
demand Of Mr. Adams.
AS to the SUGGESTION that he spoke only of certain lead
e the federal and not othe party ITSELF we certain
intended to deny knowledge and beehat any such plot
had been contved by any party whatever in this State and
explicitly stated in our letter. This language would III
cude any number whether large SMALL who might be sup
posed have eagued together for the purpose suggested by
Mr.. Adams There seems, therefore, to be but little ground
for this technical objection that we do not take the issue ten
dered by his charge.
But we wish to examine little further this distinction
which Mr. Adams relies upon, between political party ano
its leaders, From the nature OF representative government
results, that conducting the business OF their legislative anc
popular assemblies individuals will be found to take
active and conspicuous part than the rest and VIII be
regarded as essentially influencing pubck opinions whilst they
are generally themselves merely mpeled by It's force Blu
this influence, whatever degree may exist temporary
and is possessed by succession OF different persons
Those who possess for the time being, called leaders
and in the course Of years, they must amount to very
numerous class Their and political objects mus
necessarily be identified with those Of their whole party IL
deny this is to OF condemnation upon pop
uar government For admitting it to be true, that the peo
pie may be occasony surprised and msed by those who
buse their confidence into measures repugnant to their inter-
ess and duty STILL the majority of them can, for ten years
together be uped and led hoodwinked to the
treason by their perdos gudes without participating IN then
secret designs or being prvy to their existence they show
themselves unfit for self government is not concelvaDe
that the federal party, which, at that time, constituted the
great majority of Massachusetts, will feel themselves indebted
to the President Of the United States for compliment pale
to their loyalty the expense OF their character ior e
gence and independence.
Ii is in the above sense only, that free people can recog
nze any individuals as leaders ard in this sense every man
who is conscious of having enjoyed influence and conSldera
tion with his party may well deem himself included every
opprobrous and ndscrminae impeachment OF the motives
the leaders of that party But would be arrogance to sup
himself alone intended when the terms OF the accusation
imply conederacy of many And while, on the one hand
It would beay both sesness and egotsm to conne his de
mand of exculpaon nself on the otner IT'S lmpos
sbe to unite in one application all who might justly be con-
sdered as his associates 1t follows then that any persons
Who from the relations they sustained to their party, may ap
prehend that the publck will apply to them charges Oh ,n
vague description may Join in such numbers as they sinai
tbnl Fl to demand an explanation of charges, which vii
probably affect some of them, and may affect them all. Inc
right. unon the the mmuabe principle OF justice, IS com
ensurate with the injury and should be adapted to its char
Iortpr