Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1829-07-21
Gre Constitutional gesbtg.


u'd correspondence oil Mr. Jciferson selected from
the Virginia Literary Museum, &c. No 3.
The Editors OF that interesting Periodical very
justly express their curiosity, at the change dictated
by interest, the complete swapping indeed of the
guments and feelings of the different portions of the
Union.
MIR. Chace, of Maryland, slave holding repre-
sentative, may fairly be supposed to express the
mon feelings and wishes OF the slave holding com
mouty at that day. when he protests against epnsid
erng stapes any thing more than property and
such, "lot to be distinguished from the lands aud
personally held in these states where there are few
slaves 1t is not only curious it is mela nchoy, to
the binding influence of interest, over the under
standings of men. When, in the debate before us,
the question was whether slaves should be tare4l as
constituting portion of population, the South resu-
sedio admit that they entitled to the distinction
OF being considered persons, and would acknowledge
them as nothing but property. Now when ques-
ton of pocer is involved when Interest has changed
SIDES, and certain divisions of territory ray
hIse their undue ascendancy in the Government if
slaves are deemed merely property, we find the ar
gnment coming from the slave lrold4ne community
that slaves persons, ahd entitled by law to tile
Protection of life and limb Tire ph;lanthropic Mr.
Martin has secured by his exertons in Parliament,
very nearly the extent of psoteclfon to horses
Had the question in the Old Congress, been one OF
representation, of power, Instead of taxation, in all
probability, we should have found Judge Chace and
Mr.. Adams to have changed places.
Mr.. Adams argument in favor of taxing slaves is
irresistible bue proves nothing in favor of giving
them Representations. They ought to be taxed. be-
cause they wealth, bot wealth merely as wealth,
is not entitled TO representation. Wealth is an in.
To he Dudc claim
perosity over the incidents OF personal beauty. tai
enrs character and many ohcr qualities, nor as much
most of them. Yet who has heard of giving rep
r1sstfntatioa any of these? Wealth gives its pos
SCISSOR great aavantag es-excmpts him from hard la
hor leaves him in command Of his time and motions,
and gives him weight and consideration in the com
iaunty, often dspl opotioned TO his merits, and
passing that of wiser and better Ought the
wealthy not to be content with TIN. Sc great adj
vantagcs which his riches give him, and refrain to
claim superior representation because of his numer-
slaves! That which is entitled to representa-
tf0nis the he for whom all rights exist, who
the land and ali nj it, and has, formed it into
csIrnnunty, and protects and defends it by his
All political power resides in him. and he alone has
the right depute il to others, exercise it in the
shape Ut laws. Ii men, fiesmen, represented
the whole community is represented, and every thing
Tdat belongs TO it. Is luster that slaves should go
unrepresen,ed in part of Virginia, than freernen
in another part Yet of these must virtually
happen, for if slaves we'll their masters are rep
ssnted in one part OF the State, it must happen,
thut two white ard tlrer three slaves, on ore
si!e the mountains, will have much power as FIVE
white the other. 1t follows, that if you give
representation to slaves, you exclude it from pro-
Il'Pon OF white men, and thus derive from staces,
tile political power which you reject from freemen.
This Is complete surrender of Rcpublcanisrn.
PSoPerty is made superior 10 the rights of man. a
Government On such foundation might work well,
might answer for what forctel the ends of
oil Government; but unquestonably, it would be no
Republic. 1t would be an Aristocracy, Oligar-
chY. Wealth would be the vital principle. For
our own parts, much prefer living under q bad
mep,biican form OF Government, tor better Arisoc-
rScy Oigarchy.
We are well apptiscd that the advocates of tire
bass of representation, which takes slaves into its
constitutions disclain Indignantly that trey ask
representation for slaves 1t is, they say, not for
slaves shat demand it, but for tire peculiar sort
CfproPcrty possessed almost exclusively in one part
Cf the State, in the shape of slaves. They wis diy
70 protect that peculiar property from excessive
bpfslrens, by retaining the balance of power in The
Government in tireir own hands. THE gentlemen
seem to have particular objection to calling things by
tie right rtanrs Slaves constitute this peciur pro-
pery they ask to have this peeaar properly speciG-
cally represented; bnt they will by consent
10 acknowledge, that they wish demand represent
totion for s{aves! They much prefer to give it the
more euphoRious hppcllation Of Taxation and rep
resentation, the mixed basis ofpersons and pro-
perty." These terms certainly sound less isytdous-
y to Republican ears, than representation of slaves
gct is it entirely easy to drive these gentlemen from
their refuge, aud to prove that howsocyer what
soevcr they denominatc what they claim, their mean
ing is to cicni representation fer s!ages One simple
nmnsGlom VIII the mn in IL al,t. Wore