Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-02-14

and patriotic public conduct, was ADEQUATE in
a court OF law neither to the conviction OF the
guilty. 10 the justification Of the accuser and
so explicitly pronounced by myself.
You say that you have no design nor wish TO
produce an effect on any political party or question
wha'evor,-nor 10 enter into vipdcation of the
measures publicly adopted aud ayowed by the per-
sons against whom tho above charge has been
made But can you believe tina. this subject could
De discussed between you and me, az you propose.
when calling Son me for statement, with the
avow"d intention Of retuting il, and not produce
an effect on 0ny political party or question!
With regard TO the public measures of those times
and the succeeding, which you declare TO have
had your sanction and appreciation, it needs no
disclosure now, that radical and irreconcileable
difference Of opinion between most of yourselve.
and me existed And can you suppose that in dis
closing names and stbng facts, known perhaps
only 10 myself. could consent TO separate them
from those public measures, which you so cor,ia.-
" approved and which I deeply lame n,ed. .
Must your own defence against these charges for
ever rest exclusively upon solemn protesiation
against The natural Inference from the ire sstible
tendency oil action TO the secret intent OF the ac.
tor! That n state man who believes i'm human yir-
Tue should be slow TO draw this inference against
such solemn asseverations, 1 readily admit but
Tor the regulation of the conduct of human life,
the rules OF evideace are widely different from
those, which receive or exclude testimony in a
court OF law. Eyen ,here, you know, that vio-
lent presumption is equivalent, in cases affecting
NE itself, 10 positive proof; and in succession Of
political measures through series Of years, all
tending TO the same result, there is an internal
evidence agains, which mere denial. however So
Tenn, can scarcely claim the credence even Of the
charity that bclieveth all things.
Let va aid tha: th, state ncnt authorised by
me, as p blished in the Na'iousl inteliigencer,
was made, not only without the intention, but
without the most diSan, imagination of offending
you or o: iniurng any one OF you. But, on the
contrary, for the purpose of expressly disavowing
charge. which was before the public, sanctioned
with the name of the late Mr.. Jeffe son, impu-
ting to certain citizens Of Massachusetts, treason
bic negotiations with the British government du-
rug The par, and expressly stating that he had
received information OF this from On the
publication Of his letter deemed it indcspensa-
bly, Cue 10 myself, and to all the citizens oil Mas
sachuscts, not only to deny having ever given
such Information, but all knowledge IL such fact
AMI tho more so. because that letter had been
published, though without my knowledge, yet 1
was wen assured, from motives OF Justice and
kindness TO the. lt contained a declaration by
Mr.. Jefferson himself frank explicit, and true of
the character oft motives OF my conduct, in all
the transactions Of my intercourse with him, du
ring tire pcrioi OF the embargo. This was a point
upon which hjS memory could not deceive him,
a point upon which he was the best OF witnesses;
aud his testimony the more decisive because
given at moment, as IT would seem, OF great ex-
,ifement against me upon different views OF pub
Tic policy even then in conflict and producing
tanned also a narrative OF personal interview be-
tween himself aud me in March 1903 and stated
that had then given him information of facts,
which induced hiG 10 consent to the substitution
oil the non-intcrcuurse for the einba rgo and that
had apprized him OF this reasonable negotiation
0y ciilZens OF Massachusetts,, TO secede from the
Union during the war; and perhaps rejo:n after the
peace. Row The substitution OF the non intercourse
Tor the embargo, took place twelve months sfier
this interview, and at succeeding session of Con-
gress, when was not even member of that bo-
dy. The negotiation for seeding from the Union
with view 10 rejoin il afterwards, if il ever ex-
listed, must have been during the war. 1 had ne
knowledge OF such negotiation, or even of such a
design. i could therefore have given no such in
formation.
But in giving an unqualified denial TO this state
ment OF Mr. jefferson, and in showing that upon
the face of the letter itself it could not be cor
rect, II was due 10 him TO show, that the missiate
men on his part was not intentional; that it arose
IRON an inilrinity OF memory, which the letter it.
self candidly acknowledged; that it blended to-
gether IN one iDdis;inct mass, the information
which had given him in March 1903, with the
purport OF coniiden;ia letters, which had written
% iiis and my friends in Congress year after and
with events, projects anL perhaps mere suspicious
natural enough as consequences OF the preceding
times, but which occurred, il at all, from three 10
SIX years later, and OF which he could nc. have
had information from me. The simple fact of which
appriZed MIR. Jefferson was, that, in the summer
ed the affair OF the Leopard and Chesapeake,
had seen letter from he governor of Nova Scotia
10 person IN 1assachusettS, affirming that the
British government had certain information of a
plan by that OF France, 10 conquer the British pos
sessions and effect revolution in the United
States, by means Of war with Great Britain. AS
the United 81, S ana Great Britain were in 1907
at peace, a correspondence with the governor oil
y oya Scotia, held by any citizen Of the United
States, imported no violation OF law; nor could the
correspondent be r'sp nsible. for any thing which
the governor might write. But my inlerences
from this fact were, that there existed between
the British government and the party in Msssa-
chusetts opposed TO Mr.. jefferson, a channel of
communication through the governor Of Nova SEQ
tia, which nc was exercising TO inilame their ha-
tred against France and their jealou@ies against
their own government. The letter was not TO any
leader OF The federal party; but had no doubt il
had been shown 10 some OF them, as il had been
TO me, without in junction of secrecy; and, as 1
supposed, with view to convince me that this
conspiracy between Napoleon and Mr.. Jefferson
really existed How that channel Of communica-
ton might be further used was matter Of conjec-
tuie; Tor the mission o. MJ. John Henry was nine
months after my Interview with Mir. jefferson aud
preci-ely at The time when was writing to my
trends in Congress the letters urging the substi-
tuition OF the non-intercourse tor the embargo. or
disclosed by himself in 1912.
III was IN these letters OF 1903 and 1909, that
mentioned the design of certain leaders of the
federal party 10 effect dissolution OF the Union
ana The establishment Of Northern Coniederacy
This design had been formed, in the winter Of
'Su@-4, Immediately af'cT, and as a consequence
Oh The acquisition of Louisiana. Its iusiifyiny
causes TO those who entertained il, were that the
annexation OF Louisiana to The Union transcribed
me constitutional powers Of the government of |
the United states. That IT formed in fact new
coDiedeIacy TO which the States, united by the !
former COtIraCt. We re- no IN all