Martinsburg gazette and public advertiser. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1826-1833, 1829-11-19

hens;on that the people Of Virginia were not
qualified for Republican fofm n government
thew viii accept Of no psher; and We can make
no other. Bot the question - bow such
form /. 10 he constituted. Gentemen had
said AZ fhe opening Of the debate, that there
was a natural to govern by numeers-Out
since the able argument Of The gentleman
from Northampton, (air. Upshur,l they seem
10 have abandoned that rule, and resort only
to conventional rights. They rely upon the
Bil Of Rights for their principles; and II the
instrument consisted only of that Ball, the ar
o,,ment might be correct. But, we are bound
- tal.e the whole instrument together, to
look into the Constitution itsslf, as well as TO
The hin of Rights-But gentlemen contend,
tbatit was the roar of the cannon, and the pee
ri of the times which prevented ovr ioreiath-
ers from carrying their principles out INTO
practice. Yet does it not occnrto gentlemen,
hat if our forefathcrs were in too great hur-
re 70 farm the Constitution upon tina prnci-
ME Of the Bill of Rights, they might have been
IN loo great hurry to form the Bill OF Rights
unon nyoper principles. How comes it about
fiat sn much hurry should have operated up
on one. and not The other? There are men
nn,g living and he was almost about to say,
now present, who could prove that there was
no hurry in the formation of that instrument;
that every article was weighed one by one
Yet he would not appeal to the livmg, but to
the distinguished dead (Alr. Jefterson} that e.
very article was disputed inch by inch lie
saws. that the evidence of such hurry and
precipitation did not exist. There Is a rule OF
INTERPRETATION. familiar to every gentleman IN
this House, that you ought TO take the whole
instrument together, and let all the strings
sound to see what it means. If the trainers OF
the Constitution took due time to deliberate
on its provisions, may we not inter that they
| formed its provisions, according to the Bill OF
| Rights What shall we understand by the
expression in the Bill of Rights, of the evil
dence of permanent, common interest ard
attachment to the community? Some men
may say one thing, and some another. But
what says the Constitution itself' They Inn
it it to the freehold-and does this not prove,
what the founders of the Constitution meant
by this article in their Bill of Rightsa-What
is meant by the other article in Bill? The
ma jority arc to rule--but what does the Con-
vention say by their own prosisions?-tiat it
is the majority who possess the freehold. lie
understood the gentleman from Brooke to say,
that the present Constitution does not afford
anv protection TO the prove property. (N1r.
Doddridge explained; he had sale" by means
Of representaton.m
Mr.. NJ replied that the trainers ofthe Con-
sttution Rad given the power to the freehold
ers. And they could not furnish more SUI
licicnt guarantee when they gave the power to
the freebooter, who was also the slave holder.
They granted the protection to that species of
, property, by granting it to those who held
that species of property.
, Mr. NJ. contended that numbers were not
the basis on which the representation, in the
: Federal Constitution, was appordoned. We
I ourselves insisted that in apportionng the
! powers of the Federal Government, numbers
. should not regulate the repres entation. The
very men who assisted in framing the Bill OF
Rights demanded the three ffths. as pro-
= lection to the whole Southern country for this
a species of property Our ancestors demanded
!. it of men, who had shed their blood but 10
f years before, and stood side by side with each
: other We were then pretty much In the same
!, relation TO other States, as we are now IN re-
!. gard to our brethren of the Fast! Shall we
! be told that they are our friends, when it was
, our friends then, from whom we demanded
;. this protection? And did they grant it; and
will these gentlemen refuse it? He admitted
!, that other principles entered into the Federal
:, Union: yet this was a great leading consider
j alton. What apology could we make to gu,
. constituents, and to our posterity, for giving
a up such a principle five give it up, if thi,
I. great Southern country gives it up, how shall
&c we stand? 1T gives up one eleventh OF the
,e representation in Congress, what apology
- shall we make for the surrender?
70 Mr.. NJ contended that where the rule o.
"a numbers was calculated to jeopardize any
. great interest. the rule is never adhered to
=. He Illustrated the plea, In that instrument
If an equality in the Senate was intended t.
70 guard the sovereignty of the small States; w,
n consented to place Rhode Island and Della
10 ware on the same footing with ourselves
a, Numbers then were not in rs: numbers wer
nj not in 81. the ratio which the people Of Viz
A. gnia pursued either in apportioning power a
as mong our own people, or among the separat
an States.
Id Mr. NJ. entered into a comparative view O
he the extent of the slave population on bot
s.: sides of the Ridge, and the amount Of take
on paid by both; yetwhile the East has SO man
m more slaves than the West, and pays so niue
OF more of the taxes, the East is asked TO SUI
he render the power of taxing its own slaves t
ne the West But he held it to be of the yer
ct essence ofrepublican government, that thos
who pay the money, shall consent to pay. BIZ
se what should we say of one portion of our pee
n pie imposing taxes on other, who paid with
out adequate representation He understoo
r the gentleman from Norfolk to say, that taxa
' ton and representation issued from dflerer
> streams; that they had no connexon wit
/" each other But whatever may have been til
=. - case in the ancient republics, the history
- the English Parliament, shows that il was
" lay the taxes, the Parliament were constitu
~ ed the representatives OF the people of Ems