The Massachusetts spy, and Worcester County advertiser. [volume] ([Worcester, Mass.]) 1825-1831, 1829-03-04

our application as the representatives of d
great and powerful party, which, at the
time referred to, commanded, as he says,
devoted majority in the legislature of the
Commonwealth and he denies our right
to represent that party. We have already
stated the objections to joint application
by all, who might be included in this de-
nunciatlon, and to a separate inquiry by
each individual; and soms of the reasons
which we thought, justified the course
which we have pursued. We certainly did
not arrogate to ourselves the title of" lead
=" and MIR. Adams may enjoy, undisturb-
ed, all the advantage which that circum-
stance can give him in this controversy.
But we freely ayowed such close politi-
cal connexion with all who could probably
have been included under that appeation,
as to render US responsible for all their
political measures that were known to US;
and We, therefore, must have been either
their dupes, or the associates in their guilt.
In either case, we were interested, and, SIS
we apprebended, entitled, to make this de-
mand of Mr.. Adams.
As to the suggestion that he spoke only
of "certain leaders" of the federal party,
and not of the party itself; we certainly
intended to deny our knowledge and belief
that any such plot had been contrived by
any party whatever in this State and It is
explicitly so stated in our letter. This Ian
guage would include any number whether
large or small, who might be supposed to
have leagued together, for the purpose sug-
gested by Mr.. Adams. There seems, there
fore, to be but little ground for this techni-
cal objection, that we do not take the issue
rendered by his charge.
But we wish to examine little further
this distinction which Mr.. Adams relies
upon, between political party and its lead
ers. From the nature of representative
government, it results, that, in conducting
the business of their Legislative and popular
assemblies, some individuals will be found
to take more active and conspicuous part
than the rest, and will be regarded as es-
sentially influencing public opinion, whilst
they are generally themselves merely im-
PEELED by It's force. But this influence, in
whatever degree it may exist, is temporary,
and is possessed by constant succession Of
different persons. Those who possess it
for the time being, are called leaders, and
in the course of ten years they must amount
to very numerous class. Their measures
and political objects must necessarily be
identified with those of their whole party.
To deny this is to pronounce sentence Of
condemnation upon popular government.
For, admitting it to be true, that the people
may he occasionally surprised and misled
/ by those who abuse their confidence TITO
! measures repugnant to their interests and
duty, still, if the majority of them can, for
ten years together, he duped, and led hook
wInked to the very precIpice of treason, by
their perfidious guides, "without partici-
pating in their secret designs, or heing
privy to their existence" they show them
selves unfit for selfgovernDent. 1t is not
conceivable that the federal party, which,
at the time constituted the great malority
of Massachusetts, will feel themselves in
dehted TO the President of the U. States,
for compliment paid to their loyalty, at
the expense of thsir character for intell-
gence and independence
1t is in the above sense only, that free
people can recognize any individuals as
leaders; and in this sense, every man, who
is conscious of having enjoyed influence
and consideration with his party, may we'll
deem himself included in every opprobrious
and indiscriminate impeachment of the
motives of the leaders of that party. But it
intended, when the terms of the accusation
imply confederacy of many. And while,
on the one hand, it would betray both self
ishness and egotism to confine his demand
of exculpation to himself; so, on the other,
it is impossible to mite in enc application
all who might justly be considered IS his
associates. 1t follows then that any per-
sons, who, from the relations they sustain
ed to their party, may apprehend that the
public will apply to them charges of this
vague description, NAV join in such rrrn-
bers as they shall think fit, 10 demand an
explanation of charges, which viii probably
affect some of them, and may affect them
all. The right, upon the immuta.le princi-
| pies of justice. is commensurate with the
injury, and should be adapted to its charac-
ter.
( Again, who can doubt that the public
reputation Of nigh minded men, WHO have
embarked in the same cause and maintain
ed communion of principles, is a common
property, which all who are interested are
bound to vindlcate as occasion may require
the present for the absent-the living for
! the dead-the son for the father.
If any responsible individual at Washing
ton should declare himself to be in possess
sion OF unequyocal evidence, that the lead
ers ofceftain States in our conlederacy were
now maturing plot for the separation Of
the States, might not the members of Com
gress, now there, from the States thus ac-
cused, insist upon disclosure Of evidence
and names? Would they be diverted from
their purpose by an evasion of the question,
on the ground, that, as the libeller had not
named any individuals, so there was no one
entitled to make this demands or would
they be satisfied with misty exculpa,on
of themselves They would contend for
the honor of their absent friends, Of party,
and of their States. These were among
our motives for making this call We feel