Virginia advocate. [volume] (Charlottesville, Va.) 1827-1860, 1829-11-27

us, and he quoted the Journals Of the Old
Congress, to show with what care the pro-
vision about the 3-5tlis slave represents /
ton was adopted anl tina, Virginia was
;ndisposed To- have all her slaves COUNTED.
But, he asked, whether we sS"u!l go to
Washington or Massac husets to ascertain |!
the character of our slaves Was i, here
that we were not property He contend
Ell that we are not To- 90 to the CDnst!tu-
ton of the u. .. to understand this sub.
Iject-.or, in forming that instrument the
question was determined by various con-
celebrations ami compromises.
lie asked thea, il slaves were property,
was there any thing peculiar to this spc-
cies of property which entitled it to tho
privilege OF representation. If we COM
putc it as property, why not GO to North
Carolina, and estimate the representative
Qualifications of the gold mines of Cabar-
ras Twill you 30 to the mineral trea.
sures of our own mountains, and give
them representation p Away then, with
this argument, which sometimes estimate:
the slaves as~ property, and sometimes
considers them as persons. 1t would do
at Washington, I'm, not here. "~-+
He contended that there was no danger
from any decision which the Convention
mis- ht make upon this subject, in regard
to the setting aside Of our own slave re-
presentation IN the Congress of the; Uni
ted States-that there were already
twelve Slave States. which were equally
represented in the Senate Of the United
States, and who have go members in tho
House of RepTcsentatives-that it reQuir-
ed Odds of Congress to recommend aud
3 4ths OF the States To adopt an amend
! ment of the Constitution Of tue U. States,
which might take away the slave repre-.
senta,ioD in the House of Representatives
that evan if Florida, Arkansas, and
Michigan, were to be admitted into the
} Union, The slave States would stand as Ii
to l3-and with every possible variation
to the number Of States from Cape Flol!-
da to Canada, no state OF things could
possibly exist. which would endanger that
clause in the Constiintion-tha thus be-
D.. ing safe from any change in the Federal
Government, we might, without any pre-
text or danger, do Justice at home.
He commended, that the present state of
Tranquility, which we enjoy, was peculiar
~ favorable to the amendment Of our own
institutions.
He then proceeded to justify, at some
length, the basis proposed by the Resolp-.
ton of the Legislative Communicable
stated that it was substantially the same
with the Resolutions Of the gentleman
from NorIold Mr.. Taylor.] altho' they
his. "
: He then examined the great Repositories
ot natural law for The purpose of suppor-
ting the first conclusion, TO which he ex-
pected Ia arrive: lie contended, that man
IN state Of nature, SD called, had rights,
and was subject TO obligations; that
) wherever he was born, he had the reIa-
tons OF a husband and a father that all
the virtues were derived from the circle Of
domestic duiies-,hat even the wandering
Iartars respect the ashes oftheir fathers
! and extend the warinest affections to their
offspring-that it vas out of these Affections,
that all our social and public virtues
|spring he expatiated upon this princ-
pie at some leDgth-and moreover con-
tended, that the right of property was IS
sentiaIly personal right; and that even if
state of nature was no where to be found
in the world, yet it might be readily con.
ceived, and employed as the foundation Of
our reasonings on morals. Have not VOL
fins, and Va,tel ,and Paley reasoned in this
way! Did not Locke adopt the same
} course of argument? He dwell. with great
force on the words of Locke, showing that
ne had been the friend Of liberty, and had
Sir Robert Elmer for his antagonist, who
wrote a work on the "Divne Right of
Kings" referred to the argument of the
gentleman from Chesterfield (Mr Leigh)
drawn from the situation Of Robinson Cru
soc in his island-- While MIR. Nj. admitted
that the laws of war gave the conqueror
some power over the life of his captive,
yet an act Of humanity Of Crusoe, and the
gratitude of Friday, did not make him
slave--He expatiated npon this subject at
some length
He proceeded to notice the arguments
OF thegentleman from Orange Mr.. Barb
our, of whom he spoke in very handsome
terms. lie was sorry tina, gentleman had
paid complmentlo Massachusetts at the
expense of the Western States, who had
carried with them all the enlightened
principles of Republican government.
He scanned the articles of the Cons,.na
ton Of Massachusetts, and attempted to
show its imperfectioDs.-- passed on to
the other Constitutions, cited many of
their provisions, and commented on them
at very considerable length, in support Of
his positions, or in reply to the arguments
OF other gentlemen.
He also traced the history Of the prin-
ciPle Of representation and taxation, at
The commencement Of our Revolution. -
lie conteDded, that this principle derived
no support from the PRECEDENT of the Brit
ish Parliament-ihat taxation and renre.