Virginia advocate. [volume] (Charlottesville, Va.) 1827-1860, 1829-11-20
Nd. II.


could prove that there was no hurry IN the
formation of that instrument that every
article was weighed one by one. Yet he
would not appeal to the living, hut to the
distinguished dead (Mr. Jeiferson\ that
every article was disputed inch by inch.
lie says, that the evidence of such hurry
and precipitation did not exist. There 10
a rule OF interpretation, familiar to every
gentleman in this House, that YOU oupbt
to take the whole instrument toGether and
let all the strings sound, to see what il
means. III tie trainers of the Constitution
TOOK !ne time TO deliberate on its proyis.
ions, may we not infer that they formed its
provisions, according 10 the Bill of Riqbts7
what shall we understand by the express
sion in the Bill Of Rights, THE evidence
| OF permanent, common interest ard at
tachment to the community? Some mon
may say one thing, and some nno,bor
Dut what says the Constitution itself?
They limit 1t TO the freehold-and does
TINS not prove, what the founders of ,ba
Constitution meant by this article in their
Bill OF Rights ?-What is meant nv tho
other article In this Bill ? The majority
are to rule-but what does the Conven.
ton say by their own provision ?-tbat if
Is the myoTtty who possess the freehold.
lie understood the gentleman from Brooke
10 say, that the present Consti.a:ion does
not afford any protection to the slave pro.
perty.-(Mr. Doddridge explainedLbe
had said "by means of representation "l
Mr. nj. replied that the trainers of the
Constitution had given The power to the
ireeholders And they could not furnish
more sufficient guarantee when they
gave the power to the freeholder, who was
also the slave holder. They granted the
protection to that species of property. by
granting ii to those who held that species
of property.
MIR. M. contended that numbers were
not The basis on which the representation,
III the Federal Constitution, was amor
TONED. We ourselves insisted, that i'm
| apportloning the powers of the Federal
Government, numbers should not regulate
the representation. The very men, who
assisted In framing the Bill OF Rights. de-
manded the three-hiths, as protection TO
the whole Southern country for this spe-
cies oil property. Our ancestors demand
ed 1t OF men, who had shed their blood bnt
ten years before, O. stood side by side with
each other. We were then pretty much
IN the same relation to other States a. wa
are now, in regard to our brethren of the
East ! Shall we be told that thew are onr
friends, when 1t was our friends then. from
whom we demanded this protection {?
And did they grant it; and will these
gentlemen refuse it He admitted thar
other principles entered into the Federal
Union yea this was great LEADING cons;-
deration'-What apology could we make
TO our constituents, and to our posterity.
Tor giving up such a principle ? If we
give 1t up; il this great Southern country
gives 1t up, how shall we stand If i
gives up one eleventh of the representa-
ton IN Congress, what apology shall we
make for the surrender Z!
| Mr.. M. commended that where the rrle
ofnumbers was calculated to ieopardize
any great interest, the rule is never adj.
hered to. lie illustrated the idea by re.
terence to the Federal Constitution. In
that instrument, an equality in the Senate
was intended to guard the sovereignty of
the small States-we consented 10 nlsce
Il. Island and Delaware on the same foot
ing with ourselves. Numbers then were
not IN 10 numbers were not 'S7, the RAJ
ito which the people of Virginia pursued
either In apportioning power among our
own people, or among the separate States.
Mr.. M. entered into a comparative view
OF the extent of slave population on both
sides OF the Ridge, and the amount of
taxes paid by both i; yet while the Fast
has so many more slaves than the West
ana pays so much more Of the taxes. the
East Is asked to surrender the power of
taxing ITS own slaves to the West. But
he held it to be Of the verv essence of re-
publican government, that those who nav
the money, shall consent TO nav RI,
what should we say of one portion of our
people imposing taxes upon others, who
paid without adequate representation o
lie understood the gentleman from Nor
Io'k to say, that taxation and representa-
ton issued from different streams that
they had no coDDexion with each other.
But whatever may have been the case in
the ancient republics, the history of the
} English Parliament shows, that il was tn
lay the taxes, the parliament was con-
stltuted the representatives of the people
OF England and that they refused aids
i, to the KING until he explained TO them
: how the money was to be expended.
Gentlemen say, we ought to rely upon
their lntegtity-but what should we say if
: a proposition were made to give the I.e-
gisIaiufe Of Ohio the power to lay taxes
upon us. Yet they are no doubt, compos-
sed of horourable men. Would not we
5 shrink from such proposition Would
I we not say, tIrat we could not trust such
: power into the hands Of men who did
? not participate iii the burdens that they
5 imposed