Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-02-03

ehce.-It is not doubted, but that the publication
oil these essays, will be gratifying TO The TeaGers
Of that Journal.
MIR. MADISON AND THE TARIFF.
To the Editor Of the Heraid
SIR,-In governments of democratic const.t,-
ton, where all public measures should be weigh.
Ell IN the balance OF fair argument, and free dis
cussion, it is much 10 be regretted that popular
opinion should be unduiy directed by the influence
OF authority, or the power Of name. Argument
requires no adventurous aid. To garush it with
the glitter OF name. would be presuInptuous and
supererogatory.-ft is simple, substantive and in.
dependent of circumstances.-It must prevail by
its native and inherent excellence, or il is spuri-
ons and suppositious.
Holding these opinions, cannot but regret, that
the veDeraed name Of James Madison, associated
with every sentiment Of virtue and rcpuhlicanism
and entwned with the proudest recollections of
our history, should be lent 10 the furtheranct Of
doctrines. which, as they distinctly expressed
and deliberately suppori. should be judged only
by the common test OF all reasoning. If these
doctrines are well founded, that appendage is I'M
necessary-if otherwise, it is dangerous. Had the
simple opinion of Mr.. Madison, indeed, been I'm
accompanied by those reasons which ne has pub.
llshed to the world, am free to confess that my
profound admiration of his eminent wisdom and
excellent virtues, would have induced an extreme
distrust OF the propriety of the judgment which
had deliberately formed OF the unconsiitu tonali-
~ OF the late tariff law. Because ignorant of the
arguments to be employed in its support, I should
have anticipated their force, and presumed their
efijcacy.-But now, that they are at length
known, l examine their intrinsic quality and
mould my sentiments by The result Of such exami.
nation.
Mr. Aiadison's opinions, with their corroborating
arguments, having been given to the public, they
are now the common property of our citizens, and
purpose in this essay, 10 sketch the grounds Of
my objection 10 them. In performing this task,
shall restrict myself TO the consideration of what
is expressed in the letters Of Mr.. NJ. without en-
tering upon the general arguments advanced by
the opponents Of The tariff; for if some what
strangely happens, that without the Hecessify of
single reference to them, the letters Of Mr. Nj may
lie innutely discussed.
1t will be perceived with some surprise By those
WHO would derive the righ, Of Congress 10 encour-
age manufactures, from the clause vesijng tie
ePower to lay and collect taxes duties i,nposts
and excuses" that Mr. Madison wholly reietts
THIS ground, and infers its existence only from the
"Power TO regulate trade" And, indeed, The
whole tenor Of the argument, designed 10 nrove
that the former power Is embraced by Inc latter.
presents an anomaly wholly uncxamplcd ia pole.
ihIeai discussions. With great elaboration IL is at
tempted 10 be established that the power to regu.
late trade, vests tho encouraging power, only be.
cause IN its obvious scope, il manifes'ly includes
the power to lay taxes, &c as necessary Incl.
dent, when, this power. from which by making
rs er1sfence Influential, the right 10 encourages
manufactures Is derived, is distinctly P1pressef In
the Con<tituton. Thus, ascending TO the arqu.
Tlebl, Congress have the protecting power, be
cause they have the power to impose duties and
foxes. They have the power 10 impose duties
because they have the power to regulate trade
NOW, II is necessary TO prove the grant OF the
Ipwer TO impose duties, though erpressiy dstscd.
'ef, by infeting its existence as unavoidably In.
c,deht 10 the general power 70 regulate trade, y
.,ks necessity exists to establish 81 Implication
the grant Of this latter power. BIT M Msdisor