The Massachusetts spy, and Worcester County advertiser. [volume] ([Worcester, Mass.]) 1825-1831, 1829-03-11

petitions, or remonstrances, to obtain a re- |
dress of their. grievances and relief from
their suiferings.
II there was no constitutional objection
TO this mode of proceeding, it will be readi-
1y admitted that it was in all respects the
most eligible. In the state of distress and
danger which then oppressed all hearts, it
was TO be apprehended, as before suggest
ell, that large and frequent assemblies of
the people might lead TO measures incon-
slstcnt with the peace and order of the
community. If an appeal was to be made
to the government of the United States, it
was likely to be more effectual, if proceed
ing from the whole State collectively, than
from insulated assemblies of citizens and
the application in that form would tend also
TO repress the public excitement, and pre-
vent any sudden and unadvised proceedings
of the people, by holding out to them the
prospect of relief through the influence of
their State government. This latter con-
-sideration had great weight with the legis-
iatarc; and it is believed to have been the
only motive that could have induced some
of the delegates to that convention to quit
the seclusion to which they had voluntarily
retired, to expose themselves anew to all
the fatigue and anxiety, the odium, the
misrepresentation, calumnies, and unjust
reproaches, which so frequently accompany
and follow the best exertions for the public
good.
If each one Of the States had the right
IL ----s---~- ~f srioyuuUoe, It is
clear that Two or more States might consult
together for the same purpose and the
only mode in which they could consult each
other was by mutual appointment of dele
gates for that purpose.
But this is not the only ground, nor is it
the strongest, on which 70 rest the justifca-
ton of the proceedings in question. If the
government of the United States in time
of such distress and danger should be una
BILE, or should neglect, to afford protection
and relief to the peoples the Legislature Of
the State would not only have right, but
it would be their duty, to consult together,
and, if practicable, to furnish these from
their own resources. This would be in aid
of the general government. How severely
the people of Massachusetts experienced at
that time the want of this ability or DISPOSE
ton, in the general government, we need
not repeat If the legislature of single
State might under such circumstances en-
deavor to provide for its defence, without
infringing the national compact, no reason
is perceived, why they might not appoint a
committee or delegates, to confer with dele
gates of neighboring States who were ex-
posed to like dangers and sufferlngs, to de-
wise and suggest to their respective leglsla-
lures measures by which their own resour-
ces might be employed /" in manner not
repugnant to their obligations as members
of the Union" A part of New England
had been invaded, and was then held by the
enemy, without an effort of the general
government to regain it; and if another in
vasion, which was then threatened and
generally expected, had taken place, and
the New England States had been still de-
serted by the government, and left to rely
on their own resources. it is obvious that
the best mode of providing for their COM
mon defence would have been by stimuli
taneous and combined operation nf all their
this right, and we hold that it has never
been surrendered, nor taken from them by
the people.
The argument on this point might be
easily extended; but we may confidently
rely on the two grounds above mentioned,
to wit, the right of the people, through their
State legislatures or other wise, to petition
and demonstrate for a redress of their
grievances; and the right of the States in
time of war and of threatened invasion
to make the necessary provisions for their
own defence. To these objects was con-
fined the whole authority conferred by our
Legislature on the delegates whom they ap-
pointed. They were directed to meet and
confer with other delegates, and to devise
and suggest measures of relief for the adop-
ton of the respective States; but not to
represent or act for their constituents by
agreeing to, OF adopting any such measures
themselves, or in behalf of the States.
But whilst we strenuously maintain this
right of the people, to complain, to petition,
and to demonstrate in the strongest terms
against measures which they think to be
unconstitutional, unjust, progressive, and
to do this in the manner which they shall
deem most convenient or effectual, provided
it be in an "orderly and peaceable man.
ner;' we readily admit that wise people
would not hastily resort to it, especially in
this imposing form, OH every occasion of
partial and temporary discomfort or suffer-
ing. We therefore proceed to consider,
Secondly, the propriety and expediency
of adopting that measure IN the autumn of
1914. On this point it is enough to say,
that the grievances that were suffered
and the dangers that were apprehended at
that time, and the strong excitement which
they produced among all the people, which
is stated more particularly elsewhere in this
address, rendered some measures for their
relief indispensably necessary. If the leg
islature had not under taken their cause,
it appeared TO be certain, as we have al
ready suggested, that the people would take
it into their own hands; and there was rea-
son to fear that the proceedings in that
case might be less orderly and peaceful,
and at the same time, less eficacious.
Thirdly. We have already stated the