Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-06-19

that " lei aione." is the true policy. both 10 the
Federal and State Government. And how Il j.,
that Vtrginionsis, and / would include the En-
quirsr In the Same remark can be its advocate in
the former, as irresistbly infer, that he is from
his commentary on .he evils OF its opposite, i'm
laton to that government, and not be its advocate
IN the latter also, surprising both 10 act within their
constitutional limits, is past my comprehension.
When can redeem time sufficient for the purpose,
may reply TO firgiuens,s more Il large. For
the present, can only say. that his whole argu-
meni appears TO me, 10 be ps.i,io priccpii,-a
complete begging OF tho question, though deliv-
cred, a. il were. ex caihedrs, and in spirit that
seems to say, have said il il is therefore tbe
law and the prophets" But, from some parts Of
his Essay, should infer that we are not very far
from agreeing; aud should almost expect him to
own 1t, but for one consideraton-the pride OF
opinion. All experience proves, that 90 A man
convinced against his will, is of the opinion
sui."-He admits with the founders OF the Re-
public that no people ough, 20 submit TO taxation,
who have not the pro,e citing hand Of their rsrresen
tatlvcs, TO stay the grasp OF expressions and that IL
would be not only unjust, hut tyrannical IN the ex-
IRENE, In any government, 10 tax people with
out their assent, giyeR ny their representatives"
Now, is IT Consistent with these principles, that
the taxes should be imposed by the representative
! OF those who pay ooiy l-5th oil them, against the
consentoi the representatives Of those who must
pay the other i-5ths-or by the representatives Of
those who pay only l-l0,h, (supposing all the re-
venue TO be ra.jed upon slaves, which the majori-
ty OF natives, upon the basis Of white pop
ulation, would have ii in their power, and would
be strongly tempted TO do) against the consent Of
the representatives OF those who would have the
other CLOTHS to pay. No distinction is taken be-
; tween slaves and other taxable property; by
which mean visible, tangible properly, not the
minds of men as ingcnicusly, but very unsasfac-
torily suggested by Virginiensis Slaves are SO
frequently spoken OF, only because of the deep
stake we OF the East have in the subject. result
ing from the fact OF their very unequal dis,ribu-
| ton.
But, property Cor taxation) should not he con-
sidered in apportioning representatives at ALL" we
are told, because it is iIuctuating." So is pop
| uation. " Property or wealth is here to-day and
gone Tomorrow" This ia still more emphatically
true, especially il relates to districts Of country,
Of large portion OF the population, which we both
agree, and which all agree, should be taken into
the account. And LET it be borne in mind, hy the
reader, that it is only in apporoning power or re-
representatives. between different districts of couu-
try, and not between individuals, that have con
tended for the joint ratio of numbers and taxes;
which renders a large portion of the argument Of
Virginiensis, fatally inappIicable to the occasion.
He reasons throughout, as though advocated
| such principle in The distribution Of political
power between individuals, although expressly
dsciaimec IL, and said, that in that point of view
" to do more than TO require moderate property
qualification in voters, such as would furnish the
tfiucHCe ny the Dill Oh nights, oil per-
manent, common interest with, and attachment to,
the community, possessing which, all should have
equal weight, would be srstocraic, aud gross
Interpretation Of the principle" To what end a
man OF his discernu,ent could have done this
cannot divine unless il was 10 furnish an occasion
Tor his homly IN the propensity of man, TO " pay
court to the wealthy" 1t is alas, too true Bat,
believe, that there 10 not country on the globe
where wealth, unconnected with any merit in its
possessor, is held in less esteem, than in Virginia.
In the old countries, where the laws of primogeni-
ture add entails, dam up property in particular
families, and prevent its answering It's natural and
legitimate purposes of production, subsistence
commerce, exchange, SC. and where the ov-
ornamental policy, is tomake the poor, poorer and
the rich. richer there is such HOMELESS distance
between the rich and poor shat the servility of the
latter is not to be wondered at But, there is COM
paratively little OF that servle homage paid 10
wealth. where these artificial distinctions are bro
ken down, and Z" ard all may strive 10 obtain il,
and strive with hope'-where iabour, heretofore
has reaped It's due rewards, with but little inter-
ruption from the State Government, and by the
saiutary influence OF our laws of descent aliena-
ton, and distribution, all are encouraged to that
exertion to improvs their condition. which so far
| from being the pabulum of " court to the veal
thy" is its most formidable enemy. The sturdy
yeolnan, entertains hearty contempt tor the rich
man whose affairs he manages, while he Tolls on
his sofa, and spends his life in useless inactivity,
or GO wastes his substance in riotous living" And
| pOHCy may DTiulc AIS tongue, lie SeCrety
exults III his own superiority, and proudly aniici-
pa'es the day as not distant, when he can snap his
fingers In the others face, and saw am as
rich as you But, admit all that vrginiensis has
SAID on this subject, and what does il prove:--
4sssuredly" not that the same seryile HOMAGE
which an abject individual would pay to his rich
neighbour, would be pai! by the West to the Eas, ,
or by one district of country to the property OF
| another, when the uncomfortable power is given
them OF taxing it at their will and pleasure. Un-
iess virgIniensls means to say this, he has been
nghing phantom Of his own creation. But woe
betide the people, who repose any such confidence
Depend upon it, property" in that case, would
be very poorly :" able to take care of itself" II
would have" too many attractions: and "court
would be paid to it, Tor human nature is chang
ed,) In manner that would not be very agreea-
Die TO US. This is no ''pctty strife about sec
tons, arraying the body against the limbs and the
| limbs against the body"-but a fair appeal TO the
justice and nagnanmty of the West and the self
preservation OF the East Nor is it "rending
the veil OF the temple asunder''-that has been
done by the sef-naned friends of Reform" IL
IS only an appeal TO you, not TO cement It with un
tempered mortar.
Again Virginiensis has introduced the clause
OF The Bill Of Rights which declares that .the poy
err OF suspending laws, or the execution of laws
by any authority, without the consent of the re
representatives. OF the people, is injurious TO their
rights, and ought not 10 be exercised"-a declara-
uon which grew out of the abuses committed by
We oriusn mug, aod MS representatives. in the
Colony. Not sensible that had said auyht to:the
contrary, was at loss to conceive the purpose
for which II was introduced. 1t was to SUPPORT his
proposition, that the free white population is the
true principle oil representation" And what gen.
lie reader, Is the argument deduced from III IL is
In these worss: !" II Ghe article Of the Bill of
Rights,) does not read without consent of the re-
representatives. of populations and taxation, but of
the people. The fact is, if the representatives OF
the people, represent their interests, they will re-
present thei-property; and, therefore, there is no
necessity for basing representation upon the prin-
ciple OF taxation at a.--Thus, think, il is
demonstrated, &C." Without stopping TO enquire
whether the word people, asu'edhere,i is not gen.