Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1829-11-03

m'nS which dhavs led our ances ors 10 yield had
u "aen possible todoso, without danger The ueces
81! o uis'on' al object Tor which almost any other
Would nave been sacrificed, would have induced them
TO cohcedc almost any thing. Yet Notwithstanding
'hey had THAT object so much at heart they insisted
on tne guarantee. as SINE qua non, without which
that union would not have taken place. Are we
now, In Ike circumstances, 20 give up this point,
Whenthere are fewer motives for abandonment,
II III IKE circumstances, surrender what our aui
1sstois 'n9ugAt necessary to Insist on what apology
con we ohef 10 ourselves or our poSteity? Let Vir
glna give up now, what she successfully contended
ior IN 1889, and where will the principle stand? If
tregreat Southern slave holding State shall give up
her principle, caa the smaller sutps south of her long
resist tie viewed the effect of this abandonment on
the representation OF the states in the federal govern
nient. at the time when this principle was Insisted
OIL In l789, 1t was evident that the revenue from,
commerce being surrendered to the Federal goverl,
ment, the state of Virginia was to have no source
OF revenue but her lands and her slaves That which
was then considered contingent, is now certain,
our government cannot aii inch without taxa
eion ana the slave property is the principal
o. mat revenue. Hence he desircda argument
Tor the construction of taxation with numbers as
basis Of Representation.
He next adverted TO the circumstances attending
the formation of the Senate o.the r. States us a.
Mother proof that an exclusive reference to numbers
could not have been contemplated by those who fra
ieu the it'll of Rights He did not refer to that as
case precisely parallel but it had strong BEARING
upon the subject. II Showed that numbers we're not
necessary tor the protection Of the interests of the
| community. He did not regard the course of the
new suites as precedent, since their situation may
render 1t much less important that property should
be any considerable element in representation. In
the formation OF the Senate, it insisted, and Vir
gini1 consented, that the small States Of Rhode
Island and Delaware should have the same rep
rescu'eSon in the Senate, New York, Penn
syivsnia and Virginia. Did this bear any pru-
portion to Numbers? Why ;as tots dnlIcP 1t
was to prevent political sovereignties from rising
among the different Stateg 1t Was to preserve
the balance of the Union. Numbers arc not Alloy
wed to prevail, because the existence of the smaller
States would have been then exposed hourly ieop-
ardy On this account VIZ assentcd that Rhode
island and Delaware should have largc represent
tation III the Serrlie, as New York, Pennsylvania
and Virginia. II is true this compact made
between individuals, but between States. But the
fact. nevertheless, has strong bearing on the pres
ent argument What do we now pruposes Are we
not compromising the rights OF individuals for the
professions of all! Ii is true it is not to prevent DO
litical sovereignty, bat it is to prevent evil which
strikes at the root of domestic existence at thu,
nieaus on Which our families depend.
TO CoNTISUEDf