Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-05-19

The Charge Of Design 10 Dissoive the Union
alleged to hare eristed VA that Stale.
(CoNCLUDEp)
weighty argument for limiting government to
the simple and general legislation which we have
now recommended thong not intimately connect
ed with our main subject deserves a brief notice.
Ii is iornd in the great and growing extent OF the
country. The attention OF Congress is already
distracted and overwhelmed by the multiplicity
oil affairs, and every session is more and more in
danger OF neglecting its proper objects and do
thing well. We fear that the most pressing BUSH
ness is the most frequently postponed. We refer
TO the claims OF individuals the government;
and We call these the most pressing concerns be-
cause the man W no has been wroDged by un-
anticipated operation of the laws or of any public
measures, has right to immediate redress, and
because delay of justice may be his ruin. Al
ready we hear angry complaint and derision of the
ineficacy OF Congress, and the evil will increase,
until that body shall select from a bewilderng
crowd of applications, its appropriate Objects and
shall coniine itself to legislation demanded by
| the general voice, and by the obvious wants of
| the community
The principles of legislation now laid down,
seem to usto have an important bearing ON two
great questions, which have already agitated the
country, and which, we fear bode 40 good to the
! Union We refer to the restrictive system and 10
| internal Improvement. The first, which proposes
TO protect certain branches of domestic industry,
seems to US singularly wanting in that simplicity
| and impartiality, which, we have said, should
characterize our legislation. Ii cannot be under
by the mass Oh tne people, anu TX VIII GER
| tainly divide them. In the first place, the re-
s,rictive system involves Constitutional difficult
~. We OF this region, indeed, generally concede
TO Congress the right OF Limiting trade in general,
or OF annihiiating particular branches of it, for the
encouragement OF domestic industry; but the ar
gumept for narrower construction of the Con-
stitution is certainly specous and certainly strong
enough to give to those on whom tariff may
press heavily, the consciousness of being wrong
ed. In the next place, the general question OF
the expediency of restriction must be allowed by
IFS advocates to be difficult one. The growing
light OF the age certainly seems to oppose il, and
the statements and reasonngs by which it is de-
Tended, even il founded in truth, vet SO intri-
cate and so open to objection, that vast numbers
even of the enlightened cannot be satisfied of
their validity. But supposing restriction to be ad-
ntted the question as TO its extent, to the kinds
OF industry which shall be protected, TO the
| branches OF trade which shall be sacrificed, this
question is the most perpleXing which can be offe
ed to popular discussion, and cannot tail TO awaken
cupidity, jealousy, and hatred. From the nature
oil the case, the protection must be unegually ex-
tended, nor can any wisdom balance the losses TO
which the different states will be exposed. re-
shictve tariff is necessarily n source Of dscord.
To some portions of the country it must be evil,
nor will they suffer patiently. Disadvantages
imposed by nature, communities will bear, but
not those which are brought on them by legisla-
ton. We have, indeed, various objections TO the
whole system OF protection. We believe il 10 be
deceptive throughout. We also oppose il, on the
ground that our country in adopting it, abandons
lis true and honorable position To this country
above all others, belongs, as its primary duty and
interest, the support OF liberal principles. 1t has
nothing in its institutions Eongenal with the max
inns Of barbarous ages, with the narrow monopo-
LIKING, restrictive legislation OF ANTICIPATED despo-
sms. Freedom in all its FORMS is our iile strength
and prosperity; and every system at war with
ihowever Specious!y maintained, is contradiction
to our characters, and, wanting harmony with our
| spirit, must take something, however silently
from the energy OF the institutions which hold us
| together.-As citizens of the world, we grieve
that this country should help TO prolong preiudi-
| ces, which even monarchy is out growing; should
| in imitation OF mcddling despotsms, undertake TO
direct the industry and capital of the citizen, and
| especially should lose sight of that sublime OBJ
ject Of philanthropy, the promotion of free unre
strcted commerce through the world As pari-
OTIS, we grieve that precedent has been afforded
| for kind Of Legislation which, if persisted in. will
| almost certainly loosen, and may rupture the u
Mon. The principal excellence Of the late tariff
Is, that IL Is so constructed please no one that
even its friends pronounce it an abomination; for
by offending and injurng all, it eXcites less ami
mostly In the principal sufferers. Tariffs never
will be impartial. They will always, in grea-
ter or less degree, be the results of selfish COM
binations OF private and public men, through which
majority will be secured to particular interests;
and such is the blindness OF avarice that to
sbort-ived partial good the infinite blessings OF
union Will be hazarded, and may be thrown away
| III we may be allowed short depression, we
would say, that we have no parality 10 tariffs Of
any kind, not even those which are laid on imports
Tor the purpose Of raising revenue. We suppose
that they are necessary at present, especially
/ where they have become the habit of the people
and we are not insensble to the facility thew af
ford for collecting the revenue. But we should
rejoice, u by some great improvement in finance
every. custoni-house could be shut from Maine 10
| Louisiana The interests of human nature require
that every fcter should be broken from the inter
| course OF nations, that the most distant countries
should exchange all their products, whether of
manual or intellectual labor, freely as the mem
bers o. the same community. An unrestricted
commerce we regard as the most important means
OF diffusing through the world, knowledge, arts
comforts, civilization, religion, and liberty; and 10
this great cause we would have our country de
voted. We will add that we attach 10 impoti nee
30 what is deemed the chief benefit of tariffs that
| they save the necessity of direct taxation, md
draw from people large revenue without their
knowledge: In the first place, we say, that free
people ought to know what they pay for freedom,
and that they should truly scorn to be cheated
into the support Of their government, az into the
support oil their children. In the next place, a
! large revenue is no blessing An OVERLOOKING
treasury will always be eorrupting TO the govern
ors and the governed. revenue, vigorously pro-
portioned to the wants Of people, il as much as
can be trusted safely to men i'm power. The only
valid argument against substituting direct for in
direct taxation, is the difficulty of ascertaning with
precision the property Of the citizen Happy
would 1t be for us, could tariffs be done away FOR
| with them would he abolished fruitful causes OF
national jealousies, of war; of perjury, Of SNUG.
| Cling, OF innumersble frauds and crimes and of
harassng restraints on that commerce which should
be free the winds.
! We consider many Of the remarks made in re-
| terence TO tariffs applicable to internal i'm.
Provements. These also involve a Constitutional
question OF no small difficulty; and it. seems i'm
possible that they should be prosecuted with anv
4 deRrpe Wa