Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-10-17
POTTTTgABa

The OLD ScHooL DocrRINEs.-We can give TO
our readers nothing more interesting, on the old and
permanent political divisions in this country, than the
opinion OF Mr. J,ferson on the first bill to establish n
National Bank. That able paper has now Tor the frs,
time obtained publicity; and IL comes 10 us venerable in
its source, and in the sanctions and confirma,ions of
time, though so widely departed from under the lstitu-
dinarian " constructions" Of administrations that were
any thing bur JeiIersonian.
The grant of the charter Of the bank of the u. s. has
been aptly described by a state sman of eminent stand
ing and talents, and of the soundest politics, as Z" the
! great pioneer Of constitutional en~croachment." 1t was
the first act, alter the adoption of the constitution, by
which powers, not only not enumerated in that insru-
ment, but tacitly denied by the convention were exer-
cised by s construction" and il was the first step To-
wards the renewal of the contest which in that body
had so clearly marked and separated the friends Of a 20.
vcrnment approaching to monarchy, and those ofa go
vernmcnt, such as we now have, OF defined and liberal
rrpublicanism-a contest which has continued from
that day To this, between those who contended for such
governmental powers " a. are true and warranted by
the text" and those who strove for the 50 fraudulent
inventions OF after-times."
The opinion OF Mr.. Jefferson was ore Of the two re-
ports made 10 Gen. Washington, upon a reference 10 his
cabinet Of the first bank bill. These reports were sub
United Immediately after the adoption Of the consti;u.
ton, and, based upon the principles which Influenced
the different sides of The convention in the formation of
that instrument, laid the foundation of the Republican
and Federal parties. The o;her siie was advocated by
Gen. Hamilton, in his celebrated bank report.-He as.
sumed what was called a liberal construction Of the
constitutions, under'which, with its sweeping and I'M
limited implications. all subsequent abuses have been
attempted. Mr.. Jefferson contended Tor what he de-
clared 10 he an honest construction Of the constitution,
limiting is operations TO what was known TO have been
the intention Of Its trainers; and upon that principle the
republicans, from the incorporation of the u. ;. bank
to the present dsy, have resisted the lati,udinarian TO.
tons which found their origin in the FIRST hank b II aud
Gen. Hamilton's report. That eminent statesman, il is
reasonable to believe, was not less honest than MIR. JEFF
ferson. But he had persuaded himself that the consti-
tuition as adopted, did not confer sufficient power upon
the federal governments; and that il was the right, il not
the duty, oil its administrators, to take by construction
(ifinot expressly disallowed by the letter. whatihe
states had refused TO grant directly. Had he lived TO
witness the alarming extent to which his doctrine was
subsequently pushed, and the fuiility Of his fears both
as 10 the supposed weakness Of The federal governments
and the inordinate powers o. the states, lac would doubt
less have Abandoned his positions.
But what was thus begun in honest but mistaken
conviction, was urged by his successors in the promul-
CATION OF the federal doctrines, with INSCRIPTIONS zeal
for the concentration of power In the general govern.
ment. The avowed principles of the elder and the young
er Adams, on this important ques ton. were so liberal,
taatS there wasno,ling which the constitution did not
sanction or allow; nor was there scarcely any power Of
the states, which was not wrested from them, and hand
ed over by a sort OF constructive copy- hold, 10 the fed
erai head. Jefferson and Madison and the Republican
Party, resisted these invasions; aud there has been a
perpetual struggle between them and tile Federal Par
|ty--the former for the maintenance OF the constitution
al rights OF the states, and the restriction Of the power
oil the general government within safe and reasonable
iimits-and the latter for the subversion Of those rights,
and an enlargement Of the general powers 10 an extcn,
as unlimited as the desires and designs of the aspirants
who thus seek the ends of their ambition. Til, indeed
is the quo amino o! parties among us. Ii is the true
distinction, now as heretofore, between the Republican
and Federal parties-the one striving 10 maintain the de-
fences against the Entertainments of power, and 10 give
10 ii a legitimate and warran,abie action-and the other
to enlarge its boundaries and to multiply its means of
sovereignty. This distinction is so obvious that ii can
not be disguised or denied by those who continue to
maintain it. on the Federal side; aud il will not be east
ly lost sight OF, on the other side, by the Democracy Of
The country.
We have only glanced at the doctrines OF the old
school. The subject is iull of interest to such Of an in
~teligent people az have not been taught TO substitute
constructive invention, Tor the letter and spirit of the
constitution. IL is illustrated, as our readers doubtless
recollect, in the most able and lucid manner, in the
speech of Mr.. Van Buren,, in the u. s. senate, on the
constitutional powers OF the Vice President-an histori.
cal and political illustration which ought TO he in the
hands OF every republican. T.Ai6any Argus.