Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-05-15
PoLITI0Ax.
THE CHRISTIAN EXAMINER.

name, and We have devoured an article il contains
on the aiI-nteresting subject Of "the Union" with
so eager an appetite, which still increased as we
went on, that we shall put our columns in requi-
sltlon Till we shall have re-published this whole
ucie, an article OF as much intrinsic wisdom and |
candor, conveyed in pure and precise style, as |
we have ever met with from the pen Of any A
inerican writer. We commence il this evening.
nv. Y. e. Post.
THE UNION.
correspondence bettoeen John Quincy adams,
Esquire, President ofthe United States, and
several Citizens of Massachusetts. concerning
ms charge ~ Design to Dissolve the Union
alleged to haze eristed in that State
We have placed at the head Of this article the
title OF pamphlet, which has drawn much at
ten'ion and excited much feeling But in go do
ing, we have not thought of reviewing the con-
troyersy to which it relates. Our work is devoted
20 the incubation and defence of great principle
and we are anxious to keep it free from irritating
personalities. We are resolved TO contend earn
csily for what we deem truth, but we. wish no
contest with individuals. We are aware that ca
ses may exist, in which justice to prosecuted vir
tue, or to good but suffering cause, may bind
us 10 take part In temporary controversies. We
ieei, however, no such obligation in the present
instance In the Correspondence, those whom we
deem injured have vindcated themselves too eiIec-
ually TO need other defenders. The charge OF Nor
ihern plot for dismeinbering the country has been
iairiy met and triumphanty refuted. We violate,
therefore, no duty in following our inclinaiions,
aud in leaving this controversy 10 those whom it
Immediately concerns. To preve Mt misapprehen-
sion, we will add, that in speaking Of the charge
| which gave rise TO the Correspondence, fully
refuted, we mean not to accuse of wilful misrep-
resentation the individual by whom it was brought
forward. We are not ignorant OF the facility with
which men deceive themselves, especially when
their passions are infarned. We mean not to de-
ny, that FIR. Adams may imagine himself in pos
session Of proofs which sustain his allegation; nor
is t hard to explain the delusion. II is very pos
sibe, that twenty-five years ago, in a most agta-
i ted and convulsed state of the country some among
us questioned, whether the national government
was likely to accomplish the good which il had
promised.-lt is very possible, that, in the season
Of evaporation, some rash spirits among the Fed
eralsts gave uterance to passionate invectives and
inconsiderate menaces; and can very easily
! understand, how mind, disposed 10 misconstrue
the words and actions OF ardent partisans, might,
in the midst of such excitement, become haunted
with suspicious and visionary conspiracies. We
think il very creditable to our country, that, in
passing through the stormy season of which we
have spoken, il teemed with no more panics and
inventions OF secret treasons; that so few plots
were feigned OF feared. We exceedingly regret,
| that Mr.. Adams has made il necessary 10 his re-
putation to fasten reproach OF this nature on a
| portion Of his fellow citizens. We regret, not
only for public reasons, but for his own sake that
on retiring from office, he cannot promise him
self the happiness Of his predecessors, the hsppi-
ness of a calm and dgnified retirement from pub
lie strife.
Our aim in the present article is TO call the at
tention OF our readers to subject OF great mo-
ment, which us directly brought before US by the
Correspondence; we mean, the importance to our
National Union. This topic 10 one of transcend =
ing and universal interest," and therefore deserves
a place in a work devoted TO the incucalions OF
those great principles, which involve the virtue
and happiness OF the community. In the discus
sion OF such topic, shall OF necessity recur to
the events and struggles OF the last 80 40 years
But we shall do so, not for the purpose OF rsvv-
ing haf-extinguisbed animosities but IN the hope
| OF pointing out our danger nation, and AVA
kenng more enlightened attachment to our COM
mon country. We trust, that we claim ior orr
selves no singular virtue in saying, that we look
back on the conflicts and revolutions of this pc.
Rod as on matters Of history, and that we Identity
ourselves with them scarcely more than with G.
vents preceding our birth. Ii seems 10 US, that
good degree Of impartiality relation TO this Pc
Rod, instead OF requiring high moral effort is al
most forced upon us by the circumstances of our
times. Our age has been marked above all 9TH
err by the suddeness, variety, and stupendousness
/ of its revolutions. The events OF Centuries have
been crowded into single life. The history OF
the civilized world, since the bursting forth OF the
French Revolution, reminds rs OF one of the F-
regular dramas OF Shakespeare, in which the Incl
dents OF reign are compressed into an hour.
Overwhelming changes have rushed upon one am
other too rapidly to give time to comprehend
them, and have been so multiplied as TO eahaus,
our capacity OF admiration. In consequence oil
this throngiDg and whirl of events, the revolutions
which we have witnessed seem to be thrown
! back, and to belong TO previous age. Our inter-
est in them contemporaries is diminished 10 de-
! gree which excites our own wonder, and we
think that we recall them with as little selfish par
TALLY, experience in looking back on the
transactions OF past centuries. Perhaps we are
deceived; but we can assure our readers that we
should not trust ourselves 10 speak as frankly as we
my Of the past, did not believe, that our
personal interest in il differs little from what we,
feel in other important periods OF human history.
We have said that our present topic il the i'm
portaDce Of the Union, and we have selected il
because 1t cannot, we apprehend, be too deeply
impressed. No lesson should be written more
indeliby on the hearts of our citizens. To secure
TO il the strong conviction with which il ought 10
be received, we have thought that we might USE
fully insist on the chief good which The Union
confers, and we are the more disposed 10 do this
because not sure that this subject is suffi-
GENTLY understood, because we sometimes appre-
bend that the people not OF the most esse
tisl benefit which they derive from the confedera-
ton, but looking TO it for advantages which it
cannot bestow, and in danger Of EXPOSING IL 10
hazard by expecting from it more thanif can ac-
! complish. OF all governments may say, that
the good which they promote is chiefly negative,
end this is especially true Of the federal institu.
| lions which bind these States together. Their
| highest function is, 10 avert ev5s Nor let their
efficiency on this account DO disparaged. The
Highest political good, liberty, is negative. II is
the removal ot Instructions II is security from
wrong 1t confers no positive happiness, but
opens field in which the individual may achieve
| his happiness by his unfettered powers. The
| great good of the Union we may express almost
4 in word. II preserves us from wasting and de-
stroyipg one another. 1t preserves relations Of
peace among communities, which, II broken into
| separate nations, would be arrayed against one
another in perpetual, mercess, q ruiuous war N
indeed contributes TO our defence against foreign
states, but still more II defends from another
| This we apprehend to be the chief boon OF tha
4 Lii -.