The Massachusetts spy, and Worcester County advertiser. [volume] ([Worcester, Mass.]) 1825-1831, 1829-03-11
APPEAL
To THE CITIZENS OF THE U. STATES.
ICoNCIUDFD

Il We proceed then to a brief examination
OF the alleged project of 1904 of the
Northern confederacy.
In the first place, Ne solemnly disavoa,
all k'lo'oledge Of such project, and al
remembrance Of the mention of 1t, or of an,
plan analogous to it, at That or ana sub.
seqnent period. Secondly, While it is cbyi-
ously impossible for US to coutrovert evi-
dence of which we are, ignorant, we are
well assured it must be equally impossible
to bring any facts whirh can be considered
evidence to bear upon the designs OF meas.
ures of those, who, at the time of Mr.
Adams's interview with Mr. Jefferson. and
afterwards, during, the war took an active
part in the public "fFni,o of afossaehnsofts
! The effort OBSERVABLE throughout this
letter, to connect those later events, which
were of public nature, and of which the
natural and adequate causes were public,
with the mysterious project, known only to
himself, of the earlier origin and distinct
source, is in the last degree violent and dis.
ingenious.
The cession of Louisiana to the United
States, when first promulgated, was theme
of complaint and dissatisfaction, in this part
OF the country. This cOull not he regard
ed as tactlous or unreasonable, when il is
admitted by Mr. Adams, that Mr.. Jefferson
and himself entertained constitutional scru-
Piles and objections to the provisions of the
treaty of cession. Nothing, however, like
"A popular excitement grew out Of the meas
ures, and is it stated by Mr.. Adams that this
/ project "Slumbered" until the period of the
embargo in December 1907. Suppose then
for the moment (what we have not shadow
of reason for believing, and do not believe. ]
| that upon the occasion of the Louisiana
Treaty, "certain leaders" Influenced by
constitutional objections, (admitted to have
been common to Mr.. Jefferson, Mr.. Adams
and themselves had conceived project of
separation, and of Northern Confederacv,
IS the only probable counterpoise to the
manufacture of new States in the South.
does it follow that when the public mind
becume reconciled to the cesson, and the
beneficial consequences of it were realized,
! las it is conceded by Mr. Adams. was the
( case) these same leaders," whoever they
might be, would still cherish the embryo
! project, and wait for other contingencies,
TO enable them to effect it I? On what au-
thority can Mr. Adams assume that the pro-
ject merely "slumbered" for years, if his phi
vate evidence applies only to the time of its
origin.
The opposition to the measures of gov
eminent in 1908 arose from causes, which
wore common to the people, not only OF
New England, but of all the commercial
States, as was manifested in New York.
Philadelphia, and elsewhere. By what pro-
cess y: fair reasoning then rnn that opposi-
ton be referred to, or connected with plan.
which is said to have originated in 1904
and to have been intended to embrace
merely a northern confederacv? The OBJ
lection 10 the Louisiana treaty was founded
on the just construction of the compact be-
tween sovereign states. 1t was believed
in New England that new members could
not he added 10 the confederacy beyond the
territorial limits of the contracting par
ties without the consent of those parties.
This was considered AS n fair subject of
remonstrance, and as justifying proposals for
an amendment of the constitution. But so
far were the federal party from attempting
to use this as an additional incentive to the
passions of the day, that in a report made
10 the Legislature of 1913 by committee
of which Mr.. Adams's "excellent friend"
Josiah Quincy was chairman, louisiana
having Mt this time been admitted into the
Union) it is expressly stated, that "they
hare not been disposed to connect this great
constitutional question iOith the transient ca
families Of the day, from which it is In their
opinion very apparently distinguished both
in its cause and consequences" That in
their view of this great constitutional ques-
ton, they have confined themselves to top
les and arguments drawn from the constitu-
ton, "with the hope of limiting the further
progress of the evil r tier than with the
expectation of immediate relief during .e
continuance of existing Influences in the
national administration" This report was
accepted; and thus the "project" instead
( of being used as fuel to the flame, is DELHI
erately taken out Of it, and presented to the
people by "the leaders" as resting on dis
| tinrt considerations from the transient ca :
lamities," and for which present redress
ought neither to he sought, or expected.
TO the embargo imposed in December,
| 1907, nearly al the delegation of Massa-
chnsetts was opposed. The pretexts for
imposing it were deemed by her citizens II
mockery of her sufferngs. Owning neatly
one third of the tonnage in the United
States, she felt that her voice ought to he
heard in what related to its security. De-
pending principally on her foreign trade
and fisheries for support, her situation APP
reared desperate under the operation OF
this law in its terms perpetual. 1t was q
hitter aggravation of her suferings 10 be
told, that its object was to preserve these
interests. No people, at peace, in an equa
space of time, ever endured severer prlva
tions. She could not consider the annlhila.
ton of her trade as included in the power
TO regulate it. To her lawyers, statesmen
and citizens in general, it appeared a direct
violation of the constitution. twas univer-
sally odious. The disaffection was not con-
fined to the federal party. Mr.. Adams, il
ls said, and not contradicted, announced in
his letters to the members of Congress,
that nnunrntnnnt must not rely nnnn its nNr