Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-10-17

Of things. DO than 10 opprcss section for the
aggrandzeent OF another, and therefore there could
only result from il the exaltaon Of one party by the
depression of another then would uuhe statngly cav
government has no right TO do it,
Government is established for certain ends, and when
il fails TO attain those ends, and increases the very mis-
chief intended to be remedied goes beyond the sphere
Of Its powers, and becomes a Isurper. Again, if l am
asked, upon what principles would support tariff,
would say, for the public wsitare. The expenses o;
government must be supported: the revenue be
raised in this 1t true will pre- heavier
than another, but this springs from necessity, and
cannot be avoded all interested in the payment Of
national debts, and the support Of national govern.
ment, and therefore the tariff has view national well
fare
nufaclures, necessary for the defence and security Of
the nation, because the manufacturers is gain, and
the is to lose, but because the national well
fare, the national Defence may require II, and the ni
nority submit; they are benehed by the ssure
well as the majority though not perhaps TO the
extent But when IL becomes question Of mere loss
and gain TO the minority aud the majority its aspect is
changed TO more melancholy character; the majority
to have right aud justice their sde aud every
imposition OF duty with the sole view Of building up
class at the expense Of another, without any view
tiona welfare, is contrary TO the great end OF govern
ment, is wrong, and unjust.
II you will apply this to the history Of our own
tariffs fear they will not be found correspond with
the acquisitions Of justice. The woolens district, for
example, have before said calls for additional du.
ties foreign woollens. but its influence in the
ellis of the nation is not sufficiently great to its
object. Interest then drives from the path Of rcct
tude and morality, and stimulates il to compromise
with other sections seeking for protection II says 10
tho hemp district, will lay duties on hemp, IL you
will join in raising those wooens; the hemp
district makes the calculation. and finds that although
it will be injured as consumer Of woollen' it will be
more benefi tee producer Of hemp the compromise
effected: their force is not yet sufficiently great; addi
tiona interests must he secured; they both 10 10 tho
iron districts, which likewise seeking for proee-
ton, and offer their support; the iron districts lind they
will be benefited by the protection given to iron.
than injured by that given to woolens and hemp, and
they join the coalition. Thus, il increases by ariful
combination until majority is 'ecure and each pro-
tected interest, although calculates on loss upo all
the rest which protected along with il, yet expects
indie mni,y in the protection afforded it, The losses
| Of each interest protected, thus than compsn
'ated by the gains which il makes.
But il we will survey: the whole Of the United
States, shall find, that while this compromise is thus
going forward, and finally contaminated there is an
extensive district Of country stretching along the At
antc frontier, from the Chesapeake to the Gulf Of
Mexico, and reaching lar into the interior, which 10
wholly excluded! from the compromise. Blessed with
genality Of Cline fertility Of SOIL and advantage Of
petition, it asks for protection 1t produces
wheat tobacco rice and cotton cheaper than any other
nation on the globe can rear them And TO offer il
protection, indemnity for its losses outrage
upon humanity and common sense.t This then. is
the great fund or capital out OF which the gains Of the
woollens hempen, iron districts, &c, are furnished.
These latter give and take, but the former
demned TO pour out her streams of wealth, and
flow in to compensate the loss. She loses the wool
lens, she loses the hemp she loses the iron the
coton.. and the whole catalogue OF protected articles
and gains in not one single item. Can wonder.
then, that discomfort and murmur should be loudly
raised in this district, We even sometimes see, that
the protected sections themselves find, by sad expert
ence they have granted too much in the compromise,
and they become discontinued and grumblng. What,
then, ought TO expect from those distrcts that
have not in single instance received the quid pro
quo?
Look to the votes on the ta.:3 9! 1873, and fear
they will demonstrate the selhshness and injustice Of
the whole protecting system. On the final question
in the House of Representatives: all the members
from the Southern States. (VirriuiJ. North
South Carolina and Georgia) voted against the BILL
cept three members from Virginia. and three others
from that State, who absent.
"All the members from the South western States,
Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi and Lousana,) voted
against the bill.
can the members from the Western States, Oxen.
lucky, Ohio Indiana, Illinois and Missour) voted for
the bill, except from Missouri, who voted against
il, and one from Ohio, absent from ndisposition.
OF the delegation Of the Middle States, (Maryland
Delaware, Pennsylvania and New York; Sc voted for
the bill, and III against il. Seven absent the
final question, and there was one vacancy from death.
O the III dissentients, were fIom Maryland, and 6
represented commercial districts in New. York The
delegation of Penns yvana, New-Jersey and Delaware
whether absent or present, were unanimously for the
bill. Only ;one Of the delegates from Maryland
voted for the bill, but it is believed the who
absent approved Of the principle, and only objected TO
the details Maryland lying between Pennsylvania and
Virginia, is naturally divided every sectional ques:
ton. The New-England delegation STOOL Is for the!
BILL and % against it, They brought forward the
sure, and then opposed .s adoption, because did not
al in,erestst Can any thing better prove, than the
votes on this important OCCASION that this purely
question Of compromise and sectional interests, and that
the interests OF the minority and the public welfare
we're wholly neg lectcd? Can any thing have a more
decided tendency TO corrupt the government, and de-
s,roy the liberties Of the country, II there be po-
litical proposcr. says the South Carolina exposition
Of the tariff universally true, that springs direct
ly from the nature OF and is independent Of cir
cums,ances, II is, that irresponsible pow incoDsten
with liberty, and must corrupt those who exercise it
On this great principle our political system ress'S
What but the exercise of irresponsible power by tile
British Parliament, caused the emancipation of the
United States? Did not the colonsts deny the right
the part OF England to tax them, unless through the
medium of their representatives? And yet you will
by combination of other sections, is precisely the
principle The colonies could be safe, as long as
the British Parliament claimed the right of taxing hem
Tor those who laid the taxes bore share in the pay
ment OF them, and therefore could be sufficiently
interested in the welfare Of those upon whom they fell
Nay, since those in whom the taxing power resided
would constantly reap the benefit Of such taxation: in
crest, which is the great spring Of all actions
and in the end and directs the affairs of this
world, would constantly impel them 10 a of
just and oppressive policy, and the very injustice Of the
policy would be its strongest recommendation, and the
most urgent motive for its adopon; for The unjust
might be- the greater would be the advantage derived
from it. Precisely so is with taxes laid on minority
by majority, secured by combination of sectional in
teress. The injustice Of the law would be its highest
recommendation TO such majority; for the more OPP
prcssive 1t might be upon the minority, the greater
would be THAR gains and consequently the ire
sisble would be the temptation to its adoption. But
here you are ready to say there is marked difference