Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1829-01-03
RICHMOND. JAN. q
THE TARIFF QUESTION.

So
trious man? Who has raised more noble monu.
Inent to his own fame, than James Madison has
done by the composition Of his Report' Ii deserves
to live as long as the Constitution itself.
with what deep regret, therefore, we venture
to differ with Mr. Madison OH any great question
II is unnecessary for US TO repeat. We feel the
vast disparity which xsts between MS. but tho a,,
Oh prophets and oracles has passed; and tho we
mummy ieei our inieriority, yet are free CHI.
Zens OF free country and must think for ourselves
We listen to every thing he says on constitution
al questions, with the greatest considers ,ion-we
weigh all his arguments well as we can-bu,
when we are not convinced, we feel bound 10 ex-
press our dissent in the most respectful terms
Precisely in this predicament are we placed bv
his late Letters on the Tariff Question
we are not OF the number of those who obicc
70 MT. madison's rningng in thc great discussions
oil the day. We should have been happy 10 have
seen him more frequently out upon such questions.
We should have been glad 10 have had his opinions
upon the Cohens' case; upon the decision of the
supreme court IN The case of the Bank; and up-
on the doctrines of Mr. Adams Message. On more
than one oil these occasions, we are satisfied that
bis opinions have been msrepresented and mis-
quoted.-We should, indeed, have been prouJ IN
have heard his Voice more frequently supnor,;n~
The great principles of his admirable Report and
staying the encroachments of the general govern
Inent upon the reserved rights ofthe States Butwe
shall be the last TO complain of him either when
he speaks or when he chooses TO be silent ~
might at this time, haze preferred 10 hear him I'M
on some other question than this one-to have
known, for instance, in what way the encroach-
ments OF the U. s. 10 be STAYED; how the vari
Gus debateable questions, which are now ,noot
can be best adjusted; how harmony is TO he best
restored TO public councils and to the different
States; whether by legislative. amendments to the
Constitution. or by the call of q Convention mr. bv
taking the chances of experience and time Rut
its for Mr. Madison himself to select his own time
anu manner OF exercising his privileges. He is
bound to consult no other wishes than his own
We regret, 1t is true, that Mr.. nj adison has cho-
m mn tl,;u H
because 1t was not necessary to dissipate the
angry clouds which had collected TO the South.
They have blown over, Of themselves without
the Intervention OF his warning voice. But while
his letters can do little good in that way thew NAV
do some mischief in others. Not having entered
his protest against the present extravaganza tariff
laws; having waived such discussion, and posi-
lively declared that Gin the exercise of The Dotpcr
they are responsible their constituents whose
right and duty is, in that, in all other cases
TO bring their measures TO the test of truth and of
the general good''-it is impossible TO overlook the
consequences OF his exposition. 1t ,ciH be urged
rs an argument in favor OF the present abomnabIe
laws. IL has already been trumphanly en-
ployed-and Iothng can now satisfy the public,
that Mr.. Madison does not consider any excess
Of tariff TO be without the limits OF the Constu.
fion."
He says, that Congress have the power "to
regulate Trades it is under this clause he nfers
the power TO encourage nufacures-not even
protesting against the eXtravagant cxcessses to
which the present tariff proceeds. Does Mr. M.
believe, that the Southern States would have A.
greed to this clause OF the Constitution, if they
could have foreseen the extent to which il has
been abused? Can he believe that the present
law falls within the power TO "regulate COM
mercer"
Toregulate commerce is one thing--to counter
vail the commercial impositions Of foreign states
TO obtain for our vessels and our own products
the best terms for their reception into other porss
one thing-It is broad, substantive object which
was understood at the time of adopting the Con.
and in t,yrifi nf tt,o
eralist.-But, TO deduce from that power another
power which is equally independent s. substantive
with Itseli--the power OF encouraging manufac-
tures,not for the sake of countervailing the regula
tons of other nations, and of advancing our com
merce;but OF promoting manufactures on their own
account, appears to neither correct in itself, nor
consistent with that strict mode of constituting the
Constitution, which Mr.. NJ supported in his speech
on the Bank Bill, his celebrated Report or his me-
norable protest in March 1917 against the bill for
Internal improvements. To deduce one substan-
tive power from another, would be fatal TO the the
Ory Of federal constitution with specified powers
Nor does the FederaIist recommend the encou.
Yogement Of manufactures by' regulating COM
merce." There is such thing 10 be found
in all its disguisitons upon this cause-aDd yet,
IL is the avowed object OF the present Tariff Sys-
TEN.
No one has strongly supported the
propriety of countervailing regulations than Mr..
Jefierson-and he has gone so far, in one Of his
carly reports as to hint at the incidental benefit
which they might produce in raising up certain
branches OF manufacture; but he treats 1t as an in
cidental effect, not substantive power to he
ercised on its own account. In fact, MIR. j. de-
nounced the tarifflaw OF 1925, gross abuse Of
power What does he soy in his letter to Mr.. Giles
Of Goth Dec. 1925!
"Take together the decisions of the Federal
Court, the doctrines of the President, and the mis-
constructions of the constitutional compact acted
OH by the legislature of the federal branch; and it
is but too evident that the three ruling branches
of that department., are in combination, TO strip
their colleagues, the state authorities, OF the powers
reserved by them, and to exercise themselves, all
functions foreign and domestic. Under the pow
or "to regulate commerce, they assume Indefinite
w, that also over agriculture and manufactures;
and call it regulation too, to take the earnings OF
one of these branches OF industry, and that 100,
the most depressed, and put them into the pock
cts Of the other, the most flourisbing of all"
And this was in lS25-What would ne have said,
IL lie had had the present law before him! Would
lie have considered that law as flowing from the
right 4" TO regulate commerce?'In 1925, the du-
" on wooeDs ranged only from % 10 33 ID
By the present law, il is stated by ~ York wri-
ter "the duties have been raised from 80 l-3, TO
rates If 40 to200 per cent. averaging, perhaps,
60 per cent?
For the purpose Of showing in what different
lights this tariff power has been considered-and
TO give the reader a better chance OF seeing both
sides of the question, we lay before him the fol-
lowing quotations The first is from the Charles
ION Southern Review" a work OF great merit
and ee,ebrity--and the last, is from the solemn
Protest adopted but the other doy by tile Legs
lsure Of Georgia-BOti Of these discuss the same
two clauses which Mr.. Madison brings forward in
his late letters
Extract from the Southern RepictC on The Con-
sHfufiOn Of The II. S.
uScoYsTITUTIoNABIT Of THE TARIFF.
"Wbilst tariff was solicited as moderate and
liberal boon to domestic manufactures, the people