Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1828-01-22

Cromwell and Bonaparte usurped the reins of GOV
eminent; and this meeting venture to express the
oPnion, that at the present day, the election of an
aspiring demagogue Is much more dangerous than
the elevation OF ''military chieltain who has re-
signed every office he ever held, and who, in all
cases, has displayed honest zeal for the GOOD Of
his country.
The distinction of federalis and republican Is not
a distinction without difference, and that Mr..
Adams IS an "apostate federalsi," we will not on
uis occasion, attempt to prove. His opponents as
sert, and his friends admit the fact So late as the
year 1906, MIR. Adams presided at a meeting of
tederalists IN Boston, recommending the re-efec-
ton OF Gov. Strong, and Harrison q. Otis thus
identifying himself with the leading men and strong
measures OF that party. Yet in this, or the next
year, Mr. Adams protested to be suddenly convert
ed-but this meeting cannot but dstrust his since
Eity. He never supported any measure of Mr.
Jehersons administration, until near its close
when he voted for the embargo-but in few DAYS
moved its repeal. Now, opinion as to the cxpe-
ulency oil any measure, having no reference con-
sutuuonal principles, Is no test OF mans political
tenets IN reference to the carlin.l PRINCIPLES of
government But, in addition 10 the facts that nj
the time OF his protested conversion, Mr. Adams
was near ~ years OF age-that the party from
which he deserted was sinking, and that TO vhch
he united himself was rising-that the distinguish
lng principles Of the two great parties had been
completely unlolded, and their tendencies fully
disclosed-and that Mr. Adams all along had been
Jealous advocate of the federal partyUthis meet
proofs, that MIR. Adams, though nominally repub1
lean, is in fact a federalist
lst-ln his letter TO Cen Smyth's constituents
Mr. Adams says his objections to the bill enabling
the President 10 take possession of Louisiana were
built upon the unconstitutionality of the tremen-
dous power" conferred on the national Executive
'But observe" continues Mr.. Adams, 'sthat do
not notc. deny the existence of this authority in
the constitution; but It is a constructive power
and at the time when was called upon to record
my vote upon it, the question was new to me and
new TO Congress, with reference 20 the legislative
exposition OF the constitution" Now, this meeting
cannot conceive more dangerous doctrine than
the one here laid down by MIR. Adams. WHY does
not Mr.. Adams deny the existence of this a,-
thorty in the constitution. Plainly because Con-
gress has exercised this Tremendous powers" the
amount, then, OF his argument is this The consti-
tuition does not vest Congress with this sstreInen-
dous power'-yet az they did assume it, though
neither granted by the express words of the con
stitution, nor plainly deducibe therefrom, this as
sumption, of itself, settles the principle, and arms
Congress with this tremendous power" forever
thereafter! by parity OF reasoning, the Alien and
Sedition laws constitutional because they have
once received the legislative and executive sane
lions.
2nd-In letter addressed to a gentleman in O.
hio, MIR. Adams says: ''The question of thepoyer
OF Congress to authorize Internal improvements is
IN other words, question, whether the people of
this Union, in forming their common, social com
pact, as avowedly for the purpose of promoting
their general welfare, have performed their work
IN manner so ineUd5ly stupid as TO denY them
selves the means OF lettering their own condition
This meeting cannot but remark that Mr. Adams
losing sight of the objects for which the constitu-
ton was formed, well the letter and spirit of
that instrument, 1.-THE only true criteria by which
10 test the powers of the federal government0 re-
lies, for the right of tire General Government to
authorize Internal improvements on the ground
that ''the people of this Mon, in forming their
common, social compact, '.have not been SO s1ef-
nh tn
lettering their own condition" Mr.. Adams ar
gument goes the length of establishing the doc
trne, that Congress possess the right OF exercising
any power, whether delegated or not, which they
may think will better the condition of the people
aud if they have the right Of exercising one, upon
the principle, they have the right OF exercis-
ing any and every power they may think win CON
duce to that end. Now if, notwithstanding the
enumeration in the constitution of all the powers
twas the intention Of the States 10 delegate, and
the addition Of an article Teserving 10 the States
respectively all the powers not delegated nor inhi-
bited, Congress remain at liberty TO exercise any
power they may think viii better the condition OF
the people, this meeting VIII not say, the trainers
OF constitution were ''Heia6ly stupid p but
they will say, the constitution is form without
substance, as possessing the principle of contrac-
ton and expansion to suit the boundlesS variety of
notions which may be entertained as to what mea-
sures will better the condition of the people :!
Sd-In his first message 10 Congress, MIR. Adams
holds the following language: ''W hilc foreign ma
tons, less blessed with that freedom, which is
power, than ourselves, are advancing with sigan-
tic strides IL the career of public improvement,
were we TO 5lUmber in indolence or fold up our
arms, and proclaim TO the world that we are pdisied
by the viii of-our constituents, would it not be 10
cast away the bountes Of Providence, and doom
ourselves to perpetual inleriority?' That the rep
Tesentative is bound by the will OF his constituents
this meeting believes to be fundamental maxim
IN every free government; and whenever il is de-
parted from, the people lose their strongest safe
guard against oppression, and the government be-
comes a monarchy of the worst kind. If the rep
resentative be at liberty TO act as he please npG
sled by the will of his constituents then the rela-
ton OF representative and constituent may as well
be dissolved, and the boosted excellence Of our re-
publican form Of government is dangerous delu-
sion. Indeed, hereditary succession Of mobiles
We're preferable 10 this state Of things, as relieving
the people from the idle ceremony Of eleCting a
representative, when that representative regard
less Of the constitution and the win Of his constitu
ents, may lay the heaviest burdens, and the peo-
pie must be contented with suffering in hopeless
impotence. a people thus situated can no more
be said to be free, than the slave whose actions
are controlled by his uncOnscientious master.
4th-In nominating Ministers to the Congress of
Panama, Mr.. Adams says: 'sAlthOugh this mea-
sure" (he acceptance OF the invitation to be repre-
scented at the Congress Of Panama. ''Was deemed
10 be within the constitutional competency of the
Executive, have not thought proper to take any
step in It. before ascertaining that my opinion of its
erpedieqcy will concur with that Of both branches
Of the legislature" Here il appears Mr. Adams
does not consult the Senate as 10 the p0WeT, but
merely to the erpedeRcy of its exercise i'm that
particular casc-he refers it to them a matter of
courtesy and not as matter Of duty, as to his
stitutional advisers. Now, it appears to this meet
ing, that this is assumption OF power by the Tx
ecutive, unwarranted by the constitution, and dam
ferous To the liberties of the States TJu1Varrapted