Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1828-02-16
RICHMOND VIRGINIA. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 16 Isas

cxtraneous considerations-and above all.
the principles of our constitution ought not
TO be abused, by admitting, for moment
that the plurality of votes, given to Gen. Jack
son, should have governed the choice of the
House OF Representatives. We donotmean
10 say, that a proper respect, for the wishes of
the nation fairly asccrtained, ought not always
TO be observed by Its representatives. But
We do say, that the present Chief Magistrate
holds his seat, by the will oft the people of the
Z. States, regularly expressed, in the only
any authority. They have wiled, in themost
solemn form,-in the form of constitution,
which they declare shall be the supreme law
ofthc land,-thata plurality ofvotes shallnot
constitute an ciectlon,-that when there is
such plurality, the representatives shall elect,
voting by States-thus Withdrawing from the
people, that equality of Influence which is
given them, In the first vote, and transferring
it to the States, in the second. This provis-
ion of our constitution is in the true spirit,
which pcrvadcs the whole of it, and which
marks it the result of conference between
States, surrendering in part, and retaining in
part, their political equality. Shall this spi-
rit be appealed from, on very occasion in
which it was intended to soothe and conci-
late, and the spirit of faction, be invoked to
!
and bring our Institutions into discredit?
These things are revolutionary in their ten
dency, and ought to be discouraged.
Oflike character is the complaint against
the Kentucky delegation, for disrcgarding the
instructions oftheir legislature. We have too
much respect for the legislature of Kentucky
to suppose, that they meant to bind the de-
legation by an instruction We can only
suppose, that they meant to furnish the best
information, in their power, of the opinions of
the people, on question, which had never
been submitted to them Such information
was entitled to the respect due to intelligent
opInlon,-and no more. 1t was not the con-
stitutional organ, through which the will of
the people was to be conveyed to the repre-
sentative. The representatives in Congress
were directly to their constituents
not to the Legislature. And an attempt of
| the Legislature to control the immediate
representatives of the people, would be
usurpation upon the rights of the people;
an act, which instead of deserving ODE
dience, or even respect, required resis-
lance and reprobation. The faithful repre-
sentative will obey the instructions of his
constituents, whenever conStltutlonaNy given,
He will pay respectful attention to their
wishes, and every evidence Of their wishes.
! But, when not bound by instruction, he will
luOh tiic pCIlcCI CNluciCcS Ol tiIt'it
will, informally conveyed-he will rest upon
the conclusions of his own mind, formed from
the best lights he can obtaiu,--will con-
suit his country good, and firmly meet the
responsibility of those acts, he deems proper
for its attainment, This we believe the Kentuc-
! ky delegation did. They were not instructed:
| they did not choose to shelter themselves
from responsibility, under the cover of legis-
lative misunderstanding their own
judgments, they preferred the man thought
most capable of advancing the interest of
his country; and there is no question, that
| Virginia then concurrcd III the opinion, and
approved the act.
! This vote, which, ifhoncstly given, is an af-
fair chiefly between the representative, and his
constituents, would not have been obtruded
on your attention, had it not been connected
with a charge of grave import made upon the
purity ofthc election,-impcaching the integ-
rity Of the chiefmagistrate of the nation, and
the frstmember of his cabinet. This charge,
in It's strongest form, imports, that at the last
election, the vote ofthe kentucky delegation
was in the market, for the highest bidder
that it was offered to one candidate, and be-
ing refused by him, was sold to the other,--
and that the consideration ofthc sale, was the
office of secretary Of state, bestowed on Mr..
Clay. II this were true, we should not hesI-
tate to affirm that it stamps infamy on the
characters of the guilty, and renders them
forever unworthy of public trust.
! 'Phis charge, notso strongly, however, as has
been here stated was promptly met, and chal-
lcnged by Mr. Clay, and deserted by its sup
portcrs. They rallied again after the election
gave it form somewhat varied, drew to its
aid son1cimposlng circumstances, and at last,
gave it the public sanction of Gen. Jackson's
name. Mr.. Clay again publicly denied it, cal
led for thcprooft and challenged inquiry. No
proof has appeared to sustain it, no inquiry
has been instituted, and now, III all its phases,
it stands reprobated, by body ofproof, so
strong andconvincing, as to require from the
the most suspicious. q candid acknowledge
L. = =