The Rhode-Island Republican. [volume] (Newport, R.I.) 1809-1841, 1828-01-31

they read the stories of the cold booded
massacre at the Horseshoe; of the decoy-
ed and slaughtered Indians at st. Marks;
of the wanton and unexampled execution
of Ambrister, an EDglshman, found f ht-
ing, il is true, 10 the ranks of the Semi
noles, but taken prisoner, tried, doomed to
mlder punishment, and executed by Or
der of the commanding General, against
the sentence of the tribunal appointed by
himself; and Of the still more injured Ar
buthnot, another Briton. not bearing arms
at all, only found among the warriGg In
dians, trader, and an advocate for peace.
But we have no security for the contin-
uation of peace, in whatsoever hands the
Government may be placed and 1t is not
unreasonable TO think, that, in the hands
OF man of military pride and talent, and
OF ungovernable temper, the danger OF
war will be increased. A foreign war
may come, may rage with violence, and
find General Jackson at the head OF the
civil government, and commanGer IN chief
of the land aud naval forces. Dssentient
views among the States may arse, con
troversies grow up between the State and
Federal authorities, as dssenslons and
controversies have heretofore arisen; and
who, then, We pray you, can answer tor
the consequences OF that spirit which said
to Governor Rabun, When am IN the
field, you hare no authority 10 issue q mil
tdry order Reflect on thus question, we
beseech you--Sn the peculiar structure Of
our Government; on the collisions Of opin-
ion, and the threatened collisions of ac
ton, both in peace and war, which have
already occurred between the State and
Federal authorlties--and then tell us,whe-
ther the fear Is altogether visionary, that
the first foreign war, seriously waged a.
galnst the United States, with General
Jackson their chief, would bring danger of
civil dIscord, dissolution OF the Union, and
death to the hopes Of every free govern
ment in. the world.
We say nothing Of the danger Of civil
dscord even when no foreign war should
| aflllct us-though the retrospect OF few
short years would teach us that such dan
ger is not imaginary-and that the slight
est want OF tact, III its management, the
least indulgence of temper, on the part OF
the CHIEF Magistrate, might mtiame the
whole nation, and light the funeral pile OF
! freedom.
There are dangers of another kind. If
we are correct in the detail OF offences
committed by General Jackson, against
the most sacred principles OF our Govern
,ment, what will be the moral effect oi the
direct sanction given to these offences, by
rewarding the offender with the first hon.
OF of the nation? Can we preserve our
love and reverence Tor institutions winch
we suffer TO be violated, not only without
censure, but with applause! Wal not our
affections and our veneratlon Of uansicr-
red from the desplsed Laws and Const,tu.
ton, to the honored Hero who uas abused
them-from republican simplicity and VT
tue, to military pomp and glory? WI
you not, in fine, by such example, lay the
sure foundation OF that moral depravlty
and admiration of arms, which must sool
reduce us to the condition in which Greece
was enslaved by Alexander; Rome, by
Cesar; England, by Cromwell; France
by Bonaparle; and in which we will as
suredly find some future Jackson, not too
laslldious to accept the proffered crown
and erect military despotism on the ru
ms Of the last Republic.