Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1828-01-17

InOuk inc WdiaiHS trauer, ana duVO-
4 ate for peace.
Fl We have done with this sickening catalogue =
lou have now a brief summary OF the evidence
N the authority OF which, we regard Gen Jack
on, as wholly disqualified for the Presidency, and
ook to the prospect Of his election with the mos,
gloomy forebodings.
You think, perhaps, we pay n poor compliment
Ito the virtues OF our people and the strength of
our institutions by indulging in apprchensions of
danger from the encroachments of military no,rar
IN the youth and visor of our republic and in th,
midst OF profound peace. We should indeed. do
great injustice to the virtue of our people the cir
Cumstanccs OF our country, and the value of our
government, five INDUCED in the idle fear that
y an open attack upon liberties. made with any
military force which Gen j. could probably com
rnand in the course of his Administration, would
!. bring us under the yoke OF his power. These are
not our apprehensions: we would bid proud de-
tlnce TO his power, If he should dare our liber-
ties Nor win we do him the injustice TO charge
4 his ambition with any designs at present on the
4 liberties of his country nor withhold our acknowl-
cdgment, that il they were assailed by others, we
believe he would promrtly and boldly draw his
sword to defend them.
But we have security for the continuance of
peace in whatsoever hands the government may
be placed and il is not unreasonable to think that
in the hands OF man OF military pride and talent
and OF ungoyernable temper, the danger of war
will DO increased. 4 foreign war NAV come may
rage with violence, and find Gen. Jackson at the
head of the civil government, and comInander-in-
chief OF the land and naval forces. Dissentient
Vows among the States may arise controversies
crow up between the State and Federal autllori-
ties, as dissentions and controversies have hereto
fore arisen; and who then, we pray you can an
swer for the consequences of that spirit which
said to Governor Rabun, aCheS I am IN, the field
You hare no authority to issue military order
Reflect on this question, we beseech you-on the
peculiar structure OF our government-on the col
lisons OF opinion, and the threatened collisions of
action, both in peace and war, which have already
haty tt,aG II :.
ues-and then tell us whether the fear is altore-
Their visionary, that the first foreign war seriously
waged against tire U. States, with Gen Jackson
their chief, would BRING danger of civil discord
dissolution OF the Union and death to the homes of
every free government in the world.
We say nothing of the danger of civil discord
even when no foreign should aftiict US
though the retrospect of few short years would
teach US that such danger is not imaginary,-and
that the slightest want of tact in its mana cement
the least Indulgence of temper on the part of the
Chief Magistrate, might nflaine the whole nation
and light the funeral pile of freedom
There are dangers OF another kind If we are
correct in the detail of offences committed by Gen
Jackson against the most sacred principles of our
government, what will be the moral effect of the
direct sanction given to these offences, by reward
ing the offender with the first honor of the nation,
Can we preserve our love and reverence for in
situations, which suffer to be violated not only
without censure, but with applause? Will not
our affections and our generation be transferred
from the despsed laws s. constitution TO the honored
hero who has abused them, from republican SIM
plicity and virtue, 10 military pomp and glorv2
Will you not, in fine, by such example lay the sure
foundation OF that moral deprayiy, and admiration
oil arms. which must soon reduce us 10 the condi-
ton IN which Greece was enslaved by Alexander
@Rome by C@sar,-England by Cromwell,-
France by Bonaparte, and in which we will as
suredly lind some future Jackson not too fastidios
to accept the proffered crown, and erect military
despotism on the ruins ofthe last Republic
We appeal to the people of Virginia, to say what
there is in the present party politics. so alurinp on
the part of the opposition so rightful on the part of
the Administration, as to seduce them to the fra
ternal embrace, or drive them under the protec-
Aon OF such a man as Andrew Jackson? We ask an
answer to this question, not from their offended pride
nor from the prejudice, which attachment to part
never fails to beget-but we ask it from their
love OF country, their love of truth and virtue-we
ask 1t after deep and dispassonate consideration Of
the true state OF the quess!an;-after candid est
mate Of the little TO be possibly gained by the re-
lection Of Mr.. Adams,-thc incalcuable mischefs
which may probably attend the success of his rival
Ifyou indulge the faint ho5e, that under the
administration OF General Jackson, the tribute
which agriculture will pay for the announcement
otdomestic industry and enterprise, will be some
what lighter than az present,--we ask you, first
whetherthe hope IS not groundess,-& next, whe-
ther 1t IS wise to insist on enjoying the profits OF
Your estates TO the uttermost farthng Of their fan
ied value ut the risk Of having YOUR free alIodial
lands converted into military tenures, or fiefs of
che crown. II you are fighting the battles of Gen
jackson, i'll this political contest, with the vain
hope that victory viii conquer from your adverse
ries some barren spot of constitutional ground
we ak whether you will wage such war with
your countrymen, at the hazard of laying all your
conquests, and all your former possessions the
constitution itself, and the freedom it was intend
cd to protect, as the feet of a despot? This does
not become the character of Vrginians.
In the ancient state of political parties when fe
derasts and republicans cOntended for ascendan-
cy, there was something in the great questions of
foreign policy, in the leading principles of con-
siruction applied TO the constitutions bearing strong
iy on the essential character Of the governments
and worthy OF generous struggle between the
statesmen, who on the one hand, sought TO ptlard
against dissolution of the Union, by strengthen
nis the federal bond, s. on the other endeayored TO
avert consolidation, by establishing more firmly
the State authorities. But this state of things has
passed away, and the feelings and doctrines TO
which 1t gave rise though not entirely forgotten,
are almost unknown in the party distinctions of
day. Federalists and republicans mingIe together
IN the ranks otthe opposition and together rally a.
round the standard OF the administration There will
be nogreat principle ofpolitica doctrine TO disin-
guIsh them, unless the opposition, by following too
coselythe footsteps oithOse who trample on the laws
q constitution othe country should give TO the sun
pOrteTs of the Administration some claim TO be tbe
champions Of civil rule and constitutional law
email our parties be hereafter founded on local in
terests and marked by geographical boundaries ar
raging the North against the South, the East a.
gfinst the West-losing the generous enthusiasm
which Is always inspired by contest for principle
Tor honorable Distinction for pre-eminencc ia the
service OF our common country, and acquiring the
bitterness OF spirit, acrimony Of feelings, narrow
policy and sordd views, which ever characterize
ihe contests OF men, striving not for the promo
ton OF the common good, but for the advancement
Oi their own peculiar interests-and which must
IN sc a..