Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1828-10-14

principles! trfot ms ne de'ic! Nay, itwili De win
| amazeInent that even you, gentlemen, wil'regard
those questions. answer them, YOU cannot
4 When any one says" the patriot Washington,
The mimi never pauses 10 consider the truth OF the
appcllation the generous devotion aud the dSin-
terestcd services of that venera'ei man always
present 10 contemplation but when you say
the lustrious patriot John -. Adams" The heart
and The head AZ resist and detect the inpos
tur': In every page OF our history we iird the
proof of the patriotism of such men Washington,
\ Franklin, Hancock-aud i'll the history OF his dis
i'nguishcd services end great sacrifices. we re-
coSnize the patriotism OF Jackson but in what
page is written, will be written, the eci-
deaec OF The patriotism of Mr. Adams :
No, gentlemen, ii is . mistake; your candidate
is rot, and never will be, regarded patriot his
education and his principles have been antt-pat
. Si0tic, and SELF ACKNOWLEDGMENT has been the
regulating passion of his life. Facts will prove It,
49,. I. The circumstance, that father enter
tanned antirepublican principles, ought not 10 be
mentioned, when we canvass the principles OF a son.
unless The conduct oil the son can be shown, to be
in accordance with the fathers doctrines but,
when that be shown, i, is fair 10 refer TO the
Doctrines Of the father, as the foundation of the
principles Q. the SON. What, then, were the senti
nents OF the father, in relation TO The fco gTed.
cents which distinguished the age IN which VIC
live, the American and French revolutions!' wha,
are the doctrines deliberately advocated in his
work the American Constitutions.
| Ills very true, that Mr.. Adams signed the de-
\ claraon Of Independence; but il is equally true,
that he afterwards conradcted what that instru-
mcnt assertcd-thc declaration pronounced all men
! equal, but MIR. Adams, in the work referred to,
| asserts that men naturally divided into two
| classes, the gentlemen who destined 10 govern
! and the simpiemen who destined TO labour
he declaration OF Independence asserts, the long
tisconten oil the colonies, AT the expressions Of the
! British government-its language is - in every
I stage Of our expressions, have pe,itioned for
redress i'll the most humble tcrms-our repeated
petitions have been answered only by repeated in
tiury-a prince whose character is ,hus marked by
4 acf def ts To hp
the ruler Of free people,
f.! MIR. Adams, however, in his answer 20 the ad-
! dress OF the young men Of Philadelphia, iT9S
says
4. For long course OF years, before the birth Of
the eldest OF you, called 10 act with your IA
thers, IN concerning measures the most Disagreed
bic q dangerous; not from desire OF innovation
not from discomfort at the government under which
we were bred and born; but TO preserve the honour
: OF our country, aud vindcate the immemorial Ii
Ocrty of our ancestors In pursuit of those mea-
Nmres, it became, not an object OF prediction or
choice but OF Indispensable necessity 10 assert our
! Independence"
I What avowai can be more explicit than tllis,-
ihc measures. concerted i'll lT76, were, doubt,
attended with danger, but what patriot considers
! them diSdSTeed5te, when they essential TO
! the liberty OF his country Who, that truly desr-
! ed 10 escape from oppression, would say, that ne
cessty, and not choice, dictated measures Tor re-
i'ieH Who, that spoke truth, could say, that the
revolution TO throw o;ithe yoke OF oppression, d,
not originate III discomfort az the oppressors? IL
shall be said, that, it is absurd 10 suppose. MIR. A
dams meant 10 say that discomfort the conduct of
England did not exist; ,en there Is bu, one other
way IN which his words can be Interpreted, and
that certainly is in accordance with his political
principles; he declares. that for iudepen-
! dcncc were not concerted from discomfort at the
! government meaning the form Of government
king, lords and commons--be his meaning, howe
yer, whatr may, the ayowal is not that Of patri-
oft clearly appears, that Mr.. Adams lamented
t.e necessity which produced the cutting of the
I knot.
a, soon a. independence was established, the
political doctrines and views of Mr.. Adams were
uniolded, In manner subyersve of all doubt.
The convention 10 form constitution for the Uni
1 ted States met IN Philadelphia, in ITS7-and
that memorable occasion FIRST appeared, the first
volume OF Mr.. Adams work, strangely styled
! i)eicnce oil the American Constitutions The time,
the place, and the circumstances Of publication
clearly show, that Mr. Adams designed! 10 control
public opinion, then in favour of "A representative
democracy; and TO prevail upon the c0nys ntion TO
ingratt in the constitution, The principles Of royalty
nobility and vassalage.
lie lays down these principles that men are di
vlded 10y nature into two orders; J. nobility or gem
, ttemcn, who well born and possess wealth.;
and 2 simple destined TO labour--hat between
these t~o orders, contention must be constantly
arising; that, 10 prevent such contention, three
branches OF government ought 10 exist, one rep
rescn,ing the gentlemen, another the commonalty,
and third, single person 10 control the others,
with power to negative all laws proposed by
are called king, lords and commons-or president
Senate and House of Representatives is 60 but the
wbistiing OF naIne." To protect the aristocracy,
says he, from the madness OF the people, give then.
; 6 regal power to appeal to"-and TO protect the
people from the illega designs of one man. the re-
gal power, let them have " an independent ally in
| the aristocra,ical assembly," the lords.
10 illustrate his principles, MIR. Adams refers
TO, and eulogizes the British government, as mo-
del; and laments that Americans are not disposed
10 give the executive the power to negative acts
OF the legislature SO In future ages" says he if
the present states become great nations their own
feelings and good sense will dictate to them what
to do--they may make transitions to q aedrer,
resemblance 10 the British constitution without
the smallest interruption 10 liberty" An heredf
airy CHIEF magistrate, at once would perhaps be pre-
ierable 10 elections by Legislative Representatives.
Again: "The distinctions Of poor & rich are as ne
cessary in states OF considerable extent as labour &
good government: the poor are destined to ia
| 6oWj and the rich, by the advantages OF educa
hon, independence and leisure are qualified for SUI
pcrior stations" " The higher ranks will never
exceed their interiors, but be in certain proper
uon-5ut the distinction they are absolutely obig
ed TO keep, or iall into contempt and rdicuIe."
The trainers OF the constitution rejected all such
regal and arisocratic projects, and experience has
sanctioned their course Bur the sent'me st5 OF
| Mr.. Adams remained unchanged Even, after he
was elected president he declared, that che hoped
and expected 10 see the day, when Mr.. Taylor and
MIR. Giles, distinguished republicans Of Tirginis)
would be convinced, that the peopie Of Alnerica
would not be happy, without an hereditary chief
| magistrate, or at leas for liie
Such, gentlemen, were the principles OF Sir. ].
Adams, during, and subsequent to, the Amcri-
can revolution, the first political CONFUSION which
distinguished this age Thus you see him, instead
OIL seeking 10 raise mankind 60 a state of indepen-
dence, ldboufing to maintain tie doctrines OF eu-