Delaware journal., 1828-03-18
TUESDAY, .N0rch IS, 1928.

dings of the Committee in the performance of a
most laborious duty, it meets my appreciation As
an argument in favor of the provisions Of the Bill.
saw nothing in it unfair uncandid. As an ex-
preston of the views of majority Of the Commit
tee, it was presented to the House by me without
hesitation OF the right of argument, like every
other person. l am my own judge. So far as
can concur with the Committee, it will be done.
When cannot, shall frankly express my objections.
My single motives my most ardent desire is to lend
my feeble aid to obtain measure which may answer
the expectations, and promote the interests OF the
nation.
| am sensible, Mr.. Chairman, that much excite
ment exists abroad on this subject. 1t IS appear
ent that it has become, with many, matter OF po-
litica speculation such design, will not be
an accessory. 1t is good measure, wise mea-
sure, solid and effectual measure, that wish to
sustain; one that will have double effect In pro-
noting the permanent and wide spread interests of
the nation.
1t is not my intention to discuss any question ars-
ing out of the constitution shall not detaln the
Committee with any remarks on the general policy
of giving further aid to domestic manufactures IS.
These questions have been too often debated, and
decided, to require any arguments from me.
Manufacturers, we all know, are constantly accus-
ed of being governed by sordld and selfish views.
They are charged with hostility to all other classes
of the people--They are held up to observation,
as body Of iron handed monopolists. From whom
do these accusations come? The severest are
from sea board merchants and foreign agents. 1t is
true, that numerous body of American merchants,
distinguished for their wealth and talents, are among
the warmest and ablest advocates of the American
policy.
Sir, in country like the United States, where all
may engage in what employment they choose, there
can never be monopoly by any body of manufac-
&c tb.,c {lvn
positions every where afforded-the industry and
enterprise of the people, will always, be safe
guard against the least danger. You might as well
maintain that the farmers are monopolists-the me-
chancs are monopolsfs, as to lay the same charge
against the manufacturer.
But, sir, maintain that the tendency of protect
ing domestic manufactures, is to prevent most dam
gerous and powerful monopoly monied arIsto
cracy that would be resistless, overwhelming
! | mean distinctly, the mercantile interests or
the sea board. If this nation, great aud extensive
as it is, and will be, composed of farmers and
merchants alone, what would be the consequence
The sea board would be the place of exchange for
domestic and foreign productions. This would be
effected at few points favored by nature Profits
and gain would from necessity be confined to few.
| The farming interest must sustain all the charges
and expenses of transportation Of its productions
vy--bulky-while the merchant would at all
times secure to himself his reward whatever may
be the sacrifices and losses of the farmer-On the
sea board, therefore, all the monied capital of the
nation would concentrate. The interior would be
in dependence, debt, and bondage. | am not insen
sible to the importance of foreign commerce. Blu
that alone never did, and never can, make nation
of extensive territory prosperous. History PROVED
the fact To be sure large cities have sprung into
existence by trade Nations or States possessing
small domain like Venice and Genoa, may have be
| c,J bxt
country as extensive as France or Germany, O.
Russia or the United States, never could hav
wealth, competence. and the ordinary comforts 0
life universally distributed, without the aid of do
It mestic manufactures. There ight be Hanseati
league of cities, rich and powerful, showing def
ance to the proudest monarchs, while the counrie
which supported them would remain poor, depress
ed and miserable.
There might be rich, and Aourishng Dantzic
with wretched Poland in the rear to sustain it.
l. Sir we have been presented with arguments lror
> high commercial source, to prove the folly of tn
protecting system. No clearer demonstration coul
. be afforded than they give, of the value of domes
tic manufactures Take woollens We have bee
s. informed from this source that the consumption {
the United States is 72, 900, 900. On this amount
is said the protection by duties equals S27 0O(
d Merchants profits operating also as further pre-
d lection to 13,68O,OOO. These charges are pre-
+, tended to operate on the amount consumed whethe
l. foreign or domestic. live imported the $4,000, 90
duty free Sl3, 100000, must be left IN the hands
= the merchant, and those with whom he is immed
j. ately connected Take ccttons We consume per
haps $4,000 600. Here would be 100000
a more in profits. Suppose all exchanges OF the pro
: ducts of manufacture and agriculture were made b.
t. the merchants the board perhaps $4,000, ,OO
: or 100, 900, 900 year would fall to their shar
j, concerned. From their own statements and rea
sonngs can at see the danger OF most over
n whelming monopoly, had the system OF protecting
y domestic manufactures never been adopted or if
&c shouId ,o .h,pdonpd The charpe OF mOnODOl'