Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1828-04-01

sense or wantof principle, in his hero
inpallating the more questionable dement's of
the president, in regard to his eguvoca support OF
that policy which incues to al exhorbitant tariff
OF duties on Imports for the purpose of encourage
ing domestic manufactures, MIR. johnson shines
mere as panegyrist than as an economist or ci-
william. All liberal men agree that error OF opiu-
ION on this subject involves no radical defect of
principle. Large divisions OF our territory s. pop
ulaton, are the seats of adverse doctrines on this
Inomentous & yet experimental matter, and as they
are all animated by undoubted patriotism, there is
every reason 10 hope that the true peint beyond
which the right of taxation vested in the federal
governments ought not to be carried will be sea-
sonably determined by the luminous collision of
their respective systems Already important light
has been shed the matter by the author of
BRUTUs, in the Charleston Mercury He
maintains that the exercise of the taxing
power was intended by the trainers of the cons,i.
tuition, to be confined 20 the purpose Of revenue 6
that whenever il might become eXpedient for the
Industry oil any quarter of the Union, encourage
the production Of Il particular commodity, il was
designed that the state states interested therein
should assume the qualified exercise of the TAXING
power, " with the consent of congress, and on
condition, that the duties raised should be paid
into the treasury of the United States" Whoever
reads his essays, will feel persuaded that his ex-
phcation OF many .iinportant questions involving
the powers Of the General Government, is both
original and profound, and PROMISES the establish
inent OF a fiscal policy, consonant TO the spirit Of
the constitution, and conducive TO the preservation
of the Union. | wish it could be said that either of
these great objects was likely to be advanced
by the dissertation of Mr.. Johnson the polarity of
whose mind seems inscnsible to their high attrac.
ton, and 10 turn with trembling constancy 10 the
foot OF the throne. The right of the government
accordingly, he deduces from its practice as an al
torney establishes principle by precedent aud as
ii the government of the United States were TO
improve every thing but its own practices-He
insists that the doctrine of indirect taxation. was
practised upon by the administration of Washing
ton, and by that of all his successors-giving in to
iallacy which, tho il makes his argument pausi
bic, renders it unsound.
The power OF taxation, like other powers vest
cd in the general government, has object direct
and objects resulting Its direct object is the ras-
ing of revenue; among its resulting objects is the
encouragement of domestic manufacturers This
IS clearly secondary in intention, and subordinate
IN Importance, TO the first object Unjust accord
ingiy be increased or diminished, as the scale of
taxation is enlarged or contracted. BUTT is an in
version of the order of things, well as a peryer
sion OF the meaning Of the constitution to say that
the scale OF revenue is to be enlarged not TO sup
ply the necessary expenses, or TO pay the debts of
the naton but TO increase the residing action of
the taxing power--a power which plainly would
never have been intrustcd TO the general govern
ment, but for the necessity which exists in all 90
vernments forts direct object, revenue. Hence il
does not follow, Mr.. Johnson labors TO show, be-
cause Gen. Washington established tariff of du-
ties, and succeeding administrations increased it.
that his policy and the policy OF his SUCCESSORS was
III this respec,t the same. Gen. Washingtons policy
went no further than the direct object the tax
ing power required. The lightest duty on the i'm
portation of English boots communicates some de-
gree OF encouragement TO American boot makers
and tanners, and as that on similar duties must be
imposed IN order to provide in the most convenient
way for the expenses of government, ii is certain
ly mitigation OF the necessary evil of taxation
that useful branch OF domestic industry should be
promoted by it. But the mitigation of an evil does
not make it good. And the objection which lies
against the policy OF Mr.. Adams, and in less de-
gree against that Of MIR. Monroe, is that il pro-
poses to exercise the taxing powern not for its direct
object, and no doubt constitutional end, but for
its resulting objects-not for a sufficient revenue
but for multitude of manufactures; thus transcend
ing the particular design and violating the general
spirit of the constitution, by taxing one part of the
community for the benefit of another; making the
relative condition Of the southern states worse
than II was before the ulicn giving the nanufac-
turing states greater privileges than thew would
have enjoyed without it; and burtheninga great,
salutary and venerable branch of human Industry
for less extensive and less favorable 10 the phy
steal wants and moral condition Of mankind
the report of MIR. Secretary Rush, in which he pro-
poses the artificial and oppressive system of En-
gland as model for the financial policy of this
country, and talks about regulating every fibre of
Tabor and every species OF property in this vast
confedcracy Of free states, by nicely balanced ma
chinery OF encouraging taxation, be examined s
the inordinate and unconstitutional success of Mr.
AdaIns's policy in the employment OF the taxing
power, will at once be perceived.
Nor, will the force OF this contrast bcat all weak
eded by the fact which MIR. johnson relies on-yiz.
that the law of 50. laying the first duties imposed
under the constitution, ana advocated BY Mr. Madi- !
son, then member Of Congress- rectvs in its pre-
anblc that the laying OF duties "was necessary for
the support of government for the discharge of the
debts of the U. S. and the encourdgencnt and
protection Of domestic manufactures" The gov |
eminent was then and just getting into opera
ton The important and searching power Of taxa
ton then first TO be applied to the inhabitlnts
coniided it reluctantly, with many msgiyings and |
hesitatiOns TO the federal head Under these cir
cuinstances, it was the duty Of Congress, and no
doubt their aim to make the first act of taxation as
paatabfe as possible, 10 recommend it as strongly
IS they could TO the people, upon whose opinion |
they knew the whole fabric OF government rested !
They therefore, recited in the preamble, the two
great circumstances which rendered taxation ne
cessary, and the which was most likely to rem
der ii acceptable. The first addressed to their
patriotism, the second TO their honor the third 10
their nterest-powerful appeals to paramount mo-
lives. This was the object Of the preamble, as
the least insight into the circumstances OF the pc
ROD would have taught Mr.. Johnson and as is APP
parent from the facttha subsequent bills Of reyen-
ne contain no such reciations. 1t is hard to for
bear = smile at rejecting the defision and sur
prise with which the sages of 49, would look on
tits attempt TO legaliZe a broad and encroaching
ystem Of policy, not by expoundng the terms or
analysing the spirit Of the constitution, but by tia
licising phrase "torn from its cUnte1t in the cor.
ner of preamble to an act
But he contends that whether Mr.. Adams be
tight or wrong in respect TO the tarGor his "inef-
iahly gigantic" schemes Of internal Improvement
his friends may applaud and the nation trust him
because his opinions al least right as those of
General Jackson This, although IL will turn out to