Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1828-10-21

next ''c.uHh stamped upon IL an ie.t,iS 50 piain
as 10 he Obvious 10 the ,iulleSt capacity. To this
end also, has The patronage Of the government,
ana particularly that portion ot IL which Is connec
ted with our foreign relations been prostitutcd to
an extent that dehcs cXaggera,ion.
10 give TO this abuse Of patronage the most dele
tettOus character, IL has IN several prominent and
notoriots instances had for its object the graca-
ton of political recreants who had disrcgaded the
known wishes and betrayed the true Interests Of,
their constituents, By contributing 10 the election
OF tn very men by whom their iniideity had been
encouraged, and their treachery is now rewarded:
thus saPing the vital principle on which our liber-
hes are based, and 10 the preservation of which we
must look for the safety OF the republic.
but we have seen another spectacle OF a still
more solemn character Not content with enlist
h.S against us our own treasury and the patronage
81 Scvefnncnt-not satisfied with sacrifice of Of
neral cigEity, and all the considerations OF propriety
and decorutu--we have now TO encounter the thun-
dcrs OF the Supreme Court Of the United States
Little dtd our ancestors suppose, when, with a
wise pre- S.tion they placed this august tribunal
lar above the reach OF executive influence, and
invested IL, not merely with The power OF admins
tcfinS justice among men, bat OF deciding the
constitutions oi states and adjusting conflicts be
tween sovereignty and sovereignty-litile did they
imagine, that the time could ever arrive when our
Judges would hc engaged in political conflicts
WIN all The unregulated zeal of partizanS-when
the Supreme Court Of hs Union OF Sovereigntes
would become the plant and supple instrument of
low citizens. these fearful odds; but the rcpub
lie Is yet satethc people and tie constitution are
united aud inyincibir
lnporiant as these considerations undoubtedly
are, we should but poorly discharge our duty 10
the country, were we TO omit calling your attcn.
u0n 10 others, more profound in their nature and
more extensive III their consequences. The blum
utrS oil an administration msy be corrected. But
where shall we find remedy for the loss OF con-
sutuuondi liberty This Is not an ordinary con-
f,fl
Offices Ii Is mighty poca! conflict which,
IKE ITS memorable predecessor 1900 tests the
spirit, the strength and the wisdom of our happy
constitution. The great question of power between
me states and The federal governma is again 10 he
decided In framing constitution, those who
had confidence IA popular government triumph
Ell; aud alter much deliberstion, our ancestors eau
tously and admirably adjusted this difficult CUES
uoh between the people, the states aud the union.
ii IN any OF our political conclusions, the enemies
oi that constitution and OF its happy arrangement OF
Powees, should permanently gain the aScendancy,
the equilibrium would Or destroyed and the Union
at an end. TINS is tie foundation OF all our pot-
cal DIVISIONS. The republicans of this country have
idbored uniformly Ioprescrve this original consh-
tuuonal Dist ihutOn OF overs, and to dcteIl,l The
equal and natural tights of man.
lie iirst attempt 10 uHsette the foundations of
ouI sOycfnmcnt,was made under the administration
OF the elder Adams, by unceasing efforts TO en-
large the powers OF the federal government at
thc expense OF the states. Ii is impossible for us
1t IhIs distant day 10 realize the excitement and
alarm OF our republican predecessors, or to trace
The rapid march oil power under that admnstra-
ton In looking at the events OF own time, we
are strongly reminded OF the memorable his
tory Of '95. Our treasury prodigally vast
tcd-otilces uselessly muitipiied-and
standing army was employed in republic TO
enforce arbitrary and unconstitutional laws.
/ he same Supreme Court which has enlist
ed IN the cause OF the younger Adams, then per-
of he .nI
protected the pubic character and conduct of
our statesmen IRON popular cenSurc or indigna-
ton. ne citizen who dared to question the con- |
duct or motives of the chief magistrate, fou nd
some convenient instrument OF executive authori-
iy, 10 lniiict upon han penalty or to sentence
him 10 prison Fortunately for the country, the !
POLITICAL revolution OF 1900 restored the federal
government, III the language OF MIR. Jefferson TO !
the = republican rack. The enemies OF our con /
suution were defeated, not subducd. a distin- !
guiahed leader OF that party, despairng Of Its sue
cess, joined the popua cause, assumed the garb
and lone of republican OF the Jeiiersonian school,
and patiently waited till the wheel OF fortune
raised him TO his present high station. Amid ST |
ths factions of the late election, anu with the aid
OF some OF his ancient political associates, but |
without the appreciation OF the republicans, he |
was chosen by the house OF representatives TO pre-
side III our national councils. The constitutional |
opinions OF chief magistrate were, from the |
peculiar ccceniricity Of his political Career matter
oi mystery and speculation. But the world was |
noriong Kept in doubt. His ancient principles !
mad been suppressed, act extnguished. The Pre- |
sdent had scarcely sealed his Official oath to pre-
serve ur chartered liberties, when he boldly |
The alarming doctrines OF construc-
ton, for tie plain and honest iaEguage Of the |
constitution. as II his principles had grown with |
accumulaiive yigor, during the twenty years he |
had found II convenient TO conceal. them, he APP |
pearcd again III tie polical world, not as Pres- !
dent oil the school OF Bayard, OF Ames and OF
Hsmilton, bat as chief oil i new school Of ultra
who appear 10 advocate go ,
vernfnent Cf powers unlimited by the con-
sutution and uncontrolled by tie people. The re-
preventative is no longer TO be bound by the will
o! ms constituent--the executive longer TO be |
by the authority OF he constitution.
heTever the President has been called upon to !
exercise power, whether in relation 10 the APP
poiuiment OF ENJOYS extraordinary, the creation
Of the Panama mission, or his conduct towards
state soveTegmtes, hc seems TO have acted upon
-one principle oil alb dilute authority in the execu-
tive, unknown 10 the constitution. We have al |
ready reviewed his principal measures. He |
wanted nothing but the power of his ancient pre-
lccs5sor. The administration Of '9S was sustained |
by cougress-the statesmen now III power were |
checked in their career by the timely vigilance of
lie people aud the state governments. Scarcely !
two ears had elapsed, before wc witnessed, what
ia other countries would have announced a
dissolution OF government, executive III open
hostility to the States the congress and the people
8 he errors OF the executive were corrected and
far as this could be done, by both
houses OF congress. Our constitution is not yet
safe. The recollection OF our present chief magis-
trate would he succeeded by congress IN accor-
dance 70 he views Of the executive, and the war
pom pop bar rights ana state sovereignty would
be C-utinued. The states left distinct 80.
ycre!gnues, rot ner ~ for the purpose OF secur-
ing better administration Of our domestic con-
hut as. "a add thp