Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1827-02-22

ON the payment OF poll tax; but in ali it IS re-
qured. And the argument they urge in defence
of the repubcansm OF theirs, is, that II Is easily
acquired; our reply il, that ours is also easily ac-
quired. Thus, you see, they reduce 1t TO ques-
ton of expectancy What 10 an interest in the
| Commonwealth and, at that very instant, they
furnish an irrefuiable reply to their own accu-
| sation. beg leave farther to say, air, that al
the time give this general outline oil what CON
slider to be the best foundation for the elective
| franchise, would extend that privilege to many
who are now excluded from the p y.
| The length of time for which Territory has been
| represented, seems, in the opinion OF the GENTLE
man, TO be good reason why II shosld continue.
" County representation has been established r
fifty years" Does il prove that il ought still TO
exist, al hough founded in injustice! This argument
is reprimand on the patriots of '16. who threw
off the chains OF our late royal master, hiog
George the Third, nearly two centuries alter the
Colonies had been planted by his predecessors
The age OF this countyish is not as great as that
of some members Of this House, ard is entitled
! to les. veneration. Sir, the Rev olution was right
| or it was wrong, on principle; and presume that
the late period of colonial existence at which
was commenced, ns esd OF destroying the right oil
the people to effect it, showed that oppression
| could no longer be endured; that all hope OF re-
dress by petition remonstTance has vanished In
the obdurate niiciions of the British Crown. To
this gentleman, as did to my Intelligent friend
| (Mr. Nash,) on Saturday, put this question 1t
| we were now in Convention, would he partition
power among the people in the proportions IL Is
now held under the county system! and 1t lie
would, / should like To hear his reasons. No man
| in Virginia would seriously make such PROPOSE
| ton; II would be looked upon as monstrous May
not assume then, tina, the gentleman would not
advocate it,, and if he would not, hope he will
explain the difference between the vice of giving
birth TO such inequality ofrghts and OF perpe,u
a,ing it?
! Agreeing with the gentleman, that " it is not q
legislative act but constitutional law, which is TO
last through all time ;ha, trying to mo-
dify; ii remains for him to demonstrate that the Ere
sent Coz stituton is the best in all respects, that
! can be made, and that the amendments which we
| propose, through the medium of a Convention,
will not be bottomej : nearly they can be, on
the true theory OF Republic n Government. II
the principles contained in The b 4 OF Rights, had
been preserved in the Constitution. there would
now be no need for change in of lis prov-
sions. This not being the case. we are anxious to
establish HeD one, more closely regarding those
principles in the distribution Of power, that il may
last forever. All both friends and foes of Con.
vention, admit tina, the Constitution has many de-
fects; and think, authorised TO believe,
from the pure republican characters OF those who
framed 1t, that il would have been wholly dssimi-
ar IN many OF its feaCres, il The present social
condition of the people of the State had existed
the time of its adoption. No one would do any
member OF this House the Injustice to believe, II
we were now in Convention, that he would aivo-
cate the apporlionment Of representation on The
plan OF the Constitution of to-day; and, surely,
gentlemen cannot persuade themselves that it can,
or will last. if it re such one they would not
make at this moment.
vi all The arguments addressed 10 the house
by the member from Northampton, (Mr. Upshur)
there is none, which, at the FIRST blush, is more
likely to deceive The undersI andng than that used
Irnf lii A.
siltuton The computation of slaves part OF
| representative NUMBER. II such should be the
! case, he concludes, that must yield up our
| claim TO have them computed, in that part of Our
population emitting the state to be represented in
the House OF Representatives. Should the other
states ever stand in the same relation TO YIrgnis
in which her citizens do TO each other, then, their
rights will be the same. But, inssmuch as the
| siates can only act in their corporate Political
characters; so all they effect, (un.ess by force
OF arms, which Destroys the necessity of argu-
ment) must be by treaty; aud we will enter into
no other stipulations with them, than such as will
| be beneficial for US. Those states could not de-
n:and partial representation Of our sovereignty
IN Congress, as their right, because internal
regulations placed slaves beneath the disni-
ty oil frsemen. The domestic police Of no nation on
earth, yer GREETED right, or testified demand by
another nation, TO be Ilaced the same footing
| Ii England permits the ports OF her East India
| possessions to be thrown open TO the Canada
trade, does this give france right TO trade thu
Their, or would IL furnish her with sensible rea-
son 10 insist on the extension of the same priv
lege TO her! You pay debt, or if you please
| you make member of your family, other, a
compliment OF FIVE hundred pounds does this
give stranger light to have Eve hundred pounds
also! This question has been settled for forty
| years, and so long as the Constitution of The
United Sta'es.exsts, can not be again unsettled
Until dissolution between the men bers of he
| Union does occur, the argument of the gentleman
is visionary and inapplicabe; but, if in the pre-
gress OF time, and the dispensarions of Providence
this curse should beia'i US, what rights IS oulJ be
conferred On hem, or what obligations would be
imposed on us, by the settlement of our own
rights, upon principles which never can subsis,
between them and Us? Having heretofore omitted
to notice an argument made, by both the gentle
man IRON Amelia and the gentleman from North
amp'on, 1 beg leave now 10 reply to it, as it was
connected with the principle of slave REPRESENT a.
ton. They contend, that representation should
be based on numbers and taxation. This princi-
| pie conflicts with that, which consider 10 be
the true one; but let that be as il NAV, either
principle commended for by them, W would give the
friends OF Convention a majority in this House
their numbers end taxes being iafge han those of
the non-Conventionisis, if we take the popu-
a'ion and taxes of the counties represented be- them
on this floor, as correct data for calculation.
| The member who spoke last, (hIr Upshur) has
attempted to obviate the objections I made on
Saturday, to that section in his amendments.
which proposes 10 confer on the Executive, the
power TO ascertain The number Of voters. I have
not been convinced that I was wrong in saying,
| that this uanscendently important enquiry ough,
| not 10 be made by nine, or perhaps by FIVE per