Martinsburg gazette and public advertiser. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1826-1833, 1827-03-15
.ss5isssbmy.g eTaSege saeg Public .asgresSisc,.
MARTiNsBuRG. VA THURSDAY. MARCH 49, 1897.


sons will give their most serious atten
ton to any proposition, which has for
its object the eradication of this terrible
mischief, lurking in our vitals. l shall
presently have occasion to advert lit
tie to the manner in which your intended
colony will conduce to this great end.
tits therefore unnecessary to touch on
it here. Indeed it is too obvious to re
quire much explanation.
But independently of this view Of the
case, there is enough in tbs proposed
measure to command our attention and
support, on the scora of benefit to our
selves.
No person who has seen the slave
holding states, aud those where slavery
does not exist, aud has compared ever
so slightly their condition and situation.
can nave failed to be struck with the
vast difference, in favour of the latter.
This difference extends to every thing,
except only the character and manners
of the most opu.ent and best educated
people. These are very much the same
every where. But in population, in the
general diffusion of wealth and comfort,
in public and private improvements, in
the education manners and mode of life
of the middle and laboutipg classes, in
The face Of the country, in roads, bridges
and inns, in schools and churches, in
the general advancement ofimprove
nent and prosperity, there is no COM
panion. The change is seen the instant
you cross the line, which separates the
country where there are slaves, from
that where there are none. Even in
the same state, the parts where slaves
most abound, are uniformly the worst
cultivated, the poorest, and the least
eopulous; while wealth and improve
ment, uniformly increase, as the nun
Der Of slaves in the country diminishes.
| might prove and illustrate this position
by many examples, drawn f!om com,
parisos of different states, as Maryland
and PENIS fvania, and between differ
ent coonties on the same state, as
Charles Coulty and Frederick II Mary
land; but it is unnecessary, because
every body who flss seen the different,
parts of the country, has been struck by
this difference.
Whence does il arise answer from
this; that in one division of country the
landi is cultivated by freemsn, for their
own benefit; and in the other almost
entirely bv slaves, for the benefit Of
their master. II is the obvious interest
OF the first class of iabourers, to pro
duce az much and consume as little as
possible, and Of the second class to con.
snme "a much and produce as little as
possible. What the slave consumes is
for himself: what hs produces is fer bis
master All the time that he can with.
draw from labour is gained to himself:
all that he spends in laboar is devoted
to his master. All that the free Iabour-
err, on the contrary, can produce is for
himself: all taat he can save is SO much
added to his own stock All the time
that he loses from, labour is his own loss.
This, fit were ali, would probably
be quite sufficient, to account for she
whole difference in question. But i'm
fortunately it is far from being all. A.
mother and still more injurious effect
of slavery re mains 10 be considered.
Where the labourins class is compo-
sed wholly or in a very considerable de-
gree of slaves, and OF slaves distinguish
ed from the free class by colour, features
and origin. the idea. of labonr and of
slavery soon become connected, IN the
minds of the free class. This arises
from that association of ideas, which
forms one ofthe characteristic features
OF the human mind, and with which ev-
cry rehecting person is well acquainted.
They who continually from their inian
cy see black slaves employed in labour,
and forming by much the mos. numer-
Gus class al labourers, inssnsihly asso.
ciate the ideas Of labour and Oh slavery
and are almost irresistibly led to consid-,
er labour as badge OF slavery, and
consequently as degradation. To be
idle, on the contrary, is in their view
the mark aud the privilege of freemen.
The effect al this habitual feeling, upon
that class of free whites which ought to
labour. and consequently upon their,
condition, and the general condition Of
the country, will be readily perceived
by those who reflect on such subjects.
1t is seen in the vast difference between
the labouring class of whites in the
southern and middle, and those of the
northern and eastern states. Why are