Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1827-08-28
From the Norfolk uer,lh.


From the Norfolk Herald.
TARIFF SfSTEM.-It is ,riteiy said there
are tricks In Tade--so too there are tricks in
politics. The advocates of this system, when cal
led Tor defence of it. begin by telling US, that
.ney advocate . an American pollcy."-A tim
I'd antagonist is slafmed 20 find that he is con
sidered as the enemy of'' American policy But
let none be Discouraged by an artifce which il
well adapted TO cover the most destructive poIicy
that was ever projected.
The following extract from the speech of MIR.
Webster, on the Tariff Bill, in 1924. well ex-
poses this iiimsy disguise.
Mr.. CHAIRMAN ! will avail myself of
the present occasion TO make some remarks on
certain principles and opinions which have been
recently advanced, and on those consideration.
which, in my Judgment, ought to govern US in de-
cidns upon the several and respective parts of
thls very important and complex measure 1 can
truly say that this is painful duty. deeply re.
gret lie necessity, which is likely to be imposed
upon me, OF giving general affirmative or mega
tive vote on the whole of the bill caanot bu,
think this mode Of proceeding liable to great Oh.
Jections. exposes both those who support and
those who oppose, the measure, 10 very unjust and
Injurious misappTehensions. There may be good
reasons Tor iavoring some of the provisions of the
blil, aud equally strong reasons for opposing 9TH
efsi AID these provisions do not stand TO each 9th
er In therelaion of principal and student, If tba,
were the case, those who are in favor of the min
cipai might ioTeSo their opinions upon incidental s.
subordinate provisions. But the Bill proposes en-
actmens entirely distinct, and different from one
another, in character and tendency. Some of its
Clauses are intended merely for revenue: and nj
Inoss winch regard the protection of home mann
lectures, one part stands upon very different
grounds from those of other pasts. So that o,ol,-
aoiy every gentleman who may ultimately support
the bill Will vote for much which his iudement
does not approve; and those who oppose IL will
oppose something which they would verF gladly
support.
9 Being entrusted with the inter s,s of Dis
'ret nightly commercial, and deeply interested in
manufactures also, wish 10 state my opinions on
the present measure; not as on a whole for II has
no entire and homogeneous character; bu, az ON a
collection OF different enactments, some of which
meet my appreciation, and some of which do moi
'And allow me. Dir. iii The &. st place. 10 state
my regret, If indeed ough, not to express a
waimer-seniiment, at The names, or designations
whIeh Mr.. Speaker { Mr. CIay} has seen iit 10
adopt, Tor Tie purpose of describing the advocates
and the opposeIs OF the present Bill 1, is cues.
ton, he says, between The friends OF an Amer
can policy, and those of d "fo,eicn policv
ms SIR, Is all assumption which take the liberty
most directly to deny. Mr.. Sneaker certsinIy
iatended nothing invidious or dero.atory TO any
part oi 'he Rouse by this mode OF denominaline
trends and enemies. But there is rover in names
and this manner of distinguishing those who favor
anu those who oppose particular measures NAV
iead 10 Inierences TO which no member of the
iiouse Can submit. i: may imply that there i.
more exclusive and peculiar regard to American
Interests IN one class OF opinions than in another
such an implication Is 10 be resisted and renelIed
Every member has a. right to the presumption.
th't he pursues what he believe to be the int nj
MS country, with a. since a zeal a. any member
claim this In my own case; and while l shall
nor, -! 2ny Iurpo-e OF deceotion, or convenient
arrangement, use terms which imply any disr espec;
to other meas opinions, much less any ilpputa.,,
OF other men motives, II is my duty to take care
.na' me use OF such terms by others be not, against
the VIII OF those who adopt them, made to pro
duce la Sc Impression. Indeed, sir it is a iiule
astonishing, III, seemed enient TO Mr. Soease,
i0I the purposes OF distinction, make use of tho
terms American policy" and "foTeign policy ,,
that he should not have applied them in NAME,
precisely the reverse OF tbst in which be has in
iac' usee lhem' IL names are thought necessary.
1t would be well enough, one would think, ia,
the name should be, in some measure. descrin,;,e
oil ihe thinSj and since MIR. Speaker GsnorDina,e,
the policy which be recommends ga new pojicv il
ms country; since I've speaks of the present mea.
sure as new ear in our legislation since be pro
ie7seS 10 invite us TO depart from cur accustomed
course 10 Instinct ourselves by the wisdom of
1 '.l,' ana 70 ADOPT the policy Of the most
distinguished foreign states, one is little curioi
TO know with what propreiy Of speech thj, i !
mI'alion OF other nations is GenofninsteJ an
" American policy" while, on the contrary, pre.
terence Tor our own established System, as il nov
actually exists, and always has existed is caIlsd
a "fofeisn policy" This favori,e American DO |
ICY Is what America has never tried; and this o. |
dlous foreign policy is what az we arc told. for.
sgD states have never puTsuei. Sir, that is The |
Huest American policy which shall most ussf,IIv !
employ American capital, and American lab,r
and best sustain the whole population With me
is iundam entail sziom. il is interviewer with III
Opinions that the great interests of the counry
are uni'ed and Inseparable; that agriculture, com
heTce, and manufactures, will prosper together
Or. anguish together; and that all legisJaljon IL
dangerous which proposes 10 benefit oae of those
without looking TO consequences which tasy fall on
he Others" vs.