Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1827-02-22

s~SPacScHHh uHu Tue contest De tOun0 10 In
between Jackson and Adams, 1t was his defcr,ni
nation to vote for MIR. Adams But in a subse
Guent part of his address, while endeavorinp 4
sIauen another sinuosty Of his conduct, he saw
that az soon he did ascertain that The con,r.
lay between Jackson and Adoms-that lie, az 500
as The very contingency, in preparation for whic
his determination made up, did occur he he
gan TO deliberate whether he should vote for Gen
jackson or Mr. Adams! Now, however s'rane
IT may seem. we willing TO admit that i, ma,
be the habit OF MIR Clay, in questions of conscience
to determine first, and deliberate afterwards. We
certainly, In this instance, the existence of thi
angular process defeats the attempt a, vstifica,io,
which he rests upon it. The opportunity for cor.
ruption was the moment of deliberation; and if h,
dehoerafed in winter, il is proof Of his limo,
cence that he determined in autumn. His deter
animation, obviously, did not exclude subs eouen,
doubt, by his own declaration, and if he was liable
TO doubt, he had not determined, and was cara.
bic oil being purchased. The impression that he
was purchased, which the array of facts already
recapitulated forces the mind so far from helms
removed or weakened, il strengthened and f. sd
when we hud that Mr.. Clay himself can NEE, !,
by nothing better than an assertion evidently false
and an argument demonsrably absurd. He con.
hec's MS Innocence with alleged act of his
mind, which, by his own shelving, was mo, nj
inpossibility, and of establishes the fact OF
his eui't. The nature of the case requires that in
order TO form the judgment he challenges we
snouiu be guided either by his conduct, or his de-
dirations- IT we examine his declarations, we
md them incredible; when we look to his con
duct, we see nothing but guilt.
Bat clear il is that he did not o,efeyn,;,e il,
Kentucky, it is not less that he did not de};be-
rate in Washington. There could be but three
candidates before the House, and these were MIR
Crawford, Gen. Jarkson, and Mr.. Adams From
The evident disability Of the first, he declares he
could not think OF voting for him; respecting the
Inn ALL h. Hal
render ed 1t impossible that he should vote Io him
OF conrse, 1t he vo'ed at all, responsibility
waich; he says, he was resolved 10 encounter. he
had no room 10 deliberate, and could not hesitate
10 vote for Mr.. Adams. So that this line of in
yes'igasion terminates where the other did, and
caves the mind under the unqualified conviction,
mat the origin of The pre-en, administration il in
the corruption of the presen, Secretary of State.
II may perhaps be urged, that Mr. CI,y's ex-
cuipa'ory remarks may contain contradic,jo ions and
Measurements without defining his conduct or
proving his guilt that if they do not exonerate
'hey do not convict him. Suppose, however, the
case TO be altered hat instead of consJeri,c tho
conduct OF a high officer Of State, we were inves.
tisa'in6 that OF an ordinary citizen That John
Ooe' or Richard Roe, Upon trial for theft.
charged 10 nave been committed in Richmond :
tna' me circumstances of the case bore hard upon
mr. and that he should meet them by ATTEMPTING tn
prove an aftoi; should affirm that at the time of
-" S"S"Sc ne Wa III StauntOn. and then
suppose letter of his produced which would de-
monslrate that he was ini Richmond; would not
we impression against him grow into conviction,
would not this false statement recoil on him. and
win me pre'exlsng facts of which the charge
hau aiisen' establish his guilt! Common sense
ana common law dictate the same answer and il
applies as fairly and conclusve ly 10 one man az To
another.
In This research into the means bv which tho
present Executive climbed into Office. we again
'ehow- cilizens request you TO observe, that our
reasoning has proceeded upon admitted facts, and
upon Inc pest testimony; upon that of Mr. Clay him
seii-and that we have siudiously avoided n re
currence TO number of the more sunerficial
grounds OF opinion and topics of objection. which
arose oat OF the last election The importanre Of
'hs subject demanded we thought the flares, and
most Cautions discussion, and we have therefore
loieoorne % comment on the singular moLesty of
MI clay IN deem'ng Gen. jackson incompetent TO
'ne du'ies OF an office, which he himself had so
afdeniiy aspirei to fill, and still aims at by the
line OF SAFE precedent; or to reflect on his defer
ehce ior the opinion of his fellow citizens who
on weighing his claims with those of The General
mad pronounced them light as chat. We ab,,aineL
'oo' from adverns to The delicacy of that sort of
honour' which, (admi,ting for a moment the nos
sibiity OF his innocence) could permit him. un
constrained by any public necessity or patrioiic
impulse, to accept an Office, that was sure to ex.
pose himself 10 suspicion and his country TO dis
credit. voluntarily to assume such n posti,n
Nrgues cortemp, of public feeling and moral oro.
rely; and abliqny of judgment or want of sen
roiiity TO virtue. eau you believe that James
fiadison, that John Marshall, that Andrew Jack
son, would wear The livery of vice for the sake Of
an oihce! The delicacy Of these men would
prompt them 10 shun the appearance of crime, A.
\'nef integrity would revolt fom the substance
and their good sense would teach them that in
ofder 10 maintain claim public confidence il
IS necessary to shew respect for public sentiment,
III we turn with disgust and sorrow from The oti-
Sin OF our Administration, what satisfaction shall
we ini in their doctrines? IF that violated The
purity OF election. these defy the letter and spir,
OF the constitution You need not be reminded
OF Mr.. Adams repeated assertion of his right 10
institute foreign missions, and to commission en-
Yoys W''hout the advice and consent of Senate.
Nor are you to be told of the dangerous inrosd
which the exercise of such a pretention would
make on the principles and practice of our gov
eminent. Ii would take from the Senate the best
nall oil its executive functions, and double The
power and patronage of the President of course
me balance SO carefully adjusted by our fathers be
tween the legislative and executive branches ouId
be destroyed. Such is the prominent doctrine of
an administration which, with heartfelt, contempt
anu pompous ridicuie, compares the influence of
'ne constituent on the representative, to the effect
oil paralysis on the human body.
When we pass TO their acts feIIow.ci ,izens
we find that they reflect dangerous defect Of ,hei,
origin, and parIske of the encroachng srdri, Of
their doctrines; and that they obtained pow er
without honor they exercise il without wisdom n
was, perhaps, natural that having owe ed their Off
ciai existence to intrigue, they should place great
reliance on negotiation, and should resort to mea-
sures most likely to divert public attention from a
scrut ny OF their conduct. In conformity with this