Phenix gazette. [volume] (Alexandria [D.C.]) 1825-1833, 1826-08-12
From the Boston Courier.
MIR. JEFFERSON.

ceived here few days since, is Lille anc
Correspondence Of Major Cartwright" in which
we find the following Letter from the late Mr..
Jefferson. AS every thing coming from the
pen of that distinguished philosopher, states
man and patriot, is now read with avidity, we
have thought that this would be acceptable to
our readers. 1t appears from the book, that
Major Cartwright had sent to Mr.. Jefferson
copy Of his English Constitution" and that
the letter here given was sent as an acknowl-
sdgement ofthe courtesy.
MoSTIcELLo, IN VIRGINIA, JuGE S, 1924.
"Dear and Venerable Sir:-I am much indebt-
ed for YOUR kind letter Of Feb 80, and for your
valuable volume on the English constitution.
have read this with pleasure and much appro-
baton, and think i, has deduced the constitu-
ton inherited by the English nation, from its
rightful root, the Anglo Saxon. 1t is really
wonderful that so many able men should have
failed in their attempts 10 define 1t with cor
rectness; no wonder then that Paine, who
thought more than he read, should have credit
ed the great authorities who have declared, that
the VIII OF Parliament is the Constitution Of
England. So MarboiS, before the French Rev.
al was the constitution Of France. Your deri-
walton Of it from the Anglo-Saxons, seems to
be made on legitimate principles Having
driven out the former inhabitants of that part
of the island called England, they became, as to
you, Aborigines, and your lineal ancestors, they
doubtless had 4 constitution, aud although they
have not left it in a written formula, TO the pre-
else text ofwhch you may always appeal, yet
fhav hava LIFE frapr,,npts IF their history and
laws, from which il may be inferred, with con-
siderable certainty. Whatever their history *
laws slew to have been practised with approba-
ton, may presume was permitted by their
constitution, whatever was not so practised, was
not permitted, and although this constitution
was violated, and set at nought by Norman
force yet force cannot change right; perpetu-
al claim was kept up by the Nation In their per-
petual demand Of the restoration OF their Sax
on laws, which shews they never were relin-
ouished by the viii Of the nation. In the pull
lings and haulings for these ancient rights, be-
tween the nation, and its kings OF the races OF
Plantagenets, Tudors, and Stuarts, there was
sometimes gain and sometimes loss, until the
final reconquest Of their rights from the Stu
arts broke the thread of pretended inheritance,
extiuguished all regal usurpations, aud the ma
ton re-entered into all Its rights; and although
in their bill Of rights they specifically reclaim
some only, yet the omission OF others was no
remuneration ofthe right 20 assume their exer-
else, also, whenever occasions should occur
The new king received no rights or powers but
those expressly granted to him. 1t has ever
appeared to me that the difference between The
whig and the tory Of England is, that the wing
deduces his rights from theAnglo-SaXon source,
the tory from the Norman; and Hume, the great
apostle of toryism says, in SO many words,
mote "a 10 chap, -, that in the reigns OF the
Stuarts, il was the people who encrroached up
on the sovereign, not the sovereign who at
tempted, as is pretended, to usurp upon the
people; this supposes the Norman usurp.tions
TO be rights in his successors; and again, &c. so
''the commons established principle, which Is
noble in itself, and seems specious, but is be-
Eeved by all history and experience, that the
people are the origin ofaH JUSTpO,csr! and where
else will this degenerate son Of sience this trait
or to bis fellow men, find the origin of Jusr
power, if not in the majority Of the Society!
Will il be in the minority, or In an individual
Of that minority?
"Our revolution commenced on more favour
able ground. 1t presented us an Album, on
which we were free TO write what we pleased;
we had no occasion to search into musty re-
cords, to hunt up royal parchments, or TO in
yestigate the laws and institutions Of 4 semi
barbarous ancestry. We appealed 10 those Of
nature, and found it engraved in our hearts,
vet did not avail ourselves Of all the advar-
tages Of our position. We had never been
permitted 10 exercise self government; when
forced TO assume it, we were novces in its SCI
ence, its principles and forms had entered little
into our former education; we established how
ever some, although not all its important prin-
ciples. The constitutions of most of our
states assert, that all power is inherent in the
people, that they may exercise it BY themselves,
Competent; (as in electing their iunctionaries,
executive and legislative, and decidingb by a
Jury of themselves both fact and law in all
judiciary cases in which any fact is involSed;)
or they may act by representatives, freely and e.
oually chosen; thatit is their right and duty TO
be at all times armed; that they are entitled TO
freedom Of person, freedom of religion, freedom
of property, and freedom of the press. In the
structure of our legislatures, we think expe-
rience has proved the benefit Of subJecuns
questions to two seperate bodies OF deii6erantsi