Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1826-06-20

our great interests and perhaIs destructive of our
peace | cannot, for my own part, see the wisdom of
prOclaiming TO both, determination to remain
ral-let that be inferred from our conduct and Charac-
ter; and If we must make such profession, let it least
be accompanied by the further assertion, which trust
VIII be confirmed by the voice oil tue country, has
been bv its conduct, that, although acknowledge
the policy and justice of neutrality, it will be exchan-
ged for another state, If orc of the cases which APP
prehend should happen, or the other should recur.
The next proposed condition, or, am now consi.
dering it, the next declaration of opnou is that the
Ministers TO be sent shall go in diplomatic character
only This, pvt in form that NAV be ,nacin.
ed, could never permit myself to agree TO. As rule
for the conduct of the President supposcs in him IN
ignorance Of our constitution and of the duties Of his
place, or disregard of both, accompanied by the foy
oil dong wrong without motive and without end-that
would be diSgraceiu 10 the nation hic he has been
chosen 70 preside He is not, sir, have stated the
President of my choice, but he is the President of
country and should think il disgTacefi the nation,
to suppose that its Magistrate required instruction
not 10 send deputies 10 representative sssemby where
we must be bound bv the voices of majority of foreign
States; that is to say do that of his own author
Il, which the Government itself could do and which
would end in his ruin without hope of advan.
age 10 himself or his country. And is rendered
less, rs well as improper by the which lie has
given us, IN the very words OF the amendments that
such is his intention. am not an advocate for undue
or implicit confidence there is certain respect
due from the CO ordinate branches each other the
performance OF their respective functions only
CURED by the ordinary rules OF cyltv, but necessary
for the transaction of business and when the President
IN an Official message asks an appropriation for minis
ter who he declares, be sent in diplomatic cha
racter only, must and will believe him-my duty to
my country requires that should believe him. for ul
less do there is end of all intercourse between the
different departments of Government; and should as
soon think of anneXing condition TO the payment Of
the salary of the Chief Justice or passing resolution
that is the of the House that he should take no
brides, as would make il condition, or pass resolu
on, that the President, in the performance OF a Cunc,
ton purely executive shall do what is lis DUTY and
what his promise binds him TO do
After the declaration of what Dug NJ be the cllarac-
ter OF the agents the restrictions their powers
1t is the sense of the House, says the amendments that
they sall not he authorized discuss consider or
consult upon any proposition of alliances" &c. To dis
cuss IS, IN conversation writing 10 argue upon the
merits Or dement's of any proposition. This may be
prevented By the observance of strict silencc the slight
est argument against the proposal would violate the
instructions But, how minister is 10 obey that part
OF The direction which iOrbds him TO consider it, is not
easily conceived And why, sir, this inhibition to dis.
crSS consider? The object il appears to me- might
be attained by applying it TO the acceptance not the
listening to, considering and answering, with courtesy
and temper, any proposal whatever that was not in
suHng. What injury arise from discussions What
from consideration? After The discussion, after the con-
sidctatiOn would not the Uuod States be left accord
ing to the concluding language of the amendment free
TO adopt such measures their friendly disposition and
their interest and honor might dcmaud? And what
1t that we are so fearful TO hear consider Some
thing very seductive' Something that we cannot lis
ten 10 without asserting 20 II: Some proposition which,
if considered, mast certainly be accepted i'm spite of
instructions, in defiance of promises in open dereiction
of duty Why truly sir this syren song that we can
not listen to without rushing distinctions propo>
sal for alliance, offensive and defensive, which not
man III the United States wishes 10 form-an abandon-
ment of our neutral rights, which every body desires TO
prcserye-and the formation of treaties that nobody is
inclined 10 make and which, If made, couId refuse
10 carry into effect.
Bait for consideration ii The abstract proposition
OF neutral policy, and declaration TO make ALI
anCes proposed for adoption, DO think should
IT., because
II true policy, and have doubt of our right
and, on proper occasions, of the cXpedency of making
the declarations but events may happen Immediately
after shall have made the decaratlon events may be
produced accelerated by that declaration which NAV
make IT necessary 10 change that allude TO tie
affairs OF Cuba, which shall presently consider more
particularly; and therefore, in any shape should on.
pose the substance of this amendment. As TO the other
offered by the gentleman from Georgia il is still more
eXCeptonablc 1t prcscribes the duties that are 10 be
performed by the Ministers, and reduces them 10 an u.
meaning form.
Therefore, because this amendment amounts TO a
condition which we have no right 10 impose; because it
gives instruction and advice, winch is duty
SVe because 1t prccudeS discussion and consideration
OF subjects which it may be iii that should be in
formed: because, in all this il power not Civ
en- TO us--involves us in Responsibility ought no!
to incur, and may be made precedent in dangerous
times because, by unrestricted declaration Of de-
termination TO remain neutral, may indrcc other
nations to presume that neutrality 10 the injury of
our rights and because every good effect that might
be hoped from the mission would be defeated by IFS
adoption, am against the amendment.
i2roceed TO consider, which | promise TO do very
briefly, what those good effects
The first IN the order of the message-and certainly
not the least in importance. although ii has been deem
cd proper to treat it with evity-is the cultivation of
sPITIt OF amy and good feeling between and neigh
bor win whom we must necessarily be good bad
terms Our relative situations forbid the existence Of
that cold calculating jealousy which has been recon-
mended we must be good friends or troublesome
ne'ghbors. Our interest, as we'll as political policy
prescribe the former relation TO them; and nothing
would ensure the latter ctEcctuay refusal (couch
1t IN what terms you wiz of an invitation The most fiat
crng to national pride that exists in the annals of dip
oInacv.
lie who does not feel, with patriotic exultalion The
proud The dgnifed place that shall occupy on this
occasion can never be convinced By argument. We
invited not to preside in the counc-ihat yyonldbe
vain distinction but 20 elk with neigh bors the great
principles OF International law" in which If is ''presun
cd"-I quote from one OF the afoust,t NJ p ms