Phenix gazette. [volume] (Alexandria [D.C.]) 1825-1833, 1826-08-18
From ths National Journal.
ATRICK HENRY.-LETTER III.

To the Honorable JOHN {. CALHOUN,
Ves President ofths United States
Sin: Two letters signed "Onslow, which
have been addressed to me through the medi-
nm of the National Intelligencer, so clearly IN
dictate their parentage, that should, perhaps
oct disrespecifulIy to your official station, IN
considering you any longer as an anonymous
opponent. Though there was a time when no
man could be insensible TO the honour OF cor
r9snondence with citizen filling the second OF.
;ce ofthe Government, will not offend your,
modesty by affecting any peculiar gra!ihcauon
10 nv vanity from the circumstance that you
are the incumbent The lntelligencer very
properly adopts the general opinion, that IN a
dornipp its columns with speculations recon-
mended oy novelty, at least, you have other
objects in view than "the decision OF an 40
ssract question Of order" But you have been
BETRAYED into an exposure OF these objects oy
an impetuosity characterlzing yoar whole po-
litical career, and auspicioas TO your country,
because fatal TO yourself.
From the commencement CT the Govern
ment until the last session Of Congress, order
had been preserved in the Senate under every
Vice President, and decorum, ALMOST rising 10
solemnity, had been distinctive feature OF Its
proceedings But no sooner were you sent TO
preside over il, than its hall became, as II by
some magic agency, transformed ITO an arena
where political disappointment rioted In lis
madness, and the animoslties OF asplrlt, a, once
nerce and malignant, sexhibited themselves IN
every shape offensive 60 decency, and even
hunted their victim in the shelter OF the grave
The Patres Conscrip,i Of the land, the Repre-
scntatives Of twenty-four Sovereign Repuo-
lies. no longer extending their constant, paren-
- ka nf IN
were. TO the heavy loss of its treasure and It's
fame. degraded into being auditors of vitupera-
tions. elaborate as they were wanton, and al
most rivaling the classic pre-emlnence OF Bill
lineseate. During this organized defiance OF
the decorum. essential, not only to legislative
deliberatlon, but to social intercourse, what
part of,he spectacle was most conspicuously
Shameful! 1t was, that in the Constitutional
Temple fDignity, the appointed High Priest
bebeId its affairs profaned, and its sacrifices brok
en-. without one effort al defence, or uttering
one word of reproof; but sat san Abbot of Mis-
rule. pleased with anarchy, or political as
pirant, too fearful in duty, and too bold in am
bition. even to hint fault, or hesitate dislike.
The existence and the euormity OF the disor-
ders which have been aliNaed 10, are, unhappi-
". too notorious TO require the abduction OF ey-
idence. II is equally notorious, that they were
NOV represset. 1t must be universally conced-
ed that they ought 10 have been repreSSed, and
that on some public agent or agents, cenSure
for the federation Of them must deservedly rest
Until common sense was first started by your
extraordinary, but very Ineligible heresles, no
man even affected TO doubt that IT was OF the
very essence of the duties imperious on an Of
fcer presiding over deliberatiye assembly, TO
do what he was appointed, and what, by &C
cepting the Office, he had implicitly promised
10 DO: or that of such duties the most signal
constituent was the preservation OF order From
these priciples, il followed that the mere APP
pointment of the officer, clothed him with the
right, & subjected him 10 the duty, OF presery-
ing OF der; and where the appointment proceed
ed from supreme authority, the farther con-
sequence was apparent, that no inferior author
ity was competent 10 enervate the right, or to
remove the duty. When the doctrine came to
be applied 10 the Vice President of the United
States, whom the People had appointed TO pre-
side ouer the Senate, and whom, therefore, they
had empowered and directed TO preserve order
therein. the corolIary resulted, that the People
onlu could dives Of any OF its characteristics,
the Office which they had created; and that the
clause of the Constitution authorizing the Sen
ate";o determine the rules Of It's proceedings,
could not be construed as comforting on that
body any such power. The contempt torthese
plain propositions which your official practice
had manifested, having al length reused gener-
al censurc, in no ordinary degree, you attempt
ed, on the 18th of April, more than four months
after the beginning of the Session, to defend
this practice, on whatyou hoped would be at
least plausible grounds. The Incredibly Off the
nublic requiring, however, father efforts for its
removal, you oppressed the newspapers with
assnmntions which, after foamins awhile into
every variety oflogieal extravaganza, subsidized
in the doctrine, that the rules OF the Senate are
fhe exclusive source of the Nice-President's
powers in that body.
This rash defiance Of the Constitution now
seeks protection under the paradox, that the
preservation Of order forms no part OF the pre-
siding power in deliberatiye assembly Al
ter stating that Gan inherent power" is one that
Belongs essentially to the "office, and IS In its
ha,ure inseparable from it, and thar by neces-
sary inference it must belong to the presiding
offcer OF every deliberative assembly, you ar
que, because one branch of the British parlia-
rnent mas and the other has not, as you assert