Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1826-02-07


body, in which the will OF the majority is 10 bind
the other members, should not think any OF the
apprehensons that have been formed of il TO be
too great. 1t would bind Us To we know not what;
and neither our constitution nor Cur Interest would
warrant il. | should. ii such should prove TO be
the intent, decidedly vote against the measure and
t,,go all the advantages, on another view OF the
subject, should expect from it. But there is, in
my mind, easy and an obvious remedy. Ii he
powers given TO Ministers are entirely diplo
matte, and authorize them to appear ministers
to sign such stipulatons only shall find II
interest make with all or any OF the Powers, this
evil ysnishes, and rs can see no motive tor pre-
ierrrng the other course, fraught with 80 many
evils ] cannot believe that it will be Preferred
But, five find il is preferred, hold the remedy,
and no r;ember will be more ready than shall 10
apply II. Meeting, thea, on this independent foot
ing, bound by no opinions but their own and the
instructions they may receive, our Ministers sp-
pear IN Congress IN which they not only have
the benefit o! debating themselves, but OF hearing
the interests Of all the other Republics discussed; in
which proposals and mo fcaiions OF all the interests
which connect them with each other, with Us, and
with the rest OF the world, will be made and debated
where the presence of all the parties interested will
give decided advantage TO this mode of negota-
ton over that by separate missions. What are the
objects that can arise, IN the course of their confer
ence, in which we have intersi.
The first object that will naturally engage the
attention OF the Congress, should suppose would
be the regulation of commerce between each other
and the rest Of the world; and this subject surely j.
one IN which the abilities of ministers may be
eXeFted to the greatest advantage Our policy is
not, conceive, any exclusive benefit but to leave
the field clear for fair competition. Is it no ad-
vantage, then, TO have a seat aud the RICH, OF free
debate in a body, where these points are TO be
discussed! How many restrictions, how many
monopo!ies may we avoid by enforcing, with elo-
quence and truth, the mutual advantages of free
commerce, and liberal exchange of superfiuities
rms argument particularly applies to the princi-
pies winch 1t is our interest, as well our duty
to ENFORCE with respect 10 the restrictions on the
carrying trade, which mistaken view OF heir
irue operation, might induce our neighbours TO
adopt.
Again, there are certain principles, which we
have long endeavored TO establish, in the maritime
code otnaticns principles calculated 10 alleviate the
mlseries OF war, and perhaps if persevered in, TO
make them less frequent. This maritime law is
sometimes founded on positive stipulation; so
general and So often repeated, have the force
OF law, although arbitrary, and not founded on the
great principles OF justice sni equity. Other parts
rest solely on the basis of those principles; but
winch from the conflicting interests of nations,
nave been subjects OF dispute and cayil OF this
nature, Is the maxim, that free ships make free
GOODS OF this nature is the restriction of conrsband
TO articles strictly a warIike nature the right of
blockade. In all these questions, we have n special
and vital interest. We have contended for their
establishment from the CONNER cement of our poli
iicai existence; and, nation whose policy is
eininently pacific, interest as well as principle
points out 10 US the necessity of procuring their
acknowledgment For this, representation in
the Congress would give US facilities that " should
De inexcusable not to avail ourselves of. Another
oI9ect connected with this, is the placing private
property on the ocean, in time of war in The same
safety that il is on land. No good reason can be
gwen why, when maritime town is taken by an
enemy $ force private property should be respected
IN stores when the same property moved into ship
would be good pIize-why the husbandman NAV
pursue his calling, and the sailor following an
equally peaceful business should be liable to capture
and Imprisonment. How honorable to OURSELVES,
no" important TO humanity, could stipuations TO
erect these objects, and to abolish the dsgracelul
and Improbable practice of privateerinr be. BY
our agency, introduced into the coLe of nations =
ANA II their utility and justice should not cause
them TO be considered part of the European
laws OF nations, but made binding on the
American States alone, the advantage would be
incaic"laoie; the reputation of having Introduced
them, would be permanent and splendid .
AGAIN, SIR, our neghboring republics, although
founded on the most correct principles of political
liberty, yet almost all of them wanting in the
great object OF religious toleraiion Might it not
without extravaganza, be hoped, that free dis
cussion OF tins subject among the assembled Depu
ties, and iull development by our Minister'S of the
principles so universally acknowledged by the rest
OF the world, would lead TO a relaxation of those
riSId laws now SO generally in force in those coun
tries
Our late President proclaimed to the world and
he was justified in the declaration by large ma
)orIy OF our constituents, that we should not SEQ
with indifference, any European power attempting
TO establish new colony in America. The whole
continent, along both Oceans, from our Northern
limits to those OF the Russian colonies, is now
with some trfiing exceptions, in the hands of indie
pendent powers. A similar declaration, made Sc
parateiy by each OF them, would give force to the
principle and render its infractioh less probable be-
cause more hazardous. A negotiation to produce
this expression of sentiment is another obec, that
may, without danger, he made the duty Of our Min
listers.
The place at which the Congress assemble will
naturally, as well as the importance of the object
draw their attention to the magnificent project of
joining the two oceans by ship canal A free
participation IN the advantages Of this enterprise,
should 1t be found practicable, might also well be-
considered, be innocently and safely discussed. and
perhaps secured to US.
now approach the topic of the highest impor-
tance-the political situation of Cuba. I agree
with the gentleman from Virginia, that this subject
must, from the nature of things, come under the
early discussion Of that body. ! agree with him.
that their decision that subject, may have the
most injurious, perhaps fatal effects on our peace
and prosperity; and it is because deeply appre !
bend those effects, which not even the energetic
language Of the gentleman from Virginia could paint
100 siTongiy-it is because feel these apprehen-
sions, particularly lin resut) for the country
represent; IT Is therefore that think the mission
all important; it is therefore that feel we have