Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1826-10-24

Il SUI ,L,ovn around the recommendations of Messrs.
j Iatr.,son and Madison. Those great men have
toan the constant friends of Education and Internal
n ,,,ovement they have pressed their importance
on the nation; but never without reference to the
n ,;,sd mower, or to the absence of the power, in
49,. fsisral Constitution. The former, in one of
IL Messages. advises appeal TO the people for
.sr Grants of potcer the latter makes indirectly
,hs same appeal. The question is not, whether
eternal Improvement and education are desirable
4 =, not but whether the government possesses the
4 ,., under the present constitution So long as
4 ou are permitted to dwell on the national hnpor-
4 ,snce of these subjects, you might triumph in The
comment But, bring you to the true question in
4 snn,roversy you find the necessity Of sophisry,
.od you resort TO evasion. Alter your nourishes
d ,,non quoting Mr.. Madison's guarded recommen-
cations to Congress- no one could have anticipated
s,ch a paragraph you have given US, when con
fon,ed with his veto on the Bonus bill. That veto
n oos, clearly displays the sense In which Mr.. NJ
ri thought internal Improvements to the conside-
lion of Congress. IL is rather strange, gentlemen,
4 ,h., YOU will not permit MIR. Madison to explain
4 Ia own opinions! and that you still endeavour to
n ,s,ain yourselves by and TO give to the admins
,,,ion. q the benefit of his examplen' That the
cdr may see how YOU eule this celebrated veto
we riye the tneagre aud evasive sentence with
l;cb YOU content yourselves. - Fe were not
,;rdf,l of the veto OF Mr.. Madison 10 the bill
n,o,riating the bank bonus fund for internal
;nroys,penis, but zoe tDiH not touch on The
seeming discrepancy between that Message and
the deliberate recommendation from the pen. of the
same statesman which we cited In former re-
4 marks" Yes, gentlemen, you 'oM'' not admit,
the force of a positive, a solemn opinion, but,
,Iroi,lv prefer mere recommendation; guarded
a inn and probably intended 10 induce the applica-
ion for r,e,r grants OF power. You would carry
che art of independent thinking 10 such degree OF
s6nement that YOU not only think for yourselves
I'M, YOU will think for Mr.. Madison also.
By referring 10 the bill reported in Congress in
1916. for The establishment of a National Univer-
s,v. YOU must perceive that the institution then
i contemplated is essentially different from the one
lately recommended by Mr.. Adams. 1t was al =
,hough called National University, TO have
4 been bull, with money arising from the sale of lots
4 in the CITY OF Washington, as expressly provided
z in the bill. You know, gentlemen, tina, the Dis
,,ict is peculiarly situated. Its inhabitants are
cu, off from some of the dearest rights oil freemen
They live under government in which they have
no voice and whose officers are in no wise anne
nsble 10 them. The federal government is the
creature of the States and il appointed by the Con
,,ituton TO rule the people of the District
Congress- them in the absence of district or ter
rtorial legislature, is bound to legisla,e for you,
and extend 10 you hose social and domestic sdvan-
aees TO which the people of the States derive from
their state governments. Our repubcanism teach
es us to believe that the domestic concerns of the
States were never intended by the Constitution, to
he transferred TO the federal government; but that,
as all the domestic concerns of the District falling
within its acknowledged jurislict it is competent
for congress to egislate, on the subject of education
as well as on other District interests. Aitho'
Mr. Madison, under this view of the subject, was
disposed in establishing University, to found it
upon the City lots which belonged to the Nation
vet it does not follows tina, he was the advocate
OF the power in Congress 10 upon the subject OF
education throughout the States. Neither he nor
Mr. Jefferson, nor even Mr.. Monroe, lever claimed
for the government TIE enormous and alarming
power claimed by Mr.. Adams in his Message.
We grant that from the example of Mr.. Monroe,
you might derive some benefit. But he draws the
power from one clause in the Constitution and
Mr.. Clay from another. These gentlemen have
ably refuted he arguments of each other; and if
we DO not misunderstood your present views, you
do not concur in Mr. Monroe's doctrine of the
general welfare. Still you adroitly claim for the
l Administration the benefit of his example. You
would prop them up by the influence OF great
names, or surely you would not resort TO this des-
perae expedient The disagreement between MIR.
+ Monroe and Mr.. Clay as to the part of the Con-
81 s,ituon which gives The power, shows, at least,
that the question is far from being clear one and
while you level your sarcasms at hose who differ
with you about the matter, you forced TO claim
the benefit of ~ opinion which you disclaim as
much do.-You say that Mr. Monroe 5
for the doctrine of self-iurrovement than you as
srmed''; when in truth you dsclaim all the grounds
which he assumes-snd you add '' will The En-
quirer deny to US the authority of Mr. Monroe, TO
the extent that zoe CO. because he goes further -
when yOu do not go single inch tcifh him. ii
gou were to charge Grand Jury with principles
which you yourselves utterly disclaim, doubt
much whether they would not consider you un-
worthy OF a seat upon the bench.
Il, is possible tina, you may have stated correct
ly the facts respecting the two " Lighthouses in
the skies" that were proposed during the Admin
siraton OF Mr.. Jefferson. The papers ale not be-
fore us; nor is it convenient for US TO obtain them
We are ye, unacqusinted with The whole ground
4 on which the authority claimed: but, we are
3 yet 10 learn whether ii was power assumed with
or without the benefit of deliberate decision
Il whether 1t be one of those measures, which W az
loosely considered and hastily adopted; or yhe-
3 Their it can be supposed 10 have the force of a
seriatinI Precedent 1t is certain that the other
case to which you refer (thst of National Uni
Versi'y under Gen. Washingons Administration
was not seriously discussed. in a constitutional
4 point OF view, 10y that lushious man.
But, ii we t1ere to grant you the benefit Of the
Obseryaeries in Mr.. Jeffersons time, and the Uni
versty In MIR. Madison's, as far as it rent, can
these two justify you in the desperate use which
you would make of them? You adroitly attemp,
10 screen Mr.. Adams under the names of Jefferson
and Madison. True 10 your vocation, you always
go Tor the powers that be.-Will any lover of
truth say, that the Virginia Presidents ever claimed
Tor The government an extent OF power co-exten-
sive with that set up by Mr.. Az Mr.. a. would
have US believe that the object Of government is
70 improve the condition of the governed, and
hhefeore 1t has the innate power to do so; that