Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1826-02-28
RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY os 1soe

present day. having witnessed the actual operation
this part of our political system, understand il decided
ly better than the wisest member of the Cony enion
In uteripg tits opinion derogate nothing from tn
wisdom of that venerable assembly. They were TO,
wise not TO form Just estimate, themselves of thci
own situation Conscious of the complicated and per
picking difficulties uOder which they ted, and viewing
their own work, not with the vain arrogance of The
Spartan Lawgiver but with the profound wisdom of
permepta philosophers SO far from attempting TO rem
der 1t immutabe by prescribing all changes under the
imposing sanctions of religion, they adopted much
more efectua means of rendering IL immortal bv nro
vding regulated mode fremedyng its impe9fectious
It's thus that the fundamental laws of the Republic with
out the violence and blood that have marked the reyo
tonary throes of other countries can be graduaIv and
peacefully accommodated to the successive changes and
progressive improvements ofbe social system In offer
ing to lay the hand of reformation upon the
fabric Of the Constitution, feel sustained by the con
seriousness that am doing nothing more than the mem
bers OF the Convention would themselves do had i,
pleased Providence that they should have lived 10
ucipate IN the deliberations of this day shall proceed
therefore, without either supersous awe on the one
hanu or unbeconipg lrrevercnce, the other, 10 ex
pose the existing defects of the Constitution and to nd
cate what believe TO be the appro plate remedy And
here distinctly admit, that, before can expect any
member OF the committee 10 vote for proposition in
VolYpg fundamental change in the Constitution am,
upon every principle of sound reasoning bound TO
oiish the affirmative of the proposition. 1t is our pro.
pious fortune TO exist under government that has,
the man, answered all the great ends for which govern
mens are instituted Enjoying, in fact system of rcru
/
lated liberty more perfect in lis past operations than any
which has heretofore existed i'm the world is the part
OF wisdom to abstain from change, until the actual exist
ence or threatened approach of danger is clearly and
satisfactorily demonstrated.
The first branch of the resolution are CONSIDERING.
declares the expectancy of establishing uniform sys
tenn of voting bS districts, for the President and Vice
PRESIDENT by adverting, for moment, the existing,
provisions of the Constitution, this subject il will he
perceived that the important operation of electng the
Two chiet executive officers of the United States not
regulated by ony Constitutional rule 1rhGterer The
Constitution. by declaring that "each State shall ap.
point The electors in such manner the Legislature
'hereot may prescrhc," puts an unequivocal negative
upon the idea of fXedness and perrnanCnce which es
sentialiy enter into the elementary notion of consu
tIonal regulation Different rules prevail in the same
State at different times and in the different States al
the same time all liable TO be changed according TO the
varying views and uctuang fortunes of political par
ties. Ii may be assumed as political axiom that those
creative acts popular sovereignty which bring the
machine of government into existence, and put it in
notion ought to be placed beyond the power Of any le
gislauve control whatever. The is obvious
This superior stability Of the fundamental law essen
tlal to protect the rights of the minority from the nus
tee and oppression of the majority. All experience
proves that 1t is In the very nature of political parties
TO ''feel power and forget right" The end which eve
ry party proposes 10 ITSELF the object of IFS united
effort is power. In the pursuit of this object the ma
Jority lose that of justice which should protect the
rights OF the weaker party. They easily persuade
themselves that the good of the will be promo
ted by excluding their opponents from power and I'M
der the deusvc belief that they are sustained by pat
riotic motives, they commit the fragrant acts of
outrage upon the minority. What, sir, has been our
own experience on the subject? Some ten or fifteen
years ago. the dominant party in the State of Massa
chusetts made an artificial arrangement of the districts
so as to exclude the minority from power almost
piete!y as the change from the district the general
ticket system would have done 1t. After Tie indvidu
al, believe, who was principally instrumental in
bringing about this scheme Of party tyranny il known
over the whole Union BY the name of the Ger,y7nan
dermg system. The People reused to ndigna-
tIon not only in Massachusetts, but throughout the
United States. Under lively sense of the Injustice
and oppression of this proceeding and of perhaps some
analogous occurrence in other States the proposition
for establishing uniform district system of voting for
the electors of President brought forward by North
Carolina State which, to her other claims to consi
deration in the Union adds steadfast and uniform adj
heTence to sound republican principles. This propo-
sItion concurred in by large majority of the Lee
gisIaues of the States and amongst the rest two Of
the largest States in the Union New York and Virgil
Dia adopted it By almost unanimous vote of their
respective Legislatures.
But argument in favor of the proposed amend
ment, results from the obvious propety of establishing
not only permanent, but uniform system of voting
tor the President IN all States. 1t otmerey for
the sake of Constitutional symmetry, that this uniform
ity is desirable but ii is indispensable to the existence
of that political justice which the bond and cement
of our Union To illustrate the nature and extent of
the evil, growing out of a Of uniformity in the
modes OF voting IN different States, will state a case
at the very next Presidential election if this amend.
ment be not adopted. New York has established the
District System; Virginia still adhercs to the General
Ticket system. Let us suppose the People of New
York entitled TO thirty six electoral votes for President
to be divided ~ opinion between two rival candidates
IN the proportion of nineteen TO seventeen: The result
would be, that she wond give nineteen votes TO one
candidate and seventeen TO his opponent, leaving ma
ority Of two votes only in favor Of the candidate who
stood highest in her confidence Let us now suppose
The people OF Virginia entitled to twenty four votes TO
be dvidcdln opinion between the two rival candidates
IN the proportion of thirteen to eleven Voting bv the
General Ticket, she would give the ohOie Of the cleo
oal votes of the State TO her favore candidate II is
thus apparent that New York voting by districts
would exert only twelfth part of the power in the
election Of tie President that Virginia voting by the
general ticket would exercise when, in point of fact
the People Of Virginia much divided in ojn
ion, between the competing candidates as the People OF
New York. The gross and palpabe Injustice of per-
hitting such state Of things to continue must be ap-
parent TO every Ii is not in the nature of things
that any State can long submit to such political Unequal
y However striking the superiority Of the district
system be considered by fhc peODo