Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1826-11-14

has long excited the most anxious soicude Of ev-
cry intelligent Virgnian. II is an evil Of incalcu
liable magnitude; brought upon without our a
gency, and now intimately interviewer in "a
many of our relations that it is impossible to abol-
ish II at once. Can those unaccus, omcd to such
state OF society venture to interfere with it too
rashly. without producing mischief. There are
few among Us who do not anticipate its gradual
and final abolition. But the time and the hummer
of effecting such change ought TO be left those
who endure the evil. and are mott apt 10 adopt the
best expedient to remedy it. Oar Statesmen hav.
increasingly reflected on the subject and If their
desire to accomplish so important end has induce
| ed them to overlook the consiitutonslity Of the
means, 1t ought, at any rate, to convince others OF
their sincerity.
We doubt whether not Mr.. Jefferson, in
writing the letter alluded TO, thought of the powe
OF Congress to make such an appropriation. All
his opinions OF that power, in relation to other
subjects; and his more recent opinions as TO the
Gerry question before us, are at war with such an
idea. But if his feelings in this case, did obtain
the mastery over his judgment, and he thought il
competent to Congress TO make such an appro :
priation, we are bound to say, with all our pro-
found Difference for his character and opinions that,
in this case he erred, and is al variance with him
self.
We will not undertake to discuss the subject at
present; but we beg the readers candid attention
to the following brief and dspassionate view of il.
Ii Congress assume power 10 appropriate mon ey
to this object, may they not do SO in relation 10
any other object under the Sun, not positively
withdrawn from their jurisdiction by the cypress
letter of the Constitution? According TO The IN
depreciation oil that instrument by the Ultra School,
and as expressly stated by the Editors OF the N.
!. Congress have power TO do any thing they please
'' not contrary TO the Constitution" What then,
.tr haA. H.
powers Of the government? 1t is then, govern
ment Of underlined and unlimited power, with a
few solitary subjects excepted) instead OF a go =
yernment, created for certain defined purpu- es
and clothed with enumerated and specified
powers This is the great point in dispute between
the Old Jefersonian Republicans and the pre-
sent administrators OF the government, and
their supporters The old party would confine
rulers TO the letter Of their authority the ul
trss would throw the Constitutional restrictions
aside, and have no other guide but the 's General
Welfare and the various opinions of men as to
policy expectancy and the public good. Under
the one school of polirics we have simplicity, econ
omy, stability, and security persons and proper
ty under the other we have the very reverse
What shall constitute the general welfare, or wha,
shall promote the public good, will vary with the
differing views OF different men, they come into
the administration or into Congress. Every Pres
ident. 1t supported ~ majority of Congress, see
ing that there Is no limit to the powers of govern
ment; that 1t can accomplish any object not posi-
lively inhibited, that may be though, TO be promo
tive OF the public good, will be tempted TO sig
nalize his Administration, by new and hazard Gus
experiments Tor the I" general toeLfare.'' We
protest agans, all constructions of the Constitution
that shall lesd to such results
We have hitherto understood that the N
was opposed to the doctrine of the general well
fsre - But II the power of appropriation now in
question be not drawn from that phrase we can-
not, Tor our lives see whence they derive it. We
now understand them to contend for any power
g not contrary TO the Constitution'--or in other
words not prohibited BY it.. The distinction here
taken between '' not contrary 10 the Con,ti,uton,'
and, e the general welfare seem. to US TO be
without difference. Is not the doctrine sub
stantially one and the same thing? For, if Con-
gress do exert general power of app oprarion or
exercise any other power not prohibited by the
Constitution, whence do they derive il, except
from supp sci jurisdiction over the general wei
fare?
The power now claimed for Congress by the
Ant-Siavery Convention and by The Intelli-
gencer. would really to us to go the
whole length of the Ultra School opinions. Do
they not claim unqualified control over the
revenue OF the country? Can they not appro-
pirate it TO whom and for what purpose thew
please! What is there TO prevent its application
to the purchase of our slaves, since it may be ap-
piled to rearing up and sustaining colony in di--
tant country, or exporting freed slaves in any
other way! 1t you can appropriate money for
colony OF free blacks, why not for colony of in
digeot whites, or OF maleiaclors, such as Botany
Bay?
If we know any thing of the sentiments of the
people of Virginia, they are determined 10 oppose
all interference by others with This delicate subject
Unless that interference be in The execution of
what shall seem to them practicable and promis
ing good results. In the execution of any scheme
of this kind, they would most gladly avail them
selves OF any assistance from the rev enue of the u
States, if they thought the Constitution permit, ed
it Blu, In this respect, they must first see that
difficulty overcome, in the pointed out in
the Constitution itself. To proceed in the way
proposed by our good friends, is not only 10 haz-
card our own domestic quiet, but to give up the
Constitution Of our country.
MANUMISSION SOCIETY.
We lay before our readers the following state
ment (from The Philadelphia Democratic Pr,ss)