Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1826-03-28


II goes the compromise between the States, on which
the Government its ,tonc
daon In this system, there which are
purely iedcratve, which of a mixed federative
and popular character; that purely popular vet
ali that of the honorable gentemans arcument-I do
certainly to it, which insists on the
right o. the of the people govern would
pcable only to system that purely popular through
out really think should have vary this part of
tile sentemans argument hair, if should aiduce in
support of alteration of the kind have mentioned in
opening remarks which would go the euua
ty OF the representation of each State in the Senate
is more UNJUST on abstract principles than that your State
sir (Dclaware) should have much power New-York.
But these abStIa principles here nothing
entered by parties id they would no, agree
toany else When this constitution drafted, Governor
Randolph proposed have proportional representation
IN the other House, well this. did the small
States do? They said will take tive will no,
agree to it, and rather than accept such constitution,
will break up the convention. They more sr-that
they would sooner take foreign power by the hand,
have constitution the principle by which the honorable
gentleman supports his resolutions The election of Pesi-
Dent and the adjustment of the two principles that part
oil the constitution, the other difficult point. Mr.
Wilson informs in his speeches Convention assem-
bed IN Pennsylvania raty the constitution, that th,
was the point which the Federal Convention most labor
ed; as 1t was also the point which they thought them
selves, and thought by their TO have
met with the most perfect success. Now sir il is on this
most delicate adjustment, that the gentleman laws his hand
In the primary election he proposes from the States
the right to exercise their voice without divisions and
in the secondary election, take from the small States
their equality OF power this House As goes
is making constitutions is opening the question from
the foundation; is breaking every COMPROMISE which
the constitution as was observed bv the ZEN
tleman from Virginia, (Nr Stevenson) when this is done
II is not matter Of question, it is certainty,
that you could not any of these compromises. At
all events any argument addressed this subject TO the
oottee' IN order TO have any power, must be, an
Argument general principles las the right of the ma
orty to prevail the minority constitutional ar
guen to show that the adjustment of the federal
pular principles in the governments requires TO be revised
and settled different footing
Butt sir, will briefly follow the gentleman into some Of
he IroPdD tho
ton of his first resouon which goes prevent election
from dcvolyng on this body. l accompanied geue-
man, with unfeigned delight in the philosophical
VIEWS clothed IN most eloquent language which he
many important subjects in general politics. and if ever
ieit Obliged TO differ from him, it much estab
fishing his principles, as in drawing his conclusions.
His general train of thought in this part of his arau-
ment, appeared to De somewhat foows:-A vast ex-
tension of liberty taken place in modern times art;c
larry in the United States of America The great pot
cal problem TO be solved has BEEN reconcile this great
extension OF liberty, with the strength of Executive su
fciently powerful to administer the Government. This
especially was the problem be solved by trainers Of
the constitution of the United States, the mode in which
they decided it, !hs they created an Executive of
great powers, and econcied this power with the security
of the constitutions and the preservation the liberties of
the people, ON the principle elective responsibilities This
responsibility grow Of popular choice, aud there
fore the honorable gentleman tina the choice should
be sent back from this House, in other to the
people. This appeared TO be the genena of argu-
Agreeing cordially do, in the first propositions that
an extension of liberty is enjoyed and cons,i
| his.
part OF the suOectgo further IN unison with the honora
Bile gentleman.
In the first place, the power othe Executive not great
the gentleman describes it, but small The gentle
made it equal that of the king Of Great Britain
Sr,I say that this seemed be an cxaggera-
ton too violent 10 be admitted, in the heat of argu-
shall not follow friend from Connecticut. (NIr
!mgerso in the comparison of the powers the king of
England with those Of the President, nor shall trouble the
committee by referring TO the Chapters of the Fcderas on
this subject which, doubt not better known to the
gentleman from South Carolina than me, in which the
same comparison is fofciby pursued / will confne
myself To the single point of the the ofccrs
the President of the United States being elected for four
ycarshe King of England being hereditary aud for life
In consequence of this single difference of tenure DIFF
ference o influence between the (and
Is question to influenced is positively innite;-
weaker ] hesitate not to assert that
have learned any thing of English history, it is this
that II The King OF England were elective, and for four
years, there has been ministry the lime of the
Cecils and the Walsingham that could have
benches io four weeks Sir, the President has mower
the create iuuence-he do next to nothing
of himself ia that way The only power that he NAV be
have which absolute. and this is not of nature
to confer personal influence is that of gativng law
passed by less than two-tbds of Congress. to patton
age, he cannot appoint to Office of one hundred dollars
pes annum, without the of thirteen sovereign states
He cannot treat with foreign power build light
desoate rock, without the ratification sixteen
pendent states There is only Office, believe, to which
ne has tbs power Of appointment; and have i'm my
drawer resolution to take from him solitary piece
Of patronage: the Office of librarian o Congress.
No, sir, the Executive strong. 1t therefore needs
curious search after the principle by which the strength
of the executive 10 be reconcled the liberty Of
the people The trainers Of the constitution went on no
such search for principle of reconciliation between the
Hh""es of the people aud the powers of Government
They went OF a far simpler and nobler principles that
Of giving TO governors power likely be abused in the
circumstances under which given to them They wen,
rather on tie principle of having governor at all.
thought 1t was very justly said, this Goor ew weeks
since, that we have no Government; there is nothing r
this country which deserves the Of governments Or
If there is any government here; if there NY throne
yo1 SIS are seated on it, The people arc, what they are
often ironically called the sovereigus.
The gentleman may tell me that if this be the ca Sc our
government does differ from the ancient democraces
Widely totally and let consider how for it is in
this that the great improvement of the modern politica
system resides. The improvement is that we have and
act upon what they had very imperfect degrees
and in very limited measures the idea delegated power
What is the nature Of delegated power That the people
who delegate it shall delegate just as is safe in
the hands OF man, as he % aud this upon the terms Of
written compact, and for limited period. And shall we