Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1826-12-09
RIOHMOMD, DEG. g
GENTLEMEN:


our readers.-We are tired ourselves OF a con,ro-
versy, in which we have been engaged for these
three months.
Permit to say that we are surprised at the un-
candid quotation you have made of few lines OF
the Presidents Message to Congress- in December
last. You confine yourselves TO that solitary pas
sage in which he States that the Constitution is
Charter OF limited powers, and that if Congress
| should think the enactment of laws, in pursuance
of his recommendations, would transcend the dele
gated power, no consideration ought to induce them
to do it. Mr.. Adams discovers then, some limits;
but what are they? They be few indeed if
we turn to the broad exposition which he gives US
in the same Message, OF the federal powers. These
| expositons you are ingenious enough 10 withhold
from your readers. You pass over the broad re-
Communications Of the President, that laws should
be enacted to better our condition in all the un-
deiinable aspects in which the aid of the govern
ment could be exerted; you disregard his metaphy-
steal notions of the duties and objects of govern
ment. and even forge, the extraordinary sarcasm
which lie throws out upon the republican principle,
that the representative should be bound by the will
OF his constituents Cor palsied'' TO use his own
| scholastic phrase.) You wink at the Ultra Fede-
raj doctrines of the whole Message, and single
out the solitary passage alluded the sufficient
| proof OF his orthodoxy. The ingenuity Of the
worshipper is worthy OF his idol Mr.. Adams S
! education in Europe, and his familiarity with the
| courtly scenes and dazzling authority OF those
| VINO exercise power by the Grace of God, would
indeed have been lost upon him, if he had not
| known how to weave such sentiment into such a
message. And you, sirs, would be lily qualified
10 be the literary champions of such a statesman,
| 1t you die not know how 10 use such Message
10 his advantage. But you presume rather too
much upon the ignorance and creduity of your
| readers, when you extract single underlined and
unmeaning passage as specimen of the spirit of
| the whole document
A few words as to the precedents you have
| thought proper 10 cite, and we have done.
You again bring up the Observatory. You urge
that Mr. Jefferson sent Ha.let the astronomer 10
Europe 10 procure instruments for such an estab
lshnent; that they were procured at high price,
and have ever since remained useless for the
want OF an observatory. Where, gentlemen, is
! your evidence that these instruments were really
procured tor such purpose? You never fail to
quote chapter and verse when you can do so. The
| fixing of meridian, and sscertainment of Latitude
are important 10 the Navy, it is true. All our
public vessels, we understand, are furnished
with instruments essential to the navigation of the
| ocean.-Those purchased by Mr. ]. may have been
intended 10 be connected in some way with that
branch OF the public service and not for the pur-
| poses of general science, with the ridiculous
intention OF returning upon Europe .s light for
| light
| n
| Der OF the first congress 10 encourage an
expedition 10 the North Pole, with a view o,
making magnetic experiments, 10 ascertain
| the OF the variation of the needle was
probably, founded upon the same general regard to
the naval service oil the country He probably
considered that maps, charts, soundings, Sc were
| important for that purpose, and andeI the same
point OF view, an accurate knowledge oil The va
| ration OF the needle. But lhi, opinion OF Mr..
/ Maids wa me- tbp
cuisines most OF your Gases. Your preceIents have
generally the same fault. They want that weight
from sersottm discussion, which such discussion
only can import to any question: Mr.. Tucke, (.
mere doubt OF unconstitutionalty thrown out on the
occasion OF the North Pole mission does no,
| amount to the dignity Of such debate. A, it
| stands, Mr.. Madison's suggestion is mere obi
| ter dtcfufn, which IN court of law would he
disregMded; aid much more in court OF the Con
stitu,ion.
You aIlude TO the payment Of the money 10 the
venerable Lafayette That grant was pu, upon
! he express ground of remuneration for services
| and sacrinces during the war of the Revolution.
| 1t is so stated in the preamble TO the bill. The
debt was due, aud 1t was proper that il should be-
paid
! The present of flour which was sent by the
Government TO The people of Caracas, when suf-
| fering from the effects of earthquake was di-
rec,ed more by a sentiment of compassion than =.
regard TO the Constitution We conceive il to he
! generous but misplaced exercise of power on the
part OF our representatives. That the bill passed
uIsGnimouslyis no justification of the MEASURE: but
II proves that the soundest politicians, and even
| the greatest s,ickers for the constitution NAV
sometimes, under peculiar state of feeling or of
party excitement, act under erroneous principles
The public servants appointed in the federal
government with enumerated powers and have
no Fright to be generous or charitable at the
peoples expense. We respect many of those tcho
voted for the law, bu, Names do not make il
right. The citation of this precedent 10 prove
We presume, that congress may do what then
please, in the way OF spending the peoples mo-
ney, shows the extremes of your doctrine, and
evnces your disposition to consrue The consti-
tuition " not by what il actually contains, bur by
the ABUSES committed under it, You challenge
US" to put our finger the clause of the consii-
tuition which clothes congress with power 10 tax
| the people Of the u. s. for the benefit of other
nations, or for the general purposes Of touring
the distressed" We cannot do it, But ve mo-
test against the precedent dangerous, because of
the use that may be made OF it. Your own exam
pie is proof enough of the danger. II shows how
readily the best things may be corrupted into the
worst; and how cbeeFiully the advocates of lower
can extract 1t from the most generous but hasiy
impulses OF the heart. Who debated the right OF
appropriation at the tine the Caracas bill wa.
brought up? Who named the Constitution And
yet this measure without discussion, without con.
sideration, is TO be employed TO justify the most
exravagsnt usurpaiions OF general power. II is,
however, not unlike all the rest, under which YOU
seek to justify the omnipoence of The government.
On the subject of a National Unireysifv
enough has been already said On that of Internal
improvement, you have been, finally, driven TO
the necessity OF giving up all advantage from the
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