Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1826-03-02

Chief Magistrate. They must be trained and edu-
Gated to freedom. They must learn the duties OF
freemen as they learn every thing else. You can
no more make freeman than you shoema
SIR who think that freedom requires nothing more
than the manufacture Of paper constitution. They
seem to suppose that all will be safe, if the parch-
ment is smooth, and the phraseology clear. Sir,
unless you lay the foundation of freedom in the
structure and education Of society, would not
give rush for the deusive mockery of paper
constitution written charter is the evidence, but
not the Of liberty.
In this view of the subject, strong recommen |
dation Of the proposed amendment, is the effect |
it will produce on the people themselves. We
have recently seen, in France, that the people are
incapable oil exercising the right Of trial by jury,
though they scarcely less intelligent than the
English, who have exercised that important right,
with great wisdom, from the remotest period OF
their history. The cause is obvious, the people of
France have not been accustomed to exercise these
rights.
Nor will the effect be less important which will
be produced upon the person elected President
| than it is upon the people who elect him. There
IS no more etfectual corrective of disposition to
despotism than the consciousness OF being the OBJ
Ject OF the confidence and love, ard admiration,
OF a great, intelligent, and virtuous nation. The
moral elevation arising from the idea of being loved
| and venerated, by those whose destinies COM
mitted to his charge, would convert even iyrant
into the father of his country. II is not in nature
, tor sovereign to tyrannze over people who
| love him. Even in spite of himself, he will be
| awaked to sentiments of magnanmy and patriot
ism, by the warmth of popular affection, and the
| unbought demonstrations of gratitude. But how
different is the situation of man elevated TO pow
er, by faciious combination, by force or fraud, in
opposition to the national will. Why, sir, was
Nero atyrant? Not fiom the native impulse of his
hesrt, but from his situation. He knew that the
people deprecated his power and despised his per-
son. 1t would have been unnatural, therefore, if
| he had not become a tyrant, however amiable his
natural disposition. We cannot love those long
who do not love US. A ruler, who knows that he
| is hated by the people, reciprocates the popular
hatred, and looks to his faction for support. He
| relies exclusively upon political management and
Intrigue, to sustain his power.
Such, sir, are the natural consequences of ac-
curing power, not by high-minded and honorable
actions, but by the ptifu, petty larceny articles
of intrigue and corruption. There is something
essentially degrading in this mode of obtaining
power. III know my own heart, could not be
| tempted 10 use such mean and paltry arts even to
| obtain the control OF nations destnies. But if
l could be so tempted, should feel myself un-
worthy TO be any thing but tyrant. God forbid,
then, that we should voluntarily place it in the
! power OF mea, to raise themselves to dominion,
by such means Let US not expose them TO the
| temptation.
| come, now, Mr.. Chairman, 10 what regard
| the most important consideration connected with
| this branch of the amendment: the expediency OF
excluding this body from all agency in the election
of the President.
| will, however, first draw the attention of the
committee to very striking incongruity of princi-
pie, involved in the provision TO refer that election
to this House. The three highest candidates, in
dicated by the popular vote, are referred 10 the
| House OF Representatives. Upon what principle ?
Is it because this body has more capacity for selec-
| ton than the People! Admit this to be the fact,
and what follows! You call in a competent body
to select President out of three persons chosen by
| those whom the argument supposes to be incompe-
tent If the People capable ofvoting for three,
why not for one! Upon what metaphysical or moral
principle is it, that the People are capable of choos-
| ing three persons, ore of whom must be President,
and are not capable of going another step, and
choosing the of those three who is to WELD the
| sceptre? II the House of Representatives have
| any superior capacity, you do not give them a
sufficient latitude OF discretion to exercise it TO any
eftectual purpose. In word, the scheme COM
bines the disadvantages OF both modes of election
and the advantage OF neither, giving to this House
just sufficient latitude for all the purposes of corrun
ton, and not enough for any good end.
| The first objection that shall urge against the
participation of this House in the election of the
| HS tOuesTOy mat separation
| OF the Legislative from the Executive Department
OF the Government, that is indispensable to the eff
fective responsibility of the latter From the verv
nature OF Executive power, its operations are un-
seen by the People. Acting, not like Congress
by general laws, that are regularly promulgated the
President eNpends money, coniers Offices, and re-
gulates the distribution of armies and nayies-acts
silently performed, and of which the PEOPLE can
have no precise knowledge that is not derived from
their Representatives here. We ourselves can ONLY
see The movements OF Executive power, dimly and
lmperiecuy, through the numbering masses of docu-
menis on our tables. 1t is not to be expected that
this body will be inclined to enforce very rigorous
accountability, against the President of lis own
creation Instead OF standing to the Executive in
the relation OF an independent, ordinate Depart
ment, 1t becomes the partiZan of MS power and the
I, apologist for his transgressions
Another effect which must certainly result from
the habitual interference of this House in the cleo
ton OF the President, is the degradation of its le-
| gislatIve Character. Instead of statesmen, pro-
foundly versed in the sublime art of rendering the
Republic flourishing and happy, the members of
| this House will degenerate into mere managing
politicians, trained in the little arts of intrigue. Ia
stead of devoting ourselves to the peculiar and an.
propriate duties Of our station, the making of laws
we shall be exclusively eDgrossed in making Pre-
| sidents
| When the members of Congress become arrayed
INTO cabaIs, designated by the names of the several
candidates for a. Presidency, there will be an end
both of our dignity and independence have no
occasion, sir to be ashamed of any man whose pre-
tensions have sustained for the Presidency: bur
every principle of my recoils at the idea of
being characterized by the name or livery of any
man living. a state OF things will soon occur, in
which the great politicians OF the Country will be
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