Phenix gazette. [volume] (Alexandria [D.C.]) 1825-1833, 1825-10-20

least Of the Legitimate voters of Virgil
MIA exercise their rights, uninAuenced
by any other consideration, than their
own wishes, their own feelings, or their
own impressions with regard to the in
teresls of the state. This canno', how :
ever, be the case, when the qualifica-
ton of the voter shall be lowered, and
the RICH, Of suffrage extended to those
who are less independent in their Cir
cumstances, less interested in the sta
bility of property, and less enlightened
by education. The man who holds the
little he possesses at the will of another,
can hardly be said to be independent
in relation to his actions. His most
powerful interest is TO promote the
views and to cultivate the good will Of
his patron or his employer. So long
as he can accomplish this, it is to him
motive of very little consequence,
whether the laws regulating property
be good or bad. And the education Of
the class of society to which he be-
longs, is in our country, unfortunately,
too limited, either TO awaken him to a
sense of his own degradation, or TO fur
nish him with sufficient moral stimu-
lus to change his condition and to as
sert his independence. is fair to in
fer, therefore, that the extension of the
RICH. OF suffrage to class of voters
less independent than free-holders, in
stead OF giving to our elections more
popular character, will take from them
the best feature in their present COM
position, and will throw the whole in
fluence of the state into the hands Of
wealthy individuals, willing to use their
wealth as an instrument for securing
their power. The extensive landhold-
er, will then, instead Of giving his sin
gle vote, present himself at the polls,
backed by his tenants & retainers The
aspiring manufacturer will decide the
fate Of an election, not by his own vote,
but by the constrained votes Of his de-
pendent labourers. The merchant, too,
specializing on the wants, the poverty,
and the privileges of his customers,
will not hesitate to avail himself OF all,
to increase his own Importance at the
hustings.-And last, not least, the mi
litary chieftain, STRESSED in little brief
authority" will march his disciplined
corps, with "suns and flints," to de-
eide the rights of freemen, and to re-
gula,e the property, in which they have
neither part nor interest. Ofthe truth
of these suggestions, and of the practi-
cal effects of the system Of universal
suffrage OF the morals Of the people,
and the welfare Of the community, "a
bundant evidence may be found in the
examples and the condition Of many Of
our sister states.
But a still more fearful result to be
anticipated, is one, Of which our union
has hitherto happily furnished Dat a
single instance-viz: The insecurity of
property. While the political power of
the state is fairly apportioned among
the property-holders of the state, we
may look with confidence for such an
exercise Of it, as will at least have for
its object the general welfare. As the
laws to be enacted must, for the most
part, operate on those by whom they
are to be enacted, their own interests
will be an ample pledge of an effort to
make them wise and just and proper.
Or should they yet be defective, re-
medy for their defects will always be
found in more extensive diffusion of
among the people. But
when men possessing no property, are
allowed TO participate in the regulation
of property, they are endowed with the
singular privilege Of enacting laws
whose effects they are not to feel-of
establishing regulations to operate on
others, but not on themselves. With |
them, caprice and prejudice and pas
sion take the place of interest. Or if
a feeling of personal interest should ul-
timately prevail, it is one directly the |
reverse Of tina, which animates the free
holder; and if accompanied by the ne
cessary portion of power, is dangerous