The Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1822-1829, 1825-03-11

desirous Of buryiug party controversy, and
promoting harmony and conciliatlon, and
union of spirit, than am. II Is sufficient
TO declare that am an ardent admirer OF
repubieanisu1, and of the principles of tile
republican school, acknowledging at the
same time that am not prepared to award
10 the party TO which belong the exelu-
siye patriotism of the land. saw fedrrsl-
lists during the late war not only yindiesting
the rights of their country, but supporting
the administration and putting their sEoui-
ders TO the wheel, aud defending its mes-
sures as heartily rs some nominal repubh-
cans Of the present day are advocating the
constructive encroachments of the g.nerai
government. Whatever may BIZ the opln-
ions of federalists --of the fedefasis OF
Virginia az least-about the existing form
| ofihe federal aud state governments, aud
whatever may be their views respect
ing the course of policy pursued by our
republican administrations, | cannot but
believe that there are amongst them as ar
'deht patriots and as honest politicians a.
belong to my own party. They only dif
fer in thrir notions about the mode OF
accomplishing the same grand object
their country's welfare. And If IN the
spirit Of harmony, could draw a portrait
of the political distinction Of names from
the Old origin of their existence, would
say in the language that was once used up
on a memorable occasion " We are all Fe.
derallsfs-wc are all Republicans" Fe
dera''sls, because we are 10 favor of the
federal compact, or general confederacy o
the ,tates into great national family, and
llrpGh leans, because in opposition 10 arts
tocracy,we prefer a free government in the
hands Of the people.
In tho tranqnI calm that has followed
The rffrryescence of party spirit exercised
under the denomination OF republican and
frderallst, new distinctions, belonging ~
deed 10 the ancient and broad cause Oi
party differences, but less significantly
characterized, or not characterized at all
have been got up, and at this day the poll
tica' schis,n is mainly confined 10 two par
ties that are arrayed against each other up
on the Interpretation alone Of the federal
constitution, the one advocating more en-
larged powers uf the general government,
and constituting the constitution with every
sort of latitude that their notions Of .politi
cal exPcdiency can warrant or Justify, and
making IT "a nose of Ak to be changed
and Ia ned and twisted at pleasure, and
liable To every constructive encroachnent
that usurpatlon can imagine pretexts for
TIE other party, pr rerly belonging to the
old republican school, reyrrencing the con
stltution as the palladium that is TO perpe
tuafe the happy form and character of our
political institutions, and believing that its
violations would I've calculated TO be- follow
ed by train Of diseases to the Republic
that would bring all the states Of the Union,
their sovereignty, their rights and prvile
yes, To political grave, and erected npUn
tlP ruins If a confrderated republic of va
rions members, possessing separate and
distinct sovereigntles, a great consolidated
and extravagant government, with indeed
an elective chief At its head, but who would
wleid the power that would almost make
him monarch On this question, from
duty, from inclination, and as n republican,
am friend to state rights, and a foe TO
the constructive encroachment of the gene
raj government. Duty, because we all owe
obedience 10 our constitution inclination,
becauseI admire sufficiently that instru
ment as il stands, and rs republican, be
cause il is indeed according to my appre
hension, the close and strict Interpretation
of the federal constitution that forms the
republican ofthe present day, altho' these
landmarks have nearly been demolished
by the apostacy of many who continue to
claim station in the republican ranks
If a constitution, as the bass of govern
meet, is necessary at all, and certainly it is
indispensable u the durability of fixed
political institutions, It does seem 20 me
mOte than obvious that it shOuld he closely
interpreted. For whore Is the INSTRUMENT
IN the world that's drsie ned for constitu
tlnn, liable as such an instrument isto the
constructive Interpretations by implication
or otherw Use that other codes of laws are
| exposed to, that cannot be misinterpreted
| by the vide lattudiliarIsn construction
| that ambition is won't 10 exercise " hen II II
hard run for authority : Aud when We Bet
the Congress of the United States-thai
part Vi the community tia. ought 10 com
pose our country's ATTEST wisdom and its
best vl'tue-wtion we see those who ought
to be- the pillars of the Republic, manifest
ing tins disposition, TIA" proposition that Is
assumed gains additional strength. And
the peri! that is thus threatened to the du
rability Of our institutions alarms us 10 be
more watchful than ever of devotion to the
principle in question. IL what oaSht 10 be
the well understood and uneqiivoca fun.
dainental laws 0f the lard, or its constitu
ton, under which the various officers OF
government and their various functions and
proceedings are to be regulated aud gov
erned, is TO be 50 interpreted as to suit any
consc ofpolicy, or rather a course fpoIi
cy that it expressly prohibits, By not grant
my authority for, where is the necessity Of
of "A constitution at all lift my voice
feryently against these unhuly violations
that are inflicted upon the sanc,ity of our
constitution pat are the kindred measures
of the alien al seditioh laWs-yiolations