Phenix gazette. [volume] (Alexandria [D.C.]) 1825-1833, 1825-04-23

they had offered us nothing III return
no reciprocity Of interest was at all
made the basis of these concessions
it was therefore with no little surprise
that after this indulgence We found the
United States pass law that the ship.
ping of British merchants, trading with
the United States should be subject to
certain impositions and restrictions,
until this country should concede to
their shipping like freedom to our
colonies or any other country. These
latter words were particularly remarka-
BILE, applying, as they did, to every part
of the world except this kingdom. This
was really putting the matter upon a
principle that had never been acted up
on-by any country before-that OF say
ing that this country had no right to
say that our own ships should trade
with our colonies in preference to those
of other nations. When the informa-
ton Of these enactments on the part OF
the American Congress reached this
country, we had but one Of two courses
to take-either to forbid the inter-
course of the United States with our
colonies altogether, or by laying like
duties upon American shipping going
into those colonies. But wishing to
take the most moderate course, and
understanding that the United States
had desire to effect negotiation, it
was determined to propose more
comprehensive measure, and such as
he was going to submit to the commit
tee. If the result should be that we
placed the United States upon the same
principles as all other countries, and
gave them the like privileges with the
rest Of the world, they could not have
any reasonable ground OF complaint ;
and if after all they would not consent
to this equitable arrangement, he then
thought and hoped that the West India
colonies would be able to do very well
without their trade; circumstance
however, which he should be very sorry
to see resorted to.
"UDder these circumstances, he
should now recommend TO the commit
tee to grant several privileges to the A.
mericans. In doing that, however, he
should feel bound to ask, whether we
were justified in Withholding from 9TH
ers those privileges which we granted
to the United States, and whether Swe-
dish or Hamburg vessels, or ships
from any part of Germany, ought to
be excluded from the benefit of those
measures which he now proposed
We were or ought to be more jealous
of their commercial rivalry than of that
of the Americans? And while we de-
sired to be just and liberal in our con-
duct, had we not as great reason to ex-
tend our liberality to the trading pow
ers of Europe as America? He meant,
therefore, to say that he should have no
objection to grant the same privileges
to all the powers ofEurope, to act up
on the same principles of reciprocity
of advantage. That, however, was
not all. He thought we ought to go
still further, and he should therefore
propose to place the trade of the colo
MES with Europe on the same footing
as our own trade with the Isle Of Jersey
and Ireland. Of course this would be
subject to certain restrictions as to the
introduction of fire arms and imple-
ments of war, and as to the trade in
some of the staple commodities, but
these restrictions, could be introduced
afterwards, With the exception of
these restrictions, however, he thought
we ought to permit the free intercourse
of any friendly state with our colonies,
subject only to the same regulations as
their intercourse with the various ports
in the empire; such regulations, for in
stance, as that the cargo should be the
entire property of the subjects of that
nation, from whence it was brought,
and that the ship should be national
vessel. The result would be, that re-
tanning exclusively our colonial trade,
we should give every facility for trade,
consistent with the safety of the colo
MES, to the colonies themselves, and to
the rest of the world. Of course it
would be necessary, in order to effect
this purpose, greatly to enlarge the list
Of articles the colonies were not per
mitted to receive from other countries,
and it would be necessary to impose
moderate protecting duties on the arti-
cles of trade. At first these duties
might be rated at per cent; but some
there must be Of higher kind, and
these would probably amount to Is, 90,
and by possibility, in some instances,
as high as 80 per cent. These duties
would be appropriated for the bene-
fit of the colonies, and consequently for
the advantage of the mother country.
The colonies must, of course, act in
every thing under the direction of Eng
land; but the revenue arising from the
duties paid on goods imported into the
colonies would not be transferred to
the English Treasury, but would form
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