Edwardsville spectator. [volume] (Edwardsville, Ill.) 1819-1826, 1825-10-01

present feelings, throDgIng upon taeli
minds, almost with one voice they cry
"Lel US peaceaby possess our country,
or give US death. How can we say ,c
the bones oil our fathers, rise and go with
us into foreign land ?''
Let Congress answer this strong and
Irresistible appeal, as the nation would
answer II, by annulllng the treaty, and
putting the Greeks in the same situation
they held before ii was made. No other
course IS compatible with fair dealing, or
national honor. Instead of driving Them
from their lands, let the government
continue its efforts to civilize and attach
them to the soil, and they will love and
cherish the white men as their benefac.
tors. Their posteriy will rise up and
call US blessed and a community Of
civilized aboriginals will exist in the bo-
som OF this country, as the proudest evil
dence of the benehcence of this govern.
mem, OF an unstained national character,
and OF the power of civilization.
Before we close this article, it is, per-
haps, necessary to examine two topics,
which are incidentally connected with
this subject. The treaty has been lor-
maly ratified Cd our part; and it may
be objected, by those who are determin
ed on IFS execution, that it cannot be re
sclnded without the consent OF those
Greeks who signed ii, and that the sole
tribunal to Judge OF its validity, is the
Senate. Those who raised this latter
objection, do not advert to the fact, that
The treaties with the Indians, though for
mally sanctioned by the senate, are RAJ
Their internal regulations, than treaties,
properly SO called, which are between
powers entirely independent. 1t is the
right OF the house, II i should deem il
necessary, to extend its guardian shield
for the protection Of the Indians withit.
our limits, from all hardship and inias
tee. The representatives of the peo
pie are as much interested in the pre-
servation of our national character, as
the representatives of the states; and il
they should find, as they will in this case,
tha, the treaty gu hit to be rescinded,
they may refuse to carry ii into effect.
The cesSion Of large tract Of public
lands, and The stipu iation TO pay a sum OF
money, give a peculiar strength to the
CO equal right of the house TO examine
the subject.
This objection, however, is put at rest,
together with that founded upon the
rights vested in the Greeks, who made
the treaty, by the fraud at the bottom OF
the transaction. If the instrument be
tainted with fraud, it is void, and either
branch OF Congress may declare il to be
50. If there should be any difference
OF opinion ON the subject between the
two houses, 1t will then remain with the
executive to say, whether, under existing
circumstances, he viii carry the treaty
into effect.
Such power must necessarily exist,
or the United States would be subec, to
imposition, the republic liable 10 dis.
grace, and the Indians weu!d be deIraud-
ed and ex,erminaled, without The inter
ference on the part of the goyernmea,
to prevent any of these catastrophes.
Precedenls for a similar exercise oil pow
er, may be found in the short story OF
our enterprlsipg gov ernmenr.
Under the administration of NJ. Mon
roe, treaty of This sort concl uded with
a portion of the Menominees, for the pur
chase Of large portion of their land,
was declared void by the President or
this very ground. Nearly ell the reai
acknowledged chiefs Of the tribe were
to the cession. QuarreIs be-
tween those who signed, and those who
the treaty, Immediately follow
ed the sale; and, as in the case of Min.
tosh, one OF those signing the treaty, was
put to death by the other party.
This, treaty, however, was not carried
into effect. The Indians were not de-
clared in state of hostility with the
United States, and tranquility was re-
stored to the tribe, to the honor Of our
government by annulling the agreement
We also feel compelled TO make some
remarks upon another topic, hot neces-
sarily connected with the controversy
between Georgia and the Greeks, al
though Gov. Troup.ha endeavored to
Join them together, or at least TO create a
belief, of their necessary connection.
We alude to those parts OF his message
accusing the general government of an
intention to emancipate the slaves in the
southern states, and to strip the inhabi
tants of their property without compen-
satlon
II is unnecessary 10 refute this idle
accuse ion. 1t could not have been Sc
riously made by any man in the exer-
else OF his sober faculties, and we do not