The Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1822-1829, 1825-03-11

and a candid deselopefhent Of them. In
Recognizing duty of this sort, and perfor
ming IL, I am, hope, furnishing no esi
dence OF disposition TO stir party disscn
tons, or to feed with hostile fuel an oppo
,iiion 10 the much 10 be wished harmony
of opinion and spirit of uuion that ought 10
exist amongst Us, and which would add
insurance aud durability tn the firm and
saiid i,asis upon which, before all other
nations and NTH eminent advantage. our
government stsnds--a basis founded on
natural right and the supreme sovereignty
Of tlie'peopls, aud not upon the usurpations
of despoilsu. In disclosing my oriGous
~ to the political divisions OF this country,
the heavens are not mure distant from the
earth than il Is flreign to my wishes To be
Instrumental IN exciting party asperlty ;
and so far from attempting to d0 so, will
endeavor to lead you To = different coneln
sion by declaring my sincere belief that
though We are frequently divided in pohii
cal sentiments, we are nevertheless, all of
rs, entitled toeqial claims for patriotism.
Ifthere be an individual amongst US, to
whatever party he belongs, who Is not 50
licitous for the welfare of his country, |
know hm not. If there be one amongst
rs who does not acknowledge the debt of
gratitude thai is due 10 the phalanx OF re
evolutionary WORTHLESS TINT achieved our
Independence and enabled ~ to form and
To ENJOY a free government Of the noblest
structure that adorns the character OF III
tons, he also il unknowp. Whatever may
be our political opinions in relation to the
attainment of tn. same grand object, our
country's and our own identified glory and
happiness, we ats entitled to equal credit
for our love to the land OF our birth, Or 0i
our adoption. as the case may be aud il
this attachment exists amongst individuals
divided under different party den"nina
tons, To leiiher side can belong exclusive
patriotism. When also declare my pro
LESSONS Of attachment for an elective rep
resentativs government, in winch avery
individual in the community is eligible 10
AN equal participation in the management
of the national concerns, who is it whose
sentiments does not run in harmonious &C
cord win my own F.? 1t is unnecessary for
IN american citizen TO make u declaration
of this sort Tor to exercise sentiments 70
reign to ii would const itits political sicri
iege. A 'democra'ical or republican gov
ernment, IN contradistinctipn 10 an aristoc
racy; characteriZes ours as the hes, system
III the world, where merit, for the most
part, to theexclusion Vt the usurped pre-
negative OF desp0,ism, is vented with an
thority; and with representative and
accountable. authority pnly; and the HES
sisS-> the advantages and the general pros
perity ard happiness that arise to a people
enjo, ing a system of government like ours
in this feature its character, as well as 10
all other respects, are universally TO he
ackro wledged where the shackles oftyran
ny cease to restrain the constitutional
Independence Of our nature. The great
and distinguishing differences Of opinion
that have prevailed under various features
amongst us, and still do exist under varons
sh pes and ranffications, certainly assumed
their origin from the diversified doctrines
that large community was calculated 10
imbibe about the Investment of different
grades of power 10 different branches and
organs of the government, and the mode Of
Il administering It ; and not from any hostl
lily to free representative government,
or from principles of opposition to gene
raj confederscy Of the states for the pur
posi- of securing the durability of the pol
teal system. In the plan of the reorganiZ
ed system under the new constitution,
that was to constitute the social compact,
and to unite the states for their general
strength and safety, into one great national
family, contests sprung up and party dis.
hnctlons arose. In the necessity that had
been originally conceived by every patriot,
for confederation of the states, all tho't
alike, and all therefore, in the strict sense
of the term that belonged afterwards 10 "A
part only, were federalisN or confedera-
journalists. It'was the particular consiruc
ton that was contemplated Of he federal
fabric, under the new constitution, that Sc
parated fellow citizen from fellow citizen
in opinion. And without examining the
history Of the times that gave origin to the
establishment of political divisions, and
ref aiming from detailed view Of the many
conflicting opinions that asit ted the ma
ton about the mode Of government that
was SarlOusly advocated by various parties
at the crisis WREN our constitution was
! formed, il is not 10 be denied that the
sch'sm originated about this period IN the
| difference Of opinion and OF principles that
arose in advocating, not the Ueeessity Of a
union of the states into some sort Of free
government, but The degree Of power to be
invested in the federal ur general govern
ment, and the power that ought to he he
tanned by the states IA individual sovereign
ties; and that in the Development ofprinci
Piles that were urged and manifested on this
occasion, advocating on the one side greater
and more concentrated power in the gene
raj government and its organs, and on the
other side its wider distribution amongst
the states. As sovereign members ola Joint
eonfederacy, two parties sprung up that
have divided the people of this country
ever since, and that have occasionally, to
the misfortune of tn. nation, exercised their
opposition against each other with The bit d.