Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-04-30


society, IN the constant and profitable employ
inent OF ITS members. The greatest danger 10
Puohc hoerty IS from idleness and vice. Imam
ulactures form cities, 50 does commerce., And
the disorders and violence which proceed from
her contagion of the passions are as frequent in
one description of those communities as in the
other. There IS no doubt but that the woman.
~ Oh country Is tue safest depository ofpublic
liberty. In all time to come and under any
probable direction of the labor ofour population
the agricultural class must be much the most
numerous and powerful, and will ever retain.
as II ought TO retain, prcpondcrating influence
III our councils. The extent and the fertility of
our lands constitute an adequate security against
an excess IN manufactures; and also against on
preston on the part of capitalists towards the
laborlng portions ofthe community.
II. The last objection, with a notice of which
shall trouble the committee, is that the const;
luton does not authorize the passage of the bill
| Inc gentleman from Virginia does not assert
indeed, that it is inconsistent with the EXPRESS
PROVISIONS of that instrument, but he thinks
1i1seomPafibie with tie spirit of tue constf-
tuition. II we attempt to provide for the
internal improvement of the country, the.
constitution, according to some gentlemen.
stands I'm our way. If we attempt to pro
tect American industry against foreign policy
ana the rivalry OF foreign industry the consti
tution presents an nsuperable7 obstacle This
constitution must be most singular instrument
1t seems to be made for any other use than our
own ltsactionis altogether foreign. Conrresshos
power to lay duties and impOsts, under no other
limitation whatever than that of their being uni
form throughout the United States. But they
can only be imposed, according 10 The honorable
gentleman, for the sole purpose of revenue.
This is restriction which we do not find in the
constitution. No doubt revenue was princi-
pal object with the trainers of the constitution,
| in investing Congress with the power; but, in
executing 1t, may not the duties and irnposts be
so land, as to secure domestic interests Or, is
Congress denied all discretion as TO the amount
or the distribution of the duties and impostss
The gentleman from Virginia has however.
entirely mistaken the clause of the constitution
on which we rely. 1t is that which gives TO
Congress the power to regulate commerce with
foreign nations. The grant is plcnary, without
any limitation whatever, and includes the whole
power of regulation, of which the subject to be
regulated is susceptible. 1t is as full and com.
plete grant of the thecrower, as that is TO de-
clare What is regulation of commerce
1t Implies the admission excllision of tile OBJ
| jects oft, and the terms. Under this power.
some articles, by the existing laws, are admitted
freely; others are silbjectedfo duties SO hiph as
to amount to their prohibition and various raics
OF duties applied to others. Under this power
laws of total non-nteEBourse with some nations.
I entire cessation OF
commerce with all foreign countries, have been
from time to time, possibilities laws, have
no doubt met with the entire appreciation of the
gentleman from Virginia. Mr.. Barbour said
! that he was not y Copgress.l Wherever the
gentleman was whether on his farm, or in the
pursuit of that g. ..;c he is an or
nament, have no doubt that he gave his zeal
GUS support to the laws referred to.
| The principle Of the system under consider
| alton has the sanction Of Some of +l,o H..
and wisest men, in all ages-in forcisn countries
as well as in our own; of the Edwards, of Hen
ry the great, of Elizabeth, of the Colberts. a.
broad of our Franklin, Jefferson, Madison. Ha
milton, at home. But it comes recommended
to us by higher authority than any of these,
illustrious as they unquestjpnably are--by the
master spirit of the agc-that extraordinary
man, who has thrown the Alexanders and the
Caesars infinitely farther behind him then thew
stood in advance of the most eminent of their
predecessors-tbat singular man who, whether
he was seated on his imperial throne, deciding
the fate of nations, and alloting kingdoms to the
members of his family, with the same composure.
If not with the same affection, as that with
which Virginia father divides his plantations
| among his children, or on the miserable rock of
st. Helena, to which he was condemned by the
cruelty and the injustice of his unwo thy victors.
u equally an object of the most intense adtnira-
ton. He appears to have comprehended with
the rapidity of intuition, the true interests of a
state, and to have been able, by the turn of a
single expression, 10 dcvelope the secret springs
of the policy of cabinets. We find that Las
Casas reports him to have said:
"He opposed the principles of economists,
which, he said, were correct in theory, though
erroneous in their application. The political
constitution of different states, continued ne,
must render these principles defective; local cir
cumstanCes continually called for deyiations
| from their uniformity. Duties, he said which
were so severely condemned by political ccono-
msts, should not it is true be an object to the
Treasury: they should be the guarantee and
protection of nation, and should correspond
with the nature and the objects of its trade.
| Holland, which is destitute of productions and
manufactures, and which has a trade ONLY OF
transit and commission, should be free of all fet-
tiers and barriers. France, on the contrary,
which is rich i'll every sort of production and
manufactures, should necessarily guard against
the importations of rival, who might still con-
tinue superior TO her, and also against the Gu
pidity, cgotism, and Indifference Of mere bro
| kers.
81 have not fallen into the error Of modcrn
systematlzers," said the Emperor, ''who ina
CINE that all the wisdom of nations is centercd
in themselves. Experiences the true wisdom
of nations. And what docs all the reasoning of
economists amount TO? They necessarily OK
tol the prosperity of England, and hold her mp
as our model; but the custom-house system is
more burthensomc and arbitrary in England
than in any other country. They also condemn
prohibitions; yet it was England set the exam
pie of prohibitions; and they are, in fact, ncces-
saTy, with regard to certain objects. Duties
cannot adequately supply the place Of prohibit
tons there will always be found means TO de-
n