Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-05-21

/! merely because Committee has recommended
IL. cannct csporsc side, and fight under :,
iiaS wholly repel the idea, that we must take
Tins law, orpass no law on the subject. What
should hinder us from exercising our own iuig-
1nents upon these provisions, singly and scve-
rally: Who has the power to place us, or why
should we place ourselves, in IA condition where
we cannot give to every measure that is distinct
and separate in itself, a separate and distinct
consideration! Sir. L presume no member OF
INC COMMITTEE viii withhold his assent from
what he thinks right, until others will Weld their
assent to what they think wrong. There are
many things in tins Bill, acceptable probably
to the general sense oi the House. Why SHOULD
not these provisions be passed INTO law, and
Others lett to be deci.lc! upon their own merits,
as majority OF the House shall see fit? To
some of these visions, am myself decidedly
favorable; to others, have great objections;
ana should have been very glad Df an opportu-
hity oil giving my own vote distinctly on prcpo-
sitions, winch are, III their own nature, essenti-
ally distinct from one another.
| but, sir, before expressing my own opinion
upon the several provisions of this Bill, will
| advert Tor a moment to some other general to-
pics. We have heard much of the policy of
England, and her example has been repeatedly
urged upon us, rs proving, not only the expe-
dlehcy OF encouragement and protection. but
of exclusion and direct prohibition also. | took
occasion the other day to remark that more
liberal notions were growing prevalent OH this
subject; that the policy OF restraints and pruhi-
Buttons was getting out of rcpute as the true ma
lure OF commerce became better understood;
and that, among public men, those most distin-
...ishcd, were most decided in their rcprobation
ofthc broad principle of exclusion and prolbi-
ton. Upon the truth of this representation as
matter OF fact, supposed there could not be two
Opinions among those who had observed the pro-
gress OF political sentiment in other countries,
ana were acquainted with its present state In
TINS respect, however, II would seem, that was
| greatly mistaken. We have heard il apain and
again declared, that the English Goyernment
still address, with Dnnovable firmncss, TO its old
doctrines OF prohibition; that although journal
| ISIS, theorists, and scientific writer's advance
o'hcr doctrines, yet the practical men, the lcgs-
lators, the government of the country, are too
wise to follow them. II has even been most sa-
gacIousy limited, that the PRONUNCIATION of libe-
raj opinions on these subjects, is intended ONLY
Tor dclusIon upon other nations, to caiolc them
into the folly Of liberal ideas, while ENGLAND re-
talns to herself all the benefits of the admirable
| Old system OF prohibition. We have hcard.from
Mi. Speaker warm commentator of the com
pick mechanism of this system. The British
Empire, it is said, is, in the first place, TO be
protected against the rest of the world; then the
British isles against the colonies; next the isles
respectively against each other-Encland her
self, as the heart Of the empire, being protected
most of all, and against ALL
Truly, sir, it appears to me- that Mr. Speak
er's imagination has seen system, and order,
and beauty, in that, which is much more Justly
considered as the result of ignorance, partiality
or violence. This part of English Legislation
has resulted, partly from considering ireland
as conquered country, partly from the narrow
views of colonial regulation, which in early and
ininiorned periods, influenced the European
states.
And, sir, imagine, nothing would strike the
public men of England more singularly. than to
hnd gentlemen of real information, and much
weight, IN the cOucils of this country express
sing sentiments like these, in regard to the ex-
isting states of these English laws. / have new
or said, indeed, that prohbitory laws did not ex-
ist in England; we all know they do; but the
question is, does she owe her prosperity and
greatness to these laws venture to say, that
such is not the opinion of The public men now in
England, and DE continuance of the laws even
without any alteration, would not be evidence
that their opinion Is different from what have
represented 1T; because the laws having existed
long, and great interests having been built I'D OF,
the faith of them, they cannot now be repealed
without great and overwhelming Inconvenience
Because tang has been wrongly done, it does
not therefore follow that 1t can now be ,lndonc:
IL,
which exclusion, prohibition, and monopoly, are
suffered TO remain in any degree in the English
SYSTEM ana Tor the same reason, 1t will be wise in
us To take our measures, on all subjects of this
sind, with great caution. We may not be able
but at the hazard ofmuch injury to individuals,
hereafter to rctracc our steps. And vet, what
ever Is cxtravagant, or unreasonable is not like
ly TO endure There may como moment Of
strong reaction; and If moderation be sheyn in
laying On duties, there may be little scruple in
taking them oil. 1t may here be observed that
there Is a broad and marked distinction between
entire prohibition, and reasonable ENCOURAGE
ment. 1t Is one thing by duties or taxes on for
egn articles, to awaken q home competition in
the production Of the same articles: il is anoti
or thing to remove all competition by total
exclusion of the foreign articles and il is oniic
another thing still, By total prohibition to raise
at home, manufactures not suited the climate
| the nature OF the country, or the state of the
population. These are substantial! distinctions
and although ii may not be easy in every case
to determine which of them applies to :; given
article, yet, the distinctions themselves exist and
in most cases, will be sufficiently clear To ndi-
cate the true course of policy; and, unless !,
have greatly mistaken the prevailing scnti.ncnt
in the councils of England, il grows cycrv d,v
more and more favorable to the diininution Of
reflections, and to the wisdom of leaving much
q do not say every thing, for that would not be
true) TO the enterprise and the discretion of in
di7iduals. should certainly not have taken up
the time Of tho CoTunttcc TO state at any length
the opinions Of other governments or of the pub
lie men of other countries, upon a subject like
this; but an occasional remark made By nc shc
other day, having bocn sodirccuy controycrted,
| especially By MIR. Speaker, in his observations
| yesterday, must take occasion to refer 10 some
| proofs Of what have stated.
= At L