The Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1822-1829, 1824-07-16

the number 10 be tempted. We therefore
d rive from the present arrangement those
benefits which proper complication al
talents and different principles is always
capable of producing and benefits which
- III amply compensate ns for any evils
; which may arise from dIsssntions between
The governor aud his council for, II lac
should nj any time attempt 10 transcend
his legal limits, Ire will be effectually re
strained by his assistant council.
In answer Ia this argument, II may be
said, ifihe executive powers arc limited aud
circumscribed, there " i'll be no necessity
for controlling them within those limits
But il WAS impossible 10 define all his pow .
ers exactly He must be invested with
s0me discretionary powers-clothed with
, some authority ilimitabie iris nature-and
upon the exercise OF these powers, his as
sisiant council acts as 4 valuable and whole
some restraint. Ii is true that the converse
of III. proposition on ~hich our argument
is prrdicated was maintained by the old
federalsts of this country. John Adams
and his party commended that the rights and
liberties of the people required a vigorous
executive and 1t should be recollected
that thsy went SO far us To maintain the
superiority of monarchical over the princl
plies Of free government. But the sterling
republicans of that day commended that I'm
limited executive authority in tlir hands of
u sing eindi,itiuai runs into tyranny and
anarchy. The principles they supported
are those on which our constitution are
founded, and onvhiehwe hopcit vii ever
rest There is anoiherafgunr proper To
be urged on this part of the subject. The
more importance given ~ the executive
magistrate, tile greater will be the distance
between him and the people.over whom he
IL to preside. Elevate him 10 u point from
which he can contemplate others as his
interiors, and he will no longer view the
people as his family, aud his fellow citizens
Fns brethren. 1t is therefore desirable Ia
diminish ms much as possible bis Importance
TO reduce him as far as practicable TO n
level with his fellow citizcps.
kupther objection made TO the present.
'c0nstIiution, is, inequality in point al rep
resentation. This is not less unsubstanilal
than the one just discussed. Each county
in this state is entitled Ia two representa-
llves in the house of delegates. Some Of
these counties are larger than Others, con
si1ered either in popHlaiion or territorial
eNtent hence, there must be some Unequal
iity in represe ntation. But when we consi
der that lhelarge and the small counties
are variously 'iH'rrapersed one ~th anoth
er, Throughout the state-that every asso
cation of two or more counties has AN AIDE
quate share of legislative influence; our
fear of any evils arising from an unequal
Il representation as TO counties must be qu
feted. This, how ever, is not the only ST.
curity we have against unequal and opprrs
si,, laws. This state is divided into "a
equal districts, each of which is entitled 10
one representative in the senate. When
we reflect that the concurrence OF n major
ity ofeach house is necessary to the pas
sage of any law, and we are equally repre-
sented in the upper and more important
house, we are constrained to rtFaId this
great cry about an unequal representation
Ms mere bug bcar TO terrfy our imagina
tions and To drive us into convention
But were we To throw our counties into
districts, and thereby equaiiAe our repre-
sentdton, the revolution of Il few years
would again render il unequal. The pdpu
lalion al this state, Ike the waves of the
ocean, ~ continually moving from one part
t. another. Ii we call con, eation every
lime one county becomes too thickly set
Ned, or another too thinly settled, we may
call one every year. This circumstanc,
t alone is sufficient To show The impossibilty
OF obtaining mathematical equality III
point oil representation.
! Let us now enquire into freehold quaI
IIication of suffrage. Not one OF our poll
tlcians has ever been SO wild IN bis sn.-c,!!;.
tons, as To advocate universal suffrage
Tor all, with one voice, proclaim the ncccs
'hy OF extending this precious right To our
citizens under some restriction As some
OF the most conspicuous conycnlionists
have desired an alteration in this part OF
our constitution, for the single purpose vi
making personal property the qualifications
and admitting the merchants ~ no are pos
, sesscd oil large portion Of this species OF
property To Il more complete participation
IN the government, we will enquire into the
policy of IA fun Their extension of this right
10 class ol men who have not that eyi
dence of permanent interest in, aud attach
: ment to the community which is required
by the Bill Of Rights.
Between the merchant and the farmer
there Is a diSjucton Of interests and views
: IA complete eontrarlcty of habits and in
clinainhS. The merchants of our large
, townsftre mere medley of adventdrers,
.ilected together from all parts of the
v world Even those who are born andrai
sed among us may with proRieiy tr Styled
J the men of every nation. Thcir~co stani
, intercourse with forlatspsls renders il. diff
, cult toassisn thcer<'ny general 4 haractcr
r and their pecu!Iag situatle~N~,,st ieavs il in
doubt ON watch side.f the AtlanizSttiTsir
! 1~'slt ctloIsre enlis VII. for thrirsufStss in
:: trade GtPends as much on kia- priinanent
! welfare of sther nationsas ON the unvarying
: 'prpsperIey of DIR own country, Ihose
who are acSer3tuGcd to speculate on the
depra'ity of human naturc, and TO reflect
4 how much man is influenced in his civil
capacliS 10y his private interest; how much
| his "FHc cxistenceis modified by the ha
: bits and connections which he my form
can npNor think that ID will L. -.