Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1824-01-27

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Independently of the different attitude i,
becomes ns to assum. towards America rh.r,.
rs no similarity in the two cases When ~,
adopted the first measure, B1enos Avres bad
been independently de (acio for more than eight
years, and Spain had not, during the whole OF
that period, made the slightest eff.rt 10 r,co-
yer possession ofthaf enuatry. When we RE-
cognised the independence of the American
governments south Of US. they were all free,
from the Sabine tn rh~ La Plata. The tide
could NOT be rolled back !; hut. in .hairyer
lght Spain may have regarded our conduct on
those occasions the siiutiion otthe internal
concerns of that country prevented any man j.
festation Gifts resentment. No, sir IL is tn
Europe that we must look for case parallel to
that of Greece. Let us suppose, that the I,al-
ian states had made an attempt To shake off
the iron yoke of Austria, would there be any
doubt as 10 the'course Of policy this country
ought To pursue in that case Or. if Poland
were again to make desperate effort To rpco-
yer ITS liberties, and TO re-estabsh its political
existence-that gallant nation would have a
claim to our sympathies. Yet, I apprshend
we should hesitate before we took any step
which might offend the Emperor Of Russia
Us there a country on earth in whose fate we
feel deeper interest than in that of Ireland |?
Drawer ar more generous nation does not
here, and are among our most useful and dis
tinguished citizens. They are identified with
us, and the land which gave them birth must
always inspire us with the warmest Interest,"
But, u The Irish were to make "a general effort
10 separate themselves from England, we
snoulu pause before we adopted measure
when might he interpreted by Great Britain
ms an interference with her domestic policy 4 nd
yet the Turks are more regardless nfilie laws
NJ nations, more violent in character and
more reckless of consequences, than any pow
er IN Europe. Ii has been SAIL that when we
exercise an undouhted right, we ought not to
regard consequences. This may he magma
nlmous language to hold, but would such con-
quot be prudent IN this case ? We may des-
p'se the power of Turkey, and Egypt, and
Barbary, united, but can we be certain, that.
III the event of a war, we should have only
To contend with them? The conduct of Great
Britain and Of the allies, in relation to thu.
cnnf"st, which has been so fully dwplt upon
and so ably exposed by the gentleman from
massachusetts, ought 10 convince us, that they
would regard any interference, on our part.
with great jealousy. They have repeatedly
declared, that they would discourage any
chansein the present state of possess of the
great European powers, among which Turkey
holds station which might strengthen one,
they would discOuntenance any act calculat-
ed 10 call forth new order of things, the is
sue of which it would he impossible TO pre-
dict. The reasons for these declarations are
obvious. Every power in Europe balances
between ne terror of Revolutionary principles.
and ITS dread ofthr aug inenting power of Rus
STA Ihe independence of Greece alarms their
fears In both these respects. The first revo-
iutiohary movement III that country was sup
ported by, IL il did not cmanate from, AN as
sociation In Germany. The succours afford
ed by the Philhellenic Societies in Germany.
Switzerland, and Italy, have contributed ge-
y 10 the success of the Patriots. The reyu-
luton of Greece broke out simuitane ,uslv
with that OF Piedmont ; and the agents of the
Greek government have, most imprudentiy,
boosted OF the effect which the liberties Of
Greece would BIZ likely TO produce ON the
ne'ghhorIng states. And there is no doubt
that the establishment of free institutions i'm
Grrece would have apowerful influence on the
minds OF the enthusiastic Italians and Ger
mans.
or these reasons, among others even more
seIhsh, Austria has been hostile to this revo-
luton from lis commencement. France is
opposed to any change in the present state of
possession of the great European powers,
when Will grow out of the disme mbermeDt
ni turkey. Such an event could not augment
her strength, and might lessen her security.
OF obvious reasons that power, in common
with all others on the continent of Eu,upe.
IS a'erse 10 the establishment of any new Re-
pubic. Great Britain, throughout this con-
lest, has eVinced desire TO preserve the in
Iegrity of the Turkish Empire. The Ionian
Islands, which are under her dominion, have
not only been prohibited from taking part
~ the war, and the inhabitants disarmed, but
The ports OF those islands have been made
places ol deposit Tor grain ADD other supple
Tor the Turkish fleets. The only act of G
Britain which can be regarded as AT all favor
able to the Greeks, IS the Acknowledgement
of their blockades an act of Justice which
could not be- refused To the relative position
OF the two parties. The prevailing opinion
appears to be, that, united by the bond of one
common religion, Greece, as the ally, or as
the dependent at Russia, would by means of
her formidable marine, render irresistible that
already colossal power. Great Britain an
pears to have regarded the ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
and partition of Turkey, as "a necessary CON
sequence OF rupture between that power
and Russia To prevent this all her influence
has been exerted, and no reasonable doubt
exists, that, 1t negotiation had failed to effect
an accommodation between them, G. Britain
would have appeared IN arms as the ally OIL
The Porte.
The course of policy pursued by Russia on
this occasion, has been ss fully developed by
The gentleman from Massachusetts. that il i |
unDe cessary for me to dwell uponit. Tie sa- |
cred obligations OF that power to project tb,,
Greeks, and even IFS long conceived projects
of ACKNOWLEDGEMENT, appear to have Yielded
&" the dread Of encouraging re, olution. In
whatever light we may regard policy which I
sacrifices 10 its selfish views the rights ofhu-
mainly and justice, and the claims of suffer |