Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1824-03-04
REPORTED FOR THE NATIONAL ISrELLIoEscER
Eighteenth Congress.
REVISION OF THE TARIFF.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
FEBRUARY 10, 1924

MT. CAMBHELENG, of New York, rose
lie said 1t was quite unnecessary to move tt
strike out the enacting clause of the bill. The
mouon now pending inv olved every principle
which could be urged in favor of that portion
al the bull designed To impose prohibitory or
protecting duties.
1t was not material whether the motion was
TO strike out one article or fifty-lhe arguments
were smilar-the fate of this motion strikes
M the principles of the bill as measure
of protection. 1t matters not what NAV he
the particular condition of any manufacture
The design OF this measure is to prohibit the
importation 0four manufactured suppes-to
cohter on our own capitalists the exclusive
privilege ut supplying the cuuntry-to extin-
Suish the revenue now derived from these
manufactures, and Ia supply the deficiency by
angmeDtins the duties upon other importa-
lions FMS IS the character of the measure
and these are the principles avowed by the
chairman ofthe Committee on Manufactures
In the progress at our free government, said
Mr. Z. IL would be we'll occasionally. To revert
10 the principles upon which it was original
" founded. The time is seasunable, and while.
W. are aglt"Iins this grave question about the
Pero'iar forms OF party, it would be we'll 10
attend something To the principles of the 20
vernment, according TO which. our national
affairs are hereafter to- b. administered. No
OCCASION can be more proper for The inquiry
no question can agate principles more pro-
iound. we may differ about our measures
"i deience-we may cling with devotion To
our remnant of state rights but The measure
now proposed wolves the rights of freemen
the principles n civil liberty. 1t is not this
or thdt section which aiOneis Interested The
ques''nn extends wherever free government Is
valued ana und. rstnOd--to the North, the
Souih, The East, and the West-the gallant
West, where | trust, said MIR. c. the princi.
pies OF civil liberty viii remain impershabIe
IS lis glory. Should we sanction by our acts
the principles nov ADJ ocated, we should adopt
% scheinr oi government hostile To the spirit
OF our institutions, and we shall probably not
long nave occasion to discriminate hetv cen
forms oi government; for, whilst the generous
impulses vi chiya!ry may be tempting u a.
"'odu 10 einanclphtr the world, passions less
pure and elevated viii be secretly underruiu-
ing the foundations OF our own consti1uiional
liberty.
ihe gentleman from PENNSYLVANIA fAIr.
'nchananl for whose judgment, SAID Mr. G..
nave nigh resprct-supposes that we are
acting upon II measure, framed according to
ancient usage-ihat we are graduating the
scale oi encouragement To our tnanuG ctures
and moderately augmrnting oar imposts-
that we are stu kerping in view the aggregate
interests ot our country and our revenue; and
measure winch
was anticipated by The community, But such
a measure was ever c0nlenplpfed by the
committee on manufactures. nor is any such
measure now advocated by the Chairman of
the Committee. The character of the mea-
sure now proposed is prohbitory. The sys-
tenn Contemplated, is To he fashioned after The
British model the bill is framed for the avow
ed purpose nf granting Ia our capitalists the
exclusive privilege al supplying our country
WIN manufactures To the value of millions
UpOn ms question there is no middle ground
The gentlemen from the West are correct in
contendiUs Tor some reciprocity of these pri-
viieges. Ii the capital of The East is TO he en-
pioyed, so must that "f HE W3st The Whole
10 a scheme of balanced privileges To capital.
70 borrow nm expression" cutting society
horZnntally." You must take the whole OF
II 10 perfect 1t. Whatever may he the policy
OF system, so long rejected by intellig pncc.
and however feasible the balancing these pri
VieSes between the agricultural manufacture
ing, and commercial interests, may have been
10 England, the scheme is utterly impractical
BILE here legislative privileges, designed, As
they must ever he IN the aggregate, % give
capital employment, must te enjnvcd almost
exclusively IN that section Of the country
where II IS most abundant il is impossible
TO execute here any plan Of balanced lrgisla-
ton which can dillIse its influence Whatever
IT may be, cquay and Justly in tile agricul-
tural portions uf Unr country. Even the West
must, at all times, share little advantage from
any such legislative compromise Its opera
ton must always be in our country UNEQUAL
and unjust throwing entirely out Of view its
weight upon the community.
The honorable Speaker has dPfcd rs fo
shew manufacture or y branch of industry.
which has lUurish"d without Legislative pro-
lection. This cannot be difficult task when
zee see industry spriusing up in every country.
and 1OurishinS too through causes altng,.tber
independent of legislation But, Sir. what
has been the history of the very manufacture
distinguished By that gentemnn's attention.
i mean, said Nr. - tie cofion manufacture
IN England. Il was virtually prohibited hy
the act of 1871 lit was prosecuted for u1urp
thanhity yrdrs-brcausP the raw material WIS
not production of the country, sud VERY
probably through Tie avarice of the linen man
uldcturers, who nave always rnjnyrd he spr-
cal favor and proteciinn Of Parliament. Bat
these prosecutions, driving genius Us expedi-
ents, produced the lahor.saVing uAchirr.
refer Vt to the sagwity of spccul4iiyc phiinso-
phy to establish, whether the hOunty uf Par
Hanent h'd most injury 60 the Iinen, or lis
prosecutions most h,ntf M tu the cufton manu-
'dcture. Since his discovery. Parliament has
done nothing more than accelerate u revolu-
tion N industry, which, through ihc agency
of Htr. Arkwtighps invention, would have
been gradually bit inevitably effected, and IN