Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-04-06


of the manufacturer, destroyed, but might be
required to again, whenever a diminished sup
ply produced new demand. There was then
no justice IN considering the protection to ag-
rlculture as Offset to that of manufactures.
It must, necessarily, be partial and temporary.
protection to a small portion of the country,
which burthened the rest, was no excuse for
burthenng the whole. 1t was most extraordi-
nary to hear gentlemen contcad, that competi-
ton diminished the price of manufactures, but
that competition increased the price of agricul-
tural products. He should really like to hear
by what ingenuity they explained these oppo-
site and contradictory cff5tts.
When gentlemen fly in the face of received
rnaxlms, sanctioned by the universal experience
OF mankind, they cannot expect, whatever con-
fidence we may have in their opinions, that we
shall receive them with implicit faith When
4 statesman afirms that measure will be fol-
lowed by consequence, he should be able to
explain In what manner the cause and effect are
connected with each other. He should be glad
to hear some attempt to shcw in what manner
the duty on wheat would raise the price. Until
it was made, he should beg leave 10 differ with
gentlemen. It was not by any legislative
quackery-by any hocus 1,ocus of law-that this
effect could be produced. He hoped the agri-
cuiturists would unite TO strike from this bill
every thing that was pretended to be for their
Cobb, had very literally, Tor at least very wise
ly, for literally implied sacrifice, and there was
none, offered to give his vote to take CT the lu-
ty on cotton. He hoped we should strike out
the duty on wheat and that, by striking it out,
we should slew at lie ast one tling-and that was
that.we were not opposed TO an entire prolibi-
ton of-s9t corn.
The affairs Of the agriculturists of this coun-
try, said MIR. e. have re iclicda most eventful
crisis. 1t beloved them to look well to conse-
quences in future. Never had set ofmen been
SO indifferent to their own interests, and never
had men suffered more from their own folly,
Though possessing numerical superiority, they
had by their own injudicious policy, reared up
classes hostile in their principles and formidable
in their strength. BY the funding system, they
had created moneyed capital; they had given
these capitalists bank to increase their profits.
That portion of the capital which took the di-
rcction of manufactures, had been increased by
system, of protcc duties, and the manufac-
turers had now dire It influence in the House,
altogether dispronortionatc to their numbers and
Importance. No doubt, the considerations of
public good which prompted their Representa-
tives to prosecute the prombitory policy, were
in many instances, seconded by motives of ind-
vidual interest. The manufacturers were not
only indebted to the folly of the agricuiturists,
but to their own sa -acity and industry. No
thing could exceed zeal and activity with
which the had promoted their objects. 1t was
almost Incredible. Among other means, they
appeared to have organized corps of writer's
writers whose productions, to Judge by the
quantity, absolutely riYalcd the effects of ma
chnery. These literary machines produced
vast supplies of pamphlets, which, containing q
tumble of patriotic notions, partial statements,
and faliacious reasoning, were circulated gratis
sent into the rem >test corners of the country,
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often fell into the hands of simple farmers, who,
having no opportunity to hear the other side,
were captivated with their specious statements,
and often made converts to a system which
would ruin them. He had been told of gen
tleman in Virginia, who last year sent a parcel
ofwool to the North, to exchange for domestic
cloth; and, when the cloth arrived, the bale was
opened, he found in it twelve copies of the Re-
port of the Committee of Manufactures, book
of 80 or 100 pages-no doubt thrown in gratis,
to make up for the additional cost of the cloth !;
though (without intending to disparagc the re-
port, the writer of which he knew TO be a man
of Abilities 1t might be questioned, whether
the receiver regarded the present in the same
light with the donor.
But, the agriculturists, many of them, were
really Interested In manufactures. The dis
burSemcnt of money benefited the farmers in
the neighborhood, and produced an appearance
gument in favor of the system, though it was
evident that this prosperity was at the expense
OF the great bulk of the agrcultursts in favor OF
protecting duties, which had considered as mat
ter Of surprise. If sou were to build palaces in
stead Of factories, and cniow the occupants will,
revenues drawn from other quarters of the coun-
try, the disbursements would benefit the far
mers, who were contiguous palaces would be-
come as popular as factories, and we should no
doubt, sec your table loade.l with petitions,
pourtraying, in very pathetic language, the suf-
ferings oil tue occupants. Whilst the nanufac-
turers had been unrcnitting and interchangeable
In their exertions, the agricultursts had been,
generally, supine and inactive. They had, in
some places, organized societies, net occasion
ally only--apo more to banquet than to
do business The zeal of a few was great, but the
greater part of their members were Indifferent
to the POLITICAL interests of agriculture. When
they signed remonstrance, they probably for
got it before it reached Congress After dis
charging this task, they retired, rcposing, in
fancy at least on the laurels of victory; and re-
manned perfectly quiet until new tariff arous.
ed them from their slurnbcrs, and summoned
them to a new remon5trance and another ban
quot. Agriculture and its interests are neglec-
ed and despised Agriculture the great source
Of eur wealth like the militia, the great bulwarl5
of our defence, makes, figure i'll the Attn OF
July orations and toass butt like the militia, it
is toasted, flattered, and dcspised. We are q
despised people--of which our whole Legislation
is proof-but there were minor proofs. -Four
years ago, a new committed had been created,
called the Committee on Agriculture. The
circumstances ofits creation proved, that it was
not intended TO dovise ways and means for the
positive encouragement Of agriculture, but to
protect its political interests from cncroachnen;
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