Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-06-25

cur foreign commerce will De increased. IL this 1
latter proposition be true. dependence for
cisn commerce will be greater unde: the proposed
sy Stem than il now Is. And, unless il can be shewn
thar this measure will produce two opposite and
effects az the tin:c il will be Diff
Guilty 20 make the proposition that commerce
will be increased, and our dependence commerce
diminished
will cow invite the attention Of the House 70 a
few remarks as the practical operation Of this bill
upon the community. Whatever may be its eject
upon domestic manufacturers, I speak adv scdiy
when say it will operate as tax upon the ,.ccpe
to the extent Of least four millions of dollars. And
whether the proceeds of this tax shall go into the
:iona! Treasury into the pockets of individuals,
the t,,g about which there can be no doubt, Is,
that the tax will be paid by the people. If i, shall
operate merely as revenue measure, II VIII not
beucl, the manufacturers and is subject TO tlc OBJ
lection tina, il is unnecessary, and, therefore, OPP
nrcssye, taxation. If it shall operate to exclude
foreign manufacturers, is lia5c 20 the still greater
ob.rtion Of being not only an oppressive, but I'M
productive tax. The people pay, bu; the govern
inert does not receive. In point Of fact il will pro-
baby, fol short time, operate partly as pfoduc-
tive, AND partly an unproductve, tax partly as
an increase of the revenue, and partly Il bounty
Tor the manufacturing interest. Bat we advis-
ed to submit quietly TO these burdens, and to be
satisfied with the assurance that shall,
future time, obtain the domestic manufacture
cheap we can import the foreign. Let US exam
inc this idea for a moment. And would remark,
the threshold of the examination, that it is not
sufficient, for gentlemen to shew that the articles
for which they claim protection can be made a;
home as ci:eGp as they can be imported from a
broad under our system of revenue duties but
they must further show that they can be made as
cheap tie foreign articles could be imported if
there were no revenue duties levied upon them.
Suppose. for example, that the gentlemen could
To- ho
lures we import can be made at home precisely as
cheap ,.ov import them, hut no cheaper and
10 make the illustration more complete, suppose that
they actually were made 1t home, and that the
foreign importation had ceased. What would be
the result. II is should obtain the articles
cheap do now, but should lose the tcltole
Of The country derived from imposis, and be
compelled to resort to other sources of revenue.
Even, therefore, in the supposed, the country
would sacrifice about fifteen millions Of dollars per
at the shrine Of this anti-commercial system
And this is the strongest case which can be supposed
in favor of domestic manufactures. The SUPPOSE
ton that they can ever be made as cheap as the
foreign fables could be imported free of duty, is
TOO exuavagant to be INDUCED for a moment. And
yet this suppositun, chimcrical is, must be re-
allied before any benefit result to the country
from this measure, TO compensate the great and pail
pable sacrifices which il involves.
Looking TO the operation of this measure upon the
stated its general result that it will sacrifice the
abouring classes for the benefit Of the capitalists
And when say capitalists, include as we'll those
who employ capital in some of the products of ag-
ricuturc. rs in manufactures. You propose to pro-
tect, by duties, not only manufactures, but WOOL
hemp, and even grain. Ridiculous as the duty up
on this last article is, it admirably to ius-
,rate the genius of the system.
Although the manufacturing interest makes the
most prominent Inquire in this scheme of protection,
the question is no longer between the manufacturing
and agricultural interests, hut between all those
who produce more than they consume Of the a:-
ticlcS subject TO Duty and those who purchase that
surplus production. From this it is obvious, that
but very small part Of the community can enjoy
the beneBt OF this system, which operates per-
manent tax upon the remainder. AS TO the man,,-
facturcrs we know their number is exceedingly
small III comparison with the aggregate Of our po-
pulaton. But the s.nallncSs of the number of far
crs who can be henetittcd by this bill, not so OBJ
vious. There exists deiusion this point, which,
is easily removed. 1t is supposed that the great
mass oil the farmers Will participate in the bountes
provided. But every practical observer must know.
in relation 10 wool, for example, that great ma TO-
rity OF the farmers can produce no more than they
consume IN their own families. II will be the more
weairy farmers, therefore, whs will realize the adj
vantases, such as they may be, of this compromise
with the manufacturers, while the small farmers
and He Hftoie class Of mere Mborers Will be com
pell:d to bear the burhens of the system, such as
they certainly are, without the slightest equivalent
No man has pretended, no man will venture to as
ser, that the price of labor will be Increased by this
measure. That, sir, the thing which most deserves
encouragement, is left unbountied TO its fate. DO
pronounce ii, that this is combinations not ONLY of
the few against the many, but of the wealthy against
the poor; we take from those who have not, and
give to those who have. speak with studied pre-
cicien when say, that those who consume what
they do not make, taxed for the benefit of those
who make what they do no, consume These arc
the true antagonist powers of this system.
(Io &c Continued.)