Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-04-16

10y ~"PAoy snc ufe1 VI jury, 80 ueServedly held
in reverence by ali. Yet It was strange. that
the trainers of the constitution, though thew had
declared in the Bill of Rights that " the antient
trial by jury is preferable to any other, and
ought to be held sacred, )" yet they had gone on
TO estabiishchancery courts whichdispensed with
this invaluable priyilegc.-These courts are
dilatory in the last degree. He was disposed
to give to the common law courts the chanccry
power, where we might freely enjoy tho benefit
OF c,cd coce testimony and jury trial.
MIR. nj. said these defects were sufficient to
point out the necessity of amendment. Some
gentlemen may indeed say, that it was better
T" to bear the ills we have, than ly to others
that we know not Of" But he was not afraid
to trust the people. Some of our wisest patri-
OTIS, some of the men OF '76, would be found in
the Convention. Let it not be said, that we are
unit to be trusted as our fathers we're; that the
love of money and the love ofcase have corrupt
ed us. However strongly this exception may
apply to certain individuals, yet the mass of the
people were still pure. Ii is too late in the
DAY to revive the exploded doctrine, that the
people were their own worst enemies This
language is better suited to the Holy Alliance
OF Europe, than TO the meridian of America
The people have right to choose for themselves.
Our Bill of Rights recommended " frequent
recurrence to fundamental principles" and for
his own part, he was willing to recur to first
principles. He concluded by moving the fol-
lowing resolutions:
Resoired, As the opinion of this meeting that
a convenSsn ought Immediately tn no called
by the people for the purpose of amending the
constitution of this state.
ResotUed, That a committee be appointed to
report to Meeting hereafter to be convened,
the best practicable means of promoting the
views Of the meeting.
Mr.. L. N. Nicholas rose in opposition to the
resolution. lie commended that Mr.. .Munford
contemplated the subversion of the whole con-
shtution, under which we had lived for nearly
halt century-a constitution, which had been
formed by some of the most virtuous patriots
who had lived in any age or nation; and when
the people were at least as intelligent and as
pure, as we are. Yet to what conclusion does
Mr.. III. at last arrives that the trainers Of our
constitution have overlooked few things that
there aresome defects TO be remedi6a Oh no
but that radical change in the whole system is
necessary.-No one in this country was afraid
TO trust the people OF to anendthe constitution
when it was radically defective. But if, as the
gentleman says, we may change our constitution
as easily as our laws, shall soon be in the 81
tuation OF revolutionary France; where the
constitution was changed as readily as gar
ment-and new one was formed at least every
three months.-Now, Mr.. N. commended, one
great advantage ola constitution was found in
the solidity of its establishment that it was
something more sacred than an ordinary law
Gentlemen may decry demonstration, because
1T was old-but is not this one of the reasons why
We should be cautious in touchingita We have
lived under it, in war and in peace-we have
ilourished under it: Shall we rashly change it 2
The gentleman indeed contends that the very
Bill of Rights recognizes the right of the people
to change it but does he sufficiently understand
this provision? Are we to change the constitu-
ton for light and trivial causes. Consult the
voice of experience. Look at the records of
History. Look at the Lycurguses, and Solons
of antiquity. Say, what lawgiver has ever
formed a system which was SO pure and perfect
as not to present some defects II is only when
these defects become glaring and oppressive,
that an amendment ought to be made. 1t is
only extreme evils that require this extreme
remedy. The gentleman says, he was for a
convention in 1900; but have we not been
happy under our constitution since that time
And If 1t had been changed then, who can qua
rantee that the gentleman himself woul not at
tins moment be crying out for new reforms p
What great benefit do we promise ourselves
from Convention Are not all our great rights
now secured? Is not the press; is not religion
free! What more do you want' No discreet
people Will rushinto changes, until they driv-
en- on by some fragrant evils.--What great
calamity has lately fallen upon us, that we should
now be hurriedinto Convention Surely some
great change must recently have taken place.
w hen some few years ago, the western people
pressed for an alteration in the constitution, the
storm was averted by the passage of the Senate
rial BILL What practical evils have since been
generated Lately indeed we have seen some
essays In the newspapers; but what well-fonnded
complaints have they produced? .Hr. N. said,
1t was enough for him, that he found the people
happy that if you once embark on the tenn
pestuous ocean of experiment, you are not a
ware of the rocks and quicksands which you
may have TO encounter; that the vessel may
reach the haven, but in so shattered condition,
as scarcely to survive the shock.
He then proceeded TO examine .Nr. MS OBJ
Jections And first as to the right of suffrage,
the gentleman does not tell us what lines or IL
mlts he would lay down for our guidance. He
speaks of the hardship Of denying the right ofvo-
ting to the merchants hut when he is thus at
sea, where viii he stop Why abandon the
freehold What better evidence can we have
OF mans permanent attachment TO the state
than the possession of the soil? What more
strcnuously tics him down to the interest of the
state? A merchants property is of fleeing
description. His goods are here to-day and
g0ue tomorrow. But the land holder cannot
consent to any great measure, whose conse-
qnences he does not expect to participate. This
right offreehod too is easy to be obtained that
the gentleman himself says it may he purchased
for mere song !-.Hr. n. said he had seen the
effect of difercnt systems in different states
and he was satisfied with the superior advanta-
ges of the freehold vote. Where universal suf-
fragc prevails, the great manufactures is apt to
blast the votes II his dependent worl<men. live
enjoy - re freedom and independence in Vir-