Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-08-20
RICHMOND, VIRGINIA. FRIDAY AUGUST 90 1g24.

ted States, without taking into consideration
thc state oil parties I'm that government; and the
views, characters and opinions of the individu
ais at their helm of state--a liberal and hos
tile policy towards America are among tn,
strongest marks of distinction between the 20
htical systems of the rival statesmen of tina
kingdom-the liberal party are reconciled (,
our independence: and though extremely tena
cious OF every right of their own country, arr
systematically disposed to preserve peace will
the United States. Their opponents harbo
sentiments of very different description-thei
system IS coerciOn-their object the recovery O
their lost dominion in North America-this par
ty now stands high in power-although admira
Berkley may never have received written or
ders from them for his enterprise upon the Ches
apeake, yet in giving his instructions to tho
squadron at Norfolk, he knew full well under
what administration he was acting. Every
measure of that administration towards us since
that time has been directed to the same purpose
to break down the spirit of our national indie
pendence. Their purpose, as far as it can be
collected from their acts is to force us into war
with them or with their enemies; to leave us on
| ~ the bitter alternative of their vengeance or
their protection.
Both these parties are no doubt willing that
we should join them in the war of their nation
against France and her allies-The late adj
treaty, the present attempting it by com
pulsion. The former would have admitted us
as allies, the latter will have us no otherwise
than as colonists> On the late debates i'm par
Lament, the lord chancellor freely avowed that
the orders of council of L 1th November, were
intended to make America ut last sensible of the
policy of joining England against France.
This too, sir, is the substantial argument of
| Mr.. chickering's letter. The suspicious ola de-
,nt.t- .t,,,..,
| a war with Britain, | never have shared Our
| administration have every interest and every
motive that can influence the conduct of man to
deter them from any such purpose. Nor have
| seen any thing in their measures bearing the
| slightest indication of it. But between de-
sign of war with England and surrender of
our national freedom for the sake of war with
the rest of Europe, there is material difference.
| This is the policy now In substance recommend
ed to us, and for which the interposition of the
commercial states is called. For this, not
only all the outrages ofBritain are to be forgot
ten, but the very assertion of rights is to be
branded with mpressment-.Neuf,ul
| trdde-Brttish taTation-Every thing that can
distinguish a state of national freedom from a
state of national vassalage, is to be surrendered
at discretion. In the face OF every fact we are
told to believe every professionally the midst
OF every indignty, we are pointed to British
protection as our only shield against the univer-
sal compensatory phantom of jealousy and
fear is invoked-the image of France, with a
scourge in her hand is impressed into the SER
vice, to lash us into the refuge of obedience &c
Observation-Disclosures are even made that il
Britain s'with her thousand ships of war; has moi
destroyed our commerce, it has been owing &c
| her Indulgence, and we are almost threatened
In her name with the obstruction of our flares
cities"
| Not one act of hostility to Britain has been
committed by us, she has not pretence ofthat
kind to allege-but if she will wage war upon
us, are we to do nothing in our own defencei
| If she issues orders of universal plumber upon
our commerce, are we not to withhold it from
her grasp? Is American piilage one of those
| rights which she has claimed and exercised un-
til we are forec!osed from any attempt to OBJ
| struct its collection? For what purpose are we
required to make this sacrifice of every thing.
| that can give value to the name of freemen this
abandonment OF the very right of self-preserva-
tom Is it to avoid war; alas! sir it does
not offer even this plausible plea of pusillanimi-
| ty-for, as submission would make us to all SUBJ
stantial purposes British colonies, her enemies
would unquestionably treat us as such, and after
degrading ourselves into voluntary servitude to
escape war with her, we should incur inevita-
| bic war with all her enemies, and be doomed
to share the destnes of her conflict with world
in arms.
| Between this unqualified submission and of
fensive resistance against the war upon mari
time neutrality, waged by the concurring de
crees of all the great belgerent powers, tn,
embargo was adopted, and has been hthert,
continued. So far was it from being dictate,
| by France, that it was calculated to Withdraw
and has Withdrawn from within her reach all TN,
means of compulsion which her subsequent de
crees would have put in her possession. 1t ha:
added to motives both of France and England
for preserving peace with us, and has diminished
| their inducements to war.
IL has lessened their capacities of inflictine
| injury upon us, and given some preparation
for resistance to them-it has taken from thei
violence the lure of interest-it has dashed the
philter of pillage from the lips of rapiDe. Tha
it is distressing to ourselyes--that il calls for TIL,
| fortitude of a People, determined to maintain
their rights, is not TO be denied. But the onl,
alternative was between that and war. Whe
Their it will yet save us from that calamity can
not be determined, but if not, it will prepare u
| for the further struggle TO which we may b,
called. Its double tendency of promoting peace
and preparing for war, in its operation upon
both beligerent rivals, is the great advantage
which more than outweighs all its evils.
i If any statesman can point ont another alter
native, am ready 10 hear him, and for any prac
tcable expedient to lend him every possible as
sistance. But let not that expedient be, sub
mission to trade, under British licenses, ant
Brit sh taxation. We are told that even unde
these restrictions we may yet trade to the Bri
fish doninlons, TO Africa and China, and will
the colonies of France, Spain and Holland
ask not how much of this trade would be left
| when our intercourse with the whole continent