Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1824-04-13

You'd the existing revenue, the money is
better in the pockets Of our people, than in our
exchequer or will add, in the pockets of our
public creditors.
As far, sir, as this bill is designed to give
encouragement to manufactures, or even, if
you please, TO national industry in general,
would vote against il, for another strong, and,
IN my estimation, decisive reason. And here,
Mr.. Chairman, though am about to derive
an argument from the constitution, trust
that shall not press upon the confines of po-
htIcal metaphysics. che constitution gives to
congress the power NJ lay and collect taxes,
duties, imposts, and excuses. This bill props-
ses to lay and collect duties, and therefore |
shall not undertake to say that il is violation
OF the letter ofthe constitution. But this do
mean TO contend, and think [ shall be able
ITO prove with as high an approximation to
demonstration moral evidence is capable of,
that this bill does violate the spirit Of the con-
sfttutiOn. The power to impose faxes, duties,
Sc. il will not be denied by any gentleman,
was given to us for the purpose of raising re-
venue, which revenue is to be applied to the
ends pointed out in the constitution. Now,
SIR, as Tar as, by this bill, il is proposed TO en-
courage manufactures, or any other depart
ment of industry, we shall be using this now
er, not only not for the purpose for " hich it
was given, but for another and different one,
and, us shall attempt To prove, Une which
will defeat that for which the power was Civ
en- and then this question presents itself,
whether we do not, in effect, transcend the
limits of our legitimate authority as much by
the exercise of granted power for purpose
Tor which IT was NOT granted, as by the exer-
else OF pow moi granted | answer, that
we do As no general reasoning strikes the
mind as forcby as examples, will illustrate
my proposition by putting some analogous
cases Congress has power to borrow mo
ney. Let us suppose, that the capitalists of
tins country were, by petition TO this House,
to complain that, in consequence of the gen
traI ianguor OF the commerce of the world,
they could find no longer any mercantile in-
vestment of their capital, which would yield
them any iolerable profit, or, if you please,
any profit at all, and therefore, they called
upon Us 10 borrow of them some millions OF
money, at any given rate OF interest. Let us
suppose our finances 10 be in such II situation
as not TO reed il, and yet, To save these CAPT
talis's from sinking. me accepted their prnpo-
sHlon under our power TO borrow money.
Let us suppose that Congress, impressed
with belief that the importation of certain
articles ofluxury was injurious either IN the
wealth, the morals, or the simplicity of the
manners OF our people, with view to arrest
me importation of such articles, imposed very
nigh duties, not at all with view 10 revenue,
out Tor the ar9wed purpose of prohibition,
ana hSh enough To produce that effect and
that this was done under the power 10 lay du-
ties aud excuses, BY which, in effect, we should
pass sumptuary laws.
Congress has power to provide and main
tam navy. Lie, ms suppose that, upon the
termination of the European war, by the
peace of 1914, our navigating interest had re-
presented that, during that war, we, by the
circumstance Of Our neutral character had
Tor series of years, the carrying trade for the
bellISerents that we had thereby prunted
at-the rate of 100000 per aunun, at
winch, believe, the carrying trade is estimat-
rn IN Sey berts statistics that, By means of
| the peace thousands in our mercantile ma
rine were thrown out of employment; and
let us suppose that, though the extent of our
navy did not require II, We yet employed ma
ny "fthese persons with a view to give them
consignment, under our power to provide and
maintain navy. could go on, sir, multiply
lag examples of this kind, with much more
ease than they could be answered. These are
sufficient for my purpose. In each of the
cases which have here put, il might be af-
hrined, with just as much prOprety as in the
present, that we were exercising powers
which were clearly given yet, every man
would admit that are abusing those pow
ers. And why, sir ? For the simple reason
that we were using them fer purposes for
which they were not granted and let me
ask, STR, whether The same objection does not
apply here ? Ii, as must be admitted, the
poweI to lay duties were given solely to raise
revenue, surely when we apply that power
mol for that purpose, but for another, and III at,
too, which defeats the legitimate one, we are
exercising that power for "A purpose for which
It WAS not granted. Sir, have no apprehen-
sion OF these things at present, whilst our
virtue, intelligence, and patriotism continue
but, as any one man cannot hope to escape
that mortality which is the lot Of his species, |
so neither can any government expect wholly |
TO avoid those evil times which history teaches |
us have befal!en all the governments Of the 1
earth When we shall fall upon such times,
what now IS precedent, will then become /
principle and "by the same example, many |
an error will rush into the state" They eau J
look back, and fiud, in the best periods of the ]
republic, preCedents for applying power for f
a different purpose from that FOR which il was
given, and thus the whole constitution may |
he made to swing from It's moorings
Mr.. Chairman, ! would not vote for this bill |
for another reason, which regret to he I'm |
der the necessity Of mentioning. I regret il, /
because Il has reference to the difference IN the |
local interests Of this mighty confcderacy, aud /
would be- one Of the last men in the world |
who would excite any thing like Jealousy, or
even spnsblity, amongst its constituent parts /
bui ] should feel that ! should he wanting in /
my duty 10 my constituents, If did not pre-
sent thl5ycw to the committee. II has heen /
seen that one object Of this bill, and no one
will deny but that il lisa leading object, is to |
foster domestic manufactures. THIS encour-
agenenf, sir from the force Of circumstances,
and tie nature of things. must operate in ia /
vor Of some parts Of the Union, 20 the exclu- /