Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1824-08-13

tile to the administration, and uses the OPP
ponents of the convention and Of the. admins
tration" as SYNONYMOUS terms. Ii it further
somewhat triu,nphantly. alleged. that " the
opposition in the Senate" WAS abortive-"
Since the removal Of the injunction of se-
crecy, the public have been informed who the
| oppcsers of this convention were and whether
they all deserve the character of enemies Of
the administration. Even allowing that the
word administration" ,neans MIR. Adams and
Mr.. Calhoun, how stands the fact then Gov.
Barbour. warm and decided friend of Mr..
Crawford was the leading advocate for the
convention ;'Mr. King ofNew York a-decided
federaiist and OF course no friend to demo.
cratic administration, would have adopted the
convention evcu without limitation or amend
meni. MIR. Noble and Mr.. Ruggles voted for
its ratification. Mr.. Bell Of New Hampshire,
a decided friend of Mr.. Adams, opposed to the
last. Several other instances might be nam
ed to show that there was no combination of
Mr.. Crawford's friends or Messrs. Adams
and Calhoun's enemies in the discussions, the
intermediate vote or the final decision.
fit IS matter of exultation to the Secretary
OF State or his friends, that the convention, as
modified, is adopted, we are disposed to ac-
cord To them all the pleasure which they can
derive from such triumph. But lest the ex-
ultation should be premature, il is to be re-
collected that the convention as amended by
the Senate, has not yet been accepted by the
British Government. A leading advocate OF
the convention was heard to say that the Sc
Mates amendments had destroyed it, and that
it never could be ratified. This may be the
case, though we fear pot. That the opposi-
non to tie convention was not quite so abor-
tive" as the Secretary suggests, will appear
| by inqurIng whatit was and what il is.
| froa yva ind
ing on the United States during the pleasure
| of Great Britain. Our own lawon the subject
oil tins traffic could be neither repealed nor
modified without the consent of "a foreign gov
ernment. From this state of recolonizatiop.
the Senate have relieved us by an amendment
which authorizes either party to arrogate it
when IT shall deem it expedient-giving six
months notice.
| Mr.. Adams's treaty extended the right of
search To the whole coast Of America The
Senate, by striking out this provision secured
the people OF the United States against the
recurrence of British atrocities in their own
waters and the search Of their ships and the
iunprison ment Of their citizens in sight of their
own houses.
MIR. Adams's treaty gave power TO British
osscer to arrest a foreign ship on his mere sus
pcion that her voyage was on American ac-
count, and TO bring her to the United States
1
pense in case Of acquittal. and TO irritation and
perhaps ~ war with the nation whose flag she
pore. The Senate expusged this obnoxious
provision and thereby preserved our faith and
| peace wiihother nations
Mr.. Adams treaty authorized a British Of
4 ticer to determine at sea not only the spu-
llous character Of the vessel, but who was a
british subject found on. hoard. thereby Civ
ing fuii scope to enforce the doctrine of perpe-
QFl.n -
Ject naturalized in America to be dragged from
ms home, his wife, his children, and all family
endearmenis. and TO be sent to Great Britain
'or trial IN British Court, fist, for piracy
ana then perhaps for quitting the kingdom and
seeking an asylum in land Of liberty. The
Senate, by decisive vote struck out this high
~ monarchical principle and preserved our
adopted citizens from the fangs of their pursu-
ers: Prosecutors and oppress0rs.
The convention as ratified, still recognises
Inc principle, that an officerof' the British ma
w may, on the high seas, arrest and bring in
LOT trIai, American citizens, on his mere sus
plcion That they are concerned in trade for
hidden by our own laws. A Senator Of the
United States might, one would think, very
honestly refuse his assent to such thraldom
without any motive Of I" hostility TO the ad
minlstration." He might believe as Mr.. A.
dams himself protested to believe, that This
was a principle to which the United States
Could never accede," even If limited TO the
coast of Africa. And if Mr.. Adams, over
come ny the arguments Of the British commits
sioners or his sympathy for suffering hl,,nani-
~, did see Git TO " face to the right about he
ought in the spirit of charity to allow Senators
to adhere to his first opinions, and not tn
charge refusal to turn with him, to unfriend
ly motives.
Inc minority, among whom may be found
rnen as experienced, patriotic aud consistent
| as Mr. Adams himself, had, when the iniupc.
non ri secrecy was removed, and upaliesri-
enable right to have their reasons presented to
the public. One Of them, therefore, at the
suggestion and request Of several Others. pre-
Pareda brief summary of their objections to
The convention, and requested its publication
IN the InteHgencer. As it was respectful IN
ths majority, candid and fair, and without acrj
,nODy or inslnuatiou, Gales &C. Seaton were
bound to publish IL. 1t WAS neither their du
~ To the majority nor the administration. nor
wouldlt have been right or decent, that thew
should solicit answers to, or refufatiops Of
this summary. Yet il seems they are arraicn
ed Tor this, and the name of the senator who
dared to give to the public his reasons. is i'm
periously demanded as Of more value 10 oil
Insrate their friendship for Mr. Monroe's adj |
ministration than fifty columns Of astonish.
rD,nt and protestations." Now what dnes |
this mean1 Who makes this demand IL il |
be nothing but the iDsoIence Of the editor Of
an occasional ephemeraI journal, il will pass
for nothing. But IL will be recollecieJ that
this journal has become the State Paper, is
devoted TO the secretary of state and has been
lately associated with another devoted to Mr..