Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-06-18


But, sir. put it to the common sense and common
observation o. every gentleman in the House, whe-
Their this hcory does not rest Upon the most steady
and immu,able and powerful principles OF human
action principles which, never cease for a moment
to actuatc the great mass of every community
What stronger instinct belongs TO the character Of
man ,han that which inpels him to improve his con-
d,ion' And what conceivable obliquiiy of pcrcep-
ton prevent him from discovering upon u sur
vey of the various PURSUITS which are open to him,
that from which, with hi, pec,iar capacities, he
derive the greatest profit: can very well imagine
the case of rude and birbarnus people, unaccus-
toned TO the cnioymcnts nj civilized life, in which
government, dc;poti, IN its character, and rising
much above the existing state of Intelligence in the
country over which it holds dopiiou, might pro-
duce great and beneficial changes in the pursuits Of
society by legal regulations. The government, for
example, which should conduct psople from the
hunter To the shepherd state, from the latter To the
agricultural, would undoubtedly confer the sig
nal benefits upon the community. Such change,
however, could be accomplished only by gradual
improvement of the people, aud by giving them a
taste for comforts ana luxurcs to which they
uuaccus;omed. But, will venture to say that there
is not people on the face az the earth whom "a
policy oil this kind would be utterly inapplicablc
to the people of these United States. WHAT, sir,
Is their character? Is there uatios acute,
ingenious, or cntcrprizing, more keen and sasacous
iii pcrcciVing the avenues TO profit, or more prompt
and energetic In pursue them Do they need the di-
rccion III this government Indicate the way TO in
dividual prosperity? Shall undertake to enight-
Ell the capitalists of Boston 10 the most profitable
mode OF investing their dSensaged capital? They
would laugh 10 scorn the folly and impotence al
such o!iicous d;ctation. 1t will scarcely bc alleged
that our people have nc: taste for the pro,lucts
manufacture. For all the productions of human in
duStry-:or all tho articles, at least, of which we
propose to encourage the domestic fabrication, the
people of this country have perhaps Keen IA APP
petite Indeed, the complaint of the friends of this
sure Is that they import them III too great album
dance. No legislation, therefore, is necessary to
create demand for those articles. In such state
of things, the general principle is indspuaby true,
that capital and labor will naturally flow .lo the
profitable channels of industry, without the
coniroul of government.
But, TO this general principle admit there is an
exception, which Wa candidly state. And here
will take leave 10 remark, that, anxious as am To
defeat this measure, which believe would be ruin
Gus to some portions of the Union, and beneficial tn
none yet would not, if COULD accomplish this
object by stating any principle which, believe DC
false. An elevated morality, which regards the es-
Establishment ctco.icct principles as more important
than victory, should characterize Deliberations
here. aln,t, thcn when, from The revolutions of
trade the progress OF society. crisis has OCCUR
red in which great and Fundamental change must
take place III the distribution of the capital and Ia
Dor of nation, n wisc moderate, and cautious lc-
g,5ation may all in eiecting the change, and is G.
necessary to effect it in the manner most benc-
fetal TO the community. But, sir, if we attentively
examine the principles upon which this proposition
Is founded, shall perceive tat useful lcgislatio.
on this subject is coniicd tn very narrow limits, and
that there j; much greater danger ri doing harm by
these limits than by sustaining f.0n
legislative Interference altogether.
What, thea, are the principles upon which the in
reference of government lie justified in such
49,. D.. =. 4 II
place, the habits Of community, operating with
something Ike The force OF laws, viii induce an adj
hcrahcc to accustomed pursuits after they have
ceased 10 be prohtablc. Bat the principal g.ound
upon which the protecting policy i'll amy case
be justified, Is the inability OF infant manufacturing
establishments to sustain u successful competition
with their foreign rivals, after the country has
reached the point n; which the domestic article cam
with the experience of Il few years. be fabricated
cheaper than the foreign Aud here, sir the limit
Oh the protecting system Is distinctly Indicated 1t
must be satisfactorily shewn, that The protection
sought is only temporary, aui that after reasona-
bic time is given TO acquire experience and SKILL
a nd bring the domestic manufactures perfection,
they furnish the domestic fabrics cheaper than
similar fabrics couii be o;ta incd from abroad.
Now, if we apply these principles to the actual pro-
lection heretofore extended to dome site manu-
actures it will be that the government has al
ready fulfilled its obligations them in the anplcst
uihhSi. Gentlemen nave argued TINS question as
II the manufacturing interest of tho country had
been uIjusy assailcd by some foreign power, and
Congress had manifested the most cruel indifference
o their suitefingS. But s there the slightest foun-
tation for either of these assumptions? The only
,ower "i;h which ouf manufacturers have had per-
TO contend, is tho superior natural a,gan-
Of Inc foreign artizan, and will now call the
attention OF the House 10 the protection which our
establishments have actually received from this gov
2 nmeEt. | venture 10 assert, that since the com
ot the restrictive system in 1897, the
of this country have enjoyed an un-
usual and artificial stn'ulous from our legislation
and am perfectly satisfied that il is this extraor-
binary stimulus that has given them that voraCous
appetite for projections, Which nothing it seems, but
the absolute prohibition OF all rival articles, can sa
Hatc. Manufactures not protected. Why, sir, du-
ring The restrictive system, our commerce with the
Of Europe was almost entirely ami
lilaied and oUT own manufacturers had little short
OF an absolute monopoly OF the home market. And
here sir, lie. me call the attention of these practical
gentlemen, VINO so contcmptuously discard every
theory bat their ote to the effect of this restrictive
system, Upon the distribution of the capital and Ia
Der OF the country. During tie five years Of COM
merciai restrictions which preceded the war with
Great Britain, when there must have existed in the
country a supcrabaTdauce of surplus capital, sud-
denly disengaged from commerce, We find that man
notwithstanding they enjoyed the aIyan-
a1Ses OF problbtory system, made but a very slow
and gradual progress. If gentlemen would duly
consult this portion of our experience, / think it
wonld at least admoESh them to- have little patti
cncc. Thcy would see that under auy possible pro-
lection which legislation provide, particularly
IN time of peace, when there is an extraordinary
consumption of manufactures, these must, in the
very nature of things, advance by slow degrees II
cannot he otherwise unless ascribr TO an act Of
Congress the oaasical power of forcing OF nanufac-
lures beyond the natural capacity of tho country
eIthcr to produce OF to DAY Tor them. Yes, sir, it
would ne well for us to reflect G,ot il is much more
easy to diminish the consumption than to increase