Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-11-16

Sata inquiries particularly called for at this
time, When the whole nation is lost im political
darkness Literally, "old things have passed away,
and all things become new Old parties are
swept away, and nc@ will speedily be formed.
If we are compelled 40 discard old and hon
orablc name ict us carry much of its spirit and
meaning into new associations as is possible:
coMMuNicATED.
REPUBLIC.4NISJM- MEANING.
"Words without meaning, of equivscal mean
ing have been the everlasting engines of fraud and
So says Horne Tooke, profound OBJ
server of men, and of human affairs.
NL'abus DIES mots, est Ia source inepusable dies
erreurs humaincs." The abuse of words is the in-
eNhaustible source of the errors of mankind So
says Swcdiaur, who also a profound thinker
and reasoner. (.)
There cani,o, DC q truth more obvious than this.
IL Two men understand each other in conversation,
they must use the same words in the same sense.
If with ordinary intellect thew do no, understand
each other, is equally clear, that they do not use
the same words with the same meaning If one
man considers religion consisting of pety tow rs
God, justice and charity towards men, and of tenn
perance and self-cOmmand, he may talk forever
without effect, with one who thinks religion con-
slsts in believing or rather protesting believe
without examination, whatever he has been taught:
IN exterior movements: in confessions, or in pcr-
ance; in dogmas or in creeds.
1t IS evident, that two men more, no matter
how intelligent and honest, who do not attach the
same meaning to the words republican and renub
hcanisn words which of daily, hourly and uni
versal use, must dispute, long as they converse
without the possibility of agreeing. Do we attach
the same meaning to these words in the U. States.
~ sny diie statet or III any oi,c company What
can be more irrational or humiliatng than that a
whole nation should be perpetually using in refer
ence to subjects of the highest moment, words of
which they have not all distinct and similar idea,
III A (D denies that any man can be a republic
can, who is not friendly to national industry to do
nd 4. l.
tariff: If according to (2) he only IS a republicans
who is opposed to all military establishments in time
OF peace: 1t in the estimation of G co that con-
struction OF the constitution which sanctions sys-
TEN OF internal Improvement by means of roads and
canals, be one which no republican can adopt if in
the opinion of d (4) lie cannot have any preten-
slons to the character of a republican, who thinks
that the Judiciary have right declare unconsti-
tutonal and void legislative act, approved, 5y :e
majority of the people if f. deem it an essential
article OIL the republican creed, that congress have
no power except that which is specifically grant
ed, and that which can be shown to be necessary TO
carry power specifically granted into effect: or if
according to (6)it be essential to the salvation
OF rePublicanism, that the power to appropriate
money should be invariably deemed, taken. and
held to be an incidental power: each of which opi-
mons and doctrines has been different times and
places, and by different persons proclaimed to be the
standard, the touch-stOue of repubicanism: il is
that all these persons might converse and
would not understand each other, nor would any
one of them be understood by him who had formed
a correct idea of republjcanism. What the true
meaning of this most abused and perverted word is
and why its meaning has been involved in so much
obscurity, will be amusing, aud useful thouqh per-
maps not immediately useful to inquire 1t is pro-
per however, previously to remark, that do not wish
to be understood as giving any opinion as to the
truth or fallacy of tile several polica propositions
stated above; all that is be contended for
re fg,at - .:.t
Of ,heH'' and BIO just as good republican as his
opponent.
Republicanism then, described rather than defiri-
co. may be SAID to consist of two parts, opinion and
feeling, or III other WORDS belief and sentiment be-
lief, that the people, each individual having equal |
rights, the legitimate and only source of all po
itical power, which majority of them may grant /
as they please and revoke when they please, being
competent to self-government. 1t is apparent thatI
his belief, however strong standing by itself, does
rot constitute repubcanisn: because man may
believe that right exists, which interest ambi-
ion may lead him to snbyert, and which lie may
hink he subvert: and that although the people
ire generally competent to se2-government, yet
hat this competency may be impaired, and finally
destroyed, by measures, the full effect ot which Is
lot foreseen when they are adopted. Something
more then is necessity 10 constitute rcpubiicanism
md this something more, is precisely that which
ives to repubcanIsm its greatest lustre, and its
reatest exceence the feeling, the sentiment, which
ttacbeS us TO man, and to counfrymen, and
which Incorporating itself with the belief just
toned, makes use best efforts sustain it jim
ractice as wal as in theory.
In fewer words, republicanism may be said to be
firm belief in the doctrine of equal rights, and
0rdisL determination to support it. IL there be
ny repubicanisn, not to be found within the limits
this description definition, confess that it has
scaped search neither hastily nor neggently
made.
Ii this doctrine be admitted, we can experience
70 difficulty III deciding whether Il man whom we
elieve to be honest and sincere, be republican or
OF. III on the contrary, adopt any other cri-
erioD, founded on matter of policy, constitutions
consiruction,wc shall discover our deviation from
he right path, by the inextrcable difficulties in
vhich we shall be Immediately involved.
The six cases which have stated are cases of
his kind: cases of policy of constitutional
obstruction. The two first cases belong to the first
lass, the other four to the last.
Now it cannot be seriously contended that in
uestons OF mere policy, greater less tariff for
Instance, republicanism is at all concerned. A ci-
izen may take either side of the question, and to
my extent, without touching a single point con-
Iected with political principles. His understanding
nay be questioned, but not his principle. 4 view
rom the gallery of Congress will settle that point in
moment.
Tie same remark is applicable to him who shall
advocate military establishment no matter how
Intensive. If he be an honest man. he is only mis-
AIKEN, and very grossly mistaken; but no more. He
grossly mistaken, because military establish |
nent upon large scale, continued for any myth
# time would TEND TO destroy, if it did not actually
estroy, the very principles to which he honestly
PROCESSES to be devoted.
As to the second class Of cases, presenting ques-
ions of constitutional laws questions about the ex-
ent of powers meant to be conferred on Congress, |