Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1824-03-30

less. What is the power of the small states
which 4 is the wish ofthe great states to restrain
or modify
On an election of President, in the House
OF Representatives, 81 members, from s small
STATES, can control the election. Is this IA safe
power, even TO the small Statss themselves
Should they exercise their power 10 the full
extent the first attempt would probably be ia.
tai to their independence. Can they feel con-
huence that they would exercise their pow er
WIN discretion In the moment of party ex-
citement, when ambition, and all the fierce
passions OF anger and resentment have their
sway, discretion is lost sight of. The power
is n dangerous one-much more dangerous tu
the small States than TO the large. The dan
ger Of dissoivnS our Y Mon would create, com
parativeiy, but little alarm in New York
what has she to fear, She is an empire in
herself But, with New Jersey, the case is al
together different. Without the constitution,
she must cease to be an independent State
situated between two potent neighbors, of
whose disposition to Cypress she had sufi cient
evidence, between the close OF Ire Revolt
honary war and the formation of our present
constitution, sre would be crushed. On the
dissolution ofthe Union, real property, in New
Jersey, would instantly fall 30 per cent. The
State IS so situated, that large portion Other
commerce must necessarily 20 through the
ports of New York and PENNSYLVANIA The
duties on foreign goods consumed in New
Jersey, would be paid in New York and Penn
sylvania, and pass into the treasures of those
states. New jersey would be tributary TO
mem: She would resist-nns, probably, make
Inc cItyo Jersey, Perth Amboy, aud Burlng-
ton, free ports of entry. This would DESTROY
her whole system of protecting the industry
of the State, and Would lead TO acts Of retalia-
ton on the part of those States i'm which her
prosperity would be utterly destroyed. New
Jersey has a stronger interest in the constitu-
Hon than any other State in the Union.
III Is ior ms reason, that, in that state, theve
is 'he strongest disposition to provide for the
permanently OF the constitution, by correcting
the abuses that have grown up under il more
especially the dispropurtion of the power of
me great and small states, in choosing the
Chiei Magistrate; and the difficulty of such
choice IN The House Of Representatives
How tiir fears the gentleman from New
ork haze been aliayed, within a few weeks,
i know not; while the dangers Themselves
have evidently increased
Inc dangers OF choosing The President, in
1901, were such, as tO threaten us with dissn.
luton of our compact. But, the difficulties
now 10 be commended with, in such an election,
would be made much greater. Then, there
We're but Two candidates; the first ballet would
nave resulted i'll Il choice, if some States had
not been divided Now, there must be thr, q
candidates. The House of Representatives
van he divided between the three even the
Representatives of the States may be divided
between the three. The confusion might be.
come lneXtricable.
Suppose New York were to give l2 votes
to A, / To b, and 4 To G, would this ensure
the vote of New York for A? The friends of
Is and would say not. Should plurality,
or majority, govern in such case? Should
the state say what was its vote /? or should
the House OF Representative prescribe the
rue The case is full of difficulty and danger.
Inns amendment, Mr.. ID. said, il ii should
ne agreed to by the requisite number of both
Honses Of Congress, must be submitted to the
several States and, unless three tourtAs of
them were IN favor oft, il could not be adopt-
eu' Inc large and The small states must all
be consulted, and he well knew it would b.
very difficult 10 get any amendment adosted.
1t Is said that it will take away the rights of
me states. But, unless they agree to it the
proposition can never take effect MIR. ID
lhouShl the present provision of the Consti-
tntion, IN respect to the election of President.
was extremely weak. He was fully conyin.
ced that 1t was the unanimous opinion of the
Old states, that some alteration ought to take
pldce they have earnestly looked for it-thry
ask II at our hands. Both the small and thu
large states will consent to give up something,
Tor the sake of efecting that object. Neither
VI them Would be Wiling 10 do IL, unless an g.
fulvaeDt was obtained. Mr. ID. feared thas
The present was not The time TO act upon these
amendments tie thought il would DE mecca.
sary to test the constitution rs il nogy stands.
nile longer. Ii would take long time tn
get any amendment through, and il was
tnOuSht mat tie present was not fit fine for
the discussion, III consequence of the excite
ment which prevails throughout the country
IN regard to the ensuing election. The gen
tleman irbm New J ork has changed his mind,
respecting the propriety Of amending the con
sliuiIOD.
Mr.. KiNG, of New York, rose to exnlain II
reference to the change Of opinion imputed
tn him by the gentleman from New Jrrssv
we understood him To say, that, although he
had formerly been favorable TO some amend.
ment OF the Constitution, in regard TO the eIec.
ton of President, yet his attention had bc.r
most powerfully attracted by apower ,yh;rh
had siuce risen up, " hch alDeared IN him sn
terrific, that be hardly dared TO conirmplate
the effects il might producc-he meant the
power which members Of Congress had as-
sumrd, OF nominating President of the IIn;-
tea states. II was placing the complete
control of The government in the hands az .
Party-he firmly believed that the ro,ver ttiua
assumed would, If permitted 10 be exercised.
eventually Overwhelm the Constitution. n
would produce fearful combination of the
large states. The small states, he thought;
would not consent Ia 90 into Caucus--iCtbev
did, II would be suicidal act, on their mari.
He called upon gentlemen to produce The
smallest authority, 10 any part Of the Consti-
tuition, for these meetings, lie considered
them as violating the spirit ofthat instrument
The mower Of ChOOsinW the fir.sfdo,t :; -.