Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1824-03-06
FOR THE NATIONAL INrrLLicENc l.
Eighteenth Congress.

SPEECH OF MIR. RlVES, OF VA.
On the Bill for obiainang the nee, ssury Surveys
on The SUBJECT Of Roads and Canals.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,,
FEBRUARY ), 1924.
Mr.. RIyEs said, if the importance of any
question can give it a claim to attention, none
IS more worthy of profound consideration,
than the one now under discussion Ii is in
the first place, a Question of constitutional
right, involving the tfue Interpretation of that
instrument, from which we derive our exis-
fence AS an independent member of the 60
vernment, and To which we are bound. by the
highest obligations, To conform our legislative
conduct. But this although the most i'm
Portant aspect which any subject can assume,
under limited constitution, is not the only
interest which belongs to the present question.
Its decision must have a pefvading influence
upon the future policy of the country. Ifthat
decision should be in favor ofthe power con-
tended for by the advocates of the bill, it will
hecome the foundation of system of legisla-
tim which cannot regard otherwise than
as inauspicious to the liberties and dangerous
to the best interests of the nation. Under
these impressions, Incompetent as am to do
justice to the subject, or in any degree to
match the ability which has been so c0nspicu-
ousy exhibited in its discussion, anu. yet
urged by "A sense nf duty, To contribute the
small mite Of my humble exerti0ns in defence
OF what deem the cause of the constitution,
and the principles of sound policy. am
aware, MIR. Chairman, that, in Investigations
OF this sort, general reasonings from the spirit
Vt the constitution are not absolutely conclu-
sve. The ultimate inquiry must be, what the
trainers of the constitution have DONE, as
evidenced by the instrument ITSELF rather than
what they intended Ia do. But IL we can as
certain what was the leading intention by
which they were guided, in organizing the
powers of the Government strong presump-
ton arises that they have done nothing inconss-
tent with that intention. What, then, permit
me to ask, was the cardinal principle, which
directed the convention in the execution of their
great work !? 1t was this To transfer 40 the
care of the General Government those objects
only in which all the States have a common
Interest, leaving those in which the States have
separate md peculiar Interests To he pro, ided
for by their own domestic Governments and
thus rule applies alike tn every species of
federal power, whether it be external or mu-
nicipaI. In pursuance of thi- principle the
General Government was charged with the
question OF peace or war, the regulation of
commerce, the conduct Of negotiations, and
various Other objects connected with our
foreign relations. In these, all the States
v.
n national interest So, likewise, with regard
10 thti class of powers granted To Congress,
which operate internally, such as the powers
to establish uniform laws on the subject of
bankruptcy, To organize federal judiciary, to
establish common standard of weights and
measures, and To regulate the national currrn-
cy All the States stand precisely in the
same relationtO these powers, and are affected
IN the same manner, by the exercise of them,
IN their social and civil transactions. But this
- not, and cannot be the case with internal
improvements. They affect parts. and not
the whole, of the confederacy. They are.
from physical necessity, local in their situa-
ton, and local in their influence and their be-
nefits. Take the most extended object of in
ternal Improvement, the projected road, for
example, from Maine to New Orleans, or If
you please, the navigation 0fthe waters of the
Mississippi, in which the honorable Speaker
has said twelve States and two Territories are
interested, still, comprehensive and important
as these schemes of improvement undoubted-
iy are, they are limited, in their advantages,
TO particular States. and the rest of the Union
has no interest in them. They are, therefore.
not such objects OF common interest to all the
States, as the constitution intended 10 transfer
to the. General Government.
Bat, here we are met Iy the argument of
the honorable Speaker, that there is an inter
mediate class of objects, affecting more than
one State, and yet not extending to all the
States, which require the united means of
confederacy 10 execute them, and the onlv
cOnfederaCy which can now IegiiimatPy exist
for such apurpOse, Is that Of the Union be-
cause the constitution prohibits one State
from entering into cOmpacts or agreements
with another State. The honorable gentle
man will excuse me for saying that this argu-
ment is founded on n mistake Of the actual
provisions OF the constitution. The cOnsitu-
ton does not prohibit compacts between the
States, but merely restrains the States from
entering into such cOmpacts, without the con-
seat of Congress. The consent of Congress is
required, AZ necessary check 10 prevent the
States from forming combinations hostile to
the Union, or dangerous to IFS peace and safe
~: but, where any number Of the States
desire to enter into arrangements with each
other, for the accomplishment of some benef
cal object, in which they have common in
terest it never could have been supposed or
Inteaded, that the consent of Congress would
he withheld The States, in such cases, are
still left at liberty tO unite their resources, by
entering into cOmpacts with each other, $ 10
Ject only TO the reasonable control OF Con
gfess ;and this privilege was no doubt reserved
20 them with an express view to the very
CLASS OF objects now ~ question, which con
Germ two Or more members Of the confedera-
cy, but yet do not possess such character OF
universal national interest as ~ hrisg them
within the legitimate sphere or the govern
mPnt Of the whole.
The honorable Speaker, in the course Of his
argument, laid down position. which he
seemed to consider entilely decisive OF the