Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-04-13

You please, to national industry in general.
would vote against it, for another stronp. and
IN i1y css;natIon, decisive reason And here
Nr. Chairman, though am about to derive ar,
argument from the constitution, | trust i shall
ho' press upon The confines of political meta
PHYSICS. me constitution gives to Congress
u'c power TO lay aud collect taxes, duties, i'm
posts ana excuses This bill proposes to lay
and collect duties, and therefore Shall NOT nm
dcr.akc 10 say that it is violation of the letter
oil The constitution. But this do mean to con-
tend, and think shall! be able to prove with
as mgil approximation to demonstration as mo-
raj evidence is capable Of that this bill does vo-
late the spirit Of tie constitution The power
. to impose taxes, duties, &c. il will not be de-
nied by any gentleman, was given TO us for the
| purpose at raising revenue, which revenue is to
ne applied to the ends pointed out in the consti-
| luton. NoH, sir, rs far as by tbs bill. il is
| proposed 10 encourage manufactures: or any o.
| Their department of industry, we shall be using
Tins power, not only for tue purpose for which it
was given, but for another and n different one
and, as shall attempt to prove, one which will
defeat that for which the power was given: aud
then this question presents itself whether we do
not, IN effect, transcend the limits of our leriti
mate authority as much BIZ the exercise of a
granted power for purpose for which it was
not granted, IS by the exercise of power not
S'"tteU! dieWeT, thtit we Go. rs no general
reasoning strikes the mind as forcibIv as exam
pies, will illustrate my proposition by puttino,
some analogous cases. Congress has power TO
borrow money. Let us suppose, that the capi-
iaiists OF THIS country were, by petition to this
House, to complain that, in consequence of the
general langour of the commerce of the world.
they could fni no longer anv mercantile invest
ment of their caritd, which would Weld ther,
any toIera5ie profit, or, if you please, any profit
1T AL, and, therefore, they called upon us 10
borrow Citizen some millions of money, at any
giYea rate OF interest. Let Us suppose our finan-
ces TO be III such situation as not TO need it.
and yet, to save these capitalists from sinking,
we accepted their proposition under our power
to borrow money.
Ietns suppose that Congress, impressed with
belief that the Importation of certain articles
OF luxury was injurious either TO the wealth, the
morals, or the simplicity CT the manners of our
oeopic, with q view to arrest the importation of
such articles, imposed very high duties not at all
Tor the revenue, but for tl.c avowcd purpose of
! prohibition, and high enough TO produce that CT
| feet; and that this was done under the power to
lay duties and excuses, by which, in eject, we
| 5heud pass sumptuary laws.
| Congress has pswer to provide and maintain
a navy. Lctus suppose that, upon the tcrmina
aon OF the European war, by the peace of 1914,
our navigating interest had represented that,
turing that war, we, by the circumstance of our
neutral character, had fer series of years, the
carr ing trade for the bclligerents; that we had
---S-chy rcoG:c, at the rate of Sl5,O00,000 per
annu,n at which, believe, Tic err; ng trade is
estimated in Seybert's statistics; that, by means
| o. the peace, thousands in our mercantile marine
were thrown out of employment and let us SUD-
pose that, though the extent of our navy did NOT
| require 1t, we yet employd many of these per-
tf
der our power to provide and maintain navy.
| could go on, sir, multiplying examples of this
KIND, with much more ease than they could be
answered. These are sufficient for my purpose
In each OF the cases which have here put. If
might be affirmed, with just IS much propriety
as III the present, that we are exercising powers
which were clearly given; vet, every man would
| admit that we were abusing these powers And
why Sir! For the simple reason that ne were
using them for purposes for which they were not
granted; and let ask, sir, whether the same
| objection does not apply here' If, as must be
admitted, the power TO lay duties was given
solely to raise revenue, surely when we apply
that power not for that purpose, but for another
and that, too, which defeats the legitimate enc,
we are exercising that power for d purpose for
which 1T was not granted. Sir, | have no appre-
heasion OF these things at present whilst our yir
tue, intelligence, and patriotism continue but,
as any one man cannot hope to escape that NOR
tality which IS the lot of his Species SO neither
can any government expect wholly to avoid
| those evil times which history teaches us have
| befailen all the governments of the earth. When
we shall fall upon such times, what nov is pre-
cedent, will then become principles and, & by
the same example, many an error will rush into
the state" They can look back. and find, in
the best periods of the republic, precedcnts for
applying power FOR different purpose from
that for which it was given, and thus the whole
constitution may be made 10 swing from it:
mornings.
| Mr.. Chairman, | would not vote for this bill
for another reason, which regret to be under
| the necessity OF mentioning. regret it, because
1t has reference to the difference in The local in
tercsts of this mighty confederacy, and woulc
| be one Of the last men in the world who would
excite any thing like jealousy, or even sensible
", among It's constituent parts but should fee
| that l should be wanting in nv duty 10 nv con
stituents, if did not present This view TO thf
committee. 1t has been seen that one object o
this bill, and no one will deny but that il is ?
| leading object, is to foster domestic manufac
! lures. This encouragement, sir, from the force
| of circumstances and the nature Of things, mus
| operate III favor OF some parts of the Union, Il
the exclusion of others. Cast your eyes oycl
the map of the United States look at its geo.
| graphical situation, and estimate duiy the con
! sideTa:Sons which am now about to submit II
i some portions OF this country there is large aC
| cumuiaton OF capital, the fruit OF foreign com
rncTcC. In others, there is q great co.nparativ,
deficiency Of capital. In some parts, there is
! for this Western world, dense population il
others it is sparse. Tb,s. take Connecticut G
| Virginia as the subjects q: comparison. By tht
census OF 1910, Connecticut had about SO 10 tht