Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-09-14

lion. tie present state of things.
War therefore, presume, we shall not innns-
iatey have. Under the present state Of affairs,
To open our commerce with permission TO arm.
in defence of the exercise Offetr0f trade, would
be toar in the result, though it would be upon a
principle more exclusively defensiUe than would
be implied in declaration. .4rmisss both pub
lie and private was the system which, in fny par
tcular opinion, ought to have been adopted last
winter, immediately after the embargo was laid.
But at that time, found very few Of any party
who thought with me, and now the season for If
is past, even fit was then exPedient. The cir
euulstances of the present time render it much
more questionable to my mind than it was then.
The British Orders of Council were not then
sanctioned by parliament, the Milan Decree,
and know not how many others, equally savage
had not issued; the very determination of rcss-
lance then manifested might have deferred from
these extremities of outrage. Arrning now
would be less eIicacious measure for pre-
serving peace; would lead more inevitably to
war, and would have less support from the APP
probation of the people. The real choice then
seems TO be, between a Continuance of this en-
barge, and its removal with Il substitution of
total non-intercourse with France aud Eng
land in its stead For as to submission, l will
not Disgrace the Congress Of this union much
as to suppose that this project will receive any
countenance from either branch of the leGisla-
tive authority.
Between the embargo and the non-intercourse
system, under my present state of information, l
should strongly incline to the last 1t would in
deed incur new hazard q eventual war abroad,
but think it would remove the risk of war at
home for the present. ~ I arm
aware that in reply to these observations there
are many forcible reasons, which may be alledg-
J, ed for perscvering precisely in the stand which
I'VE havetal Legislative deliber-
alton and mutual communication of ideas and
Information between these rnenbers OF the exc
cutiVc and Legislature, who Conclir in the pur-
suit of the same end, will doubtless shed on the
whole subject light by which you will at last
most safely proceed. That it may ultimately
secure our peace, independence and union,
confidently hope and ferventty pray.
] am, with high esteem SC. your friend,
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
Hon. ----, Washington.
Boston, o1st. Dec. 1908.
My DEAN StR,---It would certainly he more
safe and prudent for me 10 initiate that reserve
which you lattice az marking the comnunica-
tons of some other friends at the present crisis
Thus much | may say with perfect sincerity -
The path of the nation is thclily beset with
difficulties and dangers,--the choice OF practical
Bile measures is confined to evils, all of such
magnitude and terror, that every man not
botind by the duties of public trust to contri-
bnte in advising the expedients to procure pub
lie relief, will most naturally shrink from the
itterauce of an opinion what ought to be done.
Like the Irshrn:tn on hoesrd the ship, when call
c to aid in eStinguishing the fire, one feels an
irresistible temptation to answer, &c am but a
PASSENGER" Yet SO long as the reflections of
my mind, or the observation [ have opportunity
to make, are acceptable to yon, shall not with
hold them. For in truth, it is time in which
the passenger must lend his hand as much as auv
of the and in giving TO you freely my
thoughts, crude and undigested as they arise,
must add, that you can scarcely give less conf
dence TO them than have in them myself.
have observed, as far newspapers and pam
Phets have furnished opportunity, the course OF
de,bera.ionhcth in Your house and in the Senate
since the commencement of the session. Tho
] will not pretend to deny that have my parti-
alitics of sentiment impelling me to- concur with
one side, and TO differ from the other, | have
senxionsfy sought from the arguments Of both,
footing upon which could think it possible for
the nation to stand. Together with much
elimination and recrimination, which perhaps
could not we'll be avoided, but which re-
GREETED to see, because l thought it would
answer no good purpose, and must naturally in
fame those mutual irritaiOns which should
rather be soothed, have found on both sides
some leading ideas from which public benefit
might perhaps he derived. The excessive
precirtancy with wisici. the Opposition made
this charge upon the embargo at the opening Of
the session, had. afraid, tendency to
rolisc the spirit of connteractiun beyond the
tone of.cool dcliberaton, and 10 progresses too
rIaich the friends of the administration against 4
refusal of tue measure under any modification.
The report of tue committee of fcrcign relations
was. in my opinion, production Of uncommon
excellence. BUTT Contained a concession up !
ON WHICH the Opposition seized with great piati-
Sbtv an.i effect. TIE concession to which |
refer -, a permanent embargo would he an a.
Environment OF tie very right for which we are
conteoding. For this primary idea they are IN
lebtesi to yourselves. Eat they have turned it
against the embargo with some address, and
with considerable effect. The idea is substan-
TALLY true, Il 10 my mind affords an unans,v cradle
Argument t1s substituting, as speedily as posi-.
bic, something Instead OF the embargo. The
Tnost decisive reason IN my mindfortis substitu-
ton is that winch | have heretofore suggested
10 you. The law will noE be executed. Ii
will be resisted under the organized sanction
OF state authority, Already, notwithstanding
the decision Of the District Judge on the CON
stutionaiity of the existing laws, tie jnries will
not convict for violations against them. Con-
II