Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-03-09

=
language of the Speaker) any po,ce,- at all. My
position is, that Congress has power to raise and
appropriate moncy to carry into effect the other
powers expressly granted, and also to promote
the general welfare" so far as il can be pro-
inoted oy money merely. As po,cey, it ends
IN itself. When the money is raised and appro-
prated, sovereignty ceases and whatever else
is effected must be done by the mere agency of
money, IN the use of which the government is
precisely upon the footing of an Individual. If
any sovereign power, besides that of appropria-
.hS money, IS necessary to accomplish the OBJ
lJcct, that other power must be derived from
some of the other grants of the constitution ::
and If it is not found there, it does not exist at
all.
| nat inc power OF appropriating money is not
confined to the execution of the other enumera-
tea powers, is as clear, from the terms i'm which
Ills conveyed, as from the nature of the power it,
sen. Congress is authorized to ssl lay and col
lect taxes, u" to provide for the common defence
and general wcllare.' Now, it would be doing
great injustice to the critical skill of the conyen-
uon 10 suppose that the significant terms COM
mon defence and general weltarc,n were intro.
duced for no purpose and it would be doing g.
quail injustice to their wisdom TO suppose, that
the terms IN question were intended to enlarge
| lowers oi the general government. 1t seems
clear TO me that they were intended neither to
enlarge nor diminish the poircrs of Congress,
but merely to define and limit the objects TO
which this particular power should be applied.
And am much Indebted to the candor of INV
honorable friend from Virginia, who sitsnear me,
Mr. Archer,) for the admission, that these words
were intended to limit power, which would
nave been Iillmtable without them. am per-
iectly SATISFIED OF the correctness of this view g.
while 1T gives me great pleasure to concur with
my friend the principle, l am compelled to saw,
that 1t brings my mind to conclusion precisely
,ic reverse oftLat which he deduces from it. if
| me power under consideration would have had
no limit without the words &C common defence &
general welfare" it results of necessity, that we
must look to those words only for the limitation.
What, then, is it. Congress shall raise and an
P opriate money, with no other limitation, as to
the objects which money alone can effect. but
that they must relate to the 'common defence g.
general welfare" and not to any local or state
purposes.
| Indeed, sir, it may be fairly argued, that there
would have beenno necessity for an express del
egatlon OF power to raise and appropriate mo-
ney, II 1T can be applied only to the other granted
powers (; for, 1T can scarcely be doubted, that
every enc of these would carry with it, as an in
ciuent, the power ofaPpropriating the none; ne
cessary for its execution. That can hardly be
a Just construction, which would thus convert
the leading clause of the Constitution into mere
| surpiusage.
! The honorable Speaker seems to be alarmed
at the idea o. discretionary power in Congress
10 appropriate money to ''prornote the genera
welfare, land has reminded us of the saving of a
military chieftain, who certainly understood the
elements OF human power, Us well as any ma.
| Who ever welded them, GO Give me money (sai
That celebrated many and will obtain bayonets -,
| and, conversely, 'Sgivc me bayonets, and wi,
get money" Now, if the Hon. Speaker had
examined the bearing of this military mako
with the sagacity which usually characteristics
the operations of his mind, think he would have
found IN 1t an answer to his own argument. and
perfectrelief from all its, apprehensons. ifthc
combined powers ofmopey and bayonets, of the
purse and the sword, are so fearful, | ask ifthev
do not exist, without limitation, in Congress. by
the express grants Of the Constitution That
the power OF approprafins money is unlimited in
reference to all the elements OF military power
is a proposition which L am sure will not be uues-
toned. And am at a loss to conceive how the
dangers the bayonet can be increased by the
power of appropriating money to other objects.
1t IS not, sir, the power of appropriating money.
but the other powers to which it gives motion.
that can be regarded as dangerous. Against
the watchful expenditure of the public money.
the Constitution furnishes an ample security in
the provision, that no money shall be drawn from
| the Treasury but by the consent of the people,
through their immediate representatives. II
may at least be said that if this is not sufficient
. security, there can be none for the field OF
expenditure is wide enough for all the purposes
| OF extravaganza, under any construction which
can be given TO the Constitution.
| Sir, If the view | have taken of the money
power of this government be nos correct every
administration, & almost every Congress, have
been guilty ofhabituai violations of the Consti-
tuition. In the administration of Gen. Washing
| ton an appropriation was made to relieve the
! suffering people ofSt. Domingo, who had sought
a refuge on our hospitable shores and in that of
Madison, similar appropriation was made for
| the relief Of the wretched inhabitants of Carac-
cas-, overwhelmed by the disasters of an earth
quake. Neither of these appropriations is in the
remotest assignable relation to any one of the O.
Their enumerated powers, and | challenge any
gentleman to Justify them under any other clause
OF the Constitution but that which confers the
revenue power. In fact, sir, we cannot perform
those every day acts, which are essential TO thc
existence, and involved in the very notion Of
government, our power to appropriate money
IS regarded as merely subservieut to the other
grants of power The monuments we have e.
rected to illustrate the gratitude of the nation &
the memory of her distinguished citizens: tbe
O''>0Oi SOIi'"o anu PATRIOTISM DY winch we nave
decorated the halls of this Capitol and the We
ry suppiications which are every morning sent
mp TO heaven, invoking its smiles upon our de-
alterations for the general welfare, are so many
elnblems of usurpation, if the arguments of gen
tlemen are correct on this point. We cannot
look around us without beholding something to
remind us that we have violated the Constitution.
But, SIR, there are much stronger precedcrts
than any have yet stated, on the point under