Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-06-29

led fiom the rest Of the Union, and formed a distinct
confederacy, how would it stand in relation 10 this
very question ? 1t would derive its supplies of To-
reign manufactures principally through the Atlantic
states. / presume it would, because it has done
so heretofore, and it would continue to be the in
tercst of the people TO do so. What would be the
result What power would they have in regulate
ing the iinposts upon foreign merchandise, and
how could these irnposts affect their interests: 1t
is obvious that they would have no agency in regu-
latins the tariff of duties, and would yet have to
pay, Indirectly, the amount Of those duties, i'm the
increased price of the imported articles they would
consume. In a word, the Western states would be
tributary to the Atlantic states. When, therefore,
the gentlemen from the West call upon us to adopt
this measure for their bencft-a benefit which I
am sure they will never realize-they require II.
to do what they could not themselves do, even il
separated from the rest of the Union, unless Indeed
they would cut of all commercial intercourse, not
only with Europe, but the Atlantic states also. Blu;
how would the principle laid down by the Speaker,
operate upon the Southern portion of our Union /?
Ifthatwcrc ascparatc conlelcracy, (Which God for
bid that ii ever should be- what power could res
train it from pursuing its own most Obvious and
decided interest, by having a free and unrestricted
intercourse with Europe? Aud when we are about
to be deprived of this natural right, and to see our
interests Inundated at the shrine of a voraciUus
idol, which devours every thing, and pi reduces moth
ing, it ought not to be n subject of surprise that we
oppose the measure rs a direct invasion of our most
Essential rights. And, if may be permitted 10 give
an opinion as to the true interests of another por-
ton of the Union, l would say, most confidently,
that II New York were Il separate state, this would
be a most unwisc and ruinous policy for her to pur-
ste. For, if there be state in the Union more imte-
rested in foreign commerce than any other, il is
New York; aud / will add, if there be one more iu-
tercstcd than all others, in the cotton trade of the
South, that, also, i'm New York. Yes, sir, that COM
mcrcc which the majority of her Representatives
now seem to contemn, is the true source Of her
prosperity and greatness; and there is no portion of
that commerce so important as that which this mca-
sure is calculated to jeopardize, if not to destroy
the carrying trade of the South. Without this, the
city of New York, the great emporium of the
Union, would be deprived of half its wealth, and
shorn of half its s%plcndor. And here, sir, l will say a
word or two in relation to n view of this subject,
which seems to have great weight with the gentle
men who represent the interior of the state of N.
YORK. They be!iete that, by rearing up manufac-
tories, they will create q market for their grain:
but, do thcynot perceive, that mt furnishes
Il market for this article, much more extensive than
they can reasonably anticipate from the manufac-
tories they can create? The city of New York
alone, nouris!ied and sustained by the very COM
mercc which this bill is calculated To destroy, Gre
atcs, by its consumption, Il more extensive market
for the grain of the interior than will be created bv
all the manufacturing establishments which this
system will bring into existence in half n century.
Indeed, this idcn of obtaining Il market for grain,
by forcing manufactures into existencc-an idea
whNh mas made 4 very stroag impression upon the
farming interest in the Middle aud Western states
can never be realized. but TO a very moderate ex-
tent: In the existing tate CT the arts, manufac-
lures are made p:;r:i: ally by machinery, which
no srain-so that it would net, perhaps,
be going too far 10 say, that the agents directly aud
employed by commerce., i'll supplying the
country with a given quantity of foreign manulac-
tufcs' consume as much of the products of the soil,
as would be consumed by the agents who would
be employed in the fabrication of the same
quantity of domestic manufa - con-
siderinS The operation of this measure upon the
several divisions and interests of the Union, l hope
l shall be excused for repeating, with n view To
further illustrations, an idea which I advanced at
an early stage Of the discussion upon the details of
tins measure, the correctness of which however, has
been since repeatedly denied. Istatcd, and I now
deliberately repeat it, that the cotton of The South
crh states, the great source of our prosperity, con-
sututing onc-thiId OF the whole export of the Union,
mas reached that critical point in the competition
win iofcisn %cottons, when any material dcrangc-
mcnt oil our commercial relations with Great Bri-
tam inevitably expose us to the hazard of losing
the market OF that country, at least to n very con-
siderable extent. If we cease TO take the manu-
oil Great Britain, she viii assuredly cease
to take our cotton, TO the same extent. Ii is a set
tied principle of her policy-a principle not only
wise, but essential to her existcncc-to pur-
chase IRON those nations that receive her manu-
features, in preference TO those who do not.
You have, heretofore, been her best customers.
ana therefore 1t has been her policy to pur-
chase our cotton to the full extent of our demand
Tor her manufactures. But, say gentlemen, Great
does not purchase your cotton from affcc-
tion, put from interest. grant it, sir; and that |
IS the very reason of my decided hostility TO a sys-
lem winch Will make it her interest to purchase
from other countries III preference to our own. 1t
% hef interest to purchase cotton, even at Il higher
price, from those countries which receive her manu-
features III exchange. 1t is better for her tn c;yc
Il little more for cotton, than TO obtain notbino
Tor her manufactures. 1t will be remarked, that the
OF Great Britain is, in this respect, widely
from that ofthe United States. The pow
efs OF ner SOIL have been already pushed very near
ly to the maximum of their productivcncss. The
productIvcncss of her manufactures, on the contra
ry, Is as unlimited as the demand of the whole
world. sic, therefore, has no choice of pursuits.
fter surplus capital and labor must be directed TO
manufactures, or remain idle and unproductive. A |
demand Tor her manufactures is, then from the very
necessity of her condition., the primary copsidcra-
tion, TO which every other must be subscrvicnt in
the regulation of her commercial relations. To
say, therefore,, that she will continue to purchase orr
cotton, because she can get il u little cheaper than
othef cottons, after we have ceased to purchase her
manufactures, IS to suppose that she will be utterly
blind to her own necessities; that she will, in fact,
abandon, where 1t is most indispensable, that very
poiicy which the friends of this bill now call upon
us to adopt, in a spirit of reckless speculation, with
out considering that our circumstances are the very
OF those which render such Il policy ncccs-
sary to Great Britain is not, as gentlemen seem to
suppose, to secure the home, but the forciru market,
OF mel manufactures. The former she has with
OUT an effort. 1t is TO attain the latter that all her
and enterprise are BROUGHT into ,eo,,isi,ion
L he manufactures of that country are The basis oil
"eT commerce; our manufactures, on the contrary.