Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1824-02-05

may come INTO collision with the President,
and you will blend powers which the people
Intended he kept distinct. AS the authority to
send embassies belongs to the President and
Senate, we should not invade their authority
or originate IA measure which, unless they
will give up part of their exclusive authority,
they must reject. Your law is rot necessary
10 enable the President 10 send an embassy
he Is possessed of the authority already. liz
you pass the bill proposed, the President will
not be left at liberty 10 decide freely. lie must
acknowledge the Independence of Greece, or
reject your bill. You place him in painful
dilemma; and, perhaps, compel him To use
aprerogative seldom exerted. But suppose
that, believing the measure to he improper, be
puts his veto on the hill STILL iwO-thrds of
both. Houses may pass il into :, law, aud thurs
acknowledge the republic Of Greece, against
the opinion of the President, ia whose discre-
ton the people particularly confide and thus
defeat the provisions of the Constitution a
popular assembly, carried away by eloquence
ADD love of liberty, deciding instead Of the
cool, deliberate caution Of the President If
you can pass "A law To send mission when
me President pleases. you can pass law To
send mission next month. In either case, il
would he the law that would make the ac-
acknowledgement. Your act being the supreme
law of the land, the flag of Greece would be
respected IN our courts as the hag of AN indie
pendent power, whether the embassy was
ever seal OF not. We acknowledge the indie
pendence of powers with whom we have no
ambassadors
The gentleman from Kentucky tMr. Claw
declares that he is for leaving the whole re-
sponsIbty with the President, where the
Constitution placed IL; yet, ne advocates "A
measure winch, 81 lar as respects the act of
Acknowledgements, leaves nothing 10 the dis
erection or responsibility of the President. hut
takes from him the one and relieves him from
The other. The act Of Congress will be the
acknow ledgment and not the embassy.
The Constitution has oonfided this matter
to the President. five take the first step. we
take the honor, If il shall prove fortunate.-
Shall we consider hini as responsible, if the
measure shall be productive of evil. and vet
assume toourselves the honor Of it, if it shall
be productive of good? No. Leave the Pre-
sident To act fOrNihe nation, upon his own
Judgment ard his own responsibility and if
the measure deserves honor, let il be his
Lei me notice consequence of this irregular
mode of proceeding. 1t is natural that new
power should feel gratitude TO the nation by
which IT is first acknowledged as an indepen-
dent power; but, by this course of proceed
ing, the individual who first brings forward the
resolution Tor acknowledgment, though pre-
natnreiy, takes the gratitude of the neDS peo-
pie rather than the gov ernmeDt. Is hich deiibe-
rates and defrrs the acknowledgement until the
present time: But it is the nation, deciding
by its government, that is entitled to this gra-
ttude; therefore, every attempt irregulaily to
divert the gratitude of new power, whether
Ia South America or Greece, 10 an individual,
instead of the government, should be frowned
upon in this House.
Ii may be useful to recoli+ct wha, was done
concerning the recognition of the Spanish A
merican provinces. There il was attempted
10 take the initiative from the President. A
proposition for their acknowledgement was
made In this House, years before the PresI-
dent thought proper 10 acknowledge their in
dependence. Objections were made to the
measure, founded on the Constitution and the
law Of nations; and the attempt was success.
fully resisted. The President left 10 act on
his own discretion and responsibility, made
Ihe acknowledgment in due time. Did not the
president give satisfaction TO the whole ma
ZION, by his selection of the time for the ac
acknowledgement of these new powers Yes
ana VI was much more clear, when the ac-
acknowledgement was made by the President.
that these new nations had maintained their
Independence, than it was when the acknow-
ledSment was first proposed in this House.
There seems to he no reason for attempting
II
has been so well exercised. When attempts
have been made to extend, without limit The
powers OF this government, il WAS hoped that
at least the division of power among the Sc
verai branches thereof, would be preserved
hat II seems the partitions are tu he broken
down, and this House is to be the fountain of
all power.
we ar. sitting in Judgment 90 the Russian
ana the Turk. But what right have we 10
Judge of their acts, unless they affect us7 And
we are about to- take measures on our own
behalf. What right have we To Judge between
the Turk and his revolted subjects, unless our
own interest or safety is concerned? We
should net take it well that our proceedings
should be denounced by foreign governments.
we do not take 1t well that the Russian minis
ter at the court of Spain, denounces the Unit
ed States as the source of all the evils which
have disturbed the BalioDs and soyereipns ol
Europe; and we should take it worse. were
me IKE denuncaions made by his master
w hat have we To do with the expressions ni
the governments Of China, India, Turkey. or
France, Unless we are abauf 10 relieve the On
pressed We have nOthiug To do with the
wrongs committed by other governments u.
gaInst those whom they govern, but 10 avoid
their example.
You profess TO interfere on behalf of the
ureeks Ior hOerty and religion. What have
you to do with the liberty of any people, TX
ctpt the people you govern, unless the suBjec-
non ot aneighhoring foreign people rndangers
your safety? You have nothing 10 do with re-
giUn, even here, and why should You med
die with ii elsewhere? In treaty made with
one Of these Turkish nations, during tue adj
minlstrDii1n of Mr. Adams, it was explicitly
and truly declared, that the government OF
the United States IS ~ no respect founded on
religion. Tue Turk may become citizen al
the United States, and have his mosque in