Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, 1824-03-23

upon cohditions, iapprehend ii would not be ac
GePtaoie To the American people upon any con
ioiliohs. Ihc time may come, when we may b,
compelled to resort TO u system of internal taxa
uon; when 1T arrives, l shall not shrink from IN,
duty; but have no desire to accelerate it. OuI
existing revenue system answers all our fedora
purposes-let US preserve it. Let us leave al
resources OF internal taxation TO the use ofou,
sue So'er1Inents, whose necessities are aunu-
any increasing, and where they will be required
.or that very useful branch of expenditure, IN
tcrnal Improvement.
shall nov, said Mr.. C.. notice Tho rr,ct;c,,
operation of the principles advocated by the
chairman OF the committee. upon property and
right, as they are cNhibite! in the measure pro-
posed. In considering the mere cxpediency of
.ne iheasurc, waving, the character of our con-
ieueracy, 1 have presumed our internal to be as
excessive as our external powers. L have met
S%nuethen OH The broadest national ground, and
oio'ncu tiiein with every attribute ofsovercign-
y, But, In touching the points Of property and
right, we must claim the protection of our Fe{e-
raj constitution. In applying to the principles
Oh our charter to this or any other measure, |
shall not rehnc them into almost invisible webs,
not strong enough to bind society together: nor
shall | enlarge them TO monstrous dimensions.
crushing or annii,ilating every power with which
thcy como IN collision. l shall argue i'm the spi-
ri OF our constitutions, according to the maxim
81 tiat invincible advocate of colonial rights
Inc eloquent hatham; who says, that IS in q,1es-
IONS OF liberty and property, he was apt TO dis
trust the retnenncnts of learning - he generally
"consulted; and was determined by the dictates
oil common sense" a guide more sure and nc
netratng,, IN such questions, than all the grave
conclusions OF profound and abstract science :.
one that cannot be deceived by our modern art
Oh clothing an unconstitutional purpose in a con-
sutiuohai dress that rejects the distinction be-
tween the abuse and ;,surpation of a power-a
guide that can never be seduced by mO1crn re-
~fincnents, or selfish patriotism. Common sense.
that old and faithful friend of constitutional IL
oerty, inquiries, Why, with six or seven MILL
ohs III Inc treasury, are our taxes to be aug
meh'ed is 1t Tor the purposes of government .
NO they are to increase the profits of our ma
nuiacturers. Do they petition for these taxes?
some Oh them do: but n majority, entrenched
WITHIN their citadel of power, are busiIy and
usciully employed they care not for our laws
or our taxes they have enough to do in mana
ging their own concerns, and in regulating the
affairs OF the little worlds whose movements
they superinteud.
But, let us reject all these idle forms. Sup
pose our capitalists were to propose to contract
with government, giving bond and surety, bind
ing themselves and their heirs to furnish this
country, in ten years, and forever thereafter
'N AtiClSo, oil CuuCcu prices, and IN
any quantity required, upon condition that Con-
gress should forever prohibit the importation of
siiniiar articles. Is any gentleman prepared to
ADVOCATE such a contract, upon federal and con-
stitutionai ground ? And yet, where, in common
sense, Is the essential difference between such =
contract, and the principles ofthe measure pro-
posed; except. indeed, by the bill we grant a.
way the rights and property of the people, upon
a mere speculation-without bOnd-without Sc
CURLY. If those tho ,,ni,I $500 II. -
The property of the consumers is to be Ieeislat-
cd away, we shall always find capitalists ready
10 accept our contracts without responsibility.
But, let us again waive all forms, This mo-
dern scheme of protecting industry, will cost
our revenue at least two millions annually.
suppose our capitalists were to petition Con-
gress Tor an appropriation oftwo millions, to be
distributed annually among them, by our Com
mlttee on Manufactures, as b%ounties, Should
we even dare to vote for such a disposition OF tha
peoples money Yet, however startling this
proposition may appear, what is the character
OF me measure actually proposed While one
haif the bill Is designed TO prohibit importations,
and plumber our Treasury, the other half is ac-
knoFiedged to be an increase of our taxes, TO
supply tine very deficiency thus about to be Gre
ated. But, in case this increased taxatio,
should not be sufficient, we are then to resort to
internal excise, to supply the wants of govern
ment; thus ~doubley taxing the people of this
country. Can such q measure be defended. up-
on constitutional grounds ?
but, how has this bill been framed We
must presume, from its structure, from its min
lmunns, its specific rates, and the dexteritv of the
third section, that the Committee OH Manufac-
turesAhave adopted, in every instance, the rates
by the Manufacture themselves; for its provi-
slons are calculated to reach prohibition. We
must presume, land that without intending anv
disrespcct to the gentleman,) that the Hianu-
featuring members ofthis House-rrobablv some
nifty or sIXty--have furnished to the committee
the very rates which are specified in the bill
and thus has the bill been framed without con-
sultng the interest ofour Treasury, or the rights
or welfare of any other interest. Indeed, if we
arc to Judge by this formidable specimen of its
labor, the committee must have framed this tax
bill without regarding any interest but the one TO
which it is devoted.
Such, said Mr.. c.. is the practical operation
OF these our modern principles of legislation.
If we are to act upon this unequal plan of go
ycrnmcnt-wc may cxpccttO 20 on from are to
age receiving petitions from privileges. flor
they are absolutely nothing else,) generally from
one section OF our country, where Il large accu-
mutation OF money capital is seeking new en-
Ployment. We shall continue from session to
session, granting ourlegislative contracts, with
ont responsibility to our capitalists in one ser
ton, while the other sections, and that vast com
munity ofmcn without capitalize body of so.
cicty in every country-must forever enjoy no
other privilege but that of submitting quietly
TO the government contracts, and contributing
a portion Of their annual income or labor. TO in.
crease the capitals of the contractors. AL !,
this legislating in the spirit Of or Federal Con
stltulion Are these OR modern principles Of
Republican Government j.? Is it not dcspotism /?
And yet, VIC have heard the exclamation, What.
are We threatcnrH with disnnion