Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1823-12-23

FoE THE ENQUIRER.
CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS.
No. l..


ny for the people of the U. States correctly to
appreciate, as that mich stands at the head
Of this article.
Every man acquainted with our political his
tory, knows, that the ascendancy of the repub-
Iican party, and the efficiency of popular cleo.
lions, have been mainly preserved through
the medium of regular caucus nominations Ii
is not surpi ising, that an instrument of such
powerful effect, should be denounced by the
minority whom 1t holds in check, and it is to
he expected, that these denuncitions will con-
TIME by those who seek power through the
mazes of disorder aud confusion.
lfconsdrred asa mere instrument of party,
these denunciations against the caucus system,
would scarcely merit reply; since all must
allow 1t to be perfectly fair, fora majority, by
any opeh means of concert, TO prevent deiec-
ton and disuniOn in their ranks from which,
II their power be founded upon principle, they
have most Ia apprehend.
But 1t is believed, the caucus system may be
defended upon higher grounds that it is re-
conclleabe with The soundest principles of our
republican institutions, and conducive IL the
real ends of the government.
In all popular deliberations, where the ma
terals composing them are numerous and
widely Dispersed and where unity of action is
liable To be defeated by conflicting interests S,
and distracted councils, some means by which
public opinion may he concentrated, is not
only desirable, but Indispensable 1t results
from the absolute necessity Of the case, aud
the most that can he done is, To preserve il
nom abuses TO which all human expedients
are liable.
If IA caucus be defensible in any case. il is
peculiarly so, in the arrangements preparato-
ry TO the election of a President of the United
States.
Enough has been learned frem the past, and
more may be discerned of the future, from
what is now passing before his eyes. to satisfy
every man that the contest for the Chief Ma
gis'racy is the seyerest trial TO which our inva
liable constitution can be exposed. Ambitious
struggles inr power. with the bitter uncontro =
liable passions which they invariably engender,
are the most formidable evils which threaten
free governments, and Il wise people will ne
yer CEASE to guard against aud mitigate their
consequences.
The exalted station Of the President of the
United States, at home aud abruad-the vast
patronage of his ofice-the number and cha
racter of the competitors who according TO
the genius of our Government will ALWAYS as
pre- To the situation, and the diversity Of in
terests upon which they have to operate, can
not fail TO subject the people of the u. States
20 all thnse agtaiions, which have marked the
progress Of every elective government upon
the face of the earth.
In such conflict, the best and worst passions
will be Mingled. The premature aspirant the
ardent and adventurous politician wickedly
ambitious and "madlv brave !" the noisy de-
magDgue, and the patriotic citizen, simulat-
ed by pure aud virtuOus ambition, will all b.
active in this arena: local attachments aud
sectional jealousy Tili play conspicuous part
and nothing less than the temperate, patriot,
wisdem of the people, by which these various
Nv .. tl..ta .nI HIN
power preserved uubroken, can avoid the tu-
mutt and confusion incident TO the struggle.
These considerations were not dsregarded
ny the trainers OF our constitution, and in the
mode of election, they have iuterposed hume
rous barriers 10 the evils of cabal intrigue and
corruption. But the occasion soon occurred
To point 0ut one avenue, at least, through
which the spirit Of discard and "l-weaved atn
hilton" could defeat the public will. The con
test between Mr.. Jefferson and Burr, is fruitful
OF the soundest admeniion. and should re-
main lasting lesson of the value OF well con.
cerlrd, organized operations.
But after ak in the practical arrangement
and operations of the different powers Of the
constitution, much must depend upon the mo
raj influence and good sense ofthe people, and
their efficacy is no where more dscernible
than in the liiHits which have been assigned
10 The Presidential term, and the maturity o
age. and length of service, which seem 10y
common consent to be required 10 the candi
date.
But the dangers incident to this canvass do
not consist in the mode of election merely, bu
are to be found of equal magnitude, in the ar
Engagements by which any election may pre-
van. And If similar tumult and disorder arr
10 now rom other ssurcPs tbaO those already
adverted to-if the number of candidates. an'
the conflicting claims of different states and
sections Sin the Union, are To he fruitful o
equal danger, and distraction, and if choice
by the People is liable TO be defeated by causes
against which il was impracticabe for any
written constitution TO provide, it is surely
not only wise, but necessary, that the PeOplt
themselves should iDterpose remedy.
1t must be admitted, that the main scop,
and design of the constitution is to secure ~
election by the People, in their electoral col
'ege that il is the primary object on the Sc
cnrlty of which the tranquility and perma
hence ofthe government essentially depend
II would, therefore, be difficult TO suggest any
honorable means by which this object can b,
ELECTED, that it would not he desirable to EN-
ploy.
4 We do not mean to deny that an election
ny the House of Representatives is constlu
uonal, but we assert that another mode ha
Deen preferred. and for wise purposes, anC
mat II is the right and duty Of the people {,
q promote that preference by all Legitimate
3 means. Such aD election is the last and mos
reluctant expedent, tolerated, merely, afte
Tue failure Of every other mode, and would
appear TO have been rssOrted To, from una
'OIdabe necessity, rather than incur the rsl
ana confusion of a second attempt Ivy the PEG
81 pe-the danger of an intPrregnum, aud tn,