The Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1822-1829, 1823-07-25

nor Hhs " piouuitu htt pldtttNdi tHftt, VI
rendering the sovereign despotic. But il
was wisely intended 10 SECURE the account
ability of ministers TO the parliament by
the constitutional fiction, that every act of
the sovereign was known 10 and d,ised
by them. TIE king, whom the parliament
could never have reached, is thus personally
relieved ofresponsibIity but ibis RESPONSE
bility is transferred To his ministers, who
are not permitted TO shelter themselves
under the shadow Of the throne, but made
accountable by impeachment for the off
cal acts of the sovereign. Inpoint of fact,
there is no provision in the popular part Of
the British constitution, 81 important for
the security of the rights Of the people, 81
efficient in restraining executive excesses,
or SO humiliatins 10 the sovereign himself,
as this celebrated maxim, that "tbe king
can do no wrong" and which has had the
misfortune to excite so strongly the de-
mocratic indignation Of Henry. Morally,
II means nothing politically, it is curb in
the mouth of the King, restraining him
from the exercise of tyrannical aud uncon +.
stltntional authority, by maxi & his SER
wants responsible in their lives for his acts,
and for the same reasons impelling those
ministers by the most urgent conside era
lions, TO promote the good of the coun-
try, rather than extend the limits of
the sovereign power. But it is not
my intention TO pursue this subject fur
ther. Suffice il for my own justification
To say, that il admired the political usti.
tutlons Of England, it was not for their in
trlnslc perfection or excellence, but from
their vast superiority to the other govern.
ments OF Europe, because there is a strong
leaning to democracy, aud many admira
BILE detached provisions to be found there
IN, and above all because they are unques-
tlonably the great store-house, from which
the statesmen of this country derived the
plan and the materials Of our own more
perfect constitution. Ifthere is any thing
antl-republlcan in this, Henry is welcome
To make the most of it. There was sup
posed to be much wisdom in that rule Of
the Romans, to learn even from our enc
miles, cannot for my own part, perceive
the magnanImity Of abusing the original,
alter we have stolen the copy.
But as the merits of the numbers of
" PublicoIa" written 80 years ago by John
Quincy Adams, form the subject of con
troversy between Henry and myself, to
which these were merely collateral points
OF difference of opinion, will return 10 tht.
examination of that work. | stated AT first,
my OWN ignorance of this work which |
had nj that time, never seen, and my belief
that Henry himself had never perused il.
lie accuses me of discourtesy in making
tins observation, but he does not deny lis
correctness, nor will he do so. lie nerer
had read it, and il is safest for him to make
the admission. We can pardon the pro
sumption of bold mind, which undertakes
to decide upon matters of which it is su-
premely ignorant. There is something in
courage which attracts our admiration, no
matter by whom possessed, or in what
cause displayed. But we have no respect
for that understanding which wants Ell
Tier the candor To admire adverse excel
ltnce, OF the penetration TO perceive it
Henry IS fairly reduced to these alterna-
yves. II he has condemned PubIicoja
without reading IT, what can be said for his
modesty? Ii he has read it, without un-
Outstanding il, what can be said for his
penetration? And if he has both read
and understood it, what shall we say for his
candor' That he has at least, attributed
sentiments to the author, which he pre-
tends to derive from his book, which the
book itself opposes and the whole political
hie OF the author disclams, will presently
make manifest. lcontess that did, " mo-
destly" IL "prudently" give summary of
the contents of Publicola, when had not q
ven read the title page. Butitwas expressly
hypothetical. | acknowledged, thai had
never read 1t, but ventured to sketch an
outline of what ! expressly said under
stood 1t contained. There was no more
lmmodesty or imprudence in this than if
had declared my belief in the existence of
the owerof London, which believe on the
statement of others, and not from having
seen it myself
Henry Is disingennous enough to discre.
oil the sincerity of the appeal invited TO
the work itself; and insinuates that made
II under the suppostlon that the work could
not be procured in this section of the coun-
try. On the contrary, knew that it was
to be had in this place, and a friend had at
that time offered me the use of it, Henry
has collected a number of political apho-
fisms TO form test for the trial of Mr..
Adams. | concur in their truth, and con
sent to their most rigorous application to
the merits of Publicoa." The first par
agraph that he selects for criticism is to be
found IN No. 7 of that work, in the follow
ing words: "The fundamental principle
upon which society is formed, appears TO
be- IN order that the power of the whole
may be rendered subservient to the inte-
rests OF the whole. The problem to solve
U.s. IN what manner the whole power shall be
distributed so as most effectually to answer
me purpose. Considering the extreme diff
ncu'ty with which whole nation can be
brought TO act in their original character,
IL should seem that wisdom must dictate to
them the necessity of delegating their
whole power in such a manner as that il