Edwardsville spectator. [volume] (Edwardsville, Ill.) 1819-1826, 1823-07-12

breast near forty years ago, and through
all the changes of time, the influence OF
custom, the arts of sophistry, and the
facinatiens of interest, remains here still.
| believe, il is law of my nature; law
of more ancient date than any act OF par
lament; and which no human legisla-
ture can ever repeal. 1t is a law in
scribed on every human heart; and may
there be seen in legible characters, I'M
less il is blotted by vice, or the eye of the
mind blinded by interest. Should l do
any thing to countenance this evil, L
should fight against my own heart ;
should l not use my influence to annihi-
late it, my own conscience would con-
denim me.
1t may be farther objected, this slave
ry, it is true is great evil; but still
greater evils would follow their cman-
cipation. Men who have laid out their
money in purchase of slaves, and now
have little other property, would GER
tainly be great sufferers the slaves
themselves are unacquainted with the
arts of life, being used to act only under
the direction of others; they have never
acquired the habits of industry have
not that sense of proprie,y and spirit OF
emulation necessary to make them use
full citizens. Many have been SO long
accustomed TO the meaner vices, habltu
ated to lying, offering and stealing, that
when pinched with want, they would
commit these crimes become pests to
society, or end their days Oh the gallows.
Here are evils on both hands, and Of
two evils, we should take the least.
This is good rule, when applied to
natural evils; but with moral evils it has
nothing to do; for OF these we must
choose neither. OF two evils, the one
natural, the other moral, we must al
ways choose the natural evil, for moral
evil, which is the same thing as sin, can
never be proper object of choice.
Enslaving our fellow-creatures is mo-
raj evil; some of its effects are moral,
and some natural. There is no way so
proper TO avoid the moral effects as by
avoiding the cause. The natural evil
effects of emancipation can never be
balance for the moral evils of slavery,
or a reason why we should prefer the
latter to the former.
Here we should consider, on whom
these evils are 10 be charged; and we
shall find they lie at our own doors, they
are chargeable on us. We have brought
one generation into this wretched state;
and shall we therefore doom all the ge
nerations of their posterlty to it! Do we
find by experience, that this state OF
slavery corrupts and ruins human ma
ture And shall we persist in corrupt
ing and running it in order to avoid the
evils we have already produced
Do we find, as the ancient Poet said that
the day we deprive man of freedom,
we take away half his soul ? and shall
we continue to main souls, because
manned soul is unfit for society Strange
reasoning indeed! An astonishing con-
sequence! l should have looked for a
conclusion quie opposite to ibis, viz.
that we should be sensible OF the evil oil
our conduct, and persist in it no longer.
To me this appears very powerful ar
gumcut against slavery, and convincing
proof of its iniquity. 1t is running GoD's
creatures whom he has made free mo-
raj agents, and accountable beings; crea-
lures who still belong to him, and are
not left to US to ruin at our pleasure
However, the objection is weighty,
and the difficulty suggested great. But
l do no, think, that it is such as ought to
deter US from our duty, or tempt US to
continue practice is, inconsistent with
justice and sound policy: therefore l
give it as my opinion, that the first thing
to be done is, To RESOLVE, UNCON-
DITIONALLY, TO PUT AN END TO
SLAVERY IN THIS STATE. This, | con-
ceive, properly belongs to the conven-
ton; which they can easily effect, by
working the principle into the constitu-
ton they are to frame.
IF there is not in government some
fixed principles superior to all law, and
above the power of Legislators, there can
be no liability, or consistency in it; it
will be continually fluctuating with the
opinions, humors, passions, prejudices,
or interests, of different Legislative bodies.
Liberty is an inherent right Of man, of
every man; the existence of which
ought not to depend upon the mutabili-
ty of Legislation; but should be wrought
into the very constitution of our govern
ment, and be made essential to it.
The devising ways and means to &C
compIish this end, so as shall best con-
sist with the public interest, will be the