Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1823-05-27
RUSSIA AND ENGLAND.

Yesterday, after our selections were made
and chiefly in type, we were politely favoured
bv an esteemed friend with Bells London)
Weekly Messenger of the 2lst April, in a
postscript To which we find an article Of the
| first Importance, not noticed in any of the ex
tracts published in the New York papers.
The article alluded to is here subjoined, and
should the intelligence it contains prove cor
rect, (of which there is good warranty in the
established character and reputation Of the
paper which prnmulgates it) we may expect
soon to see all Europe lighted up by the
flames of war. Bali finer.
POSTSCRIPT.
LONDON, April ola report has Just
reached us, and we fear upon good authority,
that our Government has received an init
nation that the Emperor Alexander totally
disapproves of the conduct of the British
Government in its recent negotiation with
France in regard to Spain and, being Of
opinion that such negotiation has direct
tendency TO weaken NIL the efforts of France,
and 10 confirm what he is pleased 10 deem the
audacity of the Spanish Cortes, he (the En-
peror Alexander deems it necessary To notify
that he shall support the French King with
the whole forces of his empire; and, to that
end, has ordered the march Of Russian army
towards the Netherlands. A corps d'armie
of eighty thousand men is mediaiely to be
assembled at DantZic; and il is understood,
that this corps win be instantly marched for
wards. The Emperor Alexander expresses
il az his decided conviction, that the French
cause is the cause of all crowned heads /; and
that unless common effort be- made 10 ex-
| tirpate revolutionary principles and practices,
| there will not be monarchy in Europe.
| We understand, that the effects of the Span
ish Revolution upon the Russian dominions
| in LODI fo OF fI,s,
part of the Russian Emperor; and that, under
the panic of apprehension of the result OF
these doctrines, he is resolved to make di
rect alliance and an avowed common cause
with the King ofFrance 10 the war against
Spain.
Now, is it impossible not TO foresee that this
measure 9 the Russian despot may lead to
the most important results, and that it becomes
the duty ofthe British Government to take
deliberate survey of its own situation, and of
the probable cost and possible issue of its
neutrality under such condition of circum-
stances? The question: in a word consists of
two points the first, What would it cost us
in our own immediate sacrifices to go to war
and whether the possible good of such war
he equivalent to this cost The second point
is, what will be the possible result of our re-
manning at peace-hew will 1t affect our flu
ure condition
A To the first of these questions, we have
no hesitation in saying, that The country can
NOT go TO war on a great scale without most
enormous eXpense,-an expense both in mo-
NV and suffering so great, as To render 1t a
| point Of prudence to avoid it at every event
short of mourning greater peril in future
We cannot afford war for mere principles.
We cannot afford war from sympathy or
generosity to a brave and free people suffer
ing under oppression. Three years war
would fix us with three or four millions addi-
tiOnal taxes upon the peace which should
conclude IL and where and wheuce are those
taxes TO come We may borrow the prin-
cipal and the expenditure Of the principal
amongst us, so long as i lasts, may inyigo-
rate trade commerce, and observation-disclosures
mechanics will be employed, and there WILL
IN every thing, he larger consumption. But
this viii necessarily cease with the peace. and
| then the community must pay the reckon
ine--must pay the annual interest of the one
hundred and forty millions by which the
debt viii be augmented This will be the
cost Of war the replacement of the taxes
which have been recently removed, or of
others sill more burdeusome.
On the other ha1d, let us look to the second
question, what Will he the event of our re-
manning at peace The event will be this
! first, that the Spaniards will be overwhelmed (;
secondly. that a most abOminahle and afro
cious principle will he estabshed-sO far as
the Continent is commemorative the Law Of
! Nations, namely, that il is the right and du-
| ty Of Kings TO supcrintend the interests OF
lmouarchy in all neighbouring nations /; and
Co put down any reform, or attempts at Ie-
| form, which menace 10 abridge the plenary
power Of Kings over their subjects and,
thirdly. that the power Of Russia, already so
/ pportpntte a IN avrifa a ittef for
the balance ofpower, will be further confirmed
and augmented. inasmuch as such triumph
over popular principles must ReCessasly con
snlIdate the Russian power In Poland, only,
has Russia amy thing to fear, and Europe any
! ihinS 10 hope, as respects the subdivision Of
the Russian empire and it IS the unques-
! TONED policy of every nation in Europe, not
to stop the moral effect Of this cause, by the
course of hich, alone. Russia can be reduced
within the due limits of the balance OF power.
Russia, rs she rests at present is an immense,
a cumbrons, an overwhelming physical force,
overhauging free Europe and II is unques-
! tionably the first interest Of mankind in gen
cral, that this power should be broken by d-
vision.
What, then, is the true point ofpolicy ? We
think tiis,-that we should join 10 the war so
| FAR as orr ewn actual Interests allow name.
! ", by such naval force rs would be Sufficient
TO save Cadg, and thereby render uugdtory
the Invasion by France ADD which would NOT.
al the same time, cost more than this country
could afford, and that the object would be-
worth. We think that Mr. Canning's ohiec.
ton to this course is a mere rhetorical flourish
oCwords,-a mere fanciful point Of national
I pride. We are bound, we think, in oiIe poll
cy, TO do all that we can and as we can do
this, and rs the object is unquestiouably worth
it., we think we ought so TO act.
If the IRuesiao .,r,-,v eLot,lI o-fo- G,,;.