Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1823-11-25
FOR THE ENQOiRER
JOHN C.. CALHOUN Noe.

JOHN G. CALHOUN-No.2
The only hings IA mhich zoe eau be snid to hare
any property IRE our actions These are the
title deeds oTirhich tce cdnnot be disinheriicd.
LAcCN.
In offering tn my fellow citizens view of
the political acts AID sentiments of Mr. Cal
houn, have chosen tn introduce, in the way
OF quotston, the hyafg statesman speaking IN
his own person ; aR1 where, in - few lnstan-
ces, that WAS not practicable, ii viii he seen
that my statements are supported by other
direct proofs. or 10y references to persons able.
land (many of them) willing enough To CON
iradicl me---ifihey may do SO with impunity.
There can be no deception praciissd on the
public by this method. The opposite course
presented all the advantages of greater ease
AID simplicity of execution A writer, unin-
numbered with proofs aud illustrations, has
only tn draw on his Imagination. He may
throw himself ont in Il torrent of words =
deck his favorie with every shining attribute
of the hero and the statesman !; he orator ADD
negociator x and by the boldness, multiplied
ty and may add, rcpidity Of has assertions
distance every attempt at refutation. This
species of jockeying, SD far as my obser, ations
extend, has been praciiscd by the supporters
ofonly one Of the presidential candidates,
and certainly by none with greater license
than the author of the =" -Four Letters pal
though the Enquirer in recommending these
productions to its readers, as "the best phich
The presidential election has called forth" has
rather strangely fthe uniniated may be per-
Ritted to iudge) added" aiicoys tIct ping
The Political Horse Race ~
a,ing for the present The Treasure fed
stsed il the hands Of" his grooms ard rider, /"
return tn the main proposition have under
taken Ia establish that Mr.. Calhoun by his
reports aud speeches rendered himself in the
second Wal of our Independence. what our
Jefferson and Lee had been in the first.
My last number left HIM in the act of pre-
senting to Congress the declaration of hostili-
ties. Notwithstanding The large najoriry by
which the measure was carried, il was soon
discovered that many members who had vot-
ed ia the Affirmative, began TO waver in their
purposes, and To show a disposition rather to
rely on the old peace measures for redress,
than the ultima ratio of injured nations. On
n motion to repeal the nOn-impOrtatiun act,
Mr. Calhoun came forward 10 rally the House
AID distinctly prociamed-that since the
sword ofwar had been drawn, there ,DaS no
safety but ia hroioing d,0ay the ScdLLard.-
This speech which reviewed the policy ofthe
whole restrictive system cannot he read by
an American, even at this late period, without
feelings of the liveliest interest Il shall make
several extracts from it,.
3" The restrictive system, as a mode of rests
tnnce, or as means Of obtaining redress (said
MIR. c. has never been a favorle one with
me. l ~ish not To censure the motives which
dictated it, or attribute weakness to those who
first resoried To il for a restoration of our
rights. Though do not thin!; The embargo
| (of 1907 was wise measure, yet | am, far
from thinking was pusianimeus one. But,
sir, object la the restrictive SYSTEM be-
c"nse IT does not suit the genius of the pc u
pie, or that of your government, or the &c o.
graphical character of our country. We are =
people essentially active. may say we are
pre-eminenhy so. No passive system can suit
such people-in action, superior To all o.
! theirs III patient endurance, inferior to msny
Nor doesii suit the genius Of our govern
ment. Our government is founded on free
dom. and hates coercion. To uako the res
trctIre system tffrctual, requires the most ar
bltrary laws. England with the severest pc
nal statutes has not been able TO exclude pro-
hibired articles and Napoleon, with ali his
power and vigilance, was obliged to resort 10
the most barbarous laws 10 enforce his CONT
mental system. Burning has furnished him the
most effectual remedy. Besides there are o.
ther strong objections TO the system. II rem
ders government odious. The farmer enquiries
why he gets no more for his produce; aud
| Commercial restrictions. In this he sees only
the hand of his own govornment-not the acts
of violence and injustice which this system is
intended to cOunteract His censures fall or
the government. To its measures he attributes
| the cause OF his embarrass mrnt, and in their
removal expects relief. This is an unhappy
state Of the public mind and even, | might
say, IN government resting essentially on
public opiniOD-a dangerous one. In war; i
is different. The prvatioD, IL is yue, may b.
equal or greater bat the public mind, under
the strong impulses Of that state ofthings, be-
comrs steeled against sufierings. The differ
enre is almost infinite between the passive and
| active state ofthe mind. Tie down hero
and he feels the puncture Of a pin throw
him into battle and he is almost inspnsible Ia
vital gashes. So in war. Impelled alternate
ly by hope and fear stimulated with revenge
depressed with shame, or elevated by vic
tory-ihr people become invinciblp No pri-
walton can shake their fOrtitude--no calamity
break their spirit. Even when equally sue
cessiul-thP contrast between the two sys-
tens is striking. War and restriction NAV
leave the country equally exhausted but the
latter not only leaves you poor, but even
when successful dispirited, divided, discon-
tented with diminished patriotism. and the
morals of u considerable portion Of your peo-
/ pie corrupted. Not so in war. In that state
the common dagger unites alI--strengtheus
the bonds of society and feeds the flame oil
patriotism. The national character mounts Ia
energy. In exchange for the expenses and
priyaiions of war, you Obiain military and na.
val Skill and more perfect organization 81
such parts your administration as are coo.
nected with the science of national defence
Sir, are these advantages to be counted a:
tribes in the present state Of the world !? Car