The Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1822-1829, 1823-08-08

ment II WAS, indeed, utterly impossible
that Mr.. Adams could in the face of the
state governments, and the many limita-
tions governmental authority, contained
in the federal constitution itself, have az
sumed SO monsirous position. But i did
charge Mr.. Adams with virtually contend
ing for the superiority Of cong 10 the
constitution and supported the allegation
by The following estratt froma Publicola,n
which still hnmbly think i conclusive OF
the point -" The legislature must elleays
be allowed To judge of the intentions with
which the INSTRUMENT meaning the consti-
tution) was formed, and 10 eonstrue ard to
explain accordingly, the expressions which
II contains. They sometimes think proper
TO violate the letter of the constitution by
adhering 10 its spirit, and at other times
they sacrifice the spirit by adhering strictly
TO the letter but when your legislature
undertake to decide that the spirit of the
constitution is directly contrary 10 tie express
letter, where Is The poloer in Tie nation that
should controuI Them 81 Now if the con-
gress of the United States possess the pow
er of constituting, thus iatitudina,ily, the
constitution, and it, too, no power exists in
the nation 'hai should eontroul A,em,'' /
ask, rs not congress, an reality, superior TO
the constitution Even the great AIexan-
der Hamilton, the known advocate of
splendid, energetic administrations, dis
putes, with respect 10 a large and lmpor-
tant class Of cases, this new tangled doc
trine of Mr.. Adams "By limited con-
stitutiou, says he, Fed. No. 78,) / under
stand one which contains certain specified
exceptions to the legislative authority ;,
such, for instance, as that it shall pass no
bills Of attainder I; noerpost tacto laws, and
such like limitations can be preserved in
practice in no other way than through the
medium Of courts of justice whose dutg IL
must be 10 declare all acts contrary 10 he
manifest tenor Qf The constitution, uoid.-
Without this, all the reservations Of parl-
cular rights or privileges would amount to
nothing" And again, farther on, he re-
marks in the same vein -" Non does this
conclusion by any means supposea superb
GRITTY of the Judiciary to the legislative
power. II only supposes that the power
OF the people is superior TO both and that
where the will of the legislature, declared
IN its statutes, stands ia opposition to that
ofthe people, declaredin the constitution
the Judges ought to be governed by the
latter, rather than the former. They ought
to regulate their decisions by the funda-
mental laws, rather than by those that are
not fundamental" Thinking thatI have
said enough, in all conscience, to satisfy
every unprecedented mind of the business OF
my conclusions with respect to Publco-
a;" and deeming that all further attempts
to effect the conversion of such Hudibrastic
obstinates, as
" When convinced against their will,
Are iniallibly OF The same opinion still,"
would but involve an useless CONSUMPTION
of time and labor, ! will now take my final
leave OF this branch of the subject, aud pass
TO slight discussion of two other points
made by Rutledge, in his last communica-
ton, after which | shall, once for all, have
done with Rutlcdge himself, and with him,
the presidentiJ question.
Rntledge, whilst he affects TO censurc the
obvious policy ofadyancing the cause of one
candidate by combating the prctensions of
his competitors, furnishes us himself, in his
last essay, with an admirable aud conyin.
cling specimen of his own address in hand
ling the very weapon with whose use he
reprOaches his antagonists. After anmaJ-
verting, IN long and laundering philippe
upon the conduct of Mr.. Crawl 0rd's sun
porters, he straight takes that worthy eli.
zen himself in hand and after bc,aborinp
him NEST numerically, and pouring upoH
his devoted head, round aud unsightly
charges thick as hail, very consistently
proceeds to denounce the " see saw cleo.
pioneering mode of pulling down one can
dldate that another may ascend" The
limits within which am necessarily confin-
ed,inhibit me from examining particularly
each of the summary charges, adduced BY
autledge against William III. Crawford.
Most of them have been fairly met and
clearly refuted in the different Journals
throughout the country. The enemies of
Mr.. Crawford, in the blindness of their
hate, charge him not only with political
inconsistency, but even deny him the pos.
session of talents. Now, | would ask
these knowing ones, by what magical arts
and incantations is it then, that this distin
gushcd man, without the aid Of birth or pa
trondge, has risen from the humble station
OF an obscure country pedagogue, through
several gradations OF office, many of which
are the most dlgnified in the nation and
that, too, during successive enlightened ad-
mnis.rations, to his present exalted station
IN the cabinet of his country The gigan-
TIC talents OF soue men, in spite of their
occasional authorizations, will at last trium- |
phantly mount them 20 Office and distinc |
ton a firm, long tried, mistaken constan. |
cy IN maintaining popular opinions, though |
coupled with moderate abilities, may also
unlock the gates ofpoltical preferment to |
an aspirant ; but it remains for the anti |
Crawtordites to exhibit the peculiar species |
OF conJuration, 10y which politician, tho
destitute of both these alternative titles to |
putlic honors, may yet, in country where |
no hereditary distinctions exist. and merit. |