Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1821-09-07
the legislature cam acL

Jersey, giving bowers 10 the executive TO compel obe
Virginia, TO remove the executive by impeachment.
Jersey, on application OF majority OF the states.
Virginia, L'r the establishment of Inferior judiciary
tribunals
Jersey. no provision.
Mr. Pinkney moved, Tha, The nationcl legislature
S'dt hare me po'eer Of HsgiuiR all hcS 10 te pissed
bg hc Stdte Legislatures 'eitici they may Judge afTo
psi, IN tue room OF the clause il stood reported.
Mr.. Williamson. The national legislature ought To
possess The power of negat,ing such laws only viii
enc!oach ON the national government. p. l0S.
Mr. .'tddfSos wished that the line OF jurisprudence
could be drawn-l,e would be for ii-but upon reflect
ing, he finds 1t impossible and therefore he is for
the amendment. IL the clause remains without the
! amendmen, II is nciicient-The Judges of the states
must give the state laws their operations although
the laws abritge the rights OF the national govern
meni-how IS 1t to be repealed? by the power who
| made 1t How shall you compel them b. force !,
10 prevent tins dsagrceablc expedien the power OF
negaNing is absolutely necessry--this IS the only at
tractvc principle which will retain its centrifugal
lorcc and without this the planets will y from iheir
| orbits. r. lCg.
Mr.. terry supposes that this power ouchi 10 ex-
| Tend TO all laws already made but the preferable
moIe would be 10 designate the powers ofilc nation
III Legislature, To- which the negative ought TO apply
ne has no objection TO retain the laws which may hc
maize Tor iSstIing paper money. Upon the whole he
does not hoose on this important trust to tGkeu Ip
! "a NE drrk, y. leo.
! Mir. Hamilton. have well considered the subject
!h9 am convinced that no amendment of the con-
'e"eIauon can answer tie purpose OF good govern
nlcIi so OnE a. state sovcreignies do, in any shane
| exist aud have great doubts whether a national
government ON the Virginia plan be made ciicc-
| tuai. p. 1870.
Mr Hamilton. l see great difficulty of drawing
'"r'h good representation IN congress. What, for
example, viii be The induccment for gentlemen of
fortune aud abilities leave their house. and husi-
ness TO attend annually and long 1t cannot be the
wages, Tor these, 1 presume. must he small VIII
not the power, therefore, be thrown into the hands
| oi the donlagogue midding politician who ion
me SAKE OF small stipend and the hopes Of advance
heh' WIN oher himself as candidate, and the real
men oi weight and influence, by remaining at home
add strength TO the state governments? nniat a
''Ss 10 Know what must be done-l despair that re-
l!uo"canioFn oi government can the dlicuI-
IoH. W hhtcNcr may DC my opinion, I would hold il
however unwSe 10 change the form of government 1
pelieNe the British government forms the best model
inc world ever produced, and such has been It's pro-
Sess ~ the minds OF the many, that this truth ur,tl-
any gains ground This government has for us oh
Ject pubic strength and individual Sec,t 1t is said
WIN us TO be nnatainablc. All communities divide
themselves into the few and the many. The first are
iIch and well born the other the mass of tic pouc
Inc voice OF the people has been said 10 IL. the
voice oil sod; and however generally this u1xi,,
has been quoted and believed, il is NOT trrr in fac;
l ne people are turbulent and changing they seldom
Judge ordetermlne right. Give therefore To the first
Grass distinct, permanent share in the government
Tan democratic assembly, who annually revolve i'm
'he mass OF the people, be supposed seav To pursue
the public good Nothing but a permanent body can
check the nprudence OF democracy. Their tarbu-
fence and unconrolng disposition requires checks
! -,
Years, we have found To he inefficient Will on thc
virginia plan, continuance ofseven years do il II
. ""nited that You cannot have good executive
upon democratic plan. See the cxceIlcncy of tho
British executve-he is placed above tcmntation-
nc can have no distinct interest from the public wei
fare p. l35.
Mr., Wilson. am fora national government, tho
the idei oil federal IS inmy view, the same With
me II Is not desirable object TO annhilnte the sn,c
governments, and here differ from the honorable
gentleman from New York In all extensive empires
: IN nKt -
anu fome, under its empcrorS, are EXAMPLES i'm mint
These, although despots, found it necessary gen
ef government, over great extent Of territory must
IN lie" years make subordinate jurisdictions Alfred
The Great, that wise legislator made this graduation
ana me last division on his plan amounted Only 10 ten
territories With this explanation, shall! be for the
first resolve. p 10.
Nh Umihon. | agree TO the propostion TJid
not intend yesterday total extnsuishment Of state
governments but my meaning was that 4 national
government ought TO be able 10 support itself without
me ;ud or interference of the state governments and
acTcipfc 1t was necessary 10 have full sovereign
~. L'eh with Corporate rights, the states will he
dangerous to Toe national government, and ought to
he e%iingIiShtt new modified, reduced TO a small
or scale. p. III,
Mr. King. None OF the states are now sovereign
or independent. Many of these essential rsht. are
vested in congress. Congress, by the
possesses the rights of the United S,ies Ibis il -
union o ne men OF those states None Of The states
individually or collectively, but in congress have t,e
rights OF peace war. The minority il con5rc,.
'
now united people. q. al.
Mr. Madison. In EnsIand at this day, if elections
we're open TO all Classes of people, the properly Of
landed proprieoIs would be insecure Am norarinn
Jaw would soon take place. If these observations be
just our government ought TO secure the rcrmapent
interests OF the country against innovation Land
holders ought 10 have share in the government T.,
support these invaluable interests and TO balance
and TO check the other. They ought TO be so co,,st
nteu as to protect the minority Of the opucnt against
!he MAJORITY. lhe senate, therefore, ought TO be this
IL.
nave permanency and stability. Various have been
inc propositions but my opinion is the lonpcr they
continue IN office, the better will these views be an
swered. p. 40. '
MIR. Gorhdm Pennsylvania can never became q
dangerous stato-her western country must at some
peTiod become separated from her, and consequent
y her power will be diminished If some states will
nor confederate on new plan, will remain here, IL
only one state will to confederate viii, ne
p. lGt. "'''' "7
Judge Read. A state government, isi,com,,,;l,,,
WIN general government. If it was more national
pulatIon. p. ISL
MI Madison. Some gentlemen are afraid that the
plan IS not sufficiently national, while Others n,,rrc
bend that 10 is much So III the point NJ rcorcso,
tahon was once well fixed, would come nearer 10
one another IN sentiment The necessity would then
be discovered of crCumscribng more eTectuoIlv the
state governments, and enarging the bounds OF flc
general government. Some contend that statog o,p
sovereign, when m fact they only political soce-
nes. lheFc IS graduation OF power IN all societies
m. - W" l'"'"''Vi' 20 tc hlgneSt sovereign
Ihe states never possessed the essential rahf of
ycreIgniy These were always vested i'm CONGRESS
Their voting, as states, in Congress is no evidence
OF sovereignty The State Of Maryland voted Inv
couniies-'lId this make the county sovereign The
states az present, only great corporations
la,'ag the power ofmaking bylaws, and tlese are ef
'c'tual OILY II they not contradictory TO the &C.
neral confederation. The states ought TO be placed
under TIC cOntrou OF the general govcrpment-a,
iesai ns much 50 as they formerly were under The to
and British parliament The arguments, observe,
have taken different turn, and hope may tend TO |
convince All OF TIC ncceSsity Of "a strong energetic