Alexandria gazette & daily advertiser. [volume] (Alexandria [Va.]) 1817-1822, 1821-07-07
From the Franklin Cdgetfee.
THE INTERESTS OF TRADE.

ding, as measure OF poilcy ioI 'ho ia
ton and Justice to the manufacturing IN
terest, additional duties on certain Bri-
fish fabrics, a party in England are cry
ing out for removal Of restrictions and
for free commerce. This opposite course
of conduct, on each side of the water, a.
rises, in great degree, from the different
nature of the two countries. Great Bri-
tain, comparatively speaking snail ter
ritory, finds the principle source of her
wealth in her manufacturing establish
ments, which are, therefore, more favour
ed than agriculture; whilst the United
States, with an enormous extent OF soil,
can be viewed in no other light than as
great agricultural nation. By their corn
laws, which affect the vital interests of
the United States, the British authorl-
ties have well meritcd that congress
should proceed with harshness, even to
the extent of excluding the manufactures
of Great Britain, unless they were sold to
our citizens at a very reduced price
But it would be unwise to enter into
war of this kind. The better way is
to leave it to time and reason to operate
cure upon the understandings of the
ministers of Great Britain, who have a
dopted the churlish measure of the corn
laws in order to silence the Glamour of OPP
position raised by the landed interest of
England If time and reason should be
insufficient, other methods must then be
fallen upon.
Great Britain can never nationally ex-
Lot &c 81 % c. 81 81
from her own dominions, with all the ar
ticles which are necessary to the susie
nance and comfort of her people, other
nations will quietly allow her TO succeed
in such an attempt. II she will raise all
her corn, the United States will endeavor
to fabricate their own clothing, or pro-
cure supplies elsewhere. There is re-
ciprocity in commerce, without which it
cannot subsist.
From her own soil, from her foreign
dominions. from her own looms and work
shops, Great Britain may, in great mea-
sure, draw all that may be requisite to
satisfy the wants of her subjects. And
NAV not the United States DO the same
thing? The extent of the territory of
the United States is at present such, that
there is scarcely any thing which the
four quarters of the world can produce
that may not be already found, or readi-
ly cultivated, in some portion Of the vast
regions of this republic, from the St. Croix
to the Mississippi, and from the Mississip
pi to the Pacific ocean. Whatsoever Great
Britain may obtain from her Asiatic, her
North American and West Indian posses
sions, the United States may procure
from Louisiana, from the Floridas, and
from the northeastern and northwestern
sections of our country If Great Britain
pushes America as far in this particular,
as to induce congress and the state legis-
. latures to make it radical point of poll
GU, manufactures could be made to spring
up in the United States like mushrooms
and this would be separation of connex-
ions far more fatal TO her than that pro
duced by the war of the revolution.
In that case, the trade with Great Bri-
tain would be of little consequence
What we lost on that side would be more
than compensated for by the great increase
of our internal commerce. Surprising
such separation to have already taken
place what employment would not our
enterprising merchants and navigators
soon track out for themselves Mutual
wants from north to south, from east to
west, would require an increased ton
mage: Our merchant vessels, too, more
than ever, would visit China, the Red
Sea, the Persian Gulf, the Mediterranean
and in every quarter Great Britain would
feel the presence of determined oppo.
nent, breaking down her establishments
and thwarting her policy. She would
soon learn that it is not matter of indif-
ference to have in the commercial world
such foe as the Americans, combined
to man against her. Such measures as
the corn laws and the exclusion of Ameri-
can bottoms from the British West In
dies are we'll calculated to produce such
state of things.
twill be observed that we speak here
of total exclusion, which the two measures
mentioned amount to. Protecting duties
are always allowable, if a nation thinks
proper to adopt them. To protect its own,
over foreign industry, is, in reality, in
cumbent on those entrusted with power
Great Britain has done this in thousand
instances, of which the United States do
not pretend to complain The United
States have done the same thing although
in less degree. To what further degree
they may carry it depends on mixed con-
siderations, some of which arise out of
the financial operations of government
| We sincerely hope that the British