Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1820-02-26
CONGRESS.
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after MIR. Taylor, and spoke as fol.
lows =
MIR. CHAIRMAN: When man is fal-
len ito disir 50, his neighbors surround
him 10 Offer relief. Some by an attemp,
al cundoence increase the grrl which
they would assuage Others, by admi
nlstrr:ng remedies, iutiaD,e The disorder
while others, affecting aIl The soIiciiude
of both, actually wish him dead. ii Is SO
with liberty. Always in danger, often in
distress, she moi only snlers from open
and secret foes, but oiiiyious and mn>i,il
fol friends. And among the thousands
and millions that ilromg her temple, troin
curiosity, fashion, or policy, how few.
very few, there are, who are her sin
cere, faithful, and intelligent worship
pers
Among tbese few, j trust. are 80 be
found All the advocates for restriction III
this House. And I readily admit, That
most OF those out of doors, whose zeal Is
excited on this occasion, are of the same
description. But, is II not probable that
there are some luggIers behind the screen
who are PLAYING deeper game who are
combining 10 rally undcrtlIs ~tandard,
as thu last resort, the iorlorn hope, of an
expiring party?
But, while we admit this in behalf of
the respectable gentlemen who advocate
the restriction ni slavery IN Allssouri, we
ask, may we demand OF them the same
iibera!ijy We are HOT the advocates or
abetiOrs Of slavery. For one, sir. ] would
reJoi 1t there was n [ a slave on earth.
Liberty Is the object OF my love, my "a
dorailon. | would extepd lis blessings
10 every human being. But, though my
feelings are strong Tor The abolition of
slavery, they are yet stronger for The CON
stituliOn of my country. And, if | am
reduced To the sad alternative 10 tolerate
the holding OF slaves in Missouri or vio-
late the constitution of my country,
VIII moi admit a doubt 10 cloud my
choice. Sir, OF what benefit would be
abolition if at sacrifice of your consiis
tulDn ? Where would be the guarantee
of the liberty which you grant Liberty
has temple here, and il is the only one
which remains. Destroy this, aud she
must fee, she must retire among the
bruies o. the wilderness to mourn and
lament the misery and folly of man.
The proposition for the consideration
of the committee Is, TO abolish slavery in
Missouri, as a condition of her admission
INTO The Union.
The constitution which | hold in my
hand am sworn 10 support, not accord
my 10 legislative or Judicial exposition,
but as shall understand ii not as pri-
waite Interest or public zeal may urge, bat
as shall believe: not as l may wish ii,
but rs il is.
have carefully examined this consii.
tuition, and | eau find no such mower.
have looked IL through, and AN certain
ii is not in The book. This power is not
express, and, il given at all, ii must be
constructive. This ampliiyIsg power by
construction is dangerous, aud will, not
improbably, effect the eventual desiruc.
lion of the constitution. That there are
resulting or implied powers | ain moi
disposed 10 deny, but they are only where
the powers are subordinate and the i'm
plIcatiOn necessary. ....All powers not
granted are prohibited, Is a maxim 10
which we cannot too relIgiously adhere.
Let us, then, proceed, with that can
dor and caution which tie subject de-
manfs, 10 examine the nature of this
power, and ascertain whether il is given
in the constitution of The United States.
The extraordinary doctrines which
have been advanced on this subject in
and out Of doors, render il necessary
TO be exceedingly particular, and careful
~ TO examine The ground as we advance,
Al American politician would scarcely
have deemed II necessary 10 prove, al
this day, that 10 regulate the relation be-
tween the different members Of CON-
munIiy is an attribute Of sovereign pow.
er. That ! may not be mistaken. will
inform the committee what inIeud by
sovereign power, and the sense iD which
purpose 10 use il in this discussion. II
Is the power Of making aud executing
laws TO regulate the conduct and cOndI.
ton OF men. II is more or less absolute
as il Is limited and defined, or nnli-
mIied and underlined. In the origin of
government. il we can conceive such
period. the rights vested in the sovereign
by the community necessarily included
the power TO determine the mutual de-
peBdence of the several members. The
community had a right 10 control and
establish IT themselves, or delegate il 10
The sovereign. In either way they could
establish difference of dependence of
one man upon another. The nearer equal
this depend however, The more per-
feet ihe government. Yet, sovereign
power can establish such a dependence
rs that Of the slave master.
This was done IN all these colonies be,
fore The revolution. The sovereign power
over them was compounded of that OF
the crown, and OF The provincial legIsla-
lures, which was derived from The crown.
These charters granted, with the concur
renee OF The crown, 10 the provincial
assemblies the power 10 regulate tie re-.
lailDB and dependence of The different
members of the community, and jley
exercised IL. They au;horiz the inl.
porting and holding slaves. British law,
by which wa were governed, established
slavery ln tie colonies, and ii existed, in
each OF them, up 10 The revolution.
Then, did tie revolution alter The rcIa