Edwardsville spectator. [volume] (Edwardsville, Ill.) 1819-1826, 1820-01-08

and equivdent property, seems to be
contrary haohr theory OF the equality OF
personal ights, inasmuch as the citizens
of some tatcs thereby become entitled
to other aid greater political power than
the citizen, Of other states. The pre-
sent housp of representatives consists OF
one hundqedI and eighty-one members,
which are apportioned among the states
in ratio OF one representative for every
thirty five thousand federal numbers,
which are ascertained by adding to the
whole number of free persons, three
ffths of the slaves. According to the
last census, the whole number of slaves
within the United States was 1871, 1854,
which entitled the states possessing the
same, to twenty representatives, and
twenty presidential electors more than
they would be entitled to, were the slaves
excluded. BY the last census, Virginia
contained 582,l04 free persons, and
S92,5l8 slaves In any of the states
where slavery is eXcludod, $50, lo4 free
persons would be entitled to elect only
sixteen representatives while in Vir-
ginia, $50, lo4 free persons, by the addi-
ton of three fihhs of her slaves, become
entitled to elect, and do in fact elect,
twenty-th'ee representatives, being seven
additiona ones on account of her slaves.
Thus, willie $1,000 free persons are re-
quisite to elect one representative in a
state where slavery is prohibited, $50
free peisons in Virginia, may and do
elect a iepresentatiye-so that five free
persons N Virginia, have as much power
in the cloice of representatives to con-
gress, aud in the appointment of presi-
dental electors, as seven free persons in
any of the states in which slavery does
not exist.
This inequality in the apportionment
of representatives was not misundcr-
stood at the adoption of the constitution
but as no one anticipated the fact that
the whole of the revenue of the United
States would be derived from indirect
taxes, (Which cannot be supposed to
spread themselves over the several states
according to the rule for the apportion-
ment Of direct taxes but it was believed
that part of the contribution to the
common treasury would be apportioned
among the states by the rule for the ap-
portionment of representatives the
states in which slavery is prohibited, ul-
timately, though with reluctance, &C
quiesced in the disproportionate number
of Representatives and electors that was
secured to the slave holding states ; the
concession was, at the time, believed to
be great one, and has proved to have
been the greatest which was made to Sc
cure the adoption of the constitution.
Great, however, as this concession
was, it was definite, and its full extent
was comprchended. twas a settlement
between the original thirteen states
The considerations arising out of their
actual condition, their part connexion,
and the obligation which all felt to pro-
mote reformation in the federal gov
eminent, were peculiar to the time and
to the parties; and are not applicable to
the new states, which congress may now
be willing to admit into the union.
The equality of rights, which inc ludes
an equality of burdens, is a vital princi
pie in our theory of government, and its
Jealous preservation is the best security
of public and individual freedom the
departure from this principle in the dis
proportionate power and influenced, al
lowed to the slave holding states, was a
necessary sacrifice to the establishment
OF the constitution. The effect of this
concession has been obvious in the pre-
ponderancc which it has given to the
slave holding states, over the other
states. Nevertheless, it is an ancient
settlement, and faith and honor stand
pledged not to disturb it. But the cx-
tension of this disproportionate power to
the new states would be unjust and obi
Gus. The states whose power would be
abridged, and whose burdens would be
increased by the measure, canno. be cx-
pccted to consent to it; and we may
hope that the other states are too mag
unanimous to insist Oh it.
The existence of slavery impairs the
industry and the power of nation; and
1t docs so in proportion to the multiple
cation of its slaves: where the manual
labor of a country is performed by
slaves, labor dishonors the hands of free
men.
1t her laborers are slaves, Missouri
may be able to pay money taxes, but will
be unable to raise soldiers, or to recruit
seamen; and experience seems to have
proved that manufactures do not prosper
where the artiticers are slaves. In case