Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1820-02-26

all thls excitement, III we have no slaves
humanity might, perhaps, require that
we shonld pass declaraiory aci, 10 give
notice 10 two millions of people, that, by
applying 10 the supreme court. they can
be relieved from their ihraldom.
But, sir, if all relation in society were
abolished by the event Of the revolution.
ihcn, suppose, that man was reduced,
or, II you please, restored 10 Il state OF
nature. Al! government was al an end,
ang!t WAS right, and ALI conventional
laws ceased. IL this Is, indeed. the case,
whence did these few individuals, calling
themselves Congress, derive their au,bo-
uiy II the revolution abolished all
civil relatous, the state legislatures could
moi legally exist and The members Of
Congress were men Of assumed powers,
and their declaration Of Independence
was very oGlci0uS, instead of an Official
act But, after letting man loose into the
wilderness OF nature, how dn YOU bring
ln'n back Z Why, suppose, by the same
imaginary process by which You se,Ii
him there. Wemust suppose, with some
visionary writer's on the laws of ,aiious,
that all the people assembled in some
vast plain, and there men, women, aud
children, small and great, black and
white, determined that very small mi
should elect still smaller mum Der, TO he
constitution makers, legislators, govern
ors, judges, and other officers aud that,
after this Imaginary process, this political
death and resurrection, The colonies be-
came sovereign states, purified iroHi the
pollution OF slavery.
Mr.. Chairman, should mol have no
tIced tins strange and ridiculous vision,
that the declaration of Independence was
4 decree of universal emancipation, had
II not issued from respectable sources,
and been seriously enforced upon The
crcdulily of the public. Instead of al
tempting ia answer or reGuie these visions
OF a disturbed Imagination, let us recur
to principles aud facts. The people OF
Tits country were never without gov
eminent and law. From The frs, settle
mcn' of the country there never was
"a aHterree'nwIn, a state o! anarchy. Even
the case of the pilgrims who landed al
plymouth, beyond the limits Of ther
Charter, is moi an exception, for they q
believe before they ianded) formed a
convention of government, one of the
articles of which was, that they would
be governed by The laws of God until
they could make better of their own.
AT The revolution, the rights of The
crown vested In the states, and they sue
ceeded TO all the sovereign power which,
until then, belonged 10 The provinces aud
The mother country. There was no Sus-
pension or death OF political power...
Property was retained by the owner, laws
confined 10 have force, and sovereign
power transferred TO The STATES and vested
temporarily IN their legislatures, until IA
more permanent government could be
established, originating from, and effect
eel by, ihis temporary power. The doc
tTine thai lherevOlUiIOn is not the origin,
but the perfection of the state govern
ments, and that the states are The sue
cessors as well Of ihe@crown as the colo
nies, has been so long and so well es;ab>
lished, that II ~ considered the iounda-
lion NOT only oi political power, but of pri.
vae right. This political power exist.
ing, and having been exercised up TO The
revolution, was not thereby exiinguished.
This also agrees with fact. Those states
Which were disposed TO liberaie their,
slaves did mol consider il as already ef-
fecled by the revolution, but found II
necessary 10 do il by some constitutional
or legislative act. Consequently, this
political or sovereign power existed alter
the revolution. And, as there vas no tii-
mlnutiOn OF sovereign pewer from that
time up 10 The adoption OF the federal
+ constitution, il existed up 10 that time.
Did the constitution OF itself take il
from the sialcs There is no snch prohi.
bltion upon the states, either expressed
or implied. Moreover, the constitution
recognizes end confirms the right. The
second section of the first article admits
j, expressly, and makes il the basis of
representation, and appOriions the first
House Of Representatives on This basis.
al. a Z 4
llbiis slate from protecting or liberat~
ing fugitive slaves from other states, and
cOmpelS II TO deliver them up. The con-
siituiioD, so far from destroying, esiab-
fishes this power in a state.
! come DOW TO tie power Of CoHgre SIS.
Aud my first proposition is, that Congress
cannot resirlcI stale which was party tO
the compact, iu The exercise Of d political
power no; surrendered by The cOusiItu-
ton. This is political axiom Which
scarcely admits OF proof or illustration
The 10Th article OF the amendment pre-
serves every power not surrendered If
II did not, and Congress could take one.
they might another, until the states we're
robbed OF every attribute If sovrreianiv.
Remark, sir, that cOBtine Tie proposition
10 existing states. am disposed 10 do
one thing az a iIme--ihiS is enough for
my present purpose. Hills principle is
established, aud il appears to establish
itself, proceed TO my second proposition,
that the power TO restrict an existing
state, III the admission or rejection Of
slavery, is not surrendered TO Congress
by the constitution.
Aud here, sir, ! cannot but notice the
confusion that exists in tie ranks of The
advocates OF restriction. Two gentlemen
have addressed the committee, one before