Alexandria gazette & daily advertiser. [volume] (Alexandria [Va.]) 1817-1822, 1818-09-17

from il, proper station in the science OF A.
merican politics. the question, whether IN
the future progress or decIension OF our po-
.ltical institutions, the liberty which they
were designed to perpetuate has more to
dread from a dissolution Of The union, than
consolidation OF the states? An enquiry
suggested, ird,,.d, by every construction
of the federal institution which requires
the limits to be defined OF federal and OF
state authority. And j: may be larry pre-,
sumed, that the decision OF all doubtful
cases, will more or less depend upon the
peculiar bias, that every mind, which has
passed through this enquiry, may have I'M
consciously taken. "a
For myself, candidly acknowledge, be-
cause | sensiby feel, the influence OF the
opinions, as well as the arguments OF those
venerable sages and patriots OF the revelu-
ton, whose names | was early taught to
revere who made the constitution which
we are about to expound, aud had learnt
from experience the evils, against the re-
currence OF which, il wasjntended to guard.
beg leave TO present to the committee
some of those opinions and, IN dong so,
TO employ the language OF Publius, than
nothing comparable, 10 offer.
We have seen, (says Mr.. Mad son in
all the examples OF ancient and modern
confcderacies, the strongest tendency con-
tinually displaying itself, in the members,
TO despoil The general gopernment OF It's au-
thorties with very Intellectual capacity
in the latter to defend itself against their
Entertainments. (Nlr. Mercer then IT L
several passages from the 45th and 46th
numbers ofPublius, and proceeded) Trans
porting ourselves back, over the last 80
years, to the period when Publius wrote,
we may we'll enquire whether these re-
marks were designed to characterize the
times which had passed, or those which
were TO come Whether they are 10 be re-
garded as history, or prophecy Nor ought
we 10 wonder, that, in both respects, their
truth is indisputable; since no author could
better write The history, than one who was
spectator of the events which he de-
scribes; and the nearest approximation 10
prophecy. which uninspired reason can
make, will be found in deduction Of the
future, from the past.
We realized, in the war which has re-
Gently terminated, and which, while it last
ed, scarcely penetrated our frontier, a great
part of the debility of the confederation !;
and, what is remarkable, from the same
source /; the power of the individual states,
and the detective sanction of The laws OF
the union. An act of Congress authorised
the President to call out detachment OF
militia, previously organized, in certain G.
vents, ioreseen by the constitution; and,
"for that purpose, to issue his orders TO any
officer or officers of the militia, that he
might think proper" | quote, believe,
the very terms of the act. He does issue
his orders: but 10 the governors Of the re-
spective states. And what was the result =?
That the executives of those states, who
had been the jealous friends of the war, o.
beyed the call oithe President very prompt
ly, and those who had been decidedly hos
tile to it, yielded no obedience whatever.
1t is not necessary, but yet not altogether
impertinent, TO remark, that those, who
disobeyed, remained quiet spectators of the
common war while, | speak for one state
at least, the claims, for the extra expense
Of marching the attachments of militia to
the place of rendezvous, made by the exc
culiye magistrate who had executed the or
der of the President, were rejected by the
latter, on the ground that the states were
bound, at their own expence, 10 render
their attachments at the place Of general
rendezvous.
Although the de feel may have been in
the administrati n, rather than in the pow
e~s Of the general government, as il evident
" sprung from extending its authority to
the states, rather than the citizen; TO the
chief of department of state govern
men,, rather than TO an officer OF the mill
tia, who could have been subjected to trial,
and punished for disobrdience ; yet il eifec-
tually tests the genius Of our political insli-
tutiOns and illustrates the danger ot rest
ing the successful eXerion OF federal pow
er, on the voluntary cooperation OF the
state authorities. Ii fOrewarnS US, as did
the history of the confederation, Of the de-
bility which threatens a government over
distinct and powerful sovereignties. 1t fur
nishes an instructive caution against the
submission OF the important power which
we are about to exercise, 10 any other con-
troll than the will of congress; or to re-
gard it, in any other light, than IFS true con.
situt!onal character; as complete and
sovereign authority.
The spirit of disobedlence broke out, m
the late war, in frontier state, on the out
skirts of the union. Let Us imagine thai in
some future national calamity, some foreign
or civil war, the states nearest TO the centre
of our system, York or Virginia, for
example; it is obvious, that mean no re-
proach to any particular section of our ccun-
Try /; | am looking al human nature, liable,
every where, to delusion and error; say,
suppose disafection TO war, declared
by ourselves on our enemy, should lead Ell
ther of those central states, or Pennsylva-
mia, as powerful, and as likely, as either
Of them, to initiate the recent example OF
Massachusetts, 70 throw every possible,
and, conceding all that our opponents ask,
every constitutional obstruction i'm the path