Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1818-04-07

or as expressive of want of confidence in t{ei.
correct administrations of our atiars--vith
Span or the Patriots in the Southland vet this
sn.rething-notline occupied congress "A week
or more ~ debate, which the public are pro.
rusc. T. Save by the editors OF the Intelii gen
Ger. nc fact believe Is, that the executive
eli ~ TIE - islature, will do all that eu-
ira n.rOn osshi 10 do, TO pronete the success
Vt dose contegdng for their independence Ct
not ioi their hpertS iu the SOuih-this is ell
knnwn t. the advocates OF Mt. Gays PROPOSE
ton. - the motion were designed 10 cenSufe
the ircsiucnt-tc ALLEVIATE the confidence OF
part OF congress, and with II a part OF the
people, Il has failed. Ii certainly was MT so
considered by maay who voted Tor it-that II
was 50 understood by soma who opposed il is
equally true, and who voted against IL from that
consideration alone. hnanIng the purity Of
the President love for tee government, Tor
they had not forgotten the persecution and IN
tolerance of the old tories towards him, aud
III. tulminationS of the anglo American presses,
.henouncng him d Jacobu, sc. &c. ~ the early
psit OF the late French revolution, they believe
hi.ii 10 bear the same good Will NOW towards
non and the rights OF self government aS lac
uii thea-ihe high aud reSpOnsjbie situation
in which his country has placed MIR. MONROE.
demands OF INN hrmuesS. prudence, and Just
Regard To the rights of other nations in the AL
mini>iratioD OF this gOverument-Nh no doubts
ms hrmheSs, let hlEI look at the events of the
late war-Who doubts has iove Of liberty, let
hiln review his whole lite-Who doubts his viii
ingness and capacity TO maintain the honor OF
America, let him look al his diplomatic cores
pOndence with England. France and Spain
w no doubts his ardent desires for the enamel
patton of our South American brethren, de
ceives himSei-as the sequel will shew. Co.s-
gres> have wisely left to INN how far the Uui-
ted States ought TO interfere IN this important
contest. In him, the natioa viii lie satisfied
That Mr.. Ciays proposition was not
considered by many who voted for II as
designed 10 censure the President W.
agree with the writer because ii had the
votes of many who are The avowed friends
of the administration. That it was voted
against by some " from that consideration
alone" may be equally true. But il is
not less true, that ii was resisted by ma
ny, because the proposition itself was
wroDg-nor is il less true that they iocre
right, and the proposition was wrong.
For what good was il 10 answer ii was
TO authorize the President to draw lor
s $4,000 from the treasury, in case he
should deem it expedient to send minis
ter to Buenos Ayies.
First, then 1t is plain it gave him no
power to send the minister; he had that
power before. The constitution gave il
to him independently oftiie House of Re-
representatives..
In the second place, itwouldnot have en-
abled him TO carry his power in effect. For
though no one would be willing to 90 TO
Buenos Ayres without an idea of some
compensation yet The President did not,
at this moment, need specific appropri-
alton OFFS $4,000 for this purpose. He
had a contingent fund offs $4,000 to draw
on besides that, Congress would scarce
~ refuse to pay munster, who was ap-
pointed " by and with the advice and
consent Of the Senate" No such case
had ever occurred from the organization
of our government, down TO the present
day.
But the InteiHgencer saws "the resoIu-
ton was advocated as measure which
would enlarge the power of the Execu-
tive, and relieve the mind of the Presi-
dent from all doubt of the disposition of
Congress 10 sustain him i'll recognizing
the independence of La Plata, Whenever
he should deem it expedient TO do so.
IF this argument be split into two
parts, then we ask how caa such mea-
sure enlarge the power of the Executive
lie has already the power under the con-
sttnion 10 dispatch A minister TO La
Plata, as well as a fund 10 pay him.
And how relieve the mind of the Presi-
dent from all doubt for wkat doubt can
exist of the disposition OF Congress TO
exercise any of their powers, in case there
should be any necessity for their inter
venllon? Should Spain, for instance
seize our vessels bound 10 BuenUs Avr.s
does any man doubt that Congress viii
support me rights of our citizens BIZ all
the means in their power?
But if no god is to So Ing from this
proposition, is there no injury involved
i'll it! Has Congress thus righ. 10 cave
out foreign mis- ions Does the Consiilu-
ton rmIt them to aduiSe or to instruct the
Executive department in the execui on of
IFS appropriate duties We do not saw
the Senate, but Congress. Does not the
constitution point out the mode of send
ing foreign sputations-" By and iUith The
advice and consent of the Senate -
Where then does the House of Represen-
iatlves derive the power of advising, much
less of iHShucting the President on such
subject !-And If il be not intended TO
express their opinion, why move III the
proposition at all
The constitution points out the mode
in which ministers are TO be appointed
1t goes upon an hypothesis that the Pre-
! sident and Senate are the proper organs
for the exercise OF this power that they
| are best qualified perhaps TO collect and
| conceal the information necessary forde-
| Gliding such questions. Ii gentlemen dis
| approve OF this arrangement, let them
seek to alter it. Let them appeal to the
people. in favor of a change in Tie
constitution. But, until that am rndmenl
is introduced, let us go by the line of the
law.
This interference brings this disadvan-
| tage with II as you assume any of tie
| powers OF the Executive, you dilute and
weaken lis responsibility. The President
and Senate are bound for the exercise OF
! lhelr own pOMers. Is no iniIlrv Ii aris :.