Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1817-08-01

GU from the number ofshosc who are mean anu
depraved enough to obtain their favor.
Thus we see that in attempting to pei petuate
the natural dristocraey, by making wealth and
power hereditary in families, you accomplish
the direct reverse OF Your object. Nature her
self has tendency to continue the possession
of power and wealth III the hands of talents and
virtue-for no reason can be given why the
same causes which etlec ted this union in the
first generation, should not effect IL in the sc.
cond. II is true that they wonld pass from ia
mily 10 family but they would still exist tssetli-
er. But by giving TO vice and imbecility nearly
all the power in the state, YOU make il lmpossi-
BILE for talents and virtue To obtain II. Instead
of perpetuating you destroy the natural 0rlstoc-
rdcy, and erect an dtifsidldristocracyo precise
Is the opposite principle. L have thought il
proper to dwell at some length on this point,
because il has been either an art or an error
with some to confound the cause OF the natural
aud art fciat ar'istocraey and 10 persuade them
selves or others that because power aud virtue
might concur in "a natural state OF society, tie
possession of the former would in all cases
suppose the possession of the latter. i con-
clude that il is Impossible to erect the natgrdI
arisiocracy into an hereditary nobility-that is,
to maxi talents and virtue hereditary.
But, say the advocates ofpriviiegcd classes,
since we cannot confer hereditary nobility on
talents and virtue, let MS at least have il some
way or other IN the state, and that for two rea
sons--l. To defend the distinguished few, who
many and this is the reason given by Nc.tes-
quieu. 2. To defend the people from them
selves--to have fixed and permanent body i'll
the country, that may arrest the rash enterpri-
yes Of the tickle and changefui people who are
their own worst enemies. Let us examine both
these reasons.
I. Who are this distinguished few, that re-
quire TO be protected, Do we mean the nohil-
ity themselves-tbe artificial aristocracy' That
would be absurd, since it would suppose them
TO exist before their institution. Dow mean
tue natural Neutrality-suspicious. who have acquir-
ed distinction by their personal merit and tai
entss 1t has been shown already that the arti :
fetal aristocracy, instead of protecting this
class OF people are their worst enemies. They
take out of the field OF competition great part
OF the wealth and power that would otherwise
be accessible to all and thus diminish very
much tho number of persons who can acquire
these objects and theirinluence in society. In
addition to which, there will always be an active
and inveterate opposition between vice 81 I'M
becilty invested with wealth and power on the
one hand, and the influence of the honest and
active part of society on the other.
z. But the people must he protected from
themsclv es-ftom the effects of their own rash
and UNI sinking resolves, and for this purpose,
1t for o other, we must have AN hereditary mo-
billty-ve must have something firm and sta
be--we must found the state upon arock, that
the storms ofsudden passion may spend their
rage upon IL in vaiil-we must have a class OF
the beautiful fragment of AIcgeus,
From side to side the waves of PARTY roll.
AS passion prompts or inifest s~ass the soul;
Butwe regardless, grasp the heii 0fSiate
With steady hand ana laugh at ehaLce and fate.
If,however,w we analNze ihis reasoning "a I,tte,
we shall ind, that instead OF securing the pcD-
Pile from the danger unprecedented ;Iiis scheme
of rehef delivers them over al once 20 the veiy
enemy we wish 10 avoid. Your object Is ~
guard against the Vaccinations Of unprincipled
men of talents, who may aim At eNcit,n9 popi-
lar connections, OF acquiring power for Seitlih
purposes. Now, nothing can he better enslae
for such persons TO use for the accomplishment
of their views, than body OF men, powerful ~
the state by circumstances and accident, but a.
terminate and weak. and liable to be duped ~
every artfu istrIguer that chooses to attempt
it. Ina state where equality OF rank and for
tune prevails to the degree that itnaturaly will,
where no positive regulations are introduced
TO the contrary, turbulent man has very little
stuff to operate upon. AS there Is no very great
number Of cvergrown fortunes, 50 there is, oil
the ether hand, no starving popuiace, ready TO
take fITe AT the smallest excitement. Industry
is necessary for living, and almost every body
has something 10 attend omore important than
joining in a popular connection, at the seiicita-
ton of an Interested individual. Bat after all
it is said, popular governments are subject 10
fnctuation, and there Is really greater stabil-
ity q permanencym monarchlchal institutions.
We find, by the histories of the ancient repub-
lies, that they were hardly ever quiet. Rome,
for instance, the most powerful and distinguish
ed of them all was constantly harrassed by civil
dissentions, till her liberties sunk under militia
rydespotism. From the last of the kings to the
FIRST of the emperors, the interval is filled up,
without interruption, by series or disputes
between the Patricians aud the Plebeians-and
of all the other republics of which we have
any historical record. These examples, howev-
er, properly understood, are directly opposed
to the establishment OF hereditary orders, in
stead of being in favor ofthem. The existence
ofsuch institutions in the state has been the un-
failing cause of all these troubles and disorders.
1t is natural and necessary that the people
should be jealous of privileged body, invested
with distinctions and advan tages, to which
they have no personal claim. Such a thing is &,
in itself, just and reasonable cause of COM
plant, and il needs no argument 10 show how
ready aud fine topic it is for popular de-
clamer. You may, indeed, represS, in great
degree, the public expression OF such discOn.
tents, by strengthening The arm of the privileg-
ed classes, till they are able to beat down the
people to the dust, and till public opinion it.
self is debased to the level OF the general de-
graduation. Such Is the state OF things in the
deSpotisms OF the East. Butunless SUCH sNs.
TEN is introduced, there is no other security
from popular COm,nOti0n and discomfort, but
giving TO the people their Just and fair rights.
Thus, you remove thesOnrce OF zeal complaint,
as tar as it exists, and with IL the ErcteIceS of
demagogues and DISCLAIMERS
Ii may be shown, indeed, by lahorious Undue
ton, thatno government ever existed at least
in Europe, in which there were not hereditary
distinctions of some kind or other. Instead,
however. of drawing from this induction Of
facts, the conclusion that such distinctions
were necessary, and that no government could
get along without them, should be disposed
to argue very differently. l should say, that
as all the European governments had admitted
these distinctions, aud as all Of them had evil
IDENTIFY failed IN securing the rights aud happ
ness of the people, and as this system of dis
tinctiOns was almost tie only thing they had in
common, il was fair TO conclude that this was
the principal reason why tn had failed in Sc
caring their objects and that it was. al least,
worth while to try tie experiment OF d govern
ment. wherever no Euch leaNEe shoM.d eK-