Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1817-08-01

instituted on principle, o. with any view to a
beneficial result for society at large. They are
the effect of barberous aud unnatural state OF
society, when force made the law, when the
government was entirely military, and when it
was so far from being thought necessary to con-
suit the good OF the whole. that the people at
large formed I'm reality no part of the body po-
lite. These harsh and tyrannical systems have
been softencd down into the forms which here
ditary power now assumes in Europe; and the
prejudice which naturally arises in favor OF old
establishnents-th danger that would proba-
bly, attend rash and hasty attempts TO abolish
thcm--hsve engaged individuals to undertake
their deteucc on principle. But as far they
sill exist, they appear to me 60 be great pos
tive evil without any counterbalancing good,
monopolizing aiarge proportion of the Wealth
and influence which would otherwise be fair
object of competition for talents and industry,
mis-ruling countries far as they have
connection with their government, and instead
of represSing the tendency TO popular commo
ton, acting ass perpctualsti stimulus to uneasiness
and tumu!t. Nor do believe that any collection
ofeniightened statesmen, employed in organic
ing government de moro, and left fairly 10 them
selves, would ever think ofintroducing them i'm
to the social system. Let any body thatdoutts
this, ask himself whether body of enlightened
Engllshmen, who should De employees to arrange
anew the political institutions of that country
would begin by giving away all the lapd, and
nearly all the wealth udpower, to privileged
order, and condemning the body OF the people
to virtual bondage and poverty.
but, 1t may be asked, is not our own consti-
tuition aproof that something like aristocracy
III state is absolutely necessary to guard il
from popular tumuit aud disturbance? Are not
theSendteS in all our State Constitutions and in
thdtoithe u. States, substitutes for an hereiita
ry nobility, and to certain degree allied to il
Ill character! This notion, hewever, in itself
inconsistent with fact, and improbable in the
view Of an accurate observer, is, / believe, en-
tertdinedpy many and may, therefore, be worth
moments attention. In the first place, our
Senates, supposing them TO represent what we
have called before the natural uristocrdcv viz
the wealthisr aud more distinguished class of
society, have none OF the obnoxious features of
artificial aristOcracies-tbey have no exclusive
privileges, and do not monopolize the wealth
and power of the country. 1t may, however,
be doubted how far they are found in practice
TO represent the natural aristocracy, and this
from a very obvious consideration. The two par
ties that exist this country being grounded on
difference OF views as TO the ckaracte of gov
eminent, the one that inclines to a stronger
and more consolidated form of government
must he considered as repr esenting the aristo-
cratic interest far as there is any such thing
1.-The party that fayOrs completely popular
government ss representing the democratic in
terest. Accordingly, these parties have been
denoDlinated the aristocratic and democratic
parties. Now, If cur Senates represented the
aiist0cracy. and our more numerous branches
the democracy, il would be fonnd that each
would be composed of individuals of the party
represented this ie never the case. The
parties are just as equally balanced in the small
Ter rs IN the larger branches Of our legislatures
and the division of the representation into
TWO houses operates in 10 other way than as a
Sliutary check upon precipitation in debate
an object that might Just as weiibe accomplish
ed BY committing the business OF making laws
to single body, ont of which shonld be chosen
apern.anent committee to reconsider all acts
ut stated periods OF time.
From the Cursory survey here taken of the
British constitution, conclude that the radical
fault in rs, that it sacrifices the interest OF the
people 10 part or privileged few. Ne real re-
form can be effected in it short of an equaliza-
ton of privileges and property, and real re-
FORM wherever il may begin, will end in this.
Whatever may be said of the corrupt;oxs of the
constitution, the character of which shall con-
slider hereafter, the evil does not lie in the cor
ruptions, but IN the prncple-and the more
theyprobe tie evil the deeper they will find its
seat
But is not this inequality ofrank and fortune
necessary III England, aud in all the old govern
menis Are the people there fitted to enjoy
their rights, or capable Misunderstanding them ?
Is not the III success which appears thus far To
have attended the French revolution conclus-
i've proof OF the impossibility of establishing
! tree governments in Europe9 Is il worth while
TO unsetle established institutions, which, after
all, have their conveniences, with view to
some greater, but uncertain advantage2 These
questions | must reply to in the language of
Rousseau, We know very well thatit is neces-
sary to submit 10 the established government
The question is, what would lie better gov
eminent if we had one to establish'"
The subject of my next Letter will be, the
character Of the English Nobility.
IN DEBr.--In Goochland County Court, 10th of May,
Methodist Poindexer and William Barrett, assigne:s of