The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1815-07-26

~ nltlu
psitratipn. ~
u T'hc alice. powers would have betrayed
tbeir interests and their duties, if, the
. spr;ce OF so much moderation and generosity,
shey had not, on signing the treaty, obtained
some solid advantage but the sole object
Il of their ambition was the pea ;c of Europe
2 and the happiness of France. Never in trea-
a ting with Bonaparte. would they have con-
d scented to the conditions which they granted
& to government, which" while offering to
n Europe pledge of security and stability, re-
1ieved them from requiring from France the
Fguarautee which they had demanded under
its former government" 50 This clause is
\ inseparable from the treaty of Paris; to "a
bolish it, is to break this treaty. The formal
consent of the French nation to the return of
Bonaparte to the throne would be equivalent
~ declaration of war against Europe for
sthe state of peace did not exist between Eu-
rope and France, except by the treaty of Pa
ris, and the treaty of Paris is incompatible
with the power of Bonaparte.
IF this reasoning had need of further sup
> port, it might be found in the very offer of
Bonaparte to ratify the treaty of Paris This
treaty had been scrupuousy observed and
executed the transactions Of the congress of
Vienna were only its supplements and devel-
opements and without the new attempt of
Bonaparte, it would have been for long Sc
ries ofyears one of the bases of the public
right of Europe but this order of things has
given place to new revolution and the a.
gents of this revolution, although they pro-
claim necessarily {" that (6) nothing has been
changed" conceive aud feel themselves that
oil is changed around them. The question is
no longer the maintenance of the treaty of
Paris, but the making Qfh afreSh. The
Powers find themselves, with respect to
France, in the condition in which they were
on the 3lst of March, 1914. 1t is not to pre-
vent war, for France has in fact re-kindled it,
it is to terminate it that there offers itself
to Europe state of things essentially differ
ent from that on which the peace of 1914 was
founded. This question, then, has ceased to
be question of right /; it is no more than a
question of political calculation and foresight,
in which the powers have only to consult the
real interests of their people and the common
y interest of Europe.
The committee thinks it may dispense
with entering here into an exposition of the
considerations which, under the last view,
have directed the measures of the govern
rnents. 1t will be sufficient to recall to no.
tlce, that the man, who is now offering to
sanction treaty of Paris, pretends to sub
stitute his guarantee for that of a sovereign,
whose loyalty was without stain, and benevo-
lence withoutaneasure, is the same who du-
ring fifteen years rasagsd and laid waste
the earth, to find means of satisfying his am
bition who sacrificed millions OF victims, and
the happiness of an entire generation, to q
system of Conquests, whom truCcs. little wor-
thy of the name of peace have only rendered
more oppressive aud more odious az who,
after having by mad enterprises tired for
tune, armed all Europe against him, and ex-
hausted all the means of France, was forced
to abandon his projects, and abdicated power
to save some relics of existence who at tina,
moment, when the nations of Europe were
giving themselves up to the hope of a durable
tranquility, meditated new catasrrophies and
\ by a double perfidy towards the powers who
had too generously spared him, and towards
4 a government which he could not attack
a without the blacklist treason, usurped q
4 throne which he had renounced, and which
he never occupied except for the misery Of
q France and the world. This man has no
f other guarantee to propose to Europe than
his word. Alter the cruel experience of tif-
teen years, who ould have the courage to
accept thisfguarantee, and if the French ma
& ton has rekly embraced his cause, who could
any longer respect the security which it could
off r?
Peace with a government placed in such
hands, and composed of such elements, would
only be perpetual state of uncertainty, anx-
lety and danger No power being able effec-
tuaily to disarni, the people would enjoy none
OF the advantages of true peace they would
be overwhelmed with expences of all kinds
CohDuSDCS nOt Oeing able TO establish itself a.
ny where. Industry and commerce would eve
~ where laugush nothing would be stable il
political relations sullen discomfort woult
spread over all countries and from day tc
day, Europe in alarm would expect new ex
ploslon. The sovereigns have certainly moi
misunderstood the interests of their people
III Judging that an open war, with all its in
convenencies and all its sacrifices, is prefera-
Die to such d state OF things, and the measure.
whlch'they have adopted have met the gen.
erai appreciation.
The opinion of Europe on this great occa.
SION IS pronounced in a manner very positive
and very solemn; never could the real senti
ments OF nations have been more accurately
known and more faithfully Interpreted thai
ata moment when the representatives of al
4 the powers we're assembled to consolidate the
s. peace of the world.
THIRD QUESTION.
1'.n necessary 10 flubh8h u ne4U declaration
Inc observations which the committee ha,
Just presented, furnshes the answer to the
1asl question winch remains to be damned
81 1t Considers,
Il. That the declaration ofthe 18th Of March
was dictated 10 the powers by reasons of such
O. The emheror, convinced ffhe crit