Martinsburgh gazette. [volume] (Martinsburgh, Va. [W. Va.]) 1810-1825, 1814-02-24


vered the Empire of Britain. Oh, No 1t was
owing to no fault of ADMINISTRATION. Il was the
work of opposition. II was the impairment bold
ness Of Chatham; the idle defamation Of Fox
and unreasonable sarcasm Of Barre These men,
and men like them, would not JOIN the minister
in his American war They would not give
the name and character of wisdom to that which
they believed be the extreme offoly, They would
not pronouncs those measures Just and honora-
ble which their principles led them to detest
They declared the minister's war to be wanton
They foresaw its end, and pointed it out plainly
both TO the minister and to the country pro-
nounced the opposition to be selfish and fac
tious He persisted in his course and the result
is in history.
This example of ministerial justice seems to
have become a model for these times and this
country With slight shades Of difference. ow-
ing to different degrees of talent and ability. the
imitation is sufficiently exact. II requires little
imagination to fancy ones self sometimes to be
listening to a recitation of the captivating ora
tons of the occupants of Lord North's Treasu-
ry Bench. We are told that our oppositioahas
divided the government, aud divided the country.
Remember, sir, the state of the government and
of he country, when the war declared
Did not differences of opinion then exist do
not know that this house was OWED -
Do we not know that he other house still
more divided docs not every man, to whom
the public documents accessible, know, that
in the other house, one single vote, having been
given otherwise than it was, would have reject
ed the act declaring war, and adopted different
course OF measures A parental, guardian GO
vernment would have regarded that state ct things
1t would have weighed such confederation
II would have enquired coolly and dispassionate.
ly into the state of public opinion, in the states
| of this confederacy--It would have looked espe-
| cially to those states, most concerned in the
protested objects of the war, and whose interests
were to be most deeply affected by it. Such a
| government, knowing that its strength consisted
| in the union OF oppni0n among the people, would
have taken no step of such Importance, without
that union nor would it have mistaken mere par
| ty feeling for national sentiment.
| That occasion, Sir, called for large and Ii
beral view of things. Not only the degree of
union in the sentiments ofthe people: but the ma
| ture and structure of the government the gene
raj habits and pursuits Of the community the pro-
| babe consequences of the war, immediate and
| remote, on our civil institutions the effect of
vast military patronage the variety of important
local interests and objects ;--these were con-
sideratons essentially Belonging to the subject
| II was not enough that government could make
out sts Case of war the rlf-.s, and get the
| better OF England IN the argument. This was
requisite but not all that was requisite. The ques-
ton Of war or peace, in country like this, is not
10 be compressed into the compass that would be-
! fit small litigation 1t not to be made to turn
upon a pin. Incapable in its nature of being de-
cided upon technical rules, it is unfit to be dis
cussed in the manner which usually appertain to
the foreneic habit. 1t should be regarded
great qaestion not only of right, but also Of pru-
dence and expediency. Reasons of general ma.
ture--reasons Of moral MISREPRESENTATION
which 70 back to the origin of institutions,
and other considerations which look forward to our
| hopeful progress in future times, all belong, in
their just propositions and gradations, to ques-
ton, in the determination of which, the happiness
&c he nj ftttra rnouv
| SO much concerned
Ihave heard no satisfactory vndicatior the war
| on grounds like those. They appear not to have
suited the mperof that time Utterly astonished
at the declaration of war, have been surprised at
! nothing since Unless all history deceived me,
saw how it would be prosecuted, when saw how
| it was begun There is, in the nature OF things,
an unchangesble relation between rash counsels and
eebie execution.
1t was not Sir; the minority, that brought on the
war. Look to your records from the date OF your
Embargo, in 1907, to June. 1Sl2-Every thing
that men could do, they did, to stay your course
When, at last, they could effect no more, they
urged ycu 10 DELAY your measures They entreated
you TO give yet little time for dellberaton, and
TO wait for favorable events As If inspired for the
purpose of arrestng your progress, they ia before
you the consequences of your measures, just as we
have seen them since take place. They predicted
to youthe effects on public opinion. They told
gout th,e hEkcaa vi hcaitbst 'NJ "N
political dssentions. They pointed cut toygu also,
what would and what must happen on the frontier.
Tha. which since has happened there, is but their
prediction turned into history. Vain is the hope,
then, Of escaping just re,rbution, by mputing to
the minority ofthe government or to the opposition
among the people the disasters Of these times
Vain il the attempt to impose thus on the common
sense Of mankind. The world has had too much
experience Of ministerial shifts and evasiens 1t
has learned tojudge of men and their actions and
OF measures, BY their consequences.
If the purpose be, by casing these imputations
! upon those who are opposed TO the policy OF the
government, 10 check their freedom OF inquiry.
discussion and debate, such purpose 10 also inca-
pabie OF being executed. That opposition Is con-
stitutional and legal 1t is also conscientious'--
1t rests in settled and sober conviction, that such
policy sdestructye to the interests OF the people,
and dangerous to the being of the government
The experiensc Of every day confirms these senu-
ments. Men wsss act from such motives are not 70
be discouraged by triAing obstacles nor a"ea oy
| any dangers They know the limit OF constitutional
opposition--ur to that limit, at then own dlscre-