Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1813-04-01

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knowledges the previous existence of the
ori.ish oiockading order of May 1906, on
"nich the French DEGREES were alletleed to
oe rounded, and declares it to be an evidence
o, hostile disposition on the par, of the
United states TO ask of Great Britain the
abandonment Of that order!
Inc two proposals for an armistice made
oy the American government, through Mr..
RUSSELL, is next brought into notice. The
] t,rie'sh government dogmatically asserts that
the practice OF searching merchant vessels
ana SEEING on their seamen is an undou6tcd
fISht, and contends that the assurances of
! Mr.. Russell, that laws should be passed nv
| the American government to prevent the
cmpioymens of British seamen in their mera
enant service were too indefinite, to I'D.
mt OF an abandonment of that right ! and
1t seems, what added to the offence was, that
Doth these proposals were accompanied by
demands Qf'n,dcnanifv for all .fmeric:p s,cs-
sels detained and condemned under fhe or
aers IN council, or under illegal biockaeies %
That is in plain English, the American go
vernment, expected compensation for the
robberies committed on her commerce and
when the claim is suggested, his royal high
ness, the prince regent, like his worthy.pro-
totypc, Sir John Falstaff. sets his arms a.
kimho, looks big, and takes offence, that we
should stand uficn security
A rescally yea forsooth knave, to bear
a gentleman in hand, and then stand upon
security. I'D as lief thev would put rats
hane in my mouth, as offer to stop it with
security."- SHAKESPEARE.
We now come to the prince regents ex
plicit declaration of the principles which
have governed and which we are informed
will continue to govern the British cabinet
We fearlessly pronounce that no real A
merlcan, no friend to the interest or in
dependence OF his country, can view them
IN any other light than as complete pros
tration OF all neutral right, and all public
law. Where is the American to be found
who Will say that the government of his
Country ought to admit these extravagant
pretensions OF the enemy, or who would not
rather indicate our violated rights by the
sword We copy the words of the mani
festo:
6 His royal highness can neyer admir- thar
Great Britain can be de6a,red from IFS yfght
ofJust and necessary retafiofion through thc
fear Of eUcnfuaAy affecting The interests ofa
neutral. His ROYAL highness can neuey nd
mir that IN The exercise Of The undoubfed and
hitherto uudishuted right Of searching neu
trdl merchant UeSseks in time Of qvar, and fhe
ifnlfressnent Of British seamen, when found
therein, can be deemed any violation of
neutral nag Neither car he admit, the ia
king such seamen from on board such YES
| sells, can be considered by any neutral states
as hostile measure, or justihabie cause
| of war
(" There is no right more clearly estab-
| lished than right which sovereign has To |
| the allegiance OF his subjects, more espe CT.
! ally in time of war. Their allegiance is no
optional duty, which they can decline, and
resume at pleasure. 1t is a call whic!, they
are bound to obey it began with their birth,
and can only terminate with their existence.
| 1t a similarity of language and manners NAV
make the exercise of this right more liable
! to partial mistakes, and occasional abuse
| when practiced towards vessels of the Uni
| ed States, the same circumstances make
| it also right, with the exercise of which.
| IN regard TO such vessels it is more difficult
to dispense. But 1t. to the practice of the
| United States, to harbor the British seamen.
4 be added their assumed right to transfer the
allegiance of British Subjects, and thus tn
| cancel the jurisdiction of their legitimate So
vereign, by acts of naturalization AID GER
tihcates OF citizenship, which they pretend
! to be as valid out of their own territory az
| within IL, it is obvious that to abandon this
ancient right OF Great Britain. and to admit
| these novel professions of the United States.
| would be to expose to danger the very foun-
dation of our maratime strength"
| he manifesto then proceeds tn notice
| some of the charges made in the American
| declaration. 1t denies any KNOWLEDGE or
| participation on the part of the British 90
| vernmeDt in the plot Of Henry--or in excl
| ting the Indians to hostile measures AGAINST
| the United States and it ascrbes in posi-
| live terms the whole cause Of the war to the
| complete subservency of the government
| OF the United Ststes to the ruler Of France
| It'll not our intention to enter into a re-
| view of this extraordinary production. But
| we cannot close this article without a re-
| mark or two.
| IL England be not the first aggressor on
neutral commerce, why did she refuse the
repeal of the blockading order of MAY
| 1867 And why does she now declare the
| abandonment of that order, to be an aban-
donment of one of her maratime rights
But, whether France or England be the first
| aggressor, that is a question of compare
| lively little moment. He who breaks his
neighbours house on Monday, is neither
more nor less criminal than he who COM
mits the same offence ON Tuesday. The
moral turpitude is the same and il is but
adding insult to injury, to aliedge in extern
uation orjustlhcation of the second offence
that the first was suffered to pass unpunish-
ed. The fact is, the injured party has a right
to take his redress at the time he may deem
most eligible, and according as the different
| circumstances and situations of the guilty
offenders may seem to require, or his pros
pect otremuneration may direct. II is e.
nough for him that his property has been
| wantonly pillaged-So in the present case.
Inc United States are the innocent vic
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