Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1813-04-05

them TO be the enemy of impress
sing men from on board their ships and, il
should have been shown how this dispositi
on proved them to be willing instrument Ct
French tyranny, or of any tyranny at ALI 1t is
useless to revie it is useless to fy cG to O.
ther matter. We impress men on board the |
American ships upon the high seas we take
out (no matter whether by mistake or other
wisc) American seamen as well as English !;
I'VE force them to fight OH board our ships
we punish them if they disobey. And, when
they, after years of complaints and remon-
STRANGE take up arms in the way OF resistance,
we tell them that they show themselves the
willing Instruments and abettors of French
tyranny. l wish sincerely that this passage
had been omitted. There are other parts
=. the dcclaration" that do not like but
TINS part appears to me likely TO excite
great deal of i'll will ;'of lasting. of rooted
ll-will. do not like the word professed''
as applied to the American principles of
freedom. The meaning of that word, as
here applied, cannot be equivocal and as
| surcdly would have been better left out, es-
pec'aily as We never see, in any Of the Anne
rican documents, any expression OF the kind
applied to us and to our government. But, to
take another view of the matter, why should
ms royal highness expect the Americans to
be disinclined towards France, because they
profess principles of freedom Why should
he on this account, expect that they would
lean to our side in the war Does the dcclarati-
| Duncan to say, hiatt the government of France
is more tyrannical than was that monarchy,
for the restoration of which a league was
! made in Europe in the years 1899 and 1898?
From its tone the declaration may be con-
strued to mean that our government is more
| free than that of France, and that, therefore,
i N.rrt,f I,a
profess principles of freedom, to be on our
| side in contest against French tyranny.
Hem Hum! Well, Well We will say no
\ thing about the matter; but it must be
| clear TO every one that the Americans may
| have their own opinion upon the subject;
! and they may express it too, until we can
| get at them with an Er-o6icis. They may
have their own opinion upon the matter;
and their opinion may possibly differ from
ours. They are. to be sure, at great dis
tance but they are a reading and obser-
wing and calculating Seope and III engage
that there is not a farmer in the back states
who is not able to give a pretty good &C
count of the blessings Of" English liberty.'
Besides leaving this quite out of the question
surprising that the Americans should think
| us freemen and the French 81 ayes, why
| should that circumstance prevent them from
leaning to the side of Francel What exam
pies OF the effect of such morality amongst
nations have the Regents ministers to pro-
| duce? How often have we seen close allan
! ces between free and despotic states against
| states either free or despotice How often
have we been on the side of despots against
| free states England was once in offensive
alliance with France against Holland Hol
| land and France against England and it
| ought never to be forgotten, that ENGLAND.
not many years ago, favoured the invasion of
Holland and the subjugation of the Sta.es
General by Prussan army. Have we not
formed alliances with Prussia, Austria Rus
STA, Spain, Naples and all the petty princes
OF Germany against the Republic of France ,
Nay, have We refused in that war. the co.
operation of Turkey and Algiers. And. as
tor the old Papa of Rome, the Whore of
Babylon" as our teachers call him, his aili-
ance has been counted holy by Us, and
his person an object of our peculiar care and
prote ction. Why then are we to expect
that America is to refrain from .consultinp
her interests, if they be favored by a lean.
ing towasds France. Why is she to be shut
out from the liberty of forming connexions |
with despotism, supposing a despotism |
now to exist i'll Frances The truth is. that |
IN this respect, as in private life, it is inter
est alone that guides, and that must guide !; |
and in my mind, it is 10. more reasonable to
expect America to lean on our side ON ac- |
count of the nature of the government of |
our enemy, than it would be to expect a |
presbyterian to sell his sugar to church. |
man, because the only man that babe him a |
higher price was catholic. Here should |
stop but an article upon the same subject,
IA the Morning Chronicle of the 18th inst |
calls for observation.
Upon the falsehoods and impudence of the |
Times and the Courier, that is to saw. the
principal prints on the side of the Wellesley
party and that of tile ministers, have re- |
marked often enough. was anxious to |
hear what the wings had to say, and
here we have it. Mr. Ponsonby and
MIR. Broughman had pledged themselves to |
support the war, If America was not
satisfied with the repeal of the orders in
coureil and here we have the grounds of
support. On this account the article IS in
teresting, and of Course, worthy Of an at
tentive perusal. " Notwithstanding the te-
dious length of the papers on botd sides, the
question between the court of London and
the government of the United States is sim
ply the right OF impressment Of seamen on
board trading ships--and this is in truth the
sole cause of the war. Ii we we're to ex-
anime the value of this cause to the two par
ties, it cannot be denied that to the Ameri.
cans is exceedingly slight, and to the Bri-
fish highly material. The Americans can
not regard it as an insult, because it is
right which has been at all times asserted
and acquiesced inby sovereign States res
pectiveiy.
"Ihen viewed IS an injury, what is il ?
| That they shall go to war 20 prevent Bri.
fish subjects who have forfeited their allie.
glance abandoned their country, and lief,
their families probably starving, from being