Alexandria gazette, commercial and political. [volume] (Alexandria [Va.]) 1812-1817, 1813-03-13
VIRGINIAN-NO. II.

VIRGINIAN-NO. II.
Neither can l rest,
A silent witness, of the headlong rage,
Or needless folly; by which thousands
die,
Bone of my bone, and kindred souls
to mine.
Coyter', Tack.
The committee proceed to tell Us, that
"to form a correct estimate of the duties
which the United States have to perform,
it is necessary to take view of the com.
munications which have passed between
the executive of the United States and
the British government since the decla-
ration Of war;" and such a view, say
they, :" will shew distinctly the existing
ground Of controversy between the two
nations, and the indispensable obligation
TO maintain it.'' They 60 on then to
state, that /" as soon as war was declared
our minister at the court of London was
instructed to propose an armistice, to
take effect on condition, that the orders
in council should be repealed, and that
orr flag should protect our seamen-
and that these were the oniy indispensi-
Bile conditions insisted on"-And as "an
indacement 10 the British government
to forbear these wrongs, it was propos-
ed to repeal the non-importation law,
and to prohibit the employment of Bri.
fish seamen in the public and private
vessels ofthe United States"
We have there Development of the
reasons, for the continuance of the war;
the rejection of that fart Of the gfer re,
shectins the flag protecting seamen.-
And these bear too strong resemblance
to the general tenor of administration
performances, not to shew that this re.
port has been dictated by them. In the
first place, it is not t'ue, that the propo-
sition made to Great Britain was, that
our flag should protect our seamen-it
was and the committee knew it; that
our fsg should protect all sailing under
il. Had the proposition have been, what
the committee say it was, Great Britain
would never have rejected it, because
she never contended for the right Of taxi
ing our seamen from our merchant ships
but for the right of taking her ozva,
whom we had no right in time of war,
upon any principle recognised by social
or national law, to decoy from the duty
they owed their native country. And
it was because the condition Of the ar.
mistice required of Great Britain. to re-
linouish that right, before any adequate
remedy had been made for il, that it was
rejected - how true then this admi-
nistration assertion is, that /" these
were the only indispensable conditions
insisted EMS left for a candid public
to Judge of.
But let US enquire, if their real object
had been to preserve the peace OF the
nation, why were propositions reserved
for SUSPENSION Of hostaties, which had
not been used as an inducemcnt for
preventing their commencement. we
all know that the president had no right
to pledge congress for the performance
Of any act, purely legislative. This was
as well known in Great Britain as here.
Congress had made the existence OF the
non.imporlation law to depend upon the
repeal Of the orders in council, but they
had not, although the impressment OF
seamen had been long complained OF,
done any act or passed any law, to tre-
rent British seamen .fro@ enteriag into
the naval or merchant service efthe u
nued States which was known to be
the only ground upon which the practice
was sought to be justified on the part OF
the British. Great Britain having re-
pealed her orders in council, had done
every thing which the Legislative soue-
reignty of the country had deemed ne
cessary to put an end to the disputes
between them. 1t was fair to conclude,
as congress only, had the right to say
for what causes war should be declared,
that if the business of impressment had
been cause Of war, they would not have
been so remiss in the dsty they owed
their own country and other countries,
as not to have put that also upon ground
so lust and honorable, that no COLLISION
could have grown out OF 1t; or 1t any
did, that the fault should clearly rest
with their adyersaries. When then
proposition was made on the part OF the
administration to the British govern
mept, pledging the legislative sovereign.
ty of the country to the performance OF
an act, which, if they had considered 1t
as so important an one as to be Of ifsey
a sufficient cause Of war, they would GER
taiuly have taken care to place upon the
most fair and honorable ground was 1t
not an allowable conclusion on the part
OF the British government, that 1t was
oil