Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1813-11-22
From co6Sen's wec&ty poatcal Register

Neidi ettiNS OeiVre the PUBIC, and il seems to
have experienced very uncommon fate !;
1t has received the applause of hund reds
who have never read it, and of thousands
! who, II they were to read, could not under
stand it, but as it is explained by some of
/ those hackney politicians who are dispersed
through our coffee houses in the metropolis,
and IN all the public places of our inland
towns, to supply by their commentaries the
deficiency Of understanding of thinking
people. So much has been said about this
paper, and by so many too who pass for men
vi sense upon common occasions, that after
havig read it without exciting in me any o.
Their emotion, than such as | feel on the ne,
rusal OF the common run OF state papers, in
which the principal feature usually is
presumption that no man will ever examine
the truth or fallacy OF state paper, or at
tempt to compare its allegations with the acts
to which it refers. or even the different parts
OF the same paper with itself.
This forcing ofstate papers upon the minds
of 4 thinking people, has some hing in it of
the method by which bad plays are forced
upon a London audience, by "a conspiracy Of
poor authors stationed in different parts Of
the theatre, and acting without any appa-
rent concert. One half of the people of
England have not time to peruse such de
claration from It's great length, and the pres
sure OF their necessities-and the idle part
are always prepared 10 take upon trust what
ever is given them. /, who have nothing to
do but to attend to my farm and my news
paper, was induced to tn TO this Austrian
Manitesto-and by a seclnd perusal endea,
vor TO discover the foundation of those sus-
piciouS appliances, those marks of the great
statesman, thuse wonderful examples Of
truth and moderation, which had escaped me
on the first perasal.
a secoad reading has not had the clfec,
upon me which it appears to have made up
on the venal presses, or those ,sho write
for them; my first impression, confess,
partook more ofpity for those whom it was
intended to impose upon, ard contempt for
those who rcsorted to such means TO cheat
the people OF Europe. than any other feeling.
Ihe second pcrusal served, only to agpla-
vate my contempt and almost TO forbid nv
! pity tor any man who could he imposed u3-
| on by such means | shall therefore take
up this Austrian M,n,festo, ard as it does
| not concern the fosging of soldiers, shall
| do 1t without any apprehension Of two years
| confinement in Newgate, among felons and
| pickpuckets, and under The certainty that
his najesty'S treasury will not be enriched
| sy another thousand pounds, the properly
| of my family
/ 4
| clara,ian that the Emperor was comuel.
| led to engage in most OF these wars which
| have ravaged Europe for upward of twenty
| years" This is the very beginning of the
Austrian Manifesto! Now who Compelled
him /? l dare say very few of ;his thinking
| people ever stopt to enquire. what was the
meaning OF this Introductory sentence thev
are accustomed TO hear OF the parliamentary
orators, ard the election orators and the law
orators. all commencing their prepared
speeches with SOME plausible compliment to
their auditors, or some flourish bcspeakine
their confidence and no doubt never con
ceived that great manifesto issued in the
| name of great Emperor, and the ally OF
our most gracious sovereign also, would COM
! mcnce the very FIRST paragraph with the as
sertion ct a !assehood, which every man who
has lived in the last twenty years, must be
as capable of determining, as Count S adio!.
OF Coun; Stahreu,oerg, or any statesman in
the Cabinet Of Vienna.
Ishallno' enter into the question whether
the French had any Gauss of complaint
gainst the Bourbons, or whether they had
| any right to reforms their government these
questions are foreign to those with which the
Austrian Manifesto sets OUT. The confer
ence at Mantua and at Pilnitz were held be
fore any attempt was made upon the mon
archy of France. Austria was a party a
principal, in those designs-and in which She
bargained Tor large additional slice OF Pc.
land, Which it should be observed, was no
more Iacobirhcal at that time, than at tie
! two former partitions, between her present
! imperial and royal allies. / say, Austria.
with Prussia, Spain, and others, entered intC
engagements for the partition of certain other
parts of Europe. besides Poland, and a larre
portion of the Kingdom of France--that i,
the Kingdom of France as it stood more than
twenty years ago, before the comb nation of
Austria and other powers, t. subdue Franc,
and reduce the limits even ether Their terri
tory, had taken place.
On the face of The Austrian declaration.
in its very opening, then. it procaims to the
whole world a falsehood, UNQUALIFIED asd
| unreserycd-as for toe comEuIsion Wick the
manifesto says Austria acted under, where
| is it to be Sought Austria, twenty wears :
J 60, had become by the decline of Prussia. the.
| principal power in Europe There was no
| power. 40 combination of powers, then in
| Europe, possessed OF sufficient Confidence or
| genius in the head Of its government, to act
| upon Austria by cOmpulsion.
Ofthose wars which have ravagcd Europe
| for more than twenty years, Austria has been
either the Frfncihoi, or il that be not admit
ted in its full extent. the only alternative is
| that Austria must have been the dupc orthe
| Instrument II soDie unseen Hoqyer, whose
means Of compulsion must be in us means of
coITupti-on--what power that's shall leave
| to the Judgment OF Il thinking peODle