Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1812-06-15

had eluded them; and that it was proceed
Ing against all other maritime ports of E;u-
rope on the prctence that his system could
not be permanent and complete, so long as
they retained their liberty with regard to it.
The outrageous principle here avowed
connects itself obviously with the proposition
too much countenanced by America, that the
continental system OF Bonaparte, as far as il
operates to the coniiscation of neutral pro-
perry on shore, on the ground of such pro-
|perty beng British produce or manufacture,
IS mere municipal regulation which nett
trail or bellgerent nations have no right to
resent, because it does not violate any prin-
ciple of the law of nations. Ii is unneces-
saiy to recur to the various arguments by
which it has been shewn that this system
does not partake of the character of NUM-
cipai regulation, which neutral or beligereat
nations have no right to resent, because it
does not violate any principle of the law of
nations; but that ii is n mere war measure
directed with the most hostile spirit against
G. Britain; an6. Ill order to extend this sys-
| tenn on the principle of municipal regulation
all the rights of independent neutral nations
are to be violated, their territories to be
seized wishout any other cause Of war what
ever, but that thev may be Incorporated
with the French nation, and thence becom-
; ms subject to her rights of dominion, receive
INC continental system as a municipal resu-
iatlon OF France, and thus the mere possib-
| iity G. Noncompliance with the whole of the
| system is made the ground for the occupa-
| ton or invasion, the incorporation or extern
| sion OF every state where the French arms
I can reach. So
| Great Britain cannot believe that Ameri-
| ca will not feel just Indignation at the full
| dveloPement of such system-a system
which indeed Bonapartc has partially opened
before, g ha in the instances Ut the Haaseatic
| towns, of Portugal and other countries carried
I into complete execution, but which he hasne
| yer completely unfolded in al it's extent until
| the present moment; and in what an insult
! ing and prepostcrous shape docs he now Sc
| tempt to bring forward and promulgate this
| code which he is to force upon all nations
| He assumes the Treaty of Utretcht to be in
| force, and to be law binding upon all ma
| tons; because it suits his convenience, at
! this moment when the navy of Frame is
| driven from the ocean, to revive the doc
| trine of " free ships making free goods, he
| has recourse to treaty no longer in force,
| in which such a stipulation eXisted-a trea
| ty which, by his own express refusal at A.
| miens to renew any VI the ancient treaties,
/ was not then revived as even binding on c..
| Britain and France, between whom alone
4 as parties to it, and only while they were at
| peace with each other could it ever have
| had any legal effect, yet even tins treaty Is
too narrow basis for his present pretensi-
ons, since he cannot find in it his rule for Ii
| hitting maritime blockades TO fortresses ac-
1 tually invested, hesieged, and likely to be
taken; no provision of any description nav
ing been made in that treaty either for de-
filming orregulating blockades.
Surely, at such an instant, America viii
not urge Great Britain to abandon or to
soften any precautionary, any retaliatory
rights against such a power. The British
government not only feels itself imperiously
bound to defend them, as they respect Great
Britain with all vigor, bat to call upon eve
nv nation 10 resist such cz-orbitant preten-
sions.
IfGreat Britain, at such a moment, were
to relax her orders in council againspFran
would not all other nations have reason TO
complain that the common cause was aban
doned>
America must feel that Bonaparte is not
act;rg, as indeed he never has acted, with any
view Establishing principles ofIeal freedom
with respect tonavigation; but tits merely en-
deavoring to cloak his determination, if pos
sible, to ruin Great Britain, by novel de
mands and rejected theories of maritime
law; and America must see, that Bona
parties object is to exclude British com
merce from every coast and port OF the con-
tinent and that in pursuit of this object,
trampling on the rights of independent
states, he insultingly prociaims his deterni-
nation to effect it by direct invasion Of those
independent states, which he as insultingly
terms a guarantee, thus making the most
solemn and sacred term in the law OF ma
tons SYNONYMOUS with usurpation of terrific
ry and extinction of independence. Ameri-
ca must see, that as all the states hitherto in
his power have been seized on TO guarantee
his system, he is now proceeding to destroy
whatever remains of independence in other
neutral states, to make that guarantee com
plete. From his want OF power to pass the
Atlantic with his armies Ga want of power
for which the United States arc indebted tc
the naval superiority OF Great Brittany his
system of a guaranteeing force may fail as &c
America, but as he cannot hope to shut A
merican ports against Great Britain by oc-
cupancy and invasion, he hopes to effect his
. purpose by management and fraud, and tc
accomplish that by MISREPRESENTATION which
he cannot accomplish by power.
Great Britain he feels is only to be ruined
by excluding her from every port in the
+. world; he hopes therefore to shut every
port in Europe by force, and every port
I'm America by management; he pre-
tends 70 conciliate America by applause o
her conduct, and partial relaxation Of hi
system In her favor. He accompanies th,
promise of repeating his DEGREES with condi
tons which ne trusts America will not dis
aVow, and which he knows g. Britain mus
reject; knowing at the same time that thr
| relaxation OF his DEGREES will be Of little us
20 america, without corresponding relax
alton by Great Britain, he throws every Oh
1 u