The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1812-02-06


ciation has been made, such man deserves
not to be convinced-to all others, any il
ustration OF mine is unnecessary. Sir, ne
gociationh has been exhausted there is silent,
out conclusive testimony to the fact. Mel
ther within this house, nor without it, to his
Snowledge, has any man, however violently
opposed to- the administration, venturcd the
slightest intimation 70 the contrary-even
the gentleman from Virginia, acute as he is,
and hard rs he labored against the bill, did
not suggest doubt.
III then negotiation is exhausted. It is a
fact no where denied, what alternative have
we but to fight or succumbs Gentlemen
need not dwell upon the miseries, the con-
sequences of war. / dread the curses of
posterity more. But, sir, what are the
causes of war? Similar injuries with those
OF which the old Congress complained, and
againstwhich they fought. Great Britain
" exercises unbounded sovereignty on the
ocean-she names the ports and nations to
which alone our merchandise should be car
ried, & with whom alone VIC should trade -
The wanton plumber of our property-the
unprovoked impressment of our fellow citi-
zens-the assertion of principles and the
practice upon them, absolutely incompatible
with our ndependence.-ShallI go mo
-Ienticmen cannot bear to hear the nau-
scous catalogue of wrongs repeated, not
withstanding they will not resent them
The same gentleman from Virginia, acknow-
Lodges we have had sufficient and iust6able
causes OF war, ever since the wear 1866
indeed! what were they! The interrupt
on OF trade during war, not enjoyed in a
time of peace. Was the impressmens of sea-
men then, such cause of war? If these
we're justihable causes of war then, how can
ne refuse to avcnge the wrongs of his coun-
try now, increased and extended as they
are /! lo his mind, the interruption of that
foreign Carrying trade, injurious as it was,
bears no comparison with her restrictions
on Incorporation of our own products. He
Could not give utterance to the indignation
he felt, at the imposition of a transit duty on
nur commerce to any part of the world that
Great Britain might choose to interdict.-
No--the gentleman may reply, the orders
in council do not levy contribution on our
trade now, they are modified, so as only to
nterdict particular places. If one place,
why not every other place. But indeed,
has that proud unbending nation modified
ner orders, of whom he declared it was i'm
possible 10 divert from her purpose? Was
1t diScoveTcd.she had taken too rank hold ND
onthe peaceable habits of our peoplcl That
the imposition Of such a tax. had excited a
ierment injurious to herself, the cause of
winch, no sophistry could conceal> Was the
burning OF gin at Baltimore calculated to in
iuce belief that it might renew the same
scenes with the destruction of tea at Boston
ne outrage was, indeed, too nearly allied
10 the Causes OF the revolution, to be borne.
lie orders are therefore modified, but the
eVil still exists, the principle is retained, 8,
IS the same, whether exercised by her in
Imposing a tax on our trade, in restricting
our commerce to particular places, or in as
serting nibounded sovereignty on the ocean.
What, at t':is moment, is the practical o.
peration Of her orders? She marks out the
course and destination of your ships, laden
nth the productions of your own soil {; if
~ vary in the least FROM the limits she
prescribes, your property is captured and
condemned, for contraUenimg His Majes-
ty'S Orders in Council !'' Shall we be a.
gain asked for the causes of war?
The same gentleman of Virginia asks,
what are the objects of the war The OBJ
Jects are necessarily involved in the causes
OF war; and, to his mind, were legitimate
| honorable, just and necessary. The liberia
ton OF our unfortunate, incarcerated seamen
is one object acknowledged by the gentle
| man to be proper. The sufferings of this
mertorious description of citizens, who are
as much entitled to protection as any othe,
| (no matter how elevated) cannot be paIIia-
ied, and oug ht no longer to be endured. The
! right mot a restricted permission from G.
| brittany to Il tree and common use of the
ocean is another The remuneration of a
| principle which exercises foreign jurisdic.
| ron over us, another The re-acltnow-
Judgement, not in form, but in fact, of indie
pendence-practical sovereignty-another
mere can be neither security for our rights
nor our property when the power of taxa
ton can be exercised CT is inmateriai un-
der what name or character,) without re-
presentation for surely the produce of la
Dor is his, who can take Of it whate~er he
| pieaseS. Deprived of this great and vital
OBJECT, who has a mind to Calculate the re-
suit And yet, great and vital as they are
tney constitute only part. VIII the gen
tie"an reply, they are neither just nor nc
cessaryf What gave rise to- the revolution
Not paltry tax on stamps or tea, but the
assertion OF the right to those taxes What
now is our situation. The principles and
practices which we are called upon to act
are, in magnitude and Importance. inf
pIteiy transcendiug those Of that day. Tc
AVOID war, we have receded, step bv step
until we have not one inch OF honorable
ground lett to stand on. Are we not deeene-
rated tic would be glad to learn from the
gentleman, which of the numerous outrages
we have sustained from G.. Il. is greatest SC
numerous are they, it appeared. TO his mind
almost impossible to determine which j,
worst. we are now called upon to assert
these objects it there is no other practical
Die mode than force, we are bound to make
great and cheerful sacrifices TO sustain that
force. But, suppose unqualified submission
ff.afs L