Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1812-05-18
FROM TIE rANKEE.
w A K WITH II OF OR;
PEACE WITHOUT HOPE !

vi evils. Inere are few at tins day-none
that an intelligent public will have patience
to hear-who deny that we have just cause
OF war against England and France. But
there are some who contend that war
with England would be Objectionable OH two
grounds
LIST. Because both nations are not coupled
together-which they alledge impartiality
requires, as both have offended. .i
3D. Because the evils of war would be
greater than those which it is intended to
avoid.
The first objection will probably he found
on examination to arise from the partially
of those by whom it is made. At any rate,
as question of principle, it can have no bet
ter foundation than a very false delicacy
1t supposes us under the same obligations to
enemies as to frientls-that we are bound to
act as neutrals, when compelled to assume
the attitude of belligerent nation. These
scrupulous moralists who make this objec-
ton, would fain make us believe that high
way robbers should be treated with all the
courtesy that is due to travelling compani-
ons-That if two freebooters demand our
purses, we must resist neither; or deal out
blows, powder and balls, or whatever fare
we gave them, with the same impartiality
and good humor that we would carve for our
friends at the convivial board. The bare
state nent of such palpable absurdities pre-
ciudes the necessity of reasoning upon them
In such case the selection of the foe, is a
mere question of policy, in which the princi-
pies of neutrality have nothing to do When
1t becomes a rational question, it is open for
discussion till those who are vested with the
right to declare war determine it, and when
1t is determined, the individuals who would
interfere to avert the blow from one often
der because it is not aimed at another, can
find no better name than treachery for their
affected impartiality. This doctrine may
be offensive to some who claim to De " the
disciples of Washington" but it will never
be controverted by any man who understands
the principles of our constitution and is de-
termined to support them.
The second objection, if it have not more
weight, requires more detailed examina
ton 1t is admitted that the evils of a war
cannot be anticipated with any precision
neither can those which it is intended to re-
nedy. We may venture to assert with con-
hdence, that war against any, or every
power in the world, iu defence of our iust
rights never can be fatal to America, unless
made so by the treacheIy of its citizens or
inIbecility OF its rulers. But what pledge
can human wisdom give, what can even hope
promise for our security should we delibe-
rately surrender our invaded rights without
struggle? The wounds of war would soon
be healed and leave none but honorable
scars. To shrink from the combat would be
to infiict on ourselves the incurable wounds
of voluntary disgrace. Should the fortune
of war compel us to retreat the enemy would
learn to respect a gallant foe, and at the
worst our situation would command an homo
rable truce. But if we surrender without
resistance, we shall find in self-re2roach
and the reproaches of the world, inexora-
bic foes that will make no truce and from
which we can never retreat.
In order to form a better estimate of the
nature and extent of those evils for which
the experience of the world, and our own
government so fertile in experiments, have
never been able to find any sure remedy but
in zyar-Let us examine the summons the
invading enemy, and see what are the rights
and privileges which he requires US to sur
render.
We need not descend to the odious and
perplexing detail of those orders in council
which have issued from the Cabinet Of Eng
land the five years past, to learn the nature
and extent of the sacrifices we are required
to make at the shrine of it's avarice. The
British ministry have dispensed with the
trouble of acting the hypocrite, and spared
Il
tell us through their demi-ofIicial organ, the
London Courier
" That G. Britain has got pos
session of the ocean-that it must
have right to enact laws for the
regulation OF ITS OWN ELEMENT
to confne the trade of neutraIs
within such bounds, AS ITS WIN
RIGHTS AND INTEREST REQUIRE
TO DRAWN"
Never was highway robber more bold
in his demand, or frank in the avowal of his
| infamy. The maritime code of Great Bri-
tain is now reduced to three words" Stand
and deliver :"
Let this subject be brought home to the
| understanding of every man who reflects and
| feels--particularly those two great classes
mostly interested-our farmers and mer-
chants.
1t is unnecessary to recur to the pages of
Vattell, Grotius, Pufendorf and other civil
lians. Not that the great principles they in
| Culcate are an artificial code that can be alb
rogated by any power on earth; but be-
cause the eXigencies Of the times require
that these principles should be settled upon
a broader and frmer basis, and claim a di-
rect appeal from their violators to the laws
of nature and of natures God, written upon
the heart Of intelligent man wherever he is
| found.
The Ocean, that element which England
claims ~ her oUH, is with strict propriety
called the high 7Uay II nations. The com
mon rights and privileges of a high way are
| familiar 20 all.
What should we think Of the man who
should call the high way his own, merely