The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1812-12-12


Ken, we shall cease to be free, we shall
cease ~ be happy. IT the period shou =
ever arrive when the American armies
shail be seen arraycd in hostility against
each other, l care not by what cause il NAV
he produced, OF, ON which side Of the Poto-
mack or the Allegheny the superiority of
strength may be supposed to lie, the gent
us III libery will abandon us forever. Bro
tncr VIII meet brother in the field of attic
the son Will smite the father. and the father
the son. and al! the accompanying horrors
OF CIVIL commotion will be visited upon u.s.
But the mischief will not stop here The
restless eye of never sleeping ambition inces-
sanity SweeDS through the whole range of
human affairs in search of objects of gratifi-
Cation. To that ambition the weaker party
IN TINS contest will appeal for support
Foreign AID will strengthen its arms, and
the catastrophe will exhibit to our view
the common ruins of the guilty and the in
nocent. he great founder of our iiber-
ties, he upon whose head the storm of war
lowered in the hour Of our peril, who first
looked across the troubled sea of revolution,
and beheld the independence of his country,
surviving the tempest and triumphing in it's
success. has proclaimed to us with warn
ing voice the danger of disunion. We
should lay his councils to our hearts and
sentiments at variance with his might lead
US to the precipice of destruction.
Having stated 60 you my devotion to some
OF the great principles upon which our go
vernment is founded. | might go on to emu
merate others equally dear to my heart, but
trust 1t will now be deemed sufficient for
me to declare in general terms my venera-
ton for the whole Constitution of the Uni
ted States, as we now have il, and my gra-
titude to those who formed it. In exercising
the powers delegated by that constitution, it
IS noe however sufficient that those who oc-
cupy the first stations in the state, should
keep within the pale of constitutional au-
thority. 1t is their duty to Consult and pur-
sue the best interests of those who have put
them in power: dsregardng the whims
and prejudices which grow out Of the pas
slons enkindled by party violence, they
should look to the preamble of the federal
constltution-ior the objects contemplated by
the people. IN It's formation, and use every
honorable effort for their attainment.
Each branch # the government should
leave to the other branch the exercise of
those powers exclusively delegated to it,
and no one should attempt an encroachment
upon the privileges of any other, and
least OF all upon those of the people. II the
PreJuaices sprlngIng from party animosi-
5,
doubt whether single member of Congress
could be found. who would Justify the for
nation OF congressional caucus TO nominate
a president OF the United States FXemp,
from the influence OF any national partially,
or antIpathy in their intercourse with for
eign nations. they should pursue that course
which would demonstrate to US, and to the
world that all are viewed in the same as
PeGt. Enemies in war, III peace friends"
IL Oeiong not tome to question the motives of
these, who hold the reins of governm ent in
TINS country, and who have plunged us into
the war, IN which we are now engaged but
In reviewing the causes which have led to
the contest and the policy of the administra-
ton In reference to the great European Bel
iigerents, cannot but think that the present
conflict might have been honorabIy avoided.
In the communication made by the Presi-
dcnt TO congress, in which the declaration
OF war IS recommended, and which imne-
diately preceded that declaration, we find
the British Orders of Council, the British
blockades, and the impressment of orr sea-
men, enumerated as the principal causes of
war. Ii the commencement of hostilities
mad only been postponed until we had pre-
pared Tor battle, subsequent events have
proved that the orders of council and the
olockades would have ceased to exist with
out war. The government of the United
States had long before received pledge
from the British government that it would
proceed " pari passu" with the French go
vernment in revoking its offensive edicts.
Upon receiving Champagny's letter of the
9TH August 1910, we asserted that the
French decrces OF Berlin and Milan, ceased
to exist on the LIST of November of that year.
and called for the revocation of the orders
OK council. The British ministry denied
that the French DEGREES were rescjnded.
and required the production of evidence
to show that fact. They appealed 10 the
testimony derived from the capture of orr
vessels, in the French ports, of those very
vessels, which had entered the French ports
upon the faith Of Champagny's letter, to
shew that at the time fixed by that letter
the operation of the French DEGREES had NOT
ceased. We had procured no decree from
the French Government resembling the De-
crees OF Berlin and Milan, other subjects
were brought into discussion with the Bri
tish ministry, and in this situation we de-
clared war against Britain.
whist the war was about TO be declared
at " ashingtop, the French decree OF Re-
vocation was pro luced. 1t professrd to be
dated twelve months before it's publication.
but was yet subsequent IN its date bv many
months to the period fixed by the French
Minister for the revoc alton Of the Berlin h
Milan DEGREES. indeed it was based moi
upon the declaration Of Mr.. Cbamoar,y
that the DEGREES should cease 20 oDera,s ~
NOV. 1910, but upon the idea entertained n,
the French Emperor and expressed in tn.
decree, that our act of Congress which h M
n Z erI in he, 81.