The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1812-05-15

dered by the Indian Ratchet and by British
| influence, and no right can be mentioned
worth having, that has not been assailed di-
rcctly or indirectly-not accidentally but
| ACKNOWLEDGMENT at this very moment
| this system Of destruction is continued with
a perseverance that astonishes any mind,
and whish pays no heed TO remonstrance, TO
Justice, to reason, the laws of nations and
negociation--under this view Of the subject
he should not consult dangers and hazards
the United States could not even pause
they must so on. He would resist and save
the rights, the honor and independence of
the people or be buried in the ruins of their
overthrow.
| He said, he was reminded of the decla-
rations of those who were unfriendly to re-
publican overnments--tyrants, monar
chists, friends of dcspotism, and privileged
orders, affected to believe, that a republican
government could not exist, that it was inn
practicable, that the people would not sup
port their rights, that they could not be
trusted, that republican government, de-
| pending upon the will of the people, was too
weak to contend with monarchy. He be-
| lcved such sentiments libel against repub-
lican governments, particularly the Ameri-
can government. He believed republican
| government was the strongest on earth, and
such was the opinion of the illustrious Jeffer-
son, one OF the greatest and best men on
earth. He knew the people were ready, "a
BILE and willing to defend their rights and
maintain their independence.
But calculations have been made, by the
| gentleman OF Virginia, as to the influence of
the embargo, as to the prices of our produce
flour, &c. 1t will not be denied, that the
embargo ought not to have been laid without
a most evident necessity !; nor ought any o.
Their restrictions without the very best rea-
sons. Bat because the embargo had an in
| fuence upon produce, was that alone a good
| argument against it The same argument
would have applied with double force in the
time OF the revolution, when the 5 peiice
upon the pound of tea was the iminediate
Cause of opposition TO his Britannia majesty
in the revolution. He would no, say it was
the sole cause Of the revolution. No, it was
part OF system Of oppression, which had
commenced many years before much like
that which has been pursued ever since.
Principle and not profit determined the pat
riots of that day. They might have been
told of the high price of produce, and the
, blessings OF peace. and the perils of war ;
and indeei eiey might have anticipated the
$4,000 lives which were lost in that great
conflict, and the S so,oO0,OO Of public debt.
and the depreciation of paper money and
{ property TO the amount of 100 million of
dollars more. But these arguments would
not avail when the alternative was political
slavery on one hand, and liberty and indie
Ipendence on the other. Had this policy
governed, the independence of the y. States
would never have existed. He said, as
much rs he was opposed TO war if it could
be avoided, and as much as he valued life,
, and he had numerous friends and connecti-
ons which made existence as valuable to
him as any other man-still he set double
value upon 1t in the hope anticipated that he
, should have an opportunity before many
weeks of voting for war or letters of marque
and reprisai against nation which had at
tempted FOR more than twenty years to des-
! troy the happiness and l)erties of the peo-
pie OF the U. States, and Vino seemed deter
mined not TO be satisfied with any thing
short OF absolute subjugation. The gentle,
man from Virginia says the majority have
no system; that they have not voted the
taxes that if war was the object, the tax
es should first be laid AS the gentleman
was opposed not Only TO all preparation for
war, but to the ways and means to carry
on the. war, he could not suppose that his
plan as recommended to the majority would
carry any obligations with it. II indeed
the gentleman had been in favor of the
measure, his opinion might have had great
influence. But as to the taxes, it would be
lrecoilectcd, that there was distinct resolu-
ton that no taxes should be laid until de-
tclaration OF war. 1t is known tn al that
the taxes proposed are war taxes, and as
war taxes they remained, in' their proper
place, III possession Of the committee of
] Ways and Means: Mr. j. said, if the bill
for laying the taxes was Def re the House
he would not vote for them until a declara-
ton OF war or letters of marque & reprisal
He had no idea of fixing the burthren of
taxes upon the people, unless it was for
The purposes OF supporting a war to main
tain their own rights and ndependence-.
He did not wonder therefore at the sugges-
ton of the gentleman that the taxes ought
TO be laid, which would be another theme of
complaint and denunciation. When war
is declared, taxes will be laid if necessary
and not without. A government which
cannot protect itself and its citizens from
outrage and plumber, does not deserve the
naIre and freemen who will not fight for
: their rights do not deserve to enjoy them.
MIR. CALHOUN.-Mr. Speaker, it is not
my intention to discuss the merits of the
embargo law, or to follow the gentleman
from Virginia i'll that maze of arguments
and assertions through which he has thought
proper to wander. The House must be
wearied, and can receive no additional
light on subject which, through the zeal
OF some gentlemen i'll opposition, has been
so frequently dragged into discussion.
cannot suppose that our opponents, in their
importantly, are governed by an expectation
that change will be made in the opinion of
any individual Of the majority. This they
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