The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1812-03-24
.flENgys MISSION.

The spirit of opposition NAV give birth, NC
should be astonisled at The attempts made
by Federal and nondescript prints to screen
the British government from the just inciig-
nation @: every honest ar honorable man III
the nation, winch has been excited by Hen
rvs disclosure of the peritly OF that govern
ment. We need no other proof than tins
to support an opinion we have before ad :
vanccd, and now Confidently repeat that the
Federal prints do not speak the language
OF the Federal party for no individual OF
respectability in that party will avpw any
other sentiment in relation to this affair than
those which have been expressed by their
Representatives ON the floor of Congress,
and in which we cordially acquiescc.
Upon looking over the various pitisul ,eX-
redients by which these prints end eavor to
evade the force of this deveiopement as 1T
affects the British government, we search
IN vain tor motive, unless we refer their
conduct to consciousness of participation
in the guilt which they defend.
Why is such confusion produced by the
event in the federal rankst What inter-
est, we ask, Gan they have as party in
nterposimg their political body as ram
part between the British government AMI
the indignation Of an incensed people This
conduct must end in their destruction
for in this land of freedom no party will
long exist, whose editorial mouth pieces are
suffered, by necessary and unavoidable in
ference, TO connect their cause with that
or any foreign government. The course
pursued by these prints, then, is as injudi-
cious as it is odous and it is much to be
lamented that any one or two individuals.
now at OF about the seat Of government,
correspondents or Editors of federal prints,
should have it in their power to subject the
federal party to the suspicious, which ma
;: ar thprr f,p ka coti
ons to which we have alluded. :.
Henry's papers were first declared to be
forgeries. This was a wilful untruth, be-
cause no one who heard or saw them but
was convinced of their authenticity & it
was soon found necessary to abandon this
subterfugc.
Allied TO this suggestion was that agains,
the character of Mr.. Henry. This might
as we'll have been spared, by the federal
editors, as by Mr.. Foster. We cannot but
admire at the rapidity with which Henry
sunk in their affections. Immediately after
he had developed the infernalism of tn,
project of G.. Britain to destroy US, after he
had done our country an invaluable service
by detecting the foes to its existence, by eX-
posing the canker il the bud we could net
Dat admire the rapid change of sentiment,
we say, when we reflect that Mr.. Henry
has in times past been most strenuous
supporter of the federal party ; that he has
been received by them with open arms !;
hat he has been toasted at their private
houses in the neighboring cities-nor did
hey Cease 10 entertain HIM until he exposed
tue schemes in which he had been an au-
tlorised agent. II Henry had been so Uery
bad Il man, would he have been caressed,
IS We know he has bcen-would he have
acid ultimate correspondence with most res
Pec,abie federal gentlemen, as we have seen
| acknowledged in federal prints
But 1t is said that Henry has grossly "a
bused Mr.. Madison and all the democratic
party, u: his letters, and therefore is not To
be believed. This is singular reason to
be urged by -ederalists. because it would
equally prove that they themselves are un :
worthy ofcrcdit. But the argument amounts
| to nothing it proves neither the one thing
nor the other for political opinion is not to
be regulated by any fixed standard. Re-
plete with abuse Of rim as these papers are,
Mr.. Madison has new ertheless sent them to
Congress ard if he had not done so, he
nad deserved the execraton of all good
men, though he might, by withholding them,
have patched up an inglorious peace with
certain OF his enemies. Fortified in a con-
seriousness of his own integrity, the President
may and does look unmoyed on this detrac-
ton of himself. Why do not others equally
and not more stigmatised by Henry than Mr.
Madison, regard these letters with the same
equanimity of temperf We leave it to our
| readers to decide whether the different G.
motions they display arise from Conscious
ness of the truth of the allegations, which
may form the point of Henry's offence.
Another argument urged as conclusive a
gaiust the disclosure of the deadly hatred OF
Britain to this nation. is that the Massachu-
| sets election is near at hand We wonder
! not that those whose whole souls are enpa-
ged in contests for political power, who can
conceive no object of ambition but Office and
patronage, should he unable to corrective the
| pleasure patriot may feel in detecting
conspracies against his coun:ry's existence,
and covering with; confusion their abettors.
This suggestion proceeds from an obiiquitv Of
tellect, which cannot conceive of correct
! motives of action, Bat how is this disclosure
10 affect the Massachusetts, election ? is it
possible that federal writers consent 50 to
| identify their party with foreiga govern :
mcnt as that the disclosure of it's periidy
| shall necessarily affect them And DO they
therefore grieve ar the exposure of treache :
lry! We Caution our readcrs against Belle
wing, we call upon all candid Frderalists
| 10 repel, this foul aspersion. Lex it not
| hereafter be said we unjustiy dcpreciate
the motives of the federal parry, whei. their
own writers, their own 0ificiuds advocates.
imputc to them feelings and motives which
they universally disciain, ano which in
truth we never have charged them with
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