Alexandria daily gazette, commercial & political. [volume] (Alexandria [Va.]) 1808-1812, 1812-07-10

mr. 7 an, told, so and so: because the question
Immediately occurs, uvbo told youg and he
NAV be called upon for his authority-But
put it impersnnally ii is said, il is reforted, IL
is 6elieued, and he is quite safe from any such
disagreeable consequences.
The manner in which Mr.. Clay speaks of
my being acquainted with the projected mea-
sure, inasmuch as I am member Of the
committee of foreign relations, is calculated
to make an impression upon persons unac-
ouainted with the state of affairs at Washing
ton Most certainly i" Oh the 30th of Mayti
quas not expected" By me at least, or any
body else with whom | conversed, that any
such measure as " a declaration of war" would
" emanate from that committee" On the
contrary, G. it was expected that confiden-
tial message would be received from the Pre-
sident recommending the measure, and the
chief of my information was derived, at second
hand, from Mr.. Clay himself, who in one Of
his morning rides to Georgetown, day or
two before, communicated the intelligence to
one Of my colleagues, from whom l received
it. The authority was geod-The thing hap
pened accordingly. The Presidents message
was referred to the committee of foreign re-
lations-by them, to subcommittee of three
(of whom l was not one) and all the agency
which had in the transaction (even suisse
quently to the first. of June) was to help to
make up quorum, whilst the manifesto was
reading.
1t is not possible to make out any other diff
ference between Mr.. Sprigg's resolution and
mine, except the substitution of Great Britain
for the words ."French Republic" The cir
eumstances too were similar. The minority
apprehended war and were anxious to avert it
from the country Would Mr.. Clay's deci-
sion have been effected, in case l had added
two other resolutions one to prevent the arm
ing of merchant vessels, and the other to pro-
vide for the defence of the coasts
But what at last is the TRUE QUESTION in
which the public are Interested? is, whe-
Their after having been qui66led into war, by
distinctions between conditions precedent and
conditions subsequent between DEGREES at
fecting our neutral rights and DEGREES affect
ing our rights munjcNaHy"; we shall now, un-
der the mask Of form, be deprived of the sub
branch Of the Legislature whether we are
content to be cast, and lose forever this inva-
Iuable privilege, for some alleged want Of
nicely in special pleading!
The right Of illustrating and enforcing his
motion, violated for the first time in the case
of Mr. Randolph, was the last reflex OF free
dom of debate, which newrdles and forced con-
structions had left untouched. The present
practice of the House of Representatives is an
anomaly in Legislative proceedings. 1t is new
in this country, and there is nothing similar to
it in England, or in any of our state govern
ments as far as am acquainted. The use
made of this "ruLe to consider, which we
practise in the House of Representative"
(which rule does not exist in the rules and or
ders of the House and the abuse of " thet
hrevious question" are utterly subversive OF
the rights of the minority, for the preservation
of which, Rules are chiefly instituted, if we
are to credit high authority Mr.. Onslow !;
the majority by their numbers being always a.
bic 10 protect themselves.
By these, a member of the minority may be
and is prohibited from making any motion
whatsoever,-an all discussion precluded, at
their pleasure, on such measures as the ma
iority chose to bring forward 1t is notorious
that the hrevious question, instead Of being APP
piled to its legitimate objects, that isf "when
subject is brought forward of delicate ma
ture, as to high personages, &c. or the discus
sion of which may call forth injurious obser-
vations"--is brought into play altogether on
those great topics which especially demand
discussion and hence the recent change OF
the rule which requires majority to demand
the previous question" instead Of any five
mem6crs' as heretofore. Fortunately, the
Constitution secures that the yeas and nays
shall be taken at the rcquisition of one fifth of
the members present.; but even this provi-
sion is greatly evaded by secret sessions, which
*1lr Shrigg' Motion, March 26th, 1898.
Resofped TlGt it is the of1i1iou Of this COM
| ,aittee that under erisring circumstances it is
not erhedient for the U. States TO resort TO
zunr nguinst The French RchA6Lc