The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1812-01-30


bout to be undertaken, and the means and
probabilities of securing them. There is a
self-evident distinction between the causes
and the objects OF war. The one may exist
without the other. And there may DC both
good causes and substantial objects, and yet
It would be the grossest folly to precipitate
tho nation into war, unless on FIJI, reilecti-
on, aided by all the wisdom and experience
we could collect, there appeared fair pros
pcct. tina. after the waste of our blood and
treasure, VIC conld either realise the object
IN controversy, or obtain some subst autial e.
quivalent We had therefore right to ex-
pect-to have had placed before us, a view
OF this subject, calculated to convince us that
we were not foregoing the blessings of peace
without a rational object, or without the
most distant prospect of making the war "a
ny thing but curse to this nation. But in
stead of such course, which the occasion
seemed naturally to require, Gf our reason
is to have any share in the decision, nothing
has been presented to us but highly colored
statements OF the Injustice which has been
measured out TO us by Great Britain. The
many injuries which we have received at
her hands, have been detailed, and repea-
ted by almost every one who has spoken in
favor OF this bili--but there they have stop
ped.
On this part of the subject (the only par.
there is very little difference between u.s.
! have no difficulty in believing, that ever
since the year 1906. not only Great Britain,
but France also, have given us repeated
causes of war, which. according to the for
mer usages of nations. is justified whenever
an indignity is offered, or n rational right vi
olated. am not one of those, therefore,
who suppose that G. Britain has done us
no essential injury" far from it {. am fully
M bp lu6 off,,
the repeated violations of our rights as a
neutral nation on her part--but this is not
enough for me. Unjust be persuaded that there
Is rational hope that war will remedy the
evil which we experience, and that it does
not bring with it others much more to be
dreaded than that under which we labor
Were these things as little questionable, as
the course OF the British government has
been UNJUST should have no hesitation
h, uniting my efforts to obtain justice by
force.
30 far am from admitting that the Bril-
fish government is justified in adopting her
orders in council (the great cause of COM
plant, ) that deny both their premises and
conclusion. The principles upon which they
purport to be founded, is the right which
G. B. claims to retaliatc upon her enemy the
evils meditated against her by the decree of
Berlin. do most explicitly deny the doc
trine, that belligerent can justihably ami
hilate the unquestionable right of a neutral,
because it may be calculated to distress an
enemy, or seem retaliatory of some unjust
regulation adopted by him. 1t is neither JUS
tined by reason or by any principle of public
law. Nor do / believe G. Britain more cor
rect in her conclusion, ''that the orders in
Council in their effect would rctalatc en- her
enemy the evils meditated against her by
him-on the contrary, it seems to me that
tie.
most important feature in the French Ber-
lin decree, was that which was intended to
exclude from France and the countries I'M
der her control and influence, British produce
and manufactures (the blockading part be-
ing merely nominal.) 1t would either be RI
gorously executed-or it would not. If it
could not be executed, as was then general
ly believed, the American flag afforded the
best means of introducing the articles inter-
dictedsto the continent that the enter
prise OF our citizens, seconded by the habits
and wants of the people who had been accus-
toned to this commerce, would have reduc-
ed the decree to a mere shadow. Should
however, the vgor of the French govern
nent be competent to effect the anti-com-
mercial system and execute the Berlin de-
cree, SO as to exclude British products and
neutrality-suspicious. then remained no pros
pect that France could be distressed by the
destruction Of The remaining commerce with
her-left to us. We furnished her with none
of the great necessarcs of life, Our princi-
pal trade was in tile coionia! products, which
by the Berlin decree, and subsequent NUM-
cipal regulations, were totally excluded,
with view to encourage their growth or
substitutes in her own dorninions. So that
the orders in council, as to the retaliatory
o1Ject, could have very little, if any practi-
cal effect.
On the subject of the impressments Of our
seamen, much has been said in the course
ct this debate. The distresses of fifty thou
sand American citizens on board the British
ships OF war, have been described in feeling
language, and painted in glowing colors-
particularly by an honorable member from
kentucky (Mr Johhson.) Without believing
mat the GctuGtnumber approaches that sup
posed, feel for our unfortunate countryinen
IN that situation, & readily admit that there
is cause OF complaint against G.. b. arising
from that source. Bat on this subject it is
important to view the question on both sides,
20 enable us to ascertain whether we are not
claiming more than we can ever nationally
expect to obtain. Our native citizens, or
those who were I@embers of this communi-
ty at the close of the revolutionary war are
unquestionably entitled to exemption from
impressment. But we claim it for every person
who shall sail under Our flag at least for those
who have been naturazed since the period
mentioned. Iconiess am not disposed to enter
into war for the security ON the high seas