The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1811-03-01

It is worthy of remark, as introductory to ano.
Their view ofthis subject, that even they, who
conclude that the repeal of the French DEGREES
has failed, are not backward to ascribe to the
French declaration a purpose utterly inconsistent
with that conclusion.
They suppose the purpose to have been to af.
feet the existing relations between America and
England, by the only means which the dcclarl-
ton states, the act of nom intercourse. Aud It
is certain that, unless England should abandon
particular parts of her system, this vas tae re.
suit avowedly IN view, and meant to be accom-
plished.
But there could be no hope OF such a result
without previous ehectual REIMBURSEMENT of
the French DEGREES. A case could not otherwise
be made to exist Gas the Duke of Galore n.
ware) for such an operation Of the American
law. To put the law before the revocation of
the edicts was impossible. With the law in his
hand II would have been miraculous ignorance
not to know that it was the exact reverse OF this
which his paper must propose. He would de-
rive this KIN wiedge, not from that particular law
only. but from the whole tenure and spirit of A.
merican proceedings, IN that painful and anoma-
lous dilemma, in VIII ich G. B. and France, agree
ing in nothing else, had recently combined to
place the maritime interests of America He
would collect from those proceedings that, while
those conflicting powers continued to rival each
other in their aggressions upon neutral rights,
the government of the u S. would oppose itself
impartially to both. The French declaration,
then, had either no meaning at all, or it
meant to announce to Gen. Armstrong positive
revocation Of the French edicts.
should only fatigue your lordship by pursuing
farther point so plain and simple. will there
fore merely add to that have already said on
this branch ofthe subject, that the strong and
unqualified communication rom Gen. Armstrong
to me, mentioned in the commencement oft IL
letter, and corrsborated by subsequent commit
nications Gone of which l now lay before you)
may perhaps, without any great effort OF courte-
sy, be allowed to contain that authentic intel
ligence," which your Lordship is in search of.
He could scarcely have been free from doubt if
the occasion was calculated to suggest it, and,
if he had really doubted, would hardly have spo-
ken to me with the confidence of conviction.
1t onlv remains to speak of the practical effect
OF the French repeal. And here your Lordship
must suffer me to remind you that the orders of
England in 1907 did not wait for the practical
effect of the Berlin decree, nor linger till the OBJ
security, in which the meaning OF that decree was
supposed to be involved, should be cleared away
by time or explanation. They came promptly
after the decree itself. while it was not only am
biguous but imperative, and raised, upon an idle
prohibition, and a yet more idle declaration,
which France had not attempted 10 enforce, and
was VIGOROUSLY incapable of enforcing, vast
scheme of oppression upon the seas, more ces-
tructive of all the acknowledged rights of peace-
full states than history can parallel. This retail
alton, as it was called, was so rapid that it was
felt before the injury which was said to have
provoked it and yet, that injury, such as it was,
was preceded by the practical assertion, on the
part of G. B. of new and alarming principles of
public law, in the notification of the blockade of
May, 1906, and in the judicial decisions OF the
year before To uphold the retaliatory orders,
every thing was presumed with a surprising ia
ciiity. Not only was an impotent, unexecuted,
and equivocal menace presumed TO be an active
scourge of the commerce OF neutral nations, but
the acquescence of those nations was presumed,
against the plainest evidence of facts.
The alscrty with which all this was done can
never be remembered without regret and asto-
nishment but our regret and astonishment must
encrease, if, after four years have been given to
We pernicious innovation, which these presump-
tons were to introduce and support, something
like the same alacrity should not be displayed
in selling an honorable opportunity of dIscsrding
it forever.
1t is not unnatural to imagine that it wiN be
discarded with pleasure when it is considered
that, having never been effectual as an instru-
ment Of hostility, it cannot now lay claim to those
other recommendations for which it may have
heretofore been priced. The orders in council
(of Now have passed through some important
changes but they have been steady, as long as
it was possible, to the purpose which first i'm
pressed upon them character not to be mista
ken
In their original plan they comprehended no,
only France and such allied or dependent pow
ers as had adopted the edict of Berlin, but such
other nations as had merely excluded from their
ports the commercial flag OF England. This pro
digious expansion of the system was tar beyond
any ineligible standard of retaliation but ii
soon appeared that neutrals might be permitted
to traffic under certain restrictions, with all these
different nations, provided they would submit
with dependence truly colonial, to carry OF
their trade through British ports and to pay such
duties as the British government should think
fit to impose, and such charges as British agents
and other British subjects might be content 10
make.
The u. S. abstained from this traffic, in which
thew could not embark without dishonor And in
1909 the system shrunk to narrower dimensions,
and took the appearance OF an absolute prohibit
ton of all commercial intercourse with France.
Holland the kingdom OF Italy.
The prohibition was absolute in appearance,
but not in fact. 1t had lost something of former
exuberance, but nothing of former pliancy, and
in the event was soon to yield TO the demands of
of one trade, while it prevented every other
controlled and relaxed and managed by licenses,
it did not, after brief exhibition Of impartial
sternness, affect to " distress the enemy" by the
I occlusioa of his ports, when the commerce Of
England could sdvantageousiy find its way to
them--at length, however, this convenience
seems to be enjoyed no longer and the orders
in Council may apparently be now considered
(if indeed they ought not always to have been