The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1811-12-21

a pigmy he might be to that giant in all grea,
and political essentials, he was proud in the
idea that like him he had arrived at tic no
nor OF being hated by every scoundrei in the
nation.
when Mr.. II. sat down he declared his
heart to be too full to give utterance to his
feelings-He was more argumcntative to-
day than common, and more eloquent at
the close. The above are a few of has most
prominent ideas, which were hastily sketch
during his srcaEing-Hc occupied the
floor tor 5 hours * 81 minutcs.]
-4ier. Herald.
AZ Much soGcitmde havinS been Shoavn
to see Mr.. Hugh Nelson's Speech, 4ve lu6Ash
me following Sketch yis.from The Baltimore
american /; being the fullest sve have seen.
Here JqUOzvs the Sketch.)
Mr.. Nelson protested against the doctrine,
that in the vote which he was about to give,
he should pledge himself to the support OF
whatever ulter1or measures the committee
OF foreign relations might choose to adopt.
lie was sensible that he should hazard the
censures OF his associates in the republican
ctnsc, by the coscrvatioUs he proposed to sub
mt. Nay, the republican prints might have
the audacity to denounce him as an apos-
tate. But the people had entrusted him
with their dearest rights and interests and
he was resolved TO pursue these according
to his best Judgment, regardless of the stric-
lures OF his friends, and of the combinations
abuse of the press. Prescription SHOULD
have no influence on his conduct. And here
he must express his astonishment at those
gentlemen who had threatened the house
with the previous question when they c.
selves admitted the vast Importance of the
subject under discussion. Tacitus informs
that even the semi-barbarous Germans,
when war was to be decided on, took two
several occasions to debate it :-one,
when they were in the full possession of their
natural faculties (; a second, when they were
excited by eXtraneous circumstances. buc
In these enlightened days, it seems that VIC
are to decide this all important question.
without debate He begged gentlemca TO i
vest themselves of passion (; it was not a
time to bow to the influence of imp oper
feelings /; they ought calmly and coolly to
meet the subject. They were to decide up
on a question which was of no momentarv
nature. If they did so to war, it would b.
a lasting war and he agreed with the gem
tleman from Georgia CMr. Troup,) that if
war speeches were necessary to bring the
house to the sticking point, it was much too
soon to begin war.
He proposed to consider this resolution as
q measure of hostility, according to the
views ct its advocates and then as a mea-
sure OF defensive preparations, agrceably
to the spirit OF the executive recommended
ton, which was favorable to peace. What
were the objects of the war /. To establish
our neutral rights /; to exempt our seamen
from impresment !; the repeal of the orders
i'll council, and of the blockades and the
security of the American flag. What would
be the effects OF war, the tocsin of which
was for the first time sounded through the
land : Our country had been blest by pro-
violence with more than thirty years of peace
and plenty. The habits of the people
were pacific. The trifiing hostilities with
the Indians were of no consequence. But
now the yecmanry of the country were to be
called to arms, as if our own territory were
invaded. He sympathised with the suffer-
ings OF his impressed and incarcerated fell
low-citizens. But would a territorial war
exempt them from impressment ? Would
it establish our neutral rights Certainly
not. The way to enforce these rights was
by a great maritime force, which the nation
were incompetent to raise and support.
But the advocates of immediate war said
that II they could not attain their objects by
erect hostility on the ocean, they could do
1t by a succedaneum, the exercise of the lee
Iahonts III an indirect way. For redress of
maritime wrongs, they would resort to the
invasion of the enemy's territorial provinces.
Tx Sohlciucu tldp lnlS would De lnefflCa-
cious and he maintained that to convert
our merchants INTO privateers, would be to
turn them loose upon the seas as highway
robbers they would not be competent to
carry on a war i'll this way. They would
have abandoned their peaceful pursuits.
lhey would accept the fraternal embrace
OF French subjects /; fight side by side with
them, and submit themselves to the will of
the French emperor. However ~scrupulous
gentlemen might now be, when the hour
OF danger came they would accept the lii
ance of France. The national interests
would be identified with those of the Euro
pean continent. We should adopt the con-
tinental system, in which our liberties and
independence would be jeopardized. He
deprecated the invasion of Canada as an
act OF foreign conquest. We could not sup
pose Great Britain would s,umber over
our occupation of it and where should we
find a stationary force able to keep posses
sion oft as a conquered province? Admit
1t as sister into the union, we dare not a
'bandon 1t at the peace and therefore we
could not give it back for tile restoration of
our martini rights.
But suppose g.. Britain should be brought
to her knees and this was all the most
valiant of us would ask /; what nave we to
expect, if the power and the
OF England should be thrown into the arms
of France, from the high, the mighty, the
imperial man Napoleon Would he res
pect us more than England would /? Taey
both follow their own interests, as we ought
to follow ours. What would be the effect