The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1810-01-06
GDe G1lau:rer.
RICHMOND, JANUARY s. 1910.
FoR TIE ENQUIRER.
No. II.

No. IL.
| When we consider the strong motives
which exist in the federal party to defend
] the conduct OF Mr.. Jackso our surprise and
our censure ought both to be diminished.
The magnanimity which car confess and
! retract m error, is now and then found i'm
AN individual; but to politicians, who have
committed themselves in the face of the
world. and whose reputation and conse-
quence depend upon the accomplishment
of their predictions. nothing can be more
fatal than apublic acknowledgement of their
| mistakes. Even those who aspire to- no
conspicuous station, are deferred from the
expression of their honest sentiments by
the anathemas of their political associates.
| To admit the charges Which are made a.
gainst Mr. Jackson, would overturn at o,cc
every ingenious theory, invented by the te-
deralists. to defend or cxtenuate the con-
duct of Great Britain. 1t is difficult to Sc
parate MIR. Jackson from his government.
He has been selected as the iavorite and
confidential servant of his sovereign, to
conduct negotiation OF peculiar de,icacy.
| He comes as the successor of a gentleman,
who. it seems, has mistaken the spirit OF
his Instructions; and the present minister
is specially charged with the task of giving
:,s the true reading of them. 1t cannot he
doubted then, that the instructions of Mr..
JdCNSOu are lfdmeQ WITH tilS greatest pre-
cision. that every possible occurrence has
been toresecn, and his department. rrescrib-
cd. II seems 20 be admitted on all hands
that the herald who sounded the signal to
kindle the fires of Copenhagen. is the trusty
! and well beloved representative Of his pious
monarch.
live are compelled to view Mr.. Jackson
aud his government as the same. and if the
correspondence of the former shall deserve
the Interpretation which has been given to
it by the executive, by the legislature and
by great majority OF the people, our quar-
rel with England is brought to a crisis,
which leaves TO an American no alterna
tive, Ens to join his country, or ohfose il.
Hitherto, the federaists have defended ..
Britain ON the ground of her right to retail
ate ON France on the difficulty of discrimi
hating between English and American sea
men and on tie various other pretexts
which she has from time to time invente.l
to suit the views of the moment. Beyond
the necessary attainment of these ends.
they have commended. that England had no
disposition TO wound our honor, or 10 invade
our rights. The interruption of the coloni-
al trade, was founded on the rule of '56 !;
the orders lii council! were justified by the
French DEGREES, and the :npressment of our
tseamen was only a biunicr, in taking an A
merican for an English man. These we're
the opiates which enabled the federal party
to slumaer over the wrongs OF their coun-
try.
But no apology had yet been invented for
a deliberate charge of wilful falsehood
gainst our government 1t did not seem
compatible with those friendly and res
. peCtful sentimeEs. which they had hitherto
ascribed to the British cabinet. il had z
direct tendency to prove the uuifogm as
, sertions of the friends of the administration,
that the aggressions of England sprang from
a deep rooted antipathy to the American
government. In a word, it was impossible to
fdoubt Mr.. Jackson's authority for what he
. did; while it was fatal to the federal party
= to admit, that he meant an insult. There
6 was but one course icft-,o assert boldly,
! that no insult was offered by Mr.. JACK
son.
In the progress of this business, we have
, seen the most lamentable proofs of the as
cendancy which party rage can acquire over
the love of country. Wehave seen distin.
guished leader of a numerous party (Mr.
Dana attempting to mislead the public, as
p to the real question before them, and divert
, ing their Indignation from the insult of MFR
Jackson, to the supposed misconduct Of orr
f own government in embracing. too eagerly.
the profIered friendship OF G. Britaiu---
: Wehave seen others torturing the English
, language to give a construction to Mr.. Jack
sons words. which ne himself did not condo.
scend to hive; while some, concealed be
hind the mask of fictitious signatures, have
the eftrontery to extract from Mr.. Madison 3
conduct, in acceding. without precaution
to Mr.. Erskine's propositions, an evidence
, of their collision together to bring about the
(, rupture which ensued.
6. But the consideration of Mr.. Jackson's
, conduct is entirely distinct from any Of these
{ charges against our own government The
, crime Of Mr.. Jackson cannot be exteruated
| by any misconduct on the part of our Execu
tive. The question is, whether foreign
{ minister shall be permitted, to charge our
government with having uttered deliberate
ialsehood. There are very few who will
maintain the affirmative OF this abstract pro.
position; but there are many who deny that
Mr. Jackson has made such charge, and
still more. who. like M. Jackson himself,
endeavor TO lose their readers in the endless
maz:s of sophistry and letoric. In the lat
ter class we must rank Fir. Dana. III. the
former, those who are more ingenious and
, less petite than the res.. They shall each
. be considered in their tIrn.
After the many able speeches which In We
been made in Congress TO demonstrate that
MIR. Jackson has made a charge Of false.
hood against our Executive, and the candid
confession of many of the federal party, it
would be superuous to dwell long on this
subiec,. Those who ave taken tic oppo.
site side OF the question, have sheltered
themselves behind the antiquities of Mr..
JaCkSon'S style; in doing which they