Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1810-05-25


! of the president through the medium
of speeches in Congress, paragraphs
from the press, proceedings of the le-,
gislature of Massachusetts and, may
not add, by pyipate letters from GER
tain we'll known characters in this coun-
try too? From facts SO broad and pal
pable, most men will conclude that
in her behavior to the u. States Great
Britain is not governed by any fixed
principle but acting upon Notions of
expedieucy, varies her policy as the.
American Congress varies its proceed
|ings.
In relation to the person to whom
Mr. Jackson is to con6de the affairs of
his majesty in America, his lordehip
communicates Information with.a SPAR
ing hand. From the aununciation that
he is to be Gentleman properly
"qualiGed to carry on Gnothing more
than] the ordinary intercourse be-
tween the two Governments" it may
be reasonably thought that he will not
be very extraordinary parsonage !:
BY whom he is to be chosen is equivo-
cal. Will he be selected by the king?
or, will he be designated by Mr. Jack
son? If by the late envoy, what else
can the American people see in the
procedure but specimen of diploma
tic 6nesse, which whilst it formally
directs the return of Mr. Jackson to
!" England" uirtually commands him
to remain in the United States, by con.
6ding to his sole Judgment the choice
OF successor When we reflect upon
the whole tenor of the conduct of the
British government, we mus, truly,
trust more to our stars than to our un-'
derstandings, five can continue to lean
upon that slender staff Of expectation
which has teebly upheld the spirits Of
the nation through three successive "a
horizons, connected with the names of
Rose, Erskine, and Jackson. These
surancs of lord Wellesley, NOT that
the British ministry will make any
proposal for accomH ~ da;ion that can
bs accepted by the president, bur sim
| ply, 80 that his majesty is ready to re-
"ceipe any communication which the
Uaited States may deem beneficial
to the mutual interest sof both coun-
ss tries y and which amounts TO a re-
puls;on ofany advance on our parr to-
wards al amicabls adjustment of diff
fsrencss because NGreat Britain, on
the subj Scts of the Chesapeake, i'm
lpresshent Of seamen, and the orders
in council! Mas prescribed certain rules ,
in violation Of our neutral rights and
in contrayension of our sovereignty,
to which, A in. one shape or another"
she has officially declared her deter
ina;ion al1oays to adAsrs
With respect to the saaual courss,"
which the marquis Wellesley appears
to think ought to have been pursued
before intercourse with Dir Jackson
was inter- .ptsd, Dust be permitted
TO remark, that his lerdship's opinion
is not supported blythe law OF natl
ons. Ysttel (hock i, chap. 2, sec. IS J
says, "should foreign minister Of
lend the prince himsAf, hs wanting
" in respect to him, add by his in
"trigues raise disturbances in the state
"and court, ,he injured prince, from
ga particular regard to the minister's
"mas.er, Sometimes requires that he
"should be recalled or, if the fault
"be more heinous, the prince forbids
him the court till he receives an
answer from his master; but in
"important cases he proceeds so far az
"to order him to quit his dominsons."
According to our constitution, the
president stands 10 the place Of the
prince. What greater offence could
foreign minister offer to the chief ma
gistrase, than to impeach his veracity?
VIVA further and more gross disre-
spect could an envoy manifest than, 10
reitc,ate the chargs Of falsehood after
he had been warned to forbrar? If
A" a particular regard for the minister's
master" exist, then, sometimes, his
recall is required" before his functions
are suspended; but what "barticuiar
regard" could be expected to subsist
between the American executive and
the king of Great Britain, who had
ist violated a formal arrangement
concluded with one minister, and
wDose successor, under color of expla-