The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1810-04-27

,ieocrahst, although 1t still conveyed some
degree OF reproaeh, stopped short of its full
meaning. and was understood as implying.
not so much AN enemy to any confederation
OF the states. as AN enemy to 4 confederai
ton on the particular principles of that con.
sutution. But the same designation was
| Kept up after the constitutions mad been a.
dopted and had gone into operation on the
iuea, tits presumed, that those who had on
posed Its adoption would obstruct It's opera
lion, and would be found ARA. ed together
on what is called in England, the opposition
benches. This was not true !: for To give a
signal Instance, Mr. Madison, who had been
among the hrst and most active promoters.
OF the convention which formed the constitu,.
ton who was himself, if not the sole. at
least the principal author of the instrument,
ITSELF and'who had been one of its most yea.
ious ana able advocates, when he came into
congress and was pursuing what he deemed
inc pest interests OF this country, according to
the spirit and true Constructs of that In .tru-
!nent. soon found himselfin the opposition and
IN minority. He. therefore, who if not
the creator, mad certainly been among the
very nrst and warmest friends Of the feds
TAI compact, was also branded as an ansi-fed
eraiist who sought the dissolution of the uni
on. 1t was the interest Of the majority to
Keep up that esignation and thus continue
20 greet the Current of public olium against
'neir aueerSarieS; since, otherwise, the peo
PIE might have found in the cast of the pub.
nc measures themselves another desienati.
on, much more faithful &C the actual views of
n.en.
40 pass over that designation. which pos
sioiy might be too severe, and to scan the
nrSe movements OF congress with an eye of
tue greatest charity, 1t seems to me that the
'1uaest division which can he made of it's
me mbers would be into The men of heart. and
fhe men Of no heart. BY the first, do no,
mean men who surrendered themselves to
the blind direction of their passions but
men who were always found on that side of
the question on which the best feelings ofthe
human heart were found. in Conjunction with
reason and policy on their creates. s. noblsst
scale. By the latter, Imean band of men
VINO, pursuing the cold and rigid deductions
Oh a narrow and technical reasoning. and the
petty calculations OF a short sighted policy,
were led to espouse that side of every cues
ton which opposed those liberal and gene
rous feelings. This distinction of character
developed itself very early it was in the
hrst session OF the first congress in the de.
pate ON the foreign tonnage bill: The very
hrst measure, after the organization Of the
hrst house OF representatives, presented the
SUBJECT OF this debate ; it was a scheme of
revenue presented by Mr.. Madison in the
form OF a resolution. In this scheme, he pro
posed among other things, to make a dis
crimination between the duties on vessels be-
longing TO nations having treaties of amity
ana commerce with Us, and those which had
no SUCH treaties. His object was to coun
tervali The unfriendly relations Of foreign ma
! lions on our commerce, wherever they exist
GU ana 10 sheW to them all that American
friendship was something more than a name
to present ar inducement to nations TO seek
our aillance Nothing could be more uni
|versally impartial and just than was this
proposition; and its policy, in the abstract,
could not be and was not contested. II was
found, however. upon calculation, that the
measure would initiate against G.: Britain
tor the plain and simple reason that G. b.
was one OF those nations which had imposed
the most untrlendly restrictions upon our
commerce and that 1t would benefit France.
because France was a friend and an aItv
Accordingly instead of encounterine the poIi
cy and wisdom of the measure by manly
argument, we were threatened with the re-.
sentiment OF q. Is. although il was shewn
|oy Mr- Madison, that G b. Could not possibly
complain, since the measure merely follow.
tso her own example aid in relation to
France,it was asked by Nj. Lawrence of N
YORK, whether had any obligations to our
aiiies, Sufficient TO justify such Z sliscrimina
ton In their favor This wa. the first mea
sure which brought those two nations in con.
trast before congress- The feeling i'm favor
OF france was not objected as reproach
on the contrary even the advocates OF British
interest, found it necessary, in the debate,
TO profess the same feelings in favor Of
france, in order to escape the imputaticn of
lngratitude. They hrofsssed their feelings:
put they voted against theu, and as it seem
cd 10 the Republicans, against the soundcst
Pohcy OF the nation. The minds and hearts
OF the majority, however, were thsn in a
state OF original purity, and the measure was
carried III the lower house it was lost in the
senate.
a similar debate ensued, few DAYS after
IN the House OF Representatives on u propo.
SEQ discrimination between the duty ON rum
and thas OF French brandy. The principle
IN this case, was precisely the same with
That OF the duty on tonnage; the debate.
however, was resumed on the same grounds
ana became more acrimonious. In the cou Sc
| OF IL, Mr.. Lawrence, while he still profess
ed lively gratitude to France, asked "if
we were IN a condition to pay tribute 10 cur
allies In reply TO this prepostero cues
ton, Mr.. Madison, with great dignity, said
"that he did not rightly comprehend the gen
tieman, and therefore could not be expec,ed
70 reply to him particularly. He acknow.
iedged, he said, with great pleasure the ser
wees which America had derived from that
nation and the justice Of the debt which we
owed her; but he never meant the prefer
ences we were inclined to she W her. In cor,
mon with other nations 7Difh -ohtch z,,e I'M >
| commercial treaties, should be considered