The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1810-05-08
FROM BELLS wggKLr MESSENGER,
March 4.
CONDUCT OF LORD cuArHAm.

u
OF the public during the week. 1t is never
pleasing to us to use the language of severi
ty towards public men; but on the other
hand 1t is duty to our readers to express
ourselves with truth and candour--to
catch the important topicks as they rise
and to present them in their natural CO.
lours, Invested OF their pretexts and dis.
guises.
The circumstances to which we allude,
when plainly stated. are as follow :-Imme-
diatel. after his return from the expedition
to Walcheren, the Earl of Chatham, with.
out invitation or Command presented me-.
mortal or narrative to, the king-his own
memorial or narrative, in which, as it APP
pears, he reflects with some severity limpti-
ed it not expressed) on the Conduct of Sir
Richard Strachan, and the want of zeal in
the corporation Ut the Navy. This ME
Majesty by Lord Chatham, without any
communication with His brother ministers !:
1t was presented moreover without any com
munication with Sir X. ESsrachan--Sr Rich
ard was implicitly accased, and Lord Chat.
ham had told his own tale without Sir Rich
ard knowing the object Of his charge, or that
he had been accused at ali. On the other
hand the ministers had q party interposcd
between them and the Grown, who had
an influence of which they knew nothing.
The mere statement of this extraordinary
circumstance is almost sufficient of itself to
prove its unfairness and uhconstitutionaity,
and we might safely perhaps leave it here
But as every thing which respects the
principles OF the constitutiob is mater of the
first Importance, we conceive it our duty to
enter into more full developement.
Party is for 2 day-the constitution is for
II g, III 'at..
we and cur posterity are to dwell, and to
find a refuge; and is therefore our interest
to preserve its pillars sound, and its roof &
its walls weather proof.
The first principle of Me constitution is.
that mnisters are responsible for every act
OF the crown, and that this ministerial re
sponsiblity' is the Parliamentary security
against the misconduct of the Crown-The
misconduct being thus transferred to the
instruments by which itSis effected, and
thereby rendered punishable and therefore
| restrictable, in its means, if net immediately
in it's origin. = The King ca1 do no wrong in
himself, but he may througIhis advisers
| He is rot cognizable in his own person but
| in those of his guardians--his counsellors,
his ministers. Now as very little can be
done without agents and assistants and ad-
vice, so very little can possibly be done
which the Constitution cannot teach, whilst
in possession Of this ministerial responsible.
lity. The constitution requires nothing but
TO know the adviser, and to see tie influence.
1t is necessary deduction from this prin-
ciple, that all advice given to hhe King,
should be within the reach of Parliament,
and that the constitution should not be de.
frauded of ministerial responsibility, by not
knowing where to go for it. The response.
bility might as well not exist, as no. to be
within the reach of the country. 70 what
end would the House have the rightof pun
ishing bad advisers, if it had no means of as
certaining who those advisers were----if
the crown could interpose its prerosatiye
to shield or shelter them In truth, Ihow
ever, it is not the direct opposition Of the
crown, which is most to be feared upon this
head. What is most to be dreaded is THE Sc
cret creeping, the back stairs crowd OF men,
tie Crawling in of favorite or party of ha-
vorites, WHO. stealing to the royal ear, NAV
pour in their deadly influence, and corrup,
il entirely to themselves.
The Pariiamentand the country, and even
the ministry. seeing its effects, and not un.
derstauding its origin, are in amaze.-The
Parliament call on the ministers--thc mi
nisters, perhaps, proclaim their innocence
& Ike the father of this Lord Chatham, ac.
knowledge that there is a power behind the
crown which they Cannot withstand-which
alternately advances them or pulls them
back alternately flows with them as ia.
voring tide, and secretly works against them
AS an under Current. What are the Parlia
ment and the constitution to do under these
circumstances 1t is true. that by the prin.
ciplcs of the constitution, they may impute
even this work to ministers but can they
do it by the n-iaciples of fairnes and OF
comInn: sense Can they in fairness impute
10 - nisters. what they know does not origi
nate in ministers Can they, in common
sense, punish ministers, where the ministers
themselves are one of the parties aggrieved
Can they in any reason hold those as respon
sibie, whom they see so totally without cun
troll! Is alegal or constitutional fiction evel
thus pressed into q practical hardship
he common sense Of mankind, & all the sen
timents Of fair-play and fellow. feeling, are
against its---What then is the necessary
Consequence Why, that the effect of thi.
secret agency--this closet advice--ttiis at
tempt at Notwithstanding priyy dealing
would tend to deprive the constitution OF il
first principle and its best security--the mi
nisterial responsibility-and to leave The
Throne upcontrolled----- ministers avoidin,
the responsibility as not having advised tin
obnoxious measures, and those who advise,
them avoiding all account by not being seen
and there being no constitutional way G
reaching them.
BesToN, April 30.
LATE0T FROM ENGL.HJyD,