Alexandria daily gazette, commercial & political. [volume] (Alexandria [Va.]) 1808-1812, 1809-06-22

muchsdo Iregrct to hear this, as to hear him
declare that he wishes to try the strength
Of the south and west against that of the
cast and north. am aware, and SO must
be every member Of this house, of the out
of door insinuations about the influence of
different sections rof the union. i believe
nothing of it land | I'm sorry that so vile a
calumny should receive the countenance of
of any member Of the house. I never wish
to see any measure brought forward which
shall try the strength of the comparative
parts OF the union. should wish that geo
graphical distinctions should be no more
heard Of, but that we should consider the
interest of different sections of the country
as the interest of the whole.
Another and principal consideration
with me for wishing to postpone the discus
sion of the question at this time was, that it
would lead to the very Gas conceive it )fim-
proper examination or discussion Of our TO-
reign relations. This argument seemed to
have considerable weight on the first days
discussion but the gentleman from Virgl-
MIA came forward afterwards to fortlfy his
claim to the attention of the house by exhl-
biting prccedents showing the conduct OF
former administrations. Preeedents are
sometimes entitled to consideration and de-
serving of weight. They are of two kinds,
one establishing form of procedure, and
the other principle of action. To the Tor
mer there is no objection, if it be not obvi-
ously improper but to the latter we pay
no attention, unless convinced that the prin-
ciple is correct. What are the precedents
onwhch the gentlemai1relies = Are they
analogous or are they not The first pre-
cedent, upon which the gentleman who in
troduced it with an air of triumph seemed
to rely, was that ofavote of thanks and an
expression of appreciation of the conduct OF
the father of his country in one OF his last
though not least useful measures, (the pro-
clamation of neutrality conducive to the
interests and happiness, and perhaps to the
preservation and salvation of his country.
But what, let me ask this house to consider
for moment, was the situation OF the coun-
try at the time that proclamation was issu-
ed? Was it not different from the present
Unfortunate, perheps, was it for the citizens
ofsthis country, that, in 1898, they had nor
got rid ofimpressions, made during the re-
volution, hostile to England and favorable
to France. Whether justly or unjus'ly
made, it is not now my purpose to enquire.
Suffice it, that they did exist. There was
disposition in the country at that time to
hail the French revolution as the dawn OF
liberty to theEuropean states.Scarcely could
our people be lestrained, and indeed they
were not restrained, from celebrating it, by
festivals, songs and toasts to the success of
the French patriots. About this time war
commenced between England and France.
1t then became question with the adml-
nistration, more than with the people-tor
their zeal for French success would perhaps,
unless restrained, have hurried them to take
a part with those whom they considered to
be fighting the battles of liberty, and to
whom they considered themselves under
SO mani and SO great obligations--it became
question what was the duty of this country
rewards France. In this situation OF things
the President, not directed how to act by
the plain letter of a statute, and doubling
his power and his duty in this respect, con-
venes the heads of departments-and | be-
lieve should not err were to say that
diversity of opinion existed even there as to
what course should be pursued; but heopi-
MON and judgment of the President prevail
ed. His course was that of neutrality. A
proclamation was then issued. What was
its effect? Did it meet universal appreciation,
as in the case ofthe present measure? Did
the people give it their hearty & uneqlivo.
cal consent No,sir there were murmurs-
and even the conduct of Washington was
questioned. In this situation of things, short