The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1809-12-30

ca necessary: and case has been menti-
ohed or minister from the court of Vienna
IN the reign OF George the First. But as i,
mas not been urged in this debate, contea,
myself at this time with observing, that the
case OF the imperial minister (De Palm) was
essentially distinguished from the present,
ana that as far as recollect it find nothing
20 warrant the resolution before US.
nave some objection, however, to the
present resolution, because it seems, al
tnough do not here charge it as a fact, to
nave been TO much copied from prece
Gent TO be found in resolution Of British
House of Commons, respecting an affair
materially different and in some part there
seems to have been copied language bet
Ter adapted to auxiliaries in pugilism than
20 inc Legislators ola great and enlightened
republic, language which the British par
hameat did not address to their king A
resolution was moved in the House of Gem
mons Tor an address; and on that motion
there was objection asto manner of expires.
sion, although the resolution was ultimately
carried without contradictory vote. But
IN the Joint address of the Houses of Parlis-
ment to the King. the phraseology was va
ried. and they did not address him in the
style OF boxing familiarity.
L nus far, sir, Ihave considered the resc-
luton II. before us as not warranted BY the
oh'cial language of the President of the U
hi,sd states and the Secretary Of State. In
addition to what has already been observed
with this view, it is to be noted, that the
PRESIDENT in his message 60 Congress, has
not even mentioned Mr.. Jackson's circular
ietter to the British consuls. This letter,
lhueed' ana It's being put into circulation,
are hotlced, but not with laborious hardness
OF phrase, in the letter Of the 23d OF Novem
per, from Secretary Smith to Mr.. Pnknev
but the President of the United States did
not regard the subject as worthy TO be ma
med by him, when giving to Congress nfor.
nation OF the state of the union and recon
mending the measures necessary and expe-
dent
The Presidents message and the Score.
tary's letter appear expressive of DISPOSE
ton to use language which should not in its
manner be offensive to the British govern
ment itself. and to suspend proceedings of
an hostile character until an answer NAV be
received from that government. This reso
luton appears to be formed on directly op-
posite principles. What sir! can Congress,
can any men think 1t necessary to say that
they will support the President in refusing
to receive a communication from foreign
minister, or. that they will support him with
the whole force of the nation ia so refusing /,
You do not expect the minister to force
communication on the President This is
100 absurd and cannot be the real meaning of
the resolution. The only manly idea inten
ded to be conveyed by the resolution in this
respect must BE-, that the Congress mean to
support the President in a conflict with the
British government eventually. Why, sir,
is such. language at the present time propo
sed for adoption, as if it were either necessa-
ry or expedientt The British government
perhaps may not be perfectly satisfied with
the conduct of this administration towards
the minister from Great Britain to the U.
States; ard yet it might be thought proper
to recall him; because unacce ptable to the
President OF the U. S. because the President
has requested his recall, and because under
existica. circumstances the further continu-
ance of such minister in this country might
not be useful to the government that sent
him. Do you wish to place the affair in
such a state as to render it peculiarly diff
cult for the British government to recall
Aim, except i'll prelude to war.
Do you appreciate the procedure of the
President in causing application to be made
by the Secretary of State in style Of guar
ded decerun, instructing the American mi
mister at London TO request the recall of the
British minister who has been here received,
and will you send menace to accompany
the request! In this view what is the pro.
posed resolution, if it BE any thingl What
is meant by solemn pledge to the world
for calling into action the whole force of
nation, eventually against foreign power.
If language has certainty of meaning, it is a
provisional defiance of war, solemnly made
known TO the world-a national challenge to
battle. Have you weighed f':lIy all that is
implied in this defiance of war! Are YOU
prepared to sustain it fully by all your
meansi Or can you say that you do NO. in
tend this. Is it possible that the represea-
tatives of the people of the u. S: can solemn
ly announce to the world pledge to call into
action the whole force Of the natien, and vet
that it caa be all idle wordsl That in fact
they intend to do no such thing as they pro
niseS Are we indeed prepared to pronounte
ourselves fallen thus lcws
Considering gentlemen as serious in an
nouncing this pledge to the world and Civ
ing this national defiance to war. ask
what is to be the result of the conflict if we
were not prepared for il, and how far are
we prepared. This enquiry suggests an at
tention to the resolution under two different
aspects, as we know the relations of Execn-
tive departments to be affected or varied
according to : Jews of peace or war. On
questions Of great national controversy, the
departing Mt of state has in charge to attend
10 those gratifying themes. the rights, the
honor aud dignity of the nation aud govern
Inent. And these themes may be presented
the more Tor public attention as the state of
affairs becomes hostile until their most i'm
posing ihiiuence over the public passions is
realised amidst the operations Of declared
I'm n gt1 nf h. H. e