Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1809-03-10

B A'Sos Gay OF oOSo ttiAS
sensibility for the safety ofGreat Bril-
tain exist! l believe in the United
States alone. Certainly not the Bril-
fish nation nor ministry. Let me call
your recollection TO Mr.. Canning's
language on this subject. Do you
hear him express any whining fears Of
the loss of national existence any tt
mid alarms from the influence of
French power? What does he say
sir? On the 23d of September last, he
tells you that Bonaparte's gigantic
projects of domination were then bro.
ken up into frag nents utterly harmless
and contemplate. And on the 22d
|of November last, tina. 8onapa;se's
|decrees were merely nominal: that
from his i.npotency they had ceased
to be mischlevous by practice, &c. &c.
And what do the ministerial PAM
|phleteers tell you? Why, sir, that
SGnaparte and his train of kings are
tributaries Of Great Britain, and that
British riva.s ESQ, shall follow in the
train to grace the ~. ,rnificence OF the
scene, and shall contrion,G theit' no.
mage also TO the supremacy Of The
British navy? Is this the language OF
nation Struggling for its existence !?
Is this the language of a nation trem-
bling with alarms of subiugation from
french power? No, sir, the British
nation has no such feelings nor appre-
tensions. This sensibility exists only
In the United States. If Great Bri-
tain really felt these alarms, she would
feel more respect for the rights of o.
Their nations. She would moderate
her claims upon the ocean. She would
leave to other nations some little snare
IN the exercise of rights upon that e.
cement. But, sir, where will this ar
garment end? If on account of some
remote, improbable and contingent
LANCER, we are to bear all the wrongs
ilready heaPrd upon us by Great Bri-
tam, when are we to stop? When will
the load become too grievous to be
borne! l wish the point ascertaiued
and fixed, that Great Britain may
know it, as well as ourselves, for there
is no doubt she will pile on as long as
We will bear, and perhaps she may o.
verstep the bounds from the want of
showing the limits. Sir, these grounds
OF objection are unsubstantial. They
are nothing more than mere pretexts
tor indulging our habitual predelicti
ons tor Great Britain, and if we think
otherwise, We deceive ourselves. The
Plauslbility of these suggestions may,
perhaps, however, have extended their
influence beyond the sphere of British
predictions. But, sir, am convin-
ced in all those cases, it has arisen
from the want of due conside. alton
of the subject.
The only effects of entering into the
war against Great Britain, would be
to lessen the range of her commerce,
md limit the dangerous influence of
ner navy, and thus to restore TO our
selves, some Of our lost commercial
rights. But her national existence e +.
ven In that case would not be endan-
5ered, and even if it were, she could
stop the war at pleasure, by doing us
less than justice.
Indulge me now, sir, in examining
another objection against entering into
a war with G.. Britain; which, whilst
it is the most unaccounta3le, has, be.
lieve, more influence on the minds of
gentlemen than all other considerations
taken together. 1t is, sir, the strange
suggestion, that the British ministry
had refused to accede to the lust and
reasonable propositions made on the
part OF the United States, from belief
ot the insincerIty of our government
I'm conducting the negotiation; and
that, II the overture could be renewed
10 sincerity and good faith, it would
be accepted on the part of the British
government GroundIess and extrava.
CANT as this supposition is, permit me
TO make few observations on il. In
the f1rst place | would ask, bv whom
our negotiations with G.. Britain have
been conducted, since the commence.
nent OF the present administration
FRS; by MIR King. Has Mr. Kine
yer made any nUnations Of insincer-