Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1809-11-28
FROM THE NATIONAL IN
TEL3IGENCER.

from the decision of their government.
The fact is established by the com.
plexion of the production, the state
ment of particulars in which was alto
gether unnecessary, if his object had
merely been to notify the sub-agents
OF England resident in this country to
address their communications to him
at New York.
Ii is contrary to the law of nation
and rePugnant to the very nature of the
diplomatic function, for foreign en-
voy to plead, in his official character,
the merits of his cause before the citi-
zens OF the country wherein he resides.
There can be no dispute as to the i'm
Propriety Of addressing them in di-
rect or indirect form, in person or by
Circular" because he is prohibited
by the attributes of his mission from
accosting them as minister in any
form. Mr.. Jackson is the represen-
tative OF the government of Great
Britain to the government of the u.
States; and that is all he is. If he
speaks to the American people in any
other manner than through the Exec
ut,ve, which is the constitutional or
gan, he sets himself up as the rival of
the Executive and is Justly censura-
bic. The transition from addressing
the public to intriguing with the people
against the government by which he
IS accredited, is easy and the manifest
tendency of his conductin either case
is 10 spbvert the constituted autuhori-
! ties of the republic.
If Mr.. Jackson were private man.
he would have no right to controvert
and denounce the acts of the Presi-
dent, because he is an alien, and there
fore not even solitary unit of the
constituent part of the nation much
less is he justi6able, being a minister,
in assuming that freedom, which be.
longs only to the citizen.
Would Mr.. Jackson himself be will
ling to abide the consequences of an
appeal thus made, admitting the worst
that could, but which certainly will
not happen? Surprising the commu-
nifty to be indignant at his behavior
and excited to anger against him,
would ne be willing to meet the ter.
rible judgment of that people whom
he had made the arbiter of his actions !!
Would he be willing to encounter that
spirit OF vengeance which he had invit-
ed, and which, when reused is awful
as the thunder of of Heaven and over
whelming as the tumultuous waves of
the ocean? Would he not require
from that Executive magistrate whom
he insults, protection; and would he
not demand security and safe conduct
in the name of those very laws of ma
tions which he has outraged?
Mr.. Jackson claims consideration as
an envoy extraordinary and minister
/ plenipotentiary: In that aspect he is
entitled to various important exemp-
tons from restraint, which are denied
to private men. In return, he is him.
self subjectto certain restrictions from
which individuals are free aud if he
breaks through them, he is as guilty
IN relation TO the government as the
government would be in relation to
him, were it to infringe any of his pri-
Vileges for the rights of governments
and those of ministers are mutual.
The dissemination Of Mr.. Jackson's
" circular" is gross infraction of the
obligations imposed upon him by the
nature Of his Office.
The circulation Of the paper in question
by Mr.. Jackson, even 10 manuscript, was
publication Of il. It's appearance in print
is only an aggravltion of the original offence.
The opposition gazette in which it came
forth affords strong evidence in favor of
the opinion that II went to the press imme
diately from HIMSELF or mediately through
some Of his agents. Ia either case the
misdemeapor is the same for, let the
channels Of communication to the public
or to the printer have been what they may
the " circular" is the production Of the
honorable Francis James Jackson.
! This act Of Mr.. Jackson is more con
spicuously obnoxious, because it proceeds
from the ambassador Of "a nation whose
parliamentary history furnishes au exalted
| example of Just resentment against a simi.
lar appeal, from the sovereign to the sub
iects Of the British monarchy. IL was