Alexandria daily gazette, commercial & political. [volume] (Alexandria [Va.]) 1808-1812, 1809-02-04

1Gcu the uESl W stls W - -
opinion and not permitted it to have gained
any< ground here or elsewhere Vet they.
.co CO, f this opinion insAmeriea, at the
moment they are denying It IN G. Britain.
And why? The reason is. obvious and IS
conclusive in support Of the position, that
twas at first, as it is now, simply a mea-4
s,,re Of coercion. The mode adopted by,
administrator is the only one they could
adopt. with any hope of success, in case
the object was coercion, and the very mode
thew would avoid, had tbeen really precau-
ton. There is not an individua[in the ".
States. so much of a child, as not to know
that the argument of precaution was good
only for ninety, or at farthest an hundred
and twenty days. After our ships and sea-
men were in port, which within that time,
would have been principally the case, the
reason of precaution was at an end. Upon
the principle that self-iuterest and mtelli-
rence of the merchant and navigator, are
the best guides and patrons fof their own
concerns; and that the stake, which society
has in. the property OF the citizen is better
secured by his own knowledge and activity
than by any general Negotiations whatsoever.
ut was necessary, therefore, in the y. s..
B to resort early TO the idea OF coercion, and
TO press it vigorously. Otherwise the peo-
pie of America could not be induced to en-
DURANGO beyond the time when the reason
of precaution had ceased. In America,
therefore, it was coercion. But IN GREAT
Britain the state Of things was, altogether
thereyerse. Administrator. knew perfect
ly well, not only from the character OF the
Britishlnation, but also from the most COM
mon principles of human that once
present this embargo TO 1t as a measure OF
coercion, to compel it to adopt, or retract
any principle of-:dopted polley, and there
was an end of negotiation. tWould have
been like laying a drawn sword. upon the
table, and declaring 6 yield Us what we DC
mand, or we will push it TO the init INTO
your vitals." In such case, atwas perfectly
apparent that there could be received from
An independent nation, but one answer:
:. Take away your sword, Withdraw your
menace, while these continue we Esteh 10
nothing" Aware of the inevitable conse-
quence, administrators not only aver that 1t
is precau;ion, cut even condescend to deny
it is any thing else, by declaring that It IS
this, and this onY. Thus in &. brlfaln,
precautien was the veil, under which a
sword was passed into her side. but, IN
the: U. S. coercion was the palataols liquor,
with. which administration sottGned ana
gargled the passage, while it thrust at the
point of the bayonet, the bitter Pill OF en-
barge down the throats OF the American
people. 1t is this variation OF the avoWed
motive to suit the unquestionable diversity
of the state of things in this country and
Great Britain, combined with the tact, thar
the embargo is continued, long alter the
plea of prccaution has ceased to be eitcctual,
that produces a perfect conviction IN my
mind, that .precaution was little more than
the pretext, and that coercion was III tact
the principal purpose of the policy. IN
deed how is,it possible to conclude other
wise, when the very mode OF argument
adopted In each country was the only on
which could have made coercion succsss'u:,
and the very one which would have beer
avoided if preoaution had been the real anc
only motive? cheerfulv submit the cor
rectness of this conclusion to the consldera-
ton OF the people.
come, now, to my second proposition
That it was the intention OF administrator
to persevere In this measure OF embarg@.
until it should effect, if possible, the Plp
posed object, and as | believe, at all ha
card. The evidence Of this intention
gather, not only from the subsequent per
severance in this system, in spite OF thf
cries OF distress heard in one quarter ofth
union, and the dangers not to be concealed
resulting ironiRn adherence to it, but from