Alexandria daily gazette, commercial & political. [volume] (Alexandria [Va.]) 1808-1812, 1808-09-16

with SUCH IoICC ~ ~ ~rF
friends were compelled 70 take refuge un-
der the confidence reposed IN the president
and the certainty that he would not have re-
commended the measure, had ne not pos
sessed intelligence which proved its propfl-
city. -
How must we be surprised, if in these
times any thing could surprise us, to learn
that measure, so deeply interesting to eve
~ citizen, was passed by the legislature OF
the union, because such was the Will o. the
executive. 1t had been supposed, and the
theory of our constitution, IS well as the
practice Of former times, JUSTIFIED the sup
position, that on an occasion which 50 vital
f. affected the whole community, the infor-
nation and reasons, which, had satisfied the
Judgment of the president, would be truly
convened to the legislature that the Judg-
ment Of that body might be satisfied also
But we are authorised to believe that the
conclusive demonstration OF the insutilclency
Of those reasons, had no elldency to arrest
the penicious measure, which was recon-
mended. 1t was the WILL Of the president
and he must have sufficient reasons to JUS
tify;t although he had rot thought proper
to trust them to the legislature.
What, their. were these secret reasons
which were SO powerful as to produce an
unlimited embargo!
Are they to be looked for IN the orders OF
the British council
This also, is impossible. At the passage
of the act, those orders were unknown IN
America, That which is unknown and that
which does not exist, are equally incapable
of constituting the real motives OF human
action.
Those who are DESTROYS of justifyihg this
ruincus measure, and of ascrlblng it to the
conduct of Britain, have the boldness to
saw that private intelligence was received In
the United States, on which the president
and congress acted. This private inteIll-
eence is stated to have been letter pub
lished in one of our papers, informing a
correspondents, that some measure. reta!lat-
ing on France the Berlin decree, was about
TO he adopted BIZ England. But is anyhu-
man being, endowed with ordinary peroep-
ton, so credulous as to believe, that TIE
covcrnn ext ot tue Z. States would adopt a
measure SO destructive of the rational m
tercsts, on the faith Of a letter written, they
knew not by or to whom, inserted in news
paper without any verlflcation OF 1t: authen-
ITCHY, and stating that some regulation, the
writer knew not what, was about to be MADE
by the British Council Nations Go rot a.
dopt system so peraicious On such vague
and uncertain data.
Had the British orders of council furnish
ed the induoement for the embargo, the
president would have transmitted, with his
recommendation of that measure, his reason
for making it. 10 man can believe that
orders, which the instant they were known,
were seized with avidity, and urged in de-
fence of this measure, would not have been
assigned at the time as its motive, had their
existence then been known, and hal those
who, since their discovery, have SO eager
" caught at them, and then IN reality acted
on them.
It is not then in orders Of council that we
are to find the motive for imposing upon
ourselves this distressing burden.
!. If neither the communications referred to
in the message, nor the orders of council,
produced the embargo, what, let me again
ask, did produce it? This severe punish
ment cennot have been inflicted on our de-
voted country, withcuta grave and serious
motive. What was that motive This is
an enquiry which every citizen of the Unit
ed States ought to join ne in making.
After the victory of Friedland, and the
treaty of Tilsit had extended the influence
of Bonaparte over the north Of Europe and
of Asia, he seems to have thought IT unne-
cessary longer to exhibit the slightest SEM
blance of respect for the sovereign r'Snrs OF
those nations, which had been thereto ore, in
some small degree, permitted to enjoy IN
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