The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1808-08-23


gave very elaborate account Of the same
transactions, in of his official dispatches
His object throughout is to shew, that the con-
duct of France towards us has been uniformly as
dit Of this negotiation to Adams. Gordon ,rans
fers it to Jay.
From the (M. ~ Atne,,ieas Citizen.
tCoNcLUsED.)
BosroN, .Tuiy 15, 1903.
The following are extracts from thc original
communications of our commissioners for negoti-
atpg peace.
PARIs, Nov II, 1889.
"The instructions from Congress- which direct
us to pay strict an attention TO the French mi
nistry, and to follow their advice, are conceived
IN terms so universal and unlimited rs to give
deal of anxiety TO my mind. There is no man
more impressed with the obligation of obedience
10 instructions but in ordinary cases the princi-
pal is near the deputy to be able to attend to
the whole progress of the business, and to be in
formed of every new fact, and every sudden
thought. Ambassadors in Europe can send ex-
presses TO their courts and give and receive intel
hgence fron them with the utmost certainty
Tn such cases there is no room for Mistakes mis-
understandings or surprise. But in our case it 10
very different We are at an immense distance {;
dispatches are liable to foul play; and vessels
are subject TO accident new scenes open the
p.
necessity forces MS to act.
What can do if a French minister advises
us to cede to Spain the whole river Mississippi
and FIVE hundred miles of territory to the east
ward of it Are we bound by our instructions
TO put our signatures to the cession, when the
English themselves are willing we should extend
to the river x enjoy natural rights to its nayi-
CATION If we should be counselled to relin-
Yush rig hi the fishery CT the Grand Bank
of Newfoundland; when the British ministry are
ready by treaty to acknowledge it, are we oblig-
ed to relinqush it If advised to restore
and compensate the tories, are to comply -
III we know or have reasoa to believe that things
which will have weight upon the minds of the
Srush ministry against us, upon some points,
will be communicated to them in some way or O.
ther, secret or open; if we communicate them
&c this court, are we bound to do 1t ] cannot
think that construction so literal and severe was
ever intended to be put upon them; and there
fore see no way Of doing my duty to Congress-
nut to interpret the instructions we do general
i>recepts and maxms by such restrictions and
imtations as reason, necessity, and the nature of
things demands.
Sc 1t may sometimes be known to deputy, that
an instruction from his principal was given upon
false information, what is he TO do When he
knows that If the truth had been known his prin-
cipal would have given direct contrary advice
As he to foliaw that which issued from mistake
When he knows, Or has only good ground that
If his principal was the spot, and fully inform
ed of the present state of facts he would give
contrary directions, is he bound by such as were
given before
" 1t cannot be denied administrations are bind
ing, that it is duty to obey them, and that de-
parture from them cannot be justified but it cam
net be denied, think, on the other hand, that in
our peculiar situation, cases may happen in which
at may become our duty to depend upon being ex-
cused, or if you will, pardoned for presuming, that
IT Congress had been on the spot they would
Judge as we do.
6" presume not to dictate but may venture
10 give my opinion, as do freely and with much
zeal concern for the public, that it would be much
better, If every instruction in being were totally
repealed, which eRjoins on any American minis
ter to follow the adUice or ask the aavice or even
10 communicate with any French or other minis
ger an Europe it is an inextricable embarrass.
ment every where Advice would be more sell
dom asked nor communicated less frequently it
would be more freely given A communication
oil information or a request of counsel would then
be received as a compliment, and mark Of res
pect 1t IS now considered as duty and a yiPht i;
Your ministers would have more weight and be
more respected through the world.
Congress cannot do too much 10 give weight
to their ministers, for they may depend upon it,
great and unlustibabe means are used to prevent
fhem from acquiring reputation, and even to pre-
vent any idea taking root that any thing has been
or can be done by them And there is nothing
and confines in short, nothing that renders total
iy useless your ministers in Europe SO much rs
these tositiue irsttactioHs to consult and ce17nvai
cate with French DLiHiSfeyS on all occaSions aud to
1oiio7O their advice And really think il would
be better 70 constitute the Csunt dc Pc-yerres opy
sole minister and giUs linn FIJI Powers to treat and
make pedce qoih sH Europe, than TO continue any
OF as under the instructions in 6eing if they are
40 be understood in the unBted sense in which
some persons contend for hope nothing indie
cent has escaped from me on this occasion ICa.
ny expressions appear too strong, the great i'm
portance OF the subject, and the deep impression
At has made on my mind and heart must be my
apology. -.
PANS, Nov 1882.
." When I speak of this court, know not that
any other minister is included than that of TO-
reign affairs. whole system of solicv IS now
as glaring as the day, of which, perhaps. Con-
gross and the people Of America have iittle sus
picion. The evidence now results IN a large
view of all sur European negotiations
same principles and the sac1e system have been
uniformly pursued from the Beginning of nv
knowledge IN Europe, IN April, 1873, to this hour
In substance it has been ths,---In assistance az
forded us III naval force and in money, to keep us
from succumbing and nothing more, t1 pre- cent
as from Kidding ourselves wholly of our enemies.
ard from growing rich and powerful 10 prevent
AIS from obtaining Acknowledgements of our in
dependence by other foreign powers, and from
acquiring consideration in Europe, OF any aJvan.