Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1808-05-10

them grave neral lecture Oh The enofm;-
ly OF their crime, in its tendency oprovoke
a war between the u. S. and G.. Britain.
Yet amidst all this parade of disavowal
by his government and amidst all these
professions of readiness to make PREPARATION,
not single mark of the slightest disappro-
baton, appears ever to have been roanifes..
ted to that officer. His instructions were
executed upon the Chesapeake in June. Ru-
mors of his recall have been circulated
here. But on leaving the station at Halifax
in December, he received compliments
ny address from the colonial asse emily, and
assured them in answer that he had no off,.
cal information on his recall From thence
he went to the West Indies and on leaving
Bermuda for England in February was adj
dressed again by that colonial government,
In terms of high panegyric upon his ener-
gy, with manifest illusions to his achieve
ment upon the Chesapeake.
Under all these circumstances, without
applying any ofthe maxims Of a suspicious
policy to the British professions, may still
he permitted to believe that their ministry
never seriously intended to make us honora-
BILE reparation, or indeed any PREPARATION at
all for that "unfortunate affair"
Ii is impossible for any man to form an
accurate idea of the British policy towards
the U. S. without taking into consideration
the state of parties III that government;
and the views, characters and opinions of
the Individuals 1T their helm of state Ii
beral and a hostile policy towards Ameri-
CO, are among the strongest marks of dis
tinction between the political systems of
the rival statesmen of that kingdom the
liberal party are reconciied 10 our indepen-
dence: and though extremely tenacious of
every right of their OWL country, are sys-
Dramatically disposed to preserve hedce with
the u. S. Their opponents harbor sent
ments OF very different description their
system is coercion their object the reco-
very of their lost dominion in North Anne
RIGA; this party now stands high in power !;
although admiral Berkeley may never have
received written orders from them for his
enterprise upon tic Chesapeake, yet in 81
wing his instructions to the squadron, at
Norfolk, be knew full well under what adj
ministration he was acting. Every mea
sure of that administration towards us since
that time has been directed to the same
purpose /; to break down the spirit of our
national independence. Their purpose, as
far as il can be collected from their acts, is
to force us into war with them or with their
enemies to leave us only the bitter alter
native of their vengeance or their protect
on.
Both these parties are no doubt willing
tn at we should join them in the war of their
nation against France and her alles.--The
late administration would have drawn us
into it by treaty, the present are attempting
it by compulsion. The former would have
admitted us as allies, the latter will have us
No otherwise than as colonies. On the late
debates In parliament, the lord chancellor
freely avowed that the orders of council Of
18th November, were intended TO make A
merica at last sensible of the policy of join
ing England g,inst France.
This too, sir, is the substantial argument
of ,.Ir. chickering's letter. The suspicious
of design in our own administration to
plunge us into war with Britain, never
have shared. Oar administration have e..
very interest and every motive that can in :.
fiu.nce the conduct of man to deter them
from any such purpose. Nor have / seen
any thing in their measures bearing the
slightest indication of it. But between a
design of war with England and surren..
der of our national freedom for the sake of
war with the rest of Europe, there is mate
r al difference. This is the policy now in
substance recommended to us, and for which
the interpretation of the commercial states
is called. For this, not only all our outrages
of Britain are TO be forgotten, but the very as
sertion of our rights is to be barnded with
odium--Inihressment trade
British faIation-Everyt thing that can dis
ngush state of national freedom from "a
state of national vassalage, is to be surren-
dered at discretion In the face of every
fact we are told to believe every protest.
on. In the midst Of every indignity, we are
pointed to British protection as our only
shield against the universal conquerer.-
Every phantom of jealousy and fear is in
voked--the image of France, witt scourge
in her hand, is impressed into the service,
to lash us into the refuge of obedience to
Britain-iDsinuations are even made that if
Britain 'fwith her thousand ships of war;
has not destroyed our commerce, it has been
owing to her indulgence, and we are almost
threatened in her name with the "des
truction of our fairest cities"
Not one act ofhostility to Britain has been
committed by us, she has not pretence of
that kind to allege---but if she will wage
war upon US, are we to- do nothing in our
own defence? If she issues orders of uni
versal plumber upon our commerce, are we
not to withhold it from her grasp! Is Anne
rican pillage one of those rights which she
has claimed and exercised until we are fore
closed from any attempt to obstruct its col
lection For what purpose are we requir-
ed TO make this sacrifice of every thing that
can give valor to the name of freemen, this
abandonment Of the very right of SELF pre-