Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1808-09-30

| in diplomacy, would rather endeawour IN
confuse, than enlighten, TO entrap than shew
the way to avoid il. The situation of 1,
minister is too delicate, to afford him the
smaiiest opportunity of finding ous secrets.
But, according to your principle, you think
that the Earl of Yarmouth was better ac-
qnainted with the reoi Uie1vs of France
than Secretary Fox, and that the French
minister at London was better acquainted
! with those of Great Britain than Tallcy.
rand. With great Difference TO your judg-
ment, we should imagine that the Secreta-
! OF State, no matter whether he ever saw
( a King on his throne, would have better
clue to European affairs, than any Other
officer except the President. Different mi
Inisters are stationed at different courts, and
their communications are constantly pour
ling in upon the Secretary of State, whose
duty it is to study them, and according tc
the new lights thas they may furnish, he is
the organ thro' which fresh instructions
are issued. The ministers have given
spheres in which they move, and all their
different gleanings and information concen..
trate IN this point. To illustrate the case
more simply you have only to imagine the
different figures upon the chess.board,
which are invested with different powers
and all underline co1troul of one great pow
er, who makes them move according to his
calculations so as to produce the grand re-
suit which he wishes. The minister has
partial AMI imperfect view, but that of
the Secretary is general and unconfrsed.
He can compare and collate the different
documents, and if there is anv thing Ike
arriving at Knowledge their real viegys.
he has the very best possible opportunity
OF dong it. So that this argument has
not the smallest foundation in reasoning
or IN fact You say that Mr.. Monroe is
held high in the estimation Of France and
Great britain, and thas orr differences
7ofth Me 6eLfgerenr TONERS Of Eurohe
7voutd be Gcco,.modafed with less difficult
~ man ne are likely 10 erherience. This
opens to sea OF argument and conjecture
ms assertion is evidently founded upon
this calculation. that either Mr.. Monroe,
or the belligerelt powers, would give way.
we can scarcely admit the first even for
the sake OF argument, that Mr. Monroe
would abandon the honor and indepen..
dence OF America, merely to preserve his
nigh estimation in the foreign courts. We
take II TOR granted that he would not give
way: What fhsn? Would Great Bril-
tain! Has not every possible expedient
been tried, and has not Mr.. Monroe avail.
ed himself all the advantages of his high
estimaftoH III order to soften the rigour of
Brislsh injustice. And without success.
HE conclusion forces itself upon us, that h e
would according TO your expectation, in case
he was elected adopt the treaty which has
been already thrown under the table WHY do
you nibble at this subject in this way! WHY
VIII you not come out at once, * advocate
thattrcaty, which has made no provision, for
of nft- 10
pie will then understand you, and YOU viii
know the ground you occupy, in their esti-
nation. With respect to The popularity of
Mr. Monroe, AT the Freuch court. we feel
surprised that you should urge this in his
favor, when 1t has been the cause oS unceas-
ing abuse against MIR. Madison and the pre-
SEND administration, both from the federal
ISIS and the minority-men, and yet you al
vance 1t ia sagpsrt of Mr.. fGa;roe. But
TINS you say, is The PRINCIPAL ansl uaansaser-
aole objection to Mr. Madison. That o,y,.
'orekSH commerce IL totally sushcn9ed, orr
sHtIiS are rofttEg, oar seanefl Mshersed
ana gone, and o9t' PRODUCE shut m in orr
ware houSes. You admit too. in the follow
lag sentence, that these miaehieE hnye O.
'IgtHafed an the unjust DEGREES Of France
and the arbitrary regulations ofthe Bri.
tish council. Here, gentlemen, cur amaze
ment naturally leads us to edquire, what
Can be your real vit TVS. We solennlv aD-
peal to your conscience, if this reasoning
came from your hearts. You admit that Mr.
Madison is not to blame for the evils yDu
nave recited, but that they originated from
causes, completely w.thour our control, and
yer tia is the EH0ns .Uerd5{e objecfon TO
a M You continue to observe, thai ne are
SPeaR'Hg' ~ mr. frescsif sta'e If things
only, and nor Of the causes which haze Ieatf
10 H. suppose, gentlemen, mat you were
IN an actual state IF war; you would not
hesitate to enquire into the canse, but you
won'd gbandon every ching, merely to have
a sfIrs9y removal Of the evils. The mis-
chiei' OF which you complain, certainly ex-
LIST, and we feel them. bat il is not enough
TO remove them without lemoving the
cause.
If you were sick, you would not employ
heu'clne to search into the seat of the DIS
ease and MAKE yourself well, but you would
be sufficiently satisfied with a suspension of
the pam, and thus creep on, in a feeble.
Wearisome and Responding condition. How
are we % remove the present state ofthings,
without erquiring into the cause Would
you nave US 70 surrender our commerce to
e. britain, orto France? Would you have
US form an alliance with Britain. and 90 To
war with France Or with France, and 90
10 war With Britain Or would you have us
10 declare war against both
- you can devise any expedient TO relieve