Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va.) 1802-1810, 1808-04-01

and them. such a view Of our national at
fairs as my official situation has placed in
nv power. l now address to you, Sir,
a. the proper organ Of communication to
the Legislature.
The attainment Of TRUTH is ever de-
sirAble: and I cannot permit myself to
doubt that the statement now make
must be acceptable to- all, who have an a.
geucy in directing the affairs, and who
are guardians Of the interests Of cur Com
mo~n1veaLth, which so materially depend
on the measures of the Government OF the
Nation. At the same time, am aware
| Of the jealousy with which, in these I'M
happy days ofParty discussions, my COM
municatiohs may, BY some OF my a
s~ttuents, be received. Of this l will
not complain : while I earnestly wish
the a jealousy to be extended towards
| all public men. Yet I may claim some
| share of attention and credit-that share
| which is due to the man Who de6es the
world to point, in the whole r OF .
long and public life, at n instance of
deception ; at a single departure from
TRUTH.
The EMBARGO demands the first no.
tice. For perhaps no act Of the National
Government has ever produced 50 much
solicitude or spread such universalalarTn.
Because all naturally conclude, that 4
measure pregnant with incalculable mis-
chief t o all classes of our fellow citizens,
would lot have. been proposed by the
President, and adopted BY Congress, but
for causes deeply affecting the interests
and safety of the nation. It must have
been under the influence of this opinion
that the legislative bodies Of some States
have expressed their appreciation Of the
Embargo, either explicitly, or BY im-
plication. -
The following were all the papers laid
by the President before Congress, rs the
grounds of the Embargo.
/. The proclamation of the King of
Great. Britain requiring the return of his
subjects, the seamen especially, fromfo-
reign countries, to aid, in this hour Of
peculiar danger, in the defence of their
own. But it being an acknowledged
principle, that every nation has a right to
the service Of its subjects in time ofwar,
that proclamation could aot furnish the
slightest ground for an Embargo.
2. The extract of a letter from the
Grand Judge Regnier to the French At
torney General for the Couneilo Of Prizes.
This contained a partial Interpretation, of
the imperial blockading decree Of, Nov.
81, 1906. This decree, indeed, and its
interpretation, present fragrant violations
Of our neutlal rights, and Of the existing
treaty between the United States and
France: but still, the execution Of that
decree could not (from the small pum-
Der Of French cruisers) extensively in
terrupt our trade. These two papers
were public.
5. The letter from our minister, Nj.
Armstrong, to Mr. Champagny, the
French Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
4. Mr.. Campaigns answer. Both
these ought, in form or substance, also
to have been made public. The latter
would have furnished to our nation some
idea Of the views and expectations Of
France. But both were Withdrawn by
the President, to be deposited among O.
Their Executive secrets while neither
presented any new ground to justify an
Embargo.
In the Senate, these papers were refer
red to a committee. The committee
quickly reporteda bill for laying an EN-
barge, agreeably to the Presidents pro.
posal. This. was read a FIRST, a second,
and a third time, and passed and all il
tbe short compass Of about four hours
A little time was repeatedly asked, to
obtain further information, and to consi,
der a Measure Of such moment, of such
universal concern; but these request.
were denied. W. were hurried into the
passage of the bill, as if there was dan,
ger of its being rejected, If We were al
lowed time to obtain further information
and deliberately consider the subject
q - H. 49,