The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1808-03-24

more tender nerves Of moral sensbilN,. 1t in
the following passage, that think may be seen
this culpable dereliction of fair and candid rea-
soning. ''The Senator { Mr. BRADLEY ) who
assumed the power of calling together the men,
! bers of Congress, did it under the pretext of
a. that power having beer vested in him by a
former convention; this pretext whether it be
true or not, implies an assertion of a right in
" the Congress of 1874. to direct their success
a. ors in the mode of choosing the chief magis-
,'trate; an assertion which man has ever be-
fore had the hardihood to advocate"
| When Mr. Bradley commenced his note with
| the words, "by virtue of powers vested III me"
&c it is highly improbable that he was serious.
l have always understood that he was not; ifhe
was, he is filter for Bedam than the Senate
Chamber. but admitting the most unfavorable
construction of the note, does it amount to an as
scrtion that the Congress Of 1904 had right to
| direct their successors in the mode of choosing a
| chief magistrate Does the power Of convoking
| the members of Congress, necessarily imply the
power of regulating their mode approaching
Does any mode of proceeding which they can a.
dopt,: amount to choosing chief Magistrate
| Was Mr.. Bradley's note considered by the mem
hcrs as any thing more than an invitation Had
he not an equal right to convoke his colleagues
| with any other member ofthe House? Are the
professors sincere in eHdeavoring to annex SO
| much importance to the conduct of Mr. Bradley
|. 1perfectly concur with the addressers in OPT
MON that the proceedings of the meeting ought
not to be binding upon all the Republicans. !
will go farther. do not believe that they ought
| to be binding upon any part of them not even
| upon the members of the meeting themselves.
But it it was relevant to the subject in issue, it
mght we'll beara question, whether it may not
be proper that the members should designate
some number ofindividuals as objects of select-
| ON, without any regard to majorties; one party
| having an equal right to make this desi gnation
with the other. When there is great apparent
majority Of the nation in favor of particular
| didatc (and the result Of caucus may be con-
sidered as evidence of such majority considera-
tons political expediency, arising from the de-
licate situation of foreign relations, may induce
4 surrender of our wishes for personal favorite
and sacrifice to the general will. But ifthe OBJ
jections stated in the address, to the character
OF Mr.. Madison are well founded, they are of
too serious nature to leave room for the operad-
| on of these subordinate considerations. His
friends, while they deny hi, participation i. any
censure which may be attributable to the mode
OF his nomination. are too conscious of the solidi-
ty OF his prctensions, rest them the votes OF
any meeting however respectable, or the appear
ahce OF any majority however imposing. :. -
| 4. AS much attention has certainly been bettow-
ed on the meeting at Washington, as its impor-
lance is entitled to. Those who suppose that it
has had any influence on the sentiments of the
nation, are probably in error 80, AS far as my in.
] formation has extended, the preference OF Ma
| olson was avowed and decided, long before that
/ event took Place.-The charges aledeed in the
protes. against the political talents, integrity and
| fortitude of Madison, next present themselves
1 as subjects Of consideration -. Although these
occupy but small part of the protest, in point OF
space, yet there is reason. to believe that, in
the minds of the. professors, they were view
ed as of superior magnitude; and that under the
plausible Pretext of protest against usurpation,
and under the influence of imposing names, il
was intended to make such an address to the pco-
pie, as would have powerful influence, on the
! presidential election. FRANKLIN.