The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1808-08-05
THE. EyNQUIRER.
RICHMOND. AUGUST $, 1908.
To the Freeholders Of the Congressional Dis
trict, composed of the counties of Bucking-
ham, Charlotte, Cumberland and Prince

=
trict. composed of the counties of Buckiug-
ham. Charlotte, Cumberland and Prince
Edward
GENTLEMEN,
You are called upon to decide question of
some importance to your country-
Shall JOHN RANDOLPH ESQ hold seat in
the eleventh Congress of the United States /.
10 your sutIrages. az the next spring cleo
ton, he will owe this distinguished honour,
1t he owns it at all. With the highest conf
dence in the republican principles and clear
discernment which will guide you, choice,
will you permit me respectfully to submit a
few ideas to your consideration
Let us take this question, Gentlemen, on
broad and general grounds. Oar constitute
on is principally founded on the representa-
tive system. The very meaning of that
term displays the nature and benefits Of that
system. A representative is apublic agent
who represents the wishes, interests and DO
litical sentiments OF the People. Even tho
the people do not choose to regulate his
course by special Instructions, in conse-
quence OF presumption that he may some
times enjoy information which they do not
possess, the real nature of their relation is
not materially altered. The officer who has
given his votefora series of measures, which
the people do. not ultimately sanction, on
having this Information before them, cannot
be called representative. The vir-
tue, spirit and essence Of Honse of Repre-
sentatives consists in its being the express
image. ofthe feelings OF the nation" Ifthey
impose sett of measures upon the people
which they do not approve, they misrepre-
sent those feelings. Ii any member of that
body pursues the same course, lie misrepre-
sentsthe sentiments ofhis district. This mis-
Representation becomes infinitely greater
when 1t not only applies to single measure,
but to the whole course of policy !; when
1t not only exists in past times, but is likely
to extend to future measures, the most deep
ly interesting to the rights, independence &
prosperity ofthe country
The district that would consent to keep
such representative in Office, would conse-
quentlv overlook the very spirit Of our con-
stitution. 1t is kind of system that would
convert our representative form CT govern
ment, into something for which it was never
intended, and for which there already exists
noname in the ample vocabulary of politics.
1t might be called the misrehresenfatiue svs-
TEN OF government, if there was any nece ssh
| ty tor nveRtinga term for monster which
| is not likely to exist. 1t would be indeed
strange paradox in the theory of a republic,
II district were to pote for any candidate,
who. ia all great points of practical hoEty,
thought directly against them.
On most great points of public Importance,
which haze latterly come before your re-
preventative, he Aas taken one Course, and
you would have taken another. You, Cen
tlemen, are attached to the present admins
tration. MIR. Randolph has little confidence
IN the Chief Magistrate or his highest mini
sscr. Ask il .. "a Randolph, whether he does
not differ from the administration he will
shrewdly reply, "what more does this cir.
| cumstance prove, than that the admnistra-
| ton differs from me!" But if you, gentlemen,
| agree with the administration, il will prove
something more important to yourselves
| that Your representative also differs from
fyou. How long this double variation is to
continue, it is for you to decide.
a few Of this gentleman's friends, have
however, attempted to draw very ingeni-
| Gus distinction between the administration
itself and the frincihies of our government
They demand with some indignation, whe-
Their the friends ct the administration design
| to consider it as the test of principles and
as fervently they contend, that their favorite
| leader has never yet abandoned the h,inci-
fles efthe retu6lc.-'Thew word principle, u
is term of vague and various acceptation
1t may be taken in a wider or narrower sense
1t may apply to those general fundamental
| maXims on which our constitution itself is
| founded, or to those subordinate points OF
practical policy, which flow from the exis-
ting state OF the country, and therefore press
upon us with peculiar Importance Mr.. Ran
dolph may agree with the administration &
the republicans on most speculative ma:lims
OF politics. He may subscribe to every arti-
Gle in the Virginia Bill of Rights. He may
| think with US, that all men are by nature e.
qually free and Independent that all power
flows from the people and that government
IS only instituted for the benefit, protection
and security of the Community. But these
are not the only tests Of the creed of politi-
clan. He may have formed the most ridicu-
ious ideas concerning the spirit Of the times.
he may have entertained very erroneous o.
| pinions about those particular means which
| are necessary to the benefit, and security of
the community. His Practical hrincihies
may be at variance with those of an LIGHT
ehed ministry. lie may have opposed those
measures which are required by the rights
and independence of the country He NAV
nave opposed the administration itself. which
has adopted those measures. How, under
such circumstances, can it be conceived
that our supporting the measures of that adj
| miDistration, would be the same khinp DIS e.
recting them into priviledged test of prin-
| ciple! or that we must necessarily adhere tn
| such representative, because he has not vet
abandoned the speculative principles of the
republic That representative himself. if
n mo ,E -