The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1808-03-04

go, we can not only enjoy peace and quiet
but we may prosper and flourish, even tho
no intercourse should ever be restored be-
tween the United States and Europe,
Why then should we hazard so much,
tor the qualification of the sensual passions !
is 1t feared, if the embargo shall continue.
that the people of the United States will
want, or that every industrious man will not
ind the means of obtaining the nccessaries
of life
VIII not state of war compel us to raise
powerful armies! shall we have the means
to pay them! whitley like the heroes of
the revolution, lay down their arms without
pay or even if regularly paid, is it likely
that powerful military, habituated to idle
ness, depending alone on their swords, will
not provide for themselves at the expense
OF the liberties of their country
These are considerations which plead
more strongly in favor of an embargo, than
the mind. mislcd by immediate perceptions
is prepared to comprehend. They nave
Deen considered by me, with such attention,
that have no hesitatation in prefering an
embargo to state of war with either of the
pelhSerent powers, in the same manner that
would prefer independently to subjugation.
But cannot see why we are to fear con-
sinuation OF the embargo. The Decree of
Napoleon, as / understand it, is to have no
effect upon us, after the United States shall
cause its flag to be respected, or after Great
Britain shall return to those principles of the
law of nations, which are equally the prin-
ciples of justice and honor.
From this it seems, that if Great-Britain
VIII acknowledge the rights of neutrals, the
decree VIII be abrogated, even though the
war between the nations of F,uroDe NAV
rage with animosty as well as vigor.
he friends of Great-Britain endeavor to
prove that the tyranny and Injustice of
France have imposed upon us the calamities
OF an embargo. But candor calls upon me to
declare that they have proceeded from the
usurpations and aggressions of the British
government. Nor shall abandon that opin-
ION, until 'Great-Britain, either by treaty
with the United States, or by a general
change ofconduct, shall yield to those rules,
by which belligerent nations, in regard to
neutrals ought to be governed.
II either OF these things shall happen, and
Napoleon shall still persevere contrary to the
provisions OF his own decree, then will the
friends of Great Britain have some reason
to say that Napoleon deserves the hostility
OF this country, as well as of all mankind -
but before this can be said, Great Britain
must set an example of liberality as well as
justice.
AhuSSd, 81 lnuCu am L an advocate Tor a
PACING course, that even, if forced into a
war, l would recommend measures of de-
fence only. This country affords every
thing necessary for real happiness-and if
we cannot obtain the luxuriss and superfhi
ties OF other climes, without hazardine our
hberties-surely no patriot will hesitate in
deciding. not only in favor of the embargo,
but Tor perpetual separation from other
parts of the world.
In few years, there will be an emulation
among our wealthy citizens in establishing
manufactures. The artizans of Europe
hndins this to be our policy, will emigrate,
and in little time, we shall be able to supply
those, who now wish to Cypress US with ma
nufactories as well as provisions Even if
prospects were less favorable, existing cir
cumstances will justify the experiment
Will tor the present dismiss the subject.
repeating that it is most wise patiently to
bear the evils of the embargo. If there be
questions, either of error or fault, applying
to our own public functionaries, 1t will be
time enough to examine and decide upon
them, after our national strength shall he
consolidated by harmony, frmness and union.
PACIFICUS.