The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1808-04-29

inc nrSt call upon its members should be t
cast all their feelings & interests, as the cti
zens OF single state into the common stool
OF the national concern.
Should the occurrence upon which an APP
peal is made from the Councils of the Natl
on, to those of a single state be one, upol
which the representation of the state ha,
been divided, and the member who fount
himself in the minority, felt himself impel
led by sense OF duty to invoke the inter
ipoSition of his constituents, it would seen
that both in justice to them, and iii cando,
to his colleague, some notice of such inten-
ton should be given to him, that he too might
Ibe prepared to exhibit his views of the sub
lJect upon which the difference of opinion
mad taken place; or at least that the resort
should be had, at such a period of time as
would leave it within the reach of possibli-
ty for his representations to be received, by
their common constituents, before they would
be compelled to decide on the merits of the
case.
The fairness and propricty Of this course
of proceeding must be SO obvious, that it is
difficult to conceive of the propriety of any
other. Yet 1T presents another Inconvenience
which must necessarily result from this prac-
tice OF appellate legislation. When one of
! the Senator's from state proclaims to his
constituents that particular measure or
system of measures which has received the
vote and support of his colleague, are PERM
clous and destructive 70 those interests which
both are bound by the most sacred of ties,
with zeal and fidelity to promote, the denun-
citation OF the measures amounts to little less
than denunciation of the man. The ad-
vocate OF policy thus reprobatcd must feel
himself summoned by every motive of self
defence to vindicate his conduct and if his
general sense of his official duties W ould bind
| i
time to the public business of the session,
the hours which he might be forced to en-
ploy for his own Justification, would of course
be deducted from the discharge of his more
regular and appropriate functions. Should
these occasions frequently recur, they could
not fail to interfere with the due perform
ance of the public business Nor can for
bear to remark the tendency Of such antago-
nizing appeals to distract the Councils of the
State in its own Legislature, to destroy its
influence, and expose it to derision, in the
presence OF its sister states, and to produce
between the colleagues themselves mutual as
perities and rancours, until the great con-
Germs of the nation would degenerate into the
puny controversies of personal alteration.
| 1t is therefore with extreme reluctance
that enter upon this discussion. In devel-
oping my own views and the principles
! which have governed my conduct in relation
to our foreign affairs, and particularly to the
| Embargo, some very material differences in
point of fact well as of opinion, will be
found between my statements, and those of
| the letter, which alone can apologize for
this. They will not, / trust, be deemed in
any degree disrespectful to the writer. Far
more pleasing would it have been to me-
Gould that honest and anxious pursuit of the
lpohcy best calculated to promote the honor
and welfare of our Country, which, | trust
is felt with equal ardor by us both, have re-
suited in the same opinions, and have given
them the vigor of united exertion. There is
candour and liberality OF conduct and of
sentiment due from associates ia the same
public charge, towards each other, necessa-
ry to their individual reputation, to their
common influence, and to their public use
tulness In our republican government,
where the power of the nation consists alone
In the sympathies of opinion, this reciprocal
Difference, this open-hearted imputation of
| honest intentions, is the only adamant at once
attractive and impenetrable, that can bear,
unshattered, all the thunder of foreign hos
Utility. Ever since / have had the honor of q
seat IN the National Councils, have extend
| ed 1T to every department of the Govern
ment. However differing n my Conclusions
upon questions of the highest moment, from
any other man, of whatever party, | have
upon SuoPiSlOllJ IhputGu HIS COilCuCt
to corruption. IF this confidence argues ig-
norance of public men and public affairs, to
that ignorance | must plead guilty. know,
indeed, enough of human nature, to be scnsi-
bic that vigilant observation is at all times,
and that suspicion may occasionally become
necessary, upon the conduct of men in pow
er. But know as well that confidence is the
only cement of an elective government--e-
lection is the very test of coniidence-and it's
periodical return is the constitutional check
upon its abuse; of which the electors must
OF couIse be the sole judges. For the exer-
else OF power, where man is free, confidence
is lndispensable-and when it once totally
iaIls-when the men to whom the people
have committed the application of their force
for their benefit, are to be presumed the vi
lest OF mankind, the very foundation of the
social compact must be dissolved. Towards
the gentleman whose official station results
from the confidence of the same Legislature,
by whose appointment | have the honor of
holding similar trust, have thought this
confidence peculiarly due from ne, nor
should now notice his letter, nOtwithstand-
ing the disapprobation it so obviously implies
at the course which ] have pursued in rcla-
ton to the subjects of which it treats, did it
not appear to me calculated to produce up.
on the public mind, impressions unfavorabie
to the rights and interests of the nation.
Having understood that motion in the
Senate OF Massachusetts was made by you.
requesting the Governor to transmit Mr..
PiCkeriDg's letter To the I,pCisiatttre tceo