The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1808-05-03

ipanegyric upon his energy. with manifest al |
fusion to his achievement upon the Chesa-
fpeake.
! Under all these circumstances, without APP
plying any of the naXims of suspicious po-
Icy to the British professions, i may still be
permitted to believe that their ministry re-
yer seriously intended to make us honora-
BILE reparation, or indeed any repatriation at
all for that " unfortunate affair."
| It is impossible for any man to form an
accurate idea of the British policy towords
the United States, without taking into con-
sideration the state of parties in that govern
ment; and the views, characters and opin-
ions of the individuals at their helm of State
IA liberal and q hostile policy towards A
merica, are among the strongest marks Of
distinction between the political systems of
the rival statemen OF that kingdom-I'he
liberal party are reconciled to our Indepen-
ldence and though extremely tenacious ofc-
very right of their own country, are syste-
matically disposed to preserve feace with
the United States. Their opponents har-
bour sentiments of very different descripti-
Ion-Iheir syGtemis coercion-Their object
the recovery Of their lost dominion in North
America-This party now stands high in
lpower-Although Admiral Berkeley may ne
Iver have received written orders from them
tor his enterprise upon the Chesapeake, yet
in giving his instructions to the squadron at
Norfolk, he knew full well under what adj
lministation he was acting. Every measure
of that administration towards us since that
time has been directed to the same purpose
to break down the spirit of our national
Independence. Their purpose, as far as it
can be collected from their acts, is to force
us into war with them or with their enemies
Ito leave us only the bitter alternative of their
vengeance or their protection.
Both these parties are no doubt willing,
that We should join them in the war of their
nation against France and her allies-The
late administration would have drawn us in
to 1t by treaty, the present are attempting
it by compulsion. The former would have
admitted US as allies, the latter will have us
no otherwise than as colonists. On the late
debates in Parliament, the lord Chancellor
freely avowed that the order. of Council of
1th November, were intended to make A.
merica at iasf sensible Of the policy of Join
ing England against France.
lhls too, Sir, is the substantial argument
of Mr.. Pickering's letter---Tbe suspicious of
a aestsni III our own administration to plunge
us into war with Britain. I never have
shared. Our administration have every in
tcrest and every motive that can influence
the conduct of man to deter them from any
auot purpose. Nor have l seen any thing
IN their measures bearing the slightest in
dicatlon OF it. But between a design of war
with England, and a surrender of our natl
onal freedom for the sake of war with the
. rest of Europe, there is a material differ
5 ence. This is the policy now in substance
f recommended to us, and for which the in
proposition OF the commercial States is called
this, not only are all our outrages from
Britain to be forgotten, but the very asser-
ton OF our rights is to be branded with odium.
: I-Imf,ressment-.Ven trade---British
faration-Every thing that can distinguish
, e state OF national freedom from a state of ma
. tional vassalage, is to be surrcnderedat dis
cretion. In the face of every fact we are
told to believe every professionally the midst
OF every indfsnnty, we are pointed to Bri-
) fish protection as our only shield against
, the universal conqueror. Every phantom of
Jealousy and fear is evoked-The image Of
France with a scourge in her hand is i'm
pressed into the service, tolash us into the re-
, fuge OF obedience to Observation-Disclosures
are even made that if Britain with her
thousand ships of war;" has not DESTROYED
our commerce, it has been owing to her in
dulgence, and we are almost threatened in
| her name with the " destruction of our fair
est cities.
Not one act Of hostility to Britain has been
committed by u.s.; sheh as not pretence of
f that kind to alledge-But if she will wage
war upon US, are we TO DO nothing In our
own defences If she issues her orders of uni
Versal plumber upon our commerce, are we
not to Withhold it from her grasp? Is Ameri-
can pillage one of those rights which she has
claimed andexercised until We are foreclos-
. ed from any attempt to obstruct it's ,coiec-
tion' For what purpose are we required to
make this sacrifice Of every thing that can
give value to the name offreemen, this aban-
donment OF the very right self preservation ,
. Is it to avoid a WARP Alas Sir, it does not
offer even this plausible plea of pusillanimi-
ty-For, as Submission would make us to all
substantial purposes British colonies, her e.
, nemies would unquestionably treat us as
such, and after degrading ourselves into vo-
luntary servitude to escape a war with her,
we should incur inevitable war with all her
, enemies, and be doomed to share the desti-
, MES of her conflict with world in arms.
Between this unqualified submission, and
offensive resistance against the war upon ma
rhine neutrality waged by the concurring
DEGREES of all the great belligerent powers,
the Embargo was adopted, and has been hi
therto continued. So far was it FROM being
, dictated by France, that it was calculated
to withdraw, and has withdrawn from with
in her reach all the means Of compulsion
which her subsequent DEGREES would have put
in her possession. 1t has added to the mo-
tives both of France and England for pre-
serving peace with us, and has diminished