Virginia Argus. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1796-1816, 1808-07-01

the state or things that nov exists between
the United States and Great Britain this
has been my only motive for the notice
have taken of it. 1t has been to me pain
fu duty. l have endeavored to discharge
liz, in a manner consistent with the respect
feel for the gentlemen who negotiated
that treaty. One OF them have known
long and intimately. 1 know he is incapa-
BILE of an intentional abandonment of the
interest of his countrr. My object is not
to crimnate the commissioners, who, am
Iconfident, believed they acted for the inte-
rest of their country, but to rescue the adj
ministration from censure they do not
merit. In forming the treaty, the commits
sioners acted upon responsibility, the full
force Of which they felt. The President
in sending it back and refusing to ratify it,
discharged a duty to his country. i have
no doubt he did right. That he acted &C
cording to his own conviction, there can
be no doubt 1t is proven by his instruc-
tions antecedently given. The correspon..
dence is published and every man has
I the means of forming an opinion for him.
self.
| Before you will believe that the necessi-
ty for the embargo grew out of the fault
& remissness of our own government, and
not ont of the French DEGREES and British
orders, you will require it to be proved by
what act of ours, short of war with England,
we could have prevented the blockadinS
decree of France from being extended to
our commerce; and by what act of ours,
short Of war with France, the British or
ders of the 9TH January, 1907, and their or
ders of the 11th November, would have
been prevented from issuing. They have
told you and you have seen, that the reject
ed treaty would not have had that effect.
to have been restrained from the impress
ment of our seamen how ,iby any act of ours,
the attackupon the Chesapeake was brought
about, and how the execution of one of the
four men taken from on board that vessel,
and the detention of the other three, is to
he ascribed to the rejection of the treaty.
Ie may be asked, do we rely solely upon
the embargo? We do not we have made
provision for the defence of our ports and
harbors, by the appropriation of large sums
OF money, for the erection of Notifications
and the building gun-boats, to be used in the
defence of our ports, bays, and rivers
we nave ordered regular force OF up
| wards of SIX thousand men to be raised,
! who viii be employed Tor the defencs of cur
most exposed and important places. We
have given the President power to call
into actual service 100000 militia and
we have appropriated 100000 dollars for
the purchase and manufacture of arms
"A much larger sum would have been APP
| piled to this most important object, if it
could have been used but that was not be-
heved to be practicable, as we can only pro.
cure them from manufactures within the
United States. How long is the embargo
likely to continue is question every man
! feels interested in. law passed Con-
gress a short time before the adjournment,
authorising the President of the United
States, in the event Of such peace or sus-
pension of hostilities between the be!liger-
ent powers of Europe. or of such changes
in their measures affecting neutral COM
MERGE, as may render that of the United
States sufficiently safe in his Judgment, to
suspend the act laying an embargo In
either of these events, the embargo will
instantly be taken off. IT the wrongs OF
which we complain continue, and the en-
! largo becomes more oppressive than war
we must make the appeal to arms, and
resort to such measures as will give full
scope to the courage and enterprise of our
lcountTymen. If this snail be our only al
4ternative, the course we have taken was
the best we could have adopted; it has
enabled us to bring home all our citizens
n VINO were abroad, to secure the vast pro-.
lpeTty we had ahoat to put our country in
a state OF defence, and to make ali the ne
t cessary preparations for offensive war, il
we should be obliged to resort to it. 1t
gives us every possible chance toescape war.
But if we should not be so fortunate, we
5 shall engage in IL, with less risk and loss to
ourselves, and greater means Of annoyance
D to. our enemies.
: Fellow-citizens, the state of our affairs
2 and indeed of the whole world, is porten.
tous and merits your most serious consid.
: Grafton. 1t IS not the lot of man to enjoy
uninterrupted happiness. Our situation is
= and has been the most enviable of any PEG
= BILE on earth. We live under government
. OF our choice, administered by our own a.
4 gents, elected by and responsible to us
c Our property is cur own; not shilling
d of it is taken from us but what is faithful.
g ly applied to the public service. Fulfilling
# all our duties TO others, we ask of then
: nothing but to forbear TO do us injury
vi When the people and wealth of other couD.
n tries have been devoted TO CRAFTY the
d ambition Of their rulers, we have been hap
;, PLY enjoying the fruits of our own labour
{: Ii is in America only, that the rights o
IS man are known and respected. | SHOULD
e Toe unfaithful to you, if did not warn yol
y Iof the possibility Of your being called up.
q on to defend these inestimable blessings
l. and that you may be called upon for ye
d lgreater exertions than you made in YOU
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