The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1808-11-29


war or submission.
A general repeal without arminy, would
be submission to both NATIONS.
A general repeal and arming of our mer-
chant vessels, would be war with both. and
war OF the worst kind, suffering the enemies
to plumber MS without retaliation upon them.
a partial repeal must, from the situation
OF Europe, necessarily be actual submission
to one of the aggressors and war with the
other.
The last position, is the only one on which
there Canbe any doubt and it will be most
satisfactorily demonstrated by selecting "a
mongst the several notifications, which
might be suggested, that which may OH first
view appear the least exceptionable pro-
position to repeal the embargo, so far only
rs relates to those powers, which have not
passed or do not execute any deCrees in
furious to the neutral rights of the United
States.
1t is said that the adoption of that propositi-
on would restore our commerce with the ma
tive powers of Asia and Africa, and with
Spain, Portugal, Sweden and Russia Let
this be taken for granted, although the pre-
else line of conduct now pursued by most Oh
those nations, in relation to the u. States,
isnot correctly ascertained. So far as re-
latcs to any advantages which ould resul.
from that measure, it confined to its ostensi-
bic object, it will be sufficient to observe
that heexpor S of arllc es Of the domestic pro
duce of the United States, during the year
ending the 50th September, 1907, amounted
to 48,7OO,0O0 dollars, and the portion ex
ported 10 the countries above enumerated
falls short of seven millions an amount tho
lnconsiderable, when compared with the
bulk of our exports, to deserve attention,
even if question affecting the indepen-
dence of the nation was to be decided by
considerations ofimmediate profit.
But the true effect of the prosposition
would be to open an indirect trade with
Great-Britain, which, through St. Bartho-
lomew and HAVANA Lisbon, Cadiz or Got
tenburg, would receive. at prices reducedb by
glutted markets and for want of competi-
ton, all the provisions, naval stores, raw
materials for her manufactures, and other
articles which she may want. Whether she
would be satisfied with that favorable state
OF things, or whether, considering that boon
as pledge of unqualified Submission, she
would, according TO the tenor of her orders,
interrupt our scanty commerce with Russia,
and occasionally, under some new pretext
capture rather than purchase the cargoes
intended for her own use, is equally uncer-
tain and unimportant. Nor can it be doubt
ed that measure which would supply ex-
ciusively one OF the belligerents, would be
war with the other. Considered merely as
a question of profit, it would be much more
eligible at once to raise the embargo in re-
lation to Great-Britain, as we would then,
at least, have the advantages of direct
market with the consumer. But the pro-
position can only be defended ON the ground
that France is the only aggressor, and, that
having no just reason to complain of Eng
land, it is our duty to submit to he. orders
On that inadmissible superstition, it would
not only be more candid, but also a more
dignifed, as well as more advantageous
course, openly to join England, and to
make war against France. The object
would be clearly understood, an ally would
be obtained, and the meanncss of submits
sion might be better palliated.
1t appears unnecessary to pursue any
further the examination of propositions,
which the difficult situation of the United
States could alone have suggested, and
which will prove more inadmissible, or i'm
practicable, as the subject is more thorough
ly Investigated. The alternative is painful !;
it is between continued suspension of COM
merce and war with both England & France
But the choice must ultimately be made be-
tween the two; and it is importan: that we
should be prepared for either the one OF the
other.
The aggressions of England and France
collectively affecting almost the whole of
our commerce, and persisted in, notwithstan-
ding repeated remonstrances, explanations
and propositions the most candid and uneX-
ceptionable, are, to all intents and purposes,
maritime war waged by both nations a
gainst the United States. 1t cannot be de-
MED that the ultimate and only effectual
mode of resisting that warfare, if persisted
IN, is war. Appointment suspension Of COM
merce, after repeated and unavailing efforts
to obtain peace, would not properly be re-
sistance: it would be withdrawing from the
contest, and abandoning our indisputable
right freely 10 navigate me ocean. The pre-
sent unsettled state of the world, the extra
ordinary situation in which the u. States
are placed, and the necessity, if war be re-
sorted to, OF making it at the same time a
gainst both nations, and these the two most
powerful of the world, are the principal
causes of hesitation There would be none
in resorting to that remedy, however calami-
tous, if selection could be made on any prin-
ciple Of justice, OF without a sacrifice OF ma
neutrality-suspicious..
On aquestion of such difficulty, involving
the most important interests OF the union, and
which has not, perhaps, until lately, been
sufficiently considered, your committee think
the douse alone competent to pronounce n
decisive opinion and they have in this re-
port confined themselves to an exposition Of
the subject and to such Introductory resolu-
tons, as will be equally applicable to either
"a t,1n E.l.