The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1808-04-05

reasonable to infer that the great injustic,
| inseparable from the practice, of which tn,
| incident furnished SO striking an example
would have produced between our govern
ments the most prompt and friendly co-ope-
ration i'll the means of suppressingit That
the United States have suffered a greater in
Jury oy recent occurrence, than they had
done before, cannot be good reason, and
ought not to be motive for delaying redress
OF the others, especially when it is consider
ed that they were already in train of ami
cable accommodation and arrangement.
Since, however, you inform me that his ma
Jesty's government is unwilling to take up
the subject in combined view, tits uuncces-
sary for me TO press it.
You ask whether am authorized to Sc
parate this latter incident from the general
practice, and to treat it as distinct tonic ?
Onthis point have to state, that my instruc-
tons, which are explicit, enloin me to consi-
der the whole of this class of injuries as an
entire subject and indeed so intimately are
they connected in their nature, that it seems
tooe dithcult, If not impossible, to separate
them ton any useful purpose to either party.
nay government being sincerely DESTROYS to
place the relations of the two powers, on the
sohd basis OF permanent friendship, is salts
ned, as well by what has occurred in the pc
neral practice, as by the more awful admo-
milton derived from the late incident, that
that can only be done with effect, by mount
ing to the source of the evil, and providing
an adequate remedy for it. In pursuing this
great object, 1t is my duty to repeat, that my
government does not seek to confne the re-
NEEDY proposed TO the fajuries which the u
nted States have suffered, and continue to
suffer, but is DESTROYS to extend it to those al
SO which are complained of by Grea,-f,ri-
tain. Experience has shewn, that both
parties complain of injuries, though certain
~ OF avery different character and less ur-
gent nature How much more advisable then
is IT not, in every view, for them to enter in
to an arrangement which shall provide an
adequate remedy for their respective iniu-
RES which shall bind the honor of each go
vernment to do what is just and right in
respect to the other, and enlist the feelings
OF each nation on Its side, than to suffer
things to remain longer in their present
state! How much more advantageous would
not such an arrangement be likely to prove
to Great-Britain, in the particular object
which she has In view, than her adherence
TO a practice which rejects mean, which
Could not tail to be more productive a prac-
tee which cannot be maintained in princi-
pie; which leads by immutablc causes, that
ought to inspire different sentiments in the
parties TO each other, to great and constant
abuse, and which is also considered bv the
United States as subversive of their rights
ana degrading to their character as an indc-
pendent power
90 much have thought it propert to state,
III orderto place in Just light the conduct of
my government on the present occasion, on
TINS great and very interesting subject of i'm
pressment. Well knowing its desire to cul-
tlvate the most friendly relation with Great
BRITAIN, on Just and honorable conditions, it
wouia De highly improper that anv doubt
shouid De suffered to exist on that point.
Aon INFORM me that his majesty has deter
mined, in'casc my instructions do not Der
mt me TO separate the late aggression from
inc general practice of impressment. TO
transfer the business to the United States,
Oy committing 1t to minister who shall be
sent there with full powers to conclude it.
that measure am far from being dispo-
sea TO raiss any obstacle, and shall immedi-
ateiy apprize my government of the decisi-
on to adoptit Under such circumstances.
perfectly agree with you in the opinion. that
1t would be useless to pursue discussion,
wmch y would be impossible for me to bring
to satisfactory conclusion.
1t is still my duty to give the explanation
winch you have desired, of the motives
which induced the President to adopt the
measures announced in his proclamation of
tne "a July last. However great the injury
"hlch the United States had received by the |
aggression complained Of it is just, that it |
should be shewn that the President did not
lose sight in those measures of the friendly
relations subsisting between the two powers.
When the hostile nature of the attack on
the Chesapeake, taken into view. and the
general conduct of the British SQUADRON
within the waters of the United States. be-
tore and after the attack. | am persuaded
that there was no limit to which the Presi-
dent would not have been justified in going.
which he might have thought essential to the
honor and safety OF the nation. Before the
attack, the British squadron had violated
the jurisdiction of the United States, by the
lmpresSment of men within it, whom the
commander bad refused to surrender : and
after the attack, the attitude which he assn
med continued to be of a very mcnacing and
hostile Character. An act of hostility. If |
must be admitted, justifcs any act of a like
nature towards the party who commits it,
lie President, however, did not believe
that his majcsty's government had authori-
zcd the conduct of the British squadron, and
his measures were evidently founded ON that
behet. They were marked by no cilrun
stance of hostility, or of retaliation towards
Great Britain but were intended simply
to preserve order within the jurisdiction of
the United States, to which end the removal
OF the British squadron without their limits
became indispensable. After the acts of