The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1808-03-24

that the statement now make must be &C
lcePtabte to all who have AN agency in direct
my the affairs, and who are guardians of
4 the interests of oar commonwealth, which
so materially depend on the measures of the
Government of the Nation. At the same
time, am aware of the jealousy with
which, IN these unhappy days of party dis
sensions, my communications may, by some
Tot my constituents be received Of this l
Will not complain While j earnestly wish
the same jealousy to be extended towards
all public men. Yet / may claim some share
OF attention and credit--that share which is
due to the man who desires the world to
point, In the whole course of a long and pub
lie site at one instance of deception, at a
single departure from TRUTH.
The EMBARGO demands the first notice.
For perhaps no act of the National Govern
ment has ever produced SO much solicitude
or spread such universal alarm. Because
all naturally conclude, that a measure prep-
nant with incalculable mischief to all. classes
OF our tellow-citizens, would not have been
proposed by the president, and adopted by
congress, but for causes deeply affecting the
interests and safety of the nation. 1t must
have been under the influence of this opinion
that the Legislative bodies of some states
have expressed their appreciation of the en-
barge, either explicitly, or by implication
| The following were all the papers laid by
the President before Congress as the grounds
of the embargo
| l. The proclamation of the Kingof Great.
Britain requiring The return of his subjects,
the seamen especially, from foreign coun-
tries, to aid, In this hour of peculiar danger,
III the defence of their own. But it being an
acknowledged principle, that every nation
has right to the service of it's subjects in
time OF war, that proclamation could not
furnish the slightest ground for an embargo
Z. The extract OF letter from the Grand
Judge kegner to the French Attorney Ge-
nera. for the Council of Prizes. This con-
tanned partial interpretation of the impe-
rial blockading decree of Nov. 81 1906
Ibis decree, indeed, and its Interpretation.
present Hagrant violations of our neutral
rights, and OF the existing treaty between
the United States and France but still, the
execution of thai decree could not (from the
small number of French cruzers) extensive
iy interrupt our trade. These twopaper
were public.
3. The lstter from our Minister, Mr. Arm
strong to Mr. Champagny, the French mini
ster of Foreign Afairs-and
d. Mr. Champagny's answer. But these
ought, In form or substance, also to have been
made public. The later would have fur
nished TO our nation some idea of the views
and expectations of France But both were
Withdrawn by the President, to be deposited
| among other Executive secrets; while nei
ther presented any new ground to Justify an
! Embargo.
In the Senate, these papers were referred to
committee the committee quickly reported
Dill Tor laying an embargo agreeably to the
presidents proposal. This was read, a first. q
second, & third time, and passed: and all
IN the short compass of about four hours -
4 httletlme was repeatedly asked, to OBJ
tain Inrther information, and to consider a
measure or such moment, of such universal
Concern: but these requests were denied
we were hurried into the passage of the bill.
as II theret was danger of its being rejected
If we were allowed time to obtain further
information, and deliberately consider the
SUBJECT. For to that time our vessels were
freely sailing on foreign voyages; and in a
national point of view, the departure of half
dozen or dozen more, while we were
inqulrlng into the necessity or expediency of
the Embargo, was of little moment Or if
the danger TO our vessels, seamen and mer-
Cnandlze had been so extreme as not to adj
nit of one days delay, ought not that ex
IRENE danger to have been exhibited to Con.
| gress! The constitution which requires
the President " to give to Congress infor-
| NATION OF the state of the union" Certainly
meant, not Partial but COMPLETE information
on the subject ola communication, SO far as
ne possessed 1t. And when it enioins him
"to recommend to their consideration such
measures as he should Judge necessary and
! expedient," it as certainly intended that
those recommendations should be bottomed
on Information communicated, not on facts
7vithheia, and locked up in the executive ca
binet Had the public safety been at stake,
or any great public good been presented to
our view, but which would be lost bv a mo-
n,ents delay, there would have been some {,
pology for disfatch, though none for acting
zotfhout due Information. In truth the meao
sure appeared to me then, as it still does.
and as IL appears to the public, without a
sufficient motive, without legitimate object.
Hence the general inquiry" For what is
the embargo laid! ?" And challenge anv
man not in the secrets Of the Executive to
| tell. | know, Sir, that the President said
the papers above mentioned " showed that
great and increasing dangers threatened our
vessels, our seamen, and our merchandise :"
but also know that they exhibited no negy
| dangers; none of which our merchants
and scamen had not been we'll appraised
The British proclamation had many DAYS
before been published in the newspapers.
! 1.-The copy laid before us by the Pre- sident had
! be cut out of a newspaper i and SO had
the substance, if not the words of Reenier's
letter. Yet they had excited little Concern
among merchants and seamen, the preserva
ton OF whose persons and property was the
Il