The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1808-02-09

Tor any other purpose, II Is flfncult to see III
such procedure, any thing which reason,
justice, orpatrictism can approve. %
Two cases, suggested by our experience,
will afford, at once illustration and proof, of
the propriety of this remark.
During the last year at least of Mr.. A
dams administration. the republicans consti
tuted majority Of the nation. Their first
greet object was to elect alrefinbEcan presi-
dent the second; to elect Mr.. Jefferson
The object of the Federalsts was to continue
Mr.. Adams, in whose favor they could as
sembls great but not equal forces The par
ties were separated from each other, W dc :
Iy separated, on the most important princi-
pies Of domestic economy, constitutional law,
and national policy in our intercourse with
Europe. The object therefore OF the repub-
iicans was to ascertain the real sentiment cf
the nation, and to give effect to that senti-
ment, if in their favor, by the election of a
republican chief magistrate. Under these
circumstances, division of the repub-
Ecan party would have been fatal. The
nomination of two REPUBLICAN CAM
DYDATEs, to be supported by their respec-
tive friends, might have defeated the wishes
of ma jority on a question, at that time of the
highest national Importance. Such a nomi-
nation therefore ought not to have been made,
and if made, it would have been the duty of
the minority, to abandon the man HON they
preferred, in order to eject, as is stated a.
bove, what they conceived the will of the ma
ton to be-.
But let us suppose that the federalists m
scious of the inferiority of their numbers, had
declared that they would make no nomina-
ton, and that they would vote with the mi
nority of the republican party in supper ing
the man of their choice. Let it be imagined
no matter how Improbable the suppositon
may be, that this declaration had been sin
cerely made, and seriously believed and let
1t also be admitted, that the minority. of the
republicans and the great body of the f de-
Ialists constituted fair majority Ct the ma
ton: ask whether under such cilcumstan-
ces, the minority of the republicans ought
to have yielded to ma jority of their party.
If they had, the power of making president
would have been given to minority of the
nation. If this be republicanism. know it
not. The hrst'great principle of republi-
can governments that the will of MAORI
ty OF the nation shall prevail. tits prin-
ciple which it is presumed no man will
venture. openly and explicitly to DENY
Yet these who say that minority ought
under all circumstances, to yield to a
majority of their party, do in effect deny
Ii, and proclaim, i'll its place, this doctrine
that majority, not of the nation, but of a
majority OF the nation, shall decide the We
ny importaht question, who shall be the rul-
er over US. The absurdity of this idea is
deuionstrab!e. Ten millions of people we
will say, are in the United States, of
which seven are republican, three fede-
raj. The republicans are divided between
two presidential candidates of their own par
" in the following proportions: A. has three
millions 600 thousand: B. three millions 400
thousand!fThey arc both admitted to be men
Of integrity and talents. In this state of
things it is manifest that the tederalists can.
not elect president of their party. The
least numerous division of the republican
party Is superior to their whole force They
know this fact they acknowledge it, and
they say to the friends of b. we will vote with
you. Thus Is. is supported by millions 400
thousand; yet A. must be elected president,
because minority must yield to a ma jority
of their party. Is this the republicanism
which is inculcated in the sacred precepts of
our constitution
This statement is believed to be directly
applicable TO the u. States at this moment.
Survey them, and you will find that a repub-
ican candidate must be elected either by the
people orby the states In Congress assem-
bled. This is.a point which / trust is placed
beyond the reach of doubt. If however, it
can be shewn, as has been intimated, that
the support dHOrtSQ 10 MIR. Monroe, VIII
have a tendency to hazard the election of a
republican president, he requires, if ] know
any thing OF his character, no admonition to
withdraw, nor will his friends be in the rear
of the best republicans in America in sup
porting those principles for which he and
they have uniformly contended.
will SO yet farther. If the probable re-
suit Of the nomination of Mr. Munroe, is the
transfer OF the presidential election TO Con
Sress, am not sure, that his friends ought
10 be disposed TO persevcre. have seen one
congressional election of a chief magistrate,
and when recollect the difficulty with which
the known, the acknowledged will of the ma
ton tr1umpaed over party spirit and intrigue,
! have no wish to see auother.--But belcy-
ing that before the day for appointing elec-
tors throughout the u. States shall arrive.
there may oe some more decisive Indication
of the public sentiment than has yet appear
ed, OF, OF sentiment different from that sup
posedto be proved by the cancuses at Wash
jngt0n and here, see no necessity for an i'm
date decision on a case which may never &C.
cur.
III declaring my unwillingness to see a pre-
sidential election by the states in Congress,
believe that avow a sentiment generally
feki What is the sentiment, which pro-
duces this unwillingness5 The answer is
obvious. We are afraid of corruption and
intrigue. If then VIC look with fear and
trembling to an election to be conducted by
the representative of the people in the face
of day, and with the eyes Of the whole nation
turned directly upon them, is partial eau
I.olx H., u. 4