The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1807-03-17

ed by one peculiar crcumaance. In no form.
er war has the maritime force of England been
10 predominant as entirely to banifh the com.
msrce of her enemy from.he face of the ocean.
This, however, has happened in the prefcnt
war.-What has been the refult! Why the
French have been compelled to carry on their
traffic through the medium of neutras. Thus
has 1t happened that the whole commerce of
France, the fupply of her beft colonies and the
| Carriage of their produce to the mother coun-
, try, is in the hands of the Americans The
fnrface of the fea is covered with the American
flag, aching as the factors of the French CON-
merce.
What is the refult of this Rate of circumaan.
ces! 1t is fummed up in few words-The
maritime frength of England is rendered ufe-
lefs. She may annihilatc the navies of France,
but the French commerce has always a ready
means OF eicapiug from her power. The neu-
trail nag is at hand, and hottie property is fe.
cured under this facred cover. Let us vind-
cate, then, our rights, exclaim thefe politicians.
The neutral nations mut fubmit if we enter up
on the contef. Should they even unite in ge-
neral league, againt US, we fhould fuffer efs
by their open enmity, than by their fraudulent
neutrality. Better that America fhould be our
enemy, and fill the Atlantic with her privateers,
than, under the cover of amty and neutrality,
fecure the commerce of France, and battle the
! Brtifh navy.
Nothing can be 70 abfurd as to enter into the
queftion of abftra6 right, when all the world
are ready to difpute it with us. We may COM
pei, but we cannot hope to perfuade the neu-
trail nations to adopt our particular comments.
1t is of more real, becaufe it is of more prac-
teal importance, to examine the prudence of
exerting this right, fuppo6ng it to be well
founded, and to be deduced by immediate in
fcrence>fr the writers of public law.
SuPpofe, therefore, it can be made to ap-
pear, that, granting the queaion of right to be
on the 6de of Great Britain, no advantage
whatever would epfue from exerting i'll. E.
from her prohibition of the neutral medium for
the French commerce. Suppofe that it can
be further proved, that, as to the ultimate con-
fequencess there is no effectual difference be-
tween the former and the prefent mode of the
French colonial trade. IF thefe Affections fhal
be clearly made out, we hope to hear no more
OF neutral frauds, and the pernicious camor of
war in difguife.
1t is evidently beyond the power of the whole
Brtlih navy to prevent the fupply, and the fuf-
hcient iupply, Of the French colonies. Direct
iy, or by circuitous importation, thefe colo
MES will always be fuppled to the full amount
OF their wants.---Unleis we can furround every
creek and harbor in France, and, following the
example of our extravagant enemy, declare
continent IN blockade, and kingdom in ftate
OF hege---unlefs we prohibit the neutral natl
ons from trading with France in their own mer.
chandze, or the merchandise of our colonies,
the French people mutt be fupplied, equally in
peace and war, with fugar and coffee. Sup
pole that we could prevent thoie articles from
being carried directly to France from her colo
nies, the price Will then rife, and it will be-
come lucrative branch of commerce for neu-
trails to import them in their own countries, &
| then re-export them to France. But our admi-
rally courts here come in with their wife diff
tincten---" That this mere importation and ex-
portation, though accompanied with the re-
landing OF the cargocs, and the payment of du-
tics, is but q coliuase trAafa6fion, and falls
| the original voyage" What follows then !.
we compel the neutrals only to have two fetts
| OF vebels-one to be employed between the
| French colonies and America, the other be-
| tween America and France. Your admiralty
laws cannot follow the neutras here. There is
here clearly another voyage, another venture,
| and general commerce.
But iuPpofe we fhoud absolutely prohibit
| TINS commerce, upon the principle that this
| trade was not open to the neutral during peace.
What will be the utility of this prohibition p
Its effects mutt be one of the two following
either the French will be compelled to carry
| the produce in their own fhips, or the produce
mutt remain in the colonies. As to the fIrlt ef-
| feet, the French might perhaps venture at frf
| to freight their own veffels with their colonial
produce, but this trade mutt foon ceafc the
| rIik of capture muf be 70 great, that neither
| merchant nor planter could afford it the al
| Tentative therefore, would take place. The
produce of the French colonies mutt remain to
| rot on the plantations. The very terms on
| which this alternative is necenariy exprefIed
| are fuch as to call down upon it the mott un
qualified adherence. II is the benign princinIe
OF modern warfare to direct itfelf as much "a
| Pofible asainf the nation, and as little as pof
fible aganf Individuals Here indyidu.
ais would be efeetusIy ruined, the mo-
tier country as a nation, very inconlide-
| rably injured, and the main end of the
war not advanced one jot. This kind of war ia
very happily, totally contrary to the practice of
modern times, and we hope never to fee the
day when war fhall loofe its general aim and
pats int private malignity and individual milf.
chief. Thisis not worthy of chriftian nations.
Thus tands the quellion of neutral rights.
which are fad to be conceded in the American
treaty. The commifioners have conducted
themfelves with that pacific fpirit which ditin-
guiflies the prefent administration they have
looked rather to the fubftance than the words
rather to practical consequences than abhraA
rights. They have conceded only 70 far as the
mott evident utility has juRihed them in fuch
cencefiions.-The right of fearch, of contra
band and of blockade, have doubtlefs all been
preferyed in their full Integrity. Thefs rs we
have faid before, are the hinges, the props of