Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va.) 1802-1810, 1806-05-30

veruableimpetuo.ity oftemPef. Hence
we are disPosedso make allowance for
hiseeeentrieitirs and errors ofjudgmens.
This Is 90 much the more proper, 10 he
has made very considerable improve
ment a. statesman since his first ap-
pearanee in eopgress. He seemed out
Of his elementOn the trial ofjudge Chase.
Analysis is not his sort, nor should we
infer from his speech that cosl investiga-
ton is. He takes and gives rapid CLAM
ees at political truth. He does not seem
to be any better qualified than disposed,
patiently to descend to the bottom of her
well, or laboriously to climb to the sum-
nit Of her hill, where the prospect 10
clearest and widest. Messrs. Bidwell,
Crowninshiell and Varnum willsay, that
they feel no two excellencies ofhis speech
20 sensibly as its sarcasm and efrontery.
His system of policy in relation to 70.
reign nations evinces scarcely more spi.
rit or Judgment than Mr.. Jefferson's.
He would not defend commerce, he
would defend the land. Let enemies
come here, and they shall feel our ven.
Eeanee. Convince them of that, and
they cannot only annoy our vast com.
merce of incaleulable value, but utterly
Danish our Gag from the sea. Are not
our cities worth defending-and If our
government win not protect our vessels
on the ocean, will our cities be worth in.
habiting. Is nothing worthy defence but
tobacco field Are the negro owners
the only rightful claimants Of public pro.
lection, and win the impartial and equal
justice ola republican government be de-
MED to the fishermen, whalers and mari.
ners Of New.England, who are spread
over all the seas . Would the votes Of
Marblehead be given as they are for the
friend Of their enemies, If they could be
made to understand the Fancorous hos
.ility Of Virginia to:their rights.
Mr.. Randolph, one would suppose,
could scarcely failto see the national dis
honour Of such desertion Of our mara.
time rights. Our cowardioe would be
equally unasailing and scandalous. Il
would provoke aggression. Even Spain
has ships enough, IL Britain wa. at peace,
TO blockade our ports and to make A.
merica in the view of theS astonished
world the servant of servants, with one
hundred thousand seamen, inheriting
the spirit Of Nelson, and ready under
Preble, TO rival his renown, why
should we choose to be more abieet Ia OUR
liberty than the allies Of France, are in
their Grains? We are no a6vocates for
war-bUt when justice and honour inn
pose the necessity for n, they would de-
maud no sacrifice so great a. our passive
tameness would insure. No curse thai
heaven, in its wrath, sees st to send up.
on nation, proves more inveterate than
the committing its great aifairs to its liz
de men. We should like to know of
MIR. Randolph, whether il does not "a.
YOUR OF compiling house policy to recon-.
mend the sacrifice Of eur commerce q,
preferable to the charge Of protecting X
BY naval force. We cannot match the
British navy; and Mr.. crouninshield's
gaseonade will devote his name to r,di.
eule his life lonS.-But We could soon
prepare 4 force that, would cone With
Spain, or even with such squadrons AZ
France could detaeh to our coasts. A.
nv force, especially lift were kept as i.
ought TO be, in state OF active increase,
would Infinitely augment the reluctance
any nation would feel towards q contest
with the United States. States respect
leach other exactly in the proportion Of
their force. To be weak Is to be despi.
cable. Vsluntarily and on plan to be
weak at sea is treaehery. is folly, is In
fa'uation, ON the part Of any member Of
Congress Who IL capable Of feeling a. an
American.
Mr.. Randolph's reason for this extra
ordinary tameuess, 90 ittls agreeable to
has character, deserves to be stated He
says the federal constitution ives not made
for war. 1t 10 too feeble to bear it.
Does Mr.. Randolph really think thia