The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1806-05-30
CONFEDERATION OF PRINCES.

mifundertand the deiign OF Bonaparte, when
we undertake to name it ga eonfederation Of
. Princes ?''
Wbo and bosv many Princes this fyltem is in
tended to embrace, is duetion in which all
Europe is concerned. The Expofe explicitly
Rates, that the federative fyfem is to embrace
not only the "mion5," but the " alliances"
ofthe Empire. OF courfe, the Kings Of Wr-
temberg and Bavaria, are not lefs members of
this federatve fyftem, or princes of the con-
federation," than the French princes of Milan
and Naples.
The particular manner, roo, in which thefe
princes are to be confederated, is no Iefs i'm
portant to the intereGs Of Europe.
Are they to exit without any federal CO.
vernmept at all (; and like the Swils Cam
tons, merely to combine their ftrength in
the profecution of their wars?
Are they to have General Diet and an EN-
peror, like thofe in the Germanic coufttu-
ton, who are to fuperintend the interefts of
all
Or are they fimply to entruf the whole
powers OF government into the hands of
the Emperor of France, without any fuper-
intendence from General Diet, or from
the individual members of the confedera-
cy?
Thefe two petitions, however, may be admitted,
that Bonaparte has hitherto declined making
any poftive organization, from a hope that
the tate of Europe may favour his fchemes
and that no fcheme will be 70 pleaGng to his
ambition, as the one which ftcures TO him the
greateft influence over thrfe federatve branch
es. The Ian fchene, which we have mention
ed, will be of oune the mott congenial to his
wiihes.
Il is not upoiiiblc however that the anbiti-
on OF Bonaparte may be disappointed of its
prey. 1t is poilible that the federative fates
ofthe Empire, even thofe eltablifhed in Italy,
may NOT be reduced to the infignihcant vice
royalties OF France that even they may be
made as independent of France as France is
of them, governed by their own hereditary
princes, but connected with France by fome
form of a federal government. Such fate
OF tociety would become at once fubiect
worthy or confederation, not more from the
fpguiarity IL difplays than from the COME
qnences it might produce upon the great
Empire OF France.-To fhed fome little light
upon this curious enquiry, we prefent the
following extract from Joel Barlow's cd letter
2 10 the people of the U. S. written in 1899.
The reader will fud in the 18th, 10th, and
goth numbers fthe "Federaff, !" more COM
p'ete view of all the confederate governments
mentioned by Mr.. Barlow.
7, is fcarcely neceffary to add, that there are
parts in the following extract which do not
relate to the I" Confederation of Princess
But the whole of it together forms 70 iuft
compliment upon the FEDERAL republic of Anne
RIGA, & offers fuch ftrong inducements to the
prefervation of our prefent union, that we
could not forbear to prefent this bis7we at
full length.
Infinite credit is due to the conductors of our A
mercan Revolution, for the wiIdom and energy with
which they feized the location of eliablfhnp our in
terrier and federal governments in the forms which
VHAyn r,nHo Thn
pies that political experience hasyet brought to light
are thofe on which have founded our conntu.-
ons-l mean -t5ygfaative dsaaoeraey and the fedynk
iai1g Of Slater It true, that neither of the(e prn
ciples was wholly of our difcovery. But what
iitle experience had been made of either of them bv
other nations was extremely Imperfect, was attended
with little iuccefs, and had by means united the
opinions even Of the moi fangune in their favor In
no initance had the two principles been brought to-
gether and wrought into one fyltem; nor had thew
ever been attempted both by the fame people
Democracy had been dfgraced by the pretended
experience of fonle Of the ates of Greece though in
reality fuch thing as democracy ever did EXIT in
Greece or Rome. 1t has been concluded and very
juitiy, that pre democracy, the immediate autocra-
cy OF the people, is unfit for great fate it might be
added, that is unfit for the fmalle fate iagina-
Bile, even little town. Bur ,ebreenfafize gyoc,oev IL
applicable to fate Of any ze and under any cir
cumifances where men have the ufe Of their reaion
tIiS iiOI any QUIET principle hitherto
difcovered, iuicent IF nff to regulate the con-
Germs ot great people; no one internal govern
rnent is capable OF beftowng equal aud adequate be-
netits on every part Of an extenfvc and popuous |
country But happily for mankind, the reprefenta-
tive principle is Fl: companion and ure ru;de of
thar other precious experiment which our country has
adopted with fuch linguar propriey the principle of
CONFEDERATION. The uuien of thee theories, as Or
ganiied IN America, is VAT improvement on the |
wiidom OF former ages; and cannot but hope that |
they will be 10 far cberifhed by us, and initiated bv
Others as to change very greatly the face of human
fociety.
IL is enential t0 the n.erels of America, and
would be compliment her wifdom to fee her DO
iitical yltem, in both its parts, adopted BY other
countries. 1t would be the Grrea pledge of peace |
from abroad, and the ftronget guarantee againa
reiapie OF principle at home. But for ourGeves,
there is one maxim which ought not TO be forgotten
that thee two pillars Of the elhce, the Representative
principle and the federal principle fhoud never be
ieparated. Though one Of them alone may promife
liberty, and the other Of them alone may promi(e
peace, vet cannot be confident that either liberty
or peace will become extenlive or permanent, unlefs
theie wellaorted principles are united in one fyaem,
and kept inieparsbTe in their practice.
1etus convince ourfelves Of this truth by exan1n-
ing the efe6 OF each principle apart, as operating
without the aid Of the other Firm the federazing
of lfates, whole governments we're nonarchical or
sriftocratieal, has Obtained any brilliant fuecef
either in ancient modern times The An1phi4vo-
mic Ctounci ~ fbe IL IL. r.