Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va.) 1802-1810, 1806-06-27

thanthe nation, still it is no less true that
the sPungiug OF the national debt lie q
measure Of violence which needs all the
Justification that an irresistible necessity
can afford. Necessity is alav that makes
all other laws client. 1t would vindi.
cate the stupPage of the interest Of the
national debt. It is equally manifest
that nothing short Of actual necessity viii
justify such an event. 49,. - q
Now while the English government
in the regular course of paying the in-
teresl, and it Is only ineonvenient to pros
coed In that course, because new expen-
ses arise, & it is an unpopular task TO pro-
vide nxes to supply them, il Is absolute
~ a rsiinquishment Of the plea of neces-
sity y pretend that government is forced
TO stop the interest. ~, =. :
We know so little of the difficulties Of
the English government and nation, be-
cause we feel none OF them, that it is not
a listle hazardous Tor any American spe-
culatist to decide upon the proper degree
OF boldness, with which they should i'm.
pose taxes, or~the measure of ability or
patience Of the subjects tot pay them. Ne,
rerth.less We should imagine, and we
presume to hope it is the case, that by
new arrangements Of the land tax, by the
assessed taxes, BY improvements in the
mode Of collection Of the imposts and by
a reform of the all consuming poor rates,
the public revenue may be even yet con-
sidcrably augmented. The power to
tax no deHb. has its limits, and when a
government has multiplied its taxes till
It has reached them, new imposition
will only give new form to the public
receipts, without adding to their amount.
We may be mistaken, but we. sincerely
hope it win prove, thai the wealth Of the
English subjects is abundantly adequate
TO all the enormous expenditures of this
necessary war. The time, we believe
has come tojustify all practicable reforms
OF expenditure and improvements of the
revenue, rather than resort to violent
and arbitrary remedies of any sort; es-
pecially such as spunging off the debt.
Fori can scarcely escape remark, that
Great BIisain has been from the FIRST.
contendlng against revolutionary princi-
pies. How can Great Britain, the cham
pien Of faith and law and order, with
consistency or advantage, adopt as re.
med y, the very measure that is the first
badge and sure forerunner OF the evil.
For what is revolution! what is its "a
vorite work, but FIRST, and with most
malignant ardour, to destroy what faith,
and law, aud morals, have established
and guarded! The English debt of six
hundred millions sterling is spread over
all that Kingdom =; i, has taken root for a
century. Topluck that root from the
soil, we believe, would shake the secu-
rity Of all property and in the event, pos.
sibtv it might subvert the monarchy.
When the convenience of relieving
the nation from this mountain of debt is
once admitted, where win the govern.
nent stop? Win not the progress be, as
in France, to make one convenient sa-
eriheea precedent and argument for ano-
ther? The clergy will stand next, on the
black list: the mobiles win follow. viii
the many continue patient under the pres
sure Of taxes, when the plumber Of the
iezu is so familiar a substitute !? In a re-
volution, as in shiPwreek, one part of
the crew is kept alive by eating the other.
The national debt 10 in fact private
property. We cannot sec why the pub.
lie should seize and appropriate to itself
that description Of private property, ra.
Their than the ships in the Thames, of
the goods in Bond-strest. The seizure
may be less unpopular, and may be more
surely carried into efect, than the cap
ture Of the ships of goods but we cam
not see that the plea Of necessity will bet
ter justify the act, in one case than the
other. Indeed the preference seem. to.
be due to the property in the funds, as
the government has solemnly renounced
its power of control over It, and cho-
sen to stand limo other relation to the