The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, 1806-06-13

ates where " ihouid command and totes its
own ftreueth in the effort to gain over that of
its opponents.
Far be it from me to intimate, that the pre-.
tent administration has purified this ambiguous
policy Save few retentions which fpripe
from the extreme liberality OF it's feelings, that
naturalization is in a fair qUay of complying
with the wifhes of its Importers. One memo
rable reflection, fuggeited by the prefent times,
ought not however to efcaDe it. Whatever
may be thought Of the oppoftion mani(ened by
Mr.. Randolph and the minority during the Ian
Congreis, their avarSntb of feeling does not,
R0nM not recommend the practice of tenn
porting moderation. Already do we fee
| the effort, made in Pennsylvania to boiler
lup Gov. McKean's apofacy, by denouncinr
Nhat are called the 1cobinical principles of
| MT. Randolph. Already is the ridiculous eff
fort made to transfer the prejudices sgainit Mr..
K. to fome Of thofc uteful mcafure, which it
| was his honor TO recommend. Already have
the Importers oftbe Ta5oo dared to derive freih
| hope of fuccefs, from the pretent appropriately
of their mott formidable opponent. But peace
to thefe men, with all their nefarious fpeculati-
| ons! and peace TO the fatal error, that would
perfuade us to retain the federalits in office. & to
purfue the flippery road of moderation, 6eean6
| MIR. Randolph has behaved with an upiuttifabie
| impetuolity.
raliits from Office and of removing almoft all,
that are already in Office, this Obvious efeet is
produced. Not only is the fpirit ofthe.real re-
publicars increafed, but many of thofe who
creep into their ranks, who are at the fame
time the moufe and bat Of the fable, would be
driven out. They would appear in their ma
tive character, not as Urea ~herous friends, but
as open foes. They would no longer he ready
to join their former alTocistes, the frf prof
l q e H. n Al.
true, of mott of the lul,e-warm and modified fe-
deralifts, who are now in office; and who hold
it on the tenure of executive will.
| But there is anotbrr argument employed to
| juftify the removal of federaas & the appoint
ment of republicans, which wears a more
doubtful appearance. II is, that as the repub-
icans are the real friends of their country, they
drferve their reward that an appointment
| thould be given, not only as a rezvard, but as
an Involvement t" them TO continue attached to
their republican principles and that every adj
miniitration ihould thus employ its patronage
to extend its principles.
| This argument is no doubt partly true, but
not TO FL great an extent as it has been carried
No doubt the republicans deferve their proper
tionate flare of fa1ry and honour as fimple
citizens no doubt they deferve fill more than
that proportion, from their being the mot pa
triotic and uieful citizens I'VE proceed npon the
| hypothesis that their principles are the beR for
their country But it would vet be improper to
encourage the idea that republicans are to aet
| from the tole hope of reward & that they are
| therefore TO become the fawning tools of exc
cutive power. Whatever teuds to corrupt
| their motives is injurious to the canie which
they fnpport. Are they TO be encouraged TO
inpport virtuous administration, becaufc it
| may chance to reconpenfe their fervic cs /. Is
| there 10 danger that this will degrade them in
TO miierabe tools of executive caprice, or am
5itions
| Ne would confer Offices on the republicans
! from much ftronger, though perhaps a more
romantic reafon. We would confer thefe ap-
pointments not 70 much from a 5oGtiye as
| from negntiz,e confederation.
| Why has the legislature of Virginia retained
10 large vote in the appointment Of its bank
directors? Why is the treaflrer nfrueted TO
give this vote 10 10 republicans ont of s. direc-
tors 1t Is not becaufe this union between
| bank and tate is proper, but becaufe an union
between the bank and politics is almoh inc
vitahie. 1t is not becaufe the director ougbi,
but becaufe they will mott probably favor Their
own party. IF it were pofIible to defrov the
political influence Of bank altogether, il
would be the firt aud mott valuable diicovery
that could be made. But az this difcovrv is be-
yond the reach of our fatefmen, the next con-
1
ence f. as to do the leaf injury to the republi-
can caute. Directors fhould therefore he cho.
fen from the republican party, not 70 much TO
promote their own views, as TO prevent the
miichlevous defgns Of their opponents. 1t is
not TO much 10 Introduce friend AS to exclude
an enemy. Il is not that the republicans NAV,
but that the Federalifts may not PROPER by this
artificial influence. The caufe Of republican
virtue lhould not be ftained by the mean am
bition of an o.ice-hunter, but Till lefs fhould
the influence of Office be fuffered to countera6t
the caufe OF republican virtue.
This argument applies with Fill ftronge r
force to the appointment of the miniferial off
GERS under the government. They are ALWAYS
contdered more intimately connected with the
politics OF country than mere bank directors.
They are at all times refponiible TO the govern
rnent; their functions are not only originally
created but continually regulated by political
| power: bank on the contrary having once
obtained its act of incorporation is in fact no.
thing more than private monied company. But
If their influence be more political in its kind, it
is not lefs inits degree. They have not money, it
rs true, TO put out to loan, the directors have
! but all the arrangements of their Office are 70
I many powers called into action. Let us not
forget too that their faarieS are generally high
er, and the artificial nation deriyed from their
Office, is generally more respectable. The ar.
eument therefore applies fill more frongy to
federal appointments than it will to board of
directors.