Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va.) 1802-1810, 1806-05-30

liberty, but the unquenchable hire, the
never dying worm that gnaws within
theta, 10 ambition. 49,.
Mr.. ]. Randolph's speech of the sth
March on Greggs non.imPortation Re.
solution Is q fund Of Information A. well
as amusement, that will not be soon ex.
hausted. The style of insolenee, scorn
and hatred with which he attacks his
foes, andthe pretexts to whichhe resorts
to involve them in popular odium, would
afford to future ages tolerable idea of
our manners and politics, il all other re.
cords of history should be lost. He In.
dulges himself in licence of speech, in
vehement rage Of invective which
would shew how FAR decency has lost its
salutary power to restrain competitors,
and how powerfully faction exsites them.
Il Randolph's speech had been dug GU,
Of the ruins Of Herculaneum, the reader
could swear il was made in degenerate
and falling republic. On the perusal ol
it We are presented with lively view Of
the rage and hustle and noise Of the re.
publican swarm. We see the operations
Of the commonwealth glass hive, and
behold the drone Jefferson skulking 10
its darkest cell, from the wrathful Pur.
suit Of the hornet.
: 1t is political phenomenon that Mr..
Randolph should make such speech.
1t is also curiosity in itself. 49,
1t Is certainly not the least extraordi.
nary part Of It that Nh. r., Is 60 nearly
correct both in the judgment and feel.
ings in regard to Great Britain. To
many Virginians, every Englishman
has seemed inviucibly odious In the dou.
bic character Of a monarchist and dun.
Debt no less than favours make ingrates
and enemies. Federal justice ever since
the Constitution was adopted has been
hateful to Virginia pride ard luxury. A.
men early mould theit opinions to their
wishes, Virginia faith has admitted
the legality o. fraud and sequestration
of British debts. Mr.. Randolph seems
not 70 have felt; or to havc got rid of
his dislike to England, 90 Ear as it might
have sprung from this source. But ei.
Their to court the mob, or because he
has not risen above their stupid preju.
dices, he takes occasion to express his
aversion to the British form Of govern
ment This declaration will have les
effect with every man of sense when he
makes up his estimate ofMr. Randoiph's
sense or sincerity. 49, .-.
Nothing can be more just than his re-
mark on Greggs resolution that it is a
war measure: Let spause to wonder
that Mr.. Gregg, from the back woods
OF Pennsylvania, = man Of no note ortin-
a1enee, aad in point Of talents perhaps
below mediocre, should be brought for
ward to demolish our commerce at q
blow, Was it the case that no. demo.
cratic merchant or orator could be found
to do 1t, because man who knew any
thing must know that such resolution
would be suicide. 1t is war measure,
for what does It propose to do but to CO.
cree Great Britain I
Admit the shallow theory Of the JEFF
fersonians that we are able iRthis way to
george G. Britain, does il follow that
she viii leave US atleisure to pursue this
ways VIII not policy, nay, according
to their own argument, will not seHpre.
servation oblige her to shift the contest
to sonse other way in which we cannot
eoerce her! The folly, the palbable
folly Of all the resolutions offered TO
Congress is ofeosrse below all criticism.
The way in which We cannot coeree her,
and yet Mr.. CFowuiushield says We can.
is that Of naval war. Nelson's vie.o.
~ of Trafalgar, set at liberty British
ships enough TO blockade ali our bays
and harbours With no trade At an.
could We hold England dependent upon
the United States by the terms we NAV
in our wisdom think e. to prescribe for
its regulation. There really seem. TO
have been q coalition for the Rovernmens
Of this devoted country, between the
fearlessPFesamption ofBedlam and the
dwelling imhecility of the Aims house.