The Dover argus and Delaware advertiser. (Dover, Del.) 1804-18??, 1804-10-24

1CCl Out DeIOTC LuC vi llo-
narchy was propo1ed, fhould we not have been
previou1y affured, and have ihewn to thoie
Who .haveto vote upon the quelfion, thatiuch
ftitutions are in the order of pollibiities
that they are not of thofc metaphysical abitrac-
lions which arc incehantly approaching the
contrary fyftem Hitherto nothing has been
invented to temper the fnpreme power but
what are called the intermediate or privileged
bodies. Is it then new nobility that they
mean when they 1peak of inititutions but is
not the remedy worfc than the evil? for the
abfolute power deprives but of liberty,
whillt the inititution of privileged orders takes
away both liberty and equality andi at frh
the great dignities are only perional, it is well
known that they always fnilh as the grand
tiefs formerly, by becoming hereditary
Tothele general principles, will add fome
particular oblervations. Let us iuppole that
all Frenchmen will give their aflcnt to the
rnealure propoled would it be proof Of their
free will What rcluts from the regifers
where each is compelled to fgu his name to his
indi0id4al cote? Who is the man that is not
convinced ofthe influence of the prefiding au
thor;ty i'll fuch cafes From all parts Of France,
they fay, burits forth the monarchy; but are
we not authorized to regard as fabrication an
opinion hitherto almof excluiively concen-
tered among the public funcfionaries, when
we know the inconvcniencics to be encounter.
ed by manifeltng contrary opinion; when
we know that the liberty Of the preig is a1niAi-
lated 70 jach degree TINT it is hnpo6TbLe to Set1
l2lerted III any q, the Journals a complaint the
MOI reibattfnL and M0d.rate
Indeed there ihould be no necellity for bal
lancing the choice of hereditary Chief were
it neceilary to have one. 1t would be abiurd
to draw parallel between the Firf Con1ul
and the Pretenders Of family iuftly delpiled,
and whole vindttiye and fanguinary dilpoii
tions are but too we'll known. The recall oil
the houle Of Bourbon would be renewing the
frightful Gcenes of the revolution, and proicrip-
ton would infallibly extend itfelf both to the
property and perlons Of the greatelt part Of
the citizens. But the EXECUTION of that dynaffy
does not render new dynaffy necellary.-I
May we then hope that creating new dynaify
would haten the happy epoch of general
peace? Would not that be rather a new obfta-
Gle to it Are we afured that the other great
powers of Europe will adhere to this newtitle
And if they do not adhere, are we to take up
arms to force them to it Or after having re-
duced the title of Conlul below that of an En-
peror, will the Con1ul content him1elf with
that title for the fake of foreign powers, Whit
he is Emperor only of the French And lhall
we for a vain title expole the 1ecurity and
PROPERTY Of the whole nation
1t feems, therefore, to be infinitely doubtful
whether the new order of things can offer more
liability than the preicnt fate: There is for
government but one means to coniolidate it.
felt; it is to be iuft that with them favour
does not exceed the 1crvices rendered; that
there may be guaranty againf depredations
and impoGtions. Far be from me any part-
cular application any critic on the conduGt
of government it is aganit arbitrary power
itielf am fpeaking, and not againit thole in
whole hands that power may reiide.
Was then liberty ihewn to man merely to
convince him that he can never enjoy it g.
Was it incefantly oAeredto his view as a fruit
to which he cannot itretch out his hand with
out being truck with death? Thus nature who
gives that liberty as prehing want, fhould
have intended to treat us as 1tep- mother !
No, will not content to regard as a imple IL
Ix,ft< IL &c. r.