Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer. [volume] (Martinsburg, Va.) 1802-1810, 1803-04-29

nations. And when q man of plain sense
observed that this disposition was Of little
avail, because other nations would have
something TO do with Us; and when the
particular danger We now see asPointed
out; oh, then, 10 be sure, there was no
danger to apprehend from our dear sister
republic. lcensure no man for adopting
other and wiser principles. have NO
question but that IS gentlemen proceed IN
the Basiness Of government, they viii
see the folly Of many other fanciful moth
ons, but entreat them not to Ay from
one extreme to the ether. hesitate NOT
10 give my opinion that We ought 10 take
possession without consulting Great Bril-
tain. And having done 50, let us declare
to France that we mean to live with her
in perfect amity. Let us offer every as
sistance IN our power to conquer and pre-.
serve st. Domingo. Let us shew that
we have done an act OF mere defence
Let Us prove our pacific disposition by
declaring that We are under the tie of no
obligation to her rival. To Spain let us
hold a similar language. Letus point out
her present danger and demonstrate the
utility of our possession. To both let US
offer 70 relinquisho our CLAIMS for spolia.i.-
ons on our commerce and pay our own
merchants. We can web afford to pur-
chase with that price, price paid our.
selves Finally, if our representations
do not produce the desired effect, LET rs
tell them that we vii. ally ourselves 10
England and aid them in the conquest of
their American donnions. Sir, this
language win be listened to. Rely on it
that under such circumstances neither
France nor Spain dare send hither . sim.
gle regiment or single ship. The exis-
tence ofthe British naval force will alone
produce all the effect you could ask from
It's operation. But what are we to hope
from delay until an. alliance shall be
made /? What win be the stipulations Of;
the treaty ofalliancei These mayb more.
or less erroneous or pernicious. Certain-f
" the British minister willnot hazard the
fateSof his nation. Without the hope Of:
some correspondent advantage. One
stipulation is certain. We must agree
70 continue the war until . peace can. Be
Obtained by common consent: and this is
precisely the stipulation which We ought
not to make, if il can be avoided; be-,
cause we shall then be no longer masters
OF our exterior relations. To this Il may
be objected, that we cannot expect aid
from Britainwithout . previous treaty.
ask what reliance you have IOith treaty |!
The answer Is, that win be her interest.
And, sir, il Is her interest to give that
aid without treaty. 81 h T !
j have now gone through this tedious
discussion.--I have trespasssd ON your
patience more than Wished, although
from the lateness of the hour much has
been omitted ofwhat / oughttohave said.
] have endeayoured 20 shew that under
the existing Circumstances, we are now
actually at war and have no choice but a
manly resistance oFvile submission. Tint
the possession Of this country by France
Is dangerous to other nations but fatal to
Us. That i forms natural and necessa-
~ part of our empire, and to use the
strong language Of the gentleman near
me, tits joined to us by the hand OF the
Almighty and that we have no hope Of OBJ
tanning itby treaty. If indeed there be
any such hope il must be by adopting the
resolutions offered by my honorable friend.
Sir / wish for peace wishthe neeocia-
ton may succeed and therefore strongly
urge you to adopt those resolutions. But
though you should adoptthem, they alone
will not ensure success. have no hesi-
tation in saying that you ought 70 have "a.
ken, possession Of Newt Orleans and the
Fioridas the instant your treaty was yio-
lated. You ought TO do Il now. Your
rights are invaded, confidence in neeoci-
alton Is vain: there is therefore no alter.
native but force. You are exposed to inn
minent present danger. You have the.
prospectof great future advantage. You
arc justified BY thssslsarest principles Of
right. You are urged BY the strongest
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