The Massachusetts spy. [volume] (Boston [Mass.]) 1770-1772, 1771-08-01

with them about The limits of their 2Ilviie-
ees would be contending with ourfelves*.
But the quefion will be materially altered,
lit fllould appear that, infead of Preferrlng
| he due balance Of the contribution, they have
thrown their whole weight into the lame icae
with the crown, and that their privileges IN
| Gead of forming barrier againh the en-
croachments of the other branches OF the le-
| gifla,ure, are made fubiervient to the views OF
The fovercign, and employed, under the oil
reetion of the minifer, in the proiecutlon OF
| individuals, and the opprefion ofthe people
| In this cafe, il would be the duty OF every no.
| ref man to iiand frietly to his right ito
queGion everyaa ofluch Houfe OF Commons
| with .iealoufg and fufpicion, and wherever
their pretended privileges trenched upon the
known laws of the land, in the mlnuteit m
itance, to reiif Them with determined and
fcrupulous exaetne(s. To aicertsln the fact,
we need only coniidcr in what manner par
liamcnts have been managed lince his MaJef-
tvs sccefiion.
He found this couutryin that fate OF per-
feGa union and happinels which good govern,
ment naturally produces, and which oaa
one had deffroycd. He pIomlied to aboI'ih
all dittineions of party, and kept his word
by declaring Lord Butte bis favourte and his
Miniiier, by Protecting the whole wing inter,
eft of England, and filing every place OF untt
and profit under his government with profeit
i tories, notorious jacobites, and Scotchmen
of all denominations. He abo0led no diff
,incfions, but thofe which are efien,ial TO the
lafety Of the contribution. King, Lords, and
Commons, which ihould for ever fiand clear
of each other, were foon melted down into
one common MATS of power, while equal care
was taken to draw line of feparatlon be.
tween the Legislature and the people, and
more particularly between the Representative
| and conGituent body Cf the Commons. The
lower houle diRinguilhed shemleves by an
eager compliance with every meafurethat could
be fuppofed to crafty the King pertonally,
or to humour the vindiefive paiions OF his
royal mother. When Mr.. Wilkes was to
be puniihed, they made no fcruPle about the
privileges of parliament; and although 1t was
as we'll known as any matter of public record
and uninterrupted cuRom could be, =" that
sc the members of either houfe are privie
i" ged except in cafes of ueafon, felony, OF
/" breach of the peace" they declared with
out heiitation, "that privilege of parliament
&c did not extend to the cafe of fictitious
d" libel !" and undoubtedly it would have been
the fame if Mr.. Wilkes had been profecuted
for any other midemeanor whatloever. IL
was upon that occafon that Sir Fletcher
Norton, the patron of privilege declared in
the houfe, that if he were judge nWehmin-
lfer Hall, he lhou!d regard vote of the
Houle of Commons no more than relouti-
on of company of porters. thew us his
poIitenels, heprefer'es his file ito thew US
his morality, he changes bis opinion.
The influence of the crown over the reio-
buttons of both houfes continues to operate
with equal force, though now it aiiumes a
different appearance. The liberty of the
prels, bcfides giving daily periOnal offence
to the Princefs of Wales, muff always be for
midablc, therefore always odious to fuch
government as the prefent. Projections
have been attempted without fuccefs. The
privilege of parliament, which had been 70
THANKFULLY furrendered to anfwer one minif-
terial purpofe, muR now be as violently al