Domesticated plants and animals of Austronesia

One of the majorhuman migration eventswas themaritimesettlementofthe islandsof theIndo-Pacificby theAustronesian peoples, believed to have started from at least 5,500 to 4,000BP(3500 to 2000 BCE). These migrations were accompanied by a set ofdomesticated, semi-domesticated, and commensal plants and animalstransported viaoutrigger shipsandcatamaransthat enabled early Austronesians to thrive in the islands ofMaritime Southeast Asia(also known as 'Island Southeast Asia'. e.g.:Philippines,Indonesia),Near Oceania(Melanesia),Remote Oceania(MicronesiaandPolynesia),Madagascar, and theComoros Islands.
They includecropsandanimalsbelieved to have originated from theHemuduandMajiabang culturesin the hypothetical pre-Austronesian homelands in mainlandChina,as well as other plants and animals believed to have been first domesticated from withinTaiwan, Maritime Southeast Asia, andNew Guinea.Some of these plants are sometimes also known as "canoe plants", especially in the context of the Polynesian migrations.Domesticated animals and plants introduced duringhistoric timesare not included.
Domesticated, semi-domesticated, and commensal plants carried by Austronesian voyagers include the following:
The candlenut (Aleurites moluccanus) was first domesticated in Island Southeast Asia. Remains of harvested candlenuts have been recovered from archaeological sites inTimorandMorotaiin easternIndonesia, dated to around 13,000BPand 11,000BPrespectively.Archaeological evidence of candlenut cultivation is also found inNeolithicsites of theToalean culturein southernSulawesidated to around 3,700 to 2,300BP.Candlenut were widely introduced into the Pacific Islands by early Austronesian voyagers and became naturalized to high volcanic islands.
Candlenut has a very wide range of uses and every part of the tree can be harvested. They were primarily cultivated for the high oil content in theirnutkernels. They were used widely for illumination, prior to the introduction of other light sources, hence the name "candlenut". The kernels were skewered on coconut midribs that were then set alight. Each kernel takes about three minutes to burn and thus the series could act as a torch. This tradition of making candlenut torches exists in both Southeast Asia and Oceania.Candlenut oilextracted from the nuts can also be used directly in lamps. They can also be utilized in the production of soaps, ointments, and as preservatives for fishing gear. Other traditional uses include using the timber for making small canoes and carvings; the sap for varnish and resins; the nut shells for ornamentation (most notably asleis), fish-hooks, toys, and the production of black dyes; the bark for medicine and fiber; and so on. Some non-toxic varieties are also used as condiments or ingredients in the cuisines of Southeast Asia and the Pacific.
TheProto-Malayo-Polynesianword for candlenut is reconstructed as*kamiri, with moderncognatesincludingHanunó'o,Iban, andSundanesekamiri;JavaneseandMalaykemiri; andTetunkamii. However the Oceanian words for candlenut are believed to be derived instead fromProto-Austronesian*CuSuRwhich becameProto-Malayo-Polynesian*tuhuR, originally meaning "string together, as beads", referring to the construction of the candlenut torches. It becameProto-Eastern-Malayo-PolynesianandProto-Oceanic*tuRiwhich is thenreduplicated. Modern cognates includingFijian,Tongan,Rarotongan, andNiuetui-tui; andHawaiiankui-kuiorkukui.
The giant taro (Alocasia macrorrhizos) was originally domesticated in thePhilippines, but are known from wild specimens to early Austronesians inTaiwan. From the Philippines, they spread outwards to the rest ofIsland Southeast Asiaand eastward toOceaniawhere it became one of the staple crops ofPacific Islanders.They are one of the four main species ofaroids(taros) cultivated by Austronesians primarily as a source ofstarch, the others beingAmorphophallus paeoniifolius,Colocasia esculenta, andCyrtosperma merkusii, each with multiple cultivated varieties. Their leaves and stems are also edible if cooked thoroughly, though this is rarely done for giant taro as it contains higher amounts ofraphideswhich cause itching.
The reconstructed word for giant taro inProto-Austronesianis*biRaq, which becameProto-Oceanic*piRaq. Moderncognatesfor it in Island Southeast Asia and Micronesia includeRukaivi'aorbi'a;Ifugaobila;Ilocano,Cebuano, andBikolbiga;Tiruraybira;Ngajubiha;Malagasyvia;MalayandAcehnesebirah;Mongondowbiga;Palauanbísə;Chamorropiga;Bimawia;RotiandTetunfia;Asiluluhila; andKowiaifira. In Oceania,cognatesfor it includeWuvuluandAuapia;MotuandꞋAreꞌarehira;KilivilaandFijianvia; andHawaiianpia. Note that in some cases, the cognates have shifted to mean other types of taro.
The elephant foot yam (Amorphophallus paeoniifolius) is used as food in Island Southeast Asia, Mainland Southeast Asia, and South Asia. Its origin and center of domestication was formerly considered to beIndia, where it is most widely utilized as a food resource in recent times. But a genetic study in 2017 has shown that Indian populations of elephant foot yams have lower genetic diversity than those in Island Southeast Asia, therefore it is now believed that elephant foot yams originated from Island Southeast Asia and spread westwards into Thailand and India, resulting in three independent domestication events. From Island Southeast Asia, they were also spread even further west intoMadagascar, and eastwards to coastalNew GuineaandOceaniaby Austronesians. Though they may have spread south intoAustraliawithout human intervention.
The elephant foot yam is one of the four main species ofaroids(taros) cultivated by Austronesians primarily as a source ofstarch, the others beingAlocasia macrorrhizos,Colocasia esculenta, andCyrtosperma merkusii, each with multiple cultivated varieties. Elephant foot yam, however, is the least important among the four and was likely only eaten as afamine crop, since it contains moreraphidesthat cause irritation if not cooked thoroughly.
The practice of chewingareca nutsoriginated inIsland Southeast Asia, where theareca palmis native. The oldest known evidence of areca nut chewing was found in a burial pit in theDuyong Cavesite in thePhilippines(to which areca palms are native), which dates to around 4,630±250BP. Its diffusion is closely tied to theNeolithicexpansion of theAustronesian peoples. It was spread to the Indo-Pacific during prehistoric times, reachingMicronesiaat 3,500 to 3,000BP,Near Oceaniaat 3,400 to 3,000 BP;South IndiaandSri Lankaby 3,500 BP;Mainland Southeast Asiaby 3,000 to 2,500 BP;Northern Indiaby 1500 BP; andMadagascarby 600 BP. From India, it was also spread westwards toPersiaand theMediterranean. It was also previously present in theLapita culture, based on archaeological remains dated from 3,600 to 2,500 BP, but it was not carried intoPolynesia.
Numerous species ofArtocarpusare traditionally cultivated or harvested from semi-domesticated or wild populations inIsland Southeast AsiaandMicronesiafor food, timber, traditional medicine, and other uses. They includeArtocarpus anisophyllus(entawak),Artocarpus heterophyllus(jackfruit or nangka),Artocarpus integer(cempedak),Artocarpus lacucha(lakuch),Artocarpus mariannensis(Marianas breadfruit),Artocarpus odoratissimus(tarap or marang),andArtocarpus treculianus(tipuho),among many others. The most important species pertaining to the Austronesian expansion however, areArtocarpus camansi(breadnut or seeded breadfruit) andArtocarpus altilis(breadfruit).
According toDNA fingerprintingstudies, the wild seeded ancestor ofArtocarpus altilisis theArtocarpus camansi, which is native toNew Guinea, theMaluku Islands, and thePhilippines.A. camansiwas domesticated andselectively bredin Polynesia, giving rise to the mostly seedlessArtocarpus altilis. Micronesian breadfruit also show evidence ofhybridizationwith the nativeArtocarpus mariannensis, while most Polynesian and Melanesian cultivars do not. This indicates that Micronesia was initially colonized separately from Polynesia and Melanesia through two different migration events which later came into contact with each other in eastern Micronesia.
The reconstructedProto-Malayo-Polynesianword for breadfruit is*kuluʀ, which becameProto-Oceanic*kulurandProto-Polynesian*kulu. Modern cognates includeSundaneseandMalaykulurorkelur;Acehnesekulu;Ibankurur;Cebuanokuloorkolo;Munakula;Mussauulu;Kapingamarangigulu;Wayan Fijiankulu;Emaekuro;Tuamotuan,Takuu, andRarotongankuru;Tahitianʻuru;SamoanandHawaiianʻulu; andMāorikuru. Note that in Māori,kuruis only mentioned in tradition, but does not refer to the plant because breadfruit did not survive intoNew Zealand.Also note that it is believed that breadfruit only reached western Island Southeast Asia (Java, Sumatra, Malay Peninsula) during the recent centuries, as a result of trade with theMaluku Islands.
Another notable reconstructed word for breadfruit is Proto-Oceanic*maRior*mai. It is a commonrootfor words for breadfruit inMicronesia, northern and westernNew Guinea, theSolomon Islands, theAdmiralty Islands,St Matthias Islands,New Caledonia, and parts of theCentral Pacific. The term itself may have originally been forArtocarpus mariannensisinstead ofArtocarpus altilis. Cognates includePohnpeian,Mokil, andNgatikmāi;Palauan,Satawal, andTuvaluanmai;Puluwatmais;Yapesemaiyah; andTongan,Niuean, andMarquesanmei.
The jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus) was domesticated independently inSouth AsiaandSoutheast Asia, as evidenced by the fact that the Southeast Asian names for the fruit are not derived from theSanskritroots. It was probably first domesticated by Austronesians inJavaor theMalay Peninsula. The word for jackfruit inProto-Western-Malayo-Polynesianis reconstructed as*laŋkaq. ModerncognatesincludeSundanese,Javanese,Malay,Balinese, andCebuanonangka;Tagalog,Pangasinan,BikolandIlocanolangka;Chamorrolankaornanka;Kelabitnakan;Wolionangke;Ibaloidangka; andLun Dayehlaka. Note, however, that the fruit was only recently introduced toGuamviaFilipinosettlers when both were part of theSpanish Empire.
Various species ofbamboo(subfamilyBambusoideae) are found throughout Island Southeast Asia, Mainland Southeast Asia, East Asia, and South Asia. In Austronesian regions, different types of bamboos have different names, as well as the products made from them. They are used variously as building materials, fishing gear, musical instruments, knives, water and food vessels, and so on.Bamboo shootsare also a food source in Southeast Asia. A few species of bamboo were carried by Austronesian settlers as they colonized the Pacific islands. They include the ʻohe (Schizostachyum glaucifolium), the common bamboo (Bambusa vulgaris), and the thorny bamboo (Bambusa bambos).
Reconstructed Proto-Austronesian words that referred to bamboo include*qauR,*kawayan,*buluq, and*betung. The latter enteredProto-Malayo-PolynesianandProto-Oceanicas*bitung, with cognates includingSundaneseawi bitung;Fijianbitu; andTonganpitu. Most terms for bamboo in Polynesia, however, originated from Proto-South-Central-Pacific*kofe(originally fromProto-Polynesian*kofe, "root"). Modern cognates includeTonganandNiuekofe;Tokelau,Marquesan,Tuamotuan, andMāorikohe;Rarotongankoʻe;SamoanandTahitianʻofe; andHawaiianʻohe. Some names have also shifted to refer to bamboo-like plants; especially in islands where they were not introduced into or did not survive, like inNew Zealand.
Paper mulberry (Broussonetia papyrifera), better known as "tapa clothtree" in the Pacific, originates fromsubtropicalregions in mainland Asia and is one of the best evidence for the mainstream"Out of Taiwan" hypothesisof theAustronesian expansion. Various genetic studies have traced the origins of paper mulberry populations in theRemote Pacificall the way toTaiwanviaNew GuineaandSulawesi. In thePhilippines, which was along the expansion path, paper mulberry are mostly descendants of modern introductions in 1935. It is presumed that ancient introductions of paper mulberry went extinct in prehistory due to its replacement with hand-woven fabrics, given that paper mulberry generally only survives under human cultivation. However, its absence in the Philippines further underlines its origins in Taiwan, and not within Island Southeast Asia. Additionally paper mulberry populations in New Guinea also show genetic inflow from another expansion out ofIndochinaandSouth China.
It is believed to be the most widely transported fiber crop in prehistory, having been transported along with the full range of the Austronesian expansion, as opposed to most of the other commensal crops in Oceania. Paper mullbery is present in almost every island or island group in Polynesia, includingEaster IslandandNew Zealand. Some populations have gone recently extinct after they stopped being cultivated, like in theCook IslandsandMangareva, although accounts and prepared barkcloth andherbariumspecimens of them exist in museum collections gathered by Europeans during the Colonial Period. They were spread by Polynesians primarily throughvegetative propagationwith cuttings and root shoots. They were rarely cultivated from seeds as most plants were harvested prior to flowering, when the stems reach around 1 in (2.5 cm) in diameter, as described by 18th century European accounts. It is also unknown if theferalplants reproduced sexually as the plants aredioeciousand require both male and female specimens to be present in one island.
Paper mulberry is primarily used in the Pacific Islands to makebarkcloth(tapain most Polynesian languages).Barkcloth, can also be made from other members of the mulberry family (Moraceae), includingFicus(figs) andArtocarpus. Barkcloth was also occasionally made fromPipturusnettles, especially inHawaii. However the highest quality of barkcloth was from paper mulberry.
Barkcloth was mainly used for clothing among ancient Austronesians and is traditionally made using characteristic stone or wooden beaters which are among the most common artifacts found in Austronesian archaeological sites. Numerous archaeological remains of barkcloth beaters in southern China has been regarded as evidence that the pre-Taiwan Austronesian homelands were located in the region prior to thesouthward expansion of the Han Dynasty, particularly around thePearl River Delta. The oldest such remains is from the Dingmo Site inGuangxi, dated to around 7,900BP.Barkcloth remained an important source of clothing fabrics in pre-colonial Melanesia, Polynesia, and parts of Indonesia. However, it has been mostly replaced by woven fiber clothing in most of Island Southeast Asia and Micronesia.
There are numerous names for paper mulberry throughout Austronesia, the most general can be reconstructed to Proto-Central Eastern Malayo-Polynesian*malaw, which also refers to theloinclothand other items of clothing made from paper mulberry bark. Its cognates includingSelarumal;Asilulumala ai;Bulimāl;Numformār;Tanga,Tolai, andGedagedmal;Rennellesemago;Kairirumyal;Lusi,Kove,Manam,Gitua,Mota,Niue,Futunan,Samoan,Tuvaluan,Nukuoro,Anuta, andHawaiianmalo; andArosi,Rarotongan, andMāorimaro.
In Eastern Polynesia, terms for paper mulberry can also be reconstructed to Proto-Central Eastern-Polynesian*aute, with cognates includingTahitianandRarotonganʻaute;Marquesanute;Hawaiianwauke;RapaandMāoriaute.
In most of Polynesia, the term for barkcloth can also be reconstructed fromProto-Nuclear-Polynesian*taba, meaning "bark", with cognates includingWayantaba;Tongan,Samoan,Mangareva, andRarotongantapa; andHawaiiankapa. Other terms widely used for barkcloth and paper mulberry are derived from theProto-Polynesianreconstructed word*siapo, with cognates includingNiue,Tongan, andMarquesanhiapo; andSamoanandEast Futunansiapo.The term for barkcloth beater, however, can be reconstructed more extensively back toProto-Malayo-Polynesian*ike, with cognates includingUmaike;Sa'aiki;Bauan,Tongan, andEast Futunanike; andSamoanandHawaiianiʻe.
Mastwood (Calophyllum inophyllum) is a widespread timber tree native to tropical Asia. It is notable for its ability to grow to massive sizes in sandy or rocky beaches of island and coastal habitats, as well as its habit of sending out arching large trunks over the water where its seeds are dispersed via the currents.Due to these characters, mastwood are of particular importance to traditionalshipbuildingof the larger Austronesianoutrigger shipsand were carried with them as they migrated to Oceania and Madagascar.
Other species of the genusCalophyllumwere also used similarly, likeCalophyllum soulattri,Calophyllum peekelii, andCalophyllum goniocarpum. Thewood grainof the members of the genus are characteristically interlocked, which make them harder to work with but also makes them stronger as well as being more suitable for carving intricate shapes. They were comparable in importance to howoakswere in European shipbuilding and timber industries.In many parts of Polynesia, mastwood groves planted inmaraewere considered sacred and abodes of spirits. Mastwood were also carved into religious objects liketiki.They are also commonly mentioned in the chants andfolklore of Polynesia.
Various parts of the mastwood were integral to the manufacture of outrigger canoes. The large curving limbs were commonly carved into thedugout canoesthat formed thekeelof the Austronesian outriggers ships. Thestrakes, which are attached to the keel by the uniquely Austronesian technique of "sewing" them with a combination ofdowelsand lashed lugs instead of nails, can also be made from mastwood, but it is more commonly made from other "softer" timber species likeArtocarpus. Other pieces becamemasts,outriggerfloats, and outrigger spars. Smaller curving limbs can also be carved into the ribs of the boat.
Aside from shipbuilding,tamanu oilextracted from the fruit kernels were important in Polynesian culture. The oils, as well as poultices made from leaves and flowers, are also commonly used for traditional medicine.The leaves contain compounds that are poisonous to fish and can be used asfish poison.
The reconstructedProto-Austronesianword for mastwood is*bitaquR, with moderncognatesincludingIlocanobittáug;Ifugaobitául;Bikol,Cebuano,Maranao,MansakaandManobobitáʻogorbitaʻug;Niasbito;Palauanbtáʻəs;Wetanwitora; andAsiluluhataul.TheWestern Malayo-Polynesianwords for mastwood is derived from thedoubletProto-Austronesian*bintaŋuR, with cognates includingIban,MalayandToba Batakbintangurorbentangur;Tontemboanwintangor; andMalagasyvintáno.InProto-Oceanic, the reconstructed word ispitaquR, with cognates includingNaunapitɨ;Loniupitow;Nalipirow;Seimathita;Auapiʻaw;Pohnpeianisou;Rotumanhefau;Fijianvetau,Tonganfetaʻu;Niue,Samoan, andTuvaluanfetau;Nukuorohedau; andRennellesehetaʻu.In most of these languages, the name specifically refers toC. inophyllum, although in Ifugao, Maranao, Nias, Wetan, and Fijian, the name has become more generalized to large timber trees.
Another set of cognates forC. inophyllumin Proto-Oceanic can be reconstructed as*tamanu. Its difference from*pitaquRis unclear, but given the distinction between the terms in theMussaureflex,*tamanuprobably originally referred to specimens of the tree that grow in island interiors and not on the coastlines. Modern cognates includeMussau,Tongan,Niue,Samoan, andRarotongantamanu;Fijiandamanu; andHawaiiankamani.
Cananga odorata, with its large, aromatic flowers, is used for ornamentation. The species originated from thePhilippines.It is not known whether it is native to Polynesia and Melanesia or introduced.
Numerous species of Citrus are native to Island Southeast Asia, Mainland Southeast Asia, East Asia, South Asia and Near Oceania. The Austronesians cultivated and gathered a variety of citrus for food, medicine and washing with the thorns being used as piercing implements fortattooing.Citrus hystrix,Citrus macroptera, andCitrus maximawere also among the canoe plants carried byAustronesianvoyagers eastwards intoMicronesiaandPolynesia.MostPolynesiannames describing citruses are namedmoliultimately fromProto-Oceanic*molis;whether a link toPMP*limawis present (albeit indirect) or otherwise is uncertain.
The region betweenSouthwest AsiaandMelanesiais the center of origin for coconuts (Cocos nucifera), where it shows greatest genetic diversity.A study in 2011 identified two highly genetically differentiated subpopulations of coconuts, one originating fromIsland Southeast Asia(the Pacific group) and the other from the southern margins of theIndian subcontinent(the Indo-Atlantic group). The Pacific group is the only one to display clear genetic and phenotypic indications that they were domesticated; including dwarf habit, self-pollination, and the round "niu vai" fruit morphology with larger endosperm-to-husk ratios. The distribution of the Pacific coconuts correspond to the regions settled by Austronesian voyagers indicating that its spread was largely the result of human introductions.
It is most strikingly displayed inMadagascar, an island settled by Austronesian sailors at around 2,000 to 1,500BP. The coconut populations in the island show genetic admixture between the two subpopulations indicating that Pacific coconuts were brought by the Austronesian settlers that later interbred with the local Indo-Atlantic coconuts.
Most words for "coconut" inAustronesian languagesare derived fromproto-Malayo-Polynesian*niuʀ. ModerncognatesincludeTagalogniyog;Chamorroniyok;Malaynyiurornyior;Tetumnuu;Drehunu;Gilbertesenii;Hawaiian,Samoan,Tongan,Fijian, andRapa Nuiniu; andMalagasynio.
Genetic studies of coconuts have also confirmed pre-Columbian populations of coconuts inPanamain South America. However, it is not native and display a genetic bottleneck resulting from afounder effect. A study in 2008 showed that the coconuts in the Americas are genetically closest related to coconuts in thePhilippines, and not to any other nearby coconut populations (includingPolynesia). Such an origin indicates that the coconuts were not introduced naturally, such as by sea currents. The researchers concluded that it was brought by early Austronesian sailors to the Americas from at least 2,250 BP, and may be proof of pre-Columbian contact between Austronesian cultures and South American cultures, albeit in the opposite direction than what early hypotheses like Heyerdahl's had proposed. It is further strengthened by other similar botanical evidence of contact, like the pre-colonial presence ofsweet potatoin Oceanian cultures.During thecolonial era, Pacific coconuts were further introduced toMexicofrom theSpanish East Indiesvia theManila galleons.
In contrast to the Pacific coconuts, Indo-Atlantic coconuts were largely spread by Arab and Persian traders into theEast Africancoast. Indo-Atlantic coconuts were also introduced into theAtlantic OceanbyPortugueseships from their colonies in coastalIndiaandSri Lanka; first being introduced to coastalWest Africa, then onwards into theCaribbeanand the east coast ofBrazil. All of these introductions are within the last few centuries, relatively recent in comparison to the spread of Pacific coconuts.
The size and nutrition ofJob's tearsset it apart from other long-used ancient grains native to this area of Asia, and the well established and recorded use in culinary practices indicate a history at least proportional to that of millet and rice. Dating of a site inShizitanhas presented dates as early as 28,000 to 18,000 years ago.Archaeologists have found evidence supporting Job's tears as among the earliest domesticates in Asia, accompanied by millet.
The taro (Colocasia esculenta), sometimes referred to as the "true taro", is one of the most ancient cultivated crops and pre-dated the Austronesian expansion.Taro is found widely in tropical and subtropical regions of South Asia, East Asia, Southeast Asia, Papua New Guinea, and northern Australia and is highlypolymorphic, making taxonomy and distinction between wild and cultivated types difficult. It is believed that they were domesticated independently multiple times, with authors giving possible locations asNew Guinea,Mainland Southeast Asia, and northeasternIndia, based largely on the assumed native range of the wild plants.However, more recent studies have pointed out that wild taro may have a much larger native distribution than previously believed, and wild breeding types may also likely be indigenous to other parts of Island Southeast Asia.
Archaeological traces of taro exploitation have been recovered from numerous sites pre-dating the Austronesian expansion, though whether these were cultivated or wild types can not be ascertained. They include theNiah CavesofBorneo, dating to <40,000BP;Ille CaveofPalawan, dated to at least c. 11,000BP;Kuk SwampofNew Guinea, dated to 10,200 to 9,910cal BP;andKilu Cavein theSolomon Islandsdated to around c. 28,000 to 20,000BP.In the case of Kuk Swamp, there is evidence of formalized agriculture emerging by about c. 10,000BP, with evidence of cultivated plots, though which plant was cultivated remains unknown.
Regardless, taro were definitely among the cultivated plants of Austronesians as well as preceding populations in Island Southeast Asia. However, their importance in Island Southeast Asia had largely been replaced by rice, although they are still planted at the margins ofrice paddiesin some communities. They remained a staple in the islands ofMelanesiaandPolynesiawhere rice wasn't introduced. They are one of the four species of aroids (taros) cultivated by Austronesians primarily as a source of starchycorms, the others beingAlocasia macrorrhizos,Amorphophallus paeoniifolius, andCyrtosperma merkusii. They are the most important and the most preferred among the four, because they were less likely to contain the irritatingraphidespresent in the other plants.
Taro is also identified as one of the staples ofMicronesia, from archaeological evidence dating back to the pre-colonialLatte Period(c. 900 – 1521 AD), indicating that it was also carried byMicronesianswhen they colonized the islands.Due to the unsuitability of the low-lyingatollislands of most of Micronesia, Micronesians innovated by digging pits that could then be filled up with compost suitable for taro cultivation.Taro pollen and starch residue have also been identified in earlierLapitasites, dated to around c. 3,050 – 2,500cal BP.
There are numerous terms for taro in the Austronesian languages, both specific and generalized. The reconstructed Proto-Austronesian term for taro is*cali, withcognatesinFormosan languagesincludingSeediqsali,Thaolhari;Bununtai; andAmistali.
It became*taləsinProto-Malayo-Polynesian, which in turn became*talosor*taloinProto-Oceanic. ModerncognatesincludeHanunó'otálus;Aborlan Tagbanwatalis;Palawan Bataktäläs;Niastalõ;Malaytalas;Minangkabautaleh;RejangandSundanesetaleus;Javanesetales;Palauandáit;Rotinesetale; andTetuntalas.In Polynesian languages, the cognates includeMotu,Marovo,Tongan,Samoan,Niue,Futunan,Tuvaluantalo;Kwaio,Lau (Malaita), andToqabaqitaalo;'Āre'āre,Arosi, andBauroaro;Nakanamangana-tale;Syetalornal;FijianandNukuorodalo;Rennellesetago;Anuta,Rarotongan, andMāoritaro; andHawaiiankalo. The English name for the plant is itself derived from the Polynesian names.A red variety of taro also has names derived from reconstructedProto-Polynesian*pongi, with cognates includingNiuepongi;Marquesanpoki;Hawaiianponi; andMāoripongi.
InProto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian, another reconstructed term is*kaladi, with cognates includingAgutaynen,Sabah Bisaya,Iban,Tae', andWoliokaladi;BalineseandMalaykeladi; andMongondowkoladi.
The beach cordia (Cordia subcordata) is an important timber tree with light, finely textured, and somewhat soft wood ideal for carving. It has no taste and thus was most commonly used for carving utensils, cups, bowls, and other containers; as well as ornamental carvings and musical instruments throughout Austronesia. The wood is flammable and is commonly used in New Guinea as firewood. In some cultures, the wood may also be used to build paddles and the keels of the boats.The seeds can also be eaten, though only asfamine food. Other parts can also be used for traditional medicine and for the extraction of dyes. LikeCalophyllum inophyllum, beach cordia were commonly planted inmarae. They have cultural and religious significance in some cultures like inKiribatiand theKarimunjawa IslandsofIndonesia. In Hawaii, it was traditional to plant beach cordia around houses and use their bright orange flowers asleis.
Beach cordia, like most trees favored by Austronesians, grow well in sandy, clay, and rocky soil and are a common component in coastal forests and mangrove forests. Beach cordia was once thought to be an introduced species, but it is now known to be indigenous to most of the islands and coastlines of the Indo-Pacific, propagated naturally by their buoyant seeds. Nevertheless, they were still deliberately introduced in some islands, with artificial introductions usually found growing with other common trees cultivated by Austronesians. Especially in the atolls of Micronesia.
Terms for beach cordia is reconstructed toProto-Malayo-Polynesian*kanawa, withcognatesincludingIbankenawa;Makasaresekanawa;Palauankəláu;Gilbertesekanawa;Tokelaukanava; andNukuoroganava.
Another set of cognates can be reconstructed toProto-Oceanic*toRu, with cognates includingNehanto-tor;Petatsto-tol;Fijian,Tongan, andRarotongantou; andHawaiiankou.
An older reconstructed term isProto-Austronesian*qaNuNaŋ, however it is not specific to beach cordia and can refer to other members of the genus with sticky fruits, especially the glue berry (Cordia dichotoma) and the lasura (Cordia myxa). It also did not reach theOceanic languages. Cognates includeTsouhəhngə;Isneganúnang;Hanunó'oandCebuanoanúnang;Maranaononang;Manoboenunang;Mansakaanonang;Malay,Minangkabau,Sasak,Manggarai, andRembongnunang; andMongondowonunang.
Ti (Cordyline fruticosa) is a palm-like plant growing up to 3 to 4 m (9.8 to 13.1 ft) tall with an attractive fan-like and spirally arranged cluster of broadly elongated leaves at the tip of the slender trunk. It has numerous color variations, ranging from plants with red leaves to green, yellow, and variegatedcultivars. Its original native distribution is unknown, but it is believed to be native to the region fromBangladesh, toMainland Southeast Asia,South China,Taiwan,Island Southeast Asia,New Guinea, andNorthern Australia. It has the highest morphological diversity in New Guinea and is believed to have been extensively cultivated there. It is commonly misidentified as a "Dracaena", along with members of the genusCordyline, due to past classification systems.
It was carried throughout Oceania by Austronesians, reaching as far asHawaii,New Zealand, andEaster Islandat their furthest extent. A particularly important type of ti in Polynesia is a large green-leafed cultivar grown for their enlarged edible rhizomes. Unlike the ti populations in Southeast Asia andNear Oceania, this cultivar is almost entirely sterile in the further islands of eastern Polynesia. It can only be propagated by cuttings from the stalks or therhizomes. It is speculated that this was the result of deliberateartificial selection, probably because they produce larger and less fibrous rhizomes more suitable for use as food.
Ti has many uses but it is most notable as one of the most important plants related to the indigenousanimistreligions of Austronesians, along with fig trees (Ficusspp.). It is very widely regarded as having mystical or spiritual powers in various Austronesian (as well asPapuan) cultures. Among a lot of ethnic groups in Austronesia it is regarded as sacred. Common features include the belief that they can hold souls and thus are useful in healing "soul loss" illnesses and in exorcising against malevolent spirits, their use in ritual attire and ornamentation, and their use as boundary markers. Red and green cultivars also commonly represented dualistic aspects of culture and religion and are used differently in rituals. Red ti plants commonly symbolize blood, war, and the ties between the living and the dead; while green ti plants commonly symbolize peace and healing.They are also widely used for traditional medicine, dye, and ornamentation throughout Austronesia and New Guinea.Their ritual uses in Island Southeast Asia have largely been obscured by the introduction of Hinduism, Buddhism, Islamic, and Christian religions, but they still persist in certain areas or are coopted for the rituals of the new religions.
In Polynesia, the leaves of the green-leafed form are used to wrap food, lineearth ovensand fermentation pits ofbreadfruit, and their rhizomes harvested and processed into a sweet molasses-like pulp eaten like candy or used to produce a honey-like liquid used in various sweet treats. InHawaii, the roots are also mixed with water and fermented into an alcoholic beverage known asokolehao.Fibers extracted from leaves are also used in cordage and in making bird traps.The consumption of ti as food, regarded as a sacred plant and thus was originallytaboo, is believed to have been a daring innovation of Polynesian cultures as a response to famine conditions. The lifting of the taboo is believed to be tied to the development of thefirewalking ritual.
InPhilippineanitism, ti were commonly used bybabaylan(femaleshamans) when conductingmediumshipor healing rituals. A common belief in Filipino cultures is that the plant has the innate ability to hostspirits. Among theIfugao peopleofNorthern Luzon, it is planted around terraces and communities to drive away evil spirits as well as mark boundaries of cultivated fields. The red leaves are believed to be attractive to spirits and is worn during important rituals as part of the headdresses and tucked into armbands. In the past, it was also worn during ceremonial dances calledbangibang, which was performed by both men and women for warriors who died in battle or through violent means. They are also used to decorate ritual objects.Among thePalaw'an people, it is planted in burial grounds to prevent the dead from becoming malevolent spirits.
InIndonesia, red ti are used similarly as in the Philippines. Among theDayak,Sundanese,Kayan,Kenyah,Berawan,IbanandMongondow people, red ti are used as wards against evil spirits and as boundary markers. They are also used in rituals like in healing and funerals and are very commonly planted in sacred groves and around shrines.The Dayak also extract a natural green dye from ti.During healing rituals of theMentawai people, thelife-giving spiritare enticed with songs and offerings to enter ti stems which are then reconciled with the sick person.Among theSasak people, green ti leaves are used as part of the offerings to spirits by thebelianshamans.Among theBaduy people, green ti represent the body, while red ti represent the soul. Both are used in rice planting rituals. They are also planted on burial grounds.Among theBalineseandKaro people, ti plants are planted near village or family shrines in asacred grove.Among theToraja people, red ti plants are used in rituals and as decorations of ritual objects. They are believed to occur in both the material and the spirit worlds (a common belief in Austronesian animism). In the spirit world, they exist as fins and tails of spirits. In the material world, they are most useful as guides used to attract the attentions of spirits. The red leaves are also symbolic of blood and thus of life and vitality.Among theNgaju people, ti plants were symbolic of thesacred grovesof ancestors. They were also important in ritual promises dedicated to high gods. They were regarded as symbolic of the masculine "Tree of Life", in a dichotomy againstFicusspecies which symbolize the feminine "Tree of the Dead".
InNew Guinea, ti are commonly planted to indicate land ownership for cultivation and are also planted around ceremonial men's houses. They are also used in various rituals and are commonly associated with blood and warfare.Among theTsembaga Maring people, they are believed to house "red spirits" (spirits of men who died in battle). Prior to a highly ritualized (but lethal) warfare over land ownership, they are uprooted and pigs are sacrificed to the spirits. After the hostilities, they are re-planted in the new land boundaries depending on the outcome of the fight. The men involved ritually place their souls into the plants. The ritual warfare have been suppressed by thePapua New Guineagovernment, but parts of the rituals still survive.Among theAnkave people, red ti is part of theircreation myth, believed as having arisen from the site of the first murder.Among the Mendi and Sulka people they are made into dyes used as body paint, and their leaves are used for body adornments and purification rituals.Among the Nikgini people, the leaves have magical abilities to bring good luck and are used indivinationand in decorating ritual objects.Among theKapauku people, ti plants are regarded as magical plants and are believed to be spiritual beings themselves. Unlike other magical plants which are controlled by other spirits, ti plants had their own spirits and are powerful enough to command other spiritual beings. Red plants are used inwhite magicrituals, while green plants are used inblack magicrituals. They are also commonly used in protection and warding rituals. Among theBaktaman people, red plants are used for initiation rites, while green plants are used for healing. TheOk-speakingpeoples also regard ti plants as their collectivetotem.
InIsland Melanesia, ti are regarded as sacred by various Austronesian-speaking peoples and are used in rituals for protection, divination, and fertility.Among theKwaio people, red ti are associated with feuding and vengeance, while green ti are associated with ancestor spirits, markers of sacred groves, and wards against evil. The Kwaio cultivate these varieties around their communities.Among the Maenge people ofNew Britain, ti leaves are worn as everyday skirts by women. The color and size of leaves can vary by personal preference and fashion. New cultivars with different colors are traded regularly and strands of ti are grown near the village. Red leaves can only worn by women past puberty. Ti is also the most important plant in magic and healing rituals of the Maenge. Some ti cultivars are associated with supernatural spirits and have names and folklore around them.InVanuatu,Cordylineleaves, known locally by theBislamanamenanggaria, are worn tucked into a belt in traditional dances likeMāʻuluʻulu, with different varieties having particular symbolic meanings. Cordylines are often planted outsidenakamalbuildings.InFiji, red ti leaves are used as skirts for dancers and are used in rituals dedicated to the spirits of the dead. They are also planted around ceremonial buildings used for initiation rituals.
InMicronesia, ti leaves are buried under newly built houses inPohnpeito ward off malign sorcery.In instances of an unknown death, shamans in Micronesia communicate with the dead spirit through ti plants, naming various causes of death until the plant trembles.There is also archaeological evidence that the rhizomes of the plants were eaten in the past inGuamprior to theLatte Period.
InPolynesia, green ti were cultivated widely for food and religious purposes. They are commonly planted around homes, in sacred places (includingmaraeandheiau), and in grave sites. The leaves are also carried as a charm when traveling and the leaves are used in rituals that communicate with the species. Like in Southeast Asia, they are widely believed to protect against evil spirits and bad luck; as well as having the ability to host spirits of dead people, as well as nature spirits.
Inancient Hawaiʻithe plant was thought to have great spiritual power; onlykahuna(shamans) andaliʻi(chiefs) were able to wear leaves around their necks during certain ritual activities. Ti was sacred to the god of fertility and agricultureLono, and the goddess of the forest and thehula dance,Laka. Ti leaves were also used to makelei, and to outline borders between properties. It was also planted at the corners of the home to keep evil spirits away. To this day some Hawaiians plant ti near their houses to bring good luck. The leaves are also used forlava sledding. A number of leaves are lashed together and people ride down hills on them. The leaves were also used to make items ofclothingincludingskirtsworn in dance performances. TheHawaiianhulaskirt is a dense skirt with an opaque layer of at least fifty green leaves and the bottom (top of the leaves) shaved flat. TheTongandance dress, thesisi, is an apron of about 20 leaves, worn over atupenu, and decorated with some yellow or red leaves.
InNew Zealand, certain place names are derived from the use and folklore of ti, like Puketī Forest andTemuka. The ti plants inKaingaroaare known asnga tī whakāwe o Kaingaroa("the phantom trees of Kaingaroa"), based on the legend of two women who were turned into ti plants and seemingly follow people traveling through the area.
The reconstructedProto-Malayo-Polynesianword for ti is*siRi. Cognates includeMalagasysíly;Palauansis;EreandKurutisiy;Arakijihi;Arosidiri;Chuukesetii-n;Wuvulusiorti;Tongansī;Samoan,Tahitian, andMāoritī; andHawaiiankī. The names in some languages have also been applied to the garden crotons (Codiaeum variegatum), which similarly have red or yellow leaves. The cognates of Proto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian*sabaqaŋ, similarly, have been applied to both garden crotons and ti plants.
In thePhilippines, they are also known by names derived from the Proto-Austronesian*kilala, "to know", due to its use indivinationrituals. Cognates derived from that usage includeTagalogsagilala; andVisayanandBikolkilálaorkilaa. In New Zealand, the terms for ti were also transferred to the native and closely related cabbage tree (Cordyline australis), astī kōuka.
Yams (Dioscoreaspp.) is a very large group of plants native throughout tropical and warm temperate regions of the world. Various species of yams were domesticated and cultivated independently within Island Southeast Asia and New Guinea for their starchytubers, including the ube (Dioscorea alata), round yam (Dioscorea bulbifera), intoxicating yam (Dioscorea hispida), lesser yam (Dioscorea esculenta), Pacific yam (Dioscorea nummularia), fiveleaf yam (Dioscorea pentaphylla), and pencil yam (Dioscorea transversa).Among these,D. alataandD. esculentawere the only ones regularly cultivated and eaten, while the rest were usually considered asfamine fooddue to their higher levels of the toxindioscorinewhich requires that they be prepared correctly before consumption.
D. alataandD. esculentawere the most suitable for long transport in Austronesian ships and were carried through all or most of the range of the Austronesian expansion.D. alatain particular, were introduced into the Pacific Islands and New Zealand. They were also carried by Austronesian voyagers intoMadagascarand theComoros.
The ube (Dioscorea alata), also known as the greater yam or water yam, is one of the most important staple crops in Austronesian cultures. It is the main species cultivated amongDioscorea, largely because of its much larger tubers and its ease of processing.Its center of origin is unknown, but archaeological evidence suggests that it was exploited in Island Southeast Asia and New Guinea before the Austronesian expansion. Ube is believed to be a truecultigen, only known from its cultivated forms. It is apolyploidand is sterile, and thus can not cross bodies of water. This restricts its introduction into islands purely by human agency, making them a good indicator of human movement. Some authors have proposed an origin inMainland Southeast Asiawithout evidence, but it shows the greatest phenotypic variability in thePhilippinesandNew Guinea.
Based on archaeological evidence of early farming plots and plant remains in theKuk Swampsite, authors have suggested that it was first domesticated in the highlands of New Guinea from around 10,000BPand spread into Island Southeast Asia via theLapita cultureat around c. 4,000BP, along withD. nummulariaandD. bulbifera. In turn,D. esculentais believed to have been introduced by the Lapita culture into New Guinea. There is also evidence of an agricultural revolution during this period brought by innovations from contact with Austronesians, including the development ofwet cultivation.
However, much older remains identified as being probablyD. alatahave also been recovered from theNiah CavesofBorneo(Late Pleistocene, <40,000BP) and theIlle CaveofPalawan(c. 11,000BP), along with remains of the toxic ubi gadong (D. hispida) which requires processing before it can be edible. Although it doesn't prove cultivation, it does show that humans already had the knowledge to exploit starchy plants and thatD. alatawere native to Island Southeast Asia. Furthermore, it opens the question on whetherD. alatais a true species or cultivated much older than believed.
Ube remains an important crop in Southeast Asia. Particularly in the Philippines where the vividly purple variety is widely used in various traditional and modern desserts. It also remains important inMelanesia, where it is also grown for ceremonial purposes tied to the size of the tubers at harvest time. Its importance in eastern Polynesia andNew Zealand, however, has waned after the introduction of other crops, most notably thesweet potato.
The reconstructedProto-Austronesianword for ube is*qubi, which became Proto-Malayo-Polynesian*qubi, and Proto-Oceanic*qupi. It has some of the most recognizable and widespreadreflexesin Austronesian languages. ModerncognatesincludeYamiuvi;Itbayatenovi;BontocandHanunó'oʻúbi;Ilocano,Tagalog,Cebuano,Pangasinan,Aklanon,Itneg, andItawisúbiorúbe;Kalamian Tagbanwakubi;Maranaoobi;Tirurayʻubi;Manobouvi;Kenyah,Malay,Iban,Balinese,Sasak,Mongondow, andToba Batakubi;Javaneseuwi;Kelabitubih;Melanauubey;Ngaju Dayakowi;Malagasyóvy;Tsatphai;Jaraihebey;Mokenkoboi;Sundanesehuwi;Tontemboan,Bimanese, andManggaraiuwi;Ngadhauvi;Rotineseufi;Eraiuhi;Selaruuhoruhi-re;Watubelakuwi;Burueseubi-t;Koiwaiuf;Buliup; andWaropenuwi.
AmongOceanic languages, cognates includeNaunakuh;Penchalkup;Leiponuh;Tolaiup;Lakalaila-huvi;GapapaiwaandKilivilakuvi;Papapanana-uvi;Simbo,Bugotu, andNggela, andFijianuvi;Kwaio,Niue, andSamoanufi;Sa'a,Arosi,Tuamotuan,HawaiianandRapa Nuiuhi;Marquesanpuauhi;Haununua-uhi;Avava''o-ovi;Rennelleseʻuhi;Tonganʻufi;Anutaupi;Rarotonganuʻi; andMāoriuwhioruhi.
In some ethnic groups, the word has been generalized or shifted to mean other types of yams, as well as thesweet potatoandcassava. Other words for ube are also derived from the ancestral names of other species of yam.
The air yam (Dioscorea bulbifera), also known as the bitter yam, is one of the lesser cultivated species of yam. It is usually only eaten asfamine foodin Island Southeast Asia, Melanesia, and Polynesia, because of the toxicity of some wild or feral plants when not cooked correctly. However it is one of only three yams that were carried by Austronesians intoRemote Oceania, the others beingD. alataandD. nummularia. The part of the plant harvested are the aerial tubers, as it does not usually produce large underground tubers.
It can be reconstructed toProto-Oceanicas*pwatikaor*pʷatik, with cognates includingLoupuet;Lamusongpatik;Boanakiposika; andKwara'aefasia. However, in Lamusong its meaning has shifted to the lesser yam, while in Boanaki, the meaning has shifted to a more generalized term for yams. It can also be reconstructed to the more generalized Proto-Oceanic*balai, meaning "wild yam", which becameProto-Micronesian*palai, with cognates includingRotumanparai;Tongan,Niue, andSamoanpalai; andRennellesepagai.
The lesser yam (Dioscorea esculenta) is the second most important yam crop among Austronesians. LikeD. alata, it requires minimal processing, unlike the other more bitter yam species. However, it has smaller tubers thanD. alataand is usually spiny.LikeD. alatait was introduced toMadagascarand theComorosby Austronesians, where it spread to theEast Africancoast.They are also a dominant crop inNear Oceania, However, it did not reach to the furthest islands in Polynesia, being absent inHawaiiandNew Zealand.
Starch grains identified to be from the lesser yam have been recovered from archaeological sites of theLapita cultureinViti Levu,Fiji, dated to around 3,050 to 2,500cal BP.Traces ofD. esculenta(along withD. alata,D. bulbifera,D. nummulariaandD. pentaphylla) yams have also been identified from the Mé Auré Cave site inMoindou,New Caledonia, dated to around 2,700 to 1,800BP.Remains ofD. esculentahave also been recovered from archaeological sites inGuam, dated to around 1031CE.D. esculentais believed to have been introduced by the Lapita culture into New Guinea at around 4,000BP, along with agricultural innovations likewet cultivationas well asswiddenfarming.In archaeological sites in New Guinea, it is associated with the appearance of high-density populations in the coastal areas.
Terms for lesser yam in Austronesian languages are mostly affixed or two-word forms derived from the*qubiroot forD. alata, likeSamoanufi lei,Sundaneseubi aung,Malayubi torak, andJavaneseubi gemblii. A term for lesser yam can be reconstructed inProto-Philippineas*tugiq, but its cognates are limited to the island ofLuzon, includingIvatantogi;IlocanoandKankana-eytugí;BontocandIfugaotugi; andTagalogtugiʻ.NoProto-Oceanicterm can be reconstructed for the lesser yam because it is absent inRemote Oceania. However, it can be reconstructed in Proto-Western-Oceanic as*kamisa,*qamisa, or*mamisa.
The intoxicating yam (Dioscorea hispida), is native to tropical Asia and New Guinea. It is only cultivated minimally in parts ofJava. Elsewhere it is harvested from the wild. LikeD. bulbiferait has toxic tubers that need to be prepared correctly before they can be eaten, and thus were only suitable forfamine food.However, it is one of theDioscoreaspecies identified from theNiah Cavesarchaeological site dating to <40,000BP.Its names can be reconstructed to Proto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian*gaduŋ. Its modern cognates in mostWestern Malayo-Polynesianlanguages isgadungorgadong(alsoubi gadungorubi gadong). The names are also applied to the similarly toxic introducedcassava.
Ficusis a genus of about 850 species of woody trees, shrubs, vines, epiphytes and hemiepiphytes of the familyMoraceae, which are collectively known asfig treesorfigs. These plants are native to the tropics, with some species extending into the semi-warm temperate zone. Despite not being a genus exclusive to the Austronesian regions, several species such asficus dammaropsis,ficus fistulosa,ficus hispida,ficus nota,ficus pseudopalma,ficus septica,ficus variegata,ficus aspera,ficus fraseri,ficus tinctoria,ficus ulmifolia,ficus wassa,ficus mutabilis,ficus deltoidea,ficus notaandficus pseudopalmaare endemic to these regions, and played an important role in Austronesian cultures.
Ficus aspera, also known asmosaic fig, is a plant native to Vanuatu, in the South Pacific region. The fruits of this plant are cauliflowerous (fruits that form from their main stems or woody trunks instead of new shoots). The mosaic fig is used as an ornamental plant.
Ficus dammaropsis, known askapiakinTok pisin, is a tropical fig with huge 60 cm pleated leaves native to the highlands and highland fringe ofNew Guinea. Its fruit is edible, but it is rarely eaten except as an emergency food. When consumed, the young leaves are pickled or boiled and eaten as a salad with pork.
Ficus fraseru, also known aswhite sandpaper figandbright sandpaper figis one of several species of figs known aspaper figs' sandpaper. This fig is native to New South Wales, Queensland, and NorthernNew CaledoniaandVanuatu. This fig grows as a bush or as a tree, with a height that varies between 6 and 15 meters. Its leaves are 6 to 14 cm long and 2.5 to 6.5 cm wide on petioles 1 to 2 cm long. The rounded figs are 1 to 1.5 cm long and start out yellow, maturing to orange-red between May and February in the species' native range. These are edible but tasteless.Although rarely seen in cultivation, it is a fast growing ornamental species. It can be easily propagated from seeds.
Ficus nota, is a species of flowering plant known astibig, found near water at low altitudes. The tibig is native to the Philippines. They are also found in parts of northern Borneo, in Malaysia. The tree can grow up to 9 meters high.
The fruits are also edible for humans, although they are quite tasteless. They are usually eaten with sugar and cream in the Philippines. The raw leaves are also eaten as a vegetable.
Ficus pseudopalma, is a species of fig commonly known asPhilippine fig,Philippine fig,dracaena figorpalm leaf fig'. This is an endemic species ofPhilippines, especially the island ofLuzon.
This is a bush that grows erect with a bare, branchless stem topped with a clump of leaves that give it the appearance of a palm tree (hence the termpseudopalmain its name, meaning "false palm"). The fruit is a dark green fig that grows in pairs, each fruit just over an inch long.
In Luzon, this plant is found in grassland and forest habitats, where it is considered common. The shoots of this plant are consumed as a type of vegetable, and there are several traditional uses; among these is its use as a remedy forkidney stones, which is obtained from the leaves. In theBicolregion, the plant is known asLubi-lubi, and the ojas are cooked in coconut milk. This shrub has also been used as a landscaping plant inHawaii, but it never escaped cultivation or became established in the wild, because the wasp species that pollinates it never reached the islands.
Ficus tinctoria, also known ascoloring figorhunchback fig, is a tree belonging to one of the species known asstrangler figs. This is found in Malaysia, northern Australia and the islands of the South Pacific.
Palms are favorable host species. The root systems of the coloring fig can join to be self-supporting, but the epiphyte usually drops if the host tree dies or rots.
The small rust-brown fruit of the dye fig is the source of a red dye used in traditional fabric making in parts of Oceania and Indonesia. The fruit is also edible and an important food source in the low-lying atolls of Micronesia and Polynesia.
Ficus variegata, is a species of tropical fig found in various parts of Asia, Pacific islands and southeastern Australia. There are several names for this species, such ascommon red-stemmed fig,green-fruited figandvariegated fig.
Noni (Morinda citrifolia) is native toSoutheast Asiaextending toNew Guineaand northernAustralia. It grows readily in beach and rocky environments. It has been introduced widely into the Pacific. All parts of the plant were used by Austronesians for traditional medicine and timber, but its most common traditional use is for the extraction of red or yellow dyes. The odor of the plant and the fruit was also traditionally believed to repel evil spirits. The fruit is also edible, but is usually only eaten asfamine food.
There are several terms for noni that can be reconstructed. The most widespread isProto-Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian*ñəñu. Cognates includeKapampanganlino;TagalogandBikolníno;Cebuanoninú;Gedagednanomornonom;Takianom;Bimanesenonu;Tetunnenu-k;LetiandAsilulunenu;Leti (Moa)nienu;Wetanneni. It becameProto-Oceanic*ñoñu, with cognates includingNalinon;LeiponandWogeoñoñ;Bipiñoy;GituaandRarotongannono;Gilbertesenon;Motu,Tongan,Niue,Futunan,Samoan,Tuvaluan,Kapingamarangi,Nukuoro, andAnutanonu; andHawaiiannoni(from which the English name is derived from). In some languages the meaning has shifted to mean "small tree" or "shrub" or to the closely relatedMorinda umbellataandMorinda bracteata.
InWestern Malayo-Polynesian, another term that can be reconstructed is Proto-Western Malayo-Polynesian*baŋkudu, which may have referred to a different species ofMorindaoriginally. Its cognates includingTagalogandCebuanobangkúro;Agutaynenbangkoro;Tausug,Toba Batak, andBalinesebangkudu;Sundanesecangkudu;Sasakbengkudu;Mongondowbongkudu;andMalaymengkudu.
There are also smaller cognate sets, likeProto-Philippine*apatutfor the tree and Proto-Oceanic*guratand*kuratfor the red dye produced from the tree.
The earliest domestication ofbananas(Musaspp.) were initially from naturally occurringparthenocarpic(seedless) individuals ofMusa acuminata banksiiinNew Guinea, before the arrival of Austronesian-speakers. Numerousphytolithsof bananas have been recovered from theKuk Swamparchaeological site and dated to around 10,000 to 6,500BP. From New Guinea, cultivated bananas spread westward intoIsland Southeast Asiathrough proximity (not migrations). Theyhybridizedwith other (possibly independently domesticated)subspeciesofMusa acuminataas well asMusa balbisianain thePhilippines, northern New Guinea, and possiblyHalmahera. These hybridization events produced thetriploidcultivars of bananascommonly grown today. From Island Southeast Asia, they became part of the staple crops ofAustronesian peoplesand were spread during their voyages andancient maritime trading routesintoOceania,East Africa,South Asia, andIndochina.
These ancient introductions resulted in the banana subgroup now known as the"true" plantains, which include theEast African Highland bananasand thePacific plantains(theIholenaandMaoli-Popo'ulusubgroups). East African Highland bananas originated from banana populations introduced toMadagascarprobably from the region betweenJava,Borneo, andNew Guinea; while Pacific plantains were introduced to the Pacific Islands from either eastern New Guinea or theBismarck Archipelago.
A second wave of introductions later spread bananas to other parts oftropical Asia, particularlyIndochinaand theIndian Subcontinent.
Abacá(Musa textilis), also known as Manila Hemp, is grown traditionally for itsfiberin thePhilippines. It was once one of the world's premier fibers, valued for its use in soft, lustrous, and silky fabrics. It was a major luxury export of the Philippines during theColonial Era, and was introduced toHawaiiandCentral Americaby Europeans. It has since been replaced by synthetic fibers likerayonandnylon.
Fe'i bananas(Musa×troglodytarum), also spelled Fehi or Féi, are banana cultivars unique toMelanesia, theMaluku Islands, andPolynesia. Unlike other domesticated banana cultivars which are derived fromMusa acuminataandMusa balbisiana, fe'i bananas are believed to behybridsderived from entirely different species. Proposed progenitors of fe'i bananas includeMusa jackeyi,Musa lolodensis,Musa maclayi, andMusa peekelii, all of which are native toNew Guineaand surrounding islands. Like other bananas, they were spread eastwards to Polynesia for use as food. However, they are absent in Island Southeast Asia, reaching only as far as the Maluku Islands.
The earliest evidence of use ofnutmeg(Myristica fragrans) comes in the form of 3,500-year-oldpotsherdresidues from the island of Pulau Ai, one of theBanda Islandsin eastern Indonesia.The Banda Islands consist of eleven small volcanic islands, and are part of the largerMaluku Islandsgroup. These islands were the only source of nutmeg and mace production until the mid-19th century.It was one of the spices traded over theAustronesian maritimespice tradenetwork since at least 1500 BCE.
In the sixth century AD, nutmeg use spread to India, then further west toConstantinople.By the 13th century, Arab traders had pinpointed the origin of nutmeg to the Banda Islands, but kept this location a secret from European traders.
Rice (Oryza sativa) is one of the most ancient Austronesian staples, and is likely to have been originally domesticated by their ancestors long before theAustronesian expansion. It remains the main crop plant cultivated in Island Southeast Asia.
There are two most likely centers of domestication for rice as well as the development of thewetland agriculturetechnology. The first, and most likely, is in the lowerYangtze River, believed to be the homelands of earlyAustronesian speakersand associated with theKauhuqiao,Hemudu,Majiabang, andSongzecultures. It is characterized by typical Austronesian innovations, including stilt houses, jade carving, and boat technologies. Their diet were also supplemented byacorns,water chestnuts,foxnuts, andpigdomestication.
The second is in the middle Yangtze River, believed to be the homelands of the earlyHmong-Mien-speakers and associated with thePengtoushanandDaxicultures. Both of these regions were heavily populated and had regular trade contacts with each other, as well as with earlyAustroasiaticspeakers to the west, and earlyKra-Daispeakers to the south, facilitating the spread of rice cultivation throughout southern China.
The spread ofjaponicaricecultivation to Southeast Asia started with the migrations of theAustronesianDapenkeng cultureintoTaiwanbetween 5,500 and 4,000BP. The Nanguanli site in Taiwan, dated to ca. 4,800 BP, has yielded numerous carbonized remains of both rice and millet in waterlogged conditions, indicating intensive wetland rice cultivation and dryland millet cultivation.
From about 4,000 to 2,500 BP, theAustronesian expansionbegan, with settlers from Taiwan moving south to colonizeLuzonin thePhilippines, bringing rice cultivation technologies with them. From Luzon, Austronesians rapidly colonized the rest ofIsland Southeast Asia, moving westwards toBorneo, theMalay PeninsulaandSumatra; and southwards toSulawesiandJava. By 2,500 BP, there is evidence of intensive wetland rice agriculture already established in Java andBali, especially near very fertile volcanic islands.
However, rice (as well as dogs and pigs) did not survive the first Austronesian voyages intoMicronesiadue to the sheer distance of ocean they were crossing. These voyagers became the ancestors of theLapita culture. By the time they migrated southwards to theBismarck Archipelago, they had already lost the technology of rice farming, as well as pigs and dogs. However, knowledge of rice cultivation is still evident in the way they adapted thewetland agriculturetechniques to taro cultivation. The Lapita culture in Bismarck reestablished trade connections with other Austronesian branches in Island Southeast Asia.
The Lapita culture also came into contact with the non-Austronesian (Papuan) early agriculturists ofNew Guineaand introduced wetland farming techniques to them. In turn, they assimilated their range of indigenous cultivated fruits and tubers, as well as reacquiring domesticated dogs and pigs, before spreading further eastward toIsland MelanesiaandPolynesia.
Rice, along with other Southeast Asian food plants, were also later introduced toMadagascar, theComoros, and the coast ofEast Africaby around the 1st millennium CE by Austronesian sailors from theGreater Sunda Islands.
Much later Austronesian voyages from Island Southeast Asia succeeded in bringing rice toGuamduring theLatte Period(1,100 to 300BP). Guam is the only island in Oceania where rice was grown in pre-colonial times.
Pandanus (Pandanusspp.) are very important cultivated plants in the Pacific, second only in importance and pervasiveness to coconuts. Every part of the plant is utilized, including for food, building materials, traditional medicine, and fiber and weaving materials in various cultures inAustronesia. The plants (particularly the fragrant flowers) also had spiritual significance among the nativeanimistAustronesian religions.
Pandanus were also profoundly crucial in enabling theAustronesian expansion. Their leaves were traditionally woven into mats used in thesailsfor Austronesianoutrigger ships. Sails allowed Austronesians to embark on long-distance voyaging. In some cases, however, they were one-way voyages. The failure of pandanus to establish populations inEaster IslandandNew Zealandis believed to have isolated their settlements from the rest of Polynesia.
The word for pandanus inAustronesian languagesis derived fromProto-Austronesian*paŋudaN, which becameProto-Oceanic*padranandProto-Polynesian*fara, the latter two usually referring specifically toPandanus tectorius.Cognatesin modern Austronesian languages includeKanakanavupangətanə;ThaoandBununpanadan;Tagalogpandan;Chamorropahong;Ratahanpondang;Malaypandan(from which the English name is derived from);Manggaraipandang;Malagasyfandrana;Laufada-da;Fijianvadra;Samoanfala;Tonganfā;Tahitianfara;Hawaiianhala; andMāoriwharaorhara. Note that among theFormosan languagesofIndigenous Taiwanese, the meaning of the words have largely shifted to mean "pineapple", a physically similar non-nativeEuropean-introducedplant. In Māori, as well, the meaning has shifted toAsteliaspp. andPhormium tenax(harakeke), similar plants used for weaving, since pandanus did not survive the voyage into New Zealand.
Pandanus grow well in island habitats, being very salt-tolerant and easy to propagate, making them ideal plants for early Austronesian sailors. Like coconuts, they grow predominantly alongstrandlines,mangrove forests, and othercoastal ecosystems. They can also be found in theunderstoryof forests in larger islands. Others may also be found in highland groves, likely planted by humans. Both pandanus and coconuts are adapted to withstand the strong winds of the frequenttyphoonsof the Indo-Pacific. The greatest center of diversity ofPandanusis thewestern Pacificand Island Southeast Asia. Thegenushas around 600species, but the most important and the most widespread group of species in Austronesian cultures and is thePandanus tectoriuscomplex.
Pandanus tectoriusin Oceania show evidence of long cultivations, with hundreds of differentselectively bredcultivars which are primarily propagatedthrough cuttings. These varieties often have different names in local languages and have different physical characteristics. The varieties are predominantly distinguished by the color and edibility of their fruit, but they may also be differentiated based on other criteria like the color and shape of their leaves used for weaving.
Very old fossils ofPandanus tectoriushave been recovered from Hawaii, dated to more than 1.2 million years old. This indicates that the plants once colonized Hawaii (and likely the rest of the Pacific islands) naturally through their buoyant fruits. However, useful domesticated varieties were carried by Austronesians from island to island. Especially since wild pandanus havecalcium oxalatecrystals (raphides) in their fruit tissue. They cause itchiness and irritation when eaten raw and thus need to be cooked. Domesticated varieties which have less raphides (which are also usually less fibrous and more nutritious), were therefore valued . It is thus considered both native and introduced.There are also fossil evidence of pandanus fruits being harvested for food inNew Guineafrom archaeological sites dated to around 34,000 to 36,000BP.
Other important species of pandanus utilized by Austronesians includePandanus amaryllifolius,Pandanus odorifer,Pandanus furcatus,Pandanus julianettii,Pandanus simplex,Pandanus utilis,Pandanus dubius, andPandanus whitmeeanus, among many others.Pandanus odoriferis widespread in the region from western Micronesia, to Island Southeast Asia and South Asia. It is possibly asubspeciesofPandanus tectoriusand they hybridize readily.Pandanus amaryllifolius, the pandan, is another important species widely used as a spice in thecuisines of Southeast Asiafor theirvanilla-like fragrant leaves.
Peppers (Piper) ancestrally cultivated by Austronesians include the betel (Piper betle), cubeb pepper (Piper cubeba), kava (Piper methysticum), and the Javanese long pepper (Piper retrofractum). Many others were also harvested from the wild for medicinal or religious purposes, includingPiper caducibracteum,Piper excelsum,Piper ornatum, andPiper sarmentosum.Black pepper (Piper nigrum) and long pepper (Piper longum) were also extensively cultivated in Island Southeast Asia after early contact by Austronesian traders withSouth IndiaandSri Lanka.
The betel (Piper betle) is one of the two plants that comprise the main ingredients ofbetel chewing, the other being the areca nut (Areca catechu). It is one of the most ubiquitous practices of the Austronesians. It is consumed by taking a leaf of betel, wrapping it around an areca nut and somelime(obtained from grinding seashells), and then chewing it for some time. It is astimulant, inducing slight dizziness followed byeuphoriaand alertness. It is also highly addictive, damages the teeth and gums, and stains the teeth red.
Based on archaeological, linguistic, and botanical evidence, betel chewing is most strongly associated with Austronesian cultures, despite its widespread adoption by neighboring cultures in prehistoric and historic times. The original range of betel is unknown, butAreca catechuis known to be originally native to thePhilippines, where it has the greatest morphological diversity as well as the most number of closely relatedendemicspecies. It is unknown when the two were combined, as areca nut alone can be chewed for its narcotic properties.In easternIndonesia, however, leaves from the wildPiper caducibracteum(known assirih hutan) are also harvested and used in place of betel leaves.
The oldest unequivocal evidence of betel chewing is from thePhilippines. Specifically that of several individuals found in a burial pit in theDuyong Cavesite ofPalawanisland dated to around 4,630±250BP. The dentition of the skeletons are stained, typical of betel chewers. The grave also includesAnadarashells used as containers of lime, one of which still contained lime. Burial sites inBoholdated to the first millennium CE also show the distinctive reddish stains characteristic of betel chewing. Based on linguistic evidence of how the reconstructedProto-Austronesianterm*buaqoriginally meaning "fruit" came to refer to "areca nut" inProto-Malayo-Polynesian, it is believed that betel chewing originally developed somewhere within the Philippines shortly after the beginning of theAustronesian expansion(~5,000BP). From the Philippines, it spread back toTaiwan, as well as onwards to the rest ofAustronesia.
It reachedMicronesiaat around 3,500 to 3,000BPwith the Austronesian voyagers, based on both linguistic and archaeological evidence.It was also previously present in theLapita culture, based on archaeological remains fromMussaudated to around 3,600 to 2,500BP. But it did not reachPolynesiafurther east. It is believed that it stopped in theSolomon Islandsdue to the replacement of betel chewing with the tradition ofkavadrinking prepared from the relatedPiper methysticum.It was also diffused intoEast Africavia the Austronesian settlement ofMadagascarand theComorosby around the 7th century.
The practice also diffused to the cultures the Austronesians had historical contact with. It reachedSouth Asiaby 3,500BP, through early contact of Austronesian traders fromSumatra,Java, and theMalay Peninsulawith theDravidian-speakersofSri Lankaand southern India. This also coincides with the introduction of Southeast Asian plants likeSantalum albumandCocos nucifera, as well as the adoption of the Austronesianoutrigger shipandcrab-claw sailtechnologies by Dravidian-speakers. ItMainland Southeast Asiaby 3,000 to 2,500BPthrough trade withBorneo, as well as the settlement of theChampapolities in southern Vietnam. From there, it was spread northwards intoChina. Lastly, it reachedNorthern Indiaby 500BPthrough trade in theBay of Bengal. From there it was spread westwards intoPersiaand theMediterranean.
There are very old claims of betel chewing dating to at least 13,000BPat theKuk Swampsite inNew Guinea, based on probableArecasp. recovered. However, it is now known that these might have been due to modern contamination of sample materials. Similar claims have also been made at other older sites withArecasp. remains, but none can be conclusively identified asA. carechuand their association with betel peppers is tenuous or nonexistent.
There are numerous cognate sets reconstructible in Austronesian languages relating to various aspects of betel chewing. Ranging from chewing something without swallowing to equipment used to climb areca nut palms to the betel spittle. One cognate set that can be reconstructed for betel pepper isProto-Western Malayo-Polynesian*Rawedwhich becameProto-Philippine*gawed, with cognates includingYamigaod,Itbayatengawed;Ilocanogawéd;Isnegkhawád;Casiguran Dumagatgawə́d; andIbaloykawed;Balangawlawɨ'd;Kalaganlawód; andKenyahauatorawet.
Two other cognate sets reached into Oceania. The first is Proto-Malayo-Polynesian*pu-pulu, which became Proto-Oceanic*[pu-]pulu. Cognates includeMussauulo;Loniupun;Bipipunorpuepun;Lukepul;Takiaful;Gedagedfu;Manamulusalaga; andBugotuvu-vulu. The other is Proto-Meso-Melanesian*siqa(r,R)(a), with cognates includingKaraandLihirsie;Tabarsia;Patpatarsier;Tolaiier;Nehanhiara;Petatssil;Teophia(kuru);Tinputz(ta)sian;Banonisiɣana; andMarovohirata.
The cubeb pepper (Piper cubeba) are native toIsland Southeast Asia. LikePiper retrofractum, however, it was only cultivated extensively in theGreater Sunda Islandsfor thespice trade. The Javanese protected the monopoly of the trade by sterilizing the seeds before trading them. It has a pungent smell, often compared toallspice, quite unlike that of the other culinary peppers. It also has a slightly bitter taste. It is notable as having reached as far as Greece during ancient times via theSilk Road. It was a valuable rare spice inMedieval Europeand theMiddle East, reputed to have medicinal and magical properties. Medieval Arab physicians commonly used it for a range of treatments, ranging from treating infertility to poison antidotes. It is mentioned inThe Book of One Thousand and One Nightsas well as in the travelogues ofMarco Polo. Its trade waned during the Colonial Era when thePortuguese Empirebanned its importation to promote the black pepper produced by its own colonies.
Kawakawa (Piper excelsum) is a small tree or shrubendemictoNew Zealandand nearbyNorfolk IslandandLord Howe Island. It was exploited by Austronesian settlers based on previous knowledge of the kava, as the latter could not survive in the colder climates of New Zealand. TheMāoriname for the plant,kawakawa, is derived from the sameetymonas kava, butreduplicated. It is a sacred tree among theMāori people. It is seen as a symbol of death, corresponding to the rangiora (Brachyglottis repanda) which is the symbol of life. Boughs of kawakawa are often used in purification rituals.
However, kawakawa's resemblance to true kava is only superficial. Kawakawa roots do not have psychoactive properties. Instead, kawakawa's primary use is for traditional medicine.
Kava (Piper methysticum) is a small tree or shrub believed to have been domesticated in eitherNew GuineaorVanuatubyPapuans. It is believed to be a domesticated variety ofPiper subbullatumwhich is native toNew Guineaand thePhilippines.
It was spread by Austronesians after contact into the rest ofPolynesia. It is endemic toOceaniaand is not found in other Austronesian groups. Kava has great cultural and religious significance among Polynesians. The roots are pounded and mixed with water then strained through fibers. The resulting cloudy gray liquid is bitter with mildlypsychoactiveandnarcoticproperties, with a common effect being numbness around the lips and mouth. However, it is not hallucinogenic nor addictive. The potency of the root depends on the age of the plants. The leaves and roots can also be chewed directly resulting in a numbing effect and relaxation. It is traditionally consumed both in everyday social interactions and in religious rituals. Kava reached Hawaii, but it is absent inNew Zealandwhere it can not grow.
Consumption of kava is also believed to be the reason whybetel chewing, ubiquitous elsewhere, was lost for Austronesians in Oceania.
According to Lynch (2002), the reconstructedProto-Polynesianterm for the plant,*kava, was derived from theProto-Oceanicterm*kawaRiin the sense of a "bitter root" or "potent root [used as fish poison]". It originally referred toZingiber zerumbet, which was used to make a similar mildly psychoactive bitter drink in Austronesian rituals. Cognates for*kavaincludePohnpeiansa-kau;Tongan,Niue,Rapa Nui,Tuamotuan, andRarotongankava;SamoanandMarquesanʻava; andHawaiianʻawa. In some languages, most notablyMāorikawa, the cognates have come to mean "bitter", "sour", or "acrid" to the taste.
In theCook Islands, the reduplicated forms ofkawakawaorkavakavaare also applied to the unrelated members of the genusPittosporum. And in other languages like inFutunan, compound terms likekavakava atuarefer to other species belonging to the genusPiper. Thereduplicationof the base form is indicative of falsehood or likeness, in the sense of "false kava".
The Javanese long pepper (Piper retrofractum) is native toIsland Southeast Asiafrom thePhilippinestoSumatra. Its northern range also extends to southern China, mainland Southeast Asia, Taiwan, and theRyukyu Islands. However it was historically only cultivated in any great extent in the islands ofJavaandBali, and surrounding islands, for thespice trade. Elsewhere it is mostly grown informally in the backyards of houses. It is very similar to the Indian long pepper (Piper longum) and is used in the same way in Southeast Asian cuisine.
There are two centers of domestication forsugarcane(Saccharumspp.): one forSaccharum officinarumbyPapuansinNew Guineaand another forSaccharum sinensebyAustronesiansinTaiwanand southernChina. Papuans and Austronesians originally primarily used sugarcane as food for domesticated pigs. The spread of bothS. officinarumandS. sinenseis closely linked to the migrations of the Austronesian peoples.
Saccharum officinarumwas first domesticated inNew Guineaand the islands east of theWallace LinebyPapuans, where it is the modern center of diversity. Beginning at around 6,000BPthey wereselectively bredfrom the nativeSaccharum robustum. From New Guinea it spread westwards toIsland Southeast Asiaafter contact with Austronesians, where it hybridized withSaccharum spontaneum.
The second domestication center is mainland southern China and Taiwan whereS. sinense(though other authors identify it asS. spontaneum) was one of the original major crops of theAustronesian peoplesfrom at least 5,500BP. Introduction of the sweeterS. officinarummay have gradually replaced it throughout its cultivated range in Island Southeast Asia.From Island Southeast Asia,S. officinarumwas spread eastward intoPolynesiaandMicronesiaby Austronesian voyagers as a canoe plant by around 3,500BP. It was also spread westward and northward by around 3,000BPto China and India by Austronesian traders, where it further hybridized withSaccharum sinenseandSaccharum barberi. From there it spread further into westernEurasiaand theMediterranean.
The reconstructed word for "sugarcane" inProto-Austronesianis*CəbuSor*təbuS, which becameProto-Malayo-Polynesian*təbuh,Proto-Oceanic*topu, andProto-Polynesian*to.ModerncognatesincludeHoanyaandBununsibus;Rukaicobosəortibóso;Tagalogtubó;Chamorrotupu;Murik Kayantebu;Malaytebu;Old Sundaneseteuwu;Modern Sundanesetiwu;Ansustobu;Malmarivtov;Fijiandovu;Mele-FilaandTakuutoro;Samoantolo;Tagularo;Pohnpeiancheu;Tahitianto;Pukapukan,Rarotongan, andTongantō;Hawaiiankō; andRapa Nuitoorta.InMalagasy, however, the word for "sugarcane" isfary, which is instead derived from Proto-Austronesian*pajey, meaning "rice".
Santalum albumis originally native to dry areas inIndonesia(Javaand theLesser Sunda Islands), thePhilippines, andWestern Australia, where it is found with closecongeners.It was introduced very early (c.1500 BCE) intoDravidianregions ofSouth Asiavia theAustronesian maritimespice trade, along with other Austronesian domesticates likeareca nutandcoconuts. It first appears in archaeological records in South Asia in the southernDeccanby 1300 BCE. It became naturalized in these regions where dry sandy soils are common.
Several species ofSolanumhave been utilised as food and medicine by the Austronesian people. Species cultivated include Kangaroo apple (Solanum aviculare), poroporo (Solanum laciniatum), Indian nightshade (Solanum lasiocarpum), pacific tomato (Solanum repandum) and cannibal tomato (Solanum viride); almost all of their vernacular names consist of slight variations on the nameporoorpolo.
Trees in the genusSyzygiumcontain some of the most important fruit trees among Austronesian peoples. Species cultivated or harvested for their edible fruit include the Java plum (Syzygium cumini), jambos (Syzygium jambos), lubeg (Syzygium lineatum), swamp maire (Syzygium maire), mountain apple (Syzygium malaccense), lipote (Syzygium polycephaloides), and the Java apple (Syzygium samarangense), among others. Two species are also important sources of spice: the clove tree (Syzygium aromaticum) and Indonesian bay leaf (Syzygium polyanthum).
Until thecolonial era,clovesonly grew on a few islands in theMoluccas(historically called theSpice Islands), includingBacan,Makian,Moti,Ternate, andTidore.One clove tree namedAfothat experts believe is the oldest in the world onTernatemay be 350–400 years old.
Cloves were first traded by theAustronesian peoplesin theAustronesian maritime trade network(which began around 1500 BC, later becoming theMaritime Silk Roadand part of theSpice Trade). The first notable example of modern clove farming developed on the east coast ofMadagascar, and is cultivated in three separate ways, amonoculture, agricultural parklands, andagroforestrysystems.
The mountain apple (Syzygium malaccense) along with the closely related species like the water apple (Syzygium aqueum) and the Java apple (Syzygium samarangense), are native throughoutIsland Southeast Asiaand were cultivated since prehistory. They were all carried by Austronesians into the Pacific and planted deliberately.
They were valued primarily for their abundant edible fruits. It is also used for timber (usually for building houses) and parts of the trees are used in traditional medicine. The attractive flowers are also worn as personal hair adornments and in makingleis. They were primarily propagated through cuttings by Melanesians and Polynesians. The groves of mountain apples found in the Pacific are often remnants of ancient plantings, as the seeds of the fruits are too large to be dispersed by the native birds. Related speciesendemicto the Pacific Islands were also utilized similarly, likeSyzygium corynocarpumandSyzygium neurocalyx.
There numerous names for mountain apples in Austronesian languages. In the Philippines, the terms can be reconstructed toProto-Philippine*makúpa, with cognates includingIlocano,Aklanon, andCebuanomakúpa; andTagalogandBikolmakópa.
In Oceania, there are several cognate sets reconstructible for mountain apples and related species. Four of which are*pokaq,*marisapa,*sakauand*cay, with limitedreflexesand may have originally referred to other species. The most widespread cognate set, however, can be reconstructed toProto-Oceanic*kapika. Its cognates includeMussaukaviu;Seimatahi,Loukeik; Maenge andNakanaigaiva;Tamikapig;Yabemàing;Motugavika;Bolakavika;Babatanakapika;Gelagaviga;Kwara'aeʻafiʻo;Paameseahie;Wayan,Niue,East Uvean, andBauankavika;Tonganfekika;Anutankapika;Marquesankehika;Mangarevankeʻika;Tahitianʻahiʻa;Hawaiianʻoohiaʻai;Rarotongankaʻika; andMāorikahika. In Māori, the names have shifted toMetrosideros fulgens, which have similar-looking flowers, as Malay apples did not survive intoNew Zealand.
Polynesian arrowroot (Tacca leontopetaloides) is another ancient Austronesian root crop closely related to yams. It is originally native to Island Southeast Asia. It was introduced throughout the entire range of the Austronesian expansion, includingMicronesia,Polynesia, andMadagascar. Polynesian arrowroot have been identified as among the cultivated crops inLapitasites inPalau, dating back to 3,000 to 2,000BP.It was also introduced toSri Lanka, southern India, and possibly also Australia through trade and contact.
Polynesian arrowroot was a minor staple among Austronesians. The roots are bitter if not prepared properly, thus it was only cultivated as a secondary crop to staples likeDioscorea alataandColocasia esculenta. Its importance increased for settlers in the Pacific Islands, where food plants were scarcer, and it was introduced to virtually all the inhabited islands. They were valued for their ability to grow in low islands andatolls, and were often the staple crops in islands with these conditions. In larger islands, they were usually allowed to grow feral and were useful only asfamine food. Several cultivars have been developed in Polynesia due to the thousands of years of artificial selection. The starch extracted from the root with traditional methods can last for a very long time, and thus can be stored or traded.The starch can be cooked in leaves to make starchy puddings.Due to the introduction of modern crops, it is rarely cultivated today.
The names for Polynesian arrowroot inAustronesian languagesreflect its secondary importance as a crop. They are often reassignments from names of other starch crops, rather than specifically being for Polynesian arrowroot. Usually, the names of Polynesian arrowroot are transferred from the names of the sago palms (Metroxylon sagu), giant swamp taros (Cyrtosperma merkusii), and fermented breadfruit (Artocarpus altilis).
Derivations from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian*sagu("sago palm"), includeChamorroandToba Bataksagu. Derivations from Proto-Polynesian*mā("fermented breadfruit"), includedTonganmāhoaʻa;Tokelauanmahoā;Anutanmaoa;East Futunanmāsoʻā;Samoanmāsoā; andTuvaluanmāsoa. Derivations from Proto-Polynesian*bulaka(giant swamp taro) includePatpatarandTolaipulaka. Derivations from Proto-Austronesian*biRaq(giant taro) includeÄiwoo(to)piya. And finally, derivations from Proto-OceanicRabia(sago) includeBauanyabia; andPileni,Rarotongan, andHawaiianpia.
Sea hibiscus (Talipariti tiliaceum) is a common tree in beaches in the tropicalIndo-Pacific. It is widely used by Austronesian peoples for timber and fiber. It has several subspecies, two of which areendemicto thePhilippinesandSulawesi, with the rest widespread throughout its range or native to large regions of Southeast Asia and the Pacific. The seeds remain viable for months after floating in the sea. However, no remains of beach hibiscus have been recovered from Polynesia prior to the Austronesian arrival, making it clear that they were introduced by Austronesian voyagers.
The wood is soft and not very durable, so it is mostly only used for products like carvings, spears, bowls, and bracelets. However, it is also resistant to saltwater and thus can be used to make small canoes and outriggers. The wood is also preferred forfire makingby friction. The fiber extracted from the bark is widely used to make cordage and forcaulking. The bark is also used in the production oftempehin Southeast Asia, andkavadrinks in Polynesia. The attractive flowers are commonly made intoleisin Hawaii.
The terms for beach hibiscus can be reconstructed toProto-Malayo-Polynesian*baRu, which becameProto-Oceanic*paRuand Proto-Micronesian*kili-fau. Modern cognates includeItbayatenvayu;Ilocanobagó;Kankana-eybágo;Chamorropagu;Tagalogbalibago;Cebuanomalabagoormaribago;Maranaobago;Ngaju Dayakbaro;Malagasybaroorvaro;Malaybaru;Javanese,Rembong, andKamberawaru;SangirandSoboyobahu;Makasarbaru;Eraihau;Letiparu;Paulohiharu;Buruesefahu;Gituaparu;Mailuwaru;Motavarorvaru;Syenauorvau;Anejomn-hau;Fijianvau;TonganandSamoanfau;Rotuman,Rennellese, andHawaiianhau; andMāoriwhau.
In addition, there are numerous terms relating to the use of sea hibiscus for cordage and fiber in various Austronesian languages which can be traced back to Proto-Malayo-Polynesian or Proto-Austronesian, like*Calis, "rope".
The Pacific rosewood (Thespesia populnea) is closely related tobeach hibiscus. They are similar in appearance and grow in the same habitats, thus they are commonly confused with each other. It is also used similarly among Austronesian cultures, being one of the main sources ofbast fibersfor the production of cordage and wood forAustronesianoutrigger shipsand carving. Pacific rosewood is native to theOld Worldtropics. Like beach hibiscus, the seeds remain viable for months after floating in the sea but no remains ofT. populneahave been recovered from Polynesia prior to the Austronesian expansion. Thus it is regarded as deliberate introductions by Austronesian settlers.
The trees were regarded as sacred inPolynesian culture, and were commonly planted inmaraesites along with trees likeFicus,Fagraea berteroana,Casuarina equisetifoliaandCalophyllum inophyllum.
The terms for Pacific rosewood can be reconstructed to Proto-Malayo-Polynesian*balu, with cognates includingItbayatenvalu;Malagasyválo;Simeuluefalu;Ngelavalu;Arosiharu; andLonwolwolbal.Another term which extends to Oceanic is Proto-Malayo-Polynesian*banaRuwith cognates includingHanunó'obanagu;Tolaibanar;Patpatarbanaro;Motavanau; andPohnpeianpana.
In Eastern Polynesia, most modern names can be reconstructed back to Proto-Eastern Oceanic*milo, with cognates includingTongan,Niue,Samoan, andHawaiianmilo;Rapa Nui,Tahitan,Tuamotuan, andMāorimiro; andMarquesanmiʻo. In some islands, the names have shifted to refer to trees that are used similarly, likePrumnopitys ferrugineainNew ZealandandSophora toromiroinEaster Island.
Gingers (familyZingiberaceae) were cultivated extensively by Austronesians for food, medicine, weaving materials, and for religious purposes. The most commonly cultivated species include the lengkuas (Alpinia galanga), fingerroot (Boesenbergia rotunda), turmeric (Curcuma longa), torch ginger (Etlingera elatior), and ginger (Zingiber officinale). Other species were also exploited at a smaller scale or harvested from the wild, including dwarf cardamom (Alpinia nutans), panasacardamom(Amomum acre), white turmeric (Curcuma zedoaria), jiddo (Hornstedtia scottiana), white ginger lily (Hedychium coronarium), and bitter ginger (Zingiber zerumbet).
The lengkuas (Alpinia galanga) is native to Southeast Asia. Its original center of cultivation during thespice tradewasJava, and today it is still cultivated extensively in Island Southeast Asia, most notably in theGreater Sunda Islandsand thePhilippines. It is valued for its use in food and for traditional medicine and is regarded as being superior to ginger. It has a pungent smell reminiscent of black pepper. The red and white cultivars are often used differently, with the red cultivars being primarily medicinal, and the white cultivars being primarily a spice.Lengkuas is also the source of the leaves used to makenanelamong theKavalan peopleofTaiwan, a rolled leaf instrument used as a traditional children's toy common among Austronesian cultures.
Lengkuas can be reconstructed to Proto-Western Malayo-Polynesian*laŋkuas, with cognates includingIlokanolangkuás;Tagalog,Bikol,Kapampangan,Visayan, andManobolangkáuasorlangkáwas;Aklanoneangkawás;Kadazan Dusunhongkuas;Ida'anlengkuas;Ngaju Dayaklangkuas;Ibanengkuas; andMalaylengkuas(from which the English name is derived from). Some of the names have become generalized and are also applied to other species ofAlpiniaas well as forCurcuma zedoaria.
There is strong evidence that turmeric (Curcuma longa) as well as the related white turmeric (Curcuma zedoaria) were independently domesticated byAustronesians. Turmeric has a very widespread distribution and names that pre-date contact with India, being found among all Austronesian regions with the exception of Taiwan. However, it was seemingly originally domesticated for the production ofdyes, eventually contributing to the words for "yellow" and "red" in variousAustronesian languages.
The plant is important in the Philippines and Indonesia as a traditionaldyefor clothing andfood coloring. It was particularly valued for coloring food offerings to spirits as well asbody paintingin religious rituals or social ceremonies. It is also used as a spice, as medicine and as food. Similar uses are also found in the other islands settled by Austronesians, includingMadagascarand theComorosin East Africa. InMicronesia, it was a valuable trade item acquired fromYap. InPolynesiaandMelanesia, they are primarily used as body paint in rituals or as a cosmetic. The latter regions have been isolated for centuries from the rest of Island Southeast Asia prior to European contact.
There are two maincognatesets forC. longaandC. zedoaria(both of which produce yellow dye) in Austronesian languages. The first is reconstructed asProto-Malayo-Polynesian*kunijwhich originally referred to turmeric. Its cognates includeIlocano,Kankana-ey, andIsnegkúnig;Bontockúnəg;Ifugaoūnig;Casiguran Dumagatkuneg;IbanandMalaykunyit;Toba Batakhunik;Javanesekunir;SangirandTae'kuniʻ;Umakuni;Rembongkunis;Ngadhawuné; andManggaraiwunis. InMalagasyandBetsimisaraka, the cognateshónitraandhúnitrahave shifted meaning to a different plant used to make red dye. Other cognates like Ilocanokimmúnig; Umamo-kuni, and Tae'pakuniranall mean "yellow" or "to dye something yellow".
The other cognate set is derived from reconstructedProto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian*temu, and originally meantC. zedoariawhich was used primarily as a spice. It also sometimes shifted to ginger and other ginger-like plants used for cooking (rather than dye production). ItscognatesincludeKapampanganandBalinesetamu;Tagalogtámo;Visayantamangyan;Bukidnontamohilang;Bikoltamahilanortamaylan; Malay, Javanese, andSasaktemu;Makasaresetammu; andMalagasytamutamu. In other Austronesian languages in East Africa, however, the other cognates mean "yellow", includingComorian ShibushiandAntemorotamutamu; and Antambahoaka andAntankaranamanamutamu.
InProto-Oceanic, there are two main cognate sets derived from reconstructed*aŋoand*deŋ(w)a, both are unrelated to the Proto-Malayo-Polynesianetymons. The latter probably originally applied to the dye produced from turmeric, while the former referred originally to the plant itself. Cognates includeFijiancango; andTonganandRennelleseango. Cognates that mean "yellow" also exist in numerous other languages in Near Oceania.
Ginger (Zingiber officinale) is native to Island Southeast Asia and was probably originally domesticated by Austronesians. It is an ancient and ubiquitous crop among Austronesians, reaching all the way toRemote OceaniaandMadagascar.Aside from being used for cuisine, ginger appears to have significant religious and medicinal roles in early Austronesian cultures, based on theglossesit acquired. Ginger were chewed by shamans and spat out intermittently in rituals for healing, warding, and blessing ships.
InProto-Austronesian, the terms for ginger can be reconstructed to*dukduk. With cognates includingPazehdukuduk;Thaosuksuk;Tsoucucʻu; andSaaroasuusuku. This was replaced by*laqiain languages south of Taiwan.
The terms for ginger beyond Taiwan can be reconstructed toProto-Malayo-Polynesian*laqia, which becameProto-Oceanic*laqiaand Proto-Central Polynesian*laya. Cognates includeIlocano,Agta,Isneg,Itawis,Kankana-ey, andCasiguran Dumagatlayá;Bontoc,IfugaoandKapampanganláya;Batad Ifugaolāya;Tagalogluya;Bikolláʻya;Visayanluyʻa;Tbolileʻiye;Kadazan Dusunhazo;TombonuwoandAbai Sembuaklayo;Ida'an Begaklejo;Basap, Long AnapKenyah,Sangir, andTontemboanlia;Lun DayehandKelabitlieh;BerawanandMiriʼlejeh;Narumlejieh;Kenyah(Òma Lóngh)lezó;MurikandIbanliaʻ;KelaiandWahau Kenyahjeʻ;Segaialjoʻ;Modanglejao̯ʻ;Kiputlecih;Bintululeza;Ibanliaʻ;Dayakroiʻi;Jaraireya;Malayhalia;Tialoloía;Balaesangláia;Bare'eleʻia;Taelaiaorlaya;Makasareselaia;Munalonghia;Bimaneserea;Manggarai,Roti,Erai,Leti,Wetan. andLamaholotlia; andSikaandNgadhalea;KowiaiandKeileii. In Oceanic languages, cognates includeLouandKairirulei;Penchallai;AhusandKurtiliy;Drehetlip;Lindrowley;MussauandWuvulu,Nehamlaia;Tangalae;Lakalaila lahia;Gitualaea;Wedaunaia;'Āre'āreandArosiria;Sa'alie; andFijiancango laya.
Bitter ginger (Zingiber zerumbet) is native totropical AsiaandAustralasia. Like the ginger, was carried by Austronesian settlers all the way toRemote Oceaniaduring prehistoric times. Thus it is likely that it was originally domesticated by Austronesians. Remains of bitter ginger have also been identified from theKuk Swamparchaeological site in New Guinea at the Phase 1 layers dated to 10,220 to 9,910BP. However, whether they were cultivated or simply exploited from the wild is unknown.
Bitter ginger is primarily used for traditional medicine. It also has mildly psychoactive properties when consumed, and thus had ritual importance among early Austronesian cultures. According to Lynch (2002), terms for bitter ginger in the sense of "bitter root" or "potent root [used asfish poison]", reconstructed asProto-Oceanic*kawaRi, is believed to have been transferred to thekava(Piper methysticum), which has similar properties and is also bitter-tasting, when Austronesians of theLapita culturefirst encountered it among the indigenous non-Austronesian peoples in Melanesia.
Somereflexesof it still refer to bitter ginger, includingSissano(una)kaw;Gapapaiwakaware;Tikopia,Anutan, andWallisiankava-pui;Samoanʻava-pui;Tahitianava-puhi; andHawaiianʻawa-puhi.Other reflexes also refer to other members of the genusPiper, tofish poison, or as words to describe bitter, sour, or acrid flavors.
In non-Oceanic languages, terms for bitter ginger can be reconstructed to Proto-Western Malayo-Polynesian*lampuyaŋ, with cognates includingCebuanoandNgaju Dayaklampuyang;Javaneselempuyang; andMalaylempoyang.
Domesticated, semi-domesticated, and commensal animals carried by Austronesian voyagers include the following:
Water buffaloesare essential work animals in Austronesianpaddy fieldagriculture and were carried along with rice toIsland Southeast Asiafrom mainland Asia. Early introductions were specifically of the swamp-type water buffaloes (like thecarabao), although they are increasingly being replaced by river-type water buffaloes imported from South Asia in recent times.
The earliest remains of water buffaloes in Island Southeast Asia with signs of domestication comes from multiple fragmentary skeletal remains recovered from the upper layers of theNeolithicNagsabaran site, part of theLal-lo and Gattaran Shell Middens(~2200 BCE to 400 CE) of northernLuzon. Most of the remains consisted of skull fragments, almost all of which have cut marks indicating they were butchered. The remains are associated with red slipped pottery,spindle whorls, stoneadzes, andjadebracelets; which have strong affinities to similar artifacts from NeolithicAustronesianarcheological sites inTaiwan. Based on theradiocarbon dateof the layer in which the oldest fragments were found, water buffaloes were first introduced to the Philippines by at least 500 BCE.
TheEnglishterm "carabao" is borrowed from theSpanishwordcarabao, which is derived from EasternVisayan(likelyWaray)karabàw.CognatesincludeCebuanokábaw,Tagalogkalabáw,Kavalanqabaw,Minangkabaukabau,Malay/Indonesiankerbau, andJavanesekebo.TheseAustronesianterms appear to be loanwords from theAustroasiatic languagesand likely derives from a secondary pre-colonial introduction of water buffaloes intoIsland Southeast Asiavia westernIndonesia.
However, it is also clear thatAustronesiansalready had ancient terms for the carabao, reconstructed asProto-Austronesian*qaNuaŋ. Cognates includePaporaloan,Thaoqnuwan,Sirayaluang,Rukainwange,Ilocanonuang,Tagaloganwangoranowang,Kankanaeynuang,Isnegnuang,Itawisnwang,Bontocnuwang,Ifugaonuwang, andAklanonanwang. Cognates survive intoSulawesi, but the terms there apply to the relatedanoa. Similarly,Hanunó'oanwangalso refers to thetamarawofMindoro, rather than the carabao. These terms spread southwards from Taiwan, indicating that domesticated carabaos were carried partially into the Philippines during theAustronesian expansion, but didn't move further south into the rest ofIsland Southeast Asiauntil the second introduction fromMainland Southeast Asia. The reason for this is unknown.
Other native names for carabaos includedamulagin Tagalog,Bikol, andKapampangan;dueginPangasinan; andpagadinIvatan.
Bali cattlewere domesticated in Bali from the wildbantengaround 3500 BCE.
Dogs were primarily valued for their social functions in various Austronesian cultures, acting as companions and pets. They were also trained to be hunting or guard dogs. Ornaments made from dog fur, teeth, and bones are found in archaeological sites throughout Austronesia. These could be traded as commodities, along with dogpups. Dogs were also sometimes eaten, but this varies by culture, with most groups refusing to eat dogs, while in others they were apparently a main food source.
In 2020, an mDNA study of ancient dog fossils from theYellow RiverandYangtze Riverbasins of southern China showed that most of the ancient dogs fell within haplogroup A1b, as do the Australian dingoes and the pre-colonial dogs of the Pacific, but in low frequency in China today. The specimen from theTianluoshan archaeological site(Hemudu culture, pre-Austronesians),Zhejiangprovince dates to 7,000 YBP and isbasalto the entire lineage. The dogs belonging to this haplogroup were once widely distributed in southern China, then dispersed through Southeast Asia into New Guinea andOceania, but were replaced in China 2,000 YBP by dogs of other lineages.
The origins of the dog (Canis lupus familiaris) population inIsland Southeast Asia,Australia, andNew Guineaare contentious, with various authors proposing origins from eitherMainland Southeast Asia,Taiwan, or both at different times. These introduction events have been linked to the origin of the Australiandingoesand theNew Guinea singing dogs, both of which are clearly descended from domesticated dogs. The specifics of which population they are derived from, who introduced them, and whether they come from a common ancestor, however, still do not have a consensus.
Regardless, most authors agree that there were at least two introduction events. One arriving withPaleolithicmaritimehunter-gatherersby at least 10,000 to 5,000BP, and another arriving with laterNeolithicseafaring migrations of farming and tradingAustronesian peoples(via Taiwan) by at least by at least 5,000BP. The Neolithic dogs are differentiated from previous populations in having the ability to digest starch, indicating that they accompanied humans who cultivatedcereal crops.The Neolithic introductions are believed to have partially replaced the original introductions and became the ancestors of the modern village dogs of Southeast Asia.Austronesian dogs like theTaiwan dogwere deeply valued as hunting companions (particularly forwild boar).In thePhilippines, dog remains have been found buried near or beside human graves in archaeological sites.
The oldest archaeological remains of dogs in Island Southeast Asia and Oceania is a dog burial inTimorand dingo remains inAustralia, both of which are dated to around 3,500BP. The former are believed to have been part of the second wave and the latter from the first wave.
From Island Southeast Asia, they were carried by Austronesian voyagers intoNear Oceania.However, unlike inIsland Southeast Asia, dogs lost their economic importance as hunting animals among Austronesians that reached the smaller islands inMelanesiaandPolynesia, which had no populations ofwild boaror other large mammals that could be hunted. They became a competitor for limited food resources and thus were themselves eaten. The Austronesian domesticated dogs originally carried by theLapita Culturemigrations were eaten to extinction in many islands since ancient times.
Thus Austronesian dogs were "lost" during the early colonization of Near Oceania. This caused a marked discontinuity in the genes of domesticated dogs, as well as the terms for "dog", among Austronesians in the Pacific Islands andIsland Melanesia, in comparison to other Austronesian regions in Island Southeast Asia.
However, dogs were later reintroduced from neighboringPapuangroups and were subsequently carried eastward into Polynesia by post-Lapita Austronesian migrations, reaching as far asHawaiiandNew Zealand. Though these dogs were treated as food animals, rather than hunting companions.Genetic studies have confirmed this, showing thatPolynesian dogsare descended from the first wave of dog introductions and are not related to the dogs originating fromTaiwanand thePhilippines.Dogs were historically eaten inTahitiand other islands ofPolynesia, including Hawaiiat the time of first European contact.James Cook, when first visiting Tahiti in 1769, recorded in his journal, "few were there of us but what allow'd that a South Sea Dog was next to an English Lamb, one thing in their favour is that they live entirely upon Vegetables".Calvin Schwabe reported in 1979 that dog was widely eaten in Hawaii and considered to be of higher quality than pork or chicken. When Hawaiians first encountered early British and American explorers, they were at a loss to explain the visitors' attitudes about dog meat. The Hawaiians raised both dogs and pigs as pets and for food. They could not understand why their British and American visitors only found the pig suitable for consumption.This practice seems to have died out, along with the native Hawaiian breed of dog, the uniqueHawaiian Poi Dog, which was primarily used for this purpose.
On certain Pacific islands, dogs died out after original settlement or were never brought by the settlers in the first place, notably: theMariana Islands,Palau,Marshall Islands,Gilbert Islands,New Caledonia,Vanuatu,Tonga,Marquesas,Mangaiain theCook Islands,Rapa ItiinFrench Polynesia,Easter Island,Chatham Islands,andPitcairn Island(settled by theBountymutineers, who killed off their dogs in order to escape discovery by passing ships).
Dogs were not introduced to Madagascar by Austronesians. A genetic study by Ardalanet al.(2015) revealed that the dog population in Madagascar were all derived solely from African dog populations and did not come from Southeast Asian dog populations. This aberrant origin is also reflected in theMalagasy languages, where the terms for "dog" originate entirely from AfricanBantu languages.Given the inferred importance of dogs to Austronesian voyagers, the authors proposed that the Austronesian settlers in Madagascar may have initially brought dogs, but they either died or were used as food sources during the journey. Another possibility is that the limited initial number of Austronesian dogs may have simply resulted in their genes getting swamped by the influx of a far larger population of dogs from Africa.
Junglefowlwere one of the three main animals (along with domesticatedpigsanddogs) carried by earlyAustronesian peoplesfromIsland Southeast Asiain their voyages to the islands ofOceania.
Pigswere one of the three main animals (along with domesticatedchickensanddogs) carried by earlyAustronesian peoplesfromIsland Southeast Asiain their voyages to the islands ofOceania.
The following rodent species are common inmainland Southeast Asia, but are restricted to areas of wet rice cultivation in western Indonesia (SumatraandJava).
The following two rodents are native to South Asia and also present in western Indonesian rice fields, so their presence inIsland Southeast Asiacannot easily be explained by Austronesian expansions, but perhaps instead by theIndian Ocean trade.
Indigenous to northwestern India
This rat originated on the island ofFloresin Indonesia.Polynesians accidentally or deliberately introduced it to the islands they settled. This rat has been implicated in many of the extinctions of native birds and insects in the Pacific; these species had evolved in the absence of mammals and could not cope with predation by the rat.