Istro-Romanians

TheIstro-Romanians(Istro Romanian:rumeriorrumâri) are aRomanceethnic groupnative to or associated with theIstrian Peninsula. Historically, they inhabited vast parts of it, as well as the western side of theislandofKrkuntil 1875. However, due to several factors such as theindustrializationandmodernizationof Istria during thesocialistregime ofYugoslavia, many Istro-Romaniansemigratedto other places, be theyCroatiancities such asPulaandRijekaor places such asNew York City,TriesteandWestern Australia. The Istro-Romanians dwindled severely in number, being reduced to eightsettlementson the Croatian side of Istria in which they do not represent themajority.
It is known that the Istro-Romanians are actually not indigenous to Istria, since the differences between theIstro-Romanian languageand the nowextinctgeographicallycloseDalmatianare notable. In addition, they count several similarities with theTransylvanianRomaniansandTimok Vlachs, suggesting that the Istro-Romanians originate from the current areas west ofRomaniaorSerbia. Although it is not known exactly how and when, the Istro-Romanians settled in Istria, where they would remain forcenturiesuntil they began toassimilate. Even now, with severalassociationsand projects that aim to preserve theircultureand with the support of bothCroatianandRomaniangovernments, the Istro-Romanians are not officially recognized as anational minority.
Although it has become widely popular and is now used almost exclusively, the term "Istro-Romanian" is a somewhat controversialscientificinvention, which is not used by them to identify themselves. The Istro-Romanians prefer to use names derived from their nativevillages, which areJesenovik,Kostrčani,Letaj,Nova Vas,Šušnjevica,Zankovci, the Brdo area and the isolatedŽejane. Others also use "Vlach", but to refer to the entire Istro-Romanian population, the namesrumâriandrumeriare often employed. Theirlanguageis highly similar toRomanian, both being part of theEastern Romance languagesfamily alongsideAromanianandMegleno-Romanian, all descending fromProto-Romanian. However, Romania regards these ethnic groups as part of a "broad definition" of what a Romanian is, which is debatable and does not have a widely accepted view.
The Istro-Romanian culture hascostumes,dancesandsongswith many similarities to those of Romania.Literaturein Istro-Romanian is small, with the first book published in 1905. Historically, they werepeasantsandshepherds, with many of them beingpoorand without having receivededucationuntil the 20th century. Today, the Istro-Romanian language has little use in education,mediaandreligion, withCroatianimposing itself in these and other domains. They are so few that they have been described as "the smallestethnolinguistic groupinEurope". It is thought that if their situation does not change, the Istro-Romanians will disappear in the following decades.
The term "Istro-Romanian" is commonly used amongresearchersandlinguiststo identify thisEastern Romance peoplefrom theIstrian Peninsula. However, it is a relatively recent creation from the middle of the 19th century based ongeographicrather thanscientificcriteria.This denomination was used for the first time by theRomanianwriterandhistorianGheorghe Asachi(asistroromâni),and then by theSlovenephilologistFranz Miklosich, (asistrischen Rumunenandistro-rumunisch),from which the name of theIstro-Romanian languageand its speakers would be generalized. Nowadays, it is almost exclusively employed, and highlights the similarity of thislanguagewith theRomanianone.However, the Istro-Romanians do not identify with this name,and the use of "Istro-Romanian" outside the context oflinguisticscan be controversial until a certain point. Some people use the more recent name "Vlashki and Zheyanski language".
To refer to themselves as a whole, the Istro-Romanians may userumâri, derived from theLatinromanus.The similarrumeriis also used since the 17th century, but thisendonym(internal name, used by theethnic groupin question) does not appear in documents until its reuse by the Istro-Romanian writer andprofessorAndrei Glavinaand the Romanian historianConstantin Diculescuand then by the Romanianjournalistand professorAlexandru Leca Morariuin the 20th century. Due to the influence of Romanian researchers, Istro-Romanians also use theCroatianwordrumunji, especially in contact with foreigners.Given the weakness of Istro-Romaniannational sentiment, some elder people call themselves Romanians or Romanian-speakingCroatsor evenItalians(except inŽejane) to differentiate themselves from the surrounding Croats.
Many Istro-Romanians prefer to use ademonymderived from the name of their nativevillage. For example, those fromŠušnjevicauseșușnevțiandșușnevskioršušnjevskifor their language, those fromNova Vasusenovosaniandnovosanskiornovošånskifor their language, those fromKostrčaniusecostărčånțiand those from the Brdo area usebrijånskifor their language. Generally, the Istro-Romanians from the villages south of theUčkamountain rangealso use the namevlåš(singularvlåh) andvlaškaorvlaškifor their language, taken from theSouth Slavicword "Vlach". On the other hand, in the northern village of Žejane, the only other one in which Istro-Romanian is spoken,jeianțioržejånciis used for the people andjeianski,žejanskiorpo jeianski cuvintafor the language. Croats also call themjeianciorvlaski, but the inhabitants of Žejane do not identify as Vlachs.
The Istro-Romanians have been called in many ways by the peoples that lived alongside them or in their surroundings. One of the earliestexonyms(external names) used for Istro-Romanians isĆići, given by the Croats. It appears in Latin documents in the form ofchichii,inItalianones first in the form ofchichiand later asciciorcicci, and inGermanones astschizen,tschitzen,zitschen,tschitschen,ziegenandzische.
There exist several theories on its etymological origin. It has been suggested that it could come from the Italian wordcicaleccio, derived from theverbcicalare, meaning "insistent and confused (indistinct) talking", sinceSlavscould not understand the Istro-Romanians.TheCroatianlinguistPetar Šimunovićsimilarly proposed as the possible origin the Croatian verb variationsčičeratiorčičarati,čačaratandk'ik'rat, all of which mean "speak".The Croatian linguist Josip Ribarić noted that Croats in Istria meant "speaking Istro-Romanian" when using the termčičerati, and the termdrakulati(fromdraku, "dragon", "devil") was used in the villages ofMale MuneandVele Munefor the Istro-Romanian speech of Žejane.Šimunović also proposed the interrogative pronounćiin the meaning "what?",while Ribarić proposed that the syllablečiappeared in all the mentioned words that theRomance-speaking Vlachs often used and was unusual to the Slavs.In Istro-Romanian, as a result of secondarypalatalization,tbecomesț("c") in Šušnjevica andčin Nova Vas and Žejane, hence the termcincariortsinstaricould come fromVulgar Latintsintsi(compare toMegleno-Romanianținți), meaning "five" and deriving astsintsi-ținți-cinci-činči-(n)-čiči-ćići.The also proposed derivation from the Slavic wordčičā("old man", "uncle") is improbable.
Today, theethnonym(name given to an ethnic group, be it internal or external) Ćići is imprecise, because it also refers to the Croats and Slovenes of theregionofĆićarija.Another name used by the Croats isĆiribirci, believed to come from Istro-Romanian wordsčire(lat. qui ne, ține-cine-țire-cire-čire,who/you) andbirefrombine(lat. bene,good), meaning a greeting "hold well".Since it is usually said as a joke, it may be offensive for some native speakers.Those of theislandofKrkwere often called by the local Croats as "Vlachs", commonly in negative context.
Another name is "Vlach" (fromGreekβλάχοι, in Latin documentsvlachi, in Croatian and Serbianvlahi, latervlasi), used for the Istro-Romanians(including those in Krk)since theMiddle Ages, but it has different meanings depending on the persons that used or use it and depending on the epoch. TheByzantinesused it for all the Romance-speaking peoples in theBalkans, but in Croatian and Serbian documents it designatedshepherdsof any ethnicity from the territories inhabited bySouth Slavs.Today, in Greek, the term also denotes theAromaniansand theMegleno-Romanians, and in Serbian andBulgarian, theTimok Vlachs.The term "Morlach" (in Greekμαυρόβλαχοι, in Latinmoroulahi, in Croatianmorlaci, in Italianmorlacchi) was originally used for all the Western Vlachs, from which the Istro-Romanians may originate, but it also designated shepherds of other ethnicities,and is no longer used at present. More names have been used in theacademic communityfor the Istro-Romanians. The eruditescientistAntonio Covaz called themrimglianiorvlahi d'Istria,rimljanibeing the term used by Croats andSerbsforRomancitizens.
The first mention of a Romance-speakingpopulationin Istria during the Middle Ages dates back to 940 when theByzantineemperorConstantine VIIreported in hisDe Administrando Imperiothat there were Romance peoples in the peninsula which called themselves Romans although they did not come fromRome.Theoriesabout the Istro-Romanians descending from a Roman indigenous population in Istria were initially supported by Italian and some Romanian researchers. However, this point of view is now refuted due to the similarities of the Istro-Romanians with the Romanians from the west ofRomaniaand theTimok Valleyand the differences with the geographically closeDalmatian language(nowextinct).
Two other dominant theories are distinguished. According to the theory of the Romanian philologist and linguistOvid Densusianu, the Istro-Romanians originate from the southwest ofTransylvaniaandBanat,and would haveemigratedfrom there between the years 1000 and 1400.He bases this theory on language traits, for example, the simpleintervocalicrhotacism(sound changethat converts oneconsonantinto a "R-like" sound) of [n] ([n]> [r]) in the words of Latin origin, as in theȚara Moțilordialectin Romania.In addition, there are Istro-Romanian popular stories about their arrival in Istria during the Middle Ages. According to locallegends, there were sevencaravansthat came from Transylvania and settled in Istria, six south of the Učka and one north of it.This theory is also embraced by other scholars like Vasile Frățilă.Other authors say that the Istro-Romanians migrated much earlier, in the second half of thefirst millennium, before the start of theHungarianinfluence on Romanian, since the Istro-Romanian language does not have these influences.
Another theory, that of the Romanian linguist and philologistSextil Pușcariu, claims a southDanubianorigin for the Istro-Romanians, specifically in currentSerbia, but with contact with the Romanians at the west of Romania. He places their separation from the other Eastern Romance peoples in the 13th century.With distinctions as to the exact location, Pușcariu's theory is also adopted by several scholars.There is also an intermediate theory belonging to Elena Scărlătoiu suggesting that the "great mass of Istro-Romanians" came from several nuclei in the center, west and northwest of Transylvania, as well as from the south of the Danube, namely, the area between the Timok Valley andPrizren.
However, none of thesehypothesesis universally accepted by thescientific communityand therefore the question about the provenience of this people remains uncertain.Regardless of the place of origin, the Istro-Romanians are usually considered to be the last Eastern Romance people to break away from the others and migrate to the west, mainly becoming shepherds. Giuseppe Vassilichand Sextil Pușcariuconsider that the old Istro-Romanians are attested in Byzantine documents under the nameμαυρόβλαχοι, literally "black Vlach".Μαυρόβλαχοιhas beenromanizedasmoroulahi,morovlachi,moroblachi,morolachi,morlachiormurlachiin Italian,morlacchi,and in Croatian and Serbian,morlaci. Eventually, the use of "Vlach" in the different languages would also refer toSlavifiedRomanian shepherds, as well as shepherds in general, no matter of the ethnicity.The Istro-Romanians probably already arrived inDalmatiaas early as the 11th century considering that the names "Danulus" and "Negulus" found in documents of 1018 and 1070 respectively are most likely Romanian.
During the followingcenturies, people of possible Istro-Romanian ethnicity in and around Istria will continue to be mentioned. In 1181, anabbessof thePatriarchate of Aquileianamed Ermelinda reported the appearance of a person namedRadul(considered aRomanian nameby some) to whom lands have been attributed in what is now theItalianprovinceofFriuli-Venezia Giulia.
In the 14th century, Vlach shepherds are attested near thecitiesofSplit,Trogir,ŠibenikandZadar, as well as in the islands ofRab,Pagand Krk.But the first clear and definitive attestation of the Istro-Romanian presence in Istria dates back from 1321, when acountryof Vlachs was mentioned in the region where they now live.In a document of 1329 referring toBuzetin Istria, the name of one Vlach appears; Pasculus Chichio, a name derived from the exonym "Ćići" used by Croats for Istro-Romanians.It is known that during this century the Istro-Romanians used caravans to sell theirdairy productsand transport othergoods. In theRagusantrade,caseus vlachescusorvlachiscus(brença,cheese, as it appears in a document from 1357) was of such importance that it was also used as apayment method, and itspricewas set by the authorities. They also traded withsalton theAdriatic coast.
In the 15th century, there wereepidemicsof devastatingplaguein Istria,and theSenateof theRepublic of Venice, ruler of thepeninsula, favored thesettlementof Morlachs,as well South Slavs who escaped from theOttoman Empire.Due to this, in 1449, Vlachs are mentioned in the IstriantownofBuje. The wordcicifirst appeared as a proper ethnonym in a document of 1463.Based on names and other historical objects, it has been calculated that during this century, the Istro-Romanians formed about 15% of the Istrian population.
In addition, thegovernorof the island of Krk since 1451,Ivan VII Frankopan, was in need ofmanpower. Therefore, during the second half of the 15th century, he started to settle the less populated or uninhabited parts, such as the western zone of the island, that is, in and around the areas ofDubašnicaand Poljica and in the land between the castles ofDobrinjandOmišalj. Most of the settlers were Vlachs and Morlachs, who came from the south of theVelebitmountain range and around theDinaramountain. The Croatian linguist andonomasticsexpertPetar Skokaffirms that this people was composed of Romanian shepherds, as they preservedRomanian numberinguntil the 20th century. They crossed theVelebit Channel, in Italian,Canale della Morlacca("Channel of the Morlach"), and settled in western Krk. Today, there are sometoponymssuch as Fȁreča (from Romanianferece,fern), Fintȉra (from Romanianfîntînă,fountain) and Sekara (from Romaniansecară,ryn) left in Krk. It is also known that the current Croatian dialect of Krk has a few Istro-Romanian loans, likešpilišôroršpirišôr(from Romanianspin, "spine", + thesuffixșor), acommon namefor theplantSonchuswhoseleaveshave smallspines. It is thought that some of these Vlachs and Morlachs continued their way to Istria, where they settled,but like the other theories, this cannot be confirmed.
By the year 1523, the Istro-Romanians were already referred to asciceraniorcicelianiby the Italian andAustrianchancelleries. Carsia, the former name of the region in which Žejane is located, was changed toCicceria(now Ćićarija).In this century, they are spread almost everywhere inside the peninsula, especially in the areas of Žejane, Male Mune and Vele Mune, north of the Učka, as well as in Šušnjevica and other villages at the south of the mountain range,populating more than thirty settlements of varying sizesbetween 1510 and 1599.In a 1641 work about Istria, the scholar andbishopof Cittanova (nowNovigrad)Giacomo Filippo Tomasinimentions the namemorlaci, claiming that "they have their own language, which is in many words similar to Latin".
During the 16th century, some Croatian writers saw the Istrian Vlachs as part of the same ethnic group as the Romanians fromTrajanic Dacia, and consideredDaciaas the "Morovlasca Zemlja" ("Morlach Country").Also, the ItalianmonkIreneo della Croce, in a work ofTriesteof 1698, mentions people who, instead of using aSlavic language, speak a language composed of many Latin words that is similar to theWallachian one. Later, he says that thechichicall themselves in their own language asrumeri.This word reflects thephoneticchanges produced in the evolution from Latin to the Eastern Romance languages in general ([o] notaccentuated> [u], [a] accentuated followed by [n] +vowel>[ɨ], represented in Italian as [e]) and one specific to Istro-Romanian: [n] simple intervocalic > [r].He also gave thirteen singlenouns(likecopra,goat, orlapte,milk), eight nouns withdeterminersand twosentencesfrom their language with the Italian translation.This is the firstattestationof the language apart from toponyms and person names, which had previously appeared in writings.It is assumed that during this time, the Istro-Romanians already extended to Trieste.The Istro-Romanians could be around 10,000 by these times.
During the 17th and 18th centuries, the Istro-Romanian population would begin to fall under theassimilationof the local population,only preserving its identity and language in the most densely populated settlements such as Žejane and the villages south of the Učka. The only thing left of the smallest settlements in the Croatian andSlovenianregion of Ćićarija and the rest of Istria is thetoponomyof the places, which proves that at some point, the Istro-Romanians were more widespread.Examples are Bolovani, Catun, Carbune, Floričići, Murari and Vlahi.Unlike the other Romance peoples such as the Romanians or the Aromanians, the Istro-Romanians did not suffer a national renaissance, probably due to the small size of their population and the influence of assimilation factors. It would not be until the time of theRevolutions of 1848when Romanians from the twoprincipalities(WallachiaandMoldavia) "discovered" this population in Istria. This would start a period of interest among Romanians to study and contact the Istro-Romanians.During this period, the amount of their population is estimated at 6,000.
Towards the end of the 19th century, Istria was part of theAustro-Hungarian Empire, of theAustrian Littoralcrown land, and was inhabited by several ethnic groups, mainly Croats and Italians.The Istro-Romanians were not recognized as anational minorityunlike other peoples. Actually, researchers of the time point the discrimination they suffer. TheGermanlinguistGustav Weigandmentions that their schoolarization is very poor. Both Croats and Italians seek to assimilate them, and as a result, in the Istro-Romanian villages there are noschoolsin the Croatian or Italian languages, and even less in Istro-Romanian.Weigand's statement is partly contradicted by the fact that the Italians supported this demand, but they were less numerous than the Croats.Various authors mention thatchurch serviceswere given in Latin and Croatian, withpriestsstriving to hinder theculturaldevelopment of theparishioners.It is estimated that between 1850 and 1859, there were 2,955 Istro-Romanians.Meanwhile, the Istro-Romanians of Krk had been suffering severe assimilation since long before and many of them abandoned their language. They disappeared completely in 1875 when Mate Bajčić Gašpović fromBajčići(near Poljica), the last person with knowledge of Istro-Romanian on the island, died.
During this period, theRomanian mediaprovoked activity in the area. In thenewspaperGiovine pensieroof 27 October 1887, there was a request signed by many Istro-Romanians to establish a school teaching in the Romanian language. This was discussed in theautumnof 1888 in theDiet of Istria. The Croatian representative impugned the existence of the Istro-Romanians and tried to prove that they were Slavs. Although the subsequent proposals had the support of several Italiandeputies, the Croatianmajorityrejected all of them.In 1905, a school teaching in Croatian was established, with little popularity amongstudentsdespite the efforts of the priest of Šušnjevica.The RomanianethnographerandfolkloristTeodor Buradafound in 1896 thatpovertywas high among Istro-Romanians during this time:pastoralismhad fallen,zootechnicswere neglected andagriculturewas poorly productive. They started to cultivatevineyards, but they were destroyed by thegrape phylloxerabug. A way to increase their income through the work in thesoilwas the cultivation ofculinary sage, especially in Šušnjevica.The population of Istro-Romanians between 1880 and 1884 was composed by around 2,600 people.
At the beginning of the 20th century, the Istro-Romanian from Šušnjevica Andrei Glavina returned to Istria fromRomania(where he studied at theAlexandru Ioan Cuza UniversityofIași) to awaken the identity of his people. This person is known for writing the first work entirely in Istro-Romanianincollaborationwith Diculescu,Calindaru lu rumeri din Istrie(Calendar of the Romanians of Istria),publishedin 1905. During the first years of the century, he promoted campaigns in newspapers and tried to contact with deputies of Austria-Hungary, without success due to the Croatian pressure. Nevertheless, after theFirst World War, Istria was annexed to theKingdom of Italy. Glavina made the same request again, which was accepted immediately. Glavina became leader of the school of Frascati-Susgnevizza (Šušnjevica),which was namedÎmpăratul Traian(in Romanian, "EmperorTrajan")and became very popular, reaching 443 students at its peak. Thetextbookswere in Romanian and Italian, but theclasseswere taught in the local language. He also becamemayorof the municipality of Valdarsa (an Italian name for Šušnjevica), amunicipalitycreated to unify all the Istro-Romanian villages south of the Učka, with 2,301 inhabitants during its establishment. He improved theeconomicconditions of the villages and worked on theirinfrastructure.Glavina died in 1925 fromtuberculosis, which led to the closure of the school and its replacement by an Italian one. Due to his efforts for the preservation of the language and culture of the Istro-Romanians, Glavina is known as the "Apostle of the Istro-Romanians".Four years before hisdeath, an Italian officialcensusregistered 1,644 ethnic Istro-Romanians in Istria.
The municipality of Valdarsa continued to exist until 1947, Glavina being succeeded as mayor by Francesco Bellulovich, also from Šušnjevica.The interest and research on the part of Italian and Romanianacademicscontinued. It is remarkable the work of Sextil Pușcariu, who published threevolumesof his studies on the Istro-Romanians in 1906, 1926 and 1929, respectively. Morariu published in 1928 the second book in Istro-Romanian,Lu frati noștri: libru lu rumeri din Istrie(To our brothers: book of the Romanians of Istria).In 1932, Italy completed the recovery of the Arsa River (nowRaša River)basin, aprojectthat dates back to 1771, previously proposed by the Republic of Venice and theAustrian Empire.This improved thequality of lifeof the locals, but also caused certainimmigrationistphenomena. There even was a project led by the Romanian academicSever Pop[ro]in which he would take two Istro-Romanian children (one from Šušnjevica and one from Žejane) to Romania to educate them there (as happened with Glavina), with the aim of opening new Romanian schools in both villages.In 1934, aroadwas established connecting the municipality with Fiume (nowRijeka), and another one with Pisino (nowPazin) in 1941, thus reducing the isolation of the villages. The majority of the population waspeasant, although there were also somesailorson theriver. The last mayor of Valdarsa was Guglielmo Barchiesi.
It is known that duringSecond World War, the Istro-Romanians did not support the Italian expansion overCroatiaandSlovenia. Žejane was later occupied byGerman-Italianforces on 5 May 1944, burning a large number ofhousesandfarms.There, aconcentration campwas established. In the Istro-Romanian villages, houses and especiallychurcheswere destroyed during the last phase of the Second World War by theNazisas a reprisal for the actions of thePartisans.However, Italy's defeat resulted in most of Istria being passed to the newsocialistYugoslavia. Between 1945 and 1956, theIstrian-Dalmatian exodusoccurred in which around 250,000 Italians were expelled from Istria, Dalmatia and Fiume. In the Istrian inland, Italians sufferedmass killings(known asfoibe massacres), propertyconfiscationsand hardforced labour. This greatly reduced the Romance-speaking population of Istria.After the establishment of the socialist regimes inRomaniaand Yugoslavia, the efforts, projects and support for the preservation of the Istro-Romanian culture were branded asfascistand were canceled.
Immediately after the end of thewar, the villages and Istria in general began todepopulatequickly. This may be due to thepoliticalandsocialchanges that came when it united with other Croatian-speaking lands and the Yugoslav socialist regime, as well as theindustrialization,modernizationandurbanizationof the place. The young villagers started to preferindustrialandservicejobs, leaving the agricultural lifestyle of the villages. In addition,interethnic marriagebecame more common both for those who abandoned their hometowns and those who decided to stay. Regular and universaleducationandmediain Croatian commenced to spread, and the Istro-Romanian language lost value. Barely 8 years after the Second World War, the villages had already lost more than a quarter of their population.Some Istro-Romanians also began to leave Istria completely and emigrate to other countries such asAustralia, theUnited States,Canada,Franceand Italy (especially Trieste), a sizeable amount estimated to be composed by 500 people since 1945.Although weaker, interest in the Istro-Romanians continued after the war, now with Croats (like the linguistAugust Kovačec) studying them as well.Not much else is known about the life of the Istro-Romanians during this time since they only appeared in mainly linguistic articles, with practically nonewsabout them.In 1961, there were approximately 1,140 Istro-Romanians (understanding by people with Istro-Romanianancestryor able to speak their language) in Istria, and 1,250 in 1974.
In 1991,Croatiadeclaredindependence, inheriting most of Istria from Yugoslavia.In this year, there were 810 people self-declared as Istro-Romanians and 22 as Morlachs in Istria.After the fall of socialism, the press of Romania and other countries would begin to give more importance to the Istro-Romanian community.The Croatian authorities also started to show more interest in them, with the Croatian state itself promising to do everything possible to preserve this ethnic group. The Istro-Romanian culture would begin to suffer a "revival", with a great number ofassociationsand projects being created.On 19 April 1994, the Cultural Association of the Istro-Romanians "Andrei Glavina" was created in Trieste with the purpose of saving and preserving the Istro-Romanians, with Emil Petru Rațiu aspresident.Another association,Soboru lu Istrorumeri(In Istro-Romanian, "Union of the Istro-Romanians"), appeared in 1995.The first newspaper in Istro-Romanian,Scrisoare către fråț rumer(in Istro-Romanian, "Letter to the Romanian brothers"), came out in 1996 and containsfiction(original or translated from Romanian), notes on theirhistoryand ethnicity and news about the Aromanians and their life, among others. In 1997, the Congress of theFederal Union of European Nationalitiesadopted aresolutionappealing Croatia to officially recognize the Istro-Romanians and the use of their language in education, media andreligion.
The Istro-Romaniandiaspora, notably that of Canada and the United States, has also been putting its efforts to help the community in Istria. For example, the reparation and renovation of theclock towerof thehamletof Brdo, as well as the construction of amuseumabout the Istro-Romanian culture in Žejane, were carried out with itsfunds. There are also severalwebsitespresenting the culture and history of the Istro-Romanians, notably Marisa Ciceran's (part of the diaspora), created in 1999.On 27 September 2007,theMinistry of Culture of Croatiagave to the Istro-Romanian language the status of "non-material cultural wealth" and registered it in theRegister of Cultural Goods of Croatia.In 2008, theMoldovanpoliticianVlad Cubreacovinitiated adraftresolution presented inStrasbourgcalled "Istro-Romanians must be saved", in which he urges Croatia and Romania to give morefinancialandinstitutionalsupport.On 8 November 2016, the Šušnjevica school was reopened. The inauguration was attended byConstantin Mihail Grigorie, thenambassadorof Romania in Croatia, and the previous one, Cosmin Dinescu. Regional authorities of theIstria Countyalso stayed there. This project cost 451,600kunas(around 61,100euros), of which Romania gave 100,000 kunas (around 13,550 euros).The school teaches in Istro-Romanian and has a museum, "The Paths of the Vlachs".It was estimated that in 2016, there were only 120 speakers of Istro-Romanian in their villages, 450 speakers elsewhere in Croatia and another 500 in the rest of the world. Therefore, the diaspora is larger than the native Istrian community.
Currently, there is a website dedicated to thedigital archivingofphotos,maps, books, articles,songsandaudioandvideo recordingsregarding the Istro-Romanians and their life. It also includes a Croatian–Istro-Romaniandictionary. The website is called "Preservation of the Vlaški and Žejanski Language", and is led by the Croatian linguist and professor Zvjezdana Vrzić.Romania officially supports the rights of the so-called "Romanians abroad", that is, all those who "assume a Romaniancultural identity, people of Romanian origin and persons that belong to the Romanian linguistic andculturalvein, Romanians who live outside Romania, regardless how they are called". Thislegislationincludes not only the Istro-Romanians, but also the Aromanians, Megleno-Romanians, Moldovans, Vlachs and many others; all seen as ethnic Romanians by the Romanian state.Based on this, in 2021, the Balkan Romanianness Day was approved as a holiday in the country for the allegedly ethnic Romanian peoples living south of the Danube. This includes the Aromanians, the Megleno-Romanians and the Istro-Romanians. It celebrates the establishment of theUllah milletin the Ottoman Empire in 1905every 10 May.
Today, the Istro-Romanians are not officially recognized as anational minorityin Croatia and are not protected under theEuropean Charter for Regional or Minority Languages.They are more exposed than ever to assimilation and are declining in number rapidly, with risks of disappearing completely in the following decades. The communities south of the Učka and Žejane have historically had very few contacts until the intervention of Romanian researchers, as they spoke Croatian at localfairs. Because of this, the feeling of ethnic and linguistic unity between both communities is weak.Currently, very few Istro-Romanians identify themselves as Romanian, and never with much enthusiasm. A large part of them affiliate with theregionin which they live, that is, Istria. Not only Istro-Romanians adhere to anIstrian identity; approximately 25,000 people in Istria declare to be Istrian before any other nationality. Those Istro-Romanians who preferred to declare a national affiliation chose Croatian and a few Italian. Many Istro-Romanians think that theCroatian Governmentis not doing enough for the survival of their language and culture. They express a strongethnic prideand their desire to pass their language to othergenerations, although those in the villages south of the Učka are more pessimistic about their future. There, thelanguage shiftto Croatian is more advanced than in Žejane, but the inhabitants are more protectionist regarding their culture. In Žejane, some Istro-Romanians still speak in Istro-Romanian with their grandchildren, and express less awareness about their extinction.Nowadays, the biggest goal of the Istro-Romanians is the full recognition by Croatia as an ethnic minority and a wider use of their language in education, newspapers,TV broadcastingandradio, all of this with the support of the Croatian Government.
The territory where the Istro-Romanians live was once covered withforests,pasturesandlakes, ideal forlivestockorcharcoalproduction. Their extent was vast, being scattered throughout almost all of Istriaand the western part of Krkand leaving a large number of toponyms.They even formed up to 15% of the Istrian population at one point.However, the forests would begin to disappear and the lakes were drained. The soil stopped allowing productive agriculture, increasing poverty in the zone. They began to lose theirtraditionaloccupations as shepherds and began to be exposed to assimilation,ending with the Istro-Romanian presence of Krk in 1875.Those in Ćićarija were also assimilated, just maintaining their culture on the Croatian side, in Žejane.Many Istro-Romanians emigrated to the big cities. All this caused a decrease in the number of Istro-Romanians, which have been reduced to only eight settlements today.
Now, there are two identifiable groups of Istro-Romanians. The first is that of Žejane, an isolated village near theborderwith Slovenia.The second is in the villages south of the Učka. These are Šušnjevica, Nova Vas andJesenovik, where the Istro-Romanians are more numerous, andLetaj, Kostrčani,Zankovci, the Brdo area(Brdo was a separatefrazioneduring theinterwar periodthat included Kostrčani, Zankovci and several hamlets)and the hamlets Miheli, Dražine, Draga and Jelavici(all part of the Brdo area)in smaller proportion.Of all of them, the one with the largest number of Istro-Romanian speakers is Nova Vas.Each of the Istro-Romanian villages has a name in its own language different from the official Croatian one. Thus, Žejane, Šušnjevica, Nova Vas, Jesenovik, Letaj, Kostrčani, Zankovci and Brdo becomeJeiăn,Sușńévițę,NóseloorNósolo,Sucódru,Letåi,Costârčan,ZankovciandBârdo(Brigfor the hamlet). Other regions such as Ćićarija or Istria are calledCiceariaandIstria, respectively.According to the memory of some, Istro-Romanian was also spoken inGradinjeandGrobnikand the hamlets Dolišćina, Trkovci and Perasi until recently.All of these villages at the south of the Učka constituted the Italian municipality of Valdarsa.
Detailed information of an unspecified date reports that, of the 134 inhabitants of Žejane, 53 (39%) can speak Istro-Romanian.In the southern villages, the Istro-Romanians make up a bit more than a quarter of the population, with approximately 75 (27%) speakers out of 276 in 2016. Therefore, there are about 120 Istro-Romanians living in their villages. Both communities, although now connected with roads, live in differentCroatian administrative regions; the southern villages are located in the Istria County and Žejane, despite being geographically in Istria, is part ofPrimorje-Gorski Kotar County.However, the number of ethnic Istro-Romanians or people with Istro-Romanian ancestry in Istria could be as high as 1,500, even if they no longer speak the language and practice only some (or none) of their traditions.
After the end of the Second World War, many Istro-Romanians abandoned their native villages. In fact, the population of the villages today are less than a fifth of what they were in 1945. Many of them moved to nearby cities and towns, such asKršan,Labin,Matulji,Opatija, Pazin,Pulaand Rijeka. It is estimated that a total of 450 Istro-Romanians live in Croatia outside their settlements. Others decided to emigrate to other parts of the world, especially toNew York CityandWestern Australia. The Istro-Romanian community living outside Croatia is made up of around 500 people.It is estimated that the total of Istro-Romanians of Žejane who now live abroad is 195, four times larger than the population residing in Žejane. Although the exact number of the diaspora of the Istro-Romanians from the south of the Učka is unknown, it is probably higher than that of Žejane since the emigration there was more potent and the population itself of the villages together was bigger than that of Žejane.
Istro-Romanianartis characterized by the domination ofdancesand songs.Istro-Romanianholidaystend to be somewhat austere, but accompanied by traditionalmusical instrumentsanddances. In one of these dances, calledColumbaro, the peasants of the villages spend hours holding each other'shandsin a closed circle, giving steps without order and with jumps without cadence. Dancers often form an arch with their hands through which a human chain passes underneath. According to Morariu, this dance is similar to those ofBukovina(a part of which is in Romania). One of the favorite dances of the Istro-Romanians is theKolo, initially with a circular shape and then developing inskkocigori, that is, with high jumps. The dancers hold their hands and form a circle, slowly spinning all together under themusic. Another dance is literally called "under the feet", in which a man and a woman or two of each dance together whilehugging. Researchers who have studied Istro-Romanian dances have highlighted theirprimitivism.
Romanian researchers have showed great interest in the Istro-Romaniantraditional music, publishing them in severalmagazinesand works. That is why some of them have classified them into the following categories: songs, elegant songs,satiresand diverse creations. Traian Cantemir, a Romanian researcher, published in 1935Motivele dispariției poeziei populare la istroromâni("Reasons for the disappearance of popular poetry of the Istro-Romanians") in the magazineFăt-Frumos, expressing concern regarding the future of theirpoetry. Most of the time, theversesof thepoemswere accompanied by a song, becomingpopular songsfortravels. Some foreign non-native travelers reported that their songs were like "ancient poems" and that "a long exclamation or rather, a barbaric and prolonged cry precedes any verse". The Istro-Romanian traveler could casually find a partner with whom he had a musical dialogue, keeping both entertained and with whom they practicedimprovisation. Another author who investigated in depth the Istro-Romanian songs was the Romanian writer Petru Iroaie, identifying their similarities with those ofMaramureșand Bukovina and the mainmotifsof them. Italian and especially Croatian influence diminished the knowledge of these songs, being mostly maintained by theelderlyduring the beginning of the 20th century. In addition, songs with some Croatian influences gradually began to circulate in the villages. Today, some young Istro-Romanians have some distrust or even fear of giving voice to those songs. In the Istro-Romanian language, as in other ones, the song is related to social realities, whereby the main subjects dealt with work in thefield,love, warfare and interethnic relations. Today, the Istro-Romanians cannot remember certain words of their language, and therefore some oldlyricsand verses can no longer be read. This has led Cantemir to define them as "fossils".However, some Istro-Romanian songs have managed to prevail until today. Among them areKnd am tire("When [I asked] you"),Mes-am oča ši kola("I went around"),Oj ljepure nu žuka("Do not dance, rabbit") andFina feta("A nice girl").
The famousfolk groupŽejanski Zvončari (Žejane's Bell Ringers), founded by Mauro Doričićin 1997, advocates the preservation of the oldcarnivalesqueIstro-Romanian traditions. It is made up of thezvončari(bell ringers), an exclusively male carnival dance group, and the "Kntaduri" (singers), ana cappellasinging group. The association has also published new songs mainly in the Istro-Romanian dialect of Žejane, such asTu ver fi ama("You will be mine"),Pustu an Žejan("Carnival in Žejane") and even ananthem,Žejanska, in both Croatian and Istro-Romanian.On the day of the carnival, the zvončari ring theirbellsfrommorningtoevening, going from house to house and receiving food likebaconoreggs. Atnight,sandwichesmade with the food received from the houses are distributed. On the day of the carnival there are alsocrabulele, boys and girls between 10 and 20 years old withharmonicsandmasks, who go from house to house dancing and tellingjokes. One of the children has abasketfor thegiftsand the rest sticks to defend againststrangersif necessary.
The inhabitants of Žejane wore uniquehatsthat "scared" the nearby populations. These were put so that the back of the hat covered theface, so that they couldstealto those who hadmoney, for reasons that researchers have described as "well grounded". Another hat worn in Žejane was thecomaracu, with several coloredropes. The lower rope was made ofvelvetand the rest ofsilk. In the elderly, these ropes were dark, and in theyouth, colorful and bright (dominatingblue,yellow,redandgreen). The hats of the latter were decorated withpeacock feathersandflower bouquets. These hats were similar to the ones worn between theMureșandTârnavarivers in Transylvania. Thecostumesof men had a tightshirtwith long, low and narrowsuspenders, as well asopinci(traditionalshoes, similar to those of the Romanians). On the shirt, they wore awaistcoatcalledcrujat. Inwinter, they wore acapecalledhalea, and on theneckthey had ascarfcalledfașă. During the 18th century, women wore aheadscarfwith theirhairbraided. In the 19th century they used atulpan. The white shirt reached to thekneesand was covered by a colorfuldresscalledbarhan. They also hadopinci. According to Burada, theirlegswere covered bysockscalledbiciveleand withgarterscalledpodvezi. Today's Istro-Romanians have difficulty describing thetraditional costumesof their ancestors and few know the names of eachclothes.
These traditional costumes are still preserved in Žejane, but only during the carnival or artistic events. However, the number of owners is very low, most of them beingparentsorgrandparents, who pass them to the youth as a special symbol of the Istro-Romanian identity. Today's women's costumes are made up of afațo(red scarf), anopleici(white shirt with anembroideryat the base of the neck), apocirneka(black dress with a redribbonand sleeveless) and afirtuhu(anapronput on the dress). Under the dress there is a white and tightskirt, to give a special look to the costume. At thewaist, the dress is connected with thecoanița(the widest "belt") and thetisuta(the thinnest "belt"), both with different colors. The legs, covered with thebicivi, wear blackpostoleasfootwear. Now, men wear a shirt or a blackjacket. Thepants, which can be white or black, are calledbraghesi. On theheadthey wear a black hat, and on thefeet,postole, like women.
The costume of the zvončari consists of a typicalsailor shirtwith twofațole(whitebatistes). On thebackis asheepskingarment to which three large bells are attached. Akumaroakis carried on the head, in which hundreds of colorful strips that extend to the person's back are connected. Above the strips, there are tworosesthat symbolize thesun. The pants and footwear are not really different from those of the traditional costume.
Istro-Romanians speak the Istro-Romanian language (sometimes abbreviated as IR), part of the Eastern Romance languages spoken exclusively natively in Istria, Croatia. They have been described as the smallestethnolinguistic groupinEurope. Their language is classified by theUNESCOas a "seriously endangered language" because of the small number of fluent speakers the language has, education in Istro-Romanian is limited and the language is not usually used in many domains and the majority of younger speakers are adults, among others. Vrzić'srevitalizationproject fulfills some of these points, however.According to several mostly Romanian researchers,the Istro-Romanian language is one of the four traditional and historicaldialectsof Romanian, alongsideAromanian, Megleno-Romanian and Daco-Romanian (linguistic name for the Romanian from Romania and its surroundings), all with a common ancestor,Proto-Romanian.However, Istro-Romanian can also be considered a language separated from Romanian by others, so there is no widely accepted view.Anyway, it is considered thedaughter language(descendant) of Daco-Romanian, both being closer to each other than Aromanian and Megleno-Romanian are.Nevertheless, Istro-Romanian is strongly influenced by Croatian, with it affecting itsmorphologyand with many linguistic loans, includingfunction words. This has led some authors to describe it as a "mixed language".
The Istro-Romanian consists of two main variants, a northern one (in Žejane) and a southern one (in the villages south of the Učka). For example, for theoblique case, the variety of Žejane ("Zejanski") preserves synthetic marking, while the southern variety ("Vlaski") uses onlyprepositionalmarking, but neither of them marks theaccusative case(e.g. "I can see Lara" would be "poč vedę Lara", literally "can see Lara"). Another difference is that in Zejanski, generallymasculinenouns of Slavic origin mark thevocative casewith "-e", while those of Latin origin with "-(u)le". In Vlaski, some nouns are marked with "-e" and some "-u".But although Istro-Romanian has two main dialects, each village has its own speech, differing slightly among the southern villages.The dialect of Krk, called by Croatian researchers askrčkorumunjski("Krko-Romanian"), has been little studied and knowledge of it is minimal. The only texts known areHail Maryand TheLord's Prayer. Even so, it is known that "Krko-Romanian" was an Istro-Romanian dialect as it had its characteristic rhotacism, as can be seen in Fintȉra andšpirišôr.
There has never been a consensus on whatwriting systemshould be used for theIstro-Romanian alphabet, so Croatian and Romanian researchers have been recording and transcribing texts using different systems, withCroatian,Romanianor mixed orthographic elements. Vrzić has proposed the idea of unifying the writing system, which has been implemented on her website and is based on Croatianspelling. These changes may vary, for example, the word "when", tokând(Croatian-based),cănd(Romanian-based) andcând(mixed).
However, Istro-Romanian is not the only language spoken by the Istro-Romanians. In fact, they represent adiglossiccommunity (that is, they use more than one language), with nomonolingualspeakers of Istro-Romanian remaining. They usually also use theChakavian dialectof Croatian and the elderly who attended to Italian schools, Italian or Istro-Venetian (the Istrian dialect ofVenetian). Generally, the youth have no knowledge or understanding of the language, and prefer to use Croatian. Those Istro-Romanians who left the villages and migrated to the cities often use Croatian as thefamilylanguage. The diaspora does not usually have knowledge of the language, result of intermarriages.Therefore, it is estimated that currently around the world, the Istro-Romanian speakers are only 1,000.
The following is an example of a text written in Istro-Romanian:
The Istro-Romanian houses are adapted to the simplicity of typical mountain homes. These are built instone, with double walls, one or twofloorsand are covered withreed maceor burntclay. Inside this "carp", there is a largechimneywith acolumnabove where "avaultthat receives thesmokeand takes it to theoven" is placed. Near the chimney is thepaletaorlopărița, a longmetal"shovel" or "pole" with which thewoodis moved or removed. In the center of the vault above the chimney there is usually a largechaincalledcatenawhere thecadera(acauldron) is attached. In it, water is boiled forcookingandpolenta(mămăliga). According to Burada,platesandcutlerywere hung around the chimney.
The "carp" that covers the house, bigger than the Romanian ones in Transylvania, serves as a refuge for people and also foranimalssuch aschickens,pigsand sometimes, goats. To the left of the carp there is aroomwithout chimney, with the door with the other room always open in winter to warm it. In this room there are several objects that are used only at special moments of the life of the owners. There is amisă(table),scanie(chairs) and ascriniu(closet), and on the boards over theceiling, several portions offoodsuch as cheese, bacon and pork legs, where "theysmokevery well, as if they were in the vault of the chimney".
Thesheetsare of great importance among Istro-Romanian women. These can be in square stonesupportsor in woodenbeds. In these beds there can be sacks ofstrawormaizeon which there werepillowsat their ends, some of them stuffed with straw and maize as well and others withgoosefeathersorhorsehair. With the exception of the shirts and headscarfs that cover women's heads, everytextileproducts used at home are usually made ofwooland worked at home.
Those Istro-Romanians withsocial statusor numerous families may have another room. Their houses have retained much of thearchitecturalfeatures of the past, and therefore have not changed much over time.
Literaturewritten in the Istro-Romanian language is scarce and quite recent. The first book written in this language,Calindaru lu rumeri din Istrie,was barely published in 1905. Its two authors were Glavina, an Istro-Romanian who always advocated the education of his people,and Diculescu.In this book, they gather words,proverbsand stories of the Istro-Romanians. Glavina would publish more works later, such asI romeni dell'Istria(The Romanians of Istria) andL'educazione nazionale(The national education) in the early 1920s. However, these texts, although about the Istro-Romanians, are in the Italian language. After his death, his wife Fiorella Zagabria publishedPromemoria e lettere, aposthumous workin which Glavina's last texts are collected. The "Istro-Romanianhymn", showed below, is located there.
The second book in Istro-Romanian,Lu frati noștri: libru lu rumeri din Istrie, was published in 1928. Its author was a Romanian, Alexandru Leca Morariu, who made a trip to Istria in 1927 and another one in 1928 to study the Istro-Romanians.The first Istro-Romanian newspaper,Scrisoare către fråț rumer, has been publishing cult literature, such as the poems of the brothers from Nova Vas Gabriela and Gabriel Vretenar of 1997.In 2011, the Istro-Romanian Antonio Dianich publishesVocabolario istroromeno‑italiano. La varietà istroromena di Briani (Băršcina), a dictionary for Italian and the Istro-Romanian dialect of Brdo.In 2016, thepicture bookŠćorica de lisica ši de lupu(The Story of The Fox and The Wolf) was published by a group of enthusiasts and researchers led by Vrzić.
The Istro-Romanians had many proverbs in the past. Today, they know less than before. Some of the best known proverbs arenu ie cårne far de ose("there is nomeatwithoutbones"),lu Domnu și lu Drîcu nu se pote sluji o votę("you cannot serveGodand theDevilat the same
time"),mora bure måcire și bovån("the goodmillcan [even] grindrocks"),din cala lu omu bet și Domnu se dåie la o bande("even God avoids thedrunk") andcåsta lume făcuta ie cu scåle: uri mergu ăn sus, ål'ți ăn jos("the world is made ofstairs: some go up, others down").
Traditionally and historically, the Istro-Romanians were shepherds, an occupation that would disappear with the centuries. They carried theirsheepdressed in wool suits, a hat andopinciwithknotsaround the feet. They also had awalking stickcarvedwith things ofdaily lifethat were sung to pass the time faster. The sheep were taken to pastures in which they would remain a month, time in which a small shepherdhutof wood was built. Inside it were sheepherdingtoolssuch as a cauldron forcaș(a type of cheese), a kind ofcontainerof dry soil where food was eaten andspoons, thekikara(acup), where freshcașwas placed during a day, and thebucketwith which the sheep weremilked, among others. The process of makingcașof the Istro-Romanians is the same as in Romania.
Since the end of the 19th century, the economy andwealthof the Istro-Romanians has weakened severely. Theirwinecropsdried up, and agriculture is no longer as productive as before. They tried to replace the driedgrapevineswith American ones, which became increasingly difficult for them.Droughtsare another problem. The situation in livestock is no different. They never practicedanimal breedingmuch. According to a work published in 1992 by Romanian researchers Richard Sârbu and Vasile Frățilă, "thehorsescan't stand. In Šušnjevica there are only three horses. Among thebirdsthere are only chickens. Sheepherding is weak. I have barely been able to find cheese for sale in Žejane. There are few sheep, and no goats".
A characteristic of the inhabitants of Žejane was the production of charcoal, taking place in the mountains and then selling them in mostly Rijeka or Opatija. To produce it, once the wood (alwaysbeech) was collected, the Istro-Romanians stayed in ahaystackcalledgljevaricsa, two to three meters high and six to seven meters wide. Then, the wood was placed in the middle surrounded by straw and dry wood so that thefirecould extend when it was lighted. Once produced, the charcoal was taken to the cities in order to market them.Specially practiced by men was cultivation in Šušnjevica of culinary sage, "undertaking a great business". Burada is, however, the only one to present this occupation. Many of them worked in other places outside the villages. Women, on the other hand, were generallyhousewives, although they could also befurlani, a kind of itinerant weavers.Other Istro-Romanians becameminersor sailors.From the 20th century onwards, the Istro-Romanians'needsand occupations change due to the modernization of thesocietyin which they live. Some chose to go to the cities and others stayed.
Currently, the Istro-Romanians in Žejane are mainly engaged in agriculture and wood exploitation; very few continue with sheepherding. A good part of the men are workers in nearby cities. In the southern villages, agriculture is the largest source ofincome. There are still people cultivating grapevines in Brdo. Material conditions are relatively better in Žejane than in the southern villages, and therefore it has a better quality of life.The production of charcoal is no longer very active, and is generally practiced fortourists.
The Istro-Romanians areChristians, being the only Eastern Romance people belonging to theCatholic Church.Historically, thechurchhas been the largest point of exposure for the Istro-Romanians to Croatian assimilation. Currently, it does not support the Istro-Romanian cause, with all services being given in Croatian.This has been the case since the second half of the 19th century. In fact, it is recorded that Croatian priests attracted mayors and other persons throughcorruptionto act as they liked, disfavoring the Istro-Romanians.
Prior to this, the Austrian Empire allowed theordinationof priests among the Istro-Romanians (such as Micetici, born in Brdo), withsermonsandconfessionsbeing given in Istro-Romanian (the rest of liturgical services used Latin at the time). Nowadays, it has been proposed that theCatholic Church in Romaniacould delegate three or four Romanian-speaking priests to the villages.
Examples of religious terms in Istro-Romanian arebesęreca("church"),catolica("Catholic"),Domnedzeu("God"),Isus("Jesus") andsvântă("holy"), all of which are similar to the Romanian terms.
The following is a list of notable Istro-Romanians or people of Istro-Romanian descent. In parentheses is the village of origin of each person or of their Istro-Romanian roots, if known.
Furthermore, a fringe claim attributing Istro-Romanian origins toinventor,engineerandfuturistNikola Teslaalso exists.