Argentina during World War II

ThehistoryofArgentina during World War IIwas a complex period that began in1939, after the outbreak of thewar in Europe, and ended in 1945 withthe surrender of the Empire of Japan.
Before the start ofWorld War IIin 1939, Argentina had maintained a long tradition ofneutralityregarding European wars, which had been upheld and defended by all major political parties since the 19th century. One of the main reasons for this policy was related to Argentina's economic position as one of the world's leading exporters of foodstuffs and agricultural products, to Europe in general and to the United Kingdom in particular.Relations between Britain and Argentinahad been strong since the mid-19th century, due to the large volume of trade between both countries, the major presence ofBritish investmentsparticularly in railroads and banking, as well asBritish immigration,and the policy of neutrality had ensured the food supply of Britain duringWorld War Iagainst the GermanU-boat campaign.At the same time, British influence over the Argentine economy was resented by nationalistic groups,whileGermanandItalianinfluence in Argentina was strong and growing mainly due to increased interwar trade and investment, and the presence of numerous immigrants from both countries, which, together with the refusal to break relations with theAxisas the war progressed, furthered the belief that the Argentine government was sympathetic to the German cause.Because of strong divisions and internal disputes between members of theArgentine military,Argentina remainedneutralfor most of World War II, despite pressure from the United States to join theAllies.However, Argentina eventually gave in to the Allies' pressure, broke relations with the Axis powers on 26 January 1944,and declared war on 27 March 1945.
In 1916, following the enactment ofuniversal and secret male suffragebyconservativepresidentRoque Saenz Peña, the voting franchise was expanded, and electoral transparency improved, leading to thefirst truly free presidential electionsin the country. As a result of these electoral changes,Hipólito Yrigoyen, leader of the centristRadical Civic Union(UCR), waselectedPresident of Argentina. Under the successive administrations of presidentsHipólito Yrigoyen(1916–1922) andMarcelo Torcuato de Alvear(1922–1928), Argentina continued the trend of strong economic growth and democratic consolidation that had begun under previous administrations, matching countries such as Canada or Australia in per capita income,while the government enacted social and economic reforms and extended assistance to small farms and businesses. However, beginning in 1928, the second administration ofHipólito Yrigoyenwould face a crippling economic crisis, precipitated by theGreat Depression.In 1930, Yrigoyenwas ousted from powerby the military led byJosé Félix Uriburu, in what became the firstmilitary coupin modern Argentine history, marking the beginning of what would be later called theInfamous Decadein Argentina.
Supported bynationalistic sectors of the military, Uriburu tried to implement major changes to Argentine politics and government, banning political parties, suspending elections, and suspending the1853 Constitution, with the aim to reorganizing Argentina alongcorporatistandfascistlines. However, Uriburu's policies would face widespread opposition from civil society and from conservative factions of the military, and only a year later, in 1931, he was forced to step down. Thus, in November 1931, the military government called for elections, but only after banningUCRcandidates and organizing a system that was broadly recognized asfraudulent. It was under these conditions that GeneralAgustín P. Justowas elected president.
Electedon 8 November 1931,Agustín P. Justowas supported by a newly created conservative party known asConcordancia, which was born as an alliance between theNational Democratic Party, dissident sectors of theRadical Civic Unionthat had opposedHipólito Yrigoyen, and theIndependent Socialist Party. Still reeling from the aftermath of theGreat Depression, the government ofAgustín P. Justoat first undertook fiscally conservative economic policies, reducing public expenditure and restricting the circulation of currency in an attempt to strengthen the public coffers. However, as in other countries during this period,Keynesianideas were eventually implemented, and more emphasis was placed on public works and infrastructure, resulting in the creation of the National Office of Public Highways, expansion of the road network, creation of the Junta Nacional de Granos (National Grain Board) and the Junta Nacional de Carnes (National Meat Board), and, in 1935, creation of theCentral Bank of the Argentine Republic, under the advice of economistOtto Niemeyer.
In foreign policy, the most pressing issue of the Justo administration was the restoration of international trade, which had collapsed following theGreat Depression.
As a byproduct ofBlack Tuesdayand theWall Street crash of 1929, Great Britain, principal economic partner of Argentina in the 1920s and 1930s, had taken measures to protect the meat supply market in theCommonwealth. At the1932 Imperial Conferencenegotiations inOttawa, bowing to pressure, mainly from Australia and South Africa, Britain had decided to severely curtail imports ofArgentine beef.The plan provoked an immediate outcry inBuenos Aires, and the Argentine government dispatchedVice-president Rocaand a team of negotiators to London. As a result of these negotiations, on 1 May 1933, the bilateral treaty known as theRoca-Runciman Treatywas signed betweenArgentinaand the United Kingdom, which guaranteed Argentina a beef exportquotathat was equivalent to the levels sold in 1932, in exchange for Argentina reducing tariffs on almost 350 British goods to 1930 rates and to refrain from imposing duties on coal, strengthening the commercial ties between Argentina and Britain and ensuring atrade surplusduring the turmoil of theGreat Depression, but drawing ire from nationalistic sectors and several opposition senators, including the denunciations ofliberalSenatorLisandro de la Torre, who claimed that Britain received the most benefits from the treaty.Ratified by theArgentine Senate, the Roca-Runciman Treaty lasted three years and was renewed for another three years as the Eden-Malbrán Treaty of 1936.Argentina underJustowould also rejoin theLeague of Nations, and holdState Visitsto presidentsGetúlio Vargasof Brazil andGabriel TerraofUruguay, signing commercial treaties with those nations.
Justo's foreign minister,Carlos Saavedra Lamaswould also serve an important role as a mediator in theChaco WarbetweenBoliviaandParaguay, helping both countries reach a peace deal, thus winning the1936 Nobel Peace Prize.
In the aftermath of the1930 military coupand the subsequent accusations ofelectoral fraudagainst Justo, political tensions inArgentinawould remain high throughout the 1930s. On 5 April 1931, supporters of deposed presidentYrigoyenwon the elections for governor in theProvince of Buenos Aires, but the government ofUriburudeclared the elections invalid. On December, facing uprisings byUCRsupporters, Justo decreed a state of siege, and again imprisoned the oldYrigoyen, as well asAlvear,Ricardo Rojas,Honorio Pueyrredón, and other leading figures of the party.
In 1933, attempted revolts continued.Buenos Aires,Corrientes,Entre Ríos, andMisioneswould be the stage ofUCRuprisings, which ended with more than a thousand people being detained. Seriously ill, Yrigoyen was returned to Buenos Aires and kept under house arrest. He died on 3 June, and his burial inLa Recoleta Cemeterywas the occasion of a mass demonstration. In December, during a meeting of the national convention of theUCR, a joint uprising by the military and politicians broke loose inSanta Fe,Rosario, andPaso de los Libres. José Benjamin Abalos, who was Yrigoyen's former Minister, and Colonel Roberto Bosch were arrested during the uprising and the organizers and leaders of the party were imprisoned atMartín García. Former PresidentMarcelo Torcuato de Alvearwas exiled by the government, while others were detained in the penitentiary inUshuaia.
In 1935, former presidentAlvearwas allowed to return from exile as part of a gentlemen's agreement withJusto, withAlvearpromising there would be no more violent rebellions in exchange forJustopromising an end to fraudulent elections. ThusAlveartook on leadership of theUCRparty, vowing that theUCRwould once again take part in elections and to continue the fight against fraudulent practices. That same year, once again amid accusations of fraud, theJustoadministration managed to secure the victory of its candidateManuel Frescofor governor of theProvince of Buenos Aires, but it could not avoid theUCRvictory ofAmadeo Sabattinifor governor inCórdoba, despite bloody incidents that aimed at disrupting the election. Meanwhile, the province ofSanta Fe, under the leadership of oppositionDemocratic Progressive Partygovernor Luciano Molinas, was the subject of afederal interventionby the national government.
In 1937,presidential electionswere to be held.Alvear, together with his running mateEnrique Moscacampaigned across the country, vowing that "not even fraud could defeat them". Meanwhile, the rulingConcordanciaparty, nominated lawyerRoberto M. Ortiz, from the dissident anti-YrigoyenUCRfaction, as presidential candidate, withconservativelawmakerRamón Castillo, as his running mate. The1937 presidential electionswere held in September. Completely flouting on his promise,Justokept his political and security forces busy on election day. Amid widespread reports of intimidation, ballot stuffing and voter roll tampering (whereby, according to one observer, "democracy was extended to the hereafter"), Ortiz won the elections handily.
When the war began,Roberto María Ortizwas thePresident of Argentina. Despitewinning the presidency in 1937in a process that was widely recognized as fraudulent by both the government and the opposition,by 1939 the government of Ortiz had made democratic normalization a priority of its agenda.To achieve this aim, the Ortiz administration resorted to federal interventions, but in the opposite way that these had been used underJusto, intervening those provinces where governors had won by proven fraud (namelySan Juan,Santiago del Estero,CatamarcaandBuenos Aires), while respecting the results and autonomy in those provinces with no irregularities, including those where elections had been won by the oppositionUCR, such as the cases ofTucumán(October 1938 and March 1939) as well asCórdoba(March 1940). In 1940,legislative electionswere held in a clean fashion, giving the oppositionUCRa majority in Congress.This policy of democratic restoration would soon put the administration of Ortiz at odds with the more conservative factions of his own rulingConcordanciaparty, including conservative vice-president Ramón Castillo.
The oppositionRadical Civic Union, in turn, was divided between FORJA, a political grouping that consisted of hardline supporters of deposedUCRpresidentHipólito Yrigoyen(who died in 1933) and opposed any form of cooperation with the government, and the majoritarian faction of theUCRunder the official leadership ofMarcelo Torcuato de Alvear, who, while also remaining in opposition to the government, soon adopted a more conciliary tone to the Ortiz administration as a result of these changes. The two other major parties, theSocialist Partyand the liberalDemocratic Progressive Partywould also remain in opposition to the government. Meanwhile, theCommunist Party, also staunchly opposed to the government, initially followed a policy of courting the trade unions, and gave priority to supporting the international stance of theSoviet Union.
Economically, recovery from the Great Depression had been underway since 1933, but the beginning of the war resulted in changes to the Argentine economy, as imports from Europe were reduced. Thus began a process ofimport substitution industrialization, which had some antecedents during the Great Depression. This led to a process of internal migration as well, with people living in the countryside or in small villages moving to urban centers.
At the beginning of the Second World War on 1 September 1939, the Argentine government proclaimed its neutrality in the conflict. On 3 September, the diplomatic representatives of the United Kingdom and France informed the Argentine government that their countries had entered a state of war againstNazi Germany. Following the initial policies of other states in the Americas, the Ortiz government issued a decree on 4 September 1939, declaring Argentine neutrality in the conflict. To enforce the observance of neutrality, on 14 September 1939, Ortiz issued a second presidential decree, creating a special commission integrated by representatives from each ministry, housed on theMinistry of Foreign Affairsand chaired by a delegate from this ministry.
On 13 December 1939, theBattle of the River Platetook place. During this battle, the German pocket battleshipAdmiral Graf Speewas severely damaged by British ships on the waters of theRiver Plateestuary. Cornered, the German captainHans Langsdorffordered the scuttling of the ship,while the crew were taken under custody and interned by Uruguayan and Argentine authorities.While under custody, Hans Langsdorff later committed suicide at theImmigrant's Hotelin Buenos Aires, while the crew was eventually released, a dozen of them taking residence inArgentinaandUruguay.
In December 1939, partly as a consequence of theBattle of the River Plate, the Ortiz government concluded that the worldwide nature of the conflict would eventually make neutrality untenable and impossible to maintain.Thus,Minister of Foreign AffairsJosé Maria Cantilowas tasked with drafting a proposal, under which Argentina, together with the United States and eventually otherLatin Americanstates, would join theAlliesas "non-belligerent" states, offering economic and diplomatic support to theEuropean Allies.
In April 1940, Foreign Affairs Minister Cantilo made a visit to United States ambassadorNormal Armour, presenting the Argentine proposal for the United States, Argentina and other Latin American states to join the war together as non-belligerent parties.However, the Argentine proposal suffered from bad timing, as then U.S. president,Franklin Roosevelt, was in the midst of a challenging and controversialre-election campaignfor an unprecedentedthird term in office. To make things worse, on 12 May 1940, the Argentine proposal was leaked to the press, and was published nationwide by Argentine daily newspaperLa Nación, leading to much confusion in the country, and outrage among nationalist groups, who demanded Ortiz's resignation. On 13 May, the Argentine government issued a communique acknowledging the existence of the proposal, and on 18 May another communique was issued, clarifying that Argentina would continue to observe the "most strict neutrality" in the conflict.
The leak of this proposal at an early stage of the conflict, together with the perceived diplomatic snub, severely weakened the position of the Ortiz administration and of pro-Alliedfactions within the Argentine government, intensifyingnationalistsentiment and opposition to Ortiz in military circles.
From the beginning of his administration, Ortiz had been suffering from diabetes, and his health continued to deteriorate throughout his presidency. By 3 July 1940, after only two years in office, Ortiz had lost much of hiseyesight, and thus he requested a temporary leave of absence from his duties as president, being replaced by conservative Vice-presidentRamón S. Castillo, who became acting president.During Castillo's tenure, stances towards the war became more complex as the conflict developed. The main political parties, newspapers and intellectuals supported the Allies, yet Castillo maintained neutrality. Meanwhile, Ortiz was in leave of absence and unable to serve as president, but he did not resign from office. The position of Argentina vis-à-vis the war generated disputes between them, with Castillo often prevailing.
Despite several treatments from Argentineophthalmologists, and the kind gesture of support from PresidentRooseveltwho sent one of the best ophthalmologists from the United States to provide treatment as well, Ortiz's health got progressively worse, until he finally lost his eyesight completely. On 27 June 1942 he would present his full resignation to the presidency, and vice-president Castillo took office as president to fulfill the remaining two years of his mandate.Only 18 days after his resignation,Ortizdied.
Meanwhile, among civil society and the main political parties, support for Argentine intervention on theAllied sidecontinued to grow and became widespread as the war progressed. The main pro-Allied advocacy organization wasAcción Argentina, founded on 5 June 1940, from a proposal of theSocialist Party. The initial manifesto ofAcción Argentinawas drafted by former presidentMarcelo T. de Alvear, and leading members of the organization included major intellectuals, journalists, artists and politicians from a wide ideological spectrum, among themAlicia Moreau de Justo,Américo Ghioldi, José Aguirre Cámara, Mauricio Yadarola, Rodolfo Fitte, Rafael Pividal, Raúl C. Monsegur, Federico Pinedo, Jorge Bullrich, Alejandro Ceballos, Julio A. Noble,Victoria Ocampo,Emilio Ravignani,Nicolás Repetto, Mariano Villar Sáenz Peña and Juan Valmaggia. The organization grew to encompass 300 chapters across the country, and organized political meetings and protests, propaganda posters, leaflets, and even direct actions attempting to expose Nazi activity in the country.
On the side of those opposing entry into the war, FORJA was the only political party that supported neutrality throughout the war, seeing it as an opportunity to get rid of what they considered British meddling with the Argentine economy. Starting in 1940, the FORJA faction led by Dellepiane and Del Mazo had drifted away from the organization and rejoined theUCR, while FORJA itself adopted morenationalistic and left-wing ideas, under the leadership ofArturo Jauretche.Nationalistic sectors of the army also promoted neutrality as a way to oppose the United Kingdom and its economic influence. Notably during this time, a plan was made by the Naval War College to invade theFalkland Islands, but was never put into operation.On the other hand, the newspaperEl Pampero, financed by the German embassy, actively supported Hitler.
Within theArgentine Army,Germanophilesentiments were strong among many officers, an influence that predated both world wars, having been steadily growing since 1904. Generally, it did not involve a rejection of democracy but rather an admiration ofGerman military history, which combined with an intenseArgentine nationalisminfluenced the main stance of the army towards the war: maintainingneutrality. The arguments in favor ranged from support for the Argentine military tradition (as the country had been neutral during bothWorld War Iand theWar of the Pacific), to a rejection of foreign attempts to coerce Argentina into joining a war perceived as a conflict between foreign countries with no Argentine interests at stake, to outrightAnglophobia.Though only a handful of military leaders actually supportedAdolf Hitler, and pro-Axis positions were a minority, their true influence inside the army remains difficult to ascertain, as their advocates generally disguised themselves and adopted nationalist arguments.
Meanwhile, the Communist Party aligned itself with the diplomatic policies of the Soviet Union. As a result, it supported neutrality and opposed the British influence in Argentina during the early stages of the war, in line with theTreaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the Soviet Union. The launching ofOperation Barbarossaand the consequent Soviet entry in the war changed that attitude. SomeTrotskyistspromoted the fight against the Third Reich as an early step of an internationalclass struggle.
As for the Castillo administration, there are a number of interpretations for his reasons for staying neutral. One such perspective focuses on the Argentine tradition of neutrality. Others see Castillo as a nationalist, not being influenced by the power structure in Buenos Aires (since he was fromCatamarca), so that, with the support of the army, he could simply defy the pressure to join the Allies. A similar interpretation considers instead that Castillo simply had no power to go against the wishes of the army, and if he declared war he would be deposed in amilitary coup. A third point of view considers that the United States was the sole promoter of Argentina's entry into the war, whereas the United Kingdom benefited from Argentine neutrality as it was a major supplier of beef and wheat. This, however, fails to acknowledge theAnglophilefactions' constant requests to declare war.Most likely, it was a combination of the desires of the British diplomacy and the Argentine army, which prevailed over the pro-war factions.
Socialist deputy Enrique Dickmann created a commission in theNational Congressto investigate a rumored German attempt to seizePatagoniaand then conquer the rest of the country. The conservative deputy Videla Dorna claimed that the real risk was a similar Communist invasion, and FORJA believed that a German invasion was only a potential risk, whereas British dominance of the Argentine economy was a reality.
A diplomatic mission by the BritishLord Willingdonarranged commercial treaties whereby Argentina sent thousands of cattle to Britain at no charge, decorated with the Argentine colours and with the phrase "good luck" written on them.El Pamperoand FORJA criticised this arrangement, withArturo JauretcheandHomero Manziproclaiming "these are the goods that are not being sent to our needy compatriots in the provinces".
The situation changed dramatically after the Japaneseattack on Pearl Harborand the subsequentAmerican declaration of war upon Japan. During the Third Consultation Meeting of Foreign Ministers of the Americas (1942 Rio Conference), the United States of America tried to get every Latin American country to join the Allies to generate a continent-wide resistance to theAxis. But the government of Castillo, through foreign ministerEnrique Ruiz Guiñazu, opposed the American proposal. From that moment onwards, relations between both countries worsened, and American pressure for Argentine entry into the war began to increase.
Castillo did, however, declare a state of emergency after the attack on Pearl Harbor.
Castillo's term was due to end in 1944. Initially, it was arranged that Agustín Pedro Justo would run for president for a second time, but after his unexpected death in 1943 Castillo was forced to seek another candidate, finally settling onRobustiano Patrón Costas.The army, however, was neither willing to support the electoral fraud that would be necessary to secure Costas's victory, nor to continue conservative policies, nor to risk Costas breaking neutrality. A number of generals reacted by creating a secret organization called theUnited Officers' Group(GOU) to oust Castillo from power. Future presidentJuan Perónwas a member of this group but did not support an early coup, recommending instead to postpone the overthrowing of the government until the plotters had developed a plan to make necessary reforms. The coup was to take place close to the elections, should the electoral fraud have been confirmed, but it was instead carried out earlier in response rumors of the possible sacking of the minister of war,Pedro Pablo Ramírez.
It is not known for certain whether Patrón Costas would have maintained neutrality or not. But some declarations of support to Britain and his ties with pro-allied factions suggest that had he become president he would have declared war.
The military coup that deposed Castillo took place on 4 June 1943. It is considered the end of theInfamous Decadeand the starting point of the self-styledRevolution of '43.Arturo Rawsontook power asde factopresident. The nature of the coup was confusing during its first days: German embassy officials burned their documentation fearing a pro-Allied coup, while the United States embassy considered it a pro-Axis coup.
Rawson met with a delegate from the British embassy on 5 June and promised to break relations with the Axis powers and declare war within 72 hours. This turn of events enraged theUnited Officers' Group, as did Rawson's choices for his cabinet. A new coup took place, replacing Rawson withPedro Pablo Ramírez.Thus, Rawson became the shortest non-interim president in Argentine history.
One of the first measures of the new Ramírez government was to prohibitAcción Argentinaand its pro-Allied advocacy activities.
The new government proceeded with both progressive and reactionary policies. Maximum prices were established for popular products, rents were reduced, the privileges of theChadopyfffactory were annulled and hospital fees were abolished. On the other hand, the authorities intervened trade unions, closed the Communist newspaperLa Horaand imposed religious education at schools.Juan PerónandEdelmiro Julián Farrell, hailing from the Ministry of War, fostered better relations between the state and the unions.
As previously discussed, the Communist Party had aligned itself with the diplomatic policies of the Soviet Union. Following the launching ofOperation Barbarossaand the consequent Soviet entry in the war, the Communists became pro-war and halted its support for further labour strikes against British factories located in Argentina. This switch redirected workers' support from the Communist Party to Perón and the new government.
As a result, the Communist Party turned against the government, which it viewed as pro-Nazi. Perón countered complaints by declaring that "The excuses they seek are very well known. They say we are 'nazis', I declare we are as far from Nazism as from any other foreign ideology. We are only Argentines and want, above all, the common good for Argentines. We do not want any moreelectoral fraud, nor more lies. We do not want that those who do not work live from those who do".
The government held diplomatic discussions with the United States, with Argentina requesting aircraft, fuel, ships and military hardware. The ArgentineMinister of Foreign AffairsSegundo Storniargued that, although Argentina refrained from participating in the war, it remained closer to the Allies, sending them food, and that up to then the Axis powers had not taken action against the country to justify a declaration of war. TheUnited States Secretary of StateCordell Hullreplied that Argentina was the only Latin American country to not have broken relations with the Axis, that Argentine food was sold at lucrative return, and that United States military hardware was intended for countries already at war, some of which were facing more severe fuel shortages than was Argentina. Storni resigned after this rejection.The United States took further measures to increase pressure on Argentina. All Argentine companies suspected of having ties with the Axis powers were blacklisted and boycotted, and the supply of newsprint was limited to pro-Allied newspapers. American exports of electronic appliances, chemical substances and oil production infrastructure were halted. The properties of forty-four Argentine companies were seized, and scheduled loans were halted. Hull wanted to weaken the Argentine government or force its resignation. Torn between diplomatic and economic pressure as opposed to an open declaration of war against Argentina, he opted for the former to avoid disrupting the supply of food to Britain. Nevertheless, he also saw the situation as a chance for the United States to have a greater influence over Argentina than Britain.
The United States also threatened to accuse Argentina of being involved with the coup ofGualberto Villarroelin Bolivia, and a plot to receive weapons from Germany after the allied refusal, to face the possible threat of invasion either by the United States itself or Brazil acting on their behalf. However, it would be unlikely that Germany would provide such weapons, given their fragile situation in 1944. Ramírez called a new meeting of the GOU, and it was agreed to break diplomatic relations with the Axis powers (albeit without yet a declaration of war) on 26 January 1944.
The break in relations generated unrest within the military, and Ramírez considered removing both the influential Farrell and Perón from the government. However, their faction discovered Ramírez's plan. They broke up theUnited Officers' Group, to avoid letting the military loyal to Ramírez know they were aware of his plot, and then initiated a coup against him. Edelmiro Julián Farrell became then the new president of Argentina on 24 February.
The United States refused to recognise Farrell as long as he maintained the neutralist policy, which was ratified by Farrell on 2 March, and the United States broke relations with Argentina two days later.Winston Churchillcomplained about the harsh policy of the United States against Argentina, pointing out that Argentine supplies were vital to the British war effort and that removing their diplomatic presence from the country would even force Argentina to seek Axis protection. British diplomacy sought to guarantee the supply of Argentine food by signing a treaty covering it, while US diplomatic policy sought to prevent such a treaty. Hull ordered the confiscation of Argentine goods in the United States, suspension of foreign trade with her, prohibited US ships from mooring at Argentine ports, and denounced Argentina as the "nazi headquarters in the Western hemisphere".
According to historianNorberto Galasso, at this point Washington held talks with Brazil, exploring plans for military intervention. The Brazilian ambassador in Washington is said to have claimed that Buenos Aires could be completely destroyed by the Brazilian Air Force, allowing Argentina to be dominated without the open intervention of the United States, who would support Brazil by providing ships and bombs.
TheLiberation of Parisin August 1944 gave new hopes to the pro-Allied factions in Argentina, who saw it as an omen of the possible fall of the Argentine government and called for new elections. The demonstrations in support of Paris soon turned into protests against the government, leading to incidents with the police.It was rumored that some Argentine politicians in Uruguay would create agovernment in exile, but the project never came to fruition. PresidentFranklin Rooseveltsupported Hull's claims about Argentina with similar statements. He also cited Churchill when he stated that history would judge all nations for their role in the war, both belligerents and neutrals.
By early 1945, World War II was nearing its end. The Red Armyhad captured Warsawand was closing in on East Prussia, and Berlin itself was under attack. Allied victory was imminent. Perón, the strong man of the Argentine government, foresaw that the Allies would dominate international politics for decades and concluded that although Argentina had successfully resisted the pressure to force it to join the war, remaining neutral until the end of the war would force the country intoisolationismat best or bring about a military attack from the soon to be victorious powers.
Negotiations were eased by the departure of Hull as Secretary of State, replaced byEdward Stettinius Jr., who demanded that Argentina hold free elections, declare war against the Axis powers, eradicate all Nazi presence in the country and give its complete cooperation to international organizations. Perón agreed, and German organizations were curtailed, pro-Nazi manifestations were banned, and German goods were seized. The Argentine merchant navy was instructed to ignore the German blockade.These measures eased relations with the United States. When the Alliesadvanced into Frankfurt, Argentina finally formalized the negotiations. On 27 March, per Decree 6945, Argentina declared war on Japan and, by extension, on Germany, an ally of Japan. FORJA, one of the main proponents of neutrality, distanced itself from the government, but eventuallyArturo Jauretchewould come to support the government's change of position a year later. Jauretche reasoned that the United States opposed Argentina because of its perceived Nazism by refusing to declare war although neutrality was based instead on Argentine interests; which were no longer at stake with a declaration of war when the country would not actually join the conflict. Jauretche came to believe that Perón's pragmatism was better for the country than his own idealistic perspective of keeping a neutral stance to the end of the war.
A few days later, on 10 April, the United Kingdom, France, the United States, and the other Latin American countries restored diplomatic relations with Argentina. Still, diplomatic hostility against Argentina from the United States resurfaced after the unexpected death of Roosevelt, who was succeeded byHarry S. Truman. AmbassadorSpruille Bradenwould organize opposition to the government of Farrell and Perón.
The finalAxis defeatin theEuropean Theatre of World War IItook place a month later and was greeted with demonstrations of joy in Buenos Aires.Similar demonstrations took place in August, after thesurrender of Japan, bringing World War II to its final end.Farrell lifted the state of emergency declared by Castillo after the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor.
In early May 1945, amidGermany's surrenderat theend of World War II in Europe, two German U-boats,U-977andU-530(then sailing in Europe), decided to flee to Argentina rather than surrender to the Allies. The subs reachedMar del Plata,Buenos Aires Provincerespectively on 17 August 1945 and 10 July 1945, and Argentina quickly handed them over to the American military after first summoning US andBritish Royal Navyexperts for interrogating them and examining their logs.
During World War II, 4,000 Argentines served with all threeBritish armed services, even though Argentina was officially a neutral country during the war.Over 600 Argentine volunteers served with both theRoyal Air Forceand theRoyal Canadian Air Force, mostly inNo. 164 (Argentine) squadron,whose shield bore the sun from theFlag of Argentinaand themotto,"Determined We Fly (Firmes Volamos)".
Maureen Dunlop, born inQuilmes, left her Australian/English parents to join theAir Transport Auxiliary(ATA). She recorded over 800hrs service, ferryingSupermarine Spitfires,de Havilland MosquitosNorth American P-51 Mustangs,Hawker Typhoons, and bomber types including theVickers WellingtonandAvro Lancasterto the frontline RAF stations. After being photographed exiting aFairey Barracuda, she featured on the cover ofPicture Poston 16 September 1942, and became a wartime pin-up. Dunlop returned to Argentina after the war, and continued work as a commercial pilot who also flew for and trained pilots of theArgentine Air Force. She later raised pure-bloodArab horseswith her husband on theirstud farm, "Milla Lauquen Stud".
Nearly 500 Argentines served in the Royal Navy around the world, from the North Atlantic to the South Pacific.Many were part of the special forces, such asJohn Godwin.
Many members of the Anglo-Argentine community also volunteered in non-combat roles, or worked to raise money and supplies for British troops. The Anglo-ArgentineFellowship of the Bellowsin Argentina raised money to buy aircraft for the RAF. In April 2005, a special remembrance service was held at the RAF church ofSt Clement Danesin London.
On 9 May 2015, the remains of the Argentine volunteer Group Captain Kenneth Langley Charney DFC & Bar, were repatriated and buried in the British Cemetery in Buenos Aires. Charney was born in Quilmes, Argentina, in 1920, and died in Andorra in 1982.
Before the beginning of World War II, there was a substantialGermancommunity in Argentina, a result of 19th-century immigration. Although this community was heterogenous, including manyGerman Jews, liberals,social democratsand other opponents of Nazism (Indeed, the mainGerman-language newspaper in Argentina, was banned inNazi Germanyfor its opposition toHitler), it also included supporters of Hitler and theNazi Party, and Argentina hosted a strong, well-organized pro-Nazi element that was controlled by the German ambassador. During the war,Nazi Germanyconducted espionage activities in the country and across Latin America, under the aegis ofOperation Bolivar, until the network was dismantled and most of its agents were arrested in 1944.
In the late 1940s, underJuan Domingo Peron's leadership, the government secretly allowed entry of a number of war criminals fleeing Europe afterNazi Germany's collapse, as part of theratlines.  More than 300 Nazi fugitives fled to Argentina, including war criminals such asErich Priebke,Joseph Mengele,Eduard Roschmann,Josef Schwammberger,Walter Kutschmann, and Gestapo ColonelAdolf Eichmann.This also included members of the ultranationalistUstašeregime from theIndependent State of Croatia, including its leader,Ante Pavelić.
In May 1960,Adolf Eichmannwas kidnapped in Argentina by the IsraeliMossadand brought to trial in Israel, where he was executed in 1962.At the time, Argentina condemned the Israeli government for abducting Eichmann, demanding he be returned to face arrest and extradition through the proper channels.This led to a diplomatic spat between the nations, which was solved amicably shortly afterwards.
In 1992, PresidentCarlos Menemdeclassified several police files regarding the escape ofNazifugitives toArgentina,and in 1997 he created a special commission to investigate their activities. This, along with collaboration between local authorities and theSimon Wiesenthal Center, led to the arrest of notorious war criminals such asPriebke,ŠakićandKutschmann.In 2000, PresidentFernando de la Rúaissued a formal state apology for Argentina's role in aiding the escape ofNazifugitives.