Qatari folklore

Qatarifolklorelargely revolves around sea-based activities and the accolades of renownedfolk heroes. Like elsewhere on theArabian Peninsula,folktales– known in Qatar ashazzawi– play an important role inQatar's culture.Some of Qatar's folktales have a distinctive local character while others have been imparted bynomadic tribeswandering between the present-dayArab states of the Persian Gulf. Local folk stories were seldom documented, instead being passed down orally from generation to generation. After Qatar began profiting from oil exploration, the tradition of passing down these stories gradually ceased. Government ministries such as theMinistry of Culture and Sportsand local universities have made efforts to preserve and transcribe local legends in publications.
Among Qatar's most noted folk heroes areQatari ibn al-Fuja'a, a 7th-centurywar poet,andRahmah ibn Jabir Al Jalhami, an 18th- and 19th-century pirate and transitory leader of Qatar.Recurring themes in Qatari folklore aredjinn,pearl diving, and the sea.Almost every story has a positivemoralbehind it, such as honesty, strength or piety.
In Qatari folklore, the tale ofMay and Ghilânhas been celebrated as a foundational narrative, often recounted throughoral tradition. This genre of story is referred to under the Arabic termhikâya, translated aslegendor story. Ghilân, a prominent figure in Qatar's maritime history, is symbolically depicted as the progenitor ofpearl fishing, the historical mainstay of Qatar's inhabitants.
The narrative unfolds in the coastal town of Khor Al Muhanadah (nowAl Khor), where Ghilân, an affluent boat owner, commands a fleet of vessels engaged in pearl fishing. His authority is challenged by the arrival of May, a daring woman who emerges as a formidable competitor in the industry. Despite Ghilân's initial dominance, May's superior boats and crew pose a formidable threat to his supremacy.
A pivotal moment occurs when May's boats, propelled by skilled rowers, outpace Ghilân's vessels on the route to the pearloysterbeds. In a moment of indignation, Ghilân devises a cunning strategy to regain his advantage. Inspired by the sight of agrasshopper'swings, he conceives the idea of utilizingsailsto harness the wind's power. The implementation of sail technology enables Ghilân's boats to surpass May's, leading to his triumph.
While the legend of May and Ghilân has endured within Qatari folklore, its widespread dissemination has been limited primarily to the locality of Al Khor. According to tradition, the legend originated from the localAl Muhannaditribe. Despite efforts to preserve oral traditions, the story's transmission has been widely reduced after several generations.
TheLord of the Seatale is famous in Qatar as well as the rest of thePersian Gulfregion. The story revolves around a waterdjinnnamed Bū Daryā, who terrorizes sailors and pearl divers. It remains a well-known tale among Qatar's older population, particularly those who worked in maritime activities.
The legend attains its name from the protagonist, Bū Daryā. InArabic, "bu" or "abu" translates to "father", while "darya" originates from thePersianterm for "sea". Although the second word has Persian origins, the legend has not been documented in any known Persian literature. An alternative name for the protagonist is "Shayṭān Al-Bahār", Arabic for "devil of the sea". Bū Daryā was seen as a terrifying and colossalhalf-human half-amphibianwho preyed on those out at sea. Many sailors and pearl divers of the past were convinced of Bū Daryā's existence and took special precautions should they encounter him. In fact, according to one version of the legend, Bū Daryā would sneak onto unsuspecting ships at night before scurrying off with crew members whom he would devour, and in some cases sink the ship. This provoked seaward travelers to take turns on night watch duty in case of an attack.It was said that those who witnessed the sea creature in person would be cursed and afflicted by ailments ranging fromnauseatohallucinations.
Wailing-like calls, similar to those of asiren, are reported in the second version of the legend. Unsuspecting sea travelers who would answer these pleas would face their doom at the hands of Bū Daryā. If a whole ship responded to the call, then its resources would be plundered and in most cases, the ship would be sunk. As per this version, the only way to repel the hypnotic calling would be to repeatQuranverses. The second version represents a less fanciful depiction of Bū Daryā and contains more elements pertaining to the unknown dangers awaiting in unexplored and undocumented areas of the open sea. It also attempts to reconcile faith and religion with long-held customs to provide amoralto the story.
Known by multiple names, such asHomarat Al-Guyla(translating to "female donkey of noon") andUmm Homar(Donkey Lady), this legend revolves around a half-woman, half-donkeycreaturethat preys on children. Parents, particularly mothers, caution their children to remain indoors during the height of the day, as this is when the creature prowls. Clad in black, she can be identified by the distinctive sound of herhooves, which incites fear and sends children running.
The Donkey Lady's origins are shrouded in mystery, but she is infamous for her sly and deceitful tactics. She appears when parents are napping after a morning of hard work, knocking on doors and calling out to children, asking for food or water. If the children obey their parents' warnings and do not open the door, Umm Homar becomes aggressive, pounding on the door to frighten them. In some versions of the story, she can transform into a lizard to climb walls or is followed by three ominous black dogs.
A rich tradition ofstorytellingis present in Qatar and is considered a vital way to preserve local culture.Aside from being passed on between family members at home, themajlisand desert camps also served as venues for transmission.It was common for women, particularly thegrandmothers, to fulfill the role of storytelling within a family.They are usually told to children starting from the age of four, and can either be narrated or sung. Folktales are seen as being vital for theacculturationand development of children.
Some tales are based on ancientNabatipoems, which is a type of poetry endemic to theArabian Peninsula.
Qatari folktales can be divided into four main categories: witticisms (torfah),anecdotes(nadirah),wisecracks(molhah) andjokes(noktah). The first genre, referred to as witticism in English, provides a combination ofsocial criticismandsarcasmdelivered in awittymanner. Humor is not necessary for witticisms; in fact, many witticisms do not highlight elements of humor, but of misfortune and misery.Nonetheless, this misery may be still be communicated in a lighthearted and exaggerated way for entertainment purposes.
An example of the witticism, ortorfahgenre, is the story ofFar Boufarah Khayes Al-Merara, narrated by Qatari folklorist Ahmed Al Sayegh. In it, a delusional man kills amousewith a sword and pridefully places it in front of his doorstep in an attempt to showcase hismasculinity. When his wife notices the dead mouse, she does not share his enthusiasm and instead views it as the unnecessary slaughter of a defenseless creature. Incensed, the husband expresses his very strong dissatisfaction with his wife's attitude and threatens to divorce her.After his mother-in-law was informed of the incident by his wife, she visits him and on entering the household, questions who it was that has slain the mighty lion at their doorstep. The husband arrogantly claimed responsibility and, encouraged by his mother-in-law'senablingof his delusional state, moved to forgive his wife for her perceived transgressions. Thus, witticisms can be seen as playing important social roles, with theirmoralsoften providing relevant and sensible advice to its listeners. In this context, the lesson taught is, that spouses may have to make compromises and entertain one another'segos, at least to a small extent, for a marriage to be successful. Other common morals taught by witticisms include knowing when to remain silent and being vigilant against thieves and fraudsters.
Folktales vary widely intheme, ranging frommythicalsettings featuringjinn,ghoulsandblack magic, to themes that better reflect reality such as the natural environment,pearl divingor the rapid pace ofurbanization.Jinn and the sea feature prominently in several stories.In Islamic tradition, jinn are intelligent entities formed byAllahfrom smokeless fire. Similar to humans, they possess free will and the ability to choose their actions. Jinn occasionally decide to interact with the human realm, either to help or to cause harm, and are sometimes capable ofwishgranting.Stories that involve jinn includeAl-Sofra wal Qadah wal Mushaab,Al Fisaikra,andHamad and Hamda.
Cannibalismis a prevalent theme in Qatari folklore, captivating audiences by inducing fear. It incorporates several associated elements such as the unsuspecting victim, the predatory consumer, societal stigma, and accompanying shame. In some tales, cannibalism is central, while in others, it plays a lesser role. It often appears as a mid-narrative event rather than at the beginning or end of the story. Cannibalism appears in both realistic and fantastical narratives, involving humans and jinn. Some of the stories in which it appears areHadid Hadiduh,Sorour(in two versions),Laibah al-Sabr,Tuwaisa al-Sabr, andNassif.In the distant past, certain tribes and individuals in theArabian Peninsulahave been accused of consuming human meat, primarily in times offamine, serving as a foundation for some of these folktales.Witchesare often the main perpetrators of intentional cannibalism and children, often provided with little to no identifying information, are the primary victims in these stories.
The story ofSorourfocuses on a child named Sorour, who, after his mother's death, endures the mistreatment and animosity of his stepmother while living with his father. This narrative follows a familiar pattern in Qatari folklore, where anorphanedchild experiences hardship within astepfamily, often emphasizing the plight of orphanhood. In the tale, three groups unknowingly consume human flesh: Sorour's father, the stepmother's family, and the father's guests. The father and the stepmother’s family are directly related to Sorour, while the guests have no familial connection. The guests remain unaware of the nature of the meat they have eaten, while the father and the stepmother’s family eventually realize that they have consumed the flesh of their kin. This revelation is intended as an act of revenge orchestrated by the stepmother.
The story features no deliberate intention of cannibalism by the consumers, but it is a calculated act by the one who prepared the meal. The guests' awareness of the gruesome truth remains ambiguous, whereas the stepmother’s family comes to this realization upon discovering human remains in their food, marking a peak moment of horror in the tale.Supernaturalelements play a role in the tale, with voices from Sorour's deceased mother in the cemetery and atalking catproviding the revelation about the consumed flesh. The story also highlights themes of revenge and kinship,  with the stepmother's act of cooking and serving the boy's flesh to his father and guests representing a severe breach of familial and social norms while also emphasizing the extreme lengths taken in the pursuit of vengeance.
In the folk taleHadid Hadiduh, a witch is tricked into unknowingly consuming her child's flesh after mistaking her for Hadid Hadiduh, the story's eponymous protagonist. This revelation occurs only after a sequence of confrontations and clever maneuvers between the witch and Hadid Hadiduh. Despite her professed abilities, the witch's powers are continually undermined throughout the tale, ultimately proving ineffectual when she fails to identify the meat of her own offspring. This failure extends beyond her inability to distinguish the flesh; she is also deceived by Hadid Hadiduh, who disguises herself in the daughter's clothing. The witch is convinced by this visual deception and fails to discern the difference between the two girls' voices and appearances.
The tale ofNassifinvolves a woman who maliciously eats thefetusof her unborn child. InLaibah al-Sabr, a young girl, while hidden, witnesses a derangedQuranteacher (al-mutawa) roasting the flesh of her classmate in his house. Overcome with a sense of dread, the young girl believes that the man would be cleared of any wrongdoing if she were to report him due to the man's esteemed social status. The story ends with the girl helplessly bearing witness as the man consumes the boy's flesh.
According toVladimir Propp'sMorphology of the Folktalepublished in 1928, theprologueis an essential component of all folktales. A prologue is defined as the opening section of a story that describes itssetting,characters, andcontext. Most Qatari and other regional folktales begin with the phrase "Blessing of Allah be upon Muhammad" or a variant of this.Sometimes, in the conclusion, they will end a story with a closing sentence such as"rohna anhoom o jeena o ma atoona sheey", translating to "we came and we left, and we took nothing from them".Personal namesare generally seen as unimportant in Qatari folktales, with characters usually referred to by their familial relation to the main character or their profession.
Thenarrative paceis usually quick and the stories short in length.Informal languageis used andfigures of speechoccur frequently, andprofanity, while not as common, also appears in some tales.Stories often revolve around multiple members of a family, and recurrent patterns can be seen in the family structure of protagonists, such asorphanedchildren, children with only one parent, and children with abusivestepparents.Examples of such dynamics can be found in the folktales ofAl-KhadrabounaandHamad and Hamda.
Commonstructurescan be observed in Qatari folktales; with most tales starting with a basic demand, escalating to trials and tribulations, and ending with punishment and/or rewards. The aforementioned stories ofAl-KhadrabounaandHamad and Hamdaas well asAl-Sofra wal Qadah wal Mushaabillustrate this structural archetype well.
In theAl-Khadrabounatale, the prologue introduces an orphaned brother and sister. The plot of the story concerns the namesake, Al-Khadrabouna, a man with whom the sister falls in love and whom her brother contacts on her behalf. Avillainis found in the girl's neighbor, who sabotages their meeting out ofjealousyand weds Al-Khadrabouna herself. In thedénouement, Al-Khadrabouna recognizes the neighbor's deceit and marries the sister instead.
Hamad and Hamdais a story about two starving orphan siblings who set out on a journey to find a wealthy philanthropicSultanwho they believe can help alleviate their dire straits. Their journey is fraught with trials as they stave off starvation before falling in awell. A malicious jinn who resides within the well then threatens and frightens the two siblings. As the jinn is asleep, a miracle occurs as a ring worn by Hamad is revealed to have magic powers upon contact with the well wall and conjures an out-stretched snake for the children to climb and escape. Once out of the well, Hamad uses his magic ring to teleport them in front of the Sultan's son whom chauffeurs Hamda and Hamad to the Sultan's palace. Shortly after, the Sultan's son proposed to Hamda. The story ends with both siblings being offered a residence at the palace.
The protagonist ofAl-Sofra wal Qadah wal Mushaabis awoodworkerwho has a basic need for wood to earn a living and provide for his family. As his area has beendeforested, he had to embark on a journey in distant lands to find suitable clusters of trees. After arriving at a relatively densely treed area, he swung his axe into a tree thrice, only to summon a jinn on his third blow. The jinn identifies himself as a friendly spirit and awards the man with a magic table that conjures up food. Grateful, the man takes home the table and feeds his family, however, the family still complains of a lack of clothing and money. Therefore, the man returned the jinn, but upon the jinn's refusal of further assistance, he visited the Sultan and offered to trade him the table for supplies. He was scammed, being given only a pouch of rice and a sicklymule. He revisited and pleaded with the jinn, who this time provided him with a magic cup that would grant him anything he and his family should desire. He decided to take the cup to a blacksmith in order to secure it withchainsto protect it against thieves. However, the blacksmith learned of the cup's secret and decided to pilfer it. This elicited the man to appeal to the genie for a third time and was given a magical axe. The man then used this axe to exact revenge upon the blacksmith and Sultan and retrieve his magical items, serving as a form of punishment for the villains of the story.
Some of the commonheroarchetypes found in Qatari tales include:
There are many popularvillainarchetypesfound within Qatari folklore. Common ones include:
Al-Anzarootrevolves around a young man who struggles with hisverbal memory. The protagonist is sent on an errand by his wife to collect theanzarūṭshrub (Astragalus sarcocolladymock),a dry herb prized in theMiddle Eastfor its medicinal uses, particularly in treatinggastroenteritis.Along the way he forgets the name of the plant, and repetitively murmurs "mafeesh" (nothing) to himself. As he is walking along the coast, he encounters two superstitious fishermen who attribute their lack of catch to his repetition of "mafeesh". Thus, they hit him on the head and ordered him to repeat "two big, two small" instead in the hopes that it would help their chances. He then happened upon aburial service. His incessant muttering of the phrase "two big, two small" deeply offended the grieving family, causing one of them to strike him upon the head and ask him to repeat "May God have patience and reward you" instead.
The next venue he appears at is awedding ceremony, where he once again offends the audience by mourning their joyous occasion. This induced a member of the audience to slap his head and encourage him to instead say "May God bless your actions and bring you joy". In the proceeding twist ofirony, he stumbles upon two siblings who are engaged in a physical altercation. The elder of the two turned and kicked the man after hearing him express happiness at their quarrel, and ordered him to state that "You should treat your brother better; be kind to him". This phrase was expressed while walking past a man who was shooing a dog away from a mosque, and the words were considered inappropriate by the onlooker. He thus hit him on his head, and asked that he repeat "Go away, dog!". Finally, the man's journey brought him to aleatherworkerwho was in the process of attempting to slice a piece of leather, holding it in his teeth while he steadied his incision. Hearing the words "Go away, dog!" deeply upset him, leading to yet another strike on the head and theleather smithquestioning him, "Do you want a slam with al-anzaroot?", using the term asslangfor a hardy, strong strike. Suddenly, the man remembered what he set out to find, and hugged the leathersmith in appreciation.
Classified as a witticism, the moral of this story is intended to inform listeners to be conscientious of their speech and to recognize that thesetting of a social situationand the timing of an utterance are critical factors in determining the appropriateness of what is said.
InQatari dialect, the two-bandedporgy fishis known asal fisaikra. In Gulf folklore, this fish is considered ajinnthat assists those in need. The tale of Al Fisaikra, recounted byUmm Khalaf, begins with an invocation to God. The main moral provided by the story is that goodness and patience are rewarded, while deceit and cruelty lead to ruin.The story has many similar elements to the classical folk tale ofCinderella.
Once upon a time, a kind-heartedfishermanlived with his daughter, Hamda, after his wife's passing. They led a happy life, with Hamda cooking the fish her father caught. One day, the father decided to remarry to provide companionship and support for his daughter. Hamda enthusiastically supported the idea and suggested a kind neighbor. The neighbor agreed, and soon they were married. The new wife soon bore a daughter, and her attitude towards Hamda changed. She treated her stepdaughter poorly, making her do all the household chores, while she pampered her own daughter. Hamda's father did not believe her complaints. After his death, Hamda was left alone with her stepmother and stepsister.
One night, neighbors gifted them a basket of fish, and the stepmother ordered Hamda to clean them at the coast. Despite her reluctance, Hamda obeyed. While cleaning the fish, the last one—Al Fisaikra—spoke to her, promising riches if released. Fearful of her stepmother, Hamda hesitated, and the fish escaped. Returning home, the stepmother was furious about the missing fish and sent Hamda back to find it. Hamda could not, and her stepmother denied her food, leaving her only bones. Distraught, Hamda returned to the shore to wash the dishes and cried out to Al Fisaikra. The fish reappeared, providing her with a feast. After eating, Hamda learned about a party where the sheikh's son sought a bride. Her stepmother locked her in thetanoor(oven) and went to the party with her daughter.
Al Fisaikra helped Hamda escape, cleaned her up, and dressed her beautifully. Hamda attended the party, catching the eye of the sheikh's son, who found abraceletshe accidentally dropped. The sheikh’s son declared he would marry the girl who fit the bracelet. Servants searching for the girl came to Hamda's house. The stepmother hid Hamda, but a rooster revealed her location. The bracelet fit perfectly, and the sheikh's son requested her hand in marriage. The stepmother demanded an extravagantdowry, which was provided. Al Fisaikra, appearing as a woman, prepared Hamda for her wedding by embellishing her withhennaandkohleyeliner. Following this, the stepmother maliciously forced Hamda to eat the gifts sent over by the sheikh, causing her great pain. The sheikh's son,transformedinto a dog to transport her, later reverted to human form and helped her expel the pearls and corals she had consumed. They lived happily together thereafter. Jealous, the stepmother offered her other daughter to the sheikh's brother, demanding the same dowry. The daughter, forced to eat similarly by her mother, was taken by the brother of her fiancé, who once again transformed into a dog. When she expelled only digested food, he killed and ate her. The stepmother found her daughter's remains the next day, her deceitful plans having backfired.
In the tale ofA'ssoom and A'rooyrecorded by Dhabiya Mohammed Al Khater, two youngsheepnamed A'ssoom (derived fromassaminGulf Arabic,  meaning "stubborn") and A'rooy venture into the countryside to graze on aspringmorning. As it begins to rain heavily, A'ssoom suggests returning home for lunch, but A'rooy prefers to stay and sings a song welcoming the rain. A'ssoom, frustrated and humiliated by A'rooy’s refusal to leave, threatens to summon the wolf to eat her if she does not come back. Unfazed, A'rooy challenges A'ssoom to do so, leading A'ssoom to angrily depart and seek the wolf.
The wolf declined A'ssoom's proposition, prompting her to ask the dog to hunt the wolf. When he declined, she went to his owner and asked him to abuse the dog. Upon his refusal, she ventured to the barber and requested that he shave off the owner's beard. Again daunted by refusal, she suggested to the fire that it set the barber's hut ablaze; this too was declined. When she asked the water to extinguish the fire, it refused, so she asked the camel to disperse the water, but was still met with refusal. She attempted to convince thegadash(a type of insect) to sting the camel, but he did not accept. In her final plea, she begged theroosterto scare thegadashinto compliance and was at last met with acceptance.
After the rooster successfully startled thegadash, it attacked the camel, causing the camel to leap in and disperse the water, some of which spilled into the fire, inducing the fire to set the barber's house ablaze. The distraught barber then cut off the man's beard, which angered him into beating his dog, and in turn, his dog pursued the wolf. Upon the wolf's arrival at the farmhouse, there was no sign of A'rooy, so heironicallyconsumed A'ssoom instead.
The story ofThe Four Women and the Cow-Sellerbegins with a man coming to amarketto sell his cow. Four women sitting in the shade observe him and, amongst themselves, each boasts of her ability to either take his cow, his clothes, get him into trouble, or get him out of trouble, respectively.
The first woman approaches the man and convinces him to let her take the cow home to test if it produces milk, promising to pay him afterward. However, she does not return, leaving the man distraught. When the man questions the remaining women, they deny knowing her, claiming they just met her at the market.
Desperate, the man encounters the second woman in disguise, who tricks him into fetching a bucket from a well and steals his clothes while he is inside. The third woman, also in disguise, pretends to sympathize and offers to help, but she too deceives him. She takes him to a textiles shop, selects expensive fabrics, and leaves him there, pretending she forgot her purse at home, promising to return with money.
Meanwhile, the fourth woman goes to a graveyard, retrieves a child's body, and takes it to the textiles shop. She accuses the shopkeeper of killing her baby after setting the corpse under his feet, which causes a commotion. The shopkeeper, overwhelmed and desperate to avoid blame, agrees to give her the shop and release the man in exchange for her forgiveness.
Thus, the man, who was repeatedly deceived by the four women, is ultimately freed by the intervention of the fourth woman, who gains possession of the shop. The story illustrates themes of deceit, cunning, and the social dynamics of the marketplace.
The Golden Cowrecounts the story of an affluent merchant who, after experiencing misfortune in his first two marriages, is blessed with a daughter from his third wife. However, following the death of his wife, the merchant remarries, leading to the mistreatment of his daughter by herstepmother. Seeking to escape her harsh reality, the daughter devises a plan to conceal herself inside a large goldencowcrafted by ajeweler. Purchased by the ruler's son and placed in his chamber, the girl emerges from her hiding place to eat, eventually revealing herself to the young man. Moved by her plight, the ruler's son offers her protection and ensures her safety within his chambers.
However, when the golden cow is borrowed to decorate a bridal chamber, the girl unwittingly finds herself exposed and subsequently mistreated by the bride. Rescued by a kindwater carriernamed Fattoum, the girl receives care and refuge in her home. Meanwhile, the ruler's son falls gravely ill upon learning of the incident, prompting desperate attempts to cure him. After months of unsuccessful treatments, it is discovered that bread baked by Fattoum miraculously aids in the young man's recovery. Recognizing the girl's role in the healing process, palace officials persuade Fattoum to reveal her whereabouts, leading to her reunion with the ruler's son and subsequent marriage.
This tale, collected by Dhabiya Abdullah Al Sulaiti, illustrates themes of perseverance, compassion, and eventual redemption within its narrative framework. It also incorporates the popularly-used "wicked stepmother"tropethat is evident in several Qatari folktales.
In this traditional Qatari folk tale narrated byUmm Khalaf, a brother and sister lived together happily in their home. The brother, a fisherman, trader, and shepherd, provided for them, and they enjoyed each other’s company immensely. As time passed, the sister suggested that her brother should get married. She reassured him, saying, "Our neighbors have a daughter who is very kind. She will be like a sister to me." The brother took her advice and married the neighbor’s daughter. Initially, the new wife and the sister got along well. However, over time, jealousy crept into the wife’s heart, and she began to resent the sister. When the brother was away, the sister would talk to the moon from her window, as they had no electricity. She would say, "Greetings, father of happiness! O one who gives good company to virtuous girls in their mother’s house." The wife overheard this and, driven by jealousy, convinced her husband that his sister was behaving indecently. She claimed the sister had a secret visitor each night.
One day, a man selling eggs came by. The wife bought all the eggs, cooked them, and forced the sister to eat them. The sister’s stomach swelled from eating so many eggs, and the wife accused her of being pregnant. She convinced the brother to take his sister to the desert tokill her. The brother took his sister to an oasis, and as she slept with her head on his lap, he slipped away, returning home to his wife and claiming that he had killed his sister. When she woke and realized her brother had abandoned her, she was devastated. In the desert, the sister gave birth to twelve baby birds from the eggs she had eaten. The birds grew up and learned about their mother’s plight. They flew to the brother’s house and pecked at the window, trying to communicate with him, singing "The poor girl was only pregnant from the bird eggs she swallowed!"
Despite the wife’s attempts to dismiss them, the brother listened to the birds and followed them back to the desert. Meanwhile, a sheikh and his entourage discovered the sister. The sheikh, captivated by her beauty and goodness, asked her about her situation. She told him her story, and he decided to marry her. The brother, guided by the birds, arrived at the spot where he had left his sister, only to find her gone. The birds then led him to the sheikh’s home, where he discovered his sister safe and happily married.
This Qatari folktale, told by Khalifa Al Sayed and translated by Tariq Ahmed, narrates the story of a devoutSunniman, who was not particularly wealthy or influential, who inherited a large estate and purchased a grand ship namedSaphar. This ship was capable of long voyages, having sailed to places such asOman,Aden,Mombasa, and India. Seeking business advice, the Sunni approached his untrustworthy and irreligious merchant friend, who suggested he load the ship with cats and sell them in Africa. Despite his skepticism, the Sunni followed this advice, capturing numerous cats and embarking on his journey.
In Africa, the local traders, plagued by a rat infestation, were overjoyed to see the Sunni's cargo. They bought the cats at increasingly high prices, allowing the Sunni to profit significantly and return to Qatar with a wealth of goods. Surprised and envious, the deceitful friend offered to undertake the next voyage himself. Mimicking the Sunni's journey, he too filled the ship with cats. However, upon reaching Africa, he found that the previously sold cats had befriended the rats, nullifying their usefulness. The traders rejected his cargo, forcing him to return to Qatar empty-handed, albeit with a letter confirming his attempt. The Sunni, upon learning of his friend's misfortune, remarked, "Indeed, he who digs a pit for his brother often falls into it", highlighting the moral lesson of the story about the consequences of deceit and envy.
The narrative ofThe Thorn Treerecounts the tale of a childless married woman who, upon becoming entangled in the branches of athorn tree, pledges to care for it if blessed with a child. Subsequently, she gives birth to a daughter and fulfills her vow by teaching the girl to tend to the tree daily. As the girl grows, she encounters a persistent man who repeatedly harasses her with questions about the number of the tree's leaves, to which she responds with inquiries about the number of stars in the sky, angering the man.
Seeking advice from a cunning woman, the man disguises himself in a woman'sabayaandniqāband gains entry into the girl's home where he tricks her into greeting him as a female family member, sharing a moment of embrace in the process. Upon realizing the deception, the girl plots her revenge. Inviting the man for coffee under the thorn tree, she intoxicated him with alcohol and herbal medicine, leaving him incapacitated. Subsequently, she masquerades as a male medicine seller wearing anagal,ghutra, andthawb, and successfully tricks the man's family into employing her services. Her plan works and the man recovers within days, followed by the girl revealing her triumph over his deceitful ploy.
This tale, collected by Kaltham Ali Al Ghanem, concludes with the acknowledgment of the girl's cunning and the defeat of the dishonest man.
Most of the figures fromIslamic mythologyare present in Qatari folklore, includingangels,jinn(spirits),shaitan(devils),houris, andghouls.
In theLord of the Sealegend, the protagonist Bū Daryā is a malevolent half-man half-amphibian, who, according to some versions, attracts seafarers with a wailing call.  This being bears some semblance with other sea-based mythological figures such asmermenandsirens. It is speculated that, since Bū Daryā is locally referred to as the 'lordof the sea', this legend may pre-dateWahhabismin Qatar since Wahhabi doctrine explicitly prohibits any entity other thanAllahfrom being referred to as 'lord'.
Talking animals, a universal element that is present across all cultures, is common in Qatari folklore.A jinn which takes the form of aporgy fishis known asAl FisaikrainQatari dialect,but may also be known asEsfaisra,Fusijaira, andBint Al-Nowakhtha. The fish is renowned for its supernatural powers, and it appears in the traditional tale ofAl Fisaikrawhere it helps the oppressed protagonist.
Various mythical figures and supernatural dangers were used in cautionary tales warning children and young men. These tales were part of the cultural folklore intended to keep people away from potentially dangerous places and to encourage young men to stay off the streets at night. Examples of these include:
Qatari ibn al-Fuja'a, a seventh-centurywar poetwho was born in modern-day northern Qatar, is revered as a folk hero in the country.
A more contemporary folk hero can be found inRahmah ibn Jabir Al Jalhami, an 18th- and 19th-century pirate and transitory ruler of the Qatar Peninsula.In his time, he was known as the "Scourge of thePirate Coast". He also features prominently in Saudi folklore, specifically that of itsEastern Province.
SheikhJassim bin Mohammed Al Thani, often referred to as "The Founder", is a prominent folkloric figure, particularly due to his military achievements, his charitable donations and his promotion ofIslam. He ruled Qatar for over 30 years starting in 1878.
Almost all folk traditions areIslam-related and have been practiced with relatively few alterations since Islam was introduced to the country in the 7th century. Many of these traditions are also broadly shared with neighboring countries, with notable variations between them.
Al Ghabqais afeastthat takes place at night duringRamadanfollowingiftarandtarawihprayers, traditionally shared betweenimmediate familymembers. The feast features a variety of dishes, notably grilled and fried fish, rice cooked withdateextract, andtharid—a meal combining crumbled bread, meat, and broth. The feat also includes an assortment of sweets such asluqaimatandasida, alongside dates, tea, andArabic coffee.
A custom once found all over the Middle East,al-musaharatiroamed thefarjan(neighborhoods) during the month of Ramadan, beating his drum to wake people up forsuhoor, the meal consumed early in the morning by Muslims beforefasting.This drumming would be accompanied by Islamic chants, such as "Wake up sleeper to worship the creator." Once common in the country, this tradition is rarely practiced nowadays, though there has been a revival in recent years.
Taking place onSha'ban, the month prior to Ramadan, Qataris engage in preparatory rituals and communal gatherings known asal naflah. During this time, families share traditional meals such ashareesandtharidwith neighbors and the less fortunate.Prayer songs are also sung on this occasion.
Garangaois a traditional celebration observed on the 15th night of Ramadan, marking its midpoint. The name of the festival is derived from the Arabic word "garqaa," signifying a rattling or shaking motion. Celebrated throughout theMiddle Eastwith slight variations between each country, Garangao holds cultural and historical significance in the region. On Garangao night, children don colorful traditional attire and visit homes in their neighborhoods, singing traditional songs and receiving sweets and gifts from residents.In the past, snacks such asmalabas,walnuts,almonds, andchickpeaswere handed out to children. Nowadays, the treats mostly consist of various forms of candy and nuts.This exchange symbolizes the spirit of generosity central to the holy month of Ramadan. The festival is characterized by children singing unique songs that bless the youngest family members' health and prosperity. In contemporary times, Garangao has evolved into a larger-scale celebration, with public events organized in shopping malls, mosques, and cultural organizations.
Haya Bayais a historical tradition that is practiced by girls aged 8 to 12 years old on theDay of Arafah, the ninth day ofDhu al-Hijjain theIslamic calendar, which precedesEid al-Adha. It is named afterDracaena trifasciata, commonly known as the snake plant in English andhaya bayyain Qatar,alternatively spelledhia bia.In Bedouin society, while young boys were traditionally engaged in manual labor and slaughtering animals in the months leading up to Eid al-Adha, such work was not expected of young girls; thus, they used their time to take care of and nurture plants, particularly the snake plant, but could also include grains likewheatandbarley. These plants would be grown in small wicker baskets made ofpalmfronds. These baskets were nurtured and grown for about eight days or more, starting from the first day of Dhu al-Hijja. They would then be tossed into the sea at sunset on the Day of Arafah, symbolizing the larger sacrifices associated with Eid al-Adha.
During this ceremonial sacrifice, the girls dress in traditional attire, such as theal bakhnaqembroidered withzarithread, and perform songs specific to the occasion, such as praying to God to make their Eid joyous and for the safe return of pilgrims fromHajj. This historically provided an alternative form of participation in the festive aspects of Eid al-Adha for girls. The practice continues to be promoted and practiced by cultural institutions.
On the first day ofEid al-Fitr, families hold large feasts in what is known asGreat MajlisorMajlis Al Oud. During this event, it customary for the men of the family to congratulate their leader on the feast.
Folk beliefsin Qatar encompass the various practices rooted in religious and superstitious traditions. Religious beliefs often revolve around rituals and interpretations aimed at averting perceived dangers or invoking divine protection. For instance, the occurrence of an object breaking was interpreted as the removal of evil, while hearing thecall to prayerahead of schedule prompted concerns of impending danger, leading individuals to seek shelter and perform additional prayers. Passing in front of someone engaged in prayer was deemed disrespectful, and believed to disrupt the connection between the individual and their deity.
Superstitionspermeate various aspects of Qatar's cultural beliefs, with practices aimed at warding off perceived harm or misfortune. Among these,funeral prayerswere often recited for individuals believed to harbor envy, accompanied by actions like discreetly sprinkling salt behind their backs to counteract their negative influence. The superstition surrounding open scissors warned of potential discord among family members, prompting swift closure of the shears. Similarly, sleeping on one's back was feared to invite nightmares, attributed to the devil's presence during sleep.
Cautionary tales advised against gazing directly at lightning to prevent blindness, while the arrangement of shoes in a reversed position was avoided due to its perceived disrespect towardsGod. Othertaboosincluded sweeping floors at night, as this would disturb potentialjinnresiding in homes, and biting one's tongue during meals, as this was interpreted as an ominous sign of impending bad luck.OldBedouintales caution against using the branches of theArabian boxwood(Lycium shawii) shrub for firewood as they are thought to harbor the spirits of entrapped jinn.
A common health-related belief still prevalent in Qatari society is the attribution ofmiscarriages, which are increasingly common in the country, to superstitious phenomena such as theevil eyeand jinn.It was also believed that thebloodof aslaughtered animalcould treat excessiveperspiration, particularly of the hands and feet. If an individual noticed large amounts of sweat on another individual's palms while greeting them, they would generally advise them to cleanse themselves in the hot blood of a freshly slaughtered animal to treat this affliction.
Before oil was discovered, healthcare consisted oftraditional medicine: barbers performed circumcisions and other minor procedures, and herbalists dispensed natural remedies.Cauterizationwas a prominent practice in folk medicine. Before embarking on a pearl diving trip, a sailor would often be cauterized to prevent ear problems from developing. The practice was also used to cure a number of illnesses. Abdulaziz bin Ahmed Al Thani, a state official during the 1930s and member of theruling familyof Qatar, was noted for his curing of illnesses by using cauterization.Cupping therapywas also a prominent feature of folk medicine. It was commonly used in conjunction withherbal therapy, a form of treatment which utilized traditional herbs in Islamic medicine.Bitter aloewas the most prized herb. Other natural remedies used by Qataris includeincense,thymeandsaffron.Locustswere also venerated for their purported healing abilities in local nomadic culture and were considered a delicacy because of their nutritious properties, leading to their additional use as livestock feed.Sennablends orcrab meatand shrimp soup would also be prepared as a folk remedy.Of all the forms of folk medicine, herbal therapy was the most popular. Traditional practices were seldom documented, instead being passed down through oral methods.
Most popularsayingsin Qatari culture are not exclusive to the country but instead widely spread around thePersian Gulfregion.
Foreigners constitute 85% to 90% of Qatar's population of 2.7 million, with migrant workers making up approximately 95% of the workforce, most of whom come from theIndian subcontinentandSoutheast Asiaand live inlabor camps.The men residing in these labor camps typically work six days a week, with Friday as a day of rest. On Thursday nights, the streets are busiest as the men socialize and visit friends.Urban legendsand myths circulate widely within this community, reflecting the collective experiences and anxieties of the migrant workers. They serve as a cultural outlet for workers, creating a sense of community and allowing them a role in Qatari society. A notable element among these urban legends is their extreme or exaggerated nature, with their falsehoods sometimes being immediately evident.
One prominent urban legend involves a young South Asian foreign worker who, after socializing on a Thursday night, was allegedly abducted by four Qatari women in a whiteToyota Land Cruiser. According to the tale, the women offered him a ride, drugged him with anarcotic-laced drink, and drove him into the desert where they sexually assaulted him. The story concludes with the women returning the man to his original location and giving him 2,000Qatari riyalsbefore leaving. This story spread rapidly among various labor camps.
Another urban legend involves aNepali migrantwho allegedly fell prey to fourVietnamesecannibalsin 2007. This tale, which gained traction among the migrant workers, painted the relatively newly-arrived Vietnamese laborers as dangerous and cannibalistic.The story evolved with added details such as body parts found in refrigerators and human fingers appearing inX-rays, and it even featured in local newspapers, such asAl Sharq.This prompted the Qatari Public Prosecution to launch a probe into the incident and the Vietnamese embassy in Kuwait to threaten legal action against the newspapers.Many papers later retracted the story as unverified. Despite the retraction, some believed the story was suppressed by the state to protect its reputation.
Another legend describes a young Nepali migrant who encountered a five-headedsnakeon an isolated beach. After alerting the police and subsequent capture of the snake by zookeepers, the migrant allegedly died that night. This tale, which spread rapidly among the labor camps, led many workers to visit the zoo, hoping to see the mythical creature, with some even believing the snake was a reincarnation ofShesha, aHinduserpent god. Despite their efforts, they found the snake had been moved to an unknown location, leading to frustration and further speculation among the community.
A fourth legend revolves around an abandoned villa inAl Khor, where a female Indian domestic worker was supposedly sexually assaulted and murdered by her Qatari employer. The story includes elements of theparanormal, with reports of strange noises, disappearing furniture, and sightings of a ghostly woman in white who causes illness to those who encounter her. This tale, while likely embellished, reflects fears of mistreatment at the hands of Qatari employees within the migrant community.
These urban legends serve several functions within the migrant community. They act as instruments of governance, delineating boundaries of appropriate behavior in a culturally foreign setting. The stories also highlight the power dynamics between South Asian laborers and their Qatari employers, emphasizing the migrants' perceived powerlessness under theKafala system. Additionally, these myths humanize the male migrant workers, who are often viewed as a homogeneous mass. They also serve to communicate the collective experiences and challenges faced by the laborers, offering a means of coping with their difficult realities.
After oil operations commenced in Qatar, a dramatic shift in societal customs was witnessed, resulting in a loss of cultural heritage. As folk stories were rarely documented in the past, there has been an urgency by Qatari authorities to preserve and record as much oral history as can be remembered. In particular, theMinistry of Culture and Sports(MCS) and local universities have been at the forefront of these efforts to transcribe Qatari folklore.The MCS and universities inEducation Cityoften collaborate with each other by jointly authoring books on Qatari folklore and organizing conferences.
In 1983, a joint effort was launched by theGulf Cooperation Council(GCC) states known as the Arab Gulf States Folklore Centre (AGSFC, later renamed theGCC States Folklore Centre), and was headquartered in Qatar's capital city,Doha. The center was responsible for releasing books in Arabic and English, holding conferences and organizing workshops related to Persian Gulf heritage. Furthermore, the center published a quarterly journal known asAl-Ma'thurat al-Sha'biya.In 1984, the first-ever book documenting Qatar's folklore was published under the titlePopular Stories in Qatar, written by Muhammad Talib Al-Duwayk and published by the AGSFC. The book is split into three main sections: the first section documenting the storytellers themselves, the second on the beginnings, patterns, and social uses of Qatari folk stories, and finally, the re-telling of several popular tales in vernacularQatari dialect.
A project known asSwalif(meaning "stories" in Arabic) was launched by severalQatar Universitystudents under the supervision of faculty member Andrew Mills in 2010 to document oral stories and folktales through audio recordings.
In December 2023,Qatar Museumsreleased a four-part series ofanimatedshorts revolving around the most prominent folktales in Qatar. EntitledHazawy, which is the local term for "folktales", the series was produced by Sheikha Roda Al Thani. The inaugural episode features the legend ofMay and Gilan.The series had two of its episodes featured at the 2024Columbus International Film & Animation Festival.