Ba'athist Iraq

Ba'athist Iraq, officially theIraqi Republic(1968–1992) and later theRepublic of Iraq(1992–2003), was theIraqistate between 1968 and 2003 under theone-party ruleof theIraqi regional branchof theArab Socialist Ba'ath Party. The regime emerged as a result of the17 July 1968 Revolutionwhich brought the Ba'athists to power, and lasted until the2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq. Between 1979 and 2003, it was under the rule ofSaddam Husseinand was referred to as theSaddam regime.
The Ba'ath Party, led byAhmed Hassan al-Bakr, came to power in Iraq through the bloodless17 July 1968 Revolution, which overthrew presidentAbdul Rahman Arifand prime ministerTahir Yahya.By the mid-1970s, Saddam Hussein became the country'sde factoleader, despite al-Bakr'sde jurepresidency. Saddam's new policies boosted the Iraqi economy, improved living standards, and elevated Iraq's standing within theArab world. Land reforms aimed at wealth redistribution were introduced. However, several internal factors were imminently threatening Iraq's stability; theSunni-dominated Ba'athist government facedShiareligious separatism andKurdishethnic separatism. TheSecond Iraqi–Kurdish Warwas of great concern to the government as Kurdish rebels received extensive support fromIran,Israel, and theUnited States. Following the1974–1975 Shatt al-Arab clashes, Saddam met with Iranian monarchMohammad Reza Pahlaviand signed the1975 Algiers Agreement, ceding territory to Iran in exchange for an end to Kurdish support. With the Kurdish rebellion subsequently disadvantaged, the Iraqi military reasserted the federal government's control overIraqi Kurdistan.
In 1979, Saddam succeeded the ailing al-Bakr as president andpublicly purged the Ba'ath Partyof his opponents. Alarmed by theIranian Revolution, Saddam adopted an aggressive stance againstIranand its new theocratic leader,Ruhollah Khomeini, fearinghis influenceover Iraq's Shia majority. In September 1980,Iraq invaded Iran, triggering the eight-year-longIran–Iraq Warthat ended in a stalemate in 1988. The conflict left Iraq economically devastated and dependent on foreign loans.
Kuwait, which had loaned money to Iraq, demanded repayment and increased oil production, lowering international oil prices and worsening the Iraqi economy, while pressuring the Iraqi leadership to repay the loans. Iraq demanded that the Kuwaitis reduce their oil output, as didOPEC. In 1989, Iraq accused Kuwait of stealing Iraqi petroleum, and failed negotiations resulted in theIraqi invasion of Kuwaitin August 1990, triggering theGulf War. Iraq occupied Kuwait until February 1991, when a42-country UNSC military coalitionexpelled Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Subsequentinternational sanctionscut Iraq off from all global markets and crippled the Iraqi economy throughout the 1990s, though it began recovering by the early 2000s as sanctions enforcement waned. The sanctions were widely criticized for negatively impacting Iraq's quality of life, prompting the establishment of theOil-for-Food Programme.
Following theSeptember 11 attacks, the United States'Bush administrationbegan building a case for invading Iraq and overthrowing Saddam's regime, falsely claiming thatIraq possessed weapons of mass destructionandhad links with al-Qaeda. On 20 March 2003, Iraq was invaded by a U.S.-led coalition, which overthrew Saddam and captured much of Iraq by May. In December 2003,American troops captured Saddamand turned him over to Iraq's newShia-led government. From 2005 to 2006, Saddam wasput on trialforcrimes against humanityconcerning the1982 Dujail massacre, in which the Iraqi government killed Shi'ite rebels. After sentencing Saddam to death, theIraqi Special Tribunalexecuted himfor crimes against humanity on 30 December 2006.
In contrast to previous coups d'état in Iraq's history, the 1968 coup, referred to as the17 July Revolution, was, according toCon Coughlin, "a relatively civil affair". The coup started in the early hours of 17 July, when a number of military units and civilian Ba'athists seized several key government and military buildings; these included theMinistry of Defence, the electricity station, radio stations, all the city's bridges and "a number of military bases". All telephone lines were cut at 03:00, by which time several tanks had been commanded to halt in front of the Presidential Palace.Abdul Rahman Arif, the then-President of Iraq, first knew of the coup when jubilant members of theRepublican Guardstarted shooting into the air in "a premature triumph".Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, the leader of the operation, told Arif about his situation through military communication hardware at the base of operations. Arif asked for more time, during which he contacted other military units to seek support. As he soon found out, the odds were against him, and he surrendered. Arif telephoned al-Bakr and told him that he was willing to resign; to show his gratitude, al-Bakr guaranteed his safety. al-Bakr's deputies,Hardan al-TikritiandSalah Omar al-Ali, were ordered to give Arif this message in person.Arif and his wife and son were quickly sent on the first available flight to London. Later that morning, a Ba'athist broadcast announced that a new government had been established. The coup was carried out with such ease that there were no deaths.
The coup succeeded because of contributions made by the military; theArab Socialist Ba'ath Partywas not strong enough to take power by itself. The Ba'ath Party managed to make a deal withAbd ar-Razzaq an-Naif, the deputy head of military intelligence, and Ibrahim Daud, the head of the Republican Guard. Both Naif and Daud knew that the long-term survival of Arif's andTahir Yahya's government looked bleak, but also knew that the Ba'athists needed them if the coup was to be successful. For his participation in the coup, Naif demanded to be given the post of Prime Minister after the coup as a reward, and a symbol for his strength. Daud was also "rewarded" with a post; he became Minister of Defence. However, not everything was going according to Naif's and Daud's plan; al-Bakr had told the Ba'ath leadership in a secret meeting that the two would be liquidated either "during, or after, the revolution".
al-Bakr, as the leader of the coup's military operation, retained his position as Regional Secretary of the Ba'ath Party, and was elected to the posts of Chairman of theRevolutionary Command Council, President and Prime Minister. In the immediate aftermath of the coup, a power struggle developed between al-Bakr and Naif. In all practicality, Naif should have had the upper hand; he was a respected officer and was supported by the common soldiers. al-Bakr, however, proved to be more cunning, persuasive and organised than Naif, Daud and their supporters.One of al-Bakr's first decisions in office was to appoint over 100 new officers to the Republican Guard.Saddam Husseinworked, in the meantime, to establish the party's security and intelligence organisation to combat its enemies. On 29 July, Daud left for a tour to Jordan to inspect the Iraqi troops located there following theSix-Day Warwith Israel. The following day, Naif was invited to eat lunch at the Presidential Palace with al-Bakr, during which Saddam burst into the room with three accomplices and threatened Naif with death. Naif responded by crying out; "I have four children". Saddam ordered Naif to leave Iraq immediately if he wanted to live.Naif complied, was exiled toMorocco. An assassination attempt in 1973 was unsuccessful, but he was assassinated in London on the orders of Saddam in 1978. Daud shared a similar fate, and was exiled toSaudi Arabia. The Ba'athists were by no means ensured of victory; if any of Naif's supporters had known of the operation against him, Baghdad could have become the centre, in the words of journalist Con Coughlin, "of an ugly bloodbath".
al-Bakr strengthened his position in the party with the help of Saddam's newly established party security apparatus and the intelligence services. Most of 1968 was used to repress non-Ba'athist thought and groups; for instance, a campaign againstNasseristsandcommunistswas initiated under Saddam's command.Several spy plots were created by the government; spies who were "caught" were accused of being a part of aZionistplot against the state.TheIraqi Communist Party(ICP) was skeptical of the new Ba'athist government, as many of its members remembered the anti-communist campaign launched against them by the Ba'athist government of 1963. After taking power, al-Bakr offered the ICP cabinet positions in the new government; the ICP rejected this offer. al-Bakr responded by initiating a systematic campaign against the ICP and communist sympathisers. However, as historianCharles Trippnotes inA History of Iraq, the campaign started "a curious game" whereby the government alternately persecuted and courted the party until 1972–1973, when the ICP was offered, and accepted, membership in theNational Progressive Front(NPF). The reason for this "curious game" was the Ba'ath Party's belief that the ICP was more dangerous than it really was. When Aziz al-Haji broke away from the ICP, established the Iraqi Communist Party (Central Command) and initiated a "popular revolutionary war" against the government, it was duly crushed. By April 1969 the "popular revolutionary" uprising had been crushed, and al-Haji recanted his beliefs publicly.Another reason for this anti-communist policy was that many Ba'ath Party members openly sympathised with communists or other socialist forces. However, at this stage, neither al-Bakr nor Saddam had enough support within the party to initiate a policy unpopular within it; at the Seventh Regional Congress of the Ba'ath Party, both al-Bakr and other leading Ba'athists expressed their support for "radical socialism".
During the 1970s, military officers unsuccessfully attempted to overthrow the Baathist regime on at least two occasions. In January 1970, an attempted coup led by two retired officers, Major GeneralAbd al Ghani ar Rawiand ColonelSalih Mahdi as Samarrai, was thwarted as the conspirators entered theRepublican Palace. In June 1973, a plot byNazim Kazzar, aShiaand the director of internal security, to assassinate al Bakr and Saddam Husayn was also thwarted. Both coup attempts were followed by summary trials, executions, and purges of the military.
By the mid-to-late 1970s, Saddam's power within the Ba'ath Party and the government grew; he becamede factoleader of the country, although al-Bakr remained as president, Ba'ath Party leader and Revolutionary Command Council chairman. In 1977, following a wave of protests byShiasagainst the government, al-Bakr relinquished his control over the Ministry of Defence;Adnan Khairallah Tulfah, Saddam's brother-in-law, was appointed defence minister. This appointment underscored the clannish character of the Ba'ath Party and the government. In contrast to Saddam's fortunes, those of al-Bakr's were on the wane. Rumours of al-Bakr's bad health began to circulate in the country. By the end of 1977, al-Bakr had little control over the country through his office as president. The reason Saddam did not become president until 1979 may be explained by Saddam's own insecurity.Before making himselfde jurehead of state, Saddam initiated an anti-communist campaign; the ICP had no real power, and most of its leading officials had left the country or been imprisoned or executed by the Ba'ath government. The campaign was not centered on the ICP, but also Ba'athists who did not support Saddam. Saddam had initiated a similar campaign in 1978, that time to check where the loyalties of certain left-wingers were: Ba'athism or socialism. Following the campaign, Saddam entered the Arab-world stage for the first time under the banner ofNasserismandGamal Abdel Nasserby criticising theCamp David AccordsbetweenAnwar Sadatof Egypt and the state ofIsrael.
It was in this situation that Saddam took over the offices of president, Ba'ath Party leader and Revolutionary Command Council chairman.Izzat Ibrahim al-Duriwas promoted to the office of vice-chairman (equivalent to the post of vice-president in the West). There were also rumours within the top echelons of power that al-Bakr (with the assistance of Iraqi Ba'athists who opposed Saddam) was planning to designateHafez al-Assadas his successor. Immediately after Saddam seized power, over 60 members of the Ba'ath Party and the government leadership were charged with fomenting an anti-Iraqi Ba'athist plot in collaboration with al-Assad and theDamascus-based Ba'ath Party.
Once he assumed the presidency, acult of personalitywas created around Saddam. He was represented as thefather of the nationand, by extension, of the Iraqi people. National institutions (such as theNational Assembly) were established to strengthen the image of him fostered by the Iraqi propaganda machine.The Ba'ath Party also contributed to the cult of personality; by 1979 it was a nationwide organisation, and became a propaganda center for pro-Saddam literature.The propaganda campaign (at least in the beginning) created a common sense of nationhood for many Iraqis.The Shia protests were not quelled by these propaganda campaigns, and the establishment of anIslamic Republicin Iran influenced manyShia Islamiststo stand up against the Sunni-dominated government. At first relations between Iran and Iraq were fairly good, but ideological differences could not remain concealed forever. The new Iranian leadership was composed of ShiaKhomeinists, while the Iraqi Ba'athists weresecular. Iran had become concerned about the Iraqi government's continued repression against the IraqiIslamist Shias.At the beginning of 1980, several border clashes took place between the two countries. Iraq considered the newly established Iran to be "weak"; the country was in a state of continuedcivil unrest, and the Iranian leaders had purged thousands of officers and soldiers because of their political views.
It was presumed that theIran–Iraq Warwould result in a quick Iraqi victory. Saddam's plan was to strengthen Iraq's position in thePersian Gulfand on the Arab-world stage. A quick victory would restore Iraq's control over all ofShatt al-Arab, an area which Iraq had lost to Iran in 1975.Saddam abrogated the treaty of 1975 in a meeting of the National Assembly on 17 September 1980. This abrogation was followed shortly afterwards by several preemptive strikes on Iran and by the invasion of Iran. Saddam believed that the Iranian government would have "to disengage in order to survive". Not only was this view faulty, but it overestimated the strength of theIraqi military; the Iranian government saw the invasion as a test of the revolution itself and all its achievements.The military plan proved to be elusive; Iraq believed that the Iranian government would quickly disintegrate during the Iraqi invasion, this did not happen. Saddam, "in a rare moment of frankness, [...] admitted as much".While the war was not going as planned, Iraq reasserted its view of the situation, and claimed that winning the war was a matter of "national honour". The majority of the Ba'athist leadership (and Saddam himself) still believed that Iran would collapse under the weight of Iraqi force.
On 17 July 1981, on the 13th anniversary of the bloodless 1968 coup,Ardulfuratainiwas adopted as the official national anthem of Iraq, with its lyrics mentioned of prominent figures in Iraqi history, includingSaladin,Harun al-Rashidandal-Muthanna ibn Haritha, along with the last verse extolled by Ba'athism.
In 1982, Iran counter-attacked and was successful in driving the Iraqis back into Iraq. That year alone, an estimated 40,000 Iraqis were taken prisoner. The defeats of 1982 were a blow to Iraq. With the economic situation worsening because of falling oil prices (and the rising military budget), the Iraqi standard of living worsened. TheRevolutionary Command Counciland the Ba'ath Military Command, Regional Command and National Command met in an extraordinary session in 1982 (with Saddam absent), to discuss the possibility of aceasefireproposal to the Iranian government. The ceasefire proposal made at the meeting was rejected by the Iranian government. If the proposal had been accepted Saddam would have not have survived politically, since it was supported by all members of the Regional Command, National Command and the Revolutionary Command Council. It was at this time that rumours started circulating that Hussein would step down as president to make way foral-Bakr, the former president. As events proved, this did not happen and al-Bakr died in 1982 under mysterious circumstances.Bloodshed during the conflictnearly led to amutinyled byMaher Abd al-Rashid, father-in-law of Saddam's second son.Rashid began public criticism, and claimed that loss of life could have been averted if not for Saddam's meddling into military affairs.This confrontation with the military led to the greater independence of military planning from Ba'athist-leadership interference. Shortly afterwards, theIraqi Air Forceonce again established air superiority.The turn of events caused the Iraqi government to focus onIraqi Kurdistanwhich had revolted. Saddam appointed his cousinAli Hasan al-Majidas military chief in Kurdistan. al-Majid initiated theal-Anfal campaign; chemical weapons were used against civilians.In April 1988, after a series of Iraqi military victories, a ceasefire was agreed between Iraq and Iran; the war is commonly consideredstatus quo ante bellum.In 1989, Saddam Hussein initiated a campaign to strengthenIraqi nationalismby rebuilding ancient temples and palaces, encouraging allIraqisto view their country as the cradle of civilization in justification for war with Iran.
In the aftermath of theIran–Iraq War, Kuwait intentionally increased the country's oil output; this led to an international price decrease in oil. Saddam reacted by threatening to invade Kuwait if it continued to increase its oil output (which Kuwait did nevertheless).Saudi Arabia, frightened by Saddam's military strength, then persuaded Kuwait to lower its oil output. However, when Kuwait lowered its oil output Venezuela increased its output. Saddam then ordered the invasion of Kuwait to solve the country's economic problems, with the professed goal of uniting Iraq; Kuwait was considered by many Iraqis as part of Iraq.On 18 July 1990 Saddam demanded that Kuwait repay Iraq for the oil it had (according to Saddam) stolen, and nullified Iraq's debt to Kuwait. The Kuwaiti leadership failed to respond, and on 2 August 1990 the Iraqi military began theinvasion of Kuwait. The invasion led to an international outcry; the United Nations, United States and the United Kingdom condemned the invasion and introduced sanctions against Iraq, and theSoviet Unionand several Arab states also condemned the invasion.George H. W. Bush,President of the United States, demanded the immediate withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait and restoration of the Kuwaiti government; Saddam responded by making Kuwait an Iraqi province.TheGulf Warwas initiated by aUnited States-led coalition, which succeeded in winning the war in less than a year.On 13 January 1991, the Iraqi flag was modified, adopting its handscript thetakbīr(the phrase Allahu akbar, meaning "God is the greatest" in Arabic), at the instigation of President Saddam Hussein.
On the evening of 24 February, several days before the Gulf Warceasefirewas signed inSafwan, theSaudi Arabia-based radio stationVoice of Free Iraq(funded and operated by theCentral Intelligence Agency) broadcast a message to the Iraqis to rise up and overthrow Saddam. The speaker on the radio wasSalah Omar al-Ali, a former member of the Ba'ath Party and the rulingRevolutionary Command Council. Al-Ali's message urged the Iraqis to overthrow the "criminaltyrantof Iraq". Al-Ali's radio broadcast encouraged Iraqis to "stage arevolution" and claimed that "[Saddam] will flee the battlefield when he becomes certain that the catastrophe has engulfed every street, every house and every family in Iraq".Believing that the United States was on its side, anationwide uprisingagainst Saddam's rule began in March 1991which was repressed by Saddam's loyalist forces. TheCoalitionsuccessfully established ano-fly zoneto halt the advance of Saddam's forces. Instead of occupyingIraqi Kurdistan, the Kurdish Autonomous Republic was established, with thousands of Iraqi troops stationed at the Iraqi-Kurdish border.The suppression of the rebellion led thousands of people to flee their homes, most to Turkey or Iran. On 2 and 3 April 1991 Turkey and Iran, respectively, raised the issue at theUN Security Council. The Security Council adoptedResolution 688, which stated that Iraq had to allow access for international humanitarian organisations and report openly about government repression.
In the aftermath of the Gulf War, Iraq became a target by a series of U.S.cruise missilestrikes, in1993,1996andOperation Desert Foxin 1998.
In 1997, Iraq prohibited all weapons inspectors ofUNSCOMfrom sites declared to be sovereign palaces, which were compounds capable of storingchemical weapons.
Iraq experienced anotherperiod of unrestin early 1999 following the killing ofMohammad Mohammad Sadeq al-Sadrby Iraqi security forces.
In the aftermath of theSeptember 11 attacks, U.S. presidentGeorge W. Bushincluded Saddam in hisAxis of evil. In 2002 the UN Security Council adoptedResolution 1441, which stated that Iraq had failed to fulfill its obligations demanded by the UN. The United States and the United Kingdom would use Resolution 1441 as a pretext for war. The2003 US-led invasion of the countryforced the Ba'ath Party and Saddam to go underground.Thefall of Baghdadresulted in thetoppling of his statue at Firdos Squareby Iraqi civilians, ending almost 35 years of Ba'athist rule. TheBa'ath Partywas banned by theCoalition Provisional Authorityfollowing Iraq's invasion on 1 May. Saddam wascaptured later that year, and wasexecuted in 2006.
The 1970 Iraqi Constitution stated that Iraq was in a transitional phase of development; inBa'athist ideology, the transitional stage is the time when the Arab people unite to establish one Arab nation. The end of the transitional era would be marked by a permanent constitution; the 1970 constitution was only temporary. The Ba'ath Party dominated all government institutions, and the top decision-making body in the country was theRevolutionary Command Council(RCC). The RCC was controlled by the Ba'ath Party; RCC members had to be members of the Ba'ath Party's Regional Command.Saddam Hussein, asPresident of Iraq, was also RCC chairman and General Secretary of the Ba'ath Party's Regional (and National) Command.All decisions within the RCC had to be decided by vote; a proposition could only be enacted if two-thirds of RCC members voted in favour of it. ACouncil of Ministers, the cabinet, was established on the orders of the RCC to execute RCC orders submitted to it. ANational Assemblyexisted, which was (in theory) democratically elected by the Iraqi people; the problem was that the RCC had the authority to decide how much (or little) power the National Assembly should have.
The constitution of 1970 proclaimed Ba'athist Iraq as "a sovereign people's democratic republic" dedicated to the establishment of a Ba'athistsocialist society. Although the state was officially secular,Islamwas proclaimed the country's state religion (althoughfreedom of religionwas tolerated). Some studies support the claim that Ba'athist Iraq was atotalitarianstate.Natural resourcesand the principalmeans of productionwere defined as belonging to the Iraqi people. The Iraqi government was responsible for directing and planning the national economy.If the RCC chairman died or was incapacitated, first in the line of succession was the RCC deputy chairman. There were only two RCC deputy chairmen under Ba'athist rule: Saddam (1968–1979) andIzzat Ibrahim ad-Douri(1979–2003).
Iraq, under the rule of the Iraqi-ledArab Socialist Ba'ath Party, was aone-party state.TheRegional Command(RC, the leading organ of the Iraqi Regional Branch of the Ba'ath Party) was the party's top decision-making body; Regional Command members were elected for five-year terms at the party's regional congress. The Regional Secretary (commonly referred to as the General Secretary) was the head of the Regional Command, chaired its sessions and was leader of the Ba'ath Party Regional Branch in Iraq. In theory members of the Regional Command were responsible to the party congress, but in practice they controlled the congress, and the leadership often decided results beforehand. The party's National Command was, in theory, the highest decision-making body. It was responsible for coordinating the pan-ArabBa'ath movement. All National Command members came from their distinct regional (meaning "country" in Ba'athistetymology) branch; for instance, there was always a member who represented theBa'ath Party's Jordanese Regional Branch.Because of the 1966Ba'ath Partyschism (which split the Ba'ath movement into an Iraqi-led branch and aSyrian-led branch), the National Command never controlled the whole Ba'ath movement; there was a National Command headquartered in Syria, which commanded another Ba'ath movement. Another problem was the fact that the National Commands in Iraq and Syria were under the control of the country's respective regional commands.
TheNational Progressive Front(NPF) was apopular frontled by the Iraqi Ba'ath Party, established on 17 July 1973 (the fifth anniversary of the17 July Revolution). The NPF charter was signed by Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr (representing the Ba'ath Party) and Aziz Muhammad (First Secretary of theIraqi Communist Party, or ICP). InAl-Thawrah, a Ba'athist newspaper, the charter was hailed as a success for the revolution.The ICP was the most prominent party to join; however, it left the NPF in March 1979. While officially an independent organisation (and the only non-Ba'athist political forum), the NPF's leadership consisted entirely of Ba'athist members or Ba'athist loyalists. The organisation's purpose was to give the Ba'athist regime a semblance of popular support.Throughout the NPF's existence, Naim Haddad was its general secretary.
TheIraqi oppositionmanifested itself in three forms:guerilla warfareagainst the regime; acts of sabotage orterrorism; and desertion from theIraqi Armyor the country'sparamilitary forces, such as thePopular ArmyandFedayeen Saddam. The largest opposition forces were headquartered inIraqi Kurdistan, represented by theKurdish Democratic Party(KDP) and thePatriotic Union of Kurdistan. Other organisations who opposed the regime were the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), theal-Da'waParty (headquartered inTehran) and the Umma Party (based inLondon). One problem with the Iraqi opposition was the lack of alliances between opposition groups (although some alliances did exist – for instance, that between the ICP and the KDP). This alliance led the ICP to move its headquarters to Iraqi Kurdistan, since their activities in other areas of Iraq were routinely repressed. The Ba'athist regime was never able to take full control of the situation in Iraqi Kurdistan, with the exception of aninterregnumbetween the end of theIran–Iraq Warand the1991 uprising.Another problem was that the Iraqi opposition had frequent problems with internal strife; for instance, the ICP was forced to hold a party congress in 1985 to stabilise the party. A more immediate problem was the strength of Iraq'ssecret services, renowned in the Arab world as the most efficient.
In contrast to the secular opposition, the religious opposition was better organised and stronger. Several religious opposition groups could appeal to Iraqis, because of the secular nature of the Ba'athist government. During the Iran–Iraq War the government allowed some degree of religious freedom, but only to win support from the populace.
The Ba'ath Party was based on the ideology ofBa'athism, a Syrian ideology conceived byZaki al-Arsuzi,Michel AflaqandSalah al-Din al-Bitar, but evolved intoneo-Ba'athism. Clause six of the Ba'ath Party's "Permanent Principles" stated "The Ba'ath is a revolutionary party. It believes that its principal aims in [the process of] realising an Arab national renaissance and of building socialism will not be attained except by revolution and struggle". Revolution was not the key aspect of Ba'ath Party ideology; it was its clear ideological platform.Ba'athism was by naturesecular, even if its ideological founders had borrowed elements fromIslam. The Ba'ath Party first began to talk openly of Islam during the 1990s. Considering that the term "ba'ath" comes from Islamic scriptures, the Ba'ath Party claimed that all Muslims were Ba'athists even if they were not party members.As with theoriginal Ba'ath Party, the Iraqi-led Ba'ath Party's key slogans were "A single Arab nation with an eternal message" and "Unity, freedom, socialism".The first slogan refers topan-ArabismandArab nationalism.Al-Arsuzi believed that unity of the Arab people, and the establishment of anArab nation, would lead to its becoming as strong as (or stronger than) theSoviet Unionand theUnited States.Liberty, in the Ba'athist sense of the word, does not mean political liberty for theindividual. Instead, when Ba'athists use the term "liberty" they refer to national independence fromimperialism.Socialism in Ba'athist parlance meansArab socialism. Arab socialism is distinct from the international socialist movement, opposing Marx's rejection of nationalism. According to Aflaq, socialism is a means tomodernisethe Arab world but not a system (as generally considered in the West) which opposesprivate propertyor supportseconomic equality.
Saddamism(Saddamiyya) is a political ideology based on the politics related to (and pursued by) Saddam Hussein.It has also been referred to by Iraqi politicians as Saddamist Ba'athism (Al-Ba'athiyya Al-Saddamiyya).It is officially described as a distinct variation of Ba'athism.It espousesIraqi nationalismand an Iraq-centred Arab world that calls upon Arab countries to adopt Saddamist Iraqi political discourse, and reject "theNasseritediscourse" which it claims collapsed after 1967.It ismilitarist, viewing political disputes and conflict from a military standpoint as "battles" requiring "fighting", "mobilization", "battlefields", "bastions" and "trenches".Saddamism was officially supported by Saddam Hussein's government and promoted by the Iraqi daily newspaperBabil, which was owned by Saddam's sonUday Hussein.
Saddam Hussein and his ideologists sought to fuse a connection between the ancient Babylonian and Assyrian civilizations in Iraq to Arab nationalism by claiming that the Babylonians and ancient Assyrians are the ancestors of theArabs. Thus, Saddam Hussein and his supporters claim that there is no conflict between Mesopotamian heritage and Arab nationalism.
Saddam Hussein based his political views and ideology upon the views of Aflaq, Ba'athism's key founder. Saddam was also an avid reader of topics on moral and material forces ininternational politics.His government was critical oforthodox Marxism, opposing the orthodox Marxist concepts ofclass conflict, thedictatorship of the proletariatandatheism; it opposedMarxism–Leninism's claim that non-Marxist–Leninist parties are automaticallybourgeoisin nature, claiming that the Ba'ath Party was a popular revolutionary movement and the people rejectedpetit bourgeoispolitics.Saddam claimed that the Arab nation did not have the class structure of other nations, andclass divisionwas more along national lines (between Arabs and non-Arabs) than within the Arab community.However, he spoke fondly ofVladimir Leninand commended Lenin for giving Russian Marxism a uniquely Russian specificity which Marx alone was incapable of doing. He also expressed admiration for other communist leaders (such asFidel Castro,Ho Chi MinhandJosip Broz Tito) for their spirit of asserting national independence, rather than for their communism.
In 1993, the Iraqi regime embarked on theReturn to Faith Campaign(al-Hamlah al-Imaniyyah), under the supervision ofIzzat Ibrahim al-Douri. The ultimate aim of this new policy was to encourage popular devotion to Islam within Iraqi society.
Up until the invasion of Kuwait in 1991, the Iraqi regime had espoused the secular ideology of Ba'athism. This started to change when Saddam, who wished to bolster the Iraqi government's Islamic credentials, implemented a variety of reforms. The Iraqi flag had thetakbīradded on to it. The Ministry of Endowments and Religious Affairs appointed clergy, approved the building and repair of mosques and approved the publication of Islamic literature. The Faith Campaign allowed Sunni mosques more freedom in practicing religious ceremonies and rites, which reduced substantially the opposition to the regime among Sunni Islamists.
Saddam coordinated the media and educational system to put heavy emphasis on Islamic identity. Religious academic institutions were opening up across the country, and Qu'ranic and Islamic studies were introduced into the curriculum at all school levels. A religious radio station,al-Qu'ran al-Karim Radiowas set up to expand and promote Islam in Iraqi life. Aspects of theShari'ahwere adopted into the Iraqi judicial system. Judges were required to study courses on Islamic jurisprudence. The selling and consumption of alcohol was curtailed by the state. Establishments which involved the vices of gambling or alcohol were restricted or closed.Prostitution was deemed illegal and punishable by death. TheFedayeen Saddam, the paramilitary force loyal to the regime were well known for beheading suspected prostitutes. Thieves were punished with amputation.Saddam Hussein introduced in a new penal code article 111, exempting from punishment a man who kills a woman in defense of the honour of his family.
This new influx of religious involvement into the government had sectarian undertones. The government's attempt to cloak itself in Islamic conservatism saw it launch verbal attacks on Iran, which were perceived by Shia Iraqis as being veiled attacks on their community, due to the shared faith between them and Iran. Sunni rhetoric emitting from the Iraqi government sought to discredit Iran, with scathing criticism stating that they were subscribing to a " foreign and heretical form of religion". While daily newspaperBabil, owned by Saddam's eldest sonUday Hussein, once was considered a staunch opponent of the campaign, arguing that it would undermine Iraq's religiously pluralistic society and encourage sectarian division,at another point it railed against Shias, referring to them asrafidah, a hateful epithet normally used by ultraconservativeSalafisonly.
The Ba'ath Party policy towards theSoviet Unionwas, at first, one of neutrality and the party's seizure of power in 1968 was not considered an important event in Moscow. The Soviet Union (which remembered the Ba'ath Party's anti-communist purge during its 1963 stint in power) gradually improved its relations with Iraq; in 1969, it guaranteed Iraq a sizable amount of modern arms and technical aid.Relations improved during the nationalisation drive of theIraqi Petroleum Company(IPC) (see"Economic growth" section).Saddam Husseinvisited the Soviet Union in the early 1970s, and the visit led to the signing of the Iraqi–Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation and the establishment of trade relations.In April 1972Alexei Kosygin,Chairmanof theCouncil of Ministers, visited Iraq and met with high-ranking officials. Kosygin's visit forced theIraqi Communist Party(ICP) to improve its relations with the Ba'ath Party; two ICP members were given cabinet positions and repression of the ICP ended.Relations between Iraq and the Soviet Union were at its zenith during al-Bakr's rule.Iraq became a member of theComecon(theEastern Bloctrading organisation) as an observer in 1975.
During the early years of al-Bakr's rule, the Soviet Union became a strategic ally. However, with the increase in oil revenues relations between Iraq and the Soviet Union weakened. The Iraqi regime was given more freedom of choice, and lost its dependence on Soviet investments. The Soviet Union, during this period, retained its role as Iraq's largest arms supplier. With Iraq's foreign-policy priorities changing, repression against the ICP was reintroduced. The Soviet Union tried to act as a mediator between the two parties, but Soviet involvement was considered by the Ba'athist government as Soviet interference in Iraq's internal affairs.During theIran–Iraq WarLeonid Brezhnev,General Secretaryof theCentral Committeeof theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union, called the war "absolutely senseless" because the conflict only benefitedimperialism.However, Soviet-Iranian relations deteriorated during the war due to Iran'ssupport for anti-communist forcesin theAfghan Democratic Republic.DuringYuri Andropov's rule of the Soviet Union, there were rumors that the USSR was increasing itsshipments of modern arms to Iraqduring its war with Iran. This proved to be wrong, and Saddam openly complained that the Treaty of Friendship signed with the Soviet Union "has not worked."During the rule ofKonstantin Chernenko, the Soviet Union's relations with Iran further deteriorated as the Soviet leadership began to criticiseIslamic fundamentalism.In 1986, underMikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet Union officially changed its position from neutral to that of "active containment" of Iran. This policy lasted until the war with Iran ended in 1988.During theIraqi invasion of Kuwaitand the followingGulf War, the Soviet Union was officially neutral.Shortly after, on 26 December 1991, theSoviet Union was officially dissolved.
Throughout theCold War, Iraq had been an ally of theSoviet Union, and there was a history of friction between Iraq and the United States.According to historianCharles R. H. Tripp, the Iraqi–Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation upset "the U.S.-sponsored security system established as part of the Cold War in the Middle East. It appeared that any enemy of the Baghdad regime was a potential ally of the United States."In response, the U.S. covertly provided $16 million in aid toKurdistan Democratic Partyrebels led byMustafa Barzaniduring theSecond Iraqi–Kurdish War.The U.S. was concerned with Iraq's position on Israeli–Palestinianpolitics. The U.S. also disliked Iraqi support forPalestinian militantgroups, which led to Iraq's inclusion on the developing U.S. list ofState Sponsors of Terrorismin December 1979.The U.S. remained officially neutral after Iraq's invasion of Iran in 1980. In March 1982, however, Iran began a successfulcounter-offensive, and the U.S.increased its support for Iraqto prevent Iran from forcing a surrender. In a U.S. bid to open full diplomatic relations with Iraq, the country was removed from the U.S. list of State Sponsors of Terrorism.Ostensibly this was because of improvement in the regime's record, although former U.S. Assistant Defense Secretary Noel Koch later stated, "No one had any doubts about [the Iraqis'] continued involvement interrorism. ... The real reason was to help them succeed in the war against Iran."
Since it did not have an economic policy of its own, the Ba'ath Party, when it took power in 1968, allowed the Five-Year Plan set up by the previous regime in 1965 to continue until its end date in 1969.TheRevolutionary Command Council(RCC) decided by the mid-1970s to alter the planning system; instead of creating stable Five-Year Plans (as had been done earlier), an annual investment plan was to be created. Every year, the RCC convened to create an investment for the year to come; for example, there were separate investment plans for 1976 and 1977. Another change is that the plan's final draft was not accepted by the highest economic elite but by the RCC, the political elite.In 1976 (as a break with the new trend) the RCC introduced the National Development Plan, which was set to last from 1976 to 1980. Unlike the previous plans, the sectoral investment-allocation figures were not made public.
TheIraq Petroleum Company(IPC), the largest oil company in Iraq, was a private company. In March 1970, the IPC was forced to concede 20 percent of the company's share to the government.The full nationalisation of the IPC occurred after the company cut its oil production by half in March 1972; the decision would, in the short term, hamper Iraq's economic growth. The company was nationalised in June 1972. The nationalisation removed the last remaining element of foreign control over Iraq, and was popular with the Iraqi people. The government anticipated a loss of revenue, and therefore sentSaddam Husseinto theSoviet Unionto negotiate a treaty. The visit was a success, and ended with the signing of the Iraqi–Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation and the establishment of a trade agreement. The trade agreement stated that the Soviet Union would buy some of Iraq's oil to soften the anticipated blow it would have on Iraq's oil exports. The signing of a treaty with the Soviet Union led to a visit byAlexei Kosygin(Chairmanof theCouncil of Ministers) and the appointment of two cabinet ministers from theIraqi Communist Party.
After the nationalisation of the IPC, Iraq's oil revenue increased from 219 millionIDin 1972 to 1.7 billion ID in 1974, 3.7 billion ID in 1978 and 8.9 billion ID in 1980: by over 40 times in less than a decade. With the success of theIranian revolution, Iraq became the second-largest oil exporter in the world. The increase in oil exports rejuvenated the country's economy; nearly all economic indices increased to unprecedented levels. From 1970 to 1980, Iraq's economy grew by 11.7 percent. During the Iran–Iraq War Iraq's oil-exporting capabilities decreased, and the price for oil decreased simultaneously. The growth of the 1970s was not sustainable. The economy was dependent on high oil prices and Iraq's oil-exporting capabilities; once oil was out of the picture, Iraq's growth would decrease dramatically (even more so during a war).
The National Development Plan (1976–1980) ended with an 11-percent increase inGNP. TheIran–Iraq Warwould halt Iraq's economic development and lead to the economic stagnation seen during Saddam's later rule.When Iraq implemented its plans to bomb Iran, Iran retaliated by bombing Iraq's oil facilities. By the end of the year, Iraq's oil exports had decreased by 72 percent because of Iran's bombing strategy.In terms of actual income, oil exports as government revenue decreased from $26.1 billion in 1980 to $10.4 billion in 1981. With oil facilities in thePersian Gulfdestroyed the Iraqi regime had no choice but to export oil over land, which was far more expensive. Other problems were the gradual erosion of the government's hard currency and its steadily increasingforeign debt.
At the beginning of the war the Iraqi government had a monetary reserve of $35 billion, and the annual growth rate was 27.9 percent. During the early war years, ambitious development plans were followed; because of high military spending (approaching 50 percent ofGNPin 1982), the Iraqi economy began showing signs of bankruptcy in the mid-to-late 1980s. The war had cost the Iraqi government 226 billion dollars, which in turn had led to a staggeringforeign debtof between 80 and 100 billion dollars. The rate  of debt increase was estimated to be 10 billion a year. Another problem facing the regime was in agriculture; manpower had been depleted during the war years, and agricultural production plummeted. The situation became even bleaker after the war.Minister of Foreign AffairsTariq Azizacknowledged that the situation had become so bad that the Iraqi government could not afford to pay for the food it had imported. Former foreign creditors were reluctant to loan money to Iraq because of the economy's near-bankruptcy.
When the war started, Saddam was widely quoted as saying that Iraq faced the war with a two-year supply "of all key commodities."; this proved true. Beginning in October 1982, Iraq's foreign assets began to dwindle as the government failed to repay its loans. At the end of the war, Iraq's monetary reserve had been depleted and international oil prices were not as stable (high) as they had been during the 1970s.The economy was still healthy in late 1982, due to government expenditure on large development programmes.Before the war, Iraq's workforce stood at five million. During the war, one million were mobilised in the war against Iran. Of the million sent to war, 100,000 died. The labour shortage led to stagnation; to fill the gap, an increasing number of women were hired.There was a shift in industrial production during the war from consumer to military goods. Social programmes that had been established in the previous decade began to deteriorate, and the averagestandard of livingdecreased.
During the mid-to-late 1980s, international oil prices collapsed. TheOrganisation for Petroleum Exporting Countries(OPEC) established a quota system in which the international oil price (for its members) was set at US$18 per barrel. This system did not work, asKuwaitand theUnited Arab Emirates(UAE) did not follow OPEC policy and continued to flood the market with their oil. The result was that international oil prices were still at the 1970s level. In October 1988, because of Kuwait and the UAE, international oil prices had fallen to US$12 per barrel.The policy which the UAE (and especially Kuwait) followed hampered Iraq's economic growth. In the Iran–Iraq War's aftermath, Iraq had grown more dependent on oil prices.The result of Kuwait and the UAE's oil policies could be felt in 1990, when international oil prices decreased to US$13.67 per barrel. This time, the sudden fall in oil prices triggered reactions in Iraq; inAl-Thawra, the Ba'ath Party newspaper, Foreign Minister Aziz criticised Kuwait and the UAE's oil policies.Because of the sudden slump, Saddam claimed at anArab Leagueconference that international oil prices could increase to US$25 per barrel without hurting exports. Saddam also claimed that the abrupt fall in oil prices decreased Iraq's oil revenue by one billion dollars. Iraq was not the only member criticising Kuwait and the UAE; several other members also criticised their oil-production policy.Kuwait would not budge, continuing its oil-production strategy even when threatened by Iraq. This, coupled with foreign loans Iraq owed to Kuwait, was the main reason for theIraqi invasion of Kuwait.
Following Iraq's defeat in theGulf War, theUnited Nations Security CouncilintroducedResolution 661, which imposedsanctions against Iraq. At the beginning, most American observers believed the sanctions would lead to Saddam's downfall. U.S. PresidentGeorge H. W. Bushsaid, "Economic sanctions in this instance if fully enforced can be very, very effective, [...] There are some indications that that he's [Saddam] already beginning to feel the pinch and nobody can stand up forever to total economic deprivation."In theory (and practice), Iraq was very vulnerable to sanctions during this time. Thirty percent of its GNP before the Gulf War was used to import food, and 95 percent of Iraq's export earnings came from oil; oil production was 40 percent of GNP. The country was also reliant on foreign trade (35–50 percent of GNP for exported and imported goods). Iraq was also an easy country to blockade economically; its oil exports could be blockaded by closing its pipelines (which ran through Turkey, Jordan and Syria). While sanctions were successful from an economic point of view, politically they failed; Saddam would rule Iraq until 2003.
Throughout the Ba'ath Party's rule over Iraq, the agricultural sector had been under-performing. Those in the United States who supported sanctions believed that low agricultural production in Iraq (coupled with sanctions) would lead to "a hungry population", and "a hungry population was an unruly one".The Iraqi government, which understood the serious effects the sanctions could have on Iraq, were able to increase agricultural output by 24 percent from 1990 to 1991. During the sanction years, the agricultural sector witnessed "a boom of unprecedented proportions". TheRevolutionary Command Council(RCC) introduced several decrees during this period to increase agricultural performance. These decrees may be separated into three categories:
The RCC introduced Decree No. 367 in 1990, which stated that all lands which were not under production by their owners would be taken over by the state; if the owner could not use all the land he owned, he would lose it. However, the RCC's policy was not "all stick and no carrot". The government made it easier for farmers and landowners to receive credit. On 30 September 1990, theMinistry of Agricultureannounced that it would increase loans to farmers by 100 percent, and would subsidise machinery and tools. In October 1990, the RCC stated it was planning to utilize and exploit "every inch of Iraqi arable land". While official statistics cannot be trusted entirely, they showed massive growth in arable land: from 16,446donumsin 1980 to 45,046 in 1990.The increase in agricultural output does not mean that hunger was not widespread; prices of foodstuffs increased dramatically during this period. However, overall the sanctions failed and (indirectly) led to an unprecedented improvement in agriculture.
While the agricultural sector improved, most other economic indicators deteriorated. Transport (which had been bombed during theGulf War) further deteriorated due to the government's neglect. The economy suffered fromchronic inflationand currency depreciation; the sanctions exacerbated the structural problems in Iraq's economic system. Iraq was, on balance, a planned economy with market-economy characteristics.
By the late 1990s, the Iraqi economy showed signs of modest growth. These would continue until 2003 when the government was toppled. Thegross domestic productincreased from US$10.8 billion in 1996 to US$30.8 billion in 2000. The major factor in this growth was the UN-initiatedOil-for-Food Programme(OFFP). Saddam was originally opposed to the OFFP. The OFFP led to the inflow ofhard currency, which helped reduce the country's chronic inflation and reopened old trade routes with foreign countries.It was around this time that many countries started to ignore the UN sanctions.While internal and external trade was revitalised, this did not lead to a significant increase in the standard of living for the majority of the population; on the contrary, the government tried to prevent benefits from flowing to Shi'ite areas to persuade more countries to oppose the sanctions. In 2000, the national income per capita was estimated to be US$1,000 – less than half of what it had been in 1990.
The Ba'ath regime, like its predecessors, came to power by military force. FromAbd al-Karim Qasimuntil the Ba'athistseizure of power in 1968, the Iraqi government had followed a policy of themilitarisationof society. This led to the expansion of the old military elite, which had existed under theHashemite monarchy. The military elite gradually also evolved into an economic elite, since Iraq was aplanned economy; for instance, the government appointed military personnel to senior positions in factories and companies. While the period from 1960 to 1980 was peaceful, expenditure on the military trebled and in 1981 it stood at US$4.3 billion.The government placed more importance on military development than on the civilian sector. In 1981, Iraq's military expenditure nearly equaled thenational incomesofJordanandYemencombined.The military buildup was made possible because of Iraq's oil production and the high international price for oil. Per capita military spending in 1981 was 370 percent higher than that for education. During theIran–Iraq Warmilitary expenditures increased dramatically (while economic growth was shrinking) and the number of people employed in the military increased fivefold, to one million.
In 1967, the Iraqi army consisted of 50,000 men on two-year service; theIraqi Air Forcehad 170 aircraft. In 1980, these numbers had increased to a standing army of 200,000, 250,000 reserves and 250,000 paramilitary troops in the Ba'ath Party-ledPopular Army. The army had 2,500 tanks, 335 combat aircraft and 40 combat helicopters. In 1988, at the end of the Iran–Iraq War, Iraq fielded the fourth largest army in the world; the army consisted of 955,000 standing soldiers and 650,000 paramilitary forces in the Popular Army. The army could field 4,500 tanks, 484 combat aircraft and 232 combat helicopters.According to Michael Knights, the Iraqi army fielded one million men and 850,000 reservists; there were 53 divisions, 20 special-forces brigades, and several regional militias. The Iraqi military was able to field 5,500 tanks, 3,000 artillery pieces, the country had a strong air defence and could employ 700 combat aircraft and helicopters.By 1990 (according to Keith Shimko) the Iraqi army fielded nearly one million men, 5,700 tanks, 3,700 artillery pieces and 950 combat aircraft. During theGulf Warthe most optimistic military analysis believed that, during an all-out war with the Iraqi military, the United States military would suffer between 17,000 and 30,000 casualties.In the aftermath of the Gulf War the size of the Iraqi military was reduced to an estimated 350,000 standing troops; it could deploy 2,300 main battle tanks, had about 260 combat aircraft and could deploy up to 120 combat helicopters.In 2002, one year before the2003 invasion, the Iraqi army could deploy 375,000 men. According to theUnited States Central Command, Iraq's army (standing and reserves) stood at 700,000 men.
Despite this level of militarization, the amount of weapons and spending on the armed forces, the army of Ba'athist Iraq rarely showed itself on the good side. During theYom Kippur War,Iraq sent an expeditionary force of the3rdand6th armored divisionstoSyria: it consisted of 30,000 soldiers, 250-300 tanks, 700 armored personnel carriers and about 100 jet fighters. The sent divisions were described as the most combat-ready in theIraqi army, but their effectiveness on the battlefield was terrible in almost every way:military intelligence, initiative and independent actions of small units were virtually absent, and the Iraqi Air Force lost 26 aircraft without shooting down a single Israeli one.During theIran-Iraq War, the Iraqi army also got bogged down in heavy fighting with an enemy that it planned to defeat in a short time. Even when Iraqinvaded Kuwait, its army was able to occupy the small country only after 2 days. In theGulf War in 1991and in theAmerican invasion of Iraq, the army also showed itself very poorly (incidentally, these are the only wars in which Baathist Iraq fought a much more modern enemy).
By the end of the 1970s women in Iraq formed 46 per cent of the teachers, 29 per cent of the doctors, 46 per cent of the dentists, 70 per cent of the pharmacists, 15 percent of the accountants, 14 percent of the factory workers and 16 percent of the civil servants.
The Ba'athist era was a period ofsecularisationin Iraq. The government included people from multiple religious affiliations (includingSunniMuslims,ShiaMuslims,JewsandChristians). However, the period was marked (especially under Saddam Hussein) by sectarian, religious and political strife between the government and other groups: Shia Muslims (mainly drawn from Arabs, this religious group formed an absolute majority) who sought to create an Iraqi theocracy; ethnicKurds, who sought independence for their region; Sunnis with an Islamist ideology, and non-Ba'athists (such as the Iraqi communists who were heavily suppressed in 1978). The Iraqi government promoted women's rights to a degree, allowing them education and service in the armed forces, but – despite the Ba'ath's avowed "radicalism" – its changes tofamily lawwere "considerably less radical than ... theShah's family reforms, to say nothing ofAtatürk's radical break with Islamic family law in 1926."The government sought restoration of Iraqi cultural heritage, such as rebuilding replicas of parts of the ancient city ofBabylon. Under Saddam Hussein, the glorification of Saddam and the Ba'athist government was common in state-sponsored artwork. The Ba'ath Party dominated the political life of the country, although aNational Progressive Frontwas proclaimed in 1974 to allow for the (mostly nominal) participation of non-Ba'athist figures and parties in Iraqi politics.
During the Gulf War, Saddam Hussein sought to gain support from the Muslim religious community for the government, adding theTakbirto the flag, coat of arms and motto of Iraq.
Under Saddam Hussein, Iraq maintained a domesticspace program. Ba'athist Iraq began its space efforts in earnest around 1988. The program operated under several names, including the declared name of Al Abid (العابد) as well as alternate names such as Bird (الطائر) and Comet. Iraq began development of its indigenous space program after an effort to cooperate with another unnamed country failed. However, according to UNMOVIC, at least one other country provided assistance, and one or two additional countries were also sought for help, but did not provide it.
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