Gulbuddin Hekmatyar

Gulbuddin Hekmatyar(born 1 August 1949)is an Afghan politician, and formermujahideenleader and drug trafficker. He is the founder and current leader of theHezb-e-Islami Gulbuddinpolitical party, so called afterMohammad Yunus Khalissplit fromHezbi Islamiin 1979 to foundHezb-i Islami Khalis.He twice served asprime ministerduring the 1990s.
Hekmatyar joined theMuslim Youthorganization as a student in the early 1970s, where he was known for his Islamic radicalism rejected by much of the organization. He spent time inPakistanbefore returning to Afghanistan when theSoviet–Afghan Warbegan in 1979, at which time theCIAbegan funding his rapidly growing Hezb-e Islami organization through the Pakistani intelligence service,ISI,one of the largest of theAfghan mujahideen. He received more CIA funding than any other mujahideen leader during the Soviet-Afghan War.
In the late 1980s Hekmatyar and his organization used the funds and weapons provided to them by the CIA to start traffickingopium, and later moved into manufacturingheroin. He established himself and his group amongst the leading heroin suppliers in the Middle East. Given the CIA's connection, this became a subject of diplomatic embarrassment for the US foreign service.Following the ouster of Soviet-backed Afghan PresidentMohammad Najibullahin 1992, Hekmatyar declined to form part of thenew governmentand, with otherwarlords, engaged in theAfghan civil war, leading to the death of around 50,000 civilians inKabulalone. Hekmatyar was accused of bearing the most responsibility for the rocket attacks on the city.In the meantime, as part of the peace and power-sharing efforts led byAhmad Shah Massoud, Hekmatyar became Prime Minister of Afghanistan from 1993 to 1994 and again briefly in 1996, before theTalibantakeover of Kabul forced him to flee toIran's capitalTehran.
Sometime after the Taliban's fall in 2001 he went to Pakistan, leading hisparamilitaryforces into an unsuccessful armed campaign againstHamid Karzai's government and theinternational coalitionin Afghanistan.
In 2016, he signed a peace deal with the Afghan government and was allowed to return to Afghanistan after almost 20 years in exile.Following the collapse of theIslamic Republic of Afghanistan, on 17 August 2021, Hekmatyar met with both Karzai andAbdullah Abdullah, former chairman of the High Council for National Reconciliation and formerchief executive, inDohaseeking to form a government.However they were subdued as the Taliban formed a non-inclusive government in September 2021.Hekmatyar remains in Kabul.
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was born in 1949 inImam Saheb,Kunduz province, in the north of what was then theKingdom of Afghanistan, a member of theKharotitribe ofGhiljiPashtuns.His father, Ghulam Qader, who migrated to Kunduz, is originally from theGhazni province.Afghan businessman and Kharoti tribal leaderGholam Serwar Nasherdeemed Hekmatyar to be a bright young man and sent him to the Mahtab Qala military academy in 1968, but he was expelled due to his political views two years later.From 1969 to 1972, Hekmatyar attendedKabul University's engineering department. During his first year at the university he wrote a 149-page book entitledThe Priority of Sense Over Matter, where he refutes communists denying theexistence of Godby quoting European philosophers and scientists likeHegelorFrancesco Redi.Though he did not complete his degree, his followers still address him as "Engineer Hekmatyar".
During his years in university, Hekmatyar joined theSazman-i Jawanan-i Musulman("Organization of Muslim Youth")which was gaining influence because of its opposition to the Soviet influence in Afghanistan increasing through the PDPA elements inDaoud'sgovernment. He was one of the foundational members of the organization.He may have also been influenced by the ideological teachings ofMuslim BrotherhoodmemberSayyid Qutb.By his own account he became an Islamist when he heard of Qutb's death in 1966, on radio, and also contradicts that he was a communist during his youth.Although some believe that Hekmatyarthrew acidat multiple female students, others have attributed this claim to the SovietKGB'sblack propaganda.Hekmatyar's radicalism put him in confrontation with elements in the Muslim Youth surroundingAhmad Shah Massoud, also an engineering student at Kabul University. In 1975, trying to assassinate a rival for the second time in three years, Hekmatyar withPakistanihelp tried to assassinate Massoud, then 22 years old, but failed.In 1975, the "Islamic Society" split between supporters of Massoud andBurhanuddin Rabbani, who led the Jamiat-e Islami, and elements surrounding Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, who then founded theHezb-i Islami. Akbarzadeh and Yasmeen describe Hekmatyar's approach as "radical" and antagonistic as opposed to an "inclusive" and "moderate" strategy by Rabbani.
The arrival of Afghan opposition militants inPeshawarcoincided with a period of diplomatic tension between Pakistan and Afghanistan, due to Daoud's revival of thePashtunistanissue.Under the patronage of Pakistani GeneralNaseerullah Babar, then governor of theKhyber Pakhtunkhwa, and with the blessing of Prime MinisterZulfikar Ali Bhutto, camps were set up to train Hekmatyar and other anti-Daoud Islamists.The Islamist movement had two main tendencies: theJamiat-e islami("Islamic society") led byBurhanuddin Rabbani, that advocated agradualiststrategy to gain power, through infiltration of society and the state apparatus. Rabbani advocated for the "building of a widely based movement that would create popular support".The other movement, calledHezb-i Islami("Islamic Party"), was led by Hekmatyar, who favored a radical approach in the form of violent armed conflict. Pakistani support largely went to Hekmatyar's group, who, in October 1975, undertook to instigate an uprising against the government. Without popular support, the rebellion ended in complete failure, and hundreds of militants were arrested.
Hekmatyar'sHezb-e-Islamiwas formed as an elitistavant-gardebased on a strictly disciplinedIslamistideology within a homogeneous organization thatOlivier Roydescribed as "Leninist", and employed the rhetoric of theIranian Revolution.It had its operational base in the Nasir Bagh, Worsak and Shamshatoo refugee camps in Pakistan. In these camps, Hezb-i Islami formed a social and political network and operated everything from schools to prisons, with the support of the Pakistani government and theirInter-Services Intelligence(ISI).From 1976 to 1977 Afghan President Daoud made overtures to Pakistan which led to reconciliation with Pakistani leader Bhutto.Bhutto's support to Hekmatyar, however, continued and when Bhutto was removed from power in Pakistan byZia-ul-Haqin 1977, Zia continued supporting Hekmatyar.
During theSoviet–Afghan War, Hekmatyar received large amounts of aid from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the United States.Hekmatyar also gained the support of the BritishMI6and even metMargaret Thatcherin Downing Street.According to the ISI, their decision to allocate the highest percentage of covert aid to Hekmatyar was based on his record as an effectiveanti-Sovietmilitary commander in Afghanistan.Others describe his position as the result of having "almost no grassroots support and no military base inside Afghanistan", and thus being the much more "dependent on Pakistani PresidentZia-ul-Haq's protection and financial largesse" than other mujahideen factions.
AuthorPeter Bergenstates that "by the most conservative estimates, $600 million" in American aid through Pakistan "went to the Hizb party ... Hekmatyar's party had the dubious distinction of never winning a significant battle during the war, training a variety of militant Islamists from around the world, killing significant numbers of mujahideen from other parties, and taking a virulently anti-Western line. In addition to hundreds of millions of dollars of American aid, Hekmatyar also received the lion's share of aid from the Saudis."Hekmatyar's constant scheming against all of the mujahideen factions led Pakistani general and leaderMuhammad Zia-ul-Haqto warn Hekmatyar that it was Pakistan that made him an Afghan leader and that Pakistan could and would destroy him if he resisted operational control by ISI.
As the Soviet-Afghan War was coming to its end, Hekmatyar used the funds and weapons provided to him by the CIA and ISI to establish his organization as one of the leadingheroinproducers in the Middle East.Hekmatyar first became involved in the narcotics trade in the summer of 1988, as it became apparent that the Soviets were intending to withdraw. Initially becoming involved in trafficking opium, Hekmatyar's was the first of the mujahideen groups to establish and operate heroin production factories in the region.Hekmatyar's involvement in the production and distribution of illegal narcotics became a subject of diplomatic embarrassment for theUnited States Foreign Service.The CIA officer with responsibility for its operations in Afghanistan at the time,Charles Cogan, said "Every situation has its fallout...There was fallout in terms of drugs, yes. But the main objective was accomplished."
Hezb-e-Islami distinguished itself among the mujahideen by its practice oftakfir, or pronouncing apostasy against other Muslims.On that basis it regularly attacked other mujahideen factions as well as the Soviet occupation.Hekmatyar's conflict withJamiat-e Islamiand its commanderAhmad Shah Massoudwas particularly contentious. Massoud was arrested in Pakistan for espionage in 1976 with Hekmatyar's cooperation.Later Massoud and Hekmatyar agreed to stage a takeover operation in thePanjshir valley. Hekmatyar at the last minute refused to engage his part of the offensive, leaving Massoud open and vulnerable. Massoud's forces barely escaped with their lives.In July 1989 Hezb-e-Islami commander Sayyed Jamal ambushed and killed 30 commanders of Massoud'sShura-ye-NazaratFarkharinTakhar province. The attack was typical of Hekmatyar's strategy of trying to cripple rival factions, and incurred widespread condemnation among the mujahideen.
Hekmatyar's faction also attacked non-combatants such as BritishcameramanAndy Skrzypkowiak, who was killed in 1987 while carrying footage of Massoud's successes to the West. Despite protests from British representatives, Hekmatyar did not punish the culprits, and instead rewarded them with gifts.The same yearMédecins Sans Frontièresreported that Hekmatyar's guerrillas hijacked a 96-horse caravan bringing aid into northern Afghanistan, stealing a year's supply of medicine and cash that was to be distributed to villagers. This would have allowed the villagers to buy food. French relief officials also asserted thatThierry Niquet, an aid coordinator bringing cash to Afghan villagers, was killed by one of Hekmatyar's commanders in 1986. It is thought that two American journalists traveling with Hekmatyar in 1987,Lee ShapiroandJim Lindelof, were killed not by the Soviets, as Hekmatyar's men claimed, but during a firefight initiated by Hekmatyar's forces against another mujahideen group.
Hekmatyar made an unlikely alliance with hardline communist and Minister of DefenceShahnawaz Tanaiwho launched afailed coup attempt in March 1990against PresidentNajibullah. Many senior members of his party resigned in protest of the coalition, and other Mujahideen groups ridiculed Hekmatyar for uniting with Khalqists to oust the Parcham government.In addition, there were frequent reports throughout the war of Hekmatyar's commanders negotiating and dealing with pro-Communist local militias in northern Afghanistan.
Overall, Hekmatyar has been accused of spending "more time fighting other Mujahideen than killing Soviets."Through the anti-Soviet war and beyond, he remained a controversial yet persistently influential figurewhomThe New York Timesdescribed as "perhaps the most brutal of a generally brutal group".
A highly controversial commander, Hekmatyar has been dubbed the "Butcher of Kabul", accused of being responsible for the destruction and civilian deaths Kabul experienced in the early 1990s.
According to the U.S. Special Envoy to Afghanistan in 1989–1992,Peter Tomsen, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was hired in 1990 by thePakistaniInter-Services Intelligence(ISI) to conquer and rule Afghanistan in the benefit of Pakistani interests. The plan was delayed until 1992 due to US pressure to cancel that plan.
In April 1992, as theDemocratic Republic of Afghanistanbegan to collapse, government officials joined the mujahideen, choosing different parties according to their ethnic and political affinities. For the most part, the members of thekhalqfaction of thePDPA, who were predominantly Pashtuns, joined with Hekmatyar.With their help, he began on 24 April to infiltrate troops into Kabul, and announced that he had seized the city, and that should any other leaders try to fly into Kabul, he would shoot their plane down.The new leader of the "Islamic Interim Government of Afghanistan",Sibghatullah Mojaddedi, appointedAhmad Shah Massoudas defense minister, and urged him to take action. This he did, taking the offensive on 25 April, and after two days heavy fighting, the Hezb-i Islami and its allies were expelled from Kabul.A peace agreement was signed with Massoud on 25 May 1992, which made Hekmatyar Prime Minister. However, the agreement fell apart when he was blamed for a rocket attack on President Mojaddedi's plane.The following day, fighting resumed betweenBurhanuddin Rabbani's and Ahmed Shah Massoud's Jamiat,Abdul Rashid Dostum'sJumbishforces and Hekmatyar's Hezb-i Islami forces.
From 1992 to 1996, the warring factions destroyed most of Kabul and killed thousands, many of them civilians, during theAfghan civil war. All the different parties participated in the destruction, but Hekmatyar's group was responsible for most of the damage, because of his practice of deliberately targeting civilian areas.Hekmatyar is thought to have bombarded Kabul in retaliation for what he considered its inhabitants' collaboration with the Soviets, and out of religious conviction. He once told aNew York Timesjournalist that Afghanistan "already had one and a half million martyrs. We are ready to offer as many to establish a true Islamic Republic."His attacks also had a political objective: to undermine the Rabbani government by proving that Rabbani and Massoud were unable to protect the population.In 1994 Hekmatyar would shift alliances, joining with Dostum as well asHizb-e-Wahdat, a Hazara Shi'a party, to form theShura-i Hamahangi("Council of coordination"). Together they laidSiege on Kabul, unleashing massive barrages of artillery and rockets that led to the evacuation of U.N. personnel from Kabul, and caused several government members to abandon their posts. However the new alliance did not spell victory for Hekmatyar, and in June 1994, Massoud had driven Dostum's troops from the capital.
The Pakistani military had supported Hekmatyar until then in the hope of installing a Pashtun-dominated government in Kabul, which would be friendly to their interests. By 1994, it had become clear that Hekmatyar would never achieve this, and that his extremism had antagonised most Pashtuns, so the Pakistanis began turning towards the predominantly PashtunTaliban.After capturing Kandahar in November 1994, the Taliban made rapid progress towards Kabul, making inroads into Hezb-e Islami positions. They capturedWardakon 2 February 1995, and moved on toMaidan Shahron 10 February and Mohammed Agha the next day. Very soon, Hekmatyar found himself caught between the advancing Taliban and the government forces, and the morale of his men collapsed.On 14 February, he was forced to abandon his headquarters at Charasiab, from where rockets were fired at Kabul, and flee in disorder toSurobi.
Nonetheless, in May 1996, Rabbani and Hekmatyar finally formed a power-sharing government in which Hekmatyar was made prime minister. Rabbani was anxious to enhance the legitimacy of his government by enlisting the support of Pashtun leaders. However, the Mahipar agreement did not bring any such benefits to him as Hekmatyar had little grassroots support, but did have many adverse effects: it caused outrage among Jamiat supporters, and among the population of Kabul, who had endured Hekmatyar's attacks for the last four years. Moreover, the agreement was clearly not what the Pakistanis wanted, and convinced them of Hekmatyar's weakness, and that they should shift their aid entirely over to the Taliban. Hekmatyar took office on 26 June, and immediately started issuing severe decrees on women's dress that struck a sharp contrast with the relatively liberal policy that Massoud had followed until then. The Taliban responded to the agreement with a further spate of rocket attacks on the capital.The Rabbani/Hekmatyar regime lasted only a few months before the Taliban took control of Kabul in September 1996. Many of the Hezb-e Islami local commanders joined the Taliban, "both out of ideological sympathy and for reason of tribal solidarity."Those that did not were expelled by the Taliban. In Pakistan, Hezb-e Islami training camps "were taken over by the Taliban and handed over" toJamiat Ulema-e-Islam(JUI) groups such as theSipah-e-SahabaPakistan (SSP).Hekmatyar then fled to Massoud's stronghold in Panjshir who, despite Hekmatyar's history of animosity towards him, helped him flee toIranin 1997, where he is said to have resided for almost six years.Isolated from Afghanistan he is reported to have "lost ... his power base back home" to defections or inactivity of former members. He was also distrusted by the Iranian Government, who found him too unpredictable, unreliable, and an unnecessary liability, considering its tense relations at the time with the Taliban and the Pakistani government. Despite his pleas, theIranian Revolutionary Guardsrefused to establish a proxy through any of his organizations or assist him in any way.Allegedly, they even cut his phone lines and turned away anyone who wished to see him in his villa in North Tehran.
After the9/11attacks in theUnited StatesHekmatyar, who had allegedly "worked closely" with bin Laden in the early 1990s,declared his opposition to the US campaign in Afghanistan and criticized Pakistan for assisting the United States. After theU.S. entry into the anti-Taliban allianceand thefall of the Taliban, Hekmatyar rejected theU.N.-brokered accord of 5 December 2001 negotiated in Germany as a post-Taliban interim government for Afghanistan. As a result of pressure by the U.S. and the Karzai administration, on 10 February 2002 all the offices of Hezb-e-Islami were closed inIranand Hekmatyar was expelled by his Iranian hosts.
The United States accused Hekmatyar of urging Taliban fighters to re-form and fight against Coalition troops in Afghanistan. He was also accused of offering bounties for those who kill U.S. troops. He has been labeled a war criminal by members of the U.S.-backed PresidentHamid Karzai's government. ISAF identified Hekmatyar in 2002 as the number one security threat, ahead of the Taliban oral-Qaeda.He was also a suspect behind the 5 September 2002 assassination attempt on Karzai inKandaharand abombthe same day that killed more than a dozen people in Kabul.That same month, he released newsletters and tape messages calling forjihadagainst the United States. One of his commanders commented that there "will be suicide attacks [...] against soldiers".On 25 December 2002, news broke that American spy organizations had discovered Hekmatyar attempting to join al-Qaeda. According to the news, he had said that he was available to aid them. However, in a video released by Hekmatyar 1 September 2003, he denied forming alliances with the Taliban or al-Qaeda, but praised attacks against U.S. and international forces.
On 10 February 2003, the Afghan government reported that Hekmatyar was planning an alliance with Taliban and al-Qaeda factions. His group was involved in an intense battle with the U.S. army nearSpin Boldak.On February 19, 2003, theUnited States State Departmentand theUnited States Treasury Departmentjointly designated Hekmatyar a "global terrorist."This designation meant that any assets Hekmatyar held in the U.S., or held through companies based in the U.S., would be frozen. The U.S. also requested theUnited NationsCommittee on Terrorism to follow suit, and designate Hekmatyar an associate of Osama bin Laden. In October 2003, he declared a ceasefire with local commanders inJalalabad,Kunar,LogarandSurobi, and stated that they should only fight foreigners.Hekmatyar was classified as a terrorist organization inCanadain 2005, and is one of two individuals on Canada's list; his partyHezb-e Islami Gulbuddinwas added in 2006.
In May 2006, he released a video toAl Jazeerain which he accused Iran of backing the U.S. in the Afghan conflict and said he was ready to fight alongsideOsama bin Ladenand blamed the ongoing conflicts in Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan on U.S. interference.In an audiotape released the same month, he called for revolt against U.S. forces and Karzai's "puppet government", and directly threatened to kill Lt. GeneralKarl Eikenberry.In September 2006, he was reported as captured, but the report was later retracted.In December 2006, a video was released in Pakistan, where Hekmatyar claimed "the fate Soviet Union faced is awaiting America as well." In January 2007 CNN reported that Hekmatyar claimed "that his fighters helped Osama bin Laden escape from the mountains ofTora Borafive years ago." BBC news reported a quote from a December 2006 interview broadcast onGEO TV, "We helped them [bin Laden and Zawahiri] get out of the caves and led them to a safe place."
In May 2008, theJamestown Foundationreported that after being "sidelined from Afghan politics" since the mid-1990s, Hekmatyar's HIG group had "recently reemerged as an aggressive militant group, claiming responsibility for many bloody attacks against Coalition forces at the time, primarily theInternational Security Assistance Forceand the administration of PresidentHamid Karzai." The re-emergence of him as an "experienced guerrilla strategist" came at a propitious time for insurgency, following the killing of Taliban commander MullahDadullah, when some elements of the Taliban were becoming "disorganized and frustrated."HIG claimed responsibility for and is thought to have at least assisted in a 27 April 2008 attempt on the life of President Karzai in Kabul that killed three Afghan citizens, including a member of parliament. Other attacks for which it was thought to be responsible included the 2 January 2008 shooting down in Laghman province of a helicopter containing foreign troops; the shooting and forcing down of a U.S. military helicopter in Sarubi district of Kabul on 22 January; and blowing up a Kabul police vehicle in March 2008, killing 10 soldiers.
In interviews he demanded "all foreign forces to leave immediately unconditionally." Offers by PresidentHamid Karzaito open talks with "opponents of the government" and hints that they would be offered official posts "such as deputy minister or head of department", were thought to be directed at Hekmatyar. It was reported in 2008 that Hekmatyar lived in an unknown location in southeastern Afghanistan, close to the Pakistani border.In 2008, he denied any links with theTalibanoral-Qaedaand was even considered for prime minister.At the time, Hekmatyar was believed to shuttle between hideouts in Pakistan's mountainous tribal areas and northeast Afghanistan.
In January 2010, he was still considered one of the three main leaders of theAfghan insurgency. By then, he held out the possibility of negotiations with President Karzai and outlined a roadmap for political reconciliation. This contrasted with the views of Taliban leaderMullah Omarand allied insurgent chiefSirajuddin Haqqani, who refused any talks with Kabul as long as foreign troops remained in the country, Hekmatyar appeared less reluctant.
On 10 February 2014, Hekmatyar's HIG group executed an attack which killed two US civilians, Paul Goins and Michael Hughes, and wounded two other Americans and seven Afghan nationals. HIG was also responsible for a 16 May 2013 suicide VBIED attack in Kabul, which destroyed a US armored SUV and killed two US soldiers, four US civilian contractors, eight Afghans—including two children—and wounded at least 37 others. The attack marked the deadliest incident against US personnel in Kabul in 2013.
On 22 September 2016, Hekmatyar was pardoned by the Afghan government as part of a peace deal between Hezb-i-Islami and the government. The deal also allowed for the release of Hezb-i-Islami prisoners and the return of Hekmatyar to public life. The deal led a group of young activists to organise a protest against the pardoning less than a mile away from the signing ceremony.Human Rights Watchcalled the deal "an affront to victims of grave abuses".Hezb-i-Islami agreed to cease hostilities, cut ties to extremist groups and respect theAfghan Constitutionin exchange for government recognition of the group and support for the removal ofUnited Nationsand American sanctions against Hekmatyar, who was also promised an honorary post in the government.
The agreement was formalised on 29 September 2016 with both Afghan PresidentAshraf Ghaniand Hekmatyar, who appeared via a video link in the presidential palace, signing the agreement.UN sanctions on him were formally lifted on 3 February 2017.On 4 May 2017, he returned to Kabul along with his fighters to meet President Ghani after spending two decades in hiding.
He has then called on the Taliban to end their insurgency and lay down arms.Hekmatyar ran in the2019 Afghan presidential electionand finished a distant third.
Hekmatyar and his organization are reported to have joined the Council of Reconciliation formed by the Taliban.After theTaliban's return to powerhe voiced in September 2021 his support for the Taliban even if he and his party will not be included in governance. In October 2022, Hekmatyar told a sermon in Kabul that the talks ofBonn(2001) andDoha(2019–2020) failed to bring peace to Afghanistan because of the influence of "foreigners". He proposed intra-Afghan talks to form an inclusive government to replace the current interim Taliban government.
In 2024, the Taliban cracked down on Hekmatyar, forcing him out of his government residence and shutting down his weekly sermons and the TV station that aired them.
Some of Hekmatyar's relatives have served or are suspected of serving as his deputies.
Hekmatyar has been described as a "prolific writer" who, "despite rarely ceasing to fight, has authored more than 60 (reportedly 79) books on linguistics, Pashto grammar, comparative religion and political analysis."His publications include: