List of journalists killed in the Philippines

This is a list of journalists killed in the Philippines, sorted by date of death.
Despite the Philippines being one of the most liberal Asian countries for journalists, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has said that it is one of the world's deadliest for them. Violence against journalists continued even with the establishment of the Presidential Task Force on Media Security (PTFoMS) in 2016. In its press freedom index for 2022, the country ranks 147th out of the 180 countries evaluated by RSF.
The 2009 Maguindanao massacre caused the country to be ranked 156th by RSF in 2010, 3rd in the Global Impunity Index (GII) from then until 2014, which was the country's worst ranking, and also lead to the country being listed as the world's deadliest for journalists in that year by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). The country had been on its list of the twenty deadliest from 2007 until being excluded in 2015. In 2018, the country was given a special citation as one of those with an improved ranking. Likewise, the country was reported by the RSF as one of the five deadliest countries for journalists in the world from the mid-2010s until being delisted in 2018. One of the causes is the PTFoMS' immediate action on various cases of killings and threats against the press.
The country, along with five others, has been in the GII since its launch by CPJ in 2008. The index measures deliberate, work-related killings of journalists, beginning from ten years prior. In the 2023 list, the country ranks 8th in terms of impunity in the killings, moving down from 7th in 2019–2022, and 4th in 2015.
Based on the data by the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP), 199 media workers have been killed since 1986; all deaths included were in relation to their job. The highest number was under the administration of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo with 103, including 32 of those murdered in Maguindanao in what was called the world's worst single attack on journalists, which made the year 2009 the deadliest for them.
Other groups also report similarly high numbers. Data from the CPJ shows 159 killed since 1992; UNESCO reported 117 since 1996, with the majority of them having the state's publicized responses to Director General's request for information on judicial follow-up. Both include the most recent killing, the death of Juan Jumalon in November 2023.
Prior to Jumalon's death, PTFoMS reported that there were 142 work-related killings, also since 1986.
RSF, on the other hand, has an estimate of directly work-related killings that is a little less than the estimate of the NUJP.
Most deaths, according to NUJP and the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), were radio personalities, especially blocktime commentators, many affiliated to local politicians as suggested by a research from CPJ, and as reported by PCIJ, had minimal awareness of journalistic ethics or libel laws. Most incidents occurred in Mindanao, according to PTFoMS.
Various data show similarities seen in most of the killings. Incidents usually occurred in the provinces, wherein victims working there as journalists exposed wrongdoings in their locality and were critical about these issues. For instance, a CPJ's database shows that among those journalists killed in 1992–July 2021, it was found that 94% were based in the provinces; a third of them had received prior threats. On the other hand, suspects, unknown and presumably hired killers, were hardly caught; very often they are motorcycle-riding assailants.
Both CMFR and the Philippine National Police reported in 2005 that of the journalists slain in the line or duty, seven were killed in crossfire: five during encounter with or being killed by the New People's Army (including two in an ambush in 1986), and two during a coup attempt in 1989 perpetrated by RAM–SFP–YOU.
The Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR) has recorded, by April 2015, ten of those "killed in the line of duty since 1986" are women, four of them in the 2009 Maguindanao massacre case. Excluding more than a hundred arrested in connection with the 2009 murders, four alleged gunmen in two of the six cases were arrested; one of them has been released.
Data shows that few out of the cases of media killings since the 1986 People Power Revolution have had developments. Combined data from CMFR (Nov. 2014) and PTFoMS (Jan. 2020) show that at least 53 of the cases resulted in convictions; the CMFR also reported, by Apr. 2016, six acquittals. Meanwhile, CMFR recorded that, by 2011, 54% of the monitored cases were considered "cold or dead," where police have been unable to identify and arrest any suspect. Furthermore, both PCIJ (in a February 2015 report) and CMFR stated that none of the masterminds have been prosecuted and convicted. The CPJ shows in its database that assailants in 97% of the recorded killings (1992–July 2021) have not yet been punished; local government officials were suspected as the masterminds in more than half of the cases.
PTFoMS, created through Administrative Order No. 1 issued by President Rodrigo Duterte in October 2016, has been acting on the later cases; also, it has been gathering all data from various sources to map prior cases in the country and to exercise investigative powers on them; the results (shown at the table) until the 2019 verdict on the Ampatuan massacre case are recorded.
For those cases prior to 1986, various sources document such. According to the National Press Club (NPC), about 35 journalists were killed during the Marcos administration. NPC, as well as the military and a journalists' group in Manila, both reported more cases from mid-1984 to mid-1985, more than twice than the previous decade. Either military personnel or paramilitary units were the perpetrators in several cases. Few of these were said to be solved, few suspects were arrested, and at least a conviction was reported.
In 2006, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo created Task Force Usig in response to the rising number of murders of journalists and activists. While the supervisory body reportedly accomplished police reform and increased coordination, among other accomplishments, it was criticized by media activists for failure to provide necessary logistics. Additionally, it was deemed ineffective as it operated from Camp Crame and relied on local police investigators vulnerable to political pressure.
The term has various definitions:
In the case of 32 journalists slain in 2009 in Maguindanao, they are said to be killed in the line of duty, thus recorded by both CMFR and NUJP. This is contrary to what was said by the TF Usig, as the incident is considered to be election-related; they were not the target of the killers and are considered "collateral damage". Moreover, media activists have been concerned with the task force's count beginning from 2001, as they recorded only a few percent of those in the tally of CMFR and NUJP.
RSF reported two work-related cases: that of Ureta and Cayona. On the other hand, RSF said that by year-end, the killings of two other journalists could not be established if work-related.
CPJ reported six work-related murders; all remain unsolved and none were charged.
RSF, noticing surge in violence in the election period, reported 2004, when general elections were held, as the deadliest year for the press at that time. That year and 2006 were the deadliest prior to the 2009 Maguindanao massacre, based on NUJP data.
The years 2006 and 2004 were the deadliest prior to the 2009 Maguindanao massacre, based on NUJP data.
TF Usig documented five of these cases; classified that of Perez, Castillo and Linao as work-related, while that of Petalvero and Abbas otherwise.
Thirty-two journalists were among 58 people murdered on November 23, 2009 in Maguindanao as they accompanied the convoy of the family and supporters of Buluan vice mayor Esmael Mangudadatu; and were about to cover the filing of candidacy on the latter's behalf for provincial governor of Maguindanao for the 2010 election. They had departed from Mangudadatu's residence and before reaching Shariff Aguak, came across the ruling Ampatuan family's "private army" of approximately 200, allegedly led by Datu Unsay mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr. and with law enforcement authorities, at Ampatuan town. The Ampatuans waylaid the group, as well as passers-by and diverted them to a hill wherein they shot the victims dead, with their bodies and some of the vehicles later buried in the pits by clan members. Within few days, all were retrieved except a body of one journalist which remains missing. This incident is the world's single worst attack on the media members and the country's worst incident of electoral violence.
The incident resulted in the declaration of martial law by President Arroyo in December, which lasted for nine days.
Fifteen of the 197 accused were members of the Ampatuan clan including the masterminds, former provincial governor Andal Sr., died July 2015, and his sons, Andal Jr. and Zaldy, former Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao governor. On December 19, 2019, in a verdict by Quezon City RTC, 28 principal respondents, including eight Ampatuan clan members especially the brothers, were convicted for 57 counts of murder, including 31 media workers, and were sentenced with reclusión perpetua without parole; 15 were sentenced to lower prison terms for being accessories to the crime.
By January 2020, four more accused, one of them among those acquitted, were under police custody; 77 remain at large.
In the final month of the Arroyo administration, three radio journalists were killed. Desidario Camangyan was killed while hosting a singing contest at Manay, Davao Oriental on June 14. Within 48 hours, Joselito Agustin was murdered in Bacarra, Ilocos Norte, for his political reporting. Nestor Bedolido was the last journalist killed that month.
The International News Safety Institute (INSI) reported that a total of 14 journalists died; the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) documented 13 cases, nine of them targeted killings. Another four, died on duty at radio stations as super typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) hit Tacloban, were also included by INSI and IFJ, which categorized them as accidental deaths. On the other hand, the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility said ten other media workers remained missing and were presumed dead.
Meanwhile, Human Rights Watch reported only 12 killed journalists.
Eight media practitioners were among those who died as Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) hit Tacloban on November 8; four of them in the line of duty.
Several local media stations and offices in the city were destroyed by the storm.
The CPJ excluded the country on its list of those twenty deadliest for journalists after eight years. It recorded at least seven media killings that year, though reportedly, none of them were work-related. In contrast, the CMFR said that nine journalists were killed; at least three of them work-related: Ybañez, Escanilla, and Maestrado.
Two cases in the first six months of Duterte administration were recorded by the NUJP.
Six deaths, all recorded by the NUJP, were also cited in a 2018 report by Vera Files. Three of them are confirmed work-related (That of Lozada is only considered the same by the PTFoMS):
Two others are confirmed non-work-related:
The motive of another case is reportedly inconclusive by mid-2018:
Other non-work-related cases include:
NUJP recorded four of those listed. The cases of Denora and Llana are considered work-related by the PTFoMS; that of Sestoso is confirmed the same by another source.
Non-work-related cases include:
NUJP recorded three of those listed.
Six killings, all against radio journalists, took place. The murders of Estrada, Gempesaw, Blanco and Mabasa are unsolved by August 2023, according to CPJ. Meanwhile, the International Federation of Journalists documented four of these cases.
The following are based on media reports:
The CPJ reported no such work-related killings for this year.
The following is based on media reports: